Journal of the Siam Society; 70

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JOURNAL OF THE SIAM SOCIETY

JANUARY-JULY 1982 volume7oparts 1+2

THE SIAM SOCIETY His Majesty the King

PATRON VICE-PATRONS

HON.MEMBERS

Her Majesty the Queen Her Majesty Queen Rambai Barni Her Royal Highness the Princess Mother Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn The Ven. Buddhadasa Bhikkhu The Ven. Phra Rajavaramuni (Payutto) M.R. Debriddhi Devakul Mr. Fua Haripitak Dr. Mary R. Haas Dr. Puey Ungphakorn Soedjatmoko Dr. Sood Saengvichien

I-ION. VICE-PRESIDENTS

Mr. Alexander B. Griswold Mom Kobkaew Abhakara Na Ayudhya

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Part of chart of Pacific from London, 1798 ed ition of Comic de Laperouse's A Voyage rotmd Jbe World ... 1785 .. . 1788.

Manji

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Kamchatka

MARCO POLO DOCUMENTS

33

-ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSIn writing this monograph, the writer wishes to acknowledge with gratitude the documents and maps received from Louis A. Rossi of San Jose, California. And with many thanks to The Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., in particular, Mr. Richard W. Stephenson, Head of Reference and Bibliography Section, for the informative matter sent to me which greatly assisted my research on the subject. -NOTE ON PLACE NAMESFrom existing records it would appear Marco Polo did not speak Chinese but was familiar with the Mongolian language. In Explanatory Notes (12) and (20) reference is made to the difficulty of analysing place and proper names. This is recorded in appreciation of his problem in Romanizing such names to fit in to our present day picture. The Traveller came across not only Chinese and its many dialects but Arabic (Saracen) and the Inner Asian languages of Turkic and Mongolian, making corruptions inevitable. So much so, it is impossible to translate or locate a number of place names used by Marco Polo. So much has been written by scholars about the famous voyages of Marco Polo that there must be little left to say. Nevertheless, the writer feels that he has opened up the po3sibility for future stupy of the Venetian's hitherto unexplained voyage to the Extreme Orient.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Marco Polo, II Milione, prima edizione integrale, a cura di Luigi Foscolo Benedetto- Florence 1928. The Travels of Marco Polo from the text of L.F. Benedetto by Professor Aldo Ricci- Broadway Travellers 1931. Marco Polo and Japan - K. Enoki - Oriente Poliano. Through Asia- 2 Vols.- Sven Hedin- London 1898. Historical Atlas of China- Albert Herrmann- New Edition 1966. East Asia in Old Maps - Nakamura Hiros~?-i, The Centre of East Asian Cultural Studies 1962. Arab Seafaring in The Indian Ocean in Ancient and Medieval Times. G.F. Hourani 1951. Explorations of Kamchatka 1735-1741 - Stepan Petrovich Krasheninnikov. Translated with Introduction and Notes by E.A.P. Crownhart - Vaughan, Oregon Historical Society, Portland, 1972.

Property of the '{\am Society's Lilntey 8ANGKOIC.

34

John Black

History of Kamchatka - Krasheninnikov. Translated by Dr. James Grieve, 1764. New Introduction, Kenneth L. Holmes, 1973. The Travels of Marco Polo - A Penguin Classic. Translated and with an Introduction by Ronald Latham, 1958. Civilizations of China - Joseph Needham, F.R.S. Sections applying to The Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty 1280-1368 A.D. Marco Polo's Asia - Leonardo Olschki - University of California Press 1960 Ruins of Desert Cathay in 2 Vols. - M. Aurel Stein, 1912. The Haven - Finding Art - E.G.R. Taylor, 1956-1971. The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian concerning Kingdoms and Marvels . of the East- Sir H. Yule. Revised in the light of discoveries 1903.

THE ASSASSINATION OF RESIDENT BARDEZ (1925): A PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA* By DAVID P. CHANDLER**

On Saturday Apri118, 1925, at about one in the afternoon, Felix Louis Bardez, the Frencll resident in tile Cambodian province of Kompong Chllang, about a hundred kilometers north of Phnom Penh, was beaten to death by the villagers of Kraang Laev, where he had been attempting to collect delinquent taxes. Bardez was an experienced administrator, with over ten years of service in the Protectorate. He was forty-two years old. Two Cambodians wllo had accopanied him to tile village, a militiaman and an interpreter, were killed at the same time. Over the next few weeks, nineteen suspects were swiftly rounded up. All were men, ranging in.age from seventeen to forty-five; thirteen of them were in their twenties. All but two were natives of the village. After wllat the French picturesquely refer to as apassage tabac, or roughing up, the prisoners admitted they were guilty, but they witlldrew their confessions, and pleaded not guilty, when the trial opened in Phnom Penh at the end of 1925. By then, one of them had died in prison. There were many witnesses to the killings, well-briefed by the prosecution, and the defense lawyers made little effort to prove the innocence of most of the defendants. They pleaded instead that the crime was a political one, a collective response to unbearable economic pressure. The explanation, of course, did not excuse tile murders, and the presiding judge sentenced one defendant to death, four to life imprisonment, three to fifteen years and one to five; the other nine were released.

a

Soon after the killings, and long before the trial, the name of the village was changed, by royal decree, to Direchan ("Bestial"); the decree required villagers to conduct expiatory Buddhist ceremonies, on tile anniversary of the killings, for the next ten yearsl. It is unclear if tile ordinance originated in the royal palace, or responded

* ** 1.

This paper was originally prepared for a staff colloquium in the Department of History, Monash University. I'm grateful to my colleagues for their comments on that occasion, and also for those of Ben Kiernan, J.D. Legge and Anthony Barnett. David P. Chandler is Research Director of the Centre of Southeast Asiam Studies, Monash University, Clayton, Victoria, Australia. The text of the decree is printed as an appendix to Dik Kearn, Phum Direchan (Bestial Village") Phnom Penh, 1971.

35

36

David P. Chandler

to French pressure; in any case the ordinance comformed to precedents from precolonial times, and probably reflected King Sisowath's own response to the events, as the manuscript chronicle of his reign suggests.

L'affaire Bardez deserves our attention for several reasons. One is its uniqueness. As far as I know, it was the only occasion, in the twentieth century at least, when a French official was killed by ethnic Khmer while carrying out his official duties. Its uniqueness leads us to two questions, or even three. Why did the killings happen when and where they did? If conditions were as bad throughout Cambodia as the defense lawyers and anti-colonial journalists at the time maintained, why had no Frenchmen been assassinated before? To this we may add, why were none killed thereafter? Another approach to the affair is to place it inside the framework of French economic policies toward Cambodia in 1925. Were these so severe, in other words, as to explain the killings? A third is to see the incident in an even broader context, namely the enactment of French colonialism in Indo-China. This is the view taken by some anti-colonial journalists, like Andre Malraux, who covered the trial in Phnom Penh.2 Now approaching the Bardez affair in terms of its uniqueness, in terms of the zeitgeist of 1925, or in terms of French policy are ways of looking back at the killings, while trying to reduce our dependency on what has happened since. Another approach, leading away from them, is to assess them in terms of the iconography of Cambodian nationalism, which we can date, in recognizable form, only from the 1940s. In 1945, a nationalist orator placed the killings in a long list of heroic anti-French (and antidynastic) uprisings, going back to the 1860s.3 Five years later, a Communist guerilla leader referred to the assailants, in a radio interview, as "heroes". 4 They were cast in a similar light in a fictionalized treatment of the affair, written by a republican nationalist in 1971.5 These judgements are interpretations of the killings. In the 2. See Walter Langlois, Andre Malraux: the Indo-China Adventure. New York, 1966, pp. 190-196. 3. Manuscript chronicle of Norodom Sihanouk (microfilm available from the Centre of East Asian Studies in Tokyo) pp. 546-547. 4. United States Foreign Broadcasting Service (FBIS) Daily Report 2 March 1951. 5. Dik Kearn Direchan, op. cit.,; see also Republique Populaire du Kampuchea, "Rapport politique du comite central du Parti Populaire Revolutionnaire du Kampuchea (26-31 Mai, 1981)". p. 3, where the First Secretary of the Party, Pen Soven, dating the incident to 15 November (sic) 1925. writes in the official French translation of his Cambodian speech that "le resident Bardez ainsi que ses subordonnes adulateurs, responsables de Ia tentative de repression des paysans, et contre les tentatives de revolte hostiles au systeme d'augmentation des impots, furent extermines".

PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA

37

context of 1925, however, they are not descriptive, because as we'll see the killings weren't considerd patriotic, or progressive, by many Cambodians at the time. The sources we can use include the French-languagepressofSaigon and Phnom Penh. The Saigon papers-at least the five available on micro-film in Australia-cover a wide range of views, although I've been unable to consult the most pro-goverment of them, ironically entitled L'lmpartia/. 6 The Phnom Penh paper, I' Echo du Cambodge, however, is unblinkingly pro-colonial in its coverage of the killings and the trial. A second contemporary source is the manuscript chronicle prepared by scribes in the royal palace for Cambodia's octagenarian king. Its brief references to the affair are interesting because they imply collective, communal guilt, rather than supporting the prosecution's contention that the killings had been the work of outsiders to the village, eager to rob Bardez.7 In fact, all but two of the defendants came from Kraang Laev, and Bardez's wallet was found on his body, untouched. I have also consulted Bardez' quarterly reports from Kompong Chhnang and from his previous post as resident in the southeastern province of Prey Veng; these are available in the French colonial archives in Aix-en-Provence. They tell us something about his working style, and help to explain why as an administrateur de 3e classe in 1924 he had been sent to replace a person two ranks higher in assuming his position at Kompong Chhang. Happily, too, the Monash Library has a complete run of an administrative yearbook from Indo-China, which enabled me to trace Bardez' colonial career. 8 This combination of more or less contemporary sources enabled me, in 1979, to assemble two or three pages about the affair in a chapter I was writing about French colonialism in Cambodia. What convinced me to go further was an extraordinary piece of luck. When Ben Kiernan was in Cambodia in September 1980, doing research for his dissertation on the Pol Pot period, he inquired locally and learned that one of Bardez' assailants, an eighty-year old farmer named Sok Bith, was still alive. Bith, These newspapers include La presse indochinoise, L'Echo Annamite, L'Echo du Cambodge, lndochine Enchainee, La Cloche Fe/ee, Le voix fibre. Archival materials on the incident were impossible to locate in Phnom Penh (Ben Kiernan, personal communication). while the archives in Aixen-Provence apparently contain only funeral orations (Archives d'outremer, Cambodge, F-69, Attenants politiques). Other archival sources are cited below. 7. The manuscript chronicle from Sisowath's reign, p. 1207, uses a collective noun (bandaras) to describe the assassins, as well as the verb no'm knea {literally, to "lead together" or "join", to describe the action. 8. Indochine Francaise. Annuaire genera/e de I' lndochine, Hanoi, 1871- I have consulted the volumes for 1907-1925. 6.

38

David P. Chandler

alert and active in Kraang Laev, had served a fifteen-year sentence for the crime and he recalled it vividly to Kiernan, in a half-hour interview, preserved on tape. The interview is useful in confirming or contradicting other sources which Bith, illiterate and knowing no French, cannot be expected to have seen. Its value also lies in providing a participant's assessment, however blurred or tinted by the passage of time, of the important issues of sequence, coincidence, guilt and motivation. In reconstructing the story, we can begin with resident Bardez. He was born in Paris in 1882. By the time he died, he left a widowed mother, a widow of his own, a brother old enough to have a married son, and a brother-in-law employed elsewhere in Indo-China. Another Bardez, possibly a relative, had worked in the Saigon postoffice at the beginning of the century. We know nothing about Bardez' schooling, appearance, or hobbies. Witnesses agreed that he was fearless-perhaps a euphemism covering an essentially aggressive personality-and one Cambodian colleague testified at the trial that for all his kindness, he "shouted a bit". Bardez had entered the colonial service in 1907, and reached Indo-China the following year; until 1912, he served in Cochin-China (later to comprise a large part of South Vietnam). In 1913, he was transferred to an adjoining Cambodian province, Svay Rieng, as a junior administrator, before being shifted to Phnom Penh, in 1915, as the secretaire particulie'r of the chef du cabinet of the resident superieur, a politically sensitive position, where he came to the attention of the long-serving resident superieur, Baudouin, who later seems to have played a role in shepherding his career. In 1917, Bardez enlisted in the French Army. He saw service in the colonial infantry on the Western Front, where he was slightly wounded, and he was mentioned in a regimental despatch, for bravery, during the final offensive of August, 1918. In 1920, he was back in Phnom Penh, in charge of the Protectorate's personnel section, presumably another favored post. He became acting resident in Prey Veng in 1923, while still an administrateur de 3e classe, two ranks lower than the majority of residents. He seems to have seen his first posting to the field, in five years, as an opportunity for advancement, or perhaps merely as an opportunity to give vent to his energies, and his fondness for command. He saw the job, his reports to the capital suggest, as centering on the steadfast and unrelenting collection of taxes. We should look for a moment at the taxes he was empowered to collect. Some of these like those on opium, alcohol and salt, were paid directly into the budget for all of Indo-China, and were collected by customs officials. Others were levied on fishermen and merchants; still others, in lieu of corvee, and in exchange for identity cards, which functioned as receipts. Other taxes were levied on all the crops

PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA

that were grown in the province. was harvested rice, or padi.

39

In most of Cambodia, the crop most heavily taxed

The padi tax affected nearly all Cambodian families.

Bardez was collecting it when he was killed. Before 1920, taxes on padi had been 'collected by delegates sent out from the capital on the king's behalf.

These men, known as akhna luang, negotiated with

local officials for a cash payment in lieu of a fixed percentage-generally 10%-of the year's rice harvest, taking into account such matters as the amount of land under cultivation, meteorological conditions during the year just past, soil quality, the availability of water, and so on.9

In fact, it's doubtful if their conversations ever

covered these matters in much detail.

The system flourished on abuse.

Cultivators

and local officials tended to under-report land under cultivation and the size of harvests; they also exaggerated catastrophes. The delegates, in turn, were happy to be paid off, so long as an appropriate amount of cash went forward to Phnom Penh. After 1920, the French "modernized" the collection of padi taxes, authorizing local officials, rather than visitors from Phnom Penh, to negotiate with landowners. Naturally enough, the removal of one layer of officials did little to reduce malpractice on the part of the remaining parties.

In several provinces, in fact, padi-tax revenues

actually declined under the new arrangements. 1 0 Most residents, apparently, were content to let the system run its course, so long as a steady amount of revenue, roughly consistent from year to year, could be applied to meet the exigencies of their local budget, as well as the demands placed on them by Phnom Penh. Bardez was cut from different cloth. One of his first reports from Prey Veng analyzed economic conditions in the province between 1914 and 1923.11 Head taxes, he observed, had kept pace with gains in population, and had risen from Taxes on padi, on the other band, bad dropped from a quarter of a million piasters in 1914 (admittedly an excellent year), to barely 102,000 piasters in 1923. Commenting on the decline, Bardez wrote: 150,000 piasters to 248,000.

9. For a run-down of the tax system, see A. Silvestre, Le Cambodge administratif, Phnom Penh, 1924. The disparity between taxes paid by Frenchmen and Cambodians was very wide. A Frenchman earning 12,000 piastres per year paid only 30 piastres tax. A rural Cambodian, out of whatever earnings he could accumulate, often paid as much as 9 piastres per annum in various forms of tax. 10. Silvestre, Le Cambodge, op. cit., pp. 524-525. See also A. Pompei, "La notion de propriete fonciere au Cambodge" Revue lndochinoise Juridique et Economique 19/20 (1943) p. 438 n. 11. AOM 3 E 8 (3) Report on period 1914-1923, Prey Veng.

40

David P. Chandler

It's not hard to find the reasons: complete inactivity on the part of Cambodian authorities, complete lack of supervision over local officials [i.e. those empowered since 1920 to collect the taxes] and a lack of systematic collection procedures. Eager to correct abuses, and to make an impression on his superiors, Bardez was able to collect an additional 100,000 piasters (including 25,000 new piasters of revenus from padi taxes) by the middle of 1924.12 Results like these probably shamed his French colleagues, fatigued his Cambodian associates, and pleased the powers that were, but Bardez' effect on local inhabitants is ambiguous. He acted promptly, for instance, when 100 peasants petitioned him to remove a corrupt village headman.l3 A month or so later, on the other hand, he admitted, in an official report, that he enjoyed being feted as a luc thom (i.e. "big master") in his tournees en province.14 According to Sok Bith, his spoken Cambodian was rudimentary, after more than a decade in the country. Turning from Bardez' achievements in Prey Veng we should look for a moment at the destination of the funds he was so eager to collect. Throughout the immediate post-war period, Baudouin's government had been attempting to increase tax revenues, primarily to underwrite an ever more extensive programme of public works. To a large extent, the:se took the form of roads. Between 1922 and 1924, 400 kilometers of hard-surfaced roads were built in Cambodia.IS In 1912, there had been only 430 kilometers of such roads in the entire Protectorate. Labour for the roads was drawn from Cambodia's convict population, from people unable to meet their tax obligations in cash, and from impoverished rice-farmers in the off-season. An even more impressive, and expensive project was the newly completed resort complex at Bokor, atop a windswept plateau overlooking the Gulf of Siam.l6

Anti-Baudoin newspapers

in Saigon and Hanoi referred to the complex, intended primarily for the French, as "Baudouin's Folly". The road to the hill-station wound through a malarial forest. In the nine months it took to build it, nearly 900 convicts and coolie labourers died 12. 13, 14. 15. 16.

AOM 3 E 8b (3) Second trimester report, 1924, Prey Veng. AOM 3 E 8 (3) Third Trimester report, 1924, Prey Veng. AOM 3 E 8 (3) Second Trimester report, 1924, Prey Veng. See La presse indochinoise, 22 April 1925 and La voix fibre 7 January 1926. Echo du Cambodge 18 Apr.l1925, and La voix fibre 9 January 1926, quoting from Le libre Cochinchine 9 January 1926. Marguerite Duras, Un barrage contre Ia Pacifique (Paris, 1950) is a thinly fictionalised account of life among less privileged Frenchmen, near Bokor, in the 1920s.

PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA

41

from the disease. A speaker at the Bardez trial went so far as to suggest that the hotels at the resort should fly the skull and crossbones, rather than the tricolore.11 Partly to pay for Bokor, and perhaps also to meet such additional expenses as a new yacht for the Cambodian king, launched in May, 1925, and a new palais de justice inaugurated later in the year, French administrators and their rubber-stamp Cambodian advisors, drawn from the royal family and the Phnom Penh commercial elite, proclaimed a new tax at the end of 1924, increasing charges levied on uncultivated land.IS They did so to close the loop-hole of under-reported land-holdings and harvests. They tempted people to pay the new tax by promising that receipts would be taken as proof of ownership, when and if a full-scale cadastral survey was carried out. As the law was coming into effect, in November, 1924, Bardez was transferred to a more "difficult" province, Kompong Chhnang, on the southern shore of the Tonie Sap. The province had a reputation for banditry. One bandit in particular, a Vietnamese named Tinh, was at large there in 1923-1924, and Bardez was active in driving him eastward rrom the province, into Cochinchina, in the early months of 1925. Because so many of its people were engaged in fishing Kompong Chhnang was a rice-deficit area, although most of its primarily agricultural districts were prosperous enough. Kraang Laev was one of these. Its name appears three times in French reports from the early 1920s. In 1922, it had been visited by a charlatan who claimed royal descent, and was soon arrested for selling charms and potions. 19 A year later, a Cambodian accused of murder was found hiding in the village wat.20 In early 1925, a Cambodian official, sent to collect delinquent taxes in a nearby commune was set Interestingly, upon and beaten by what he called "fifty or sixty" local people.21 Bardez refused to press charges against the assailants, blaming the official for tactless and bullying behavior. Allegedly the official had harangued the people, saying the taxes must be paid, and suggested that village women could prostitute themselves, if necessary, to raise the money. In one account at the trial, this suggestion drew an astute reply: No one would want us. We are ugly and dirty. But your wife, who's beautiful, and wears jewelry, and perfumes herself, could easily do what you suggest.22 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

La cloche fe/ee 24 January 1926. Echo annamite, 12 December 1925. AOM 3 E 11 (4) Second trimester report, 1922, Kompong Chhnang. AOM 3 E (4) First trimester report, 1923, Kompong Chhnang. AOM 3 E (4) First trimester report, 1925, Kompong Chhnang. La voix libre 16 December 1925.

42

David P. Chandler

With hindsight, another premonition of the killings occurred in January, 1925, when a delegation of about a hundred peasants visited Bardez in Kompong Chhnang to complain that taxes were too heavy, and that they had no cash.23 On this occasion, Bardez promised to give them extra time to pay, and the petitioners went home. It is unclear why Bardez decided to tour the province himself in April, 1925. Baudouin, disturbed by the two incidents just mentioned, may have ordered his protege to take a firmer stand. For at least two reasons, it seems unlikely that the fatal tournee was entirely Bardez' idea. The timing was unfortunate, for one thing, because it coincided with the week-long celebrations, taking place throughout the kingdom, of Buddhist New Year. Moreover, Bardez does not seem to have been certain of success. Testifying at the trial, a colleague said that Bardez had told him, shortly before setting out: The situation is serious. I'm harrassed with the Tinh affair, and there's no money ... What's to be done? Can the Governor General help us? 24 Whatever had impelled him to visit the countryside, when he got there he behaved with efficiency, doggedess, and flair. In each khum, or group of viiiages, he followed a set routine. People from outlying viilages had been summoned several days before by messages from the mekhum, or oommunal headman. Many would have been planning to visit each khum in any case, for the new year celebrations; In two visits preceding the fatal one, Bardez had consulted with local elite figures-particularly the mekhum and the monks of the local war-before asking delinquent taxes be paid in the open-sided communal meeting hall, or sa/a, usually located along-side the wat. These visits appear to have gone smoothly enough, but after visiting these other villages, Bardez sent a note to his assistant in Kompong Chhnang, asking that a detachment of militia be readied to accompany him on the rest of the tour, in view of the difficulties he expected to encounter. He made notes of the tour, to be included in a subsequent report, that probably stressed his pessimism and the stubborn response of local people, for the notebook was impounded by the prosecution, and denied to the defense, on the grounds that it was "confidential" and "political".2s As far as I can tell, no one has consulted it since the trial, and it may well have disappeared. Bardez arrived at Kraang Laev at around 8: 00 a.m. on April 18.26 He was accompanied by an interpreter, Suon, a militiaman, Lach, and a Vietnamese cook. 23. 24. 25. 26.

Echo annamite 14 December 1925. Echo du Cambodge, 23 December 1925. Echo du Cambodge, 18 December 1925. The following account is drawn from stenographic accounts of the trial; these have been checked against the remarkably accurate memories of Sok Bith.

PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA

43

The village headman, Phal, had already assembled between fifty and sixty village elders in the sa/a; a crowd estimated by several witnesses as 500, summoned for the occasion, were seated outside, in the sun. When he arrived, Bardez told the headman that the village had paid few of its taxes for several years. When Phal and the abbot of the wat pleaded that this was because no one had any money. Bardez pointed ironically at the newly redecorated wat, which had been paid for by public subscription. He then made the mekhum read out the royal ordinance of November 1924 to the assembled crowd. The mekhum was followed by the abbot, who told the crowd that the taxes should be paid because people should always honour their parents, and the French were now playing this role. But no money was forthcoming and Bardez now ordered that three men in the sa/a, picked at random, be tied up as hostages until all the outstanding taxes had been paid. At around 10: 00 a.m., he sent a message to Kompong Chhnang, some 14 kilometers away, requesting a detachment of militia. These reinforcements left Kompong Chhang around noon, but were too late to avert the killings at Kraang Laev. Toward 11 : 00 a.m , the situation in the sa/a seems to have been calm enough for Bardez to eat a meal prepared for him by his cook. The hostages in the sa/a were not released. Soon after Bardez returned, however, the wife of one of them approached mekhum with the money for her husband's taxes. She had borrowed the sum-$5.35from the mekhum's wife, and now begged that her husband be released, so he could go home for lunch. According to the defense, Bardeztold her rudelytofouter /ecamp; the prosecution alleged that he asked her politely to wait; Bith insists that Bardez told her that none of the hostages would be released until all tne taxes owing had been paid. In any case, all of the sources agree that no one was released. At this point, Biht says: I told her ... the table was there; and the French ..• we were over here, on this side ... I told her, "Take your husband away", and she touched her husband on the arm. When I said this the soldier raised his rifle, and pointed it at me, and cocked it, pruk pruk, so we pushed the rifle away and punched him. Soon everyone was punching p/up p/up and fighting; the three had fallen to the ground [i.e. outside the sa/a], and people came up and beat them some more, until the three were dead oil the ground. It was revealed at the trial that none of the three died instantly. The militiaman, disarmed, injured, and attempting to escape, was beaten to death a hundred meters or so from the sa/a, while Bardez, already severely hurt, was being

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David P. Chandler

nursed in the wat by the abbot and the mekhum. The people who had kiUed the militiaman returned and beat Bardez to death; twenty-four wounds were later found on his body, although no formal autopsy was performed. The interpreter was killed last. The weapons used against the three included the miltiaman's rifle-butt, staves from the fence around the sa/a, and (in two cases) knives. When the three were dead, all the villagers streamed out of Kraang Laev apparently leaving only the monks behind. According to Sok Bith, they were headed for Kompong Chhnang, on foot and using "over a hundred" ox carts, with the vague idea, it seems of attacking the residence. They were intercepted en route by the militiamen summoned earlier by Bardez, after their numbers had swollen to perhaps a thousand. They scattered and returned to Kraang Laev, when shots were fired into the a1r. Bith took advantage of the confusion to flee to Pursat, where he was arrested about a month later; the militiamen, on the other hand, proceeded to Kraang Laev, where the bodies were recovered, and taken to Kampong Chhnang. The defense lawyers at the trial, and Bith fifty-five years later, stressed that the murders were communal actions. Bith says that "the whole village'' took part; he blames the affair specifically on the contretemps involving the hostage's wife, and more generally on the hardship imposed by the padi taxes. The French and their proteges in Phnom Penh moved swiftly to defuse and take control of the situation. The royal ordinance condemning the village was promulgated by the 23rd. By then, the French official in charge of political affairs in Cambodia, Chassang, had already visited the region, accompanied by the king's eldest son, Prince Monivong, who was himself to be crowned king two years later. Within two weeks, over two hundred villagers were rounded up for questioning. In an obscure incident, in June, the prime suspect, Neou, was shot and then beheaded by He soon became, for the prosecution, the local officials while resisting arrest.27 mastermind of the incident, and the lynchpin of their case that lawless outsiders eager to rob Bardez had committed the crime, rather than local people disturbed by his conduct and by excessive taxes. It is not clear how Neou and his accomplice, Chuon, both wanted by the police, had been able to obtain asylum in Kraang Laev; similarly, their presence at the incident (when they could have stayed concealed) suggests bravado on their part, although this is not the same as premeditation. Charged with using a lethal weapon in the attack (a charge substantiated by Sok Bith), Chuon was in due course condemned to death. 27.

Echo Annamite, 12 December 1925. The event had occurred in June 1925. Neou had served a jail sentence for robbery, and was a fugitive from another, imposed for walking away from corvee labor engaged in building a landing strip near Kompong Chhnang earlier in 1925.

PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA

45

Eighteen suspects came to trial in Phnom Penh in December 1925. The proceedings attracted wide attention. A pro-government claque attended every day, Unfortunately for applauding prosecution statements, and ridiculing the defense. their ideas of justice, the trial was also attended by journalists from Saigon, including Andre Malraux, and others who were hostile to Baudouin and interested, more generally, in colonial reform. Just as Malraux and others opposed to French colonial injustice sought to expand the focus of the trial, so too the French administrators, battling against intensifying nationalist pressures, particularly in the components of Vietnam, hastened to take a narrow view of Bardez' assassination. They were understandably nervous about the intentions of the recently appointed socialist governor-general of Indo-China Alexandre Varenne;28 the trial of the Vietnamese patriot, Phan Boi Chau, was taking place at the same time as the trial in Phnom Penh; 29 and another Vietnamese nationalist, Phan Chu Trinh, recently returned from France, was agitating for extensive colonial reforms.30 French officials saw little point in allowing the Bardez trial to become a political forum; the defense, however, found conditions ideal to make it one. Although the guilt of most of the defendants was never seriously in doubt (and was admitted in 1980 by Bith) the tactics of the prosecution at the trial were heavy-handed and often farcical. as they tried to head off any discussion of French taxation policies, any criticism of Bardez, or any evidence which contradicted their argument that the culprits were outsiders, who had wanted to rob the resident. There was even a clumsy attempt by someone to poison the principal lawyer for the defense, Gallet, and a stenographer hired by the defense was forced to return to her former employer while the trial was still going on, probably to prevent further transcripts of testimony appearing in the anti-government Saigon press. Andre Malraux, for one, was infuriated by the procedures followed by the court. When the trial was over, he parodied it in the pages of his Saigon journal, Indochine Enchainee: 28. See William Frederick, ··Alexandre Varenne and Politics in Indochina 1925 -1926", in Walter Vella (ed.) Aspects of Vietnamese History, Honolulu 1973, pp. 95-159. See also Langlois, Andre Malraux, op. cit. pp. 163-180. 29. See David Marr, Vietnamese Anti-Colonialism, Berkeley, 1971, pp. 265-268. 30. Marr. Vietnamese Anti-COlonialism, op. cit. pp. 269-271. The year 1927 was also the highwater mark of the Constitutionalist Party, which urged co-operation with the French authorities. See R.B. Smith, "Bui Quang Chieu and the Constitutionalist Party in Indo-China" Modern Asian Studies, III/2 (1969) 131-150.

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David P. Chandler

1. Every defendant will have his head cut off. 2. Then he will be defended by a lawyer. 3. The lawyer will have his head cut off. 4. And so on.31 Another, much younger observer was Nhek Tioulong, then a student at the College Sisowath, and in later life a provincial governor, commander of the Cambodian army, and a trusted confidante of Sihanouk's throughout the Sihanouk era. Tioulong recently asserted that the defense lawyer, Gallet, was especially eloquent, "flapping his sleeves dramatically" when he made his points.32 Sok Bith now feels that his trial was fair. One revelation in his testimony is that prosperous businessmen in Phnom Penh and Saigon (he uses the word taokay, suggesting that they were Chinese) anonymously aided the defense, providing "baskets of money" for the lawyers and presents of food and cigarettes to the prisoners. A crippled Bith recalls Cambodian lawyer named Nuon was also helpful to the defendants. Nuon's remark that it wasn't the village which was direchhan ("bestial"), but the king himself, a mot that still made him chuckle half a century after it had been made. Nhek Tioulong contends that Nuon's partisan behaviOr led to his being demoted by the French soon after the trial was over. When Bith returned home, after serving fifteen years for what he calls "a single punch in the face" (this was, in fact, the charge made against him) he resumed work in Kraang Laev as a rice-farmer and an tapper of sugar-palms. Anti-French guerillas in the late 1940s, knowing of his implication in the affair, sought him out and tried, unsuccessfully, to recruit him. Apparently he has never been happy with being known as a revolutionary, preferring to view his conduct in the context of the day Bardez was killed. During the Pol Pot years, he told Kiernan, he was "an old man ... concerned to stay alive, that's all". In a 1971 novel about the killings, Phum Direchan, the republican writer Dik Kearn argued that Neou and Chuon planned to kill Bardez, with the knowledge that they would be executed for the crime.3 3 No evidence from 1925, or in Bith's recollections, can be cited in support of this contention although he admits that both of them used knives in the attack. And yet, rebellious peasants are a fixture in most 31. Quoted in Langlois, op. cit. p. 197. 32. Interview with Nhek Tioulong, Bangkok, 29 August l 981. 33. Dik Kearn, Phum Direchan, op. cit. pp. 68-69. Although the book takes the from of a novel, Dik Kearn claims to have interviewed survivors of the incident. Dik Kearn was murdered as a •·class enemy" in northeastern Cambodia in 1977. During my research in Cambodia in 1970-1971, he was unfailingly kind to me and to other scholars interested in Cambodia's past.

PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA

47

post-colonial ideologies, especially those which, like Cambodia's, contain a strong antimonarchic component. In a sense, premeditation and heroes are essential, for such an iconographic incident to be legitimate, and events can often be transformed into something else by the need for a more useful interpretation, like the need for heroes. Little can be said in defence of the French taxation system in Cambodia. Testimony at the trial, and information in contemporary sources, reveal that in some ways it placed exceptionally heavy burdens on ordinary people, while funds collected in Cambodia were often funnelled elsewhere in the Federation. Indeed, writing in 1935, a French resident suggested that anyone interested in stirring up trouble among Cambodians might do well to emphasize the inequities of the taxation system, vis a vis the other components of lndo-China.3 4 Certainly they were outrageously heavy in comparison to what French citizens were asked to pay, and they were heavy in terms of any benefits from them returning to the peasants. At the same time, the persistence of abuse, and of short-falls between what was asked for and what was paid, meant that in many cases people paid less taxes than they were supposed to pay, or none at all. As Sok Bith remarked, people were poor, and uncomfortable about paying so many taxes, but they had enough to eat. Why was the affair unique?

One answer is that Bardez, stepping out of

character and behaving like a Cambodian official, was treated like one by the villagers of Kraang Laev. Very few residents in the 1920s, or later, made the same mistake. The lesson of the incident, in fact, was that villagers were better off left, if not to their own devices, then to the types of indigenous "control" to which they were accustomed. Bardez insisted, recklessly, on removing some of the flexibility from the tax-collection system by collecting taxes himself. His presence in the village offended the large and restless crowd. Perhaps he was banking on their proverbial peaceability. He made no allowance, it seems, for the likelihood that many of the men in the crowd would have been drinking sugar palm-wine, in the sun, as the day wore on.

He made things

worse for himself by taking hostages at random, without sufficient force to back up his decision. Bardez' error, in other words, was his decision, which may have been wrung from him by officials in Phnom Penh, to go into the village himself. Something about the village, or the crowd, made him sufficiently nervous to summon reinforcements from Kompong Chhnang; at the same time, his conduct in Kraang Laev appears to have been edgier and more exasperated than it had been in the villages he had visited earlier. 34. AOM 3 E 15 (8): Annual report from Kampot, 1935.

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David P. Chandler

To make an assesment of the affair, we can dismiss it, as the Echodu Cambodge did in an early report, as a "crapulous crime" ,3s or, in the prosecution's words, not ''a Cambodian crime, but only a crime, of a few individuals who in no way resemble the Cambodian". This assessment begs the question of what "proper" Cambodian behavior is, and archival records reveal quite a different picture about rural violence in the 1920s and 1930s than is purveyed by French mythology. Another view, taken by the defense, was that the vi!lage was collectively at fault, that the "crowd had been its own leader", provoked by an unjust syetem (which affected the entire country, after all) and Bardez' extreme behavior. Maitre Gallet pointed out that several hundred people had been arrested for the crime at first, and noted that the palace itself had already collectivized the guilt, by stigmatizing the village as a whole before anyone had come to trial. This is Sok Bith's view. He links the village's behavior to the heaviness of taxes as well as to Bardez' behavior on the 18th. The notion that Cambodians could organize themselves in a just cause, however fitted poorly with French conceptions-still prevalent in the 1920s-about the "Cambodian race", and France's obligation towards it. Perhaps part of this misperception had to do with France's colonial mission. If the Cambodians could look after themselves, in other words, were French days in Cambodia numbered? And if Cambodians could make up their minds, acting together, how could they be governed? They could be governed in part by dissolving their solidarity, by passages a tabac, and by forcing them to testify against themselves. They could be governed, also, by being detached from the Cambodian state, and renamed "Bestial". And they could be governed in the old way, by their own officials, because no other way had yet occurred to anyone. It's clear that the royal family saw the incident in part in terms of {ese majeste. This is because government in the kingdom had always been "royal business" (rajakar); in the provinces, the word for "govern" also meant "consume". These arrangements had been in effect in Combodia for centuries; the the French had found them easy enough to use, once they had bought off the Cambodian elite. In traditional Cambodia, when a village of a group of people refused to be governed in this way, they were defying the structure of the state (since participation meant being consumed) and had to be removed from it. This is the rationale behind the Direchan decree. 35. Echo du Cambodge, 9 December 1925. 36. A French official writing in 1916 observed that'"French residents lack sufficient influence in their provinces. The population appears to ignore them completely" : quoted in L. Vignon, Un programme de politique colonia/e. Les questions indigenes. Paris, 1919, 289n.

PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA

49

To Cambodian thinkers of the 1940's, or to historians of Indo-China in search of trends, watersheds and turning-points, the Bardez incident offers a rare example of rural Cambodians uniting in an anti-colonial cause. For this reason, Bardez' assassins have been made heroic, because heroes are needed for self-respecting "national" history. In examining this particular case, however, it is legitimate to ask how much further beyond Kraang Laev its significance can really be extended. Certainly the incident reveals a reservoir of indigenous violence which normally worked itself out on other villagers, or on Cambodian officials; similarly, it shows that the French had no clear reason to count on much good will when they stepped down from the heights of the residence and began to push rural Cambodians around. But whether it can be treated as a prologue to nationalism is less clear. The villagers killed Bardezandhis assistants because, in their view, the three had no business being there, and because Bardez was unfair not to release the hostage who had paid his taxes. The villagers' gesture, then, was neither an heroic premonition of nationalist struggle nor the squalid plot alleged by the prosecution. Instead, it was a gesture of some exasperated men, whom the crowd, palm wine, and Bardez' outrageous conduct had encouraged to behave as if they were in charge of Kraang Laev, and not the French. Evidence at the trial suggests that when their fervour waned (after the crowd moving on Kompong Chhnang had been dispersed) they returned, ashamed, to the village, and before long were turning one another in to the police. Whatever they were, the villagers were not habitual killers. At the same time, if Sok Bith's recollections are any indication, as time went on they took a kind of collective responsibility for their momentary liberating gesture, and harbored few regrets. 37

37. According to Dik Keam, op. cit. p. 119, Bardez' body was exhumed in 1970 and removed to France.

THE ASSASSINATION OF RESIDENT BARDEZ (1925): A PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA* By DAVID P. CHANDLER**

On Saturday Apri118, 1925, at about one in the afternoon, Felix Louis Bardez, the Frencll resident in tile Cambodian province of Kompong Chllang, about a hundred kilometers north of Phnom Penh, was beaten to death by the villagers of Kraang Laev, where he had been attempting to collect delinquent taxes. Bardez was an experienced administrator, with over ten years of service in the Protectorate. He was forty-two years old. Two Cambodians wllo had accopanied him to tile village, a militiaman and an interpreter, were killed at the same time. Over the next few weeks, nineteen suspects were swiftly rounded up. All were men, ranging in.age from seventeen to forty-five; thirteen of them were in their twenties. All but two were natives of the village. After wllat the French picturesquely refer to as apassage tabac, or roughing up, the prisoners admitted they were guilty, but they witlldrew their confessions, and pleaded not guilty, when the trial opened in Phnom Penh at the end of 1925. By then, one of them had died in prison. There were many witnesses to the killings, well-briefed by the prosecution, and the defense lawyers made little effort to prove the innocence of most of the defendants. They pleaded instead that the crime was a political one, a collective response to unbearable economic pressure. The explanation, of course, did not excuse tile murders, and the presiding judge sentenced one defendant to death, four to life imprisonment, three to fifteen years and one to five; the other nine were released.

a

Soon after the killings, and long before the trial, the name of the village was changed, by royal decree, to Direchan ("Bestial"); the decree required villagers to conduct expiatory Buddhist ceremonies, on tile anniversary of the killings, for the next ten yearsl. It is unclear if tile ordinance originated in the royal palace, or responded

* ** 1.

This paper was originally prepared for a staff colloquium in the Department of History, Monash University. I'm grateful to my colleagues for their comments on that occasion, and also for those of Ben Kiernan, J.D. Legge and Anthony Barnett. David P. Chandler is Research Director of the Centre of Southeast Asiam Studies, Monash University, Clayton, Victoria, Australia. The text of the decree is printed as an appendix to Dik Kearn, Phum Direchan (Bestial Village") Phnom Penh, 1971.

35

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David P. Chandler

to French pressure; in any case the ordinance comformed to precedents from precolonial times, and probably reflected King Sisowath's own response to the events, as the manuscript chronicle of his reign suggests.

L'affaire Bardez deserves our attention for several reasons. One is its uniqueness. As far as I know, it was the only occasion, in the twentieth century at least, when a French official was killed by ethnic Khmer while carrying out his official duties. Its uniqueness leads us to two questions, or even three. Why did the killings happen when and where they did? If conditions were as bad throughout Cambodia as the defense lawyers and anti-colonial journalists at the time maintained, why had no Frenchmen been assassinated before? To this we may add, why were none killed thereafter? Another approach to the affair is to place it inside the framework of French economic policies toward Cambodia in 1925. Were these so severe, in other words, as to explain the killings? A third is to see the incident in an even broader context, namely the enactment of French colonialism in Indo-China. This is the view taken by some anti-colonial journalists, like Andre Malraux, who covered the trial in Phnom Penh.2 Now approaching the Bardez affair in terms of its uniqueness, in terms of the zeitgeist of 1925, or in terms of French policy are ways of looking back at the killings, while trying to reduce our dependency on what has happened since. Another approach, leading away from them, is to assess them in terms of the iconography of Cambodian nationalism, which we can date, in recognizable form, only from the 1940s. In 1945, a nationalist orator placed the killings in a long list of heroic anti-French (and antidynastic) uprisings, going back to the 1860s.3 Five years later, a Communist guerilla leader referred to the assailants, in a radio interview, as "heroes". 4 They were cast in a similar light in a fictionalized treatment of the affair, written by a republican nationalist in 1971.5 These judgements are interpretations of the killings. In the 2. See Walter Langlois, Andre Malraux: the Indo-China Adventure. New York, 1966, pp. 190-196. 3. Manuscript chronicle of Norodom Sihanouk (microfilm available from the Centre of East Asian Studies in Tokyo) pp. 546-547. 4. United States Foreign Broadcasting Service (FBIS) Daily Report 2 March 1951. 5. Dik Kearn Direchan, op. cit.,; see also Republique Populaire du Kampuchea, "Rapport politique du comite central du Parti Populaire Revolutionnaire du Kampuchea (26-31 Mai, 1981)". p. 3, where the First Secretary of the Party, Pen Soven, dating the incident to 15 November (sic) 1925. writes in the official French translation of his Cambodian speech that "le resident Bardez ainsi que ses subordonnes adulateurs, responsables de Ia tentative de repression des paysans, et contre les tentatives de revolte hostiles au systeme d'augmentation des impots, furent extermines".

PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA

37

context of 1925, however, they are not descriptive, because as we'll see the killings weren't considerd patriotic, or progressive, by many Cambodians at the time. The sources we can use include the French-languagepressofSaigon and Phnom Penh. The Saigon papers-at least the five available on micro-film in Australia-cover a wide range of views, although I've been unable to consult the most pro-goverment of them, ironically entitled L'lmpartia/. 6 The Phnom Penh paper, I' Echo du Cambodge, however, is unblinkingly pro-colonial in its coverage of the killings and the trial. A second contemporary source is the manuscript chronicle prepared by scribes in the royal palace for Cambodia's octagenarian king. Its brief references to the affair are interesting because they imply collective, communal guilt, rather than supporting the prosecution's contention that the killings had been the work of outsiders to the village, eager to rob Bardez.7 In fact, all but two of the defendants came from Kraang Laev, and Bardez's wallet was found on his body, untouched. I have also consulted Bardez' quarterly reports from Kompong Chhnang and from his previous post as resident in the southeastern province of Prey Veng; these are available in the French colonial archives in Aix-en-Provence. They tell us something about his working style, and help to explain why as an administrateur de 3e classe in 1924 he had been sent to replace a person two ranks higher in assuming his position at Kompong Chhang. Happily, too, the Monash Library has a complete run of an administrative yearbook from Indo-China, which enabled me to trace Bardez' colonial career. 8 This combination of more or less contemporary sources enabled me, in 1979, to assemble two or three pages about the affair in a chapter I was writing about French colonialism in Cambodia. What convinced me to go further was an extraordinary piece of luck. When Ben Kiernan was in Cambodia in September 1980, doing research for his dissertation on the Pol Pot period, he inquired locally and learned that one of Bardez' assailants, an eighty-year old farmer named Sok Bith, was still alive. Bith, These newspapers include La presse indochinoise, L'Echo Annamite, L'Echo du Cambodge, lndochine Enchainee, La Cloche Fe/ee, Le voix fibre. Archival materials on the incident were impossible to locate in Phnom Penh (Ben Kiernan, personal communication). while the archives in Aixen-Provence apparently contain only funeral orations (Archives d'outremer, Cambodge, F-69, Attenants politiques). Other archival sources are cited below. 7. The manuscript chronicle from Sisowath's reign, p. 1207, uses a collective noun (bandaras) to describe the assassins, as well as the verb no'm knea {literally, to "lead together" or "join", to describe the action. 8. Indochine Francaise. Annuaire genera/e de I' lndochine, Hanoi, 1871- I have consulted the volumes for 1907-1925. 6.

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David P. Chandler

alert and active in Kraang Laev, had served a fifteen-year sentence for the crime and he recalled it vividly to Kiernan, in a half-hour interview, preserved on tape. The interview is useful in confirming or contradicting other sources which Bith, illiterate and knowing no French, cannot be expected to have seen. Its value also lies in providing a participant's assessment, however blurred or tinted by the passage of time, of the important issues of sequence, coincidence, guilt and motivation. In reconstructing the story, we can begin with resident Bardez. He was born in Paris in 1882. By the time he died, he left a widowed mother, a widow of his own, a brother old enough to have a married son, and a brother-in-law employed elsewhere in Indo-China. Another Bardez, possibly a relative, had worked in the Saigon postoffice at the beginning of the century. We know nothing about Bardez' schooling, appearance, or hobbies. Witnesses agreed that he was fearless-perhaps a euphemism covering an essentially aggressive personality-and one Cambodian colleague testified at the trial that for all his kindness, he "shouted a bit". Bardez had entered the colonial service in 1907, and reached Indo-China the following year; until 1912, he served in Cochin-China (later to comprise a large part of South Vietnam). In 1913, he was transferred to an adjoining Cambodian province, Svay Rieng, as a junior administrator, before being shifted to Phnom Penh, in 1915, as the secretaire particulie'r of the chef du cabinet of the resident superieur, a politically sensitive position, where he came to the attention of the long-serving resident superieur, Baudouin, who later seems to have played a role in shepherding his career. In 1917, Bardez enlisted in the French Army. He saw service in the colonial infantry on the Western Front, where he was slightly wounded, and he was mentioned in a regimental despatch, for bravery, during the final offensive of August, 1918. In 1920, he was back in Phnom Penh, in charge of the Protectorate's personnel section, presumably another favored post. He became acting resident in Prey Veng in 1923, while still an administrateur de 3e classe, two ranks lower than the majority of residents. He seems to have seen his first posting to the field, in five years, as an opportunity for advancement, or perhaps merely as an opportunity to give vent to his energies, and his fondness for command. He saw the job, his reports to the capital suggest, as centering on the steadfast and unrelenting collection of taxes. We should look for a moment at the taxes he was empowered to collect. Some of these like those on opium, alcohol and salt, were paid directly into the budget for all of Indo-China, and were collected by customs officials. Others were levied on fishermen and merchants; still others, in lieu of corvee, and in exchange for identity cards, which functioned as receipts. Other taxes were levied on all the crops

PREMONITION OF REVOLT IN COLONIAL CAMBODIA

that were grown in the province. was harvested rice, or padi.

39

In most of Cambodia, the crop most heavily taxed

The padi tax affected nearly all Cambodian families.

Bardez was collecting it when he was killed. Before 1920, taxes on padi had been 'collected by delegates sent out from the capital on the king's behalf.

These men, known as akhna luang, negotiated with

local officials for a cash payment in lieu of a fixed percentage-generally 10%-of the year's rice harvest, taking into account such matters as the amount of land under cultivation, meteorological conditions during the year just past, soil quality, the availability of water, and so on.9

In fact, it's doubtful if their conversations ever

covered these matters in much detail.

The system flourished on abuse.

Cultivators

and local officials tended to under-report land under cultivation and the size of harvests; they also exaggerated catastrophes. The delegates, in turn, were happy to be paid off, so long as an appropriate amount of cash went forward to Phnom Penh. After 1920, the French "modernized" the collection of padi taxes, authorizing local officials, rather than visitors from Phnom Penh, to negotiate with landowners. Naturally enough, the removal of one layer of officials did little to reduce malpractice on the part of the remaining parties.

In several provinces, in fact, padi-tax revenues

actually declined under the new arrangements. 1 0 Most residents, apparently, were content to let the system run its course, so long as a steady amount of revenue, roughly consistent from year to year, could be applied to meet the exigencies of their local budget, as well as the demands placed on them by Phnom Penh. Bardez was cut from different cloth. One of his first reports from Prey Veng analyzed economic conditions in the province between 1914 and 1923.11 Head taxes, he observed, had kept pace with gains in population, and had risen from Taxes on padi, on the other band, bad dropped from a quarter of a million piasters in 1914 (admittedly an excellent year), to barely 102,000 piasters in 1923. Commenting on the decline, Bardez wrote: 150,000 piasters to 248,000.

9. For a run-down of the tax system, see A. Silvestre, Le Cambodge administratif, Phnom Penh, 1924. The disparity between taxes paid by Frenchmen and Cambodians was very wide. A Frenchman earning 12,000 piastres per year paid only 30 piastres tax. A rural Cambodian, out of whatever earnings he could accumulate, often paid as much as 9 piastres per annum in various forms of tax. 10. Silvestre, Le Cambodge, op. cit., pp. 524-525. See also A. Pompei, "La notion de propriete fonciere au Cambodge" Revue lndochinoise Juridique et Economique 19/20 (1943) p. 438 n. 11. AOM 3 E 8 (3) Report on period 1914-1923, Prey Veng.

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David P. Chandler

It's not hard to find the reasons: complete inactivity on the part of Cambodian authorities, complete lack of supervision over local officials [i.e. those empowered since 1920 to collect the taxes] and a lack of systematic collection procedures. Eager to correct abuses, and to make an impression on his superiors, Bardez was able to collect an additional 100,000 piasters (including 25,000 new piasters of revenus from padi taxes) by the middle of 1924.12 Results like these probably shamed his French colleagues, fatigued his Cambodian associates, and pleased the powers that were, but Bardez' effect on local inhabitants is ambiguous. He acted promptly, for instance, when 100 peasants petitioned him to remove a corrupt village headman.l3 A month or so later, on the other hand, he admitted, in an official report, that he enjoyed being feted as a luc thom (i.e. "big master") in his tournees en province.14 According to Sok Bith, his spoken Cambodian was rudimentary, after more than a decade in the country. Turning from Bardez' achievements in Prey Veng we should look for a moment at the destination of the funds he was so eager to collect. Throughout the immediate post-war period, Baudouin's government had been attempting to increase tax revenues, primarily to underwrite an ever more extensive programme of public works. To a large extent, the:se took the form of roads. Between 1922 and 1924, 400 kilometers of hard-surfaced roads were built in Cambodia.IS In 1912, there had been only 430 kilometers of such roads in the entire Protectorate. Labour for the roads was drawn from Cambodia's convict population, from people unable to meet their tax obligations in cash, and from impoverished rice-farmers in the off-season. An even more impressive, and expensive project was the newly completed resort complex at Bokor, atop a windswept plateau overlooking the Gulf of Siam.l6

Anti-Baudoin newspapers

in Saigon and Hanoi referred to the complex, intended primarily for the French, as "Baudouin's Folly". The road to the hill-station wound through a malarial forest. In the nine months it took to build it, nearly 900 convicts and coolie labourers died 12. 13, 14. 15. 16.

AOM 3 E 8b (3) Second trimester report, 1924, Prey Veng. AOM 3 E 8 (3) Third Trimester report, 1924, Prey Veng. AOM 3 E 8 (3) Second Trimester report, 1924, Prey Veng. See La presse indochinoise, 22 April 1925 and La voix fibre 7 January 1926. Echo du Cambodge 18 Apr.l1925, and La voix fibre 9 January 1926, quoting from Le libre Cochinchine 9 January 1926. Marguerite Duras, Un barrage contre Ia Pacifique (Paris, 1950) is a thinly fictionalised account of life among less privileged Frenchmen, near Bokor, in the 1920s.

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from the disease. A speaker at the Bardez trial went so far as to suggest that the hotels at the resort should fly the skull and crossbones, rather than the tricolore.11 Partly to pay for Bokor, and perhaps also to meet such additional expenses as a new yacht for the Cambodian king, launched in May, 1925, and a new palais de justice inaugurated later in the year, French administrators and their rubber-stamp Cambodian advisors, drawn from the royal family and the Phnom Penh commercial elite, proclaimed a new tax at the end of 1924, increasing charges levied on uncultivated land.IS They did so to close the loop-hole of under-reported land-holdings and harvests. They tempted people to pay the new tax by promising that receipts would be taken as proof of ownership, when and if a full-scale cadastral survey was carried out. As the law was coming into effect, in November, 1924, Bardez was transferred to a more "difficult" province, Kompong Chhnang, on the southern shore of the Tonie Sap. The province had a reputation for banditry. One bandit in particular, a Vietnamese named Tinh, was at large there in 1923-1924, and Bardez was active in driving him eastward rrom the province, into Cochinchina, in the early months of 1925. Because so many of its people were engaged in fishing Kompong Chhnang was a rice-deficit area, although most of its primarily agricultural districts were prosperous enough. Kraang Laev was one of these. Its name appears three times in French reports from the early 1920s. In 1922, it had been visited by a charlatan who claimed royal descent, and was soon arrested for selling charms and potions. 19 A year later, a Cambodian accused of murder was found hiding in the village wat.20 In early 1925, a Cambodian official, sent to collect delinquent taxes in a nearby commune was set Interestingly, upon and beaten by what he called "fifty or sixty" local people.21 Bardez refused to press charges against the assailants, blaming the official for tactless and bullying behavior. Allegedly the official had harangued the people, saying the taxes must be paid, and suggested that village women could prostitute themselves, if necessary, to raise the money. In one account at the trial, this suggestion drew an astute reply: No one would want us. We are ugly and dirty. But your wife, who's beautiful, and wears jewelry, and perfumes herself, could easily do what you suggest.22 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

La cloche fe/ee 24 January 1926. Echo annamite, 12 December 1925. AOM 3 E 11 (4) Second trimester report, 1922, Kompong Chhnang. AOM 3 E (4) First trimester report, 1923, Kompong Chhnang. AOM 3 E (4) First trimester report, 1925, Kompong Chhnang. La voix libre 16 December 1925.

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David P. Chandler

With hindsight, another premonition of the killings occurred in January, 1925, when a delegation of about a hundred peasants visited Bardez in Kompong Chhnang to complain that taxes were too heavy, and that they had no cash.23 On this occasion, Bardez promised to give them extra time to pay, and the petitioners went home. It is unclear why Bardez decided to tour the province himself in April, 1925. Baudouin, disturbed by the two incidents just mentioned, may have ordered his protege to take a firmer stand. For at least two reasons, it seems unlikely that the fatal tournee was entirely Bardez' idea. The timing was unfortunate, for one thing, because it coincided with the week-long celebrations, taking place throughout the kingdom, of Buddhist New Year. Moreover, Bardez does not seem to have been certain of success. Testifying at the trial, a colleague said that Bardez had told him, shortly before setting out: The situation is serious. I'm harrassed with the Tinh affair, and there's no money ... What's to be done? Can the Governor General help us? 24 Whatever had impelled him to visit the countryside, when he got there he behaved with efficiency, doggedess, and flair. In each khum, or group of viiiages, he followed a set routine. People from outlying viilages had been summoned several days before by messages from the mekhum, or oommunal headman. Many would have been planning to visit each khum in any case, for the new year celebrations; In two visits preceding the fatal one, Bardez had consulted with local elite figures-particularly the mekhum and the monks of the local war-before asking delinquent taxes be paid in the open-sided communal meeting hall, or sa/a, usually located along-side the wat. These visits appear to have gone smoothly enough, but after visiting these other villages, Bardez sent a note to his assistant in Kompong Chhnang, asking that a detachment of militia be readied to accompany him on the rest of the tour, in view of the difficulties he expected to encounter. He made notes of the tour, to be included in a subsequent report, that probably stressed his pessimism and the stubborn response of local people, for the notebook was impounded by the prosecution, and denied to the defense, on the grounds that it was "confidential" and "political".2s As far as I can tell, no one has consulted it since the trial, and it may well have disappeared. Bardez arrived at Kraang Laev at around 8: 00 a.m. on April 18.26 He was accompanied by an interpreter, Suon, a militiaman, Lach, and a Vietnamese cook. 23. 24. 25. 26.

Echo annamite 14 December 1925. Echo du Cambodge, 23 December 1925. Echo du Cambodge, 18 December 1925. The following account is drawn from stenographic accounts of the trial; these have been checked against the remarkably accurate memories of Sok Bith.

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The village headman, Phal, had already assembled between fifty and sixty village elders in the sa/a; a crowd estimated by several witnesses as 500, summoned for the occasion, were seated outside, in the sun. When he arrived, Bardez told the headman that the village had paid few of its taxes for several years. When Phal and the abbot of the wat pleaded that this was because no one had any money. Bardez pointed ironically at the newly redecorated wat, which had been paid for by public subscription. He then made the mekhum read out the royal ordinance of November 1924 to the assembled crowd. The mekhum was followed by the abbot, who told the crowd that the taxes should be paid because people should always honour their parents, and the French were now playing this role. But no money was forthcoming and Bardez now ordered that three men in the sa/a, picked at random, be tied up as hostages until all the outstanding taxes had been paid. At around 10: 00 a.m., he sent a message to Kompong Chhnang, some 14 kilometers away, requesting a detachment of militia. These reinforcements left Kompong Chhang around noon, but were too late to avert the killings at Kraang Laev. Toward 11 : 00 a.m , the situation in the sa/a seems to have been calm enough for Bardez to eat a meal prepared for him by his cook. The hostages in the sa/a were not released. Soon after Bardez returned, however, the wife of one of them approached mekhum with the money for her husband's taxes. She had borrowed the sum-$5.35from the mekhum's wife, and now begged that her husband be released, so he could go home for lunch. According to the defense, Bardeztold her rudelytofouter /ecamp; the prosecution alleged that he asked her politely to wait; Bith insists that Bardez told her that none of the hostages would be released until all tne taxes owing had been paid. In any case, all of the sources agree that no one was released. At this point, Biht says: I told her ... the table was there; and the French ..• we were over here, on this side ... I told her, "Take your husband away", and she touched her husband on the arm. When I said this the soldier raised his rifle, and pointed it at me, and cocked it, pruk pruk, so we pushed the rifle away and punched him. Soon everyone was punching p/up p/up and fighting; the three had fallen to the ground [i.e. outside the sa/a], and people came up and beat them some more, until the three were dead oil the ground. It was revealed at the trial that none of the three died instantly. The militiaman, disarmed, injured, and attempting to escape, was beaten to death a hundred meters or so from the sa/a, while Bardez, already severely hurt, was being

44

David P. Chandler

nursed in the wat by the abbot and the mekhum. The people who had kiUed the militiaman returned and beat Bardez to death; twenty-four wounds were later found on his body, although no formal autopsy was performed. The interpreter was killed last. The weapons used against the three included the miltiaman's rifle-butt, staves from the fence around the sa/a, and (in two cases) knives. When the three were dead, all the villagers streamed out of Kraang Laev apparently leaving only the monks behind. According to Sok Bith, they were headed for Kompong Chhnang, on foot and using "over a hundred" ox carts, with the vague idea, it seems of attacking the residence. They were intercepted en route by the militiamen summoned earlier by Bardez, after their numbers had swollen to perhaps a thousand. They scattered and returned to Kraang Laev, when shots were fired into the a1r. Bith took advantage of the confusion to flee to Pursat, where he was arrested about a month later; the militiamen, on the other hand, proceeded to Kraang Laev, where the bodies were recovered, and taken to Kampong Chhnang. The defense lawyers at the trial, and Bith fifty-five years later, stressed that the murders were communal actions. Bith says that "the whole village'' took part; he blames the affair specifically on the contretemps involving the hostage's wife, and more generally on the hardship imposed by the padi taxes. The French and their proteges in Phnom Penh moved swiftly to defuse and take control of the situation. The royal ordinance condemning the village was promulgated by the 23rd. By then, the French official in charge of political affairs in Cambodia, Chassang, had already visited the region, accompanied by the king's eldest son, Prince Monivong, who was himself to be crowned king two years later. Within two weeks, over two hundred villagers were rounded up for questioning. In an obscure incident, in June, the prime suspect, Neou, was shot and then beheaded by He soon became, for the prosecution, the local officials while resisting arrest.27 mastermind of the incident, and the lynchpin of their case that lawless outsiders eager to rob Bardez had committed the crime, rather than local people disturbed by his conduct and by excessive taxes. It is not clear how Neou and his accomplice, Chuon, both wanted by the police, had been able to obtain asylum in Kraang Laev; similarly, their presence at the incident (when they could have stayed concealed) suggests bravado on their part, although this is not the same as premeditation. Charged with using a lethal weapon in the attack (a charge substantiated by Sok Bith), Chuon was in due course condemned to death. 27.

Echo Annamite, 12 December 1925. The event had occurred in June 1925. Neou had served a jail sentence for robbery, and was a fugitive from another, imposed for walking away from corvee labor engaged in building a landing strip near Kompong Chhnang earlier in 1925.

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Eighteen suspects came to trial in Phnom Penh in December 1925. The proceedings attracted wide attention. A pro-government claque attended every day, Unfortunately for applauding prosecution statements, and ridiculing the defense. their ideas of justice, the trial was also attended by journalists from Saigon, including Andre Malraux, and others who were hostile to Baudouin and interested, more generally, in colonial reform. Just as Malraux and others opposed to French colonial injustice sought to expand the focus of the trial, so too the French administrators, battling against intensifying nationalist pressures, particularly in the components of Vietnam, hastened to take a narrow view of Bardez' assassination. They were understandably nervous about the intentions of the recently appointed socialist governor-general of Indo-China Alexandre Varenne;28 the trial of the Vietnamese patriot, Phan Boi Chau, was taking place at the same time as the trial in Phnom Penh; 29 and another Vietnamese nationalist, Phan Chu Trinh, recently returned from France, was agitating for extensive colonial reforms.30 French officials saw little point in allowing the Bardez trial to become a political forum; the defense, however, found conditions ideal to make it one. Although the guilt of most of the defendants was never seriously in doubt (and was admitted in 1980 by Bith) the tactics of the prosecution at the trial were heavy-handed and often farcical. as they tried to head off any discussion of French taxation policies, any criticism of Bardez, or any evidence which contradicted their argument that the culprits were outsiders, who had wanted to rob the resident. There was even a clumsy attempt by someone to poison the principal lawyer for the defense, Gallet, and a stenographer hired by the defense was forced to return to her former employer while the trial was still going on, probably to prevent further transcripts of testimony appearing in the anti-government Saigon press. Andre Malraux, for one, was infuriated by the procedures followed by the court. When the trial was over, he parodied it in the pages of his Saigon journal, Indochine Enchainee: 28. See William Frederick, ··Alexandre Varenne and Politics in Indochina 1925 -1926", in Walter Vella (ed.) Aspects of Vietnamese History, Honolulu 1973, pp. 95-159. See also Langlois, Andre Malraux, op. cit. pp. 163-180. 29. See David Marr, Vietnamese Anti-Colonialism, Berkeley, 1971, pp. 265-268. 30. Marr. Vietnamese Anti-COlonialism, op. cit. pp. 269-271. The year 1927 was also the highwater mark of the Constitutionalist Party, which urged co-operation with the French authorities. See R.B. Smith, "Bui Quang Chieu and the Constitutionalist Party in Indo-China" Modern Asian Studies, III/2 (1969) 131-150.

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1. Every defendant will have his head cut off. 2. Then he will be defended by a lawyer. 3. The lawyer will have his head cut off. 4. And so on.31 Another, much younger observer was Nhek Tioulong, then a student at the College Sisowath, and in later life a provincial governor, commander of the Cambodian army, and a trusted confidante of Sihanouk's throughout the Sihanouk era. Tioulong recently asserted that the defense lawyer, Gallet, was especially eloquent, "flapping his sleeves dramatically" when he made his points.32 Sok Bith now feels that his trial was fair. One revelation in his testimony is that prosperous businessmen in Phnom Penh and Saigon (he uses the word taokay, suggesting that they were Chinese) anonymously aided the defense, providing "baskets of money" for the lawyers and presents of food and cigarettes to the prisoners. A crippled Bith recalls Cambodian lawyer named Nuon was also helpful to the defendants. Nuon's remark that it wasn't the village which was direchhan ("bestial"), but the king himself, a mot that still made him chuckle half a century after it had been made. Nhek Tioulong contends that Nuon's partisan behaviOr led to his being demoted by the French soon after the trial was over. When Bith returned home, after serving fifteen years for what he calls "a single punch in the face" (this was, in fact, the charge made against him) he resumed work in Kraang Laev as a rice-farmer and an tapper of sugar-palms. Anti-French guerillas in the late 1940s, knowing of his implication in the affair, sought him out and tried, unsuccessfully, to recruit him. Apparently he has never been happy with being known as a revolutionary, preferring to view his conduct in the context of the day Bardez was killed. During the Pol Pot years, he told Kiernan, he was "an old man ... concerned to stay alive, that's all". In a 1971 novel about the killings, Phum Direchan, the republican writer Dik Kearn argued that Neou and Chuon planned to kill Bardez, with the knowledge that they would be executed for the crime.3 3 No evidence from 1925, or in Bith's recollections, can be cited in support of this contention although he admits that both of them used knives in the attack. And yet, rebellious peasants are a fixture in most 31. Quoted in Langlois, op. cit. p. 197. 32. Interview with Nhek Tioulong, Bangkok, 29 August l 981. 33. Dik Kearn, Phum Direchan, op. cit. pp. 68-69. Although the book takes the from of a novel, Dik Kearn claims to have interviewed survivors of the incident. Dik Kearn was murdered as a •·class enemy" in northeastern Cambodia in 1977. During my research in Cambodia in 1970-1971, he was unfailingly kind to me and to other scholars interested in Cambodia's past.

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post-colonial ideologies, especially those which, like Cambodia's, contain a strong antimonarchic component. In a sense, premeditation and heroes are essential, for such an iconographic incident to be legitimate, and events can often be transformed into something else by the need for a more useful interpretation, like the need for heroes. Little can be said in defence of the French taxation system in Cambodia. Testimony at the trial, and information in contemporary sources, reveal that in some ways it placed exceptionally heavy burdens on ordinary people, while funds collected in Cambodia were often funnelled elsewhere in the Federation. Indeed, writing in 1935, a French resident suggested that anyone interested in stirring up trouble among Cambodians might do well to emphasize the inequities of the taxation system, vis a vis the other components of lndo-China.3 4 Certainly they were outrageously heavy in comparison to what French citizens were asked to pay, and they were heavy in terms of any benefits from them returning to the peasants. At the same time, the persistence of abuse, and of short-falls between what was asked for and what was paid, meant that in many cases people paid less taxes than they were supposed to pay, or none at all. As Sok Bith remarked, people were poor, and uncomfortable about paying so many taxes, but they had enough to eat. Why was the affair unique?

One answer is that Bardez, stepping out of

character and behaving like a Cambodian official, was treated like one by the villagers of Kraang Laev. Very few residents in the 1920s, or later, made the same mistake. The lesson of the incident, in fact, was that villagers were better off left, if not to their own devices, then to the types of indigenous "control" to which they were accustomed. Bardez insisted, recklessly, on removing some of the flexibility from the tax-collection system by collecting taxes himself. His presence in the village offended the large and restless crowd. Perhaps he was banking on their proverbial peaceability. He made no allowance, it seems, for the likelihood that many of the men in the crowd would have been drinking sugar palm-wine, in the sun, as the day wore on.

He made things

worse for himself by taking hostages at random, without sufficient force to back up his decision. Bardez' error, in other words, was his decision, which may have been wrung from him by officials in Phnom Penh, to go into the village himself. Something about the village, or the crowd, made him sufficiently nervous to summon reinforcements from Kompong Chhnang; at the same time, his conduct in Kraang Laev appears to have been edgier and more exasperated than it had been in the villages he had visited earlier. 34. AOM 3 E 15 (8): Annual report from Kampot, 1935.

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David P. Chandler

To make an assesment of the affair, we can dismiss it, as the Echodu Cambodge did in an early report, as a "crapulous crime" ,3s or, in the prosecution's words, not ''a Cambodian crime, but only a crime, of a few individuals who in no way resemble the Cambodian". This assessment begs the question of what "proper" Cambodian behavior is, and archival records reveal quite a different picture about rural violence in the 1920s and 1930s than is purveyed by French mythology. Another view, taken by the defense, was that the vi!lage was collectively at fault, that the "crowd had been its own leader", provoked by an unjust syetem (which affected the entire country, after all) and Bardez' extreme behavior. Maitre Gallet pointed out that several hundred people had been arrested for the crime at first, and noted that the palace itself had already collectivized the guilt, by stigmatizing the village as a whole before anyone had come to trial. This is Sok Bith's view. He links the village's behavior to the heaviness of taxes as well as to Bardez' behavior on the 18th. The notion that Cambodians could organize themselves in a just cause, however fitted poorly with French conceptions-still prevalent in the 1920s-about the "Cambodian race", and France's obligation towards it. Perhaps part of this misperception had to do with France's colonial mission. If the Cambodians could look after themselves, in other words, were French days in Cambodia numbered? And if Cambodians could make up their minds, acting together, how could they be governed? They could be governed in part by dissolving their solidarity, by passages a tabac, and by forcing them to testify against themselves. They could be governed, also, by being detached from the Cambodian state, and renamed "Bestial". And they could be governed in the old way, by their own officials, because no other way had yet occurred to anyone. It's clear that the royal family saw the incident in part in terms of {ese majeste. This is because government in the kingdom had always been "royal business" (rajakar); in the provinces, the word for "govern" also meant "consume". These arrangements had been in effect in Combodia for centuries; the the French had found them easy enough to use, once they had bought off the Cambodian elite. In traditional Cambodia, when a village of a group of people refused to be governed in this way, they were defying the structure of the state (since participation meant being consumed) and had to be removed from it. This is the rationale behind the Direchan decree. 35. Echo du Cambodge, 9 December 1925. 36. A French official writing in 1916 observed that'"French residents lack sufficient influence in their provinces. The population appears to ignore them completely" : quoted in L. Vignon, Un programme de politique colonia/e. Les questions indigenes. Paris, 1919, 289n.

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To Cambodian thinkers of the 1940's, or to historians of Indo-China in search of trends, watersheds and turning-points, the Bardez incident offers a rare example of rural Cambodians uniting in an anti-colonial cause. For this reason, Bardez' assassins have been made heroic, because heroes are needed for self-respecting "national" history. In examining this particular case, however, it is legitimate to ask how much further beyond Kraang Laev its significance can really be extended. Certainly the incident reveals a reservoir of indigenous violence which normally worked itself out on other villagers, or on Cambodian officials; similarly, it shows that the French had no clear reason to count on much good will when they stepped down from the heights of the residence and began to push rural Cambodians around. But whether it can be treated as a prologue to nationalism is less clear. The villagers killed Bardezandhis assistants because, in their view, the three had no business being there, and because Bardez was unfair not to release the hostage who had paid his taxes. The villagers' gesture, then, was neither an heroic premonition of nationalist struggle nor the squalid plot alleged by the prosecution. Instead, it was a gesture of some exasperated men, whom the crowd, palm wine, and Bardez' outrageous conduct had encouraged to behave as if they were in charge of Kraang Laev, and not the French. Evidence at the trial suggests that when their fervour waned (after the crowd moving on Kompong Chhnang had been dispersed) they returned, ashamed, to the village, and before long were turning one another in to the police. Whatever they were, the villagers were not habitual killers. At the same time, if Sok Bith's recollections are any indication, as time went on they took a kind of collective responsibility for their momentary liberating gesture, and harbored few regrets. 37

37. According to Dik Keam, op. cit. p. 119, Bardez' body was exhumed in 1970 and removed to France.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION S. SINGARAVELU*

The Rania story in Thai cultural tradition is represented in folklore as well as in various forms of artistic expression such as shadow-play, dance-drama, sculpture, painting, and literature.

1. The Rima Story and Thai Folklore The Thai people since the ancient times have believed that the Rima story was set on Thai soil, and consequently some of the cities, towns, villages, mountains, and lakes have been popularly associated with the legend.' Thus, for example, the new city founded by the Thai king U Thong in 1350 A.D., was called Ayutbayi after the name of Ayodbyi, the capital city of king Dasaratha and his successor Rima. It is also noteworthy that the name Ayutbayi still forms part of the official name of Bangkok, which is the present-day capital of Thailand. 2 A town, situated north of Ayuthayi in Thailand, is called Lopburi (Lavapuri) and it is associated with Rima's son Lava. The same town has also been given a nickname, that is, Nophburi (Navapuri), which is c~>nnected with Hanumin. According to the Thai tradition, Rima shot an arrow in the air, and Nophburi as a new city of Hanumin was built where Rama's arrow fell. It is also believed that the beat from Rima's arrow turned the ground around the town white hot and therefore the ground has remained white and fertile to the present. Moreover, as a proof of the town's relationship with Hanumin, the local authorities are said to have founded a colony of monkeys on a rock near the centre of the town. The village named Kukhan near Sisaket is named after the king of the bunters Kukhan or Guha, who is also said to have ruled a kingdom known as Buriram, which is the name of a town near Sisaket. It is believed that the medicinal herbs, found by Hanuman to resuscitate the dead, are still to be found on a mountain called Khao Sanphaya near Lopburi. The flat area atop the mountain is said to have been formed by Hanumin in tossing his tail around the summit of the mountain like a lasso to obtain the herbs. The water of a lake known as Thale Chup Son is considered to be sacred, because Rima is believed to have immersed his arrow in the lake. In 1854 *· Professor and Head of Department of Indian Studies, Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. 1. Sathien Koset (Phya Anuman Rajadhon), Upakorn Ramakien (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2495, A.D. 1952), pp. 181 ff.; C. Ve1der. "Notes on the Riima Saga in Thailand," JSS., Vol. 56, pt. 1 (January 1968), pp. 44-46. 2. The principal portion of the official name of Bangkok is as follows : Krungthebmahanakhorn buanratanakosin mahintharayuthaya mahadilokphob nopharatrachathaniburirom.

50.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

51

A.D., the weapons of the Thai king Monkut were sprinkled with the water of the lake in order to strengthen them by the power of Rama. The impact of the Rima story in the Thai folk tradition is also evident from several expressions of proverbial value, which are traceable to the Rima story. Thus, for example, 'to fly further from Lanka' means 'to overdo somethmg' and this expression is apparently derived from the episode in which Hanuman during his journey towards Lanka is said to have flown beyond Lanka, because of his enthusiasm to find the whereabouts of Sita quickly. The expression "To measure the hoofprint' means 'to be disrespectful to one's parents' and this meaning is connected with the episode in which the buffalo named Thoraphi measures his hoof in the hoofprint of his father, because he wants to kill him as soon as he is grown up. In the same sense, the saying 'a child like Thoraphi' is used of one who does not obey his parents. The expression 'Origkot (Angada) rolls his tail' refers to a boaster, because Ongkot rolls up his tail and sits on it in order to be of equal height with Rava~a. The name Thosakan (Dasaka~!ha, or Rava~a) is used to refer to one, who does not have good manners. The expression 'beautiful as Sita' is considered to be the highest compliment to be paid to a girl of great beauty. If she has finely drawn eyebrows, the expression 'her brows are drawn like the bow of Rama' is used. The Rama story is also connected with magic incantations, and it is also believed that one who is able to read the complete story in seven days and seven nights can cause rain to fall for three days and three nights. As regards the Thai folk versions of the Rama story, a recent comparative study of the Thai folk versions entitled Phra Lak-Phra Lam, Rama Jataka, Horaman, Prommachak and Ramakien has shown that the Rama story in the course of transmission as folk tales has undergone several changes of detail, expansion, reduction, and transposttlon. Changes of detail are to be found particularly in the why-motifs and the how-motifs of the various characters' deeds, and these variations are found to occur usually at the beginning, at the juncture and at the end of the story. Local folk tales have also helped to furnish new materials. For example, in the northeastern version of Phar Lak-Phra Lam, the Naga ('serpent') is added as one of the most popular characters and there are episodes about a Niiga building a city for Rama's ancestors, and the Naga-king's daughters are given in marriage to both Rama and Hanuman. It is also found that Riima is turned into a typical folk romance hero, who takes a number of minor wives as he goes through the series of battles with the demons. Another characteristic of these folk versions is that they retain only the major characters such as Rama, Sitii, Rava~a, Valin, Sugriva and Hanuman. This reduction in the number of characters means a simplification of plot. Interchange or transposition of episodes and characters also occurs in the folk versions, and in some cases, Rama, Raval?-a, Valin and Sugriva are said to be the offsprings of the same ancestors; Indrajit becomes Rava~a's brother; and Vibhi~a~a is replaced by one of Rava~a's sons. It would thus

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S. Singaravelu

seem that as the Rama story passes through folk tradition, it undergoes changes and adapts itself to the local environment.!

2. The _Rima Story and the Thai Shadow-Play The basic repertoire of the Thai shadow-play known as the Nang2 consists exclusively of the episodes drawn from theRamastory.3 A favourite theme of the Nang in the ancient t1mes is the campaign of war waged by Raval?a's brothers Khorn (Khara), Thiit (Du~aJ?a) and Trisian (Trisiras) against Riima and his companions after Raval?a's sister Sammanakha (SiirpaJ?akha) is mutilated by Riima and Lak~maJ?a when she tries to molest Sita. The other popular episodes played by the Nang performers include the episode in which the demon Maiyarab (Maht RiivaJ?a) abducts Rama, who is then rescued by Hanuman. 4 It may be also noted in this connexion that the Nang Yai figures found in the Ledermuseum in Offenbach, Germany, depict other episodes such as Rama 1. Siraporn Thitathan, Ramakien: A Study in Tale Transmission, M A. thesis, Department of Thai Language. Graduate School, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, 1979. 2. The earliest known reference to the Thai shadow-play is to be found in the Palatine Law of the Thai king Boromatrailokanath, enacted in 1458. There is also a mention of the Nang in the Romance of the Lady Nophamas, which is an eighteenth century prose work depicting the royal court life of the thirteenth century Sukhothai kingdom. According to H_H, Prince Dhani Nivat, the Thai Nang had its origin in the Sumatran-based Sri Vijaya kingdom and since the time it reached the Menam valley in Thailand, it has developed into a distinctively Thai artistic form. There are two major types of the Nang, performed at night, and they are known as the Nang Yai ('~hadow-play of large hide-figures') and the Nang Talung ('Shadow-play of small hide-figures from Pattalung', a southern province of Thailand). When the Nang Y ai is played, each large hide-figure of originally one two metres in size is held up by its two poles on either hand of the performer in frcnt of a white screen, which is lit from behind. As the performer mampulates the figure, he bends and sways at the same time keeping time with his foot movements to the accompaniment of recitation of the episode and music. The smaller hide-figures of the Nang Talung are akin to those of the Wayang Kulit in Malaysia, and their movable arms and legs are manipulated by the performer from behind a screen. The third type of the Thai Nang is known as the Nang Ram or Rabam, and it used to be performed in day-time with coloured hide-figures. See Rene Nicolas, ''Le theatre d'ombres au Siam," JSS., Vol. 21 (1927), pp. 37-51 and Plates 1-17; H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, The Nang, Thai Culture New Series No.3, 3rd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B. E. 2505, A.D. 1962, 16 pp. and Plates. 3. Phya Anuman Rajadhon, A Brief Survey of Cultural Thailaud (Thailand Culture Series No.2, 4th edition, Bangkok: The National Culture Institute, B. E. 2499, A.D. 1956), p. 13. According to H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, the repertoire of the Nang in the old times included a Thai poem entited Samudghos of the seventeenth century A D., and later also the romance of the Javanese hero Panji. H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, The Nang (Bangkok, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), pp. 12-13. 4. H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, The Nang (Bangkok, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), p. 12.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

53

stringing the bow in the archery contest for the hand of Slta, Rama pitching camp on the seashore opposite the fortress of Rava:J?.a in LaJ:?kii and holding a council of war, Vibhi~aJ:].a's daughter Beiiyakay disguising herself as Sita to float midstream as if dead near Rima's camp in an attempt to dissuade Rama from continuing his campaign of war, the building of the causeway, Angada's mission to Lanka as Rima's emissary, Hanuman's adventures, the battles of RavaJ:].a's son Indrajit, and the battle between Rima and Ra va:J?.a.l

3. The Rima Story and the Classical Thai Drama The classical Thai dramatic art has in all times drawn its subjects from the Rima story. For example, the repertoire of the Thai Masked Play known as the Khon 2 is exclusively taken from the Rima story. The performers of the Khon, except those playing the divine and human roles, wear masks 3 and enact the story to the accompaniment of music and the recitation of texts containing poetic versions of the story composed by ancient poets. The recitations by the master of the Khon known as K'on P'ak, are of two kinds, namely, the K'am P'ak and the Ceraca. The K'am P'ak is the chanda poetry of the type specified as the Kab (K'iivya), and the Ceraca is the dialogue in rhythmic prose known as rai, which may also include description of action on stage. 4 The classical dramatic version of the Rama story in Thai, which is considered to be the most suitable for the presentation of the Khan on stage, is that of king Phra Phutthaloetla (1809-1824 A.D.), who is also known as king Rima II of the Cakri dynasty.s The greater number of episodes from the Rima story presented in the Khon relate to the various phases of battle between Rima and Rava:J?-8. The most popular episodes presented in the Khon by the Royal Department of Fine Arts in 1. H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, "Hide Figures of the Ramakien at the Ledermuseum in Offenbach, Germany," JSS., Vol. 53, pt. 1 (January 1965), pp. 61-66 and 88 plates. 2. H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat and Dhanit Yupho, The Khon, Thai Culture New Series No. 6, 3rd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962. 3. Dhanit Yupho, Khon Masks, Thai Culture New Series No. 7, 2nd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962. The masks worn by the performers playing the roles of the demonic and simian characters are of various kinds. For example, Ravatta's mask is in the form of a two-tiered crown with the lower tier showing demonic faces and the top tier showing a celestial face. Vibhi~al}a's mask consists of a gourd-like crown. Hanumin wears a white coronet. 4. H. H. Prince Dhani Nivat and Dhanit Yupho, The Khon (Bangkok, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), pp. 3-4.

5. Ibid., p. 6; Bot Lakhon ruang Ramakien, Phrarachanlphon Somdet Phra Phuttaloetla naphalal (Bangkok, 1956).

54

S. Singaravelu

Bangkok include those relating to the abduction of Rima by the demon Maiyarab, Hanumin's journey to Lanka, and the fire-ordeal of Siti.l Another form of the classical Thai drama is known as Lakhon, and it is played by actors and actresses, who sing and speak on suitable occasions during the performances. Though the repertoire of the Lakhon is generally drawn from the romantic tales of kings and demons composed in verse for the purpose, the Rama story also offers a wide range of subjects of the performance of the Lakhon to suit the tastes of the rural and the urban audience. 2

4. · The Rima Story in Thai Sculpture and Painting Both the oral and written tradition of the Rima story is represented in the Thai fine arts such as sculpture and mural painting. The chief characters as well as episodes of the Rima story form part of the decoration in Buddhist temple8. For example, the Wat Phra Jetubon (Chethuphon) in Bangkok displays 152 marble panels of relief sculptures, which relate the episodes of the Rima story from Riva:q.a's abduction of Slti to the fall of a demon known as Sahasadecha,3 Many temples show sculptures of the monkey warriors and the subdued demons as the guardians of doors in temples such as the Royal Temple and the Wat Arun in Bangkok. The doors of the Wat Phra Jetubon show scenes from the Rima stroy inlaid in mother of pearl. 4 As regards mural paintings, the oldest Thai murals from the Ayuthayi period (14th-18th centuries A.D.) depicting the Rima story are to be seen in the cave of Yala. 5 In Bangkok, several Buddhist temples are decorated with murals depicting the Rima legend. The entourage of Rima is seen on the walls between the windows of the Wihan in Wat Suthat dating from the mid-19th century A.D. The arcades of the Emerald Buddha temple in the compound of the Royal Palace are decorated with 178 panels of mural paintings depicting the Rima story from king Janaka's discovery of Siti to the final restoration of Siti to Rima.6 These murals date from the time of the Thai king Phra Nang Klao (1824-1851 A.D.), who is also known as king Rima III, and they were renovated again in 1927 during the reign of king Prajadipok (1925-1935 A.D.), who is also known as King Rima VII. 1. Dhanit Yupho, The Khon and Lakon, Dance dramas presented by the Department of Fine Arts (Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, 1963), pp. 1-71. 2. Ibid., pp. 73-260. 3. J.M. Cadet, The Ramakien, the Thai epic. Illustrated with the bas-reliefs of Wat Phra Jetubon, Bangkok. Tokyo : Kodansha International Ltd., 1971. These panels of sculptures are said to have been brought from Ayuthayi after the fall of the city in 1767 A.D. C. Velder, op. cit., p. 43. 4. C. Velder, "Notes on the Rima Saga in Thailand," ISS., Vol. 56, pt. 1 (January 1968), p. 43. 5. Ibid., p. 42. 6. The Ramakien Murals, Bangkok: Vanchalerm Kanchanamongkol World Press Co., Ltd., 1968.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

55

5. The Rima Story in Thai Literature The earliest known reference in a Thai document to the Rama legend occurs in the inscription of king Rama Khamhaeng of 1292 A.D., which is also the earliest known record in Thai language. The inscription, while enumerating the geographical location of important sites in the Sukhothai kingdom, mentions two caves named after Rama and Sita near the Sampat river in the vicinity of the capital. Subsequently during the reign of the Ayuthaya ruler Ramathibodi in the fifteenth century A.D., two verses relating to the royal consecration of water refer to Rama and his brother Lak~ma~a. Rima's victory over the demons in Lanka is mentioned in a poem composed during the reign of king Boromatrailokanath (1448-1488 A.D.). King Dasaratha and Sita are mentioned in some verses composed during the reign of king Phra Naray (1656-1688 A.D.), while another poem of the same period speaks of Riima and his sacred arrow subduing the demons in Lanka. King Janaka's discovery of Sita and Rama's mutilation of Surpai?-akhii are mentioned in a Lakhon text, belonging to the eighteenth century A.D. During the Thonburi period (1768-1782 A.D.), Phraya Mahanuphab's Nirat poem, dealing with the theme of lovers' separation, refers to the episode, in which Riima slays the demon Miirica in the form of a golden deer.' Apart from these scattered references to the particular characters and episodes of the Rama legend in various Thai literary works, there are also several early texts known as Kham Phak Ramakien and Bot Lakhon Ramakien dealing with specific episodes of the Riima legend, and some of them are believed to have been composed during the Ayuthaya period (1350-1767 A.D.) for the purpose of recitation in connexion with the shadow-play and other dramatic performances.2 It is also evident from some of the surviving fragments of the early Thai literary versions that the Rima story was well established in the Thai literary tradition during the Ayuthaya period. 3 However, with the fall of Ayuthayii in 1767 A.D., almost all the works of Thai literature were lost. Subsequently in 1770, king Taksin of Thonburi is known to have composed a Lakhon version of the story, 4 but this version only deals with certain adventures of Hanuman in Lanka and with the story of Rama's son known as Monkut. Then, the first monarch of the Bangkok period king Phra Phuttha Yotfa, who is also known as king Rima I of Cakri dynasty, initiated the task of collecting all the available materials pertaining to 1.

cr.

2.

cr.

Sathien Koset (Phya Anuman Rajadhon), Upakorn Rumakien (Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department. B.E. 2495, A.D. 1952), pp. 170-173; C. Velder, "Notes on the Rama Saga in Thailand," JSS .. Vol 56, pt. l (January 1968). pp. 34-35.

P. Schweisguth, Etude sur Ia Litterature Siamoise (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1951), pp. 395-397. 3. C. Velder, op. cit., pp. 35-36. 4. Bot Lakhon R'iimakien Phrarachaniphon Somdet Phra Cau Krung Thonburi, Bangkok, B.E. 2484, A.D. 1942.

56

S. Singaravelu

the Rama story from the surviving _oral and written sources, and in 1798 A.D., he composed the most comprehensive Thai literary version known as the Ramakienl (Ramakirti, 'Rama's Glory'). Subsequently in 1815 A.D., king Phra Phutthaloetla (Rama II) wrote a dramatic version suitable for the Khan and Lakhon performances. Similar versions have also been composed by king Monkut (Rama IV) in 1825 and by king Wachirawut (Rama VI) in 1910.

6. The Sources of The Thai Ramakien The question of the basic sources of the Thai Ramakien may be approached from the viewpoint of the geographical as well as the historical background of the Thai kingdom. From the geographical viewpoint, the Thai people have had as their neighbours the Laotians in the north, the Burmese in the west, the Khmers in the east and the Malays in the south. From the historical point of view, prior to the appearance of the Thai kingdom in the thirteenth century A.D., Menam valley, or what is· now central Thailand, was peopled by the Moo-speaking people of the lndianized Dvaravatl kingdom and later it was also part of the Indianized Khmer empire, while the Malay Peninsula was under the influence of the Sumatran-based Sr'i Vijaya empire. Therefore, when the Thai people began to inhabit the Menam valley as well as the northern region of the Malay Peninsula, they would have come in contact with several elements of the lndianized civilization of the areas, and the Rama story was no doubt one of the popular elements, which they adopted. 2 As regards the basic sources of the Thai literary version, it is geneally believed by Thai scholars that the Rama legend in the form of oral tradition reached the Menam valley together with the shadow-play through the Malay Peninsula from the Sri Vijaya empire.3 This view seems to be also supported by the fact that there is a great deal of similarity between the shadow-play versions of the Malay Peninsula and the Thai literary and dramatic versions in regard to several motifs and episodes of the 1. Ramakien Phrarachaniphon ratchakan thi 1 (The Riimakien of the First Reign}, 4 Vols. Bangkok: Khruusapha, 1951. 2. Phya Anuman Rajadhon, A Brief Survey of Cultural Thailand (4th edition, Bangkok: The National Culture Institute, B.E. 2499, A.D. 1956). pp. 3-7. 3. Phya Anuman Rajadhon, Thai Literature in relation to the diffusion of her cultures (2nd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2506, A.D. 1963), p. 10; H. H. Prince Dhani Nivat, The Nang (3rd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), pp. 5-6; H. H. Prince Dhani Nivat and Dhanit Yupho, The Khan (3rd edition), Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), pp. 5-6. See also P. Schweisguth, Etude sur Ia Litterature Siamoise (Paris: lmprimeria Nationale, 1951), pp. 63-65.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

57

Rama story.l Furthermore, it is also noteworthy that some of the earliest known texts in Thai dealing with certain episodes of the Rama story are known to have been composed for the specific purpose of recitation during the shadow-play and other dramatic performances, and apparently some of these texts were also included in the collection of sources for the composition of the literary version. Though there is no doubt that the Thai literary version was derived mainly from the oral sources, there is also reason to believe that certain literary versions from the Indian sub-continent were also used as the sources for the composition of the Thai Ramakien by king Rama I, and these versions included the Sanskrit epic of Valmiki as well as the Tamil, Bengali, and Hindi versions of the Rama story. 2

7. The Major Characteristics of the Rimakien The Ramakien3 of king Rama I is a long poetic version composed in Thai metrical klon verse form, written originally on 102 folios, each folio consisting of 24 pages, each page containing four lines of approximately 20 words each, and the entire work containing 52,086 verses and 195,840 words. It is to be noted, however, that, unlike the Indian versions, the Ramakien is not sub-divided either into major sections such as kanda or chapters, but for purposes of analysis, we may treat this work as consisting of three major parts, the first part dealing with the origin of the chief characters, the second part depicting the chief dramatic events of the story including the fall of Rava~a, and the final part describing the events which occur after Rama's conquest of RavaJ?a. A noteworthy feature of the first part of the Riimakien dealing with the origin of the chief characters is that it begins with the story of Phra Naray (Lord Naraya9a, 1. Cf. P.L. Amin Sweeney, The R'iim'iiyaJJa and the Malay Shadow-Play (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1972), pp. 206-255. C. Velder, op. cit., p. 36; Phya Anumun Rajadhon. A Brief Survey of Cultural Thailand (Bangkok, B.E. 2499, A.D. 1956), p. 15; H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat and Dhanit Yupho, The Khan (Bangkok, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), PP- 5-6. 3. Rtimakien Phrarachaniphon ratchakan thi I (The Ramakien of the FirstReign), 4 Vols., Bangkok: Khruusapha, 1951, 2976 pp. A summary translation of the Ramaklen in English by Swami Satyananda Puri and Charoen Sarahiran was published in 1940 and a reprint of it appeared in 1949. A German translation of the R'iimak1en by C. Velder was publ1shed in 1962, and an English translation of this work by R.A. Olsson was published in 1968. See Riimakien (Ramakien) or the Thai version of the R'iimayana, Summary translation by Swami Satyananda Puri and Charoen Sarahiran, Bangkok : Dharmashrama and Prachandr Press, B.E. 24~3. A.D. I 940; reprint, Bangkok: Thai Bharat Cultural Lodge and Satyananda Puri Foundation, 1949; C. Velder, Der Kampf der Gotter Und Damonen, Aus dem Thailandischen Ramakien ubertragen und mit einem Nachwort versehen von C. Velder, Schwmfurt: Neues Forum, 1962; R.A. Olsson (Trans.)., The Ramakien, A Prose Translation of the Thai Ramiiyal}a, Bangkok : Praepittaya Company Limited Partnership, 1968. 2.

58

S. Singaravelu

or Vi~f?.U) in the form of a boar vanquishing the demon Hiranyak (HiraJ:?.yak~a),l and this is followed by an account of the origin and the antecedents of Riivaf?.a, who is known as Thosakan (Dasaka~!ha). According to the Ramakien, Phra Isuan (Lord isvara, or Siva) accords his servant Nonthok (Nandaka) a boon which will enable him to change his index finger into a diamond and destroy anyone at whom he points this finger, and as Nonthok begins to misuse his power, Phra Naray assumes the form of a charming young woman and dances in front of Nonthok, who also tries to imitate the the various movements of her hands. At a particular moment, Nonthok happens to point his diamond finger towards himself and instantly his bones are crushed by the power of his own finger. 2 Nonthok is Jeter reborn as Thosakan, who is said to be the son of Lastiyan (Pulastya). Thosakan's mother, who is named Rachada, gives birth to four other sons named Phiphek (Vibhi~a~a), Kumphakan (Kumbhakar~a), Khorn (Khara), and Thiit (Dii~a~a), and to a daughter named Sammanakha (SurpaJ:?.akha). Thosakan has also four other half-brothers named Kuperan (Kubera), Tephanasun Aksarathada, and Maran, who are born of Lastiyan's four other wives named Sumanta, Citramala, Suwanmala, and Prapai. 3 Thosakan first marries Kala Akhi, who is the daughter of Kala Nakha (Kala Naga) of the Underworld, and later he receives Nang Mantho Thewi (Maq~odari), who is said to have been created from a frog4 by four 1. The legend of the demon Hirarnak~a rolling up the earth like a mat and tucking it under his armpit before vanishing into the Underworld, where he is vanquished by Lord Vi~l}u in the form of boar is to be found in the Purunas such as the Narasimha-PurliiJa and the BhagavataPur'ii'!a (III, xvii-xix). This legend occurs as a prelude in the Ramaklen apparently because of another legend to be found in the Bhagavata-Purii'!a (III, xvi. 7-ll; VII, i, 35-46) that Hira!].yak~a and his brother Hira11-yakasipu were the first of the three reincarnations of Lord Vi~nu's gatekeepers Jaya and Vijaya, to be later reborn as Riva9a and his brother Kumbhakarl}a. 2.

According to the Skanda-Purana (V. 3.6 7). Lord Siva bestows upon a demon named Kalapf~~ha the power of reducing anyone to ashes by touching the head of that person with his hand, and later when the demon wants to test his power on Lord Siva himself, Lord Vi~nu assumes the form of an enchantress and persuades the demon to place his hand on his own head and the demon is reduced to ashes.

3.

See diagram on Rava9a's genealogy in the Ramakien. The name Lastiyan appears to be a Tamil name-form, derived from Pulastiya!l, or Pulatriyan, for the Sanskrit name Pulastya. The names Kuperan and Maran are also identical with the Tamil name-forms KuberaiJ and Mara'!. for the Sanskrit names Kubera and Mara, though Maran does not figure as one of Riival}a's brothers in the Tamil literary version of the story.

4.

In the Dharmaparik:ra of the JainistAmitagati, Maf!.~odari's mother is said to be a frog-woman, who swallows the sperm of Maya the ascetic. Moreover, the motif of Nang Mantho Thewi being created from a frog is reminiscent of the Sanskrit term mal}diika meaning a 'frog'. Cf. A. Zieseniss The Rama Saga in Malaysia (Singapore, 1963), p. 111.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

59

sages, as a gift from Phra Isuan in appreciation of Thosakan's help in setting the Kailasa mountain upright again after a demon named Virulhok has caused its tilting to one side.l The children, whom Thosakan begets during his conquest of the world, include a golden mermaid named Suphanna-Maccha, born of a fish, and two sons named Thosakirithorn and Thosakiriwan, born of a female elephant in the forest of Himaphan. Later he also begets a son by Nang Mantho Thew!, and he is at first named Ronapak, but after his victory over Indra, he is called Inthorochit (lndrajit). As regards the origin of the simian characters, Phali (Va:Iin) and Sukhrip (Sugrlva) are born of Kala Acanii, the wife of king Khodam (Gi5tama), as the result of her adultery with Phra In (lndra) and Phra Athit (Aditya, the sun-god), and when king Khodam immerses them into a lake in order to test their legitimacy, they become monkeys and vanish into the forest. Phra In and Phra Athit build a city known as Khidkhin (Ki~kindha) for their sons. 2 Phiili becomes the king of Khidkhin and Sukhrip his deputy. When the Sumen (Sumeru) mountain tilts to one side because of Ramsiiun hurling Phra Archun (Arjuna) at the mountain, Phali and Sukhrip help to push the mountain to its original position.3 Phra Isuan rewards PhaU with a trident and certain magic power which will transfer to Phaii half the strength of anyone who fights with him.4 Phra Isuan also rewards Sukhrip with a beautiful young maiden I. The role of Rival}a in trying to uproot the mountain of Kailiisa in the Hindu versions such as the Sanskrit epic of Valmiki (VII, 16} and the Tamil Uttarakaf!lam of 0Hakkuttar (7 : 63-7 5} is apparently reversed to that of Riva~a setting the mountain upright again in the Ramakien (I, 134-144 J.

2. The story relating to the birth of Phiili and Sukhrip in the Rumakien would seem to be the result of the combination as well as the modification of two different motifs to be found in the Sanskrit version of Valmiki, the Tamil version of Kamba!!. and the Tamil Uttarakuntam of O~~akkiittar, namely, the motif of Ahalya, who is the wife cf the sage Gautama, committing adultery with lndra, and the motif of a monkey king named J3,ksarajas jumping into a pool on the Meru mountain, being changed into a beautiful woman and later giving birth to Valin and Sugrfva, who have Indra and Siirya ('the sun-god'} as their fathers, respectively. RK., I, 72-86; V R., I, 48; VII, the first of the interpolated chapters occurring between Ch. 37 and Ch. 38; KR., I, 9: 74-79; IR (OU)., 11:43, pp. 920-921. 3. The details of this episode in the Ramakien, such as the serpent Ananta wrapping himself around the Sumeru mountain, the gods and the demi-gods pulling the serpent while Phii1i pushes the mountain to its original position, are reminiscent of the episode in the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., IV, 5: 30, pp, 410-411), in which Valin is depicted as helping the gods and the demons in churning the Ocean of Milk while holding the head and tail of the serpent Visuki, who wraps himself around the Mandara mountain. 4. The motif of Vilin taking away half the strength of his opponent is to be found in the Tamil version of Kamba~ (KR., IV, 3: 40}.

S. Singaravelu

60

6----. Thada Phrohm (Ohota Brahma)

1-----6-~~~~il

0-----1

r--

6.

Thosakan (Dasaka0\ha/Rava0al

lastiyon (Pulastya)

-D.

Motlko

Phiphek

(Vibhi~a0al

-6. Kumphakan (Kumbhakor0ol

I--

6. Khorn (Khora)

6_

MALE

0

FEMALE

t----

6. Thut cou~c:0al

0

o_j

Spmmonakha (Surpanakha)

Rocha do

6. 0-_____j Sumcnta

Kuperan (Kuberol

6. Tephonasun

0-Citramala

6. Aksarathoda

0--_.J Suwanmata

6. Moran

0--Prapai

Fir,.

'1.

'rho Gcne.•logy of Ra'lana in the Thai R.imakien

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

61

named Dara (Tara), but Phali takes her for himself. Subsequently, PhaU also seizes Thosakan's consort Nang Mantho Thewi and begets a son named Ongkot (Angada) before she is restored to Thosakan.l Another major episode, which leads to Phali banishing Sukhrip to the forest relates to Phaii's battle with a buffalo named Thoraphi. According to the Ramakien, 2 Phra lsuan's gatekeeper Nonthakan (Nanthakala) is reborn on earth as a buffalo named Thorapha, who kills all the bull calves as soon as they are born, in order to perpetuate his stay in the forest on earth. However, one of the cows manages to run away from the herd soon after receiving Thorapha's seed and gives birth to a son named Thoraphl secretly in a cave. After Thoraphi is told by his mother why he has not seen his father, he wants to kill his father. One day, Thoraphi goes out of the cave and matches the size of his hoof-prints with those of his father and finds that they are of the same size, and finally Thorapha is gored to death by his own son. Phra Isuan curses Thoraphi for having killed his own father and tells him that he will be killed by PhaU and then he will be reborn as a demon named Monkonkan, to be killed by Rama. Before Phaii goes to fight with Thoraphi in a cave, he tells Sukhrlp that, if the colour of the blood flowing out of the cave is bright red, it will signify Phali's death. Therefore, when Sukhrip sees bright red blood flowing from the cave, he assumes that Phali is dead, and after having closed the exit of the cave, he becomes the ruler of Khidkhin.

However, he is unaware that rain water has diluted the

buffalo's dark thick blood and has made it appear to be bright red and that Pna!I has in fact vanquished Thoraphi.

After Phaii comes out of the cave, he banishes

Sukhrip to the forest, where Sukhrip meets Hanuman, and they both practise asceticism.3 As regards Hanuman's birth, king Khodam's wife Kala Acana curses her daughter named Sawaha to perform penance with her mouth open until she brings forth a monkey child as punishment for the exposure of her mother's adultery, and after the wind-god places Phra lsuan's celestial weapons in the mouth of Sawaha, Hanuman of white complexion is born of her mouth. Hanuman at first stays with 1. RK., I, 146-163. 2. RK., I, 212-217 and 432-450. 3.

According to the Sanskrit epic ofV'almiki (VR., IV, 11), Valin kills a demon named Dundubhi, who assumes the form of a buffalo, and later Valin also fights with Dundubhi's son named JV1ayivi in a cavern, which is guarded by Sugriva. After remaining at the mouth of the cavern for a whole year, Sugriva sees blood mixed with foam flowing out of the cave, and assuming that Valin is dead, he blocks the mouth of the cavern. However. Valin comes out of the cavern after killing Mayavi, and banishes Sugriva to the forest, accusing him of treachery.

S. Singaravelu

62

Phall and Sukhr'lp in accordance with Phra Isuan's command, and after Phali banishes Sukhrip to the forest, Hanuman becomes an ally of Sukhrip.I As regards the lineage and birth of Rama, who is known as Phra Ram in the Ramak/en, his ancestors are said to be of divine origin, which is traced back to Phra Naray (Lord Narayaq.a, or

Vi~q.u)

through king Thosorot (Dasaratha), Achaban and

Anomatan. Phra Ram himself is the reincarnation of Phra Naray, and his brothers Phra Lak (Laksana, or Lak~maq.a), Phra Phrot (Bharata), and Phra Satrud (Satrughna) are the manifestations of Phra Naray's emblems, namely, the serpent Ananta, the discus, and the mace, respectively. 2 Phra Ram's consort Nang S'lda (Sita) is also said to be the reincarnation of Phra Naray's consort Lak~mi, but she is born as the daughter of Thosakan in Lanka and later becomes the adoptive daughter of king Chonok (Janaka) of Mithila.3 The birth of Phra Ram, his brothers, and his consort Nang Sida is caused by king Thosorot's queens Kausuriya (Kausalya), Kaiyakes'l (Kaikey'l) and Samuthra Thewi (Sumitra), and Thosakan's consort Nang Mantho Thew'l partaking of the sacrificial meal of cooked rice, which is consecrated by a sage named Kalaikot. 4 1. RK, I, 82, 86-89 and 93-95. In the Sanskrit epic of Viilmiki (V R., IV, 66), as well as in the Tamil version of Kamba!.! (KR., IV, 2 : 2, 3 and 16) and in the Tamil Uttarak'iif!.tam ( 11: 9), Hanumiin is said to be the son of Vayu ('the wind-god') and Aiijana. According to other legends such as those to be found in the Tamil version of Kamba~ (KR., I, 5 : 27; KKII., I, 5: 28) and in the Skanda-Pur'iil]a, Kedarakhanda, Ch. 8), Hanumin is an aspect of Lord Siva. It would therefore seem that the birth-story of Hanumiin in the Ramakien is the result of combination and modification of different motifs such as Sawiiha, instead of Aiijana, being mentioned as the mother of Hanumiin, Sawiiha being mentioned as the sage Gautama's daughter, Gautama's wife cursing her daughter because of the betrayal of her adultery, and Lord Siva {Phra lsuan) and the wind god playmg a role in Hanumin's birth.

2.

According to the Tamil version of Kamba!_! (KR., I, 5 : 21-22; KKII., I, 5: 22-23), Lord Vi~l!u reincarnates himself as Rima, while his emblems, namely the serpant Ananta, the discus, and the conch-shell are reborn as Lak~maJ?.a, Bharata, and §atrughna, respectively.

3. It is noteworthy that, while in the Sanskrit epic of Viilm1ki (V R., I, 66) and the Tamil version of Kainba!! (KR., I. 12 : I 6- I 7) Sita is said to have appeared miraculously in the furrow to be adopted by king Janaka, and in the Jaina version entitled Vasudevahindi of Sarighadiisa, belonging to the fifth century A D., Sita is born as Riivana's daughter, who is later adopted by king Janaka, in the Riimakien several elements such as the reincarnation of the goddess Lak~m1 as Sita, her birth as the daughter of Riiva¥a, and king Janaka discovering her while ploughing the ground, are combined to present an elaborate motif of Sitaii's birth and parentage. 4. The name-form Kalaikot is identical with the Tamil name· form Kalaikko{!u-mu1Ji occurring in · the 1 amil version of Kamba!! (KR., I, 5 : 36; KKII., I, 5 : 37; KR., I, 11 : 15) for the Sanskrit name J!.syasrnga.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

63

The distinctive qualities of the Riimakien may be also seen in its second part, which deals with the main drama of the story covering such major episodes as Phra Ram's marriage to Nang Sida, the banishment of Phra Ram, Thosakan's abduction of Nang Slda, Phra Ram's meeting with Hanuman and Sukhrlp, the fall of PhaU, Hanuman's journey to Lanka, the building of the causeway, the battle in Lanka, the fall of Thosakan, Phra Ram's reunion with Nang Slda and their return to Ayuthaya. The chief innovations to be found in these episodes of the second part include the following: (1)

Phra Ram and Nang Sida fall in love at first sight before the archery contest. I

(2)

Queen Kaiyakesi:'s hunch-back servant named Kucci, who bears a grudge against Phra Ram because of his childhood prank of taking shots at her hunch-back with bow and arrow, 2 instigates the queen to ask for the banishment of Phra Ram by reminding king Thosorot of his earlier promise of a boon in appreciation of the queen's help in averting the danger of the king's chariot breaking down during the battle against a demon named Pathuthan.

(3)

Phra Lak inadvertently kills Sammanakha's son Kumphakat when the latter is performing penance in bamboo thickets.3

(4)

Sammanakha assumes the form of a beautiful woman 10 an attempt to seduce Phra Ram and Phra Lak before she is punished by them. 4

(5)

When Sadayu (Jatayu) boasts that Nang Slda's ring is more powerful than himself, Thosakan snatches the ring from her finger and hurls it at Sadayu, wounding him mortally, and Sadayu holds up the ring on his beak until he is met by Phra Ram.s

1. This motif is to be found in the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., I, I 0: 35- 38) and it is reflective of the popular theme of premarital love, depicted in the classical Tamil poetry. 2.

A similar motif is also to be found in the Tamil version of Kamban (KR., II, 2: 41) and in the Malay Hikayat Seri R'iima (HSR., SH., 60).

3.

According to Vimala Suri's Jaina version entitled Paumacariya, Lak~ma'Ja inadvertently kills Candranakhii's son Sambuka when he practises asceticism in a bamboo thicket. Cf. A. Zieseniss, The Rama Saga in Malaysia (Singapore, 1963), pp. 131-132.

4.

A similar motif is to be found in the Tamil version of Kamba!!. (KR., II, 5 : 30-33) and in the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., SH .. 88).

5.

According to the Malay Hikayat Serl Rama, Siti drops her ring into the beak of Ja~ayu to be given to Riima. HSR., RO., 100; A. Zieseniss, op. cit., p. 46.

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(6)

When Hanuman sees Phra Ram sleeping in the lap of Phra Lak, he tries to awaken him by letting leaves fall on him and by snatching Phra Lak's bow and mocking at him. Subsequently,- Phra Ram recognises Hanuman by his special features such as his earrings, which cannot be seen by anyone else except Phra Naray.l (7) As Phra Ram cannot differentiate between Phali a~d Sukhrip at the time of their duel, be ties a piece of white cloth around the right wrist of Sukhrip before he goes to fight with Phali for the second time.2 (8)

When Phra Ram shoots his arrow at PhaU, he catches it in his band and asks Phra Ram to stay out of fighting, and when Phra Rim asks for a mere drop of blood to rub on his arrow in order to fulfil Phra Isuan's decree, PhiU says that, as a noble warrior, he must fulfil every condition of Phra Isuan's decree, and then he plunges the arrow into himsel£.3

(9)

Phra Rim enlists the help of another monkey ruler named Mab'i Chomphu in addition to the assistance of Sukhrip and Hanumin. 4 (10) When Hanumin meets Nang Sida in Lanka, she asks for the marks of his identity, and Hanuman gives her ring and kerchief to her, and when she is not satisfied with these, Hanuman discloses the secret about the love at first sight, which is known to Phra Rim and herself only.s (11) After Hanumin is caught by Thosakan's son Inthorochit, be is set ablaze by Thosakan's diamond spear, and after reducing Lanka to ashes, Hanumin extinguishes the fire on his tail by sticking the tip of his tail into his mouth and at the same time pinching his nose. 1. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., RO., 107-109), when Rima is sleeping in the lap of Lak~maJ?a,

Hanumiin snatches the three arrows of Riima from Lak~maJ?a and disappears into the foliage of a tamarind tree, and later Rima recognises Hanumiin as his son by his earrings.

2.

According to the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., IV, 7: 52; KKII., IV, 7: 61), on Rima's suggestion, Sugriva himself ties a wild creeper plant with flowers around his neck. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., RO., 114-115) Rima winds a root around Sugriva's body.

3. In the Malay Hikayat Seii Rama (HSR .• RO., 115-117; SH, 108-109), when Riima asks for the return of the arrow, Valin replies that the arrow of Lord Vi~~u must reach its target, and then as he flings the arrow towards the ground, it rises into the air, and swerving back, it pierces Vilin to death.

4. A similar episode is to be found in the Malay Hikaynt Slfri Rama (HSR., RO., 120-130), but not in the Sanskrit epic of Viilmiki, nor in the Tamil version of Kamba!!. It may be also noted that the name of the monkey ruler, whose help is enlisted by Rima, is given as Samburana in HSR. 5. In the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., IV, 13: 67; KKJ/., IV, 12: 67) as well as in the R'iimakien (RK., II, 102-103), before Hanumin's departure to Latikii, Riima relates to him the secret of the love at first sight, known only to Rima and Siti, so that Hanumin may establish his identity by telling Siti of the incident.

THE RaMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

65

(12) At the time of building the causeway, a quarrel breaks out between Hanuman and Maha Chomphii's adoptive son Nilaphat, and Phra Ram orders Nilaphat to return to Khidkhin to take over the command of the city. (13) Thosakan asks his fish daughter Suphanna-Maccha to destroy the causeway, I but Hanuman wins over her friendship by making love to her, and Suphanna-Maccha later gives birth to a son named Macchanu who resembles Hanuman.2

(14) Thosakan's brother Phiphek (Vibhi~al).a) defects to Phra Ram after the monkey army has crossed over to Lanka. (15) At the command of Thosakan, Phiph7k's daughter named Beiiyakay assumes the form of Nang Sida and floats up the nver near Phra Ram's camp as though she is dead in an attempt to make Phra Ram give up his siege of Lanka, but Hanuman exposes her trickery. After Phra Ram forgives her, she is taken to Thosakan's palace, where Hanuman makes love to her, and subsequently she gives birth to Hanuman's son named Asuraphad. (16) Phra Ram's emissary Ongkot goes to Thosakan's palace, where he rolls up his tail and sits on it, so as to be on the same level as Thosakan.3 (17) At the comand of Thosakan, the king of the Underworld Maiyarab abducts Phra Ram with the intention of killing him, but Hanumiin rescues Phra Ram and kills Maiyarab. 4 1. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Riima (HSR., RO .. 141-143; SH., 158-159), RivaJ]a's son Gangga Mahasura instructs the fish in the sea to destroy the causeway, and Hanuman paralyses the fish by whipping the water with his tail. 2.

According to the Malay Hikayat Seri Riima (HSR., SH., 190-191), at the time of Hanuman's flight to Lanka across the sea, his sperm falls into the sea, and a fish swallows it and later gives birth to a son named Hanumiin Tuganggah, who is brought up by Raval!-a's son Gati.gga Mahasura.

3. In the Bengali version entitled Angader Raiviira, composed by Kavicandra in the eighteenth century A.D., Angada elongates his tail, rolls it up and sits on it, so as to be on an equal level wita Rava~a. D. sen, The Bengali Ramaya~J.as (Calcutla, 1920), pp. 218-219. 4.

According to the B~ngali version entitled Mahi Ravaner Pala, composed by Krttivasa in the fifteenth century A.D., Ravat;ta's son Mahi Riival]a abducts Rima and Lak~max:a with the intention of sacrificing them to the goddess Kiili but Hanuman rescues them after slaying Mahi Riivax:a. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., SH., 184-194), Rival?-a's son Patala Mahii.riiyan abducts Rima, but Hanuman rescues Rima, and Patala Maharayan is killed by Rima during the battle on the following day.

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(18) Kumphakan's magic spear known asMokha Sakticauses Phra Lak to faint, and Hanuman fetches the medicinal herbs to revive Phra Lak back to life. (19) Kumphakan at the point of his death sees Phra Ram with the attributes of Phra Naray and repents for not having heeded Phiphek's advice. (20) Before Inthrochit is killed by Phra Ram, Angada brings a diamond bowl from heaven to catch Inthrochit's head to avert conflagration of fire on earth. (21) lyltilaphalam (Miilabala) is said to be the name of the deputy king of Phangtan.l (22) After Phra Lak is struck with Thosakan's Kabilaphat spear, Hanuman brings the medicinal herbs, as well as the dung of the sacred bull Usuparat, a mortar belonging to Kala Nakha of the Underworld, and a pestle kept by Thosakan under his pillow.2 (23) Hanuman ties up Thosakan's hair with that of his wife, and the knot is untied only after Thosakan's wife strikes on his head three times.3 (24) Thosakan's consort Nang Mantho Tbewi prepares an elixir of life in order to revive all the dead demons, and Hanuman assumes the form of Thosakan and tells her to stop producing the elixir. (25) Hanuman and Ongkot (Angada) pretend to defect to Thosakan and take possession of the receptacle containing his soul from his teacher Khobutacan. (26) Hanuman crushes the receptacle containing Thosakan's soul when Phra Ram's arrow strikes Thosakan's chest, thus causing him to breathe his last. (27) Phra Ram himself ignites the logs of wood with his arrow for Nang Sida's fire-ordeal. 4 1. In the Sanskrit epic of Viilmiki (V R., VI, 94) and in the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., VI, 30: 2-3), the term Mulabala (Miilapalam in KR) refers to the reserve troops of Riiva:J,la. It may be also noted that the name-form Mi.taphalam in the Ramakien is identical with the Tamil name-form M'iilapa/am. 2. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., SH., 241-245), Hanuman fetches the medicinal herbs as well as the stone from Rava'?a's bed-chamber to grind the herbs. 3.

Acceding to the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., SH .• 245), Haaumiin ties up Riival}a's hair with that of his wife, and it is untied only after his wife inflicts a blow on his head.

4. In the Sanskrit epic of Viilmiki (V R., VI, I 18) and in the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., VI, 37 : 78- 79), Lak~ma:J,la erects the pyre, and according to the Malay Hikayat Seri Riima (HSR., SH., 254-255), Hanumiin erects the pyre for Sitii's fire-ordeal.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

67

(28) On Phiphek's suggestion, Phra Ram destroys the causeway with his

Phralayawat arrow after he and his companions return to the mainland from Lanka. I (29) Phra Ram distributes the various parts of his kingdom to his brothers and the monkey warriors.

(30) Phra Ram creates a new city known as Nophburi for Hanuman. As regards the innovations introduced in the third part of the Ramakien, the following episodes may be mentioned as examples: (1)

Thosakan's son Phaina Suriyawong (Thosaphin), born of Nang Mantho Thewi after Thosakan's death, rebels against Phiphek and imprisons him, but he is later vanquished by Phra Phrot.

(2)

Nang Sida draws a picture of Thosakan on a slate at the request of a demoness named Adun, who assumes the form of a beautiful maid,2 and Phra Ram orders Phra Lak to take Nang Sida to the forest and kill her. Phra Lak, however, leaves her in the forest and brings back the heart of a doe and shows it to Phra Ram as that of Nang Sida.

(3)

Nang Sida finds refuge with a sage named Wachamarik in the forest.

(4)

After Nang Sida gives birth to a son named Phra Monkut, the sage Wachamarik creates another child named Phra Loph by drawing a picture of Phra Monkut on a magic slate and placing it in the sacred fire. 3

(5)

As Nang Sida refuses to return to Ayuthaya, Phra Ram resorts to the strategem of sending Hanuman to convey the false news of his death to her. (6) Nang Sida is annoyed at being a victim of Phra Ram's trick and she disappears into the Underworld.

1. According to the Skanda-Purana, Rima breaks the causeway into three parts in order to prevent men from entering Lanka. V. Raghavan, The Greater Riimayal}a (Varanasi, 1973, p. 43. 2.

According to the Bengali version of Candrd:vati and the Malay Hikayat Siiri Rama (HSR., SH., 268-270), Sita draws the picture of Rii.val}a on a fan at the request of Kaiki::yi's daughter Kukuii (in the Bengali version) and Balyli.rlari's daughter Kikewi Dewi (in the Malay version). Cf. D. Sen, The Bengali Ramaya'!as (Calcutta, 1920), pp. 196-200; A Zieseniss, The Rama Saga in Malaysia (Singapore 1963), p. 97.

3. Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara (IX, tarairga Sl, verses 86-93) refers to Rima's son Kusa being created by Yalmiki from the kusa grass Poa cynosuroides after Sitii has already given birth to Lava. In the Malay Hikayat S'eri Rama (HSR., SH., 271-272) Sitii's adoptive father Maharisi Kali creates a child named Gusi from a bundle of grass after Sitii has given birth to a son named Tablawi.

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(7) (8) (9)

Phra Ram vanquishes demons during his year-long self-imposed exile. Phra Isuan brings together Phra Ram and Nang Sida again. Phra Ram's son Phra Motikut and Phra Loph liberate the kingdom of Kaiyaket from the demon Khontanurat.l

It would seem evident from the above examples of various episodes and motifs found in the three parts of the Romakien that, though several of them are somewhat akin to certain elements of other versions of the Riima story such as the Tamil version of Kamba~, the Jaina version, the Bengali versions, and the Malay Hikayar Seri Rama, nevertheless, there is considerable variation to be found in the final treatment of the story and its various episodes. In other words, the stories of Rama, transmitted to the Thai people through the shadow-play as well as literary and oral sources, have not only been extended, but also transformed into a distinct work of literature.

8. CHARACTERISATION IN THE RAMAKIEN The Ramakien portrays both the admirable and the undesirable character-traits to be found in the principal dramatis personae ofthe story. The chief character Phra Ram is said to be the reincarnation of Phra Naray (Lord NarayaJ.?.a, or Vi~J.?.u), and as a ruler, who is endowed with supernatural powers, bravery, righteousness, munificence and compassion, Phra Ram is a model of kings.2 At the same time, Phra Ram is also shown to be a human being, who, in a fit of great anger on seeing the picture of Thosakan, drawn by Nang Sida, orders her to be put to death, but as he later repents for his hasty action, he merits the grace of Phra lsuan, who plays a commanding role in all critical situations. Phra Ram's consort Nang Sida is depicted as the reincarnation of Phra Naray's consort Lak~ml. She is beautiful in body and soul. Her faithful love for Phra Ram is impurturbable. All attempts made by Thosakan to seduce her cannot shake her firmness. Ret steadfast character makes her an example for all women. However, Nang Sida is also shown to be a gullible person, who goes to the 1. A South Indian folk tradition refers to Rama's sons Kusa and Lava conquering demons. Cf. B. Ziegebalg, Genea/ogie der Malabarischen Goiter (Madras, I 867), p. 133. 2. It may be noted in this connection that several of the Thai kings are known to have adopted the name Rima as their royal title. For example, the Sukhothai ruler, who is also known to be the author of the earliest known Thai epigraphical document ( 1292 A.D.) was named Rima Khamhaeng ('Rima the Strong'). The first monarch of the Ayuthayi kingdom (1350 A.D.) was known as Riimadhibodi (Ramiidhipati). The rulers of the Cakri dynasty of the present Bangkok period have also been given the title Riima : Phra Phuttha Yotfa, King Riima I (1782-1809). Phra Phutthaloetla, or King Rama II (1809 1824), Phra NangKlaw, or King Rii.ma III (1824-1851), King Monkut, or Rii.ma IV (1851-1868), King Chulalongkon, or Riima V (1868-1910), King Wachirawut, or Rima VI (1910-1925).

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

69

extent of casting aspersions on the character of Phra Lak, when he tries to assure her that Phra Ram is in no danger at the time of his pursuit of the goldeen deer. Phra Lak is the loyal brother of the king, and he is ever ready to fulfil any wish of Phra Ram and to accept and execute his orders. Hanuman is the foremost soldier of the king. His capability, devotion and sense of justice make him the ideal subordinate. Hanuman is, indeed, the favourite character of the Thai people, who adore him as a brave, shrewd, and happy warrior. He is the embodiment of all that expresses the freer and the unrestricted aspects of life. He is a great admirer of beautiful women, and he is neither celibate nor saintly as the Hanuman of the Hindu versions of the Rama story. Phali: is a great hero and a capable leader, but he ruins himself through hybrid ambitions. Phiphek is an astrologer, and his advice is constantly sought by Phra Ram in all critical situations. Thosakan is depicted as a complex character with human virtues as well as frailties. He is shown to be a great character, noted for his strength, and resourcefulness, and his action in abducting Nang Sida is shrouded in the noble motive of love, for which he is prepared to sacrifice his life. His fall is inevitable, but it evokes sadness and sympathy. Thus, the major characters of the Ramakien represent human life in its different facets, and the Thai people regard them as examples of the human society, and this is the reason for the continuing popularity of the Rama legend in the Thai society.

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ABBREVIATIONS

HSR

Hikayat Seri Rama.

HSR.,RO.

Geschiedenis van Sri Rama, beroemd lndische Heroisch Dichtstuk, oorspronkelijk van Valmic en naar eene Maleische vertaling daarvan in het Maleisch met Arabisch karakter, mitsgaders met eene Voorrede en plaat uitgegeven, door en voor rekening van P.P. Roorda van Eysinga. Amsterdam : Bij. L. van Bakkenes, 1843.

HSR.,SH.

"Hikayat Seri Rama, edited by W.O. Shellabear," Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 71 (December, 1915), pp. 1-285.

IR (OU).

lramaya;zam. O{!akiittar iyarriya uttarakal](am Annamalaingar : Annamalai University, 1977. Journal of the Siam Society, Bangkok.

JSS KKII

Kaviccakaravartti Kambar iya!:[iya IramayalJam, edited by R.P. and others. Annamalainagar: Annamalai University, 1957-1970. Kambaramayanam, edited with the commentary by V.M. KopalakirushJ:?.amacariyar. Madras, 1959. Ramakien Phrarachaniphon ratchakan Thi I. 4 Vols. Bangkok: Chabap Khruusapha, 195L The Valmiki-Ramayana, critically edited for the first time by G.H. Bhatt and others. 7 Volumes. Baroda : Oriental Institute, M.S. University of Baroda, 1960-1971. Cetuppq~ai

KR RK VR

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION S. SINGARAVELU*

The Rania story in Thai cultural tradition is represented in folklore as well as in various forms of artistic expression such as shadow-play, dance-drama, sculpture, painting, and literature.

1. The Rima Story and Thai Folklore The Thai people since the ancient times have believed that the Rima story was set on Thai soil, and consequently some of the cities, towns, villages, mountains, and lakes have been popularly associated with the legend.' Thus, for example, the new city founded by the Thai king U Thong in 1350 A.D., was called Ayutbayi after the name of Ayodbyi, the capital city of king Dasaratha and his successor Rima. It is also noteworthy that the name Ayutbayi still forms part of the official name of Bangkok, which is the present-day capital of Thailand. 2 A town, situated north of Ayuthayi in Thailand, is called Lopburi (Lavapuri) and it is associated with Rima's son Lava. The same town has also been given a nickname, that is, Nophburi (Navapuri), which is c~>nnected with Hanumin. According to the Thai tradition, Rima shot an arrow in the air, and Nophburi as a new city of Hanumin was built where Rama's arrow fell. It is also believed that the beat from Rima's arrow turned the ground around the town white hot and therefore the ground has remained white and fertile to the present. Moreover, as a proof of the town's relationship with Hanumin, the local authorities are said to have founded a colony of monkeys on a rock near the centre of the town. The village named Kukhan near Sisaket is named after the king of the bunters Kukhan or Guha, who is also said to have ruled a kingdom known as Buriram, which is the name of a town near Sisaket. It is believed that the medicinal herbs, found by Hanuman to resuscitate the dead, are still to be found on a mountain called Khao Sanphaya near Lopburi. The flat area atop the mountain is said to have been formed by Hanumin in tossing his tail around the summit of the mountain like a lasso to obtain the herbs. The water of a lake known as Thale Chup Son is considered to be sacred, because Rima is believed to have immersed his arrow in the lake. In 1854 *· Professor and Head of Department of Indian Studies, Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. 1. Sathien Koset (Phya Anuman Rajadhon), Upakorn Ramakien (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2495, A.D. 1952), pp. 181 ff.; C. Ve1der. "Notes on the Riima Saga in Thailand," JSS., Vol. 56, pt. 1 (January 1968), pp. 44-46. 2. The principal portion of the official name of Bangkok is as follows : Krungthebmahanakhorn buanratanakosin mahintharayuthaya mahadilokphob nopharatrachathaniburirom.

50.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

51

A.D., the weapons of the Thai king Monkut were sprinkled with the water of the lake in order to strengthen them by the power of Rama. The impact of the Rima story in the Thai folk tradition is also evident from several expressions of proverbial value, which are traceable to the Rima story. Thus, for example, 'to fly further from Lanka' means 'to overdo somethmg' and this expression is apparently derived from the episode in which Hanuman during his journey towards Lanka is said to have flown beyond Lanka, because of his enthusiasm to find the whereabouts of Sita quickly. The expression "To measure the hoofprint' means 'to be disrespectful to one's parents' and this meaning is connected with the episode in which the buffalo named Thoraphi measures his hoof in the hoofprint of his father, because he wants to kill him as soon as he is grown up. In the same sense, the saying 'a child like Thoraphi' is used of one who does not obey his parents. The expression 'Origkot (Angada) rolls his tail' refers to a boaster, because Ongkot rolls up his tail and sits on it in order to be of equal height with Rava~a. The name Thosakan (Dasaka~!ha, or Rava~a) is used to refer to one, who does not have good manners. The expression 'beautiful as Sita' is considered to be the highest compliment to be paid to a girl of great beauty. If she has finely drawn eyebrows, the expression 'her brows are drawn like the bow of Rama' is used. The Rama story is also connected with magic incantations, and it is also believed that one who is able to read the complete story in seven days and seven nights can cause rain to fall for three days and three nights. As regards the Thai folk versions of the Rama story, a recent comparative study of the Thai folk versions entitled Phra Lak-Phra Lam, Rama Jataka, Horaman, Prommachak and Ramakien has shown that the Rama story in the course of transmission as folk tales has undergone several changes of detail, expansion, reduction, and transposttlon. Changes of detail are to be found particularly in the why-motifs and the how-motifs of the various characters' deeds, and these variations are found to occur usually at the beginning, at the juncture and at the end of the story. Local folk tales have also helped to furnish new materials. For example, in the northeastern version of Phar Lak-Phra Lam, the Naga ('serpent') is added as one of the most popular characters and there are episodes about a Niiga building a city for Rama's ancestors, and the Naga-king's daughters are given in marriage to both Rama and Hanuman. It is also found that Riima is turned into a typical folk romance hero, who takes a number of minor wives as he goes through the series of battles with the demons. Another characteristic of these folk versions is that they retain only the major characters such as Rama, Sitii, Rava~a, Valin, Sugriva and Hanuman. This reduction in the number of characters means a simplification of plot. Interchange or transposition of episodes and characters also occurs in the folk versions, and in some cases, Rama, Raval?-a, Valin and Sugriva are said to be the offsprings of the same ancestors; Indrajit becomes Rava~a's brother; and Vibhi~a~a is replaced by one of Rava~a's sons. It would thus

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S. Singaravelu

seem that as the Rama story passes through folk tradition, it undergoes changes and adapts itself to the local environment.!

2. The _Rima Story and the Thai Shadow-Play The basic repertoire of the Thai shadow-play known as the Nang2 consists exclusively of the episodes drawn from theRamastory.3 A favourite theme of the Nang in the ancient t1mes is the campaign of war waged by Raval?a's brothers Khorn (Khara), Thiit (Du~aJ?a) and Trisian (Trisiras) against Riima and his companions after Raval?a's sister Sammanakha (SiirpaJ?akha) is mutilated by Riima and Lak~maJ?a when she tries to molest Sita. The other popular episodes played by the Nang performers include the episode in which the demon Maiyarab (Maht RiivaJ?a) abducts Rama, who is then rescued by Hanuman. 4 It may be also noted in this connexion that the Nang Yai figures found in the Ledermuseum in Offenbach, Germany, depict other episodes such as Rama 1. Siraporn Thitathan, Ramakien: A Study in Tale Transmission, M A. thesis, Department of Thai Language. Graduate School, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, 1979. 2. The earliest known reference to the Thai shadow-play is to be found in the Palatine Law of the Thai king Boromatrailokanath, enacted in 1458. There is also a mention of the Nang in the Romance of the Lady Nophamas, which is an eighteenth century prose work depicting the royal court life of the thirteenth century Sukhothai kingdom. According to H_H, Prince Dhani Nivat, the Thai Nang had its origin in the Sumatran-based Sri Vijaya kingdom and since the time it reached the Menam valley in Thailand, it has developed into a distinctively Thai artistic form. There are two major types of the Nang, performed at night, and they are known as the Nang Yai ('~hadow-play of large hide-figures') and the Nang Talung ('Shadow-play of small hide-figures from Pattalung', a southern province of Thailand). When the Nang Y ai is played, each large hide-figure of originally one two metres in size is held up by its two poles on either hand of the performer in frcnt of a white screen, which is lit from behind. As the performer mampulates the figure, he bends and sways at the same time keeping time with his foot movements to the accompaniment of recitation of the episode and music. The smaller hide-figures of the Nang Talung are akin to those of the Wayang Kulit in Malaysia, and their movable arms and legs are manipulated by the performer from behind a screen. The third type of the Thai Nang is known as the Nang Ram or Rabam, and it used to be performed in day-time with coloured hide-figures. See Rene Nicolas, ''Le theatre d'ombres au Siam," JSS., Vol. 21 (1927), pp. 37-51 and Plates 1-17; H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, The Nang, Thai Culture New Series No.3, 3rd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B. E. 2505, A.D. 1962, 16 pp. and Plates. 3. Phya Anuman Rajadhon, A Brief Survey of Cultural Thailaud (Thailand Culture Series No.2, 4th edition, Bangkok: The National Culture Institute, B. E. 2499, A.D. 1956), p. 13. According to H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, the repertoire of the Nang in the old times included a Thai poem entited Samudghos of the seventeenth century A D., and later also the romance of the Javanese hero Panji. H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, The Nang (Bangkok, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), pp. 12-13. 4. H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, The Nang (Bangkok, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), p. 12.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

53

stringing the bow in the archery contest for the hand of Slta, Rama pitching camp on the seashore opposite the fortress of Rava:J?.a in LaJ:?kii and holding a council of war, Vibhi~aJ:].a's daughter Beiiyakay disguising herself as Sita to float midstream as if dead near Rima's camp in an attempt to dissuade Rama from continuing his campaign of war, the building of the causeway, Angada's mission to Lanka as Rima's emissary, Hanuman's adventures, the battles of RavaJ:].a's son Indrajit, and the battle between Rima and Ra va:J?.a.l

3. The Rima Story and the Classical Thai Drama The classical Thai dramatic art has in all times drawn its subjects from the Rima story. For example, the repertoire of the Thai Masked Play known as the Khon 2 is exclusively taken from the Rima story. The performers of the Khon, except those playing the divine and human roles, wear masks 3 and enact the story to the accompaniment of music and the recitation of texts containing poetic versions of the story composed by ancient poets. The recitations by the master of the Khon known as K'on P'ak, are of two kinds, namely, the K'am P'ak and the Ceraca. The K'am P'ak is the chanda poetry of the type specified as the Kab (K'iivya), and the Ceraca is the dialogue in rhythmic prose known as rai, which may also include description of action on stage. 4 The classical dramatic version of the Rama story in Thai, which is considered to be the most suitable for the presentation of the Khan on stage, is that of king Phra Phutthaloetla (1809-1824 A.D.), who is also known as king Rima II of the Cakri dynasty.s The greater number of episodes from the Rima story presented in the Khon relate to the various phases of battle between Rima and Rava:J?-8. The most popular episodes presented in the Khon by the Royal Department of Fine Arts in 1. H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat, "Hide Figures of the Ramakien at the Ledermuseum in Offenbach, Germany," JSS., Vol. 53, pt. 1 (January 1965), pp. 61-66 and 88 plates. 2. H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat and Dhanit Yupho, The Khon, Thai Culture New Series No. 6, 3rd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962. 3. Dhanit Yupho, Khon Masks, Thai Culture New Series No. 7, 2nd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962. The masks worn by the performers playing the roles of the demonic and simian characters are of various kinds. For example, Ravatta's mask is in the form of a two-tiered crown with the lower tier showing demonic faces and the top tier showing a celestial face. Vibhi~al}a's mask consists of a gourd-like crown. Hanumin wears a white coronet. 4. H. H. Prince Dhani Nivat and Dhanit Yupho, The Khon (Bangkok, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), pp. 3-4.

5. Ibid., p. 6; Bot Lakhon ruang Ramakien, Phrarachanlphon Somdet Phra Phuttaloetla naphalal (Bangkok, 1956).

54

S. Singaravelu

Bangkok include those relating to the abduction of Rima by the demon Maiyarab, Hanumin's journey to Lanka, and the fire-ordeal of Siti.l Another form of the classical Thai drama is known as Lakhon, and it is played by actors and actresses, who sing and speak on suitable occasions during the performances. Though the repertoire of the Lakhon is generally drawn from the romantic tales of kings and demons composed in verse for the purpose, the Rama story also offers a wide range of subjects of the performance of the Lakhon to suit the tastes of the rural and the urban audience. 2

4. · The Rima Story in Thai Sculpture and Painting Both the oral and written tradition of the Rima story is represented in the Thai fine arts such as sculpture and mural painting. The chief characters as well as episodes of the Rima story form part of the decoration in Buddhist temple8. For example, the Wat Phra Jetubon (Chethuphon) in Bangkok displays 152 marble panels of relief sculptures, which relate the episodes of the Rima story from Riva:q.a's abduction of Slti to the fall of a demon known as Sahasadecha,3 Many temples show sculptures of the monkey warriors and the subdued demons as the guardians of doors in temples such as the Royal Temple and the Wat Arun in Bangkok. The doors of the Wat Phra Jetubon show scenes from the Rima stroy inlaid in mother of pearl. 4 As regards mural paintings, the oldest Thai murals from the Ayuthayi period (14th-18th centuries A.D.) depicting the Rima story are to be seen in the cave of Yala. 5 In Bangkok, several Buddhist temples are decorated with murals depicting the Rima legend. The entourage of Rima is seen on the walls between the windows of the Wihan in Wat Suthat dating from the mid-19th century A.D. The arcades of the Emerald Buddha temple in the compound of the Royal Palace are decorated with 178 panels of mural paintings depicting the Rima story from king Janaka's discovery of Siti to the final restoration of Siti to Rima.6 These murals date from the time of the Thai king Phra Nang Klao (1824-1851 A.D.), who is also known as king Rima III, and they were renovated again in 1927 during the reign of king Prajadipok (1925-1935 A.D.), who is also known as King Rima VII. 1. Dhanit Yupho, The Khon and Lakon, Dance dramas presented by the Department of Fine Arts (Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, 1963), pp. 1-71. 2. Ibid., pp. 73-260. 3. J.M. Cadet, The Ramakien, the Thai epic. Illustrated with the bas-reliefs of Wat Phra Jetubon, Bangkok. Tokyo : Kodansha International Ltd., 1971. These panels of sculptures are said to have been brought from Ayuthayi after the fall of the city in 1767 A.D. C. Velder, op. cit., p. 43. 4. C. Velder, "Notes on the Rima Saga in Thailand," ISS., Vol. 56, pt. 1 (January 1968), p. 43. 5. Ibid., p. 42. 6. The Ramakien Murals, Bangkok: Vanchalerm Kanchanamongkol World Press Co., Ltd., 1968.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

55

5. The Rima Story in Thai Literature The earliest known reference in a Thai document to the Rama legend occurs in the inscription of king Rama Khamhaeng of 1292 A.D., which is also the earliest known record in Thai language. The inscription, while enumerating the geographical location of important sites in the Sukhothai kingdom, mentions two caves named after Rama and Sita near the Sampat river in the vicinity of the capital. Subsequently during the reign of the Ayuthaya ruler Ramathibodi in the fifteenth century A.D., two verses relating to the royal consecration of water refer to Rama and his brother Lak~ma~a. Rima's victory over the demons in Lanka is mentioned in a poem composed during the reign of king Boromatrailokanath (1448-1488 A.D.). King Dasaratha and Sita are mentioned in some verses composed during the reign of king Phra Naray (1656-1688 A.D.), while another poem of the same period speaks of Riima and his sacred arrow subduing the demons in Lanka. King Janaka's discovery of Sita and Rama's mutilation of Surpai?-akhii are mentioned in a Lakhon text, belonging to the eighteenth century A.D. During the Thonburi period (1768-1782 A.D.), Phraya Mahanuphab's Nirat poem, dealing with the theme of lovers' separation, refers to the episode, in which Riima slays the demon Miirica in the form of a golden deer.' Apart from these scattered references to the particular characters and episodes of the Rama legend in various Thai literary works, there are also several early texts known as Kham Phak Ramakien and Bot Lakhon Ramakien dealing with specific episodes of the Riima legend, and some of them are believed to have been composed during the Ayuthaya period (1350-1767 A.D.) for the purpose of recitation in connexion with the shadow-play and other dramatic performances.2 It is also evident from some of the surviving fragments of the early Thai literary versions that the Rima story was well established in the Thai literary tradition during the Ayuthaya period. 3 However, with the fall of Ayuthayii in 1767 A.D., almost all the works of Thai literature were lost. Subsequently in 1770, king Taksin of Thonburi is known to have composed a Lakhon version of the story, 4 but this version only deals with certain adventures of Hanuman in Lanka and with the story of Rama's son known as Monkut. Then, the first monarch of the Bangkok period king Phra Phuttha Yotfa, who is also known as king Rima I of Cakri dynasty, initiated the task of collecting all the available materials pertaining to 1.

cr.

2.

cr.

Sathien Koset (Phya Anuman Rajadhon), Upakorn Rumakien (Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department. B.E. 2495, A.D. 1952), pp. 170-173; C. Velder, "Notes on the Rama Saga in Thailand," JSS .. Vol 56, pt. l (January 1968). pp. 34-35.

P. Schweisguth, Etude sur Ia Litterature Siamoise (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1951), pp. 395-397. 3. C. Velder, op. cit., pp. 35-36. 4. Bot Lakhon R'iimakien Phrarachaniphon Somdet Phra Cau Krung Thonburi, Bangkok, B.E. 2484, A.D. 1942.

56

S. Singaravelu

the Rama story from the surviving _oral and written sources, and in 1798 A.D., he composed the most comprehensive Thai literary version known as the Ramakienl (Ramakirti, 'Rama's Glory'). Subsequently in 1815 A.D., king Phra Phutthaloetla (Rama II) wrote a dramatic version suitable for the Khan and Lakhon performances. Similar versions have also been composed by king Monkut (Rama IV) in 1825 and by king Wachirawut (Rama VI) in 1910.

6. The Sources of The Thai Ramakien The question of the basic sources of the Thai Ramakien may be approached from the viewpoint of the geographical as well as the historical background of the Thai kingdom. From the geographical viewpoint, the Thai people have had as their neighbours the Laotians in the north, the Burmese in the west, the Khmers in the east and the Malays in the south. From the historical point of view, prior to the appearance of the Thai kingdom in the thirteenth century A.D., Menam valley, or what is· now central Thailand, was peopled by the Moo-speaking people of the lndianized Dvaravatl kingdom and later it was also part of the Indianized Khmer empire, while the Malay Peninsula was under the influence of the Sumatran-based Sr'i Vijaya empire. Therefore, when the Thai people began to inhabit the Menam valley as well as the northern region of the Malay Peninsula, they would have come in contact with several elements of the lndianized civilization of the areas, and the Rama story was no doubt one of the popular elements, which they adopted. 2 As regards the basic sources of the Thai literary version, it is geneally believed by Thai scholars that the Rama legend in the form of oral tradition reached the Menam valley together with the shadow-play through the Malay Peninsula from the Sri Vijaya empire.3 This view seems to be also supported by the fact that there is a great deal of similarity between the shadow-play versions of the Malay Peninsula and the Thai literary and dramatic versions in regard to several motifs and episodes of the 1. Ramakien Phrarachaniphon ratchakan thi 1 (The Riimakien of the First Reign}, 4 Vols. Bangkok: Khruusapha, 1951. 2. Phya Anuman Rajadhon, A Brief Survey of Cultural Thailand (4th edition, Bangkok: The National Culture Institute, B.E. 2499, A.D. 1956). pp. 3-7. 3. Phya Anuman Rajadhon, Thai Literature in relation to the diffusion of her cultures (2nd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2506, A.D. 1963), p. 10; H. H. Prince Dhani Nivat, The Nang (3rd edition, Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), pp. 5-6; H. H. Prince Dhani Nivat and Dhanit Yupho, The Khan (3rd edition), Bangkok: The Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), pp. 5-6. See also P. Schweisguth, Etude sur Ia Litterature Siamoise (Paris: lmprimeria Nationale, 1951), pp. 63-65.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

57

Rama story.l Furthermore, it is also noteworthy that some of the earliest known texts in Thai dealing with certain episodes of the Rama story are known to have been composed for the specific purpose of recitation during the shadow-play and other dramatic performances, and apparently some of these texts were also included in the collection of sources for the composition of the literary version. Though there is no doubt that the Thai literary version was derived mainly from the oral sources, there is also reason to believe that certain literary versions from the Indian sub-continent were also used as the sources for the composition of the Thai Ramakien by king Rama I, and these versions included the Sanskrit epic of Valmiki as well as the Tamil, Bengali, and Hindi versions of the Rama story. 2

7. The Major Characteristics of the Rimakien The Ramakien3 of king Rama I is a long poetic version composed in Thai metrical klon verse form, written originally on 102 folios, each folio consisting of 24 pages, each page containing four lines of approximately 20 words each, and the entire work containing 52,086 verses and 195,840 words. It is to be noted, however, that, unlike the Indian versions, the Ramakien is not sub-divided either into major sections such as kanda or chapters, but for purposes of analysis, we may treat this work as consisting of three major parts, the first part dealing with the origin of the chief characters, the second part depicting the chief dramatic events of the story including the fall of Rava~a, and the final part describing the events which occur after Rama's conquest of RavaJ?a. A noteworthy feature of the first part of the Riimakien dealing with the origin of the chief characters is that it begins with the story of Phra Naray (Lord Naraya9a, 1. Cf. P.L. Amin Sweeney, The R'iim'iiyaJJa and the Malay Shadow-Play (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1972), pp. 206-255. C. Velder, op. cit., p. 36; Phya Anumun Rajadhon. A Brief Survey of Cultural Thailand (Bangkok, B.E. 2499, A.D. 1956), p. 15; H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat and Dhanit Yupho, The Khan (Bangkok, B.E. 2505, A.D. 1962), PP- 5-6. 3. Rtimakien Phrarachaniphon ratchakan thi I (The Ramakien of the FirstReign), 4 Vols., Bangkok: Khruusapha, 1951, 2976 pp. A summary translation of the Ramaklen in English by Swami Satyananda Puri and Charoen Sarahiran was published in 1940 and a reprint of it appeared in 1949. A German translation of the R'iimak1en by C. Velder was publ1shed in 1962, and an English translation of this work by R.A. Olsson was published in 1968. See Riimakien (Ramakien) or the Thai version of the R'iimayana, Summary translation by Swami Satyananda Puri and Charoen Sarahiran, Bangkok : Dharmashrama and Prachandr Press, B.E. 24~3. A.D. I 940; reprint, Bangkok: Thai Bharat Cultural Lodge and Satyananda Puri Foundation, 1949; C. Velder, Der Kampf der Gotter Und Damonen, Aus dem Thailandischen Ramakien ubertragen und mit einem Nachwort versehen von C. Velder, Schwmfurt: Neues Forum, 1962; R.A. Olsson (Trans.)., The Ramakien, A Prose Translation of the Thai Ramiiyal}a, Bangkok : Praepittaya Company Limited Partnership, 1968. 2.

58

S. Singaravelu

or Vi~f?.U) in the form of a boar vanquishing the demon Hiranyak (HiraJ:?.yak~a),l and this is followed by an account of the origin and the antecedents of Riivaf?.a, who is known as Thosakan (Dasaka~!ha). According to the Ramakien, Phra Isuan (Lord isvara, or Siva) accords his servant Nonthok (Nandaka) a boon which will enable him to change his index finger into a diamond and destroy anyone at whom he points this finger, and as Nonthok begins to misuse his power, Phra Naray assumes the form of a charming young woman and dances in front of Nonthok, who also tries to imitate the the various movements of her hands. At a particular moment, Nonthok happens to point his diamond finger towards himself and instantly his bones are crushed by the power of his own finger. 2 Nonthok is Jeter reborn as Thosakan, who is said to be the son of Lastiyan (Pulastya). Thosakan's mother, who is named Rachada, gives birth to four other sons named Phiphek (Vibhi~a~a), Kumphakan (Kumbhakar~a), Khorn (Khara), and Thiit (Dii~a~a), and to a daughter named Sammanakha (SurpaJ:?.akha). Thosakan has also four other half-brothers named Kuperan (Kubera), Tephanasun Aksarathada, and Maran, who are born of Lastiyan's four other wives named Sumanta, Citramala, Suwanmala, and Prapai. 3 Thosakan first marries Kala Akhi, who is the daughter of Kala Nakha (Kala Naga) of the Underworld, and later he receives Nang Mantho Thewi (Maq~odari), who is said to have been created from a frog4 by four 1. The legend of the demon Hirarnak~a rolling up the earth like a mat and tucking it under his armpit before vanishing into the Underworld, where he is vanquished by Lord Vi~l}u in the form of boar is to be found in the Purunas such as the Narasimha-PurliiJa and the BhagavataPur'ii'!a (III, xvii-xix). This legend occurs as a prelude in the Ramaklen apparently because of another legend to be found in the Bhagavata-Purii'!a (III, xvi. 7-ll; VII, i, 35-46) that Hira!].yak~a and his brother Hira11-yakasipu were the first of the three reincarnations of Lord Vi~nu's gatekeepers Jaya and Vijaya, to be later reborn as Riva9a and his brother Kumbhakarl}a. 2.

According to the Skanda-Purana (V. 3.6 7). Lord Siva bestows upon a demon named Kalapf~~ha the power of reducing anyone to ashes by touching the head of that person with his hand, and later when the demon wants to test his power on Lord Siva himself, Lord Vi~nu assumes the form of an enchantress and persuades the demon to place his hand on his own head and the demon is reduced to ashes.

3.

See diagram on Rava9a's genealogy in the Ramakien. The name Lastiyan appears to be a Tamil name-form, derived from Pulastiya!l, or Pulatriyan, for the Sanskrit name Pulastya. The names Kuperan and Maran are also identical with the Tamil name-forms KuberaiJ and Mara'!. for the Sanskrit names Kubera and Mara, though Maran does not figure as one of Riival}a's brothers in the Tamil literary version of the story.

4.

In the Dharmaparik:ra of the JainistAmitagati, Maf!.~odari's mother is said to be a frog-woman, who swallows the sperm of Maya the ascetic. Moreover, the motif of Nang Mantho Thewi being created from a frog is reminiscent of the Sanskrit term mal}diika meaning a 'frog'. Cf. A. Zieseniss The Rama Saga in Malaysia (Singapore, 1963), p. 111.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

59

sages, as a gift from Phra Isuan in appreciation of Thosakan's help in setting the Kailasa mountain upright again after a demon named Virulhok has caused its tilting to one side.l The children, whom Thosakan begets during his conquest of the world, include a golden mermaid named Suphanna-Maccha, born of a fish, and two sons named Thosakirithorn and Thosakiriwan, born of a female elephant in the forest of Himaphan. Later he also begets a son by Nang Mantho Thew!, and he is at first named Ronapak, but after his victory over Indra, he is called Inthorochit (lndrajit). As regards the origin of the simian characters, Phali (Va:Iin) and Sukhrip (Sugrlva) are born of Kala Acanii, the wife of king Khodam (Gi5tama), as the result of her adultery with Phra In (lndra) and Phra Athit (Aditya, the sun-god), and when king Khodam immerses them into a lake in order to test their legitimacy, they become monkeys and vanish into the forest. Phra In and Phra Athit build a city known as Khidkhin (Ki~kindha) for their sons. 2 Phiili becomes the king of Khidkhin and Sukhrip his deputy. When the Sumen (Sumeru) mountain tilts to one side because of Ramsiiun hurling Phra Archun (Arjuna) at the mountain, Phali and Sukhrip help to push the mountain to its original position.3 Phra Isuan rewards PhaU with a trident and certain magic power which will transfer to Phaii half the strength of anyone who fights with him.4 Phra Isuan also rewards Sukhrip with a beautiful young maiden I. The role of Rival}a in trying to uproot the mountain of Kailiisa in the Hindu versions such as the Sanskrit epic of Valmiki (VII, 16} and the Tamil Uttarakaf!lam of 0Hakkuttar (7 : 63-7 5} is apparently reversed to that of Riva~a setting the mountain upright again in the Ramakien (I, 134-144 J.

2. The story relating to the birth of Phiili and Sukhrip in the Rumakien would seem to be the result of the combination as well as the modification of two different motifs to be found in the Sanskrit version of Valmiki, the Tamil version of Kamba!!. and the Tamil Uttarakuntam of O~~akkiittar, namely, the motif of Ahalya, who is the wife cf the sage Gautama, committing adultery with lndra, and the motif of a monkey king named J3,ksarajas jumping into a pool on the Meru mountain, being changed into a beautiful woman and later giving birth to Valin and Sugrfva, who have Indra and Siirya ('the sun-god'} as their fathers, respectively. RK., I, 72-86; V R., I, 48; VII, the first of the interpolated chapters occurring between Ch. 37 and Ch. 38; KR., I, 9: 74-79; IR (OU)., 11:43, pp. 920-921. 3. The details of this episode in the Ramakien, such as the serpent Ananta wrapping himself around the Sumeru mountain, the gods and the demi-gods pulling the serpent while Phii1i pushes the mountain to its original position, are reminiscent of the episode in the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., IV, 5: 30, pp, 410-411), in which Valin is depicted as helping the gods and the demons in churning the Ocean of Milk while holding the head and tail of the serpent Visuki, who wraps himself around the Mandara mountain. 4. The motif of Vilin taking away half the strength of his opponent is to be found in the Tamil version of Kamba~ (KR., IV, 3: 40}.

S. Singaravelu

60

6----. Thada Phrohm (Ohota Brahma)

1-----6-~~~~il

0-----1

r--

6.

Thosakan (Dasaka0\ha/Rava0al

lastiyon (Pulastya)

-D.

Motlko

Phiphek

(Vibhi~a0al

-6. Kumphakan (Kumbhakor0ol

I--

6. Khorn (Khora)

6_

MALE

0

FEMALE

t----

6. Thut cou~c:0al

0

o_j

Spmmonakha (Surpanakha)

Rocha do

6. 0-_____j Sumcnta

Kuperan (Kuberol

6. Tephonasun

0-Citramala

6. Aksarathoda

0--_.J Suwanmata

6. Moran

0--Prapai

Fir,.

'1.

'rho Gcne.•logy of Ra'lana in the Thai R.imakien

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

61

named Dara (Tara), but Phali takes her for himself. Subsequently, PhaU also seizes Thosakan's consort Nang Mantho Thewi and begets a son named Ongkot (Angada) before she is restored to Thosakan.l Another major episode, which leads to Phali banishing Sukhrip to the forest relates to Phaii's battle with a buffalo named Thoraphi. According to the Ramakien, 2 Phra lsuan's gatekeeper Nonthakan (Nanthakala) is reborn on earth as a buffalo named Thorapha, who kills all the bull calves as soon as they are born, in order to perpetuate his stay in the forest on earth. However, one of the cows manages to run away from the herd soon after receiving Thorapha's seed and gives birth to a son named Thoraphl secretly in a cave. After Thoraphi is told by his mother why he has not seen his father, he wants to kill his father. One day, Thoraphi goes out of the cave and matches the size of his hoof-prints with those of his father and finds that they are of the same size, and finally Thorapha is gored to death by his own son. Phra Isuan curses Thoraphi for having killed his own father and tells him that he will be killed by PhaU and then he will be reborn as a demon named Monkonkan, to be killed by Rama. Before Phaii goes to fight with Thoraphi in a cave, he tells Sukhrlp that, if the colour of the blood flowing out of the cave is bright red, it will signify Phali's death. Therefore, when Sukhrip sees bright red blood flowing from the cave, he assumes that Phali is dead, and after having closed the exit of the cave, he becomes the ruler of Khidkhin.

However, he is unaware that rain water has diluted the

buffalo's dark thick blood and has made it appear to be bright red and that Pna!I has in fact vanquished Thoraphi.

After Phaii comes out of the cave, he banishes

Sukhrip to the forest, where Sukhrip meets Hanuman, and they both practise asceticism.3 As regards Hanuman's birth, king Khodam's wife Kala Acana curses her daughter named Sawaha to perform penance with her mouth open until she brings forth a monkey child as punishment for the exposure of her mother's adultery, and after the wind-god places Phra lsuan's celestial weapons in the mouth of Sawaha, Hanuman of white complexion is born of her mouth. Hanuman at first stays with 1. RK., I, 146-163. 2. RK., I, 212-217 and 432-450. 3.

According to the Sanskrit epic ofV'almiki (VR., IV, 11), Valin kills a demon named Dundubhi, who assumes the form of a buffalo, and later Valin also fights with Dundubhi's son named JV1ayivi in a cavern, which is guarded by Sugriva. After remaining at the mouth of the cavern for a whole year, Sugriva sees blood mixed with foam flowing out of the cave, and assuming that Valin is dead, he blocks the mouth of the cavern. However. Valin comes out of the cavern after killing Mayavi, and banishes Sugriva to the forest, accusing him of treachery.

S. Singaravelu

62

Phall and Sukhr'lp in accordance with Phra Isuan's command, and after Phali banishes Sukhrip to the forest, Hanuman becomes an ally of Sukhrip.I As regards the lineage and birth of Rama, who is known as Phra Ram in the Ramak/en, his ancestors are said to be of divine origin, which is traced back to Phra Naray (Lord Narayaq.a, or

Vi~q.u)

through king Thosorot (Dasaratha), Achaban and

Anomatan. Phra Ram himself is the reincarnation of Phra Naray, and his brothers Phra Lak (Laksana, or Lak~maq.a), Phra Phrot (Bharata), and Phra Satrud (Satrughna) are the manifestations of Phra Naray's emblems, namely, the serpent Ananta, the discus, and the mace, respectively. 2 Phra Ram's consort Nang S'lda (Sita) is also said to be the reincarnation of Phra Naray's consort Lak~mi, but she is born as the daughter of Thosakan in Lanka and later becomes the adoptive daughter of king Chonok (Janaka) of Mithila.3 The birth of Phra Ram, his brothers, and his consort Nang Sida is caused by king Thosorot's queens Kausuriya (Kausalya), Kaiyakes'l (Kaikey'l) and Samuthra Thewi (Sumitra), and Thosakan's consort Nang Mantho Thew'l partaking of the sacrificial meal of cooked rice, which is consecrated by a sage named Kalaikot. 4 1. RK, I, 82, 86-89 and 93-95. In the Sanskrit epic of Viilmiki (V R., IV, 66), as well as in the Tamil version of Kamba!.! (KR., IV, 2 : 2, 3 and 16) and in the Tamil Uttarak'iif!.tam ( 11: 9), Hanumiin is said to be the son of Vayu ('the wind-god') and Aiijana. According to other legends such as those to be found in the Tamil version of Kamba~ (KR., I, 5 : 27; KKII., I, 5: 28) and in the Skanda-Pur'iil]a, Kedarakhanda, Ch. 8), Hanumin is an aspect of Lord Siva. It would therefore seem that the birth-story of Hanumiin in the Ramakien is the result of combination and modification of different motifs such as Sawiiha, instead of Aiijana, being mentioned as the mother of Hanumiin, Sawiiha being mentioned as the sage Gautama's daughter, Gautama's wife cursing her daughter because of the betrayal of her adultery, and Lord Siva {Phra lsuan) and the wind god playmg a role in Hanumin's birth.

2.

According to the Tamil version of Kamba!_! (KR., I, 5 : 21-22; KKII., I, 5: 22-23), Lord Vi~l!u reincarnates himself as Rima, while his emblems, namely the serpant Ananta, the discus, and the conch-shell are reborn as Lak~maJ?.a, Bharata, and §atrughna, respectively.

3. It is noteworthy that, while in the Sanskrit epic of Viilm1ki (V R., I, 66) and the Tamil version of Kainba!! (KR., I. 12 : I 6- I 7) Sita is said to have appeared miraculously in the furrow to be adopted by king Janaka, and in the Jaina version entitled Vasudevahindi of Sarighadiisa, belonging to the fifth century A D., Sita is born as Riivana's daughter, who is later adopted by king Janaka, in the Riimakien several elements such as the reincarnation of the goddess Lak~m1 as Sita, her birth as the daughter of Riiva¥a, and king Janaka discovering her while ploughing the ground, are combined to present an elaborate motif of Sitaii's birth and parentage. 4. The name-form Kalaikot is identical with the Tamil name· form Kalaikko{!u-mu1Ji occurring in · the 1 amil version of Kamba!! (KR., I, 5 : 36; KKII., I, 5 : 37; KR., I, 11 : 15) for the Sanskrit name J!.syasrnga.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

63

The distinctive qualities of the Riimakien may be also seen in its second part, which deals with the main drama of the story covering such major episodes as Phra Ram's marriage to Nang Sida, the banishment of Phra Ram, Thosakan's abduction of Nang Slda, Phra Ram's meeting with Hanuman and Sukhrlp, the fall of PhaU, Hanuman's journey to Lanka, the building of the causeway, the battle in Lanka, the fall of Thosakan, Phra Ram's reunion with Nang Slda and their return to Ayuthaya. The chief innovations to be found in these episodes of the second part include the following: (1)

Phra Ram and Nang Sida fall in love at first sight before the archery contest. I

(2)

Queen Kaiyakesi:'s hunch-back servant named Kucci, who bears a grudge against Phra Ram because of his childhood prank of taking shots at her hunch-back with bow and arrow, 2 instigates the queen to ask for the banishment of Phra Ram by reminding king Thosorot of his earlier promise of a boon in appreciation of the queen's help in averting the danger of the king's chariot breaking down during the battle against a demon named Pathuthan.

(3)

Phra Lak inadvertently kills Sammanakha's son Kumphakat when the latter is performing penance in bamboo thickets.3

(4)

Sammanakha assumes the form of a beautiful woman 10 an attempt to seduce Phra Ram and Phra Lak before she is punished by them. 4

(5)

When Sadayu (Jatayu) boasts that Nang Slda's ring is more powerful than himself, Thosakan snatches the ring from her finger and hurls it at Sadayu, wounding him mortally, and Sadayu holds up the ring on his beak until he is met by Phra Ram.s

1. This motif is to be found in the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., I, I 0: 35- 38) and it is reflective of the popular theme of premarital love, depicted in the classical Tamil poetry. 2.

A similar motif is also to be found in the Tamil version of Kamban (KR., II, 2: 41) and in the Malay Hikayat Seri R'iima (HSR., SH., 60).

3.

According to Vimala Suri's Jaina version entitled Paumacariya, Lak~ma'Ja inadvertently kills Candranakhii's son Sambuka when he practises asceticism in a bamboo thicket. Cf. A. Zieseniss, The Rama Saga in Malaysia (Singapore, 1963), pp. 131-132.

4.

A similar motif is to be found in the Tamil version of Kamba!!. (KR., II, 5 : 30-33) and in the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., SH .. 88).

5.

According to the Malay Hikayat Serl Rama, Siti drops her ring into the beak of Ja~ayu to be given to Riima. HSR., RO., 100; A. Zieseniss, op. cit., p. 46.

64

S. Singaravelu

(6)

When Hanuman sees Phra Ram sleeping in the lap of Phra Lak, he tries to awaken him by letting leaves fall on him and by snatching Phra Lak's bow and mocking at him. Subsequently,- Phra Ram recognises Hanuman by his special features such as his earrings, which cannot be seen by anyone else except Phra Naray.l (7) As Phra Ram cannot differentiate between Phali a~d Sukhrip at the time of their duel, be ties a piece of white cloth around the right wrist of Sukhrip before he goes to fight with Phali for the second time.2 (8)

When Phra Ram shoots his arrow at PhaU, he catches it in his band and asks Phra Ram to stay out of fighting, and when Phra Rim asks for a mere drop of blood to rub on his arrow in order to fulfil Phra Isuan's decree, PhiU says that, as a noble warrior, he must fulfil every condition of Phra Isuan's decree, and then he plunges the arrow into himsel£.3

(9)

Phra Rim enlists the help of another monkey ruler named Mab'i Chomphu in addition to the assistance of Sukhrip and Hanumin. 4 (10) When Hanumin meets Nang Sida in Lanka, she asks for the marks of his identity, and Hanuman gives her ring and kerchief to her, and when she is not satisfied with these, Hanuman discloses the secret about the love at first sight, which is known to Phra Rim and herself only.s (11) After Hanumin is caught by Thosakan's son Inthorochit, be is set ablaze by Thosakan's diamond spear, and after reducing Lanka to ashes, Hanumin extinguishes the fire on his tail by sticking the tip of his tail into his mouth and at the same time pinching his nose. 1. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., RO., 107-109), when Rima is sleeping in the lap of Lak~maJ?a,

Hanumiin snatches the three arrows of Riima from Lak~maJ?a and disappears into the foliage of a tamarind tree, and later Rima recognises Hanumiin as his son by his earrings.

2.

According to the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., IV, 7: 52; KKII., IV, 7: 61), on Rima's suggestion, Sugriva himself ties a wild creeper plant with flowers around his neck. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., RO., 114-115) Rima winds a root around Sugriva's body.

3. In the Malay Hikayat Seii Rama (HSR .• RO., 115-117; SH, 108-109), when Riima asks for the return of the arrow, Valin replies that the arrow of Lord Vi~~u must reach its target, and then as he flings the arrow towards the ground, it rises into the air, and swerving back, it pierces Vilin to death.

4. A similar episode is to be found in the Malay Hikaynt Slfri Rama (HSR., RO., 120-130), but not in the Sanskrit epic of Viilmiki, nor in the Tamil version of Kamba!!. It may be also noted that the name of the monkey ruler, whose help is enlisted by Rima, is given as Samburana in HSR. 5. In the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., IV, 13: 67; KKJ/., IV, 12: 67) as well as in the R'iimakien (RK., II, 102-103), before Hanumin's departure to Latikii, Riima relates to him the secret of the love at first sight, known only to Rima and Siti, so that Hanumin may establish his identity by telling Siti of the incident.

THE RaMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

65

(12) At the time of building the causeway, a quarrel breaks out between Hanuman and Maha Chomphii's adoptive son Nilaphat, and Phra Ram orders Nilaphat to return to Khidkhin to take over the command of the city. (13) Thosakan asks his fish daughter Suphanna-Maccha to destroy the causeway, I but Hanuman wins over her friendship by making love to her, and Suphanna-Maccha later gives birth to a son named Macchanu who resembles Hanuman.2

(14) Thosakan's brother Phiphek (Vibhi~al).a) defects to Phra Ram after the monkey army has crossed over to Lanka. (15) At the command of Thosakan, Phiph7k's daughter named Beiiyakay assumes the form of Nang Sida and floats up the nver near Phra Ram's camp as though she is dead in an attempt to make Phra Ram give up his siege of Lanka, but Hanuman exposes her trickery. After Phra Ram forgives her, she is taken to Thosakan's palace, where Hanuman makes love to her, and subsequently she gives birth to Hanuman's son named Asuraphad. (16) Phra Ram's emissary Ongkot goes to Thosakan's palace, where he rolls up his tail and sits on it, so as to be on the same level as Thosakan.3 (17) At the comand of Thosakan, the king of the Underworld Maiyarab abducts Phra Ram with the intention of killing him, but Hanumiin rescues Phra Ram and kills Maiyarab. 4 1. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Riima (HSR., RO .. 141-143; SH., 158-159), RivaJ]a's son Gangga Mahasura instructs the fish in the sea to destroy the causeway, and Hanuman paralyses the fish by whipping the water with his tail. 2.

According to the Malay Hikayat Seri Riima (HSR., SH., 190-191), at the time of Hanuman's flight to Lanka across the sea, his sperm falls into the sea, and a fish swallows it and later gives birth to a son named Hanumiin Tuganggah, who is brought up by Raval!-a's son Gati.gga Mahasura.

3. In the Bengali version entitled Angader Raiviira, composed by Kavicandra in the eighteenth century A.D., Angada elongates his tail, rolls it up and sits on it, so as to be on an equal level wita Rava~a. D. sen, The Bengali Ramaya~J.as (Calcutla, 1920), pp. 218-219. 4.

According to the B~ngali version entitled Mahi Ravaner Pala, composed by Krttivasa in the fifteenth century A.D., Ravat;ta's son Mahi Riival]a abducts Rima and Lak~max:a with the intention of sacrificing them to the goddess Kiili but Hanuman rescues them after slaying Mahi Riivax:a. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., SH., 184-194), Rival?-a's son Patala Mahii.riiyan abducts Rima, but Hanuman rescues Rima, and Patala Maharayan is killed by Rima during the battle on the following day.

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S. Singaravelu

(18) Kumphakan's magic spear known asMokha Sakticauses Phra Lak to faint, and Hanuman fetches the medicinal herbs to revive Phra Lak back to life. (19) Kumphakan at the point of his death sees Phra Ram with the attributes of Phra Naray and repents for not having heeded Phiphek's advice. (20) Before Inthrochit is killed by Phra Ram, Angada brings a diamond bowl from heaven to catch Inthrochit's head to avert conflagration of fire on earth. (21) lyltilaphalam (Miilabala) is said to be the name of the deputy king of Phangtan.l (22) After Phra Lak is struck with Thosakan's Kabilaphat spear, Hanuman brings the medicinal herbs, as well as the dung of the sacred bull Usuparat, a mortar belonging to Kala Nakha of the Underworld, and a pestle kept by Thosakan under his pillow.2 (23) Hanuman ties up Thosakan's hair with that of his wife, and the knot is untied only after Thosakan's wife strikes on his head three times.3 (24) Thosakan's consort Nang Mantho Tbewi prepares an elixir of life in order to revive all the dead demons, and Hanuman assumes the form of Thosakan and tells her to stop producing the elixir. (25) Hanuman and Ongkot (Angada) pretend to defect to Thosakan and take possession of the receptacle containing his soul from his teacher Khobutacan. (26) Hanuman crushes the receptacle containing Thosakan's soul when Phra Ram's arrow strikes Thosakan's chest, thus causing him to breathe his last. (27) Phra Ram himself ignites the logs of wood with his arrow for Nang Sida's fire-ordeal. 4 1. In the Sanskrit epic of Viilmiki (V R., VI, 94) and in the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., VI, 30: 2-3), the term Mulabala (Miilapalam in KR) refers to the reserve troops of Riiva:J,la. It may be also noted that the name-form Mi.taphalam in the Ramakien is identical with the Tamil name-form M'iilapa/am. 2. In the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., SH., 241-245), Hanuman fetches the medicinal herbs as well as the stone from Rava'?a's bed-chamber to grind the herbs. 3.

Acceding to the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR., SH .• 245), Haaumiin ties up Riival}a's hair with that of his wife, and it is untied only after his wife inflicts a blow on his head.

4. In the Sanskrit epic of Viilmiki (V R., VI, I 18) and in the Tamil version of Kamba!! (KR., VI, 37 : 78- 79), Lak~ma:J,la erects the pyre, and according to the Malay Hikayat Seri Riima (HSR., SH., 254-255), Hanumiin erects the pyre for Sitii's fire-ordeal.

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

67

(28) On Phiphek's suggestion, Phra Ram destroys the causeway with his

Phralayawat arrow after he and his companions return to the mainland from Lanka. I (29) Phra Ram distributes the various parts of his kingdom to his brothers and the monkey warriors.

(30) Phra Ram creates a new city known as Nophburi for Hanuman. As regards the innovations introduced in the third part of the Ramakien, the following episodes may be mentioned as examples: (1)

Thosakan's son Phaina Suriyawong (Thosaphin), born of Nang Mantho Thewi after Thosakan's death, rebels against Phiphek and imprisons him, but he is later vanquished by Phra Phrot.

(2)

Nang Sida draws a picture of Thosakan on a slate at the request of a demoness named Adun, who assumes the form of a beautiful maid,2 and Phra Ram orders Phra Lak to take Nang Sida to the forest and kill her. Phra Lak, however, leaves her in the forest and brings back the heart of a doe and shows it to Phra Ram as that of Nang Sida.

(3)

Nang Sida finds refuge with a sage named Wachamarik in the forest.

(4)

After Nang Sida gives birth to a son named Phra Monkut, the sage Wachamarik creates another child named Phra Loph by drawing a picture of Phra Monkut on a magic slate and placing it in the sacred fire. 3

(5)

As Nang Sida refuses to return to Ayuthaya, Phra Ram resorts to the strategem of sending Hanuman to convey the false news of his death to her. (6) Nang Sida is annoyed at being a victim of Phra Ram's trick and she disappears into the Underworld.

1. According to the Skanda-Purana, Rima breaks the causeway into three parts in order to prevent men from entering Lanka. V. Raghavan, The Greater Riimayal}a (Varanasi, 1973, p. 43. 2.

According to the Bengali version of Candrd:vati and the Malay Hikayat Siiri Rama (HSR., SH., 268-270), Sita draws the picture of Rii.val}a on a fan at the request of Kaiki::yi's daughter Kukuii (in the Bengali version) and Balyli.rlari's daughter Kikewi Dewi (in the Malay version). Cf. D. Sen, The Bengali Ramaya'!as (Calcutta, 1920), pp. 196-200; A Zieseniss, The Rama Saga in Malaysia (Singapore 1963), p. 97.

3. Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara (IX, tarairga Sl, verses 86-93) refers to Rima's son Kusa being created by Yalmiki from the kusa grass Poa cynosuroides after Sitii has already given birth to Lava. In the Malay Hikayat S'eri Rama (HSR., SH., 271-272) Sitii's adoptive father Maharisi Kali creates a child named Gusi from a bundle of grass after Sitii has given birth to a son named Tablawi.

68

S. Singaravelu

(7) (8) (9)

Phra Ram vanquishes demons during his year-long self-imposed exile. Phra Isuan brings together Phra Ram and Nang Sida again. Phra Ram's son Phra Motikut and Phra Loph liberate the kingdom of Kaiyaket from the demon Khontanurat.l

It would seem evident from the above examples of various episodes and motifs found in the three parts of the Romakien that, though several of them are somewhat akin to certain elements of other versions of the Riima story such as the Tamil version of Kamba~, the Jaina version, the Bengali versions, and the Malay Hikayar Seri Rama, nevertheless, there is considerable variation to be found in the final treatment of the story and its various episodes. In other words, the stories of Rama, transmitted to the Thai people through the shadow-play as well as literary and oral sources, have not only been extended, but also transformed into a distinct work of literature.

8. CHARACTERISATION IN THE RAMAKIEN The Ramakien portrays both the admirable and the undesirable character-traits to be found in the principal dramatis personae ofthe story. The chief character Phra Ram is said to be the reincarnation of Phra Naray (Lord NarayaJ.?.a, or Vi~J.?.u), and as a ruler, who is endowed with supernatural powers, bravery, righteousness, munificence and compassion, Phra Ram is a model of kings.2 At the same time, Phra Ram is also shown to be a human being, who, in a fit of great anger on seeing the picture of Thosakan, drawn by Nang Sida, orders her to be put to death, but as he later repents for his hasty action, he merits the grace of Phra lsuan, who plays a commanding role in all critical situations. Phra Ram's consort Nang Sida is depicted as the reincarnation of Phra Naray's consort Lak~ml. She is beautiful in body and soul. Her faithful love for Phra Ram is impurturbable. All attempts made by Thosakan to seduce her cannot shake her firmness. Ret steadfast character makes her an example for all women. However, Nang Sida is also shown to be a gullible person, who goes to the 1. A South Indian folk tradition refers to Rama's sons Kusa and Lava conquering demons. Cf. B. Ziegebalg, Genea/ogie der Malabarischen Goiter (Madras, I 867), p. 133. 2. It may be noted in this connection that several of the Thai kings are known to have adopted the name Rima as their royal title. For example, the Sukhothai ruler, who is also known to be the author of the earliest known Thai epigraphical document ( 1292 A.D.) was named Rima Khamhaeng ('Rima the Strong'). The first monarch of the Ayuthayi kingdom (1350 A.D.) was known as Riimadhibodi (Ramiidhipati). The rulers of the Cakri dynasty of the present Bangkok period have also been given the title Riima : Phra Phuttha Yotfa, King Riima I (1782-1809). Phra Phutthaloetla, or King Rama II (1809 1824), Phra NangKlaw, or King Rii.ma III (1824-1851), King Monkut, or Rii.ma IV (1851-1868), King Chulalongkon, or Riima V (1868-1910), King Wachirawut, or Rima VI (1910-1925).

THE RAMA STORY IN THE THAI CULTURAL TRADITION

69

extent of casting aspersions on the character of Phra Lak, when he tries to assure her that Phra Ram is in no danger at the time of his pursuit of the goldeen deer. Phra Lak is the loyal brother of the king, and he is ever ready to fulfil any wish of Phra Ram and to accept and execute his orders. Hanuman is the foremost soldier of the king. His capability, devotion and sense of justice make him the ideal subordinate. Hanuman is, indeed, the favourite character of the Thai people, who adore him as a brave, shrewd, and happy warrior. He is the embodiment of all that expresses the freer and the unrestricted aspects of life. He is a great admirer of beautiful women, and he is neither celibate nor saintly as the Hanuman of the Hindu versions of the Rama story. Phali: is a great hero and a capable leader, but he ruins himself through hybrid ambitions. Phiphek is an astrologer, and his advice is constantly sought by Phra Ram in all critical situations. Thosakan is depicted as a complex character with human virtues as well as frailties. He is shown to be a great character, noted for his strength, and resourcefulness, and his action in abducting Nang Sida is shrouded in the noble motive of love, for which he is prepared to sacrifice his life. His fall is inevitable, but it evokes sadness and sympathy. Thus, the major characters of the Ramakien represent human life in its different facets, and the Thai people regard them as examples of the human society, and this is the reason for the continuing popularity of the Rama legend in the Thai society.

70

S. Singaravelu

ABBREVIATIONS

HSR

Hikayat Seri Rama.

HSR.,RO.

Geschiedenis van Sri Rama, beroemd lndische Heroisch Dichtstuk, oorspronkelijk van Valmic en naar eene Maleische vertaling daarvan in het Maleisch met Arabisch karakter, mitsgaders met eene Voorrede en plaat uitgegeven, door en voor rekening van P.P. Roorda van Eysinga. Amsterdam : Bij. L. van Bakkenes, 1843.

HSR.,SH.

"Hikayat Seri Rama, edited by W.O. Shellabear," Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 71 (December, 1915), pp. 1-285.

IR (OU).

lramaya;zam. O{!akiittar iyarriya uttarakal](am Annamalaingar : Annamalai University, 1977. Journal of the Siam Society, Bangkok.

JSS KKII

Kaviccakaravartti Kambar iya!:[iya IramayalJam, edited by R.P. and others. Annamalainagar: Annamalai University, 1957-1970. Kambaramayanam, edited with the commentary by V.M. KopalakirushJ:?.amacariyar. Madras, 1959. Ramakien Phrarachaniphon ratchakan Thi I. 4 Vols. Bangkok: Chabap Khruusapha, 195L The Valmiki-Ramayana, critically edited for the first time by G.H. Bhatt and others. 7 Volumes. Baroda : Oriental Institute, M.S. University of Baroda, 1960-1971. Cetuppq~ai

KR RK VR

THE TITTIRA-JATAKA AND THE EXTENDED MAHAVA:ryiSA OSKAR VON HINUBER *

In contrast to the Mahavaipsa (Mhv), which is familiar to scholars as an important source on the history of Buddhism and of Ceylon, the extended version (EMhv) has remained relatively little known. The critical and, as far as my knowledge goes, only edition of this text, which is also called sometimes Cambodian Mahavarp.sa because all extant manuscripts are written either in Cambodian script or copied from such manuscripts, has been prepared by the late G.P. Malalasekera as volume III of the Aluvihara Series printed in Colombo 1937. In his long introduction, which does not only give a full concordance between the two Mahavaxpsas, but which also contains an important discussion on the language, the sources, and the probable date and place of origin of this text, Mallalasekera suggests with commendable caution "In fact, there is no proof that the author of EM., •.. , was a monk, or that he was a native of Ceylon, though it is more than probable that he was both", and "I would, therefore, provisionally assign EM. to the 9th or lOth century. If, however, as it is not impossible, the work was written outside Ceylon, say in Siam, these calculations become worthless" (both on p. LII). Obviously, there are three possible ways to approach the solution of the problem of origin and date of EMhv: First, there is the colophon, which, apart from giving the name of the author as Moggallina does not contain much useful information. Secondly, an investigation into the language of the text may well lead to more concrete results. As, however, our knowledge of post-canonical Pili, and much more so of post-a{!hakatha and South East Asian Pili is hardly developed at all, the necessary tools are lacking to ascertain the exact linguistic position of the EMhv. Lastly, there are the sources of this text. The colophon states that the author used the Mahava1psa, the Buddhavarttsa, the Thiipavar;nsa and theLinattha, which, according to Malalasekera (p. XL) refers to the Mahava1psapka. Further, as Malalasekera points out, the author used in addition to the texts mentioned by himself also the Mahavagga of the Vinayapitaka and its commentary, the Mahabodhisvarpsa, and perhaps also the Buddhavarpsa and Jitaka commentaries. As all these texts are well known and widely spread in all countries, where Theravida Buddhism flourishes, they do not seem to be very helpful when trying to solve any of the three aspects of the problem: the author, his time and his country.

* Prof. Dr. Oskar von

Hiniiber, Orientalisches Seminar-lndologie, Universitiit, Freiburg, West

Germany.

71

72

Oskar von HinUber

In spite of this, it is possible to draw certain conclusions from the versified version of the Tittira-Jataka (no. 319) found in the EMhv V 595-625. Although Malalasekera mentions this parallel to the Jataka, he does not elaborate on, or draw conclusions from this fact. Now it is well known, and it has been pointed out by V. Fausbcf>ll about a century ago in his introduction to the edition of the Jataka {Ja) vol. IV (1887) and vol. VI (1896), that there are quite considerable discrepancies between the Sinhalese and the Burmese manuscripts of the Jataka, so much so that Fausbcpll was ready to consider them as two separate redactions. Therefore it may be useful to have a closer look at the Tittira-Jitaka comparing Fausbct>ll's ed1tion Ja III 64.1-66.15 with the relevant verses of EMhv. As the latter text is not readily available everywhere, it may be useful to print it here in full:

595 596

597 598

599 600 601 602 603 604 605 606

607

,Pa~icca

kammatp. natthl" ti, kiliHhatp cetanaqt vina," thero bodhesi rijanatp vatvi Tittirajatakaf?'l : Atlte Brahmadattamhi kirente rijatatp kira samiddhe nagare ramme pure Bira~asivhaye dijakulamhi ekasmiq1 bodhisatto nibbattiya vayappatto sabbasippatp ugga~hitvina vissuto Takkasilaya nikkhamma pabbajji isipabbajatp. Himavantappadesamhi paficabhifi.iiisu piragii patva a!!ha samipattiyo ki!anto jhinakl!itaJ:!l ramaf!lye vanasa~4e vasanto ekako bhave. Paccantagimaiiiiataratp gacchamano tadantare lo~ambilasevanatthaq1 nari disva pasldiya pavane aiiiiatarasmim kiiretvi pa~~asalakal}l paccayeh' upaHhahitva sakkaccaqt taqt vasipayul}l. Tasmif!1 game tadi eko saku~iko viga~hiya ekarp dlpakatittiral!l sikkhapetviina paiijare pakkhipitva sinehena niccan ca pa~ijaggati. So taq1 araiiiian;t netvi tittire igatigate tassa saddena ga~hitva netvana vikki~iti te. ,Mamatp nissaya tittiri nassanti bahu iiataka ki111 mayarp tarp papan" ti nirisaddo ahosi so. Nissaddabhavatp iiatva so paharitvana tittiraqt. velupesika slsamhi abhi~hatp luddako tato dukkhituraya saddatp karoti tittiro lahum. Evaq1 saku~iko lobharp nissaya tittire bahii ga~hitva digham addhanal}l kappesi jivit' attano.

THE TITTIRA JATAKA AND THE EXTENDED MAHAVAJ.\'ISA

608 609 610 611

612 613 614 615 616 617 618 619 620 621 622 623 624 625

Dukkhaturo so tittiro iti eva~ vicintayi : ,'Aho ime marantii' ti cetana me na vijjati pa!icca kamma~ pan' idarp. abhil]hatp mama phussati, akaronte mayi saddarp. ete pi nagamu~" iti. ,Karonte yeva gacchanti, ayaii ca agatagate iiatake me gahetvana papeti jivitakkhayarp.. Bttha kin nu ida111 papa~ may harp. atth' eva natthi ?" ti. Tato paghaya, ,ko nu kho kankharp. chindeyya maqt,'' iti pa~gitarp. so tathariiparp. voloketvana vicari. Ath' ekadivasaxp so te gahetva tittire bahii puretva pacchiyaxp., ,panirp. pivissaml" ti cintayi. Bodhisattassa assamarp. gantva tarp. paiijararp. tato thapetva santike tassa pivitva paniy' icchitarp. valukatale nipanno niddarp. okkami tavade. Niddokkantassa bhaval':!l so iiatvana tittiro tato, ,kankham idarp. tapasam eva pucchissami,'' ti cintayi, ,Jananto me sacayal':!l so ajj' ev' ima~ kathessati." Nisinno paiijare gatha!Jl pucchanto patham aha so: ,susukam vata jivami, labhami c'eva bhuiijituqt paripanthe ca tiHhiimi ka su, bhante, gati mama?" Tassa paiihal':!l vissajjento dutiyarp. gatham aha so : ,Mano te nappa~amati, pakkhi, papassa kammuna, apaparp. tassa bhadrassa, na paparp. upalippati." Sutvana vacanarp. tassa tatiyarp. gatham aha so: ,,'Natako no nisinno', ti bahu agacchate jano, paticca kammaqt phusati tasmin;t me sankate mano." Sutva so bodhisatto tarp. catutthagatham aha so : ,Na paticca kammal':!l phusati, mano te nappadussati appossukkassa bhadrassa na paparp. upalippati." Bvatp so tittiraqt tattha saiiiiapesi anekadha, nissaya bodhisattarp. kho nikkukkucco ahosi so. Saku~iko pabuddho so bodhisattarp. 'bhivandiya paiijaraxp tattha-m-adaya sakagharan;t apakkami. Dhammadesan' imarp. sattha aharitvana jataka:rp samodhanesi sabbatp tarp., , tittiro Rahulo ahu. Kankharp. vinodayanto so aharp. eva buddho ahu." Tatp dhammadesanarp. sutva raja attamano tato.

73

74

Oskar von Hini.iber

While the first verse (EMhv 595) is identical with Mhv V 264, the versified .rataka closely follows the text in the Jataka-A !thava:t?J?ana. Here, we can concentrate on thoes passages, where the wording in the Jataka itself is different in the Sinhalese and in the Burmese manuscripts. EMhv (598 foil.) agrees with paiica abhiiinayo ca a({ha (Bd atha, Bi atta) samapattiyo (Ja Ill 64, 13) of the Burmese manuscripts, whereas the numerals are not found in the Sinhalese tradition. The situation is the same in other passages, too: EMhv (601) vasapayu11J (so read) :Bid vasiipeSUJ?'l: vaseSUJ!I (Ja III 64,17) (602) dipakarillirarr B=id : dipatittirarrz (Ja Ill 64,18) (604) gal]hitva ... vikkilJati: Bid gaheltva vikiT)itva : different wording in the Sinhalese manuscripts (Ja Ill 64, 20) (611) ko nu kho kankharrz chindeyya 'maf!i (sic, 'maf!l=imarrz), where Fausbll (Ja III 65,3) follows the obviously wrong Sinhalese reading kamma'l[l for

kankham found in Bid. (612) bah'u : Bid bahu: bahuke (Ja III 65,3) (617) vissajjento = Bi: vissajjanto (Ja Ill 65,16) (621) na pa{iccakamma'l[l phusati =Bid :paticcakamma'l[l na phusati (Ja III 66,6*) When trying to countercheck this evidence, there are indeed a few instadces, where EMhv is closer to the Sinhalese than to, the Burmese tranition : (614) niddokkantassa bhavarrz: niddarrz okkantabhiiva1[1, but Bid niddarrz okkamanabhavaf!l (Ja Ill 65,6) The reading okkanta, however, has been adopted also in the Burmese Cha~~hasaxpgayana edition published on the occasion of the 2500 th anniversary of the NirviJ?a, although it is not clear, whether the edition by Fausbcjlll or a genuine Burmese edition has been followed. In some respects the variants found in the gathas of this Jataka are more important. They seem to point to a certain independence of the canonical Jataka tradition known to the author of EMhv. Two such variants (617) ka su and (619) agacchante (so read for agacchante in the printed edition) follow the Sinhalese tradition (Ja II 65, 10*; 24*) against Bid ka nu and the unmetrical agacchanti. Thrice, however, the gathas preserved in EMhv even furnish altogether new readings: (618) mano te na ppo1Jamatit is metrically correct against Bid mano ce te and the evidently corrupt Ck mano mane nnd C5 mano cane (Ja III 65, 17*); (621) mano te is not shared by the rest of the tradition, which has mano ce (Ja 111 66,6*) firmly rooted in the text tradition as proved by the quotation in the Saddaniti manoce na ppadussati, Sadd 101, 15 •. As ce instead of te is postulated by the context, this reading certainly is a mistake in the archetype of the EMhv.

THE TITTIRA-JATAKA AND THE EXTENDED MAHAVAf!tSA

75

The most interesting variant, however, is (618) apapaf!Z tassa against avyava!assa (Ja III 65, 18*) with the Burmese variants Bi ajhavatassa and Bd abyavatassa. The text as printed in EMhv evidently needs correction in the light of the Jataka: apaparratssa seems to go back to a misunderstood apapatassa, which again may be a genuine variant of a-v (y) avata. Although -t- instead of -!- seems to bring EMhv nearer to the Burmese Jataka tradition, it should be kept in mind that avyaprta might well develop a doublet showing -t-, cf. krta>ka{a!kata. Therefore -pata for -vara- may, but need not necessarily be, a South East Asian reading confusing dentals and cerebrals. The development of v- pinto p-p (cf. V. Trenckner, Notes on the Milindapaiiha 1879= JPTS 1908. 113; Critical Pali Dictionary s.v. avyava(a, and Helmer Smith, Saddaniti V. 1966. Index p. 1516 "p") in EMhv against v- v again underlines a position of EMhv aloof to some extent at least from both Jataka traditions. In those passages of EMhv corresponding to the prose of the Jataka, on the other hand, there are only two instances, where there might have been a wording in the text used by the author of EMhv different from the Burmese and the Sinhalese traditions: (601) pavane against araiiiie (Ja Ill 64, 16) and (616) nisinno againstnipanno (Ja Ill 65,7). For neither change in wording is vindicated by the metre. To sum up: On the whole it is quite evident that the text of the Tittira-Jataka as versified in EMhv is based on a version very near or even more or less identical with the Burmese tradition found in the manuscripts used by Fausbcf>ll. This rules out at once that the EMhv has been written in Ceylon. It does not, however, necessarily point to any South East Asian country as its place of origin. For the differences from the Burmese and the Sinhalese Jiitaka traditions may be interpreted in two ways. Either these passages represent simply an older stage of the development of the Burmese manuscript tradition of the Jataka, or they may reflect, however faintly, a third, South Indian text of the Jataka. If the date of EMhv inferred by Malalasekera is only approximately correct, the latter might even be the more probable conclusion. This again would be one of the rather few and therefore all the more precious survivals of the South Indian Pali tradition, which with some probability may be traced also in Aggavarp.sa's Saddaniti, as I have tried to show elsewhere (Notes on the Pii.li tradition in Burma, to be published by the Academy of Sciences in Gottingen)l).

1. The printed edition of EMhv has to be corrected : (600) gacchamano read -na'!'; (602) sakuf!ika read sa- always; (610) yeva gacchanti read yevagacchanti; (615) kankhaf!! idaf!! read kankhaf!! imaf!!. - (605) nirasaddo instead of nissaddo (Ja III 64, 22) is not clear to me.

THE TITTIRA-JATAKA AND THE EXTENDED MAHAVA:ryiSA OSKAR VON HINUBER *

In contrast to the Mahavaipsa (Mhv), which is familiar to scholars as an important source on the history of Buddhism and of Ceylon, the extended version (EMhv) has remained relatively little known. The critical and, as far as my knowledge goes, only edition of this text, which is also called sometimes Cambodian Mahavarp.sa because all extant manuscripts are written either in Cambodian script or copied from such manuscripts, has been prepared by the late G.P. Malalasekera as volume III of the Aluvihara Series printed in Colombo 1937. In his long introduction, which does not only give a full concordance between the two Mahavaxpsas, but which also contains an important discussion on the language, the sources, and the probable date and place of origin of this text, Mallalasekera suggests with commendable caution "In fact, there is no proof that the author of EM., •.. , was a monk, or that he was a native of Ceylon, though it is more than probable that he was both", and "I would, therefore, provisionally assign EM. to the 9th or lOth century. If, however, as it is not impossible, the work was written outside Ceylon, say in Siam, these calculations become worthless" (both on p. LII). Obviously, there are three possible ways to approach the solution of the problem of origin and date of EMhv: First, there is the colophon, which, apart from giving the name of the author as Moggallina does not contain much useful information. Secondly, an investigation into the language of the text may well lead to more concrete results. As, however, our knowledge of post-canonical Pili, and much more so of post-a{!hakatha and South East Asian Pili is hardly developed at all, the necessary tools are lacking to ascertain the exact linguistic position of the EMhv. Lastly, there are the sources of this text. The colophon states that the author used the Mahava1psa, the Buddhavarttsa, the Thiipavar;nsa and theLinattha, which, according to Malalasekera (p. XL) refers to the Mahava1psapka. Further, as Malalasekera points out, the author used in addition to the texts mentioned by himself also the Mahavagga of the Vinayapitaka and its commentary, the Mahabodhisvarpsa, and perhaps also the Buddhavarpsa and Jitaka commentaries. As all these texts are well known and widely spread in all countries, where Theravida Buddhism flourishes, they do not seem to be very helpful when trying to solve any of the three aspects of the problem: the author, his time and his country.

* Prof. Dr. Oskar von

Hiniiber, Orientalisches Seminar-lndologie, Universitiit, Freiburg, West

Germany.

71

72

Oskar von HinUber

In spite of this, it is possible to draw certain conclusions from the versified version of the Tittira-Jataka (no. 319) found in the EMhv V 595-625. Although Malalasekera mentions this parallel to the Jataka, he does not elaborate on, or draw conclusions from this fact. Now it is well known, and it has been pointed out by V. Fausbcf>ll about a century ago in his introduction to the edition of the Jataka {Ja) vol. IV (1887) and vol. VI (1896), that there are quite considerable discrepancies between the Sinhalese and the Burmese manuscripts of the Jataka, so much so that Fausbcpll was ready to consider them as two separate redactions. Therefore it may be useful to have a closer look at the Tittira-Jitaka comparing Fausbct>ll's ed1tion Ja III 64.1-66.15 with the relevant verses of EMhv. As the latter text is not readily available everywhere, it may be useful to print it here in full:

595 596

597 598

599 600 601 602 603 604 605 606

607

,Pa~icca

kammatp. natthl" ti, kiliHhatp cetanaqt vina," thero bodhesi rijanatp vatvi Tittirajatakaf?'l : Atlte Brahmadattamhi kirente rijatatp kira samiddhe nagare ramme pure Bira~asivhaye dijakulamhi ekasmiq1 bodhisatto nibbattiya vayappatto sabbasippatp ugga~hitvina vissuto Takkasilaya nikkhamma pabbajji isipabbajatp. Himavantappadesamhi paficabhifi.iiisu piragii patva a!!ha samipattiyo ki!anto jhinakl!itaJ:!l ramaf!lye vanasa~4e vasanto ekako bhave. Paccantagimaiiiiataratp gacchamano tadantare lo~ambilasevanatthaq1 nari disva pasldiya pavane aiiiiatarasmim kiiretvi pa~~asalakal}l paccayeh' upaHhahitva sakkaccaqt taqt vasipayul}l. Tasmif!1 game tadi eko saku~iko viga~hiya ekarp dlpakatittiral!l sikkhapetviina paiijare pakkhipitva sinehena niccan ca pa~ijaggati. So taq1 araiiiian;t netvi tittire igatigate tassa saddena ga~hitva netvana vikki~iti te. ,Mamatp nissaya tittiri nassanti bahu iiataka ki111 mayarp tarp papan" ti nirisaddo ahosi so. Nissaddabhavatp iiatva so paharitvana tittiraqt. velupesika slsamhi abhi~hatp luddako tato dukkhituraya saddatp karoti tittiro lahum. Evaq1 saku~iko lobharp nissaya tittire bahii ga~hitva digham addhanal}l kappesi jivit' attano.

THE TITTIRA JATAKA AND THE EXTENDED MAHAVAJ.\'ISA

608 609 610 611

612 613 614 615 616 617 618 619 620 621 622 623 624 625

Dukkhaturo so tittiro iti eva~ vicintayi : ,'Aho ime marantii' ti cetana me na vijjati pa!icca kamma~ pan' idarp. abhil]hatp mama phussati, akaronte mayi saddarp. ete pi nagamu~" iti. ,Karonte yeva gacchanti, ayaii ca agatagate iiatake me gahetvana papeti jivitakkhayarp.. Bttha kin nu ida111 papa~ may harp. atth' eva natthi ?" ti. Tato paghaya, ,ko nu kho kankharp. chindeyya maqt,'' iti pa~gitarp. so tathariiparp. voloketvana vicari. Ath' ekadivasaxp so te gahetva tittire bahii puretva pacchiyaxp., ,panirp. pivissaml" ti cintayi. Bodhisattassa assamarp. gantva tarp. paiijararp. tato thapetva santike tassa pivitva paniy' icchitarp. valukatale nipanno niddarp. okkami tavade. Niddokkantassa bhaval':!l so iiatvana tittiro tato, ,kankham idarp. tapasam eva pucchissami,'' ti cintayi, ,Jananto me sacayal':!l so ajj' ev' ima~ kathessati." Nisinno paiijare gatha!Jl pucchanto patham aha so: ,susukam vata jivami, labhami c'eva bhuiijituqt paripanthe ca tiHhiimi ka su, bhante, gati mama?" Tassa paiihal':!l vissajjento dutiyarp. gatham aha so : ,Mano te nappa~amati, pakkhi, papassa kammuna, apaparp. tassa bhadrassa, na paparp. upalippati." Sutvana vacanarp. tassa tatiyarp. gatham aha so: ,,'Natako no nisinno', ti bahu agacchate jano, paticca kammaqt phusati tasmin;t me sankate mano." Sutva so bodhisatto tarp. catutthagatham aha so : ,Na paticca kammal':!l phusati, mano te nappadussati appossukkassa bhadrassa na paparp. upalippati." Bvatp so tittiraqt tattha saiiiiapesi anekadha, nissaya bodhisattarp. kho nikkukkucco ahosi so. Saku~iko pabuddho so bodhisattarp. 'bhivandiya paiijaraxp tattha-m-adaya sakagharan;t apakkami. Dhammadesan' imarp. sattha aharitvana jataka:rp samodhanesi sabbatp tarp., , tittiro Rahulo ahu. Kankharp. vinodayanto so aharp. eva buddho ahu." Tatp dhammadesanarp. sutva raja attamano tato.

73

74

Oskar von Hini.iber

While the first verse (EMhv 595) is identical with Mhv V 264, the versified .rataka closely follows the text in the Jataka-A !thava:t?J?ana. Here, we can concentrate on thoes passages, where the wording in the Jataka itself is different in the Sinhalese and in the Burmese manuscripts. EMhv (598 foil.) agrees with paiica abhiiinayo ca a({ha (Bd atha, Bi atta) samapattiyo (Ja Ill 64, 13) of the Burmese manuscripts, whereas the numerals are not found in the Sinhalese tradition. The situation is the same in other passages, too: EMhv (601) vasapayu11J (so read) :Bid vasiipeSUJ?'l: vaseSUJ!I (Ja III 64,17) (602) dipakarillirarr B=id : dipatittirarrz (Ja Ill 64,18) (604) gal]hitva ... vikkilJati: Bid gaheltva vikiT)itva : different wording in the Sinhalese manuscripts (Ja Ill 64, 20) (611) ko nu kho kankharrz chindeyya 'maf!i (sic, 'maf!l=imarrz), where Fausbll (Ja III 65,3) follows the obviously wrong Sinhalese reading kamma'l[l for

kankham found in Bid. (612) bah'u : Bid bahu: bahuke (Ja III 65,3) (617) vissajjento = Bi: vissajjanto (Ja Ill 65,16) (621) na pa{iccakamma'l[l phusati =Bid :paticcakamma'l[l na phusati (Ja III 66,6*) When trying to countercheck this evidence, there are indeed a few instadces, where EMhv is closer to the Sinhalese than to, the Burmese tranition : (614) niddokkantassa bhavarrz: niddarrz okkantabhiiva1[1, but Bid niddarrz okkamanabhavaf!l (Ja Ill 65,6) The reading okkanta, however, has been adopted also in the Burmese Cha~~hasaxpgayana edition published on the occasion of the 2500 th anniversary of the NirviJ?a, although it is not clear, whether the edition by Fausbcjlll or a genuine Burmese edition has been followed. In some respects the variants found in the gathas of this Jataka are more important. They seem to point to a certain independence of the canonical Jataka tradition known to the author of EMhv. Two such variants (617) ka su and (619) agacchante (so read for agacchante in the printed edition) follow the Sinhalese tradition (Ja II 65, 10*; 24*) against Bid ka nu and the unmetrical agacchanti. Thrice, however, the gathas preserved in EMhv even furnish altogether new readings: (618) mano te na ppo1Jamatit is metrically correct against Bid mano ce te and the evidently corrupt Ck mano mane nnd C5 mano cane (Ja III 65, 17*); (621) mano te is not shared by the rest of the tradition, which has mano ce (Ja 111 66,6*) firmly rooted in the text tradition as proved by the quotation in the Saddaniti manoce na ppadussati, Sadd 101, 15 •. As ce instead of te is postulated by the context, this reading certainly is a mistake in the archetype of the EMhv.

THE TITTIRA-JATAKA AND THE EXTENDED MAHAVAf!tSA

75

The most interesting variant, however, is (618) apapaf!Z tassa against avyava!assa (Ja III 65, 18*) with the Burmese variants Bi ajhavatassa and Bd abyavatassa. The text as printed in EMhv evidently needs correction in the light of the Jataka: apaparratssa seems to go back to a misunderstood apapatassa, which again may be a genuine variant of a-v (y) avata. Although -t- instead of -!- seems to bring EMhv nearer to the Burmese Jataka tradition, it should be kept in mind that avyaprta might well develop a doublet showing -t-, cf. krta>ka{a!kata. Therefore -pata for -vara- may, but need not necessarily be, a South East Asian reading confusing dentals and cerebrals. The development of v- pinto p-p (cf. V. Trenckner, Notes on the Milindapaiiha 1879= JPTS 1908. 113; Critical Pali Dictionary s.v. avyava(a, and Helmer Smith, Saddaniti V. 1966. Index p. 1516 "p") in EMhv against v- v again underlines a position of EMhv aloof to some extent at least from both Jataka traditions. In those passages of EMhv corresponding to the prose of the Jataka, on the other hand, there are only two instances, where there might have been a wording in the text used by the author of EMhv different from the Burmese and the Sinhalese traditions: (601) pavane against araiiiie (Ja Ill 64, 16) and (616) nisinno againstnipanno (Ja Ill 65,7). For neither change in wording is vindicated by the metre. To sum up: On the whole it is quite evident that the text of the Tittira-Jataka as versified in EMhv is based on a version very near or even more or less identical with the Burmese tradition found in the manuscripts used by Fausbcf>ll. This rules out at once that the EMhv has been written in Ceylon. It does not, however, necessarily point to any South East Asian country as its place of origin. For the differences from the Burmese and the Sinhalese Jiitaka traditions may be interpreted in two ways. Either these passages represent simply an older stage of the development of the Burmese manuscript tradition of the Jataka, or they may reflect, however faintly, a third, South Indian text of the Jataka. If the date of EMhv inferred by Malalasekera is only approximately correct, the latter might even be the more probable conclusion. This again would be one of the rather few and therefore all the more precious survivals of the South Indian Pali tradition, which with some probability may be traced also in Aggavarp.sa's Saddaniti, as I have tried to show elsewhere (Notes on the Pii.li tradition in Burma, to be published by the Academy of Sciences in Gottingen)l).

1. The printed edition of EMhv has to be corrected : (600) gacchamano read -na'!'; (602) sakuf!ika read sa- always; (610) yeva gacchanti read yevagacchanti; (615) kankhaf!! idaf!! read kankhaf!! imaf!!. - (605) nirasaddo instead of nissaddo (Ja III 64, 22) is not clear to me.

VISUAL EXPRESSIONS OF TANTRIC BUDDHISM* By

NANDANA CHUTIWONGS*

The term 'Tantric Buddhism' is usually applied to a type of Buddhism in which the practice of T antra plays a dominant role.

'Tantra', in its widest connotation, signifies expanded literature, Buddhist and Hindu, dealing elaborately with any type of study either in a theoretical or in a practical manner. In a limited usage, Tantra signifies a body of esoteric literature containing both religious and practical instructions. The origin of Tantra is neither Buddhist nor Hindu. It is just Indian. Tantra expounds religious methods and practices which were current in India from times immemorial. It includes the practice of yoga (physical and spiritual excercises), recitation of hymns and .formulae, rites, rituals, medicine, astrology, magic etc. The aim is either to gain various kinds of siddhi (supernatural power) or to attain moks,a (spiritual release). Tantra, as a rule, does not deal with philosophy, but only describes the practical method by which to achieve one's goal, whatever that may be. Tantric systems aiming at spiritual salvation lay stress on two fundamental beliefs, the origins of which date back to pre-Buddhist times: 1). The belief that Truth resides within the body of man, and that therefore the human body is the best medium through which this Truth can be realized. This belief is best expressed in the practice of yoga which aims to achieve the mystical union between Spirit and Matter, and the transmutation of the material into the spiritual, and the mundane into the divine. The practice of yoga brings man back to his origin. It reunites him with the Absolute. The spiritual and the material worlds are seen as only reflections of one another. We might think of them as the sky and its reflection in clear water. Above, is the spiritual world, the world of Salvation. Below, lies the material world of man, the world of saf!JSara (transmigration), of birth and death, of disintegration and of sorrow. Man, in our world, is but a reflection of the Absolute who resides in the upper plane. Through the practice of yoga, man may rise to meet his divine counterpart and origin, merge himself into the Absolute and transform his own world of transmigration into salvation, and his suffering into bliss.

* Institute of South Asian Archaeology, University of Amsterdam

* lecture delivered at the Siam Society, Bangkok, on August 22nd, 1978. 76

VISUAL EXPRESSIONS OF TANTRIC BUDDHISM

77

2) The concept of duality in non-duality or the concept of Two in One. There are two contrasting aspects in the fundamental nature of Reality: the static and the dynamic, the passive and the active, the negative and the positive. The realization of the Oneness of all pairs of opposites means final release or salvation, the ultimate goal of the practitioner. Buddhism in its later phases of development absorbed much of Tantric theory and practice. In the Mahayana system, which represents the 'un-orthodox' form of Buddhism, theological and philosophical speculations continually increased. Gradually but steadily Mahayana Buddhism in India became affected by mysticism and other ancient Indian beliefs. As early as in the 4th-5th century A.D. certain Mahayana sects had already adopted the methods of yoga. And after Buddhism had once admitted certain elements of these ancient practices, all the remaining traditional Indian beliefs in magic crept in. Eventually, out of this mixture of Buddhist traditions and Tantric practices, which included all kinds of indigenous Indian elements such as esoteric yoga, mystic formulae, hymns, rituals, magic, sorcery and astrology, emerged Tantric Buddhism.

Mahayana Buddhism developed along two main trends: those of the Paramitayana (the Way of Perfection) and the Vajrayana or Tantrayiina (the Way of the Thunderbolt or the Tantric Way). The latter is popularly known as Tantric Buddhism. The Paramitayana lays stress on paramita (perfection) as being the very quality which will raise a Bodhisattva (a person seeking Enlightenment) to the stage of a Buddha. The Paramita Path requires absolute altruism, patience, perfection of ethics, moral, concentration and intelligence. In other words, it demands perfection in every respect. The Vajrayana (or Tantrayana or Tantric Buddhism) expounds a short-cut path towards Buddhahood: a quick and effective method with the aid of esoteric practices. This method is only instructed in secret because: l) it deals with the process of development which occurs in the innermost depth of a man's being, a process so delicate and personal that it has to be carefully guarded against all that might interfere with it. 2) it is a path open only to superior individuals who have already gone through the 'common' paths, i.e. those of the Hinayana and Paramitayana. By having undergone these 'lower' stages of studying the scriptures and of self-purification, they have built a solid foundation of Buddhist learning. Only on this foundation can the process of Tantra be added. A person without such a background is unsuitable to receive Tantric instruction, because he is unable to understand its significance. By his

78

Nandana Chutiwongs

lack of understanding he will devalue the instruction down to his own level or try to change it into something it can never be. outcome.

In such a case, disaster would be the only

The Tiintrio Way, therefore, is chiefly and basically meant for initiates. Its methods are instructed in secret by teachers to selected pupils. Non-initiates or persons who have not taken the Way seriously both with heart and soul, remain 'outsiders'. We all are outsiders. What is visible and comprehensible to us are mostly things belonging to the most peripheral borders of the Tantric world. All that is essential

cannot be seen. Tantric Buddhism adheres to the two fundamental ideas of Tantra which have been described earlier, i.e. the belief in the transmutation of that which is imperfect into that which is perfect, and the concept of the Oneness or Sameness of all pairs of opposites. In addition to this, Tantric Buddhism also maintains much of the traditional Buddhist concepts though it has its own way of interpreting and expressing them. The most important philosophical idea in Tantric Buddhism is the concept of Siinyatii-an outstandingly important subject in Buddhist philosophy. Each Buddhist system has its own definition and interpretation of Siinyata, the literal meaning of which is Void or Emptiness. Orthodox Buddhists regard it as being the very nature of the universe and of all its phenomena. The Mahayii.nists describes it as the Absolute Truth, the One and Only Reality in the entire universe. Tantric Buddhism maintains the general view of the Mahayana system and elaborates upon it. Siinyata in Tantric Buddhism is the Origin of all things. All forms, visible and invisible, mundane and divine, are but man~festations of this Siinyatli and their true nature is thus nothing but Sunyata. Siinyata is comparable to a mirror which reflects all forms projected upon it by the consciousness of each individual but contains no form in itself. This concept, therefore, permitted an unlimited expansion of the Taotric pantheon which eventually came to include deities of all descriptions. Each of them is believed to be an aspect of the Ultimate One. Equally important is the concept of Bodhicitta, meaning literally: a mind which is bent on Enlightenment. Un-orthodox Buddhists believe that every being in the world is a potential Buddha, but that he will never be able to proceed towards Buddhahood before he actually produces the Bodhicitta within himself. This Bodhicitta, therefore, is equivalent to a vow, a resolution to attain Buddhahood. Upon becoming conscious of this Bodhicitta within himself, a Buddha-to-be will eventuaUy attain Buddhahood by progressing through the various stages of perfection

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like a man mounting stairs reaches the top. But since he does not takes this vow for himself but for the sake of all beings in the universe he possesses the two sublime qualities of Wisdom and Compassion. In Tantric Buddhist philosophy, where the concept of Two in One predominates, Bodhicitta represents the union of these two qualities which are essential for the attainment of Buddhahood. In a mind bent on Enlightenment, there must be Wisdom as well as Compassion.

There must be a

passive Realization of the Void as well as active Manifestations for the benefit of all beings. The metaphysical union of these two principles may be brought about through the process of yoga. Remaining alone by itself the Bodhicitta is inactive, dull and slumbering, but through the practice of yoga the energies of Wisdom and Compassion flow into it, and awaken it to realize its sublime nature. In Tantric Buddhism there is also a strong belief in the power of chanting and repeating mystical hymns, formulae and syllables. Such a belief, in fact, was already current in India since the very beginning of her history, and it is also present among the so-called orthodox Buddhists. Nevertheless, these recitations of mantras or words, which are believed to contain mystical powers, are used extensively in Tantric Buddhism. The same may be said about mudras {mystic gestures) and the use of ma7Jrj.alas (diagrams). But these mystical formulae, gestures, as well as all the rites, rituals and ceremonies of Tantric Buddhism are only to be regarded as instrumental in the attainment of one's spiritual release. The ultimate aim of Tantric Buddhism is nirva1Ja (the usual Buddhist term for Spiritual Release or Salvation), and this is to be obtained through the transmutation of that which is imperfect into that which is perfect, and through the transformation of

sar;nsara into nirviifJa and of a man into a Buddha, an Enlightened or Liberated One. All men, in fact, are already liberated.

Each is already a Buddha but he himself does

not realize it because of his own mental darkness and impurities.

In the personality

of man there are such impure forces as Delusion, Hatred, Pride, Passion and Greed, which keep him forever bound to the round of transmigrations.

These are strong

forces lurking in his sub-consciousness, and they are capable of breaking through and overwhelming his consciousness at any moment. They are irrepressible and become even more dangerous and more powerful whenever they are suppressed or pushed back. They may by chance be restrained, but then only temporarily, and then only to burst out again stronger than ever. The only thing man can do to free himself from these inherent evils is to purify them, to transform their destructive forces into benevolent energies and direct these along the right channel towards the noble goal of Salvation.

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Tiintric Buddhism expounds practical methods for such a purification of man and his personality; quick and effective methods through which man may regain his lost perfection. This can be done through Tintric practice and Perfection, which is Buddhahood, can be regained now-in this life time. But the Tantric way is difficult and its training most severe. Initiation is most essential in the practice of Tantra. The Tantric way is difficult and dangerous, so one needs the approval, guidance and supervision of a teacher at each step. In Tantric Buddhism there are four initiations corresponding to the four grades of Tantra. Each initiation gives access to the practice of one particular type of Tantra. The four grades of T antra are: 1) Kriyatantra, dealing with instructions in rituals and exterior modes of worship. It is specially meant for those who are inclined to rituals, and for those who are slow in understanding and dull. This type of T antra will give them blessings and some virtuous benefits, by which they may be able to purify themselves. But for those of higher intelligence, the first grade of T antra represents the opening of his eye of wisdom. 2) Caryatantra, dealing with ceremonies, religious excercises as well as with meditation. It is described as suitable for fairly intelligent persons in whom a respect for ceremony and devotion is accompanied by a capacity for deep thinking and serious meditation. 3) Yogatantra 4) Anuttarayogatantra The first two are known as 'External Tantras'. The third and the fourth represent respectively a higher and the highest types of Tantras, known together as 'Internal Tantras' or 'Esoteric Tantras'. The Yogatantra and Anuttarayogatantra are only for those of strong sensibility, those endowed with high intellectual powers, and capable of great good deeds as well as of great evil deeds. They contain instructions in meditational practice and very little in ritual, aiming primarily at the unity of all aspects of the One and Only Reality. This demands intensive meditation and a constant focussing of the initiate's consciousness on that One Reality. By this permanent realization of Truth, the transmutation of sa'?"siira into nirviif}a is complete. All that we as outsiders can see of Tantric Buddhism belongs to the two lower grades, the External Tantras. Beyond these grades there are practically nothing to be seen or to be known. There are only things to be experienced, things which occur in the depth of each initiate's mind and which will remain his own personal experience.

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Nevertheless, almost all that we can see of Tiintric Buddhism, such as its rich and complicated rituals, its images and textbooks containing instructions on rituals and on image-making-all that is essential in the first two grades of Tantras-involves the instructions of the great Tantric masters of the past and of the present day. These instructions are based on personal experiences of the masters and expressed in words or in forms comprehensible to their pupils. Images of deities which we see in painting and sculpture, as well as their descriptions in ritual texts, are based on the visions of these great masters, captured in concrete or descriptive formS for the benefit of those who cannot see for themselves. These images represent the manifold forms in which the Absolute Reality or Siinyata manifested itself to the meditative masters, and are reproduced materially in lines, forms and colours visible to our eyes. The practice of the External Tantras requires external objects as instruments. Rituals purify the initiates and communicate to them the capacity to recei-ve the physical and intellectual trainings that will follow. Images of deities play an important role both as objects of worship and as objects of meditation. The deities whom they represent bear various forms and names, but they are only different reflections of the One Sunyata, displaying forms and colours in accordance with various types of consciousnesses which have been reflected on the mirror of Sunyata. Each image, each form, each deity represents one fragment, one tiny aspect of the Absolute, and one atom of the enormous energy which pervades the universe. These images especially serve the purpose of the practitioners of the Kriyatantra and Caryatantra. Simple devotees worship them to gain blessings, protection and good fortune. By these worshippers, deities are evoked to manifest themselves in the images, and are then praised with proper words and propitiated with proper rites. Special worship is directed towards a particular deity who has been chosen for each practitioner by his teacher. The teacher takes into consideration the character of the pupil, considers all signs and omens which have occurred during his process of initiation, and then assigns to each pupil an 'iJ[adevata' (chosen deity). For those beginners who are still bound to the convention of name and form, it is absolutely impossible to get into direct contact with the Ultimate Reality which is formless. Contact can be gained only through the medium of names and forms, through an image and through a particular deity who represents that Formlessness.· The nature of man is finite while the nature of the Absolute is infinite. Man never can grasp the Absolute Truth at once in all its entirety, thus only one facet, one aspect, one part of it is chosen for him by his teacher as the means to bring him to that Reality. An intimate bond between

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teacher and pupil, therefore, forms the very basis of Tintric training. The teacher knows his pupil, his background, his nature, his special merits, faults and weaknesses, and he wiii assign to the pupil that deity whose qualities and temperament wiii benefit him most. This i~(adevata will be the pupil's guardian angel, his divine inspiration and source of power and success throughout his career. The deity wiii be what the initiate takes him to be. He may be a divine protector for a soul inclined to worship and devotion, but for one who feels the urge to go beyond rituals and devotions to discover the reality behind his existence, the i~tadevata represents the way to the realization of that Truth. Every practitioner is entitled to an istvata To simple, uncomplicated people are assigned the less complex manifestations of the Absolute, i.e. sweet-natured and compassionate deities who may be approached through love, humility and devotion. Figs. 1-4 show some of these gentle and benign aspects of the Absolute. To complicated, strong-minded and obstinate people capable of great good deeds as well of great evil deeds, are assigned powerful, ferocious and sometimes even demonic deities (see Figs. 6-9). The very obstacles which chain man to the cycle of birth and death are his own imperfections, his own unwholesome traits. Thus be must learn to look at his own faults straight in the eye. He must face the worst force within himself at its worst, so that he may know its nature, origin, tendency and strength, as if he must learn to estimate the power of his worst enemy whom he must overcome. Fig. 6 shows an image of Hevajra, the personification of the evil sentiment of Hatred. This is Hatred in its most monstrous form, Hatred at the zenith of its evil power. Hatred such as one has to face if one wants to know it and overcome it. Fig. 7 is a configuration of Yama, the god of death, representing the inborn human fear of death in its most terrifying form. One has to face one's own emotion, be it fear, hatred or passion, in this way, when it is the zenith of its hideous power. Such a force cannot be annihilated. One can only overcome it by transforming it into something beneficial. This forceful energy, when purified, may be used to enable one to achieve one's goal. But the · Tantric methods which deal with the transformation of such forces are most dangerous for untrained minds. A practitioner has to be strong enough before he begins to ~voke an evil power which may prove too strong for him. If he does not know how to deal with it, he wiii be destroyed by it. If he is not pure enough to subdue this demon with his purity, not advanced enough in spiritual training, this demon-his own uncontrolled emotion-will consume b1m like a fire. This is the reason why a practitioner will always need the careful and constant supervision of his teacher, who will estimate his mental power, prescribe the appropriate Way for him and see to it that no harm will befall him.

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83

Since everybody has his own chosen deity, uncountable images of gods and goddesses have been made, each representing a particular aspect of the Absolute who is formless, either to be worshipped or to be meditated upon as a medium by which to reach Salvation. A person may worship as many deities as he chooses, but one of them is his own personal guardian, his guide towards Salvation, and his divine counterpart with whom he will eventually merge and thereby regain his lost perfection -which is Buddhahood. Various types of deities are assigned to various types of practitioners. In Tintric Buddhism we may come across images of all descriptions. There are sweet, benign deities like the goddess Sitatara (Fig. 1), the Great Mother and Protectress from all dangers; .Maiijusri (Fig. 2) the Lord of Wisdom; the celestial Buddha Ratnasambhava (Fig. 3) who rules over the southern quarter of the universe, the element of Sensations and the particular emotion of Pride; and Amitabha (Fig. 4), the Buddha of Boundless Light and Infinite Life, the overlord of the Western Paradise, Sukhavat'i, the dreamland of all senti~nt beings. Then there are deities bearing fantastic forms, like the eleven-headed and thousand-armed Avalokitesvara (Fig. 5), the Watchful Saviour of our time, and the Compassionate Lord who looks over all directions of the universe and pronounces a vow to save all beings from miseries. The most complicated images are those of forceful, ferocious deities like Hevajra (Fig. 6) and Yama (Fig. 7) whom we have mentioned earlier; Hayagriva (Fig. 8), the God with a Horse's head, a great dangerous demon to the weak, evil and unpurified mind but a powerful saviour to those who understand his nature; and Yamantaka (Fig. 9), the ferocious manifestation of the God of Wisdom, a being most terrifying in appearance, but to initiates he is the Conqueror of the fear of death and the Destroyer of the evil darkness of Ignorance. Deities may be represented alone, or together with their female partner, or surrounded by attendants. When a deity appears together with his partner, be is often seen in an intim3.te sex:ual union witlt lt~r. Fig. 9 sh.J.v3 YJ. n1ntalca and !tis equally terrifying partner, and in 'Fig. 10 we see the supreme Buddha Vajradhara and his consort locked in an intimate and loving embrace. Such a pair of god and goddesswhoever they are, wltatever form they may have and wltatever names may be given to them-represent the concept of duality in non-duality, or Two in One. The Absolute Reality is One, though it seems to possess two contrasting aspects. Such a pair of god and goddess stand for all pairs of opposites as known to us in our world of names and forms. All contrasting and opposite elements are meeting and melting together in

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Nandana Chutiwongs

their one and same origin: Sunyata. This is an image of saf!lsara as well as that of We see here a physical union of a man and a woman as well as the spiritual unity of the Self and the Not-Self, of man and all the rest of the universe. The force nirvaf}a.

which again and again turns the wheel of Creation, of birth and death, is the same force which may carry one to Salvation. This force used in a mundane way leads to generation, procreation, multiplication, transmigration and disintegration. But the same force, properly controlled and well directed, will lead to man's reintegration and the return to the. sublime plane where he may regain his lost perfection and become one with the Absolute.

In the Tantric world such a concept is also expressed by the

pattern of a mystical triangle (see Fig. 11). This triangle, when its apex-its aspirationpoints downwards, means samsara or transmigration, the disintegration, the expansion from the One to the AlL But when its apex points upwards, it stands for the reintegration and the return of the All to the One.

Then it represents nirvaiJa.

Important and powerful deities often appear at the centre of maf!{falas, or mystical diagrams composed of figures, lines, patterns and colours (Pl. 12). In Tantric Buddhism, a maf!¢ala is a diagram of the universe, a geometric projection of the world reduced to an essential pattern, nirvaiJa.

It unfolds the world of sa7]1sara as well as that of

Once again we find the scheme of the disintegration from the One into the

Many, and at the same time, that of the reintegration of the Many into the One. deity ix;' the centre of the maT}cjala is man himself as well as the Absolute.

The

By concen-

trating his ~ind on the pattern of the maf!¢ala, by understanding "its composition in quiet~ contemplation,

man re-discovers the way to reach his secret reality which is the

same as .that behind the entire universe. He re-discovers himself in the centre of his own world in the. form of the all-comprehending deity in the centre of the ma1Jt/ala, the very point from which expansions and disintegration begin, but also the very point where all names and forms, all lines and colours, all these disintegrations flow back and become re-absorbed. After this is clear to him, he will not need the mafJcfala-this external object-any more, the whole structure of the universe and of his own existence will shine clearly in his mind's eyes. Like the images· of deities, mamjalas serve the purpose of the External Tantras . . Like the images, they are objects of worship for those who are inclined to worship and rituals, repres~nting shrines or residences of the gods. For those more '.

.

inclined to meditation, they are objects of meditation and instruments for the realization of Truth through the medium of names and forms.

Fig.

Sitatara. From D.I. Lauf, Tibetan Sacred Art, Berkeley & London, 1976,-pl.c34.

Fig. 2 Manjusri. Neg. Victoria & Albert Museum, London.

Fig. 3

Ratnasambhava. From B.C. Olschak and Geshe Thupten Wangyal, Mystik und Kunst Alttibets, Bern, 1972, pl. on p. 53.

Fig. 4

Amitabha.

From D.I. Lauf, Tibetan Sacred Art, pl. 46.

Fig. 5 Avalokitesvara. From A . Lommel, Kunst des Buddhismus, Zurich, 1974, pl. 99.

Fig. 6

Hevaj ra. Neg. S. Leksukhum, Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn Universi ty.

Fig. 7.

Yama. From J. van Goidsenhoven, Art Lama/que, art des dieux, Bruxelles,

1970, pl. VI, 4.

Fig. 8 Hayagriva. From F. Sierksma, Tiber's Terrifying Deities, The Hague/Paris, 1966, pl. 16.

ii :~·1·_:11 ~

Fig. 9

Yamantaka and partner. From A. Lommel, Kunst des_Buddhismus, pL 109.

Fig. 10

Vajradhara and partner. From J. van Goidsenhoven, Art lamaique, art des dieux, pl. 1, 2.

F1g. 11

Maf!tfala of Sarvabuddhagakini. From D. I. Lauf,'_Tibetan Sacred Art,' pl. 54 .

Fig. 12

Man_tfala of Kiilacakra. From B.C . Olschak and Geshe Thupten Wangyal, Mystik und Kunst Alttibets, pl. on p. 111.

VISUAL EXPRESSIONS OF TANTRIC BUDDHISM

85

Beyond the stages of the Kriyatantra and Caryatantra, practically no external objects are needed in meditation. Instruction is given mainly on thought-creation and concentration, till the Self and the Not-Self merge together permanently in Siinyata. What follows, is the sublime experience of Siinyata which no words can describe and no form can represent.

Select Bibliography

1) S.B. Dasgupta, An Introduction to Tantric Buddhism, repr; ep., Berkeley & London, 1974. 2) B. Bhattacharyya, An Introduction to Buddhist Esoterism, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, vol. XLVI, 2nd rev. ed., Varanasi, 1964. 3) Tantra, Catalogue of an exhibition with Introduction by Ph. Rawson, Art Council of Great Britain, London, 1971. 4) H.V. Guenther, Treasures on the Tibeten M.iddle Way, 2nd ed., 1969.

~id~n,

5) F.D. Lessing and A. Wayman, Fundamentals of Buddhist Tantras, tran.;. slated from the Tibetan, Indo-Iranian Monographs, vol. VIII, The Hague, 1968. 6) G. Tucci, The Theory and Practice of the Mal'}4ala, London, 1961. 7) D.L. Snellgrove, The Hevajra Tantra, a Critical Study, 2 parts, London Oriental Series, vol. 6, repr. ed., London, 1971.

VISUAL EXPRESSIONS OF TANTRIC BUDDHISM* By

NANDANA CHUTIWONGS*

The term 'Tantric Buddhism' is usually applied to a type of Buddhism in which the practice of T antra plays a dominant role.

'Tantra', in its widest connotation, signifies expanded literature, Buddhist and Hindu, dealing elaborately with any type of study either in a theoretical or in a practical manner. In a limited usage, Tantra signifies a body of esoteric literature containing both religious and practical instructions. The origin of Tantra is neither Buddhist nor Hindu. It is just Indian. Tantra expounds religious methods and practices which were current in India from times immemorial. It includes the practice of yoga (physical and spiritual excercises), recitation of hymns and .formulae, rites, rituals, medicine, astrology, magic etc. The aim is either to gain various kinds of siddhi (supernatural power) or to attain moks,a (spiritual release). Tantra, as a rule, does not deal with philosophy, but only describes the practical method by which to achieve one's goal, whatever that may be. Tantric systems aiming at spiritual salvation lay stress on two fundamental beliefs, the origins of which date back to pre-Buddhist times: 1). The belief that Truth resides within the body of man, and that therefore the human body is the best medium through which this Truth can be realized. This belief is best expressed in the practice of yoga which aims to achieve the mystical union between Spirit and Matter, and the transmutation of the material into the spiritual, and the mundane into the divine. The practice of yoga brings man back to his origin. It reunites him with the Absolute. The spiritual and the material worlds are seen as only reflections of one another. We might think of them as the sky and its reflection in clear water. Above, is the spiritual world, the world of Salvation. Below, lies the material world of man, the world of saf!JSara (transmigration), of birth and death, of disintegration and of sorrow. Man, in our world, is but a reflection of the Absolute who resides in the upper plane. Through the practice of yoga, man may rise to meet his divine counterpart and origin, merge himself into the Absolute and transform his own world of transmigration into salvation, and his suffering into bliss.

* Institute of South Asian Archaeology, University of Amsterdam

* lecture delivered at the Siam Society, Bangkok, on August 22nd, 1978. 76

VISUAL EXPRESSIONS OF TANTRIC BUDDHISM

77

2) The concept of duality in non-duality or the concept of Two in One. There are two contrasting aspects in the fundamental nature of Reality: the static and the dynamic, the passive and the active, the negative and the positive. The realization of the Oneness of all pairs of opposites means final release or salvation, the ultimate goal of the practitioner. Buddhism in its later phases of development absorbed much of Tantric theory and practice. In the Mahayana system, which represents the 'un-orthodox' form of Buddhism, theological and philosophical speculations continually increased. Gradually but steadily Mahayana Buddhism in India became affected by mysticism and other ancient Indian beliefs. As early as in the 4th-5th century A.D. certain Mahayana sects had already adopted the methods of yoga. And after Buddhism had once admitted certain elements of these ancient practices, all the remaining traditional Indian beliefs in magic crept in. Eventually, out of this mixture of Buddhist traditions and Tantric practices, which included all kinds of indigenous Indian elements such as esoteric yoga, mystic formulae, hymns, rituals, magic, sorcery and astrology, emerged Tantric Buddhism.

Mahayana Buddhism developed along two main trends: those of the Paramitayana (the Way of Perfection) and the Vajrayana or Tantrayiina (the Way of the Thunderbolt or the Tantric Way). The latter is popularly known as Tantric Buddhism. The Paramitayana lays stress on paramita (perfection) as being the very quality which will raise a Bodhisattva (a person seeking Enlightenment) to the stage of a Buddha. The Paramita Path requires absolute altruism, patience, perfection of ethics, moral, concentration and intelligence. In other words, it demands perfection in every respect. The Vajrayana (or Tantrayana or Tantric Buddhism) expounds a short-cut path towards Buddhahood: a quick and effective method with the aid of esoteric practices. This method is only instructed in secret because: l) it deals with the process of development which occurs in the innermost depth of a man's being, a process so delicate and personal that it has to be carefully guarded against all that might interfere with it. 2) it is a path open only to superior individuals who have already gone through the 'common' paths, i.e. those of the Hinayana and Paramitayana. By having undergone these 'lower' stages of studying the scriptures and of self-purification, they have built a solid foundation of Buddhist learning. Only on this foundation can the process of Tantra be added. A person without such a background is unsuitable to receive Tantric instruction, because he is unable to understand its significance. By his

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Nandana Chutiwongs

lack of understanding he will devalue the instruction down to his own level or try to change it into something it can never be. outcome.

In such a case, disaster would be the only

The Tiintrio Way, therefore, is chiefly and basically meant for initiates. Its methods are instructed in secret by teachers to selected pupils. Non-initiates or persons who have not taken the Way seriously both with heart and soul, remain 'outsiders'. We all are outsiders. What is visible and comprehensible to us are mostly things belonging to the most peripheral borders of the Tantric world. All that is essential

cannot be seen. Tantric Buddhism adheres to the two fundamental ideas of Tantra which have been described earlier, i.e. the belief in the transmutation of that which is imperfect into that which is perfect, and the concept of the Oneness or Sameness of all pairs of opposites. In addition to this, Tantric Buddhism also maintains much of the traditional Buddhist concepts though it has its own way of interpreting and expressing them. The most important philosophical idea in Tantric Buddhism is the concept of Siinyatii-an outstandingly important subject in Buddhist philosophy. Each Buddhist system has its own definition and interpretation of Siinyata, the literal meaning of which is Void or Emptiness. Orthodox Buddhists regard it as being the very nature of the universe and of all its phenomena. The Mahayii.nists describes it as the Absolute Truth, the One and Only Reality in the entire universe. Tantric Buddhism maintains the general view of the Mahayana system and elaborates upon it. Siinyata in Tantric Buddhism is the Origin of all things. All forms, visible and invisible, mundane and divine, are but man~festations of this Siinyatli and their true nature is thus nothing but Sunyata. Siinyata is comparable to a mirror which reflects all forms projected upon it by the consciousness of each individual but contains no form in itself. This concept, therefore, permitted an unlimited expansion of the Taotric pantheon which eventually came to include deities of all descriptions. Each of them is believed to be an aspect of the Ultimate One. Equally important is the concept of Bodhicitta, meaning literally: a mind which is bent on Enlightenment. Un-orthodox Buddhists believe that every being in the world is a potential Buddha, but that he will never be able to proceed towards Buddhahood before he actually produces the Bodhicitta within himself. This Bodhicitta, therefore, is equivalent to a vow, a resolution to attain Buddhahood. Upon becoming conscious of this Bodhicitta within himself, a Buddha-to-be will eventuaUy attain Buddhahood by progressing through the various stages of perfection

VISUAL EXPRESSIONS OF TANTRIC BUDDHISM

79

like a man mounting stairs reaches the top. But since he does not takes this vow for himself but for the sake of all beings in the universe he possesses the two sublime qualities of Wisdom and Compassion. In Tantric Buddhist philosophy, where the concept of Two in One predominates, Bodhicitta represents the union of these two qualities which are essential for the attainment of Buddhahood. In a mind bent on Enlightenment, there must be Wisdom as well as Compassion.

There must be a

passive Realization of the Void as well as active Manifestations for the benefit of all beings. The metaphysical union of these two principles may be brought about through the process of yoga. Remaining alone by itself the Bodhicitta is inactive, dull and slumbering, but through the practice of yoga the energies of Wisdom and Compassion flow into it, and awaken it to realize its sublime nature. In Tantric Buddhism there is also a strong belief in the power of chanting and repeating mystical hymns, formulae and syllables. Such a belief, in fact, was already current in India since the very beginning of her history, and it is also present among the so-called orthodox Buddhists. Nevertheless, these recitations of mantras or words, which are believed to contain mystical powers, are used extensively in Tantric Buddhism. The same may be said about mudras {mystic gestures) and the use of ma7Jrj.alas (diagrams). But these mystical formulae, gestures, as well as all the rites, rituals and ceremonies of Tantric Buddhism are only to be regarded as instrumental in the attainment of one's spiritual release. The ultimate aim of Tantric Buddhism is nirva1Ja (the usual Buddhist term for Spiritual Release or Salvation), and this is to be obtained through the transmutation of that which is imperfect into that which is perfect, and through the transformation of

sar;nsara into nirviifJa and of a man into a Buddha, an Enlightened or Liberated One. All men, in fact, are already liberated.

Each is already a Buddha but he himself does

not realize it because of his own mental darkness and impurities.

In the personality

of man there are such impure forces as Delusion, Hatred, Pride, Passion and Greed, which keep him forever bound to the round of transmigrations.

These are strong

forces lurking in his sub-consciousness, and they are capable of breaking through and overwhelming his consciousness at any moment. They are irrepressible and become even more dangerous and more powerful whenever they are suppressed or pushed back. They may by chance be restrained, but then only temporarily, and then only to burst out again stronger than ever. The only thing man can do to free himself from these inherent evils is to purify them, to transform their destructive forces into benevolent energies and direct these along the right channel towards the noble goal of Salvation.

80

Nandana Chutiwongs

Tiintric Buddhism expounds practical methods for such a purification of man and his personality; quick and effective methods through which man may regain his lost perfection. This can be done through Tintric practice and Perfection, which is Buddhahood, can be regained now-in this life time. But the Tantric way is difficult and its training most severe. Initiation is most essential in the practice of Tantra. The Tantric way is difficult and dangerous, so one needs the approval, guidance and supervision of a teacher at each step. In Tantric Buddhism there are four initiations corresponding to the four grades of Tantra. Each initiation gives access to the practice of one particular type of Tantra. The four grades of T antra are: 1) Kriyatantra, dealing with instructions in rituals and exterior modes of worship. It is specially meant for those who are inclined to rituals, and for those who are slow in understanding and dull. This type of T antra will give them blessings and some virtuous benefits, by which they may be able to purify themselves. But for those of higher intelligence, the first grade of T antra represents the opening of his eye of wisdom. 2) Caryatantra, dealing with ceremonies, religious excercises as well as with meditation. It is described as suitable for fairly intelligent persons in whom a respect for ceremony and devotion is accompanied by a capacity for deep thinking and serious meditation. 3) Yogatantra 4) Anuttarayogatantra The first two are known as 'External Tantras'. The third and the fourth represent respectively a higher and the highest types of Tantras, known together as 'Internal Tantras' or 'Esoteric Tantras'. The Yogatantra and Anuttarayogatantra are only for those of strong sensibility, those endowed with high intellectual powers, and capable of great good deeds as well as of great evil deeds. They contain instructions in meditational practice and very little in ritual, aiming primarily at the unity of all aspects of the One and Only Reality. This demands intensive meditation and a constant focussing of the initiate's consciousness on that One Reality. By this permanent realization of Truth, the transmutation of sa'?"siira into nirviif}a is complete. All that we as outsiders can see of Tantric Buddhism belongs to the two lower grades, the External Tantras. Beyond these grades there are practically nothing to be seen or to be known. There are only things to be experienced, things which occur in the depth of each initiate's mind and which will remain his own personal experience.

VISUAL EXPRESSIONS OF TANTRIC BUDDHISM

81

Nevertheless, almost all that we can see of Tiintric Buddhism, such as its rich and complicated rituals, its images and textbooks containing instructions on rituals and on image-making-all that is essential in the first two grades of Tantras-involves the instructions of the great Tantric masters of the past and of the present day. These instructions are based on personal experiences of the masters and expressed in words or in forms comprehensible to their pupils. Images of deities which we see in painting and sculpture, as well as their descriptions in ritual texts, are based on the visions of these great masters, captured in concrete or descriptive formS for the benefit of those who cannot see for themselves. These images represent the manifold forms in which the Absolute Reality or Siinyata manifested itself to the meditative masters, and are reproduced materially in lines, forms and colours visible to our eyes. The practice of the External Tantras requires external objects as instruments. Rituals purify the initiates and communicate to them the capacity to recei-ve the physical and intellectual trainings that will follow. Images of deities play an important role both as objects of worship and as objects of meditation. The deities whom they represent bear various forms and names, but they are only different reflections of the One Sunyata, displaying forms and colours in accordance with various types of consciousnesses which have been reflected on the mirror of Sunyata. Each image, each form, each deity represents one fragment, one tiny aspect of the Absolute, and one atom of the enormous energy which pervades the universe. These images especially serve the purpose of the practitioners of the Kriyatantra and Caryatantra. Simple devotees worship them to gain blessings, protection and good fortune. By these worshippers, deities are evoked to manifest themselves in the images, and are then praised with proper words and propitiated with proper rites. Special worship is directed towards a particular deity who has been chosen for each practitioner by his teacher. The teacher takes into consideration the character of the pupil, considers all signs and omens which have occurred during his process of initiation, and then assigns to each pupil an 'iJ[adevata' (chosen deity). For those beginners who are still bound to the convention of name and form, it is absolutely impossible to get into direct contact with the Ultimate Reality which is formless. Contact can be gained only through the medium of names and forms, through an image and through a particular deity who represents that Formlessness.· The nature of man is finite while the nature of the Absolute is infinite. Man never can grasp the Absolute Truth at once in all its entirety, thus only one facet, one aspect, one part of it is chosen for him by his teacher as the means to bring him to that Reality. An intimate bond between

82

Nandana Chutiwongs

teacher and pupil, therefore, forms the very basis of Tintric training. The teacher knows his pupil, his background, his nature, his special merits, faults and weaknesses, and he wiii assign to the pupil that deity whose qualities and temperament wiii benefit him most. This i~(adevata will be the pupil's guardian angel, his divine inspiration and source of power and success throughout his career. The deity wiii be what the initiate takes him to be. He may be a divine protector for a soul inclined to worship and devotion, but for one who feels the urge to go beyond rituals and devotions to discover the reality behind his existence, the i~tadevata represents the way to the realization of that Truth. Every practitioner is entitled to an istvata To simple, uncomplicated people are assigned the less complex manifestations of the Absolute, i.e. sweet-natured and compassionate deities who may be approached through love, humility and devotion. Figs. 1-4 show some of these gentle and benign aspects of the Absolute. To complicated, strong-minded and obstinate people capable of great good deeds as well of great evil deeds, are assigned powerful, ferocious and sometimes even demonic deities (see Figs. 6-9). The very obstacles which chain man to the cycle of birth and death are his own imperfections, his own unwholesome traits. Thus be must learn to look at his own faults straight in the eye. He must face the worst force within himself at its worst, so that he may know its nature, origin, tendency and strength, as if he must learn to estimate the power of his worst enemy whom he must overcome. Fig. 6 shows an image of Hevajra, the personification of the evil sentiment of Hatred. This is Hatred in its most monstrous form, Hatred at the zenith of its evil power. Hatred such as one has to face if one wants to know it and overcome it. Fig. 7 is a configuration of Yama, the god of death, representing the inborn human fear of death in its most terrifying form. One has to face one's own emotion, be it fear, hatred or passion, in this way, when it is the zenith of its hideous power. Such a force cannot be annihilated. One can only overcome it by transforming it into something beneficial. This forceful energy, when purified, may be used to enable one to achieve one's goal. But the · Tantric methods which deal with the transformation of such forces are most dangerous for untrained minds. A practitioner has to be strong enough before he begins to ~voke an evil power which may prove too strong for him. If he does not know how to deal with it, he wiii be destroyed by it. If he is not pure enough to subdue this demon with his purity, not advanced enough in spiritual training, this demon-his own uncontrolled emotion-will consume b1m like a fire. This is the reason why a practitioner will always need the careful and constant supervision of his teacher, who will estimate his mental power, prescribe the appropriate Way for him and see to it that no harm will befall him.

VISUAL EXPRESSIONS OF TANTRIC BUDDHISM

83

Since everybody has his own chosen deity, uncountable images of gods and goddesses have been made, each representing a particular aspect of the Absolute who is formless, either to be worshipped or to be meditated upon as a medium by which to reach Salvation. A person may worship as many deities as he chooses, but one of them is his own personal guardian, his guide towards Salvation, and his divine counterpart with whom he will eventually merge and thereby regain his lost perfection -which is Buddhahood. Various types of deities are assigned to various types of practitioners. In Tintric Buddhism we may come across images of all descriptions. There are sweet, benign deities like the goddess Sitatara (Fig. 1), the Great Mother and Protectress from all dangers; .Maiijusri (Fig. 2) the Lord of Wisdom; the celestial Buddha Ratnasambhava (Fig. 3) who rules over the southern quarter of the universe, the element of Sensations and the particular emotion of Pride; and Amitabha (Fig. 4), the Buddha of Boundless Light and Infinite Life, the overlord of the Western Paradise, Sukhavat'i, the dreamland of all senti~nt beings. Then there are deities bearing fantastic forms, like the eleven-headed and thousand-armed Avalokitesvara (Fig. 5), the Watchful Saviour of our time, and the Compassionate Lord who looks over all directions of the universe and pronounces a vow to save all beings from miseries. The most complicated images are those of forceful, ferocious deities like Hevajra (Fig. 6) and Yama (Fig. 7) whom we have mentioned earlier; Hayagriva (Fig. 8), the God with a Horse's head, a great dangerous demon to the weak, evil and unpurified mind but a powerful saviour to those who understand his nature; and Yamantaka (Fig. 9), the ferocious manifestation of the God of Wisdom, a being most terrifying in appearance, but to initiates he is the Conqueror of the fear of death and the Destroyer of the evil darkness of Ignorance. Deities may be represented alone, or together with their female partner, or surrounded by attendants. When a deity appears together with his partner, be is often seen in an intim3.te sex:ual union witlt lt~r. Fig. 9 sh.J.v3 YJ. n1ntalca and !tis equally terrifying partner, and in 'Fig. 10 we see the supreme Buddha Vajradhara and his consort locked in an intimate and loving embrace. Such a pair of god and goddesswhoever they are, wltatever form they may have and wltatever names may be given to them-represent the concept of duality in non-duality, or Two in One. The Absolute Reality is One, though it seems to possess two contrasting aspects. Such a pair of god and goddess stand for all pairs of opposites as known to us in our world of names and forms. All contrasting and opposite elements are meeting and melting together in

84

Nandana Chutiwongs

their one and same origin: Sunyata. This is an image of saf!lsara as well as that of We see here a physical union of a man and a woman as well as the spiritual unity of the Self and the Not-Self, of man and all the rest of the universe. The force nirvaf}a.

which again and again turns the wheel of Creation, of birth and death, is the same force which may carry one to Salvation. This force used in a mundane way leads to generation, procreation, multiplication, transmigration and disintegration. But the same force, properly controlled and well directed, will lead to man's reintegration and the return to the. sublime plane where he may regain his lost perfection and become one with the Absolute.

In the Tantric world such a concept is also expressed by the

pattern of a mystical triangle (see Fig. 11). This triangle, when its apex-its aspirationpoints downwards, means samsara or transmigration, the disintegration, the expansion from the One to the AlL But when its apex points upwards, it stands for the reintegration and the return of the All to the One.

Then it represents nirvaiJa.

Important and powerful deities often appear at the centre of maf!{falas, or mystical diagrams composed of figures, lines, patterns and colours (Pl. 12). In Tantric Buddhism, a maf!¢ala is a diagram of the universe, a geometric projection of the world reduced to an essential pattern, nirvaiJa.

It unfolds the world of sa7]1sara as well as that of

Once again we find the scheme of the disintegration from the One into the

Many, and at the same time, that of the reintegration of the Many into the One. deity ix;' the centre of the maT}cjala is man himself as well as the Absolute.

The

By concen-

trating his ~ind on the pattern of the maf!¢ala, by understanding "its composition in quiet~ contemplation,

man re-discovers the way to reach his secret reality which is the

same as .that behind the entire universe. He re-discovers himself in the centre of his own world in the. form of the all-comprehending deity in the centre of the ma1Jt/ala, the very point from which expansions and disintegration begin, but also the very point where all names and forms, all lines and colours, all these disintegrations flow back and become re-absorbed. After this is clear to him, he will not need the mafJcfala-this external object-any more, the whole structure of the universe and of his own existence will shine clearly in his mind's eyes. Like the images· of deities, mamjalas serve the purpose of the External Tantras . . Like the images, they are objects of worship for those who are inclined to worship and rituals, repres~nting shrines or residences of the gods. For those more '.

.

inclined to meditation, they are objects of meditation and instruments for the realization of Truth through the medium of names and forms.

Fig.

Sitatara. From D.I. Lauf, Tibetan Sacred Art, Berkeley & London, 1976,-pl.c34.

Fig. 2 Manjusri. Neg. Victoria & Albert Museum, London.

Fig. 3

Ratnasambhava. From B.C. Olschak and Geshe Thupten Wangyal, Mystik und Kunst Alttibets, Bern, 1972, pl. on p. 53.

Fig. 4

Amitabha.

From D.I. Lauf, Tibetan Sacred Art, pl. 46.

Fig. 5 Avalokitesvara. From A . Lommel, Kunst des Buddhismus, Zurich, 1974, pl. 99.

Fig. 6

Hevaj ra. Neg. S. Leksukhum, Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn Universi ty.

Fig. 7.

Yama. From J. van Goidsenhoven, Art Lama/que, art des dieux, Bruxelles,

1970, pl. VI, 4.

Fig. 8 Hayagriva. From F. Sierksma, Tiber's Terrifying Deities, The Hague/Paris, 1966, pl. 16.

ii :~·1·_:11 ~

Fig. 9

Yamantaka and partner. From A. Lommel, Kunst des_Buddhismus, pL 109.

Fig. 10

Vajradhara and partner. From J. van Goidsenhoven, Art lamaique, art des dieux, pl. 1, 2.

F1g. 11

Maf!tfala of Sarvabuddhagakini. From D. I. Lauf,'_Tibetan Sacred Art,' pl. 54 .

Fig. 12

Man_tfala of Kiilacakra. From B.C . Olschak and Geshe Thupten Wangyal, Mystik und Kunst Alttibets, pl. on p. 111.

VISUAL EXPRESSIONS OF TANTRIC BUDDHISM

85

Beyond the stages of the Kriyatantra and Caryatantra, practically no external objects are needed in meditation. Instruction is given mainly on thought-creation and concentration, till the Self and the Not-Self merge together permanently in Siinyata. What follows, is the sublime experience of Siinyata which no words can describe and no form can represent.

Select Bibliography

1) S.B. Dasgupta, An Introduction to Tantric Buddhism, repr; ep., Berkeley & London, 1974. 2) B. Bhattacharyya, An Introduction to Buddhist Esoterism, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, vol. XLVI, 2nd rev. ed., Varanasi, 1964. 3) Tantra, Catalogue of an exhibition with Introduction by Ph. Rawson, Art Council of Great Britain, London, 1971. 4) H.V. Guenther, Treasures on the Tibeten M.iddle Way, 2nd ed., 1969.

~id~n,

5) F.D. Lessing and A. Wayman, Fundamentals of Buddhist Tantras, tran.;. slated from the Tibetan, Indo-Iranian Monographs, vol. VIII, The Hague, 1968. 6) G. Tucci, The Theory and Practice of the Mal'}4ala, London, 1961. 7) D.L. Snellgrove, The Hevajra Tantra, a Critical Study, 2 parts, London Oriental Series, vol. 6, repr. ed., London, 1971.

BURMESE LOKAPALAS : A PROBLEM OF IDENTIFICATION NANCY

H. DOWLING

In Burma the proper identification of Lokapalas is exceedingly difficult. Basically the problem stems from the fact that Burmese art has been greatly influenced by Indian traditions, yet successive migrations ofTibeto-Burman tribes have introduced Chinese elements. Consequently iconographic inconsistencies occur with such regularity that a positive identification of Lokapalas is nearly impossible. A case in point is a carving of four Burmese images recently brought to the attention of the author. (Figures 1, 2, 3, 4) Carved in the round, these four standing images wear the conventionalized dress associated with Burmese deva figures as well as nats and royal personages of the eighteenth century. The outer skirt has a multi-tiered frontal panel which covers an inner garment, most likely ballooned trousers. The upper vest with extended shoulders ties at the waist with a simple band. Petal-shaped decorations with jewelled inserts drape the front of the costume, and a tight fitting, sleeved garment extends to the wrists. The jewel studded, multi-tiered crown rises to a finial which recalls the splendidly truncated roofs of the Burmese shrines with a hti on top. With downcast eyes and upturned lips, the delicately carved oval face is framed by :flowered ear ornaments. Presumably the number four is crucial to the identification of these images and Lokapalas in general, In Burmese Buddhism two of the most frequently represented sets of four are the Lokapalas and a group of Burmese saints. In 1922-1923 Duroiselle reports the existence of shrines dedicated to the saints with four images inside wearing monk's robes. He refers to the saints as Shin Upagok, Shin Thiwali, Shin Angulimala and Shin Peindola.l Elsewhere Duroiselle mentions a set of Lokapalas above and below the sun and the moon on the jambs of the Lion's Throne carved for King Bodawapaya in 1816.2 .... this was a way of emphasizing that the Throne, with the spire over it was Centre of the Universe and the King therefore the centre of the world, since he sat between the four Lokapalas.3

* Nancy H.

Dowling received her M.A. in Art History from the University of Colorado, Boulder. Presently living in Manila, she is working on two topics : Animal Forms in Thai Sculpture and the Regional Identification of Ifugao Sculpture. 1. Melford E. Spiro, Burmese Supernaturalism, (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1967), p. 44. 2. Yi Yi, "The Thrones of the Burmese Kings," Journal of the Burmese Research Society, XLIII (Rangoon, December, 1960), p. 106. 3. Ibid., p. 107.

86

BURMESE LOKAPALAS: A PROBLEM OF IDENTIFICATION

87

From a sketch drawing of the Lion's Throne, these Lokapalas are virtually indistinguishable from any other Burmese deva figures (Figure 5).4 Dressed as royal personages, they have identical costumes and attributes. Sir Richard Temple also identified four Burmese images as Lokapalas.s He refers to them as Daddarata Nat Min (Dhatarattha), King of the East; Virulaka Nat Min (Virulhka), King of the South; Virupekka Nat Min (Virupakkha), King of the West; and Kuvera or Wethawun Nat Min (Kuvera of Vessavana), King of the North.6 Like Duroiselle, Temple fails to describe the Lokapalas according to their attributes rather they wear regal dress and carry identical swords. Perhaps a key to identifying the carving of four Burmese images is both the regal dress and the number four. If Duroiselle's saints wore monk's robes and the Lokapalas donned regal attire, then possibly the carving also depicts Lokapalas. Other evidence which suggests that these images are Lokapalas is the fact that each figure carries a unique attribute, a characteristic of Lokapalas in both India and China. Examining the images in a clockwise direction, King 1 carries a stupa shaped container in his left hand, and a curvilinear handle which supports a banner or umbrella in his right (Figure 1). Next King 2 writes with pen in an opened book which he supports with his left hand (Figure 2). King 3 holds an object which perhaps represents a drum (Figure 3), while King 4 displays a longitudinal cross section of a conch shell in his right hand and perhaps raises a sword along with a lotus blossom in his left (Figure 4). Now if one accepts the possibility that these four images are Lokapalas, then the problem becomes one of correlating the attributes each figure bears with a particular Lokapala. A most reasonable starting point is to analyze the attributes associated with the eastern quarter of the world. According to the ancient Hindu texts, the East is always reckoned first because Indra, the "first of the firmament deities",' presides over this compass point. The special importance of the East is again repeated in the Atanatiya Suttanta where King Vessavana or Kuvera recites that the eastern quarter is the "First to come". 8 Another important reason for beginning with this quarter is that both the Chinese and Indian traditions agree that the King of the East carries the same iconographic attribute; namely, a stringed instrument similar to a harp. Presumably if the attribute is the same in these two cultures, then quite possibly the iconographic tradition was transferred to Burma. Two jewel encrusted images which recently arrived in Bangkok support this hypothesis (Figure 6). The pair 4. S. 6. 7. 8.

The Mandalay Palace (Rangoon, 1963}, Plate 17. Sir Richard Temple, The Thirty-Seven Nats, (London, 1902), p. 33. Ibid., p. 33. Edward Moor, F.R.S .. , The Hindu Pantheon, (London, 1810), p. 261. T.W. Rhys David, Sacred Books of the Buddhists, Vol. IV (London, 1921), p. 190.

88

Nancy H. Dowling

wear costumes normally associated with royal personages i.e. Lokapalas; yet one carries a Burmese harp and the other a sword. A regal figure with harp is not unusual in Burmese art. Such a figure is especially common to Burmese nat worship. Minye Aungdin Nat, Mintha Maung Shin Nat, and U Shin Gyi all play beautiful harp music yet not in pairs or in combination with three others. Conceivably Figure 6 might represent two Burmese Lokapalas which suggests that the Chinese and Indian attributes for the King of the East existed in Burma. By itself this does not mean that a particularly Burmese attribute did not develop for the King of the East also. Perhaps this explains why none of the Lokapalas in the circular piece in question carries a harp. King 3 holds an object which might be described as a drum, but a harp and a drum are only remotely related. Conceivably a Burmese craftsman might have confused the proper musical attribute carried by Dhatarattha. On the other hand perhaps the drum-like form actually represents a particularly Burmese attribute. Certainly the existence of another image carrying a similar rounded form with an elongated base suggests that this attribute represents more than a misidentification of musical instruments but rather a particularly Burmese symbol for Dhatarattha (Figure 7). A possible explanation for the association of a drum-like form with the Burmese King of the East may be found in the Hindu texts. According to the Vedic traditions, Indra, not Dhatarattha governs the eastern quarter of the world. As King of the Immortals, he presides over the middle region of Mount Meru, and is primarily recognized as the thunder god, who conquers the demons of drought and darkness, and brings forth the waters and the light. The thunderbolt is the exclusive property of Indra, yet as he assumes other godly roles and names, his attributes become confused. As the Adviser of Evil, lndra adopts the name Sakka which is the term later incorporated into Buddhism to represent the King of Tavatimsa in which the Lokapalas reside. Like lndra, presumably Sakka bears the thunderbolt as his exclusive attribute, but Gandhara sculpture reveals this was not always the case. "In fact, many thunderbolt bearers appear, but varied to a remarkable extent."9 On reliefs depicting the life of Buddha, the Gandhara sculpture almost invariably shows a strange figure close to the Buddha. There are numerous representations of this personage on earlier and later reliefs, but one attribute remains common to all "a peculiar club-like object which the figure sometimes grasps by the middle with his right hand, and sometimes holds upright in his palm. In the case of the more modern reliefs, one gets the impression that the sculptor has not known exactly what the object was intended to represent" I 0 (Figure 8). Speculation also surrounds the identification of the figure itself. Grunwedel believes the club bearers represent the old thunder god Sakka who 9. Albert Grunwedel, Buddhist Art in India (London, 1901), p. 87. 10. Ibid., p. 87.

BURMESE LOKAPALAS : A PROBLEM OF IDENTIFICATION

89

performs a protective and sympathetic role in the Buddhist legends for whenever anything important is about to happen on earth, his throne in heaven grows warm, and he hastens down to earth to intervene in the interests of right and truth.ll Just as this cudgel-like form was possibly misinterpreted by the Gandhara sculptors, so too the drum-like object of the Burmese Lokapalas may indicate the sculptor had no idea what the intended object was supposed to be. P;;,••

\

;

shel\ and sword W

l

i E

book an~ pen \

N

1!1.

container

shell and sword

N

N

atupa and banner

/

'··...

../

"·,.,· ................. ·····"' .r.!'

stupt{ and banner

.......,.--........ / .

·\.

jE

W \

\

contrner

....../

·····.,

l"t:l........~

d

~.

\

l bookland pen

I

.

.

, ___

······..,

.r/l ,,~~·

,

....

~

contiil:ier

_

shell and !JWOrd w ii\stupa and

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=· ba.DD.k I

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s

s

s

s

container

shell and sword

atupa and banner

book and pen

Figure I:

Burmese Lokapalas, View of King I and King 2, Wood, Nineteenth Century ( ?) . Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand .

Figure 2:

Burmese Lokapa las , View of King 2, Wood, Nineteenth Century ( ?). Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand .

Figure 3:

Burmese Lokapalas, View of King 3, Wood, Nineteenth Century(?). Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 4:

Burmese Lokapalas, View of King 4, Wood, Nineteenth Century (?). Private Collection , Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 5:

Sketch of Upper Portion of Lion's Throne, Burmese, 1916. (Ministry of Union Culture, Mandalay Palace, Rangoon, 1963, Plate 17).

Figure 6 : Burmese Lokapalas , Wood, Figure on Left Carries Burmese Harp; Figure on Right Carries Sword, Nineteenth Century(?). Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 7 : Burmese Lokapala Carrying Unidentified Container, Wood, Nineteenth Cent ury. Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 8 : Various Club Bearing Images (Grunwedel, Buddhist Art in India, London, 1901, p. 88).

Fi gur e 9:

Figure 10:

Virudhako- Yakho, Stone, Bharhut Pillar, Early Fi rst Century, B.C. , (Henrich Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia, New York, 1955).

Chakavako Naja, Raja Stone, Bharhut Pillar, Early First Century, B.C., (Alexander Cunningham, The Stupa of Bharhut, Varanasi, 1962).

Figure 11 : Royal P~sonnage, Stone, Bharhut Pillar, Early First Century, B.C., (Alexander Cunningham, The Stupa of Bharhut, Varanasi, 1962).

Figure 12 :

Va runa, Stone, Northeast India, Eighth Century, Metropolitan Museum of Art (Asia Society, Inc., Th e Art of India, Tokyo, 1963, Pla te 33).

Figure 13:

Figure 14:

Burmese Door with Lokapala, Wood, Nineteenth Century(?). Pr ivate Col lection, Bangko k, Thailand.

Burmese Door with Lokapala, Wood , Nineteenth Century(?), Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 15 : Apsara Carrying Vase, Degaldaruwa, Ceylon, Mid-Eighteenth Century (PhilipS. Rawson, Indian Painting, New York, 1961, p. 96).

Figure 16:

Kupiro-Yakho, Stone, Bharhut Pillar, Early First Century, B.C., (Alexander Cunningham, The Stupa of Blzarlzut, Varanasi, 1962).

Figure 17 :

Komoku-ten or Virupaksa, Horyuji, Japan.

Seventh Century.

(Henrich Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia, New York, 1955).

Figure 18 : Burmese Lokapala Carrying Banner or Umbrella, Wood, Nineteenth Century. (V.C. Scott O'Connor, Mandalay, London, 1907).

Figure 19:

Burmese Lokapala Writing in Book, Wood, Nineteenth Century (?) Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 20:

Burmese Lokapala Writing in Book, Wood, Early Twentieth Century(?). Private Collection. Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 21 : Burmese Lokapala Writing in Book. Bronze, Eighteenth Century(?) Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 22 : Burmese Lokapala Holding Conch Shell, Wood, Nineteenth Century(?). (V.S. Scott O'Connor, Mandalay, London, 1907).

Figure 23 : Burmese Lok a palas , Figure on left perha ps held a sword; Figure on right di splays a conch, Wood, Nineteenth Century ( ?), Private Collection, Bangkok, Tha iland.

Figure 24 :

Burmese .L okapala probably carrying shell, Wood, Late Eighteenth Century(?). Private Collection, Bangkok , Thailand.

Figure 25 : Burmese Lokapala with Sword or Bludgeon, Wood , Nineteenth Century(?). (V.C. Scott O'Connor, Mandalay, London , 1907).

BURMESE LOKAPALAS : A PROBLEM OF IDENTIFICATION NANCY

H. DOWLING

In Burma the proper identification of Lokapalas is exceedingly difficult. Basically the problem stems from the fact that Burmese art has been greatly influenced by Indian traditions, yet successive migrations ofTibeto-Burman tribes have introduced Chinese elements. Consequently iconographic inconsistencies occur with such regularity that a positive identification of Lokapalas is nearly impossible. A case in point is a carving of four Burmese images recently brought to the attention of the author. (Figures 1, 2, 3, 4) Carved in the round, these four standing images wear the conventionalized dress associated with Burmese deva figures as well as nats and royal personages of the eighteenth century. The outer skirt has a multi-tiered frontal panel which covers an inner garment, most likely ballooned trousers. The upper vest with extended shoulders ties at the waist with a simple band. Petal-shaped decorations with jewelled inserts drape the front of the costume, and a tight fitting, sleeved garment extends to the wrists. The jewel studded, multi-tiered crown rises to a finial which recalls the splendidly truncated roofs of the Burmese shrines with a hti on top. With downcast eyes and upturned lips, the delicately carved oval face is framed by :flowered ear ornaments. Presumably the number four is crucial to the identification of these images and Lokapalas in general, In Burmese Buddhism two of the most frequently represented sets of four are the Lokapalas and a group of Burmese saints. In 1922-1923 Duroiselle reports the existence of shrines dedicated to the saints with four images inside wearing monk's robes. He refers to the saints as Shin Upagok, Shin Thiwali, Shin Angulimala and Shin Peindola.l Elsewhere Duroiselle mentions a set of Lokapalas above and below the sun and the moon on the jambs of the Lion's Throne carved for King Bodawapaya in 1816.2 .... this was a way of emphasizing that the Throne, with the spire over it was Centre of the Universe and the King therefore the centre of the world, since he sat between the four Lokapalas.3

* Nancy H.

Dowling received her M.A. in Art History from the University of Colorado, Boulder. Presently living in Manila, she is working on two topics : Animal Forms in Thai Sculpture and the Regional Identification of Ifugao Sculpture. 1. Melford E. Spiro, Burmese Supernaturalism, (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1967), p. 44. 2. Yi Yi, "The Thrones of the Burmese Kings," Journal of the Burmese Research Society, XLIII (Rangoon, December, 1960), p. 106. 3. Ibid., p. 107.

86

BURMESE LOKAPALAS: A PROBLEM OF IDENTIFICATION

87

From a sketch drawing of the Lion's Throne, these Lokapalas are virtually indistinguishable from any other Burmese deva figures (Figure 5).4 Dressed as royal personages, they have identical costumes and attributes. Sir Richard Temple also identified four Burmese images as Lokapalas.s He refers to them as Daddarata Nat Min (Dhatarattha), King of the East; Virulaka Nat Min (Virulhka), King of the South; Virupekka Nat Min (Virupakkha), King of the West; and Kuvera or Wethawun Nat Min (Kuvera of Vessavana), King of the North.6 Like Duroiselle, Temple fails to describe the Lokapalas according to their attributes rather they wear regal dress and carry identical swords. Perhaps a key to identifying the carving of four Burmese images is both the regal dress and the number four. If Duroiselle's saints wore monk's robes and the Lokapalas donned regal attire, then possibly the carving also depicts Lokapalas. Other evidence which suggests that these images are Lokapalas is the fact that each figure carries a unique attribute, a characteristic of Lokapalas in both India and China. Examining the images in a clockwise direction, King 1 carries a stupa shaped container in his left hand, and a curvilinear handle which supports a banner or umbrella in his right (Figure 1). Next King 2 writes with pen in an opened book which he supports with his left hand (Figure 2). King 3 holds an object which perhaps represents a drum (Figure 3), while King 4 displays a longitudinal cross section of a conch shell in his right hand and perhaps raises a sword along with a lotus blossom in his left (Figure 4). Now if one accepts the possibility that these four images are Lokapalas, then the problem becomes one of correlating the attributes each figure bears with a particular Lokapala. A most reasonable starting point is to analyze the attributes associated with the eastern quarter of the world. According to the ancient Hindu texts, the East is always reckoned first because Indra, the "first of the firmament deities",' presides over this compass point. The special importance of the East is again repeated in the Atanatiya Suttanta where King Vessavana or Kuvera recites that the eastern quarter is the "First to come". 8 Another important reason for beginning with this quarter is that both the Chinese and Indian traditions agree that the King of the East carries the same iconographic attribute; namely, a stringed instrument similar to a harp. Presumably if the attribute is the same in these two cultures, then quite possibly the iconographic tradition was transferred to Burma. Two jewel encrusted images which recently arrived in Bangkok support this hypothesis (Figure 6). The pair 4. S. 6. 7. 8.

The Mandalay Palace (Rangoon, 1963}, Plate 17. Sir Richard Temple, The Thirty-Seven Nats, (London, 1902), p. 33. Ibid., p. 33. Edward Moor, F.R.S .. , The Hindu Pantheon, (London, 1810), p. 261. T.W. Rhys David, Sacred Books of the Buddhists, Vol. IV (London, 1921), p. 190.

88

Nancy H. Dowling

wear costumes normally associated with royal personages i.e. Lokapalas; yet one carries a Burmese harp and the other a sword. A regal figure with harp is not unusual in Burmese art. Such a figure is especially common to Burmese nat worship. Minye Aungdin Nat, Mintha Maung Shin Nat, and U Shin Gyi all play beautiful harp music yet not in pairs or in combination with three others. Conceivably Figure 6 might represent two Burmese Lokapalas which suggests that the Chinese and Indian attributes for the King of the East existed in Burma. By itself this does not mean that a particularly Burmese attribute did not develop for the King of the East also. Perhaps this explains why none of the Lokapalas in the circular piece in question carries a harp. King 3 holds an object which might be described as a drum, but a harp and a drum are only remotely related. Conceivably a Burmese craftsman might have confused the proper musical attribute carried by Dhatarattha. On the other hand perhaps the drum-like form actually represents a particularly Burmese attribute. Certainly the existence of another image carrying a similar rounded form with an elongated base suggests that this attribute represents more than a misidentification of musical instruments but rather a particularly Burmese symbol for Dhatarattha (Figure 7). A possible explanation for the association of a drum-like form with the Burmese King of the East may be found in the Hindu texts. According to the Vedic traditions, Indra, not Dhatarattha governs the eastern quarter of the world. As King of the Immortals, he presides over the middle region of Mount Meru, and is primarily recognized as the thunder god, who conquers the demons of drought and darkness, and brings forth the waters and the light. The thunderbolt is the exclusive property of Indra, yet as he assumes other godly roles and names, his attributes become confused. As the Adviser of Evil, lndra adopts the name Sakka which is the term later incorporated into Buddhism to represent the King of Tavatimsa in which the Lokapalas reside. Like lndra, presumably Sakka bears the thunderbolt as his exclusive attribute, but Gandhara sculpture reveals this was not always the case. "In fact, many thunderbolt bearers appear, but varied to a remarkable extent."9 On reliefs depicting the life of Buddha, the Gandhara sculpture almost invariably shows a strange figure close to the Buddha. There are numerous representations of this personage on earlier and later reliefs, but one attribute remains common to all "a peculiar club-like object which the figure sometimes grasps by the middle with his right hand, and sometimes holds upright in his palm. In the case of the more modern reliefs, one gets the impression that the sculptor has not known exactly what the object was intended to represent" I 0 (Figure 8). Speculation also surrounds the identification of the figure itself. Grunwedel believes the club bearers represent the old thunder god Sakka who 9. Albert Grunwedel, Buddhist Art in India (London, 1901), p. 87. 10. Ibid., p. 87.

BURMESE LOKAPALAS : A PROBLEM OF IDENTIFICATION

89

performs a protective and sympathetic role in the Buddhist legends for whenever anything important is about to happen on earth, his throne in heaven grows warm, and he hastens down to earth to intervene in the interests of right and truth.ll Just as this cudgel-like form was possibly misinterpreted by the Gandhara sculptors, so too the drum-like object of the Burmese Lokapalas may indicate the sculptor had no idea what the intended object was supposed to be. P;;,••

\

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book an~ pen \

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Figure I:

Burmese Lokapalas, View of King I and King 2, Wood, Nineteenth Century ( ?) . Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand .

Figure 2:

Burmese Lokapa las , View of King 2, Wood, Nineteenth Century ( ?). Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand .

Figure 3:

Burmese Lokapalas, View of King 3, Wood, Nineteenth Century(?). Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 4:

Burmese Lokapalas, View of King 4, Wood, Nineteenth Century (?). Private Collection , Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 5:

Sketch of Upper Portion of Lion's Throne, Burmese, 1916. (Ministry of Union Culture, Mandalay Palace, Rangoon, 1963, Plate 17).

Figure 6 : Burmese Lokapalas , Wood, Figure on Left Carries Burmese Harp; Figure on Right Carries Sword, Nineteenth Century(?). Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 7 : Burmese Lokapala Carrying Unidentified Container, Wood, Nineteenth Cent ury. Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 8 : Various Club Bearing Images (Grunwedel, Buddhist Art in India, London, 1901, p. 88).

Fi gur e 9:

Figure 10:

Virudhako- Yakho, Stone, Bharhut Pillar, Early Fi rst Century, B.C. , (Henrich Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia, New York, 1955).

Chakavako Naja, Raja Stone, Bharhut Pillar, Early First Century, B.C., (Alexander Cunningham, The Stupa of Bharhut, Varanasi, 1962).

Figure 11 : Royal P~sonnage, Stone, Bharhut Pillar, Early First Century, B.C., (Alexander Cunningham, The Stupa of Bharhut, Varanasi, 1962).

Figure 12 :

Va runa, Stone, Northeast India, Eighth Century, Metropolitan Museum of Art (Asia Society, Inc., Th e Art of India, Tokyo, 1963, Pla te 33).

Figure 13:

Figure 14:

Burmese Door with Lokapala, Wood, Nineteenth Century(?). Pr ivate Col lection, Bangko k, Thailand.

Burmese Door with Lokapala, Wood , Nineteenth Century(?), Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 15 : Apsara Carrying Vase, Degaldaruwa, Ceylon, Mid-Eighteenth Century (PhilipS. Rawson, Indian Painting, New York, 1961, p. 96).

Figure 16:

Kupiro-Yakho, Stone, Bharhut Pillar, Early First Century, B.C., (Alexander Cunningham, The Stupa of Blzarlzut, Varanasi, 1962).

Figure 17 :

Komoku-ten or Virupaksa, Horyuji, Japan.

Seventh Century.

(Henrich Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia, New York, 1955).

Figure 18 : Burmese Lokapala Carrying Banner or Umbrella, Wood, Nineteenth Century. (V.C. Scott O'Connor, Mandalay, London, 1907).

Figure 19:

Burmese Lokapala Writing in Book, Wood, Nineteenth Century (?) Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 20:

Burmese Lokapala Writing in Book, Wood, Early Twentieth Century(?). Private Collection. Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 21 : Burmese Lokapala Writing in Book. Bronze, Eighteenth Century(?) Private Collection, Bangkok, Thailand.

Figure 22 : Burmese Lokapala Holding Conch Shell, Wood, Nineteenth Century(?). (V.S. Scott O'Connor, Mandalay, London, 1907).

Figure 23 : Burmese Lok a palas , Figure on left perha ps held a sword; Figure on right di splays a conch, Wood, Nineteenth Century ( ?), Private Collection, Bangkok, Tha iland.

Figure 24 :

Burmese .L okapala probably carrying shell, Wood, Late Eighteenth Century(?). Private Collection, Bangkok , Thailand.

Figure 25 : Burmese Lokapala with Sword or Bludgeon, Wood , Nineteenth Century(?). (V.C. Scott O'Connor, Mandalay, London , 1907).

KINSHIP AND LOCALITY IN HUA KOK By JEREMY H. KEMP*

Introduction Kinship has received comparatively little attention from anthropologists working in Thailand, partly because of the theoretical interests of researchers but also because of the perceived limited role of kinship in determining an individual's life chances. Kinship arrangements in rural Central Thailand are often presented as fluid or amorphous yet kinship at least in its idiomatic use permeates Thai society very thoroughly. In this discussion of the character of the connection of residence patterns and major social activities with kinship I depend, except where otherwise indicated, on data collected during my first period of fieldwork in Hua Kok in 1966-67.1 In subsequent publications I will look specifically at the changes affecting Hua Kok since then, but in this background paper using the 'ethnographic present' my intention is a rather general presentation and interpretation of the role of kinship in both expressing and engendering some degree of community identity.

Locality Hua Kok straddles the river Wang Thong some eighteen kilometres east of Phitsanulok in what Pendleton designated the Upper Plain of the Chao Phraya and its tributaries (1962: 39). The hamlet occupies a narrow belt of land raised by former flooding. On the Phitsanulok side the fields behind the hamlet are divided into rice paddies, their small size attesting to minor variations in level despite a superficially flat, plain-like appearance. On the east bank the land undulates gently until reaching the first massive outcrop of the Petchabun mountain range some four kilometres away. Much of this was considered unsuitable for paddy cultivation on account of its unevenness and remained forest until the introduction of maize in the latter part of the nineteen fifties. Due in part to local pressure on agricultural resources and the existence of market opportunities, the forest was finally cleared and maize rapidly became the second most important crop in the district. In late 1966 Hua Kok contained forty-eight houses, all but six being on the west bank. On this side of the river a cart track runs northwards for about three and a half kilometres, past Wang Khut and Bang Saphan, to the District Office (amphoe)

*

Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Kent at Canterbury. 1. Fieldwork in 1966-7 was sponsored by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies which was jointly financed by the Carnegie and Nuffield Foundations.

101

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Jeremy H. Kemp

and market in Wang Thong where it joins the main Phitsanulok-Lomsak highway. Southwards it continues along the riverbank to the temple at tpe far end of Wang Phom where it turns inland. In the dry season it is occasionally used by trucks, but in the rains a number of low-lying places make it impassible to all motorized vehicles. Important as it is in linking the neighbourhood to the local market and administrative centre, this is no bustling highway. Except in the early morning and evening during the farming season the track is often deserted. Indeed, Hua Kok lacks any obvious focal point around which activities fostering community identity and solidarity might occur. There is no ritual centre be it temple or animist shrine, neither is there a school nor any other public building within its boundaries. A single shop-house beside the road at the northernmost end of the hamlet maintains a supply of nearly aU the day-to-day necessities in which households are not self-sufficient, but the people who spend most time there are the close kin and neighbours of the shopkeepers. Others come and go after a few words or send their children to make purchases. Sometimes a few men buying liquor sit and drink on the back porch, but overall the store does not function as a social or recreational centre.· Even the river does not dominate the settlement in the manner of the canals and rivers further south. It bas cut deeply into the earth and except when in flood can be crossed on foot by an adult. The river is not used as a highway except during the rains, the only time it has sufficient depth for large trading and motor boats to reach the market. Most houses are clustered in groups or three or four and set back from the river rather than facing directly on to it. Nevertheless it does play an important part in the life of the hamlet; although there is no single riverside gathering place most people visit it several times a day to collect water and perform ablutions. Physically Hua Kok is certainly a discrete unit in being spatially separated by fields and gardens from neighbouring settlements. Socially its standing is far less certain given the lack of foci around which joint activities might be generated. It does not necessarily fo11ow from the foregoing that Hua Kok is anything more than an assemblage of houses. For such evidence one must turn to the organization of the major activities of political, economic, religious and familial life, yet even here no immediately coherent overall picture emerges. In common with other settlements in the neighbourhood Hua Kok is not a formal administrative unit, though the present village headman happens to live at the northern end of Hua Kok in the shop-house. The rest of the village consists of Wang Phom which is over twice the size of Hua Kok, and part of the dispersed hamlet of Wang Ya Nang situated immediately beyond Wang Phom. In all, the village consists

Wang Thong

Bang Snphan

Hua Kok

•

KINSHIP AND LOCALITY IN HUA KOK

103

of about two hundred houses and given the fact that it has its own school and temple it readily appears on paper that the village is the primary communal unit to which people from Hua Kok belong. In reality the situation is very different with all Hua Kok children attending the school in Bang Sapha n. The majority of Hua Kok residents also frequent the Bang Saphan temple more often than the one in Wang Phom, yet both temples and schools are almost equidistant from Hua Kok. Even the affairs of local government are conducted in terms of dyadic relations with the headman rather than of the village as a corporate entity. Finally it is important to note that during the period under discussion there was neither any major development scheme operating in the area nor any opportunities for formal political activity. The lack of physical foci for interaction already alluded to is further reinforced by the absence of any clearly defined surrounding hamlet territory. This was formerly even more pronounced with the rice fields behind Hua Kok being owned and worked almost exclusively by farmers from the settlements to the north.

There has been some

consolidation of these fields in the hands of Hua K.ok residents but this is a slow process.

Most continue to farm paddies to the south, behind and beyond Wang Phom,

where they are interspersed with those of people from other settlements. The pattern of land holding for the ma ize fields is similarly dispersed with people from different hamlets working in adjoining fields. The recruitment of labour for agricultural tasks whether it be of kin, friends, or mere acquaintances, in part depends on 'happening' to meet them when making plans. The pattern of land holding thus suggests that co-operation between farming groups is less likely to be limited to hamlet co-residents than would be the case if there was a discrete area of hamlet fields. The reciprocal labour groups recruited for transplanting and sometime> for harvesting rice are as likely to include people met along the path to one's farm or who work in adjacent fields as they are fellow residents met when bathing in the late evening. Indeed, the dispersal of fields on occasion leads to the exclusion of close neighbours and friends because some families move to field huts to eliminate daily travelling to and fro in the work season. The same selective factors also pertain to the recruitment of wage-labour for both maize and rice cultivation. On the other hand, involvement in a wider social network does not preclude significant interaction between co-residents, and these wider networks themselves lack well demarcated social bounda ries. Temple congregations are not exclusive bodies with a formal membership, but those who regularly attend services tend to frequent

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Jeremy H. Kemp

Bang Saphan or Wang Phom, and most people residing in the southern half of Hua Kok prefer the latter temple. However, the division is modified by Bang Saphan being the most important temple in the district, its abbot the district religious head is the only monk qualified to conduct ordinations. The increased food requirements of the forty or more monks and novices resident there during the rainy season retreat enables them to include the whole of Hua Kok in an early morning round of alms-collecting. In contrast there are at most only four or five monks at Wang Phom during the same period. The individual and his destiny is an aspect of Buddhism sometimes emphasized to the neglect of collective activities. In addition to personal merit-making temple attendance is a social event. Indeed, I have seen special foods prepared on the eve of

wan phra by peop le who then failed to present them at the temple because none of their friends and neighbours were going . Attendance patterns reflect many factors which include the distribution of kin and ties of friendship, the expected size of congregations, and opportunities for young people to meet others of the opposite sex. Bang Saphan is usually compared favourably with Wang Phom because of the large number of people from a wide area who attend, especially for major festivals. On the other hand, an informant who had previously expressed a strong preference for Bang Saphan decided to go to Wang Phom on wan phra in the 1968 Lent. Her reason was that as she intended spending the whole day and night observing the Eight Precepts Wang Phom was better because she knew and was friendly with almost everyone there doing likewise, whereas she would have been a comparative stranger at Bang Saphan. Within Hua Kok ceremonies are arranged on behalf of single households except where two or three co-operate for events associated with ordinations. Participation in these festivities can involve the whole hamlet but also many from neighbouring settlements. The only occasion resembling a hamlet ceremony proved to have been organized by two men from Bang Saphan. This was actually described initially by one informant as rham bun klang b(m, "making merit at the hamlet centre", but in fact it was merit making at an irrigation truck (tham bun rot nak). A government irrigation truck was temporarily located in Hua Kok after being used to pump water into the paddies towards the end of the growing season. Five monks were brought from Bang Saphan to be fed and bless the truck, and some thirty people from Bang Saphan, Wang Khut and Hua Kok attended. A similar pattern of interaction occurs with respect to non-Buddhist activities; specialists may come from outside the hamlet for rituals involving individuals or, at most, single households. No ritual draws a congregation which might in any way be equated with Hua Kok.

105

KINSHIP AND LOCALITY IN HUA KOK

How does this very fragmented and diffuse picture of hamlet social organization compare with residents' own perceptions of their social universe? represent themselves and how are they identified by others?

How do they

The term mu ban can

easily give rise to confusion: by formal definition it is the smallest administrative unit but among ordinary people it is used far less rigidly to include hamlets.

Sometimes,

like Hua Kok, these are demographically and geographically discrete units, but one can also have fairly continuous settlement along canals and rivers.

Popular designation as

a mii ban or simply ban thus provides an insight into local perceptions of the social universe, and Hua Kok is indeed refer red to in these terms. nameless and identified only by its number.

In contrast, the village is

Only in official situations do residents and

those from adjacent settlements speak of "village no. 7".

It is also relevant to note

in this context that not all named localities are referred to in this manner.

Dong

Ya ng is the na me given to the southern end of Hua Kok, after a clump of yang trees, but it has no social identity of its own and so never merits the prefix ban. then it must be seen as significant that a person's social identity is

expre~sed

Overall locally as

a "Hua Kok person" (khan Hua Kok), or as member of the Hua Kok group, (phuak

Hua Kok), and it is one's fellow residents who are neighbours, (phu'an ban). Two seemingly contradictory statements may thus be made, the first being that the activities of the inhabitants of the hamlet so overlap with those of others from elsewhere that Hua Kok in no way constitutes a corporate whole. On the other hand the local classification of groupings does suggest some kind of corporate identity, the source of which is as yet unspecified but clearly more than the consequence of physical proximity. One po~s ible explanation of this is kinship, yet as with other activities, rela tions of kinship and affinity are in no way bounded by the limits of the settlement. Nevertheless it can be argued that the character and extent of the ties of kinsh ip combined with the effects of proximity do account for a greater degree of community identity than would otherwise be the case. What we initially need to know then is the role of kinship ideology in structuring social relations.

Kinship Temple remains and other evidence indicate that in the Ayuthaya period the area supported a considerable population. This disappeared as a result of warfare or withdrawal to more defensible regions in the reigns of Taksin or Rama I (Damrong 2504: 9). Perhaps a few remained or resettlement began again before the old bot at the temple in Wang Thong could fall into decay. Certainly it appears that captives taken in the war with Laos in 1827-28 were moved into the area. An unnamed couple

106

Jeremy H. Kemp

in Bang Saphan from whom people in forty of the forty-nine households 2 in Hua Kok are directly descended, are reputed to have been Lao from Vientiane. Hua Kok itself was probably settled around the turn of the century; by about 1909 there were four or five houses, but even at this stage the surrounding land fit for paddies had been cleared by those remaining in Wang Thong and Bang Saphan. Except for an elderly Chinese and his family, everyone in Hua Kok has extensive ties of descent or affinity with fellow residents. Yet the exact implications of this are initially unclear, if only because everyone has extensive kin ties with people The fact that the earliest migrants chose to reside in Hua Kok from elsewhere. whence contact was more easily retained with kin in Bang Saphan, rather than move to Wang Phom or further south where their fields were, suggests the importance of kinship. Now lands are distributed over a far wider area facilitating interaction with other settlements, but the residents of Hua Kok remain more generally orientated towards Wang Khut and Bang Saphan than to Wang Phom, and this reflects the denser network of kin lmks with these places. Its size and the extent of pre-existing genealogical connections restrict the number of marriages within Hua Kok. Unions between kin are generally disapproved of and, although technically legal, first-cousin marriages are considered wrong and extremely unlucky. They are believed likely to result in the death of any children or even of the couple themselves owing to the withdrawal of the protection afforded by th'ewada. For those less closely related disapproval sometimes appears little more than a legitimate means of expressing objections rooted in more mundane matters. Nevertheless, intra-kin marriages never conform to the traditional ideal of being arranged by go-betweens and accompanied with feasting and merit-making, ostensibly because anyone asked to be a go-between would be too "shy" to suggest a union of kin. Despite these restrictions, the area within which mmt marriages are contracted is restricted, and there is an important degree of neighbourhood in-marriage. Out of forty-two unions in which at least one partner was from Hua Kok, twenty-four took place with people from the neighbourhood formed by Wang Phom (five), Hua Kok (five), Wang Khut (six), and Bang Saphan (eight). In all, twenty-nine unions were contracted within the district and thirty-two within the province. Seventeen men and twenty-nine women lived in Hua Kok prior to marriage, the combined figures for the four settlements being twenty-nine and thirty-six respectively. Residents are thus closely linked with the surrounding neighbourhood by a network of interpersonal ties established by marriage and subsequently reinforced by 2.

In late 1966 one of these household groups was residing with kin after selling its old house and prior to construction of a new one, hence the discrepancy between the figures for houses and household groups. ·

KINSHIP AND LOCALiTY IN HUA KOK

107

the birth of children. Even so, marriage is not so much a matter of the alliance of family groups as one of individual choice. Marriages may be suggested by parents and carefully negotiated, but there are no great pressures to accept these proposals. Indeed, soundings through go-betweens appear doomed unless the couple reach some understanding beforehand. Registration at the district office in accordance with the law remains rare with local custom, which allows for polygyny, continuing to offer an adequate guarantee of marital rights and duties. Unions are established in a variety of ways which to some extent reflect the circumstances of the couple and a broader long-term pattern of change. With the traditional 'ideal' wedding, the phithi taeng ngan, go-betweens negotiate the match and the wedding rites are accompanied by feasting and merit-making on a large scale. This type of union is referred to locally as kh'q kan, "asking", but nowadays the most popular form of marriage is the elopement, tiim kan, which has become far more common in the past thirty years. A couple run away to the man's house for a few nights before returning to ask the girl's parents for forgiveness and their blessing. Other named forms of union include being caught spending the night with a girl in her home (khu'n ha), forcible seduction (chut kan), and living together without any ritual or payment (yu di ao kan choei choei). This last mentioned occurs when a couple are middle-aged or elderly and have been married previously. Unless one of the partners already has a house, a couple normally live initially as dependents in a parental household until their first child is born. The traditional norm is that initial residence be matrilocal, and deviations by people marrying for the first time can nearly always be explained by either the impossibility of matrilocal residence or there being some specific advantage in doing otherwise (cf. Kemp 1970). Couples eventually erect their own house, often but by no means necessarily, within the parental compound. However, one of the daughters and her spouse remain to care for the parents in their old age, the only recorded instance of a son doing this being that of an only child. Should the parents still be alive and all her sisters already married, the youngest daughter and her husband can expect to inherit the house and a possibly disproportionate amount of the other property. The likelihood of this occurring is reduced should elder sisters remain in the house; it had not happened or seemed very unlikely in the cases of a middle-aged woman who had refused to marry, a divorcee with children, and a woman with an illegitimate child. The incidence is further reduced by the death of parents before the marriage of younger children which results in the then resident couple taking over. Couples may move to and fro between parents for several years before settling. Residence decisions can be, and sometimes are, rescinded but the choice of initial

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Jeremy H. Kemp

residence both reflects and affects a couple's economic prospects. Rights in inheritance are insecure unless reinforced by bonds of sentiment and mutual dependence. Eventual erection of a house in a parental compound can thus be interpreted as a statement of expectatiqns as well as one of ongoing interaction. Even should a husband and wife eventually inherit fields from their respective parents, utilization of both plots might well prove impossible because of the divergent locations. The move to a new house does signify an important change in social relations but is, nevertheless, only one stage in a far longer process. Even before marriage children may begin to accumulate their own resources: money earned is their own and does not have to be contributed to the household budget. Sim1larly a young couple may even start to farm of their own account, though it is also true that dependence or interdependence can persist well after the move to a separate house. One residentially independent couple continues to eat and farm jointly with a parental household, in another case all farming is jointly organized, and a degree of cooperation exists in a number of others. Such instances give some idea of the possible variations in the organization and performance of tasks by household members. 1 he frequent overlap between residential, productive, and consumption activities must not direct attention away from the exceptions which themselves are often structured responses to regular social processes in the development cycle of domestic groups, the distribution of resources, and accidents of demography. Despite such qualifications it is still useful when discussing household organization to take as its core the nuclear or elementary family around which the sometimes larger household gathers. The distinction though is an analytical one, villagers themselves refer to ban, house, ban diao kan, the same house and khr?bkhrua ("cover arrangement of the hearth", Sharp & Hanks 1978: 52). 1he latter word which is almost inevitably translated as "family" in fact contains no reference to any explicitly kin-based principle of association. Thirty-two of the forty-nine household groups contained only a couple with (at least some of) their children. The rest showed a variety of configurations; on a vertical axis these varied from two households with members from four generations to one of a widowed man and his young grand-daughter. Laterally, household size was increased by siblings of either spouse, children by former unions, and more distantly related kin like the grand-daughter of an elder half-sibling of the household head.3 Overall, household size ranges from two to ten members with an average of five point seven persons per household. 3. Such people however tend to remain only temporarily since they have no claim to the resources of the household other than to a share of any crops they have helped to produce.

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Headship (huii na khr'9pkhrua) passes from the male founder (or successor) to his widow, and then to the senior male of the next generation who is usually an affine because of the norm of initial matrilocal marriage residence. Relinquishment of headship occasionally occurs when parents cease to play an active part in the management of domestic affairs and become dependents of the succeeding generation. Although children are expected to honour and respect their parents, support them in their old age, and help them generally (and likewise parents are expected to look after their children when young and rear them well), the mutual dependence of each of the other is limited. This is associated with considerable scope for choice in the interpretation of role norms between even close familial kin. In Hua Kok as elsewhere in rural central Thailand, kinship structure is in no way an exclusive framework for the allocation of scarce resources. Instead of claims for support or access being restricted to a carefully specified group. of people, one finds a wide spread of claims, the burden of which rests lightly upon each individual. Furthermore, such claims are unlikely to be effective unless reinforced by other personal ties or perceptions of self-interest Household membership is contractual except perhaps for young children. The rights of any family member are indeed ascribed by the ideology of kinship and exist independently of role performance, a son is always a son, but in practice his inheritance depends on the performance of his role as son to parental satisfaction. Equally, a son's decision to maintain close links with his natal home is in part determined by his parents performing their roles as parents (and having the resources to do so) with resultant benefits which are to be compared with the possible gains from pursuing alternative strategies elsewhere. It is the law in cases of intestacy as well as a local customary norm that all children inherit equally. Yet the owner of any wealth or property has the right to alienate it as he or she wishes. Variables such as position in the birth order, location of initial and subsequent marriage residence, relative availability of other sources of property, etc., all influence the manner in which parents allocate their belongings. The only practice which in normal circumstances is highly predictable is that the married child living with the parents at the time of their death will take over the house and its domestic equipment together with a significant share of the farm lands. A number of considerations are taken into account at the time of any division of rice and maize fields. Land may be, and frequently is, divided (baeng kan) before the death of both parents; if not the widow as head of the household might well be left to complete the process. The practice of allowing the use of fields to a child (hai

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chai) without making an outright gift of it seems to be a long-established means of retaining parental authority and ensuring aid in times of need. Overall, the devolution of property is affected by a wide range of factors which all influence the way claims are pursue.d and recognized. Land is without any social value other than as a commodity. There is no virtue or social standing to be derived from cultivating or owning the same plot for several generations, nor is the hamlet so organized that the oldest families have higher prestige or greater access to political power. Obviously, the traditional abundance of land in the immediate or fairly near neighbourhood has played its part in the emergence of this situation which, of course, is now changing rapidly with the development of the cash economy and emergence of land scarcity. Over the past fifteen years, the tendency towards matrilocal and uxorilocal marriage residence, pre-existing links with settlements immediately to the north of Hua Kok, and the management of devolution according to the such practicalities as convenience of use, have all interacted to change the pattern of land holding. There has been a shift away from the original distribution of land holdings determined by the way in which the area was colonized as, with the passage of time, Hua Kok residents have inherited or purchased the land behind the settlement. In this respect at least one might see a possible strengthening of community identity. However, the process appears likely to be undermined in future by the shift from predominant owner-cultivation to a situation of an increasing concentration of ownership on the one hand and landlessness on the other. Just as the dynamics of kinship and locality have interacted in changing the original pattern of land-holding, so too they influence the whole pattern of settlement formation and growth. In the period of population growth before land became generally scarce, old settlements did not expand rapidly to become huge conglommerations. Instead, expansion was gradual in fits and starts as some people left for areas where unclaimed forest was more readily available. Given the workings of the domestic cycle it is likely that older children who tend to require land before parents are willing to divide, constituted a high proportion of those leaving in search of better opportunities elsewhere. What is easier to document though, is the part played by kin ties in the actual process of migration. The most common form of hamlet formation in the area seems to have been gradual settlement rather than a large scale move en bloc to a new area, with a few initial pioneers being joined over the years by others from their former hamlet. Kin ties, especially those between siblings, are frequently utilized in migration from one

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place to another whether the move be associated with a search for land, breaking-up of a natal household in divorce, etc., or the practice of pai thiao whereby young men go visiting to distant settlements to enjoy themselves and possibly find a wife. In Hua Kok itself sibling links have often been the means of movement in and out of the hamlet. In the early days the headman's mother moved to join a younger brother in Hua Kok and cleared a housesite at the side of his. Another, originally from a village to the south, came to Wang Thong to stay with a married sister and while there met and married a girl who had moved from Bang Saphan to join an elder brother in Hua Kok when her parents died. More recently, a man who had gone to Sukhothai brought back a wife who was followed soon afterwards by two younger sisters who found it preferable to move because they did not get on with their stepmother. One of these girls has already married a Hua Kok man. Three brothers from Hua Kok, the first, third and fourth children in a family of seven, all married girls from other hamlets and initially resided matrilocally. Subsequently the two older brothers jointly bought a large area of forest in a small hamlet in the southern part of the district. For the time being they continue to farm together although maintaining separate households. The youngest brother who went with them was also able to buy land very cheaply which he works independently.

Kinship and Locality Kinship and affinity constitute the most numerous and widely spread of all the sets of linkages joining Hua Kok residents to outsiders in addition to their high density within the hamlet itself. These links in themselves do not necessarily imply action, their importance lies in the fact that kinship provides an ideological charter for a wide range of social processes and transactions which may be classed as economic, familial, and so on, as is appropriate. The extent to which kinship permeates these varied areas of life has already been outlined. In this concluding section I intend to examine briefly both the values conveyed by this ideology and the way in which kinship interacts with the facts of locality to make Hua Kok a social unit rather than just a congeries of dwellings. When descent is traced bilaterally in a highly complex society as is Thailand, descent as a simple ordering principle seems to be of relatively little significance as a structural feature. In Hua Kok, and among Thai generally, the extent to which obligations are effectively ascribed by kinship is very limited even when genealogical ties are close. As shown in the preceeding pages, co-residence, property expectations, and personal compatability all considerably affect both the form and content of

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parent-child relations, an obvious enough point but one sometimes lost in the social scientists' search for generalization. In the Thai system these factors are perhaps especially significant because the equal tracing of descent through both parents does not provide a single structural criterion for allocating and distributing resources. In these circumstances the use of kin terms is freed from many of the constraints imposed when their function in indicating jural roles is more pronounced. The Thai terminological system is well enough known not to reguire duplication here. What is usefully emphasized though is that, depending on the closeness of the linkage, age relative to Ego and Ego's parents is carefully distinguished. The way kin terms are used in Hua Kok suggests that a major function is distinguishing people as much by age as by genealogy. Kin terms which imply age differences clearly inappropriate to actual age are generally changed for ones more appropriate. Similarly, when kin terms are used ficticiously the forms chosen reflect the age differences of the participants fairly accurately. Clearly then, the use of kin terms, especially between non-kin, affirms the appropriateness of sentiments of warmth and proximity which are the ideal of kin relationships4 while at the same time spelling out that these are also relations of superiority and inferiority. They indicate who should defer to another, important in a society where much emphasis is placed on the view that respect is due to one's elders and superiors, and this is true even in the comparatively egalitarian setting of Hua Kok. In brief, kin terms reflect both the underlying morality of kinship with its emphasis on generalized reciprocity (cf. Kemp forthcoming), and local values about age and the sentiments ideally associated with kinship. Kin terms thus facilitate interpersonal relations, they offer their users a means of symbolically expressing major social values not in themselves necessarily derivable from biological connection albeit expressed in its idiom. Kinship is so pervasive in Hua Kok because it is the means of expressing all close, interpersonal relations, often regardless of actual genealogical connection. The absence of a clear jural dimension as found in some simpler societies with unilineal descent thus sets the scene for a far freer expression of some of the other dimensions of kinship ideology. At the same time, however, one must emphasize that the situation described in this paper is one in which the progressive socio-economic differentiation of villagers associated with the development of the market economy was still in its early stages. Hence the fact that villagers still made extensive use of reciprocal labour groups in their fields and relative absence of the division between poor and afHuent which has such a disruptive effect on traditional patterns of intra-communal intercourse: 4. The point is reinforced by the use of terms indicating linkage through one's mother rather than father.

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In the situation outlined above, kinship taken in conjunction with the interaction engendered by geographical proximity is the principal unifying factor in Hua Kok. It is the bonds arising from proximity and common interests strengthened by the moral ideology of kinship which create Hua Kok's identification as a community. Kinship alone cannot do this, everybody has many kin outside the hamlet, but in the absence of corporate interests the combination of locality with kinship forms the most important framework for the various types of activity which occur. In other words, these two features interact to create a social setting which facilitates and supports relations with others and makes Hua Kok a distinctive social unit for its residents and those in the neighbourhood. They also give it an analytical importance which is not revealed by the boundaries of administrative units, temple congregations, or any of the other criteria so often used to designate what units are worthy of study. Finally, there is the question of the quality of the relations involved in the development and maintenance of community life. The networks of interpersonal ties with which I have been concerned, although undoubtedly individually manipulated and managed are nonetheless structured by sets of commonly held values and expectations about one's duty to oneself and to others. In so far as any ideology is significant for, and can be used to explain action, the Buddhist notion of 'merit' has long been recognized as being of major importance; kinship is clearly another.

Bibliography Damrong, Prince

Kemp, J.H. 1970

Ru'ang mu'ang Phitsanulok Published in a commemorative volume for Phun Saophajon. B.E. 2504, Bangkok. Initial marriage residence in rural Thailand. Tej Bunnag & M. Smithies (eds.) In Memoriam Phya Anuman Rajadhon T.he Siam Society, Bangkok.

forthcoming

Kinship and the management of personal relations: kin terminologies and the axiom of amity. To appear in Bijdragen tot de Taa/-, Land- en Vo/kenkunde, v. 139, i.

Pendleton, R.L. 1962

Thailand, Aspects of Landscape and Life American Geographical Society Handbook, New York.

Sharp, L. & Hanks, L. 1978

Bang Chan: Social History of a Rural Community in Thailand Cornell University Press, Ithaca & London.

KINSHIP AND LOCALITY IN HUA KOK By JEREMY H. KEMP*

Introduction Kinship has received comparatively little attention from anthropologists working in Thailand, partly because of the theoretical interests of researchers but also because of the perceived limited role of kinship in determining an individual's life chances. Kinship arrangements in rural Central Thailand are often presented as fluid or amorphous yet kinship at least in its idiomatic use permeates Thai society very thoroughly. In this discussion of the character of the connection of residence patterns and major social activities with kinship I depend, except where otherwise indicated, on data collected during my first period of fieldwork in Hua Kok in 1966-67.1 In subsequent publications I will look specifically at the changes affecting Hua Kok since then, but in this background paper using the 'ethnographic present' my intention is a rather general presentation and interpretation of the role of kinship in both expressing and engendering some degree of community identity.

Locality Hua Kok straddles the river Wang Thong some eighteen kilometres east of Phitsanulok in what Pendleton designated the Upper Plain of the Chao Phraya and its tributaries (1962: 39). The hamlet occupies a narrow belt of land raised by former flooding. On the Phitsanulok side the fields behind the hamlet are divided into rice paddies, their small size attesting to minor variations in level despite a superficially flat, plain-like appearance. On the east bank the land undulates gently until reaching the first massive outcrop of the Petchabun mountain range some four kilometres away. Much of this was considered unsuitable for paddy cultivation on account of its unevenness and remained forest until the introduction of maize in the latter part of the nineteen fifties. Due in part to local pressure on agricultural resources and the existence of market opportunities, the forest was finally cleared and maize rapidly became the second most important crop in the district. In late 1966 Hua Kok contained forty-eight houses, all but six being on the west bank. On this side of the river a cart track runs northwards for about three and a half kilometres, past Wang Khut and Bang Saphan, to the District Office (amphoe)

*

Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Kent at Canterbury. 1. Fieldwork in 1966-7 was sponsored by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies which was jointly financed by the Carnegie and Nuffield Foundations.

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and market in Wang Thong where it joins the main Phitsanulok-Lomsak highway. Southwards it continues along the riverbank to the temple at tpe far end of Wang Phom where it turns inland. In the dry season it is occasionally used by trucks, but in the rains a number of low-lying places make it impassible to all motorized vehicles. Important as it is in linking the neighbourhood to the local market and administrative centre, this is no bustling highway. Except in the early morning and evening during the farming season the track is often deserted. Indeed, Hua Kok lacks any obvious focal point around which activities fostering community identity and solidarity might occur. There is no ritual centre be it temple or animist shrine, neither is there a school nor any other public building within its boundaries. A single shop-house beside the road at the northernmost end of the hamlet maintains a supply of nearly aU the day-to-day necessities in which households are not self-sufficient, but the people who spend most time there are the close kin and neighbours of the shopkeepers. Others come and go after a few words or send their children to make purchases. Sometimes a few men buying liquor sit and drink on the back porch, but overall the store does not function as a social or recreational centre.· Even the river does not dominate the settlement in the manner of the canals and rivers further south. It bas cut deeply into the earth and except when in flood can be crossed on foot by an adult. The river is not used as a highway except during the rains, the only time it has sufficient depth for large trading and motor boats to reach the market. Most houses are clustered in groups or three or four and set back from the river rather than facing directly on to it. Nevertheless it does play an important part in the life of the hamlet; although there is no single riverside gathering place most people visit it several times a day to collect water and perform ablutions. Physically Hua Kok is certainly a discrete unit in being spatially separated by fields and gardens from neighbouring settlements. Socially its standing is far less certain given the lack of foci around which joint activities might be generated. It does not necessarily fo11ow from the foregoing that Hua Kok is anything more than an assemblage of houses. For such evidence one must turn to the organization of the major activities of political, economic, religious and familial life, yet even here no immediately coherent overall picture emerges. In common with other settlements in the neighbourhood Hua Kok is not a formal administrative unit, though the present village headman happens to live at the northern end of Hua Kok in the shop-house. The rest of the village consists of Wang Phom which is over twice the size of Hua Kok, and part of the dispersed hamlet of Wang Ya Nang situated immediately beyond Wang Phom. In all, the village consists

Wang Thong

Bang Snphan

Hua Kok

•

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103

of about two hundred houses and given the fact that it has its own school and temple it readily appears on paper that the village is the primary communal unit to which people from Hua Kok belong. In reality the situation is very different with all Hua Kok children attending the school in Bang Sapha n. The majority of Hua Kok residents also frequent the Bang Saphan temple more often than the one in Wang Phom, yet both temples and schools are almost equidistant from Hua Kok. Even the affairs of local government are conducted in terms of dyadic relations with the headman rather than of the village as a corporate entity. Finally it is important to note that during the period under discussion there was neither any major development scheme operating in the area nor any opportunities for formal political activity. The lack of physical foci for interaction already alluded to is further reinforced by the absence of any clearly defined surrounding hamlet territory. This was formerly even more pronounced with the rice fields behind Hua Kok being owned and worked almost exclusively by farmers from the settlements to the north.

There has been some

consolidation of these fields in the hands of Hua K.ok residents but this is a slow process.

Most continue to farm paddies to the south, behind and beyond Wang Phom,

where they are interspersed with those of people from other settlements. The pattern of land holding for the ma ize fields is similarly dispersed with people from different hamlets working in adjoining fields. The recruitment of labour for agricultural tasks whether it be of kin, friends, or mere acquaintances, in part depends on 'happening' to meet them when making plans. The pattern of land holding thus suggests that co-operation between farming groups is less likely to be limited to hamlet co-residents than would be the case if there was a discrete area of hamlet fields. The reciprocal labour groups recruited for transplanting and sometime> for harvesting rice are as likely to include people met along the path to one's farm or who work in adjacent fields as they are fellow residents met when bathing in the late evening. Indeed, the dispersal of fields on occasion leads to the exclusion of close neighbours and friends because some families move to field huts to eliminate daily travelling to and fro in the work season. The same selective factors also pertain to the recruitment of wage-labour for both maize and rice cultivation. On the other hand, involvement in a wider social network does not preclude significant interaction between co-residents, and these wider networks themselves lack well demarcated social bounda ries. Temple congregations are not exclusive bodies with a formal membership, but those who regularly attend services tend to frequent

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Bang Saphan or Wang Phom, and most people residing in the southern half of Hua Kok prefer the latter temple. However, the division is modified by Bang Saphan being the most important temple in the district, its abbot the district religious head is the only monk qualified to conduct ordinations. The increased food requirements of the forty or more monks and novices resident there during the rainy season retreat enables them to include the whole of Hua Kok in an early morning round of alms-collecting. In contrast there are at most only four or five monks at Wang Phom during the same period. The individual and his destiny is an aspect of Buddhism sometimes emphasized to the neglect of collective activities. In addition to personal merit-making temple attendance is a social event. Indeed, I have seen special foods prepared on the eve of

wan phra by peop le who then failed to present them at the temple because none of their friends and neighbours were going . Attendance patterns reflect many factors which include the distribution of kin and ties of friendship, the expected size of congregations, and opportunities for young people to meet others of the opposite sex. Bang Saphan is usually compared favourably with Wang Phom because of the large number of people from a wide area who attend, especially for major festivals. On the other hand, an informant who had previously expressed a strong preference for Bang Saphan decided to go to Wang Phom on wan phra in the 1968 Lent. Her reason was that as she intended spending the whole day and night observing the Eight Precepts Wang Phom was better because she knew and was friendly with almost everyone there doing likewise, whereas she would have been a comparative stranger at Bang Saphan. Within Hua Kok ceremonies are arranged on behalf of single households except where two or three co-operate for events associated with ordinations. Participation in these festivities can involve the whole hamlet but also many from neighbouring settlements. The only occasion resembling a hamlet ceremony proved to have been organized by two men from Bang Saphan. This was actually described initially by one informant as rham bun klang b(m, "making merit at the hamlet centre", but in fact it was merit making at an irrigation truck (tham bun rot nak). A government irrigation truck was temporarily located in Hua Kok after being used to pump water into the paddies towards the end of the growing season. Five monks were brought from Bang Saphan to be fed and bless the truck, and some thirty people from Bang Saphan, Wang Khut and Hua Kok attended. A similar pattern of interaction occurs with respect to non-Buddhist activities; specialists may come from outside the hamlet for rituals involving individuals or, at most, single households. No ritual draws a congregation which might in any way be equated with Hua Kok.

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How does this very fragmented and diffuse picture of hamlet social organization compare with residents' own perceptions of their social universe? represent themselves and how are they identified by others?

How do they

The term mu ban can

easily give rise to confusion: by formal definition it is the smallest administrative unit but among ordinary people it is used far less rigidly to include hamlets.

Sometimes,

like Hua Kok, these are demographically and geographically discrete units, but one can also have fairly continuous settlement along canals and rivers.

Popular designation as

a mii ban or simply ban thus provides an insight into local perceptions of the social universe, and Hua Kok is indeed refer red to in these terms. nameless and identified only by its number.

In contrast, the village is

Only in official situations do residents and

those from adjacent settlements speak of "village no. 7".

It is also relevant to note

in this context that not all named localities are referred to in this manner.

Dong

Ya ng is the na me given to the southern end of Hua Kok, after a clump of yang trees, but it has no social identity of its own and so never merits the prefix ban. then it must be seen as significant that a person's social identity is

expre~sed

Overall locally as

a "Hua Kok person" (khan Hua Kok), or as member of the Hua Kok group, (phuak

Hua Kok), and it is one's fellow residents who are neighbours, (phu'an ban). Two seemingly contradictory statements may thus be made, the first being that the activities of the inhabitants of the hamlet so overlap with those of others from elsewhere that Hua Kok in no way constitutes a corporate whole. On the other hand the local classification of groupings does suggest some kind of corporate identity, the source of which is as yet unspecified but clearly more than the consequence of physical proximity. One po~s ible explanation of this is kinship, yet as with other activities, rela tions of kinship and affinity are in no way bounded by the limits of the settlement. Nevertheless it can be argued that the character and extent of the ties of kinsh ip combined with the effects of proximity do account for a greater degree of community identity than would otherwise be the case. What we initially need to know then is the role of kinship ideology in structuring social relations.

Kinship Temple remains and other evidence indicate that in the Ayuthaya period the area supported a considerable population. This disappeared as a result of warfare or withdrawal to more defensible regions in the reigns of Taksin or Rama I (Damrong 2504: 9). Perhaps a few remained or resettlement began again before the old bot at the temple in Wang Thong could fall into decay. Certainly it appears that captives taken in the war with Laos in 1827-28 were moved into the area. An unnamed couple

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in Bang Saphan from whom people in forty of the forty-nine households 2 in Hua Kok are directly descended, are reputed to have been Lao from Vientiane. Hua Kok itself was probably settled around the turn of the century; by about 1909 there were four or five houses, but even at this stage the surrounding land fit for paddies had been cleared by those remaining in Wang Thong and Bang Saphan. Except for an elderly Chinese and his family, everyone in Hua Kok has extensive ties of descent or affinity with fellow residents. Yet the exact implications of this are initially unclear, if only because everyone has extensive kin ties with people The fact that the earliest migrants chose to reside in Hua Kok from elsewhere. whence contact was more easily retained with kin in Bang Saphan, rather than move to Wang Phom or further south where their fields were, suggests the importance of kinship. Now lands are distributed over a far wider area facilitating interaction with other settlements, but the residents of Hua Kok remain more generally orientated towards Wang Khut and Bang Saphan than to Wang Phom, and this reflects the denser network of kin lmks with these places. Its size and the extent of pre-existing genealogical connections restrict the number of marriages within Hua Kok. Unions between kin are generally disapproved of and, although technically legal, first-cousin marriages are considered wrong and extremely unlucky. They are believed likely to result in the death of any children or even of the couple themselves owing to the withdrawal of the protection afforded by th'ewada. For those less closely related disapproval sometimes appears little more than a legitimate means of expressing objections rooted in more mundane matters. Nevertheless, intra-kin marriages never conform to the traditional ideal of being arranged by go-betweens and accompanied with feasting and merit-making, ostensibly because anyone asked to be a go-between would be too "shy" to suggest a union of kin. Despite these restrictions, the area within which mmt marriages are contracted is restricted, and there is an important degree of neighbourhood in-marriage. Out of forty-two unions in which at least one partner was from Hua Kok, twenty-four took place with people from the neighbourhood formed by Wang Phom (five), Hua Kok (five), Wang Khut (six), and Bang Saphan (eight). In all, twenty-nine unions were contracted within the district and thirty-two within the province. Seventeen men and twenty-nine women lived in Hua Kok prior to marriage, the combined figures for the four settlements being twenty-nine and thirty-six respectively. Residents are thus closely linked with the surrounding neighbourhood by a network of interpersonal ties established by marriage and subsequently reinforced by 2.

In late 1966 one of these household groups was residing with kin after selling its old house and prior to construction of a new one, hence the discrepancy between the figures for houses and household groups. ·

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the birth of children. Even so, marriage is not so much a matter of the alliance of family groups as one of individual choice. Marriages may be suggested by parents and carefully negotiated, but there are no great pressures to accept these proposals. Indeed, soundings through go-betweens appear doomed unless the couple reach some understanding beforehand. Registration at the district office in accordance with the law remains rare with local custom, which allows for polygyny, continuing to offer an adequate guarantee of marital rights and duties. Unions are established in a variety of ways which to some extent reflect the circumstances of the couple and a broader long-term pattern of change. With the traditional 'ideal' wedding, the phithi taeng ngan, go-betweens negotiate the match and the wedding rites are accompanied by feasting and merit-making on a large scale. This type of union is referred to locally as kh'q kan, "asking", but nowadays the most popular form of marriage is the elopement, tiim kan, which has become far more common in the past thirty years. A couple run away to the man's house for a few nights before returning to ask the girl's parents for forgiveness and their blessing. Other named forms of union include being caught spending the night with a girl in her home (khu'n ha), forcible seduction (chut kan), and living together without any ritual or payment (yu di ao kan choei choei). This last mentioned occurs when a couple are middle-aged or elderly and have been married previously. Unless one of the partners already has a house, a couple normally live initially as dependents in a parental household until their first child is born. The traditional norm is that initial residence be matrilocal, and deviations by people marrying for the first time can nearly always be explained by either the impossibility of matrilocal residence or there being some specific advantage in doing otherwise (cf. Kemp 1970). Couples eventually erect their own house, often but by no means necessarily, within the parental compound. However, one of the daughters and her spouse remain to care for the parents in their old age, the only recorded instance of a son doing this being that of an only child. Should the parents still be alive and all her sisters already married, the youngest daughter and her husband can expect to inherit the house and a possibly disproportionate amount of the other property. The likelihood of this occurring is reduced should elder sisters remain in the house; it had not happened or seemed very unlikely in the cases of a middle-aged woman who had refused to marry, a divorcee with children, and a woman with an illegitimate child. The incidence is further reduced by the death of parents before the marriage of younger children which results in the then resident couple taking over. Couples may move to and fro between parents for several years before settling. Residence decisions can be, and sometimes are, rescinded but the choice of initial

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residence both reflects and affects a couple's economic prospects. Rights in inheritance are insecure unless reinforced by bonds of sentiment and mutual dependence. Eventual erection of a house in a parental compound can thus be interpreted as a statement of expectatiqns as well as one of ongoing interaction. Even should a husband and wife eventually inherit fields from their respective parents, utilization of both plots might well prove impossible because of the divergent locations. The move to a new house does signify an important change in social relations but is, nevertheless, only one stage in a far longer process. Even before marriage children may begin to accumulate their own resources: money earned is their own and does not have to be contributed to the household budget. Sim1larly a young couple may even start to farm of their own account, though it is also true that dependence or interdependence can persist well after the move to a separate house. One residentially independent couple continues to eat and farm jointly with a parental household, in another case all farming is jointly organized, and a degree of cooperation exists in a number of others. Such instances give some idea of the possible variations in the organization and performance of tasks by household members. 1 he frequent overlap between residential, productive, and consumption activities must not direct attention away from the exceptions which themselves are often structured responses to regular social processes in the development cycle of domestic groups, the distribution of resources, and accidents of demography. Despite such qualifications it is still useful when discussing household organization to take as its core the nuclear or elementary family around which the sometimes larger household gathers. The distinction though is an analytical one, villagers themselves refer to ban, house, ban diao kan, the same house and khr?bkhrua ("cover arrangement of the hearth", Sharp & Hanks 1978: 52). 1he latter word which is almost inevitably translated as "family" in fact contains no reference to any explicitly kin-based principle of association. Thirty-two of the forty-nine household groups contained only a couple with (at least some of) their children. The rest showed a variety of configurations; on a vertical axis these varied from two households with members from four generations to one of a widowed man and his young grand-daughter. Laterally, household size was increased by siblings of either spouse, children by former unions, and more distantly related kin like the grand-daughter of an elder half-sibling of the household head.3 Overall, household size ranges from two to ten members with an average of five point seven persons per household. 3. Such people however tend to remain only temporarily since they have no claim to the resources of the household other than to a share of any crops they have helped to produce.

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Headship (huii na khr'9pkhrua) passes from the male founder (or successor) to his widow, and then to the senior male of the next generation who is usually an affine because of the norm of initial matrilocal marriage residence. Relinquishment of headship occasionally occurs when parents cease to play an active part in the management of domestic affairs and become dependents of the succeeding generation. Although children are expected to honour and respect their parents, support them in their old age, and help them generally (and likewise parents are expected to look after their children when young and rear them well), the mutual dependence of each of the other is limited. This is associated with considerable scope for choice in the interpretation of role norms between even close familial kin. In Hua Kok as elsewhere in rural central Thailand, kinship structure is in no way an exclusive framework for the allocation of scarce resources. Instead of claims for support or access being restricted to a carefully specified group. of people, one finds a wide spread of claims, the burden of which rests lightly upon each individual. Furthermore, such claims are unlikely to be effective unless reinforced by other personal ties or perceptions of self-interest Household membership is contractual except perhaps for young children. The rights of any family member are indeed ascribed by the ideology of kinship and exist independently of role performance, a son is always a son, but in practice his inheritance depends on the performance of his role as son to parental satisfaction. Equally, a son's decision to maintain close links with his natal home is in part determined by his parents performing their roles as parents (and having the resources to do so) with resultant benefits which are to be compared with the possible gains from pursuing alternative strategies elsewhere. It is the law in cases of intestacy as well as a local customary norm that all children inherit equally. Yet the owner of any wealth or property has the right to alienate it as he or she wishes. Variables such as position in the birth order, location of initial and subsequent marriage residence, relative availability of other sources of property, etc., all influence the manner in which parents allocate their belongings. The only practice which in normal circumstances is highly predictable is that the married child living with the parents at the time of their death will take over the house and its domestic equipment together with a significant share of the farm lands. A number of considerations are taken into account at the time of any division of rice and maize fields. Land may be, and frequently is, divided (baeng kan) before the death of both parents; if not the widow as head of the household might well be left to complete the process. The practice of allowing the use of fields to a child (hai

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chai) without making an outright gift of it seems to be a long-established means of retaining parental authority and ensuring aid in times of need. Overall, the devolution of property is affected by a wide range of factors which all influence the way claims are pursue.d and recognized. Land is without any social value other than as a commodity. There is no virtue or social standing to be derived from cultivating or owning the same plot for several generations, nor is the hamlet so organized that the oldest families have higher prestige or greater access to political power. Obviously, the traditional abundance of land in the immediate or fairly near neighbourhood has played its part in the emergence of this situation which, of course, is now changing rapidly with the development of the cash economy and emergence of land scarcity. Over the past fifteen years, the tendency towards matrilocal and uxorilocal marriage residence, pre-existing links with settlements immediately to the north of Hua Kok, and the management of devolution according to the such practicalities as convenience of use, have all interacted to change the pattern of land holding. There has been a shift away from the original distribution of land holdings determined by the way in which the area was colonized as, with the passage of time, Hua Kok residents have inherited or purchased the land behind the settlement. In this respect at least one might see a possible strengthening of community identity. However, the process appears likely to be undermined in future by the shift from predominant owner-cultivation to a situation of an increasing concentration of ownership on the one hand and landlessness on the other. Just as the dynamics of kinship and locality have interacted in changing the original pattern of land-holding, so too they influence the whole pattern of settlement formation and growth. In the period of population growth before land became generally scarce, old settlements did not expand rapidly to become huge conglommerations. Instead, expansion was gradual in fits and starts as some people left for areas where unclaimed forest was more readily available. Given the workings of the domestic cycle it is likely that older children who tend to require land before parents are willing to divide, constituted a high proportion of those leaving in search of better opportunities elsewhere. What is easier to document though, is the part played by kin ties in the actual process of migration. The most common form of hamlet formation in the area seems to have been gradual settlement rather than a large scale move en bloc to a new area, with a few initial pioneers being joined over the years by others from their former hamlet. Kin ties, especially those between siblings, are frequently utilized in migration from one

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place to another whether the move be associated with a search for land, breaking-up of a natal household in divorce, etc., or the practice of pai thiao whereby young men go visiting to distant settlements to enjoy themselves and possibly find a wife. In Hua Kok itself sibling links have often been the means of movement in and out of the hamlet. In the early days the headman's mother moved to join a younger brother in Hua Kok and cleared a housesite at the side of his. Another, originally from a village to the south, came to Wang Thong to stay with a married sister and while there met and married a girl who had moved from Bang Saphan to join an elder brother in Hua Kok when her parents died. More recently, a man who had gone to Sukhothai brought back a wife who was followed soon afterwards by two younger sisters who found it preferable to move because they did not get on with their stepmother. One of these girls has already married a Hua Kok man. Three brothers from Hua Kok, the first, third and fourth children in a family of seven, all married girls from other hamlets and initially resided matrilocally. Subsequently the two older brothers jointly bought a large area of forest in a small hamlet in the southern part of the district. For the time being they continue to farm together although maintaining separate households. The youngest brother who went with them was also able to buy land very cheaply which he works independently.

Kinship and Locality Kinship and affinity constitute the most numerous and widely spread of all the sets of linkages joining Hua Kok residents to outsiders in addition to their high density within the hamlet itself. These links in themselves do not necessarily imply action, their importance lies in the fact that kinship provides an ideological charter for a wide range of social processes and transactions which may be classed as economic, familial, and so on, as is appropriate. The extent to which kinship permeates these varied areas of life has already been outlined. In this concluding section I intend to examine briefly both the values conveyed by this ideology and the way in which kinship interacts with the facts of locality to make Hua Kok a social unit rather than just a congeries of dwellings. When descent is traced bilaterally in a highly complex society as is Thailand, descent as a simple ordering principle seems to be of relatively little significance as a structural feature. In Hua Kok, and among Thai generally, the extent to which obligations are effectively ascribed by kinship is very limited even when genealogical ties are close. As shown in the preceeding pages, co-residence, property expectations, and personal compatability all considerably affect both the form and content of

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parent-child relations, an obvious enough point but one sometimes lost in the social scientists' search for generalization. In the Thai system these factors are perhaps especially significant because the equal tracing of descent through both parents does not provide a single structural criterion for allocating and distributing resources. In these circumstances the use of kin terms is freed from many of the constraints imposed when their function in indicating jural roles is more pronounced. The Thai terminological system is well enough known not to reguire duplication here. What is usefully emphasized though is that, depending on the closeness of the linkage, age relative to Ego and Ego's parents is carefully distinguished. The way kin terms are used in Hua Kok suggests that a major function is distinguishing people as much by age as by genealogy. Kin terms which imply age differences clearly inappropriate to actual age are generally changed for ones more appropriate. Similarly, when kin terms are used ficticiously the forms chosen reflect the age differences of the participants fairly accurately. Clearly then, the use of kin terms, especially between non-kin, affirms the appropriateness of sentiments of warmth and proximity which are the ideal of kin relationships4 while at the same time spelling out that these are also relations of superiority and inferiority. They indicate who should defer to another, important in a society where much emphasis is placed on the view that respect is due to one's elders and superiors, and this is true even in the comparatively egalitarian setting of Hua Kok. In brief, kin terms reflect both the underlying morality of kinship with its emphasis on generalized reciprocity (cf. Kemp forthcoming), and local values about age and the sentiments ideally associated with kinship. Kin terms thus facilitate interpersonal relations, they offer their users a means of symbolically expressing major social values not in themselves necessarily derivable from biological connection albeit expressed in its idiom. Kinship is so pervasive in Hua Kok because it is the means of expressing all close, interpersonal relations, often regardless of actual genealogical connection. The absence of a clear jural dimension as found in some simpler societies with unilineal descent thus sets the scene for a far freer expression of some of the other dimensions of kinship ideology. At the same time, however, one must emphasize that the situation described in this paper is one in which the progressive socio-economic differentiation of villagers associated with the development of the market economy was still in its early stages. Hence the fact that villagers still made extensive use of reciprocal labour groups in their fields and relative absence of the division between poor and afHuent which has such a disruptive effect on traditional patterns of intra-communal intercourse: 4. The point is reinforced by the use of terms indicating linkage through one's mother rather than father.

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In the situation outlined above, kinship taken in conjunction with the interaction engendered by geographical proximity is the principal unifying factor in Hua Kok. It is the bonds arising from proximity and common interests strengthened by the moral ideology of kinship which create Hua Kok's identification as a community. Kinship alone cannot do this, everybody has many kin outside the hamlet, but in the absence of corporate interests the combination of locality with kinship forms the most important framework for the various types of activity which occur. In other words, these two features interact to create a social setting which facilitates and supports relations with others and makes Hua Kok a distinctive social unit for its residents and those in the neighbourhood. They also give it an analytical importance which is not revealed by the boundaries of administrative units, temple congregations, or any of the other criteria so often used to designate what units are worthy of study. Finally, there is the question of the quality of the relations involved in the development and maintenance of community life. The networks of interpersonal ties with which I have been concerned, although undoubtedly individually manipulated and managed are nonetheless structured by sets of commonly held values and expectations about one's duty to oneself and to others. In so far as any ideology is significant for, and can be used to explain action, the Buddhist notion of 'merit' has long been recognized as being of major importance; kinship is clearly another.

Bibliography Damrong, Prince

Kemp, J.H. 1970

Ru'ang mu'ang Phitsanulok Published in a commemorative volume for Phun Saophajon. B.E. 2504, Bangkok. Initial marriage residence in rural Thailand. Tej Bunnag & M. Smithies (eds.) In Memoriam Phya Anuman Rajadhon T.he Siam Society, Bangkok.

forthcoming

Kinship and the management of personal relations: kin terminologies and the axiom of amity. To appear in Bijdragen tot de Taa/-, Land- en Vo/kenkunde, v. 139, i.

Pendleton, R.L. 1962

Thailand, Aspects of Landscape and Life American Geographical Society Handbook, New York.

Sharp, L. & Hanks, L. 1978

Bang Chan: Social History of a Rural Community in Thailand Cornell University Press, Ithaca & London.

THE RELEVANCE OF TELEPHONE DIRECTORIES TO A LINEAGE-BASED SOCIETY : A CONSIDERATION OF SOME MESSIANIC MYTHS AMONG THE HMONG 1 NICHOLAS

T APP*

'Only beings who can reflect upon the fact th~t they are determined are capable of freeing themselves' De Freire 1970 ABSTRACT:

The following paper sets out to demonstrate that, as Levi-Strauss (1963) has put it, 'the purpose of myth is to provide a logical model capable of overcoming a contradiction (an impossible achievement if, as it happens, the contradiction is reaJ.2)" The contradiction is, in this instance, areal one, and by examining variant versions of a single Hmong myth which accounts for the lack of literacy and political autnomy among the Hmong, we find that, reduced to its simplest elements, the myth is concerned to overcome the felt contradiction between state and stateless society. We are then led to examine . Christian missionary influence as a catalytic influence on the emergence of this myth, and to consider its historical antecedants. According to Levi-Strauss (1969), 'history .•. can never completely divest itself of myth'. Equally it is true, as we see, that myth never quite succeeds in ridding itself of history. Finally I am led to query some of the assumptions which have been traditionally made concerning Hmong autonomy and ethnic exclusiveness, and to suggest that the same sort of analysis which has been applied to the study of 'subnuclear social systems' in Burma (cf. Lehman 1963) may be usefully applied to such groups as the Hmong.

1. In what follows, I have used the term 'Hmong' to refer to the people of that name in Thailand, Vietnam and Laos, while I have used other terms such as "Miao' when referring to the work of other writers who have used such terms themselves. It should be clearly understood, however, that the term 'Hmong' or 'Mong' refers to the Western branch of a language family which also includes the Hmu and Xioob, which terms are cognate. The latter were referred to by the Chinese as respectively Hei Miao or Black Miao, and Hung Miao or Red Miao, while members of the former included the White, Green, and Flowery (Hua) Miao. 2. According to Levi-Strauss ( 1969), 'we define the myth as consisting of all its versions' which, as he points out, has the merit of excluding the quest for the 'true' or 'earliest' version of the myth, much as occurred in early comparative linguistics. Consequently I have made no attempt at selection of an authentic version, but have rather concentrated on all the versions available in the published accounts, with no attempt to differentiate between them. I hope to prepare an exhaustive account of these in due course. * School of Oriental and African Studies, London. M.A. South-east Asian Studies, London.

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I Writing in 1947, Bernatzik claimed that 'The memory of times when there was a much larger political unit has been kept alive to this day among the Meau. Thus, tradition tells of a powerful kingdom of the Meau, an hereditary kingship, in which the king was at the same time the supreme war lord'. Bernatzik goes on to say that the last king (van tso') was defeated in battle against Chinese forces who were menacing their settlements, and then led his people southward in flight before the pursuing enemy. He concludes by declaring that 'Even today they believe that sometime and somewhere a Meau king will rise again, who will unite his people, gather them together, and lead them victoriously against the hated oppressors' (Bernatzik 1970), and quotes Savina to the following effect: 'The Meau are waiting for a liberator, a king, a phoa thay. As soon as the report of a phoa thay comes from somewhere, they immediately take up their weapons and set out to put themselves at his disposal. What we call a 'rebellion' they call oa phoa thay, 'to make a king'. The phrase Bernatzik's translation omits without apology, which follows Savina's first sentence above, is 'tout comme les Juifs, attendant un Messie' (Savina 1930). Geddes also has drawn parallels with Judaism when, speaking of the presence of people whom he considers 'culturally identifiable' with the Miao in Kweichow and neighbouring provinces some 1,000 years ago and 'possibly twice as long', he remarked that 'The preservation by the Miao of their ethnic identity for such a long time despite their being split into many small groups surrounded by different alien peoples and scattered over a vast geographical area is an outstanding record parallelling in some ways that of the Jews but more remarkable because they lacked the unifying forces of literacy and doctrinal religion and because the cultural features they preserved seem to be more numerous' (Geddes 1976). But indeed, the felt lack of literacy seems to have been a crucial element in the Hmong messianic movements which played such an important part in fashioning political decisions and forging cultural identity. Hence Lemoine : 'Frappes sans doute de !'importance accordee au document ecrit par !'administration chinoise, les Hmong revaient d'une ecriture tombee du ciel et qui leur serait propre. Ce theme revint constamment au cours des divers mouvements messianiques qui pendant des siecles ont tente intervalles plus ou moins longs de secouer le joug chinoise et surtout d'etablir un 'royaume hmong' . . . . . . . Selon le mythe messianique un roi allait naitre ou etait iie pour rassembler les Hmong et les delivrer de la tutelle des autres peuples. Le roi ou son prophete ne manquais pas d'annoncer qu'il avait eu Ia revelation d'une ecriture. C'etait la marque meme de !'investiture par le Ciel'. The name of this mythical king is 'Foua Tai' (from the Chinese Houang Ti or Emperor) (Lemoine 1972a).

a

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Although accounts of the lost form of Miao writing differ, the essential elements remain the same. Geddes, for example, recounts that 'At. Pasamlien I was told by some of the people that long ago, when they were still in China, they had a book like the Chinese. But one day it got cooked up and was eaten by them with their rice' (Geddes 1976). Other accounts attribute its loss to the flight of the Hmong from invading Chinese, when it was dropped while crossing a river (cf. Hudspeth below) or, as in the following :fictionalized version of the tale by a recent missionary in northern Thailand; to other causes : 'Why ever did those horses have to eat the books of our forefathers, many, many years ago? Those Meo kings were the first. there were in the whole great northern kingdom. Indeed in those days we had a land of our own. A Meo king ruled over us. We were the most powerful nation on earth. But the wicked Chinese were more cunning than we. They fell upon us in great hordes. They had better weapons than we had. We fought bitterly and courageously, but it was in vain. The Chinese knew no mercy. They murdered, enslaved and pillaged. We had to surrender. But not quite everyone gave in; whoever could escape did so. When the exhausted fugitives came to a wide river they rested, leaving their packs among the bushes. They were all overcome with sleep. When at last they woke up-0 horror-the horses had eaten up the Meo books! Not a single one remained. Since then we have possessed neither books nor script. .. ' After describing the passage of the Meo through a 'Lake' which closely parallels the Biblical account of the passage of the Jews through the Red Sea, the raconteur concluded, 'Ever since that day we Meo have been sacrificing to the spirits and are pledged to them until our Fuatai comes again and destroys the spirits and all our enemies' ..... 'Until our Fuatai rises again and comes to help us' they all cried', adds the author (Scheuzger 1966). In this highly coloured and somewhat Kiplingesque version, we nevertheless see the clear connection between messianic beliefs and a myth about the lack of literacy which is linked to the ideal of a fallen kingdom. These motifs remain politically most important. Garrett reported that in the late 1950's, the Hmong of Laos, divided by the conflict between Pathet Lao and Lao Government forces, 'naturally looked to the spirit world for help. Messianic myths spread through the hills. One prophesied that Christ would come to the Hmong in a jeep, wearing American clothes and handing out weapons' (Garrett 1974). Lemoine

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noted that the invention of a new script believed to be the lost Hmong writing formed the attraction of the messianic movement which began in Long Tien (Laos) in 1967 (Lemoine 1972a). In the early 1960's reports of the birth of a new Hmong king drew large crowds of Hmong villagers to a remote valley in the north of Thailand (cf. Bertrais 1978) 3 , while recently the Vietnamese Government accused the Chinese of spreading similar rumours of the birth of a Hmong king in southern China in order to alienate the Vietnamese Hmong (The Guardian, London, 9 Jan 1981). Twe points should perhaps be made here.

Firstly, m the opinion of the

present writer, it is useless to attempt historical reconstructions on the basis of such myths 4 • We should, rather, be looking at what such a myth may be able to tell us about the society which possesses it. Richard Davis (1979) has drawn attention to the ~urprising functionalism of Levi-Strauss's thesis that 'a myth can validate actual social practice by offering imaginary alternatives', and this is the line which shall be followed hereS.

Thus a myth of the type 'Once we had a kingdom and a writing of our own,

but owing to the Chinese we lost it' should be read as a conditional statement of the type 'If it hadn't been for the Chinese, we would have had a kingdom and a writing of our own'. The implied negative (absence of a state, absence of literacy) has disappeared from the mythological statement just as it does from the subordinate clause of the English conditional. We are dealing with a society deprived of a state formation and of literacy, and consciously aware of its deprivation. Secondly, in the absence of the possibility of a valid historical reconstruction, we may nevertheless inquire into the historical circumstances in which such a myth may have been expressed, and which may have provoked its emergence in such a powerful form. These, I believe lie largely in the influence of missionary Christianity upon the Hmong. 3. In the Meo Handbook prepared by the Joint US- Thai Military Research and Development Center in 1969, it is declared that 'Present day insurgent recruiters have induced some Meo to go to Laos for training by promising to take them to see the 'King of the Meo'.' 4.

Nevertheless, the history of such movements is being reconstructed by people better qualified than myself to deal with the historical evidence, such as Father Y. Bertrais and the Miao- Yao Project team members of CEDRASEME in Paris. When this is assembled, it should be useful for our understanding of the persistence of such beliefs today in the analytical framework I have suggested.

5.

Similarly, Leach refers to 'Levi-Strauss's version of the Hegelian-Marxist dialectic in which the sacred elements of myth are shown to be factors which mediate contradictories'. As Levi-Strauss himself put it-, mythology, seen as an 'instrument for the suppression of time .... overcomes the contradiction between historical, enacted time, and a permanent constant' (Levi-Strauss 1969).

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II It must be noted, however, that rebellions among the Hmong in China predated the influence of what Lemoine (1972b) has (in a literary context) termed 'une contamination biblique' by many centuries. The earliest references to the 'San-Miao' in Chinese records categorize them as a rebellious people banished from the central plains of China before the second millenium B.C.. 6 In A.D. 47 a suppression campaign mounted against the Miao of West Hunan was followed by other suppression campaigns which hastened their migration southwards, according to Wiens (1954). The Miao mounted a northwards invasion during the 5th and 6th centuries, and again during the 3 Kingdoms period following the Han period. In Wiens' words, 'Between A.D. 403 and 561 there were more than 40 instances of Miao uprisings between the Yang-tzu and Yellow Rivers'. During the 5 Dynasties period (A.D. 907 -960) Ma Yin, the self-: proclaimed ruler of the new state of Ch'u, subjugated the Miao, who had declared their independence. According to Wiens, 'There was hardly any time during the Ming and Ch'ing periods when suppression or pacification campaigns were not being undertaken against the Miao and the Yao. In the major suppression campaigns in the upaisings of 1698, 1732, 1794, and 1855, the Miao scattered in all directions, initiating the migratory movements of the modern period' (Wiens 1954). As McCoy (1973) put it, 'trouble descended on the Meo tribes after the Manchu dynasty was established in 1644'. After the failure of attempts to integrate the Miao into the regular bureaucracy, 'the Manchus began to exterminate these troublesome tribes and to repopulate their lands with the more pliable ethnic Chinese. After a two hundred year extermination campaign culminated in a series of bloody massacres in the mid-nineteen~h century, thousands of Meo tribesmen fled southwards towards Indochina' (McCoy 1973). Dealing with the great Miao uprisings in 1734-1737 and 1795-1806 in the province of Gui Zhou, Claudine Lombard-Salmon (1972) quotes the Sheng Wu ji: 'Nombreux 1es Miao qui tuerent eux-memes leurs femmes et leurs enfants, pour ensuite affronter les armees imperiales et opposer une resistance acharnee' (Sheng Wu ji 7 in Lombard-Salmon 1972 p. 237). The repression of this first uprising of the Gui Zhou 6. I here follow Lehman's ( 1979) important distinction of the usage of an ethnic category from the 'genetic-linguistic' groupings to which it may at different times refer. The real issue is the persistence of an ethnic category such as 'Miao' in a given ecological niche to refer to a particular kind of people, and its continuing application to a people who today resent its derogatory implications. The way in which the term was used indiscriminately in the past by Han Chinese is identical to the way in which the term 'Meo' is used to refer to such other groups as the Karen (cf. Kunstadter 1979).

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Miao and the savage reprisals following the second, did not however prevent further rebellions : in 1801 40 villages rese up, and in 1802 a Miao chief proclaimed himself 'Roi du ciel' (lien wang ].;,__f), and led a further rebellion. 18,000 Miao warriors were massacred after the 1735 revolt, while the 1795 uprising against the introduction of Han Chinese tenant farmers by Han overlords resulted in the destruction and burning of thousands of Chinese homes. Pere Amyot, a Jesuit missionary resident at Beijing during the 18th. century, has left us an account of the 1763 campaign against two small Miao principalities in Sichuan which ended in the slaughter of the ruler and his whole family after they were invited to the capital (Savina 1930). 20,000 Imperial troops were required to quell the last great rebellion of the Miao in Gui Zhou of 1856, which took place during the Panthay Rebellion of the Chinese Moslems in Yunan. Miao insurrections during the Qing (Manchu) period, were in large part the result of the forcible imposition of Han Chinese military officials on the tu-si or local official system of indirect rule practised by the Chinese authorities in the southern provinces (viz Hill 1980). Under this system, first formalised during the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), local chiefs had been enfeoffed to rule their peoples from the Chinese court. Office was hereditary, and usually patrilineally inherited. The tu-si system had emerged from the more informal system of local enfeoffment established by military garrisons set up after the Mongol conquest of Yunnan in 1253 during the Yuan dynasty (1280-1367). The tu-si system left indelible impressions of Chinese social organization on the customs of many of the local people, and may have been partly responsible for the superimposition of Han patrilineal characteristics on the original kinship structure of the Miao (Ruey Yih-Fu 1960). It may also have been responsible for the emergence of quasi-independent Miao chiefdoms, the memory of which survives in mythological form today (cf. Shryock 1934 for an account of these rich Miao clans) and, in its later form, for the upsurge of rebellions documented from the 18 century onwards. To take this general consideration of their rebellions into the present century, in 1919 the Pachai Revolt of the Hmong against the French in Laos, dubbed the Guerre du Fou and closely connected to messianic beliefs and promises of an end to economic exploitation, took the authorities two full years to suppress, while their most recent insurrection in Thailand from 1967 to 1971 necessitated the joint operations of the Thai and Laotian Armies and the establishment of five major refugee centres in the northern provinces. Meanwhile the resistance of the Hmong in Laos to the Pathet Lao continues. From this and other evidence we may conclude that real social pressures, arising from the contradiction between a state and a tribal form of social organization, were responsible for the rebellious propensities to which the ethnic category 'Miao' was,

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and still is, considered appropriate. The Miao, in common with many other peoples of the area, were classified according to relative acculturation by the Chinese as sheng raw, wild, uncivilized or unsinicised, or shu (cooked, tax-paying, Chinese-speaking, 'civilized'), which suggests that the opposition became internalized in their own form of social organization as tendencies towards autocratic rule emerged. It was in this form that Christianity found it.

III Although Jesuit missionaries were reportedly in contact with the Hmong as early as 1736 in Gui Zhou, the first Protestant encounter only began with the work of the China Inland Mission in 1896. Samuel Pollard, who introduced the first romanized script for the Miao language, described the surprising impact of the Christian Gospel on the Miao at that time in the following words : 'Some days they came in tens and twenties! Some days in sixties and seventies! Then came a hundred! Then came two hundred! Three hundred! Four hundred! At last, on one special occasion, a thousand of these mountain men came in one day! When they came, the snow was on the ground, and terrible had been the snow on the hills they crossed over. What a great crowd it was!' (Pollard 1919). 'Picture these early scouts as they journey' adds Hudspeth (1937), Pollard's colleague and pupil. 'Each carries a felt cape which in the daytime serves as an overcoat and at night as a blanket, and every one has a bag of oatmeal, a basin and chopsticks or a wooden spoon; the oatmeal mixed with water serves as breakfast, lunch and evening meal'. Pollard describes the degraded and impoverished position of the Miao at the hands of unscrupulous Chinese and Norsu landlords, and how 'The great demand these crowds made was for books' (my emphasis). He describes how it was whispered that the Miao meditated rebellion and massacre, how rumours arose that the foreigners were supplying the Miao with bags of poison with which the waters of the Chinese and Norsu were being contaminated: 'Before the Miao had been coming many months, a most dangerous situation was created, which might at any time have ended in a great massacre. As it was', he adds glibly, 'a number of people lost their lives'. 'Nearly every day came stories of Miao being driven away from the markets, of men and even women being beaten, of murderous attacks, and chained prisoners' (Pollard 1919). In effect, the introduction of missionary teachings to a people already marginal in relation to their lowland neighbours increased their marginalised position and widened the gap between Miao and Chinese. Finally Pollard reported that 'We were troubled yet in another way. By some means or other the rumour went abroad that Jesus was coming again very soon. Instead

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of the teachings of the Second Coming proving a blessing to these simple people, the way in which it was stated by some irresponsible and ignorant people led to disastrous results. Some of the old wizards, and some of the singing women tried the role of prophet, and several dates were announced for the appearance of Christ. So firmly did some of. the people believe these prophecies, that they neglected their farm work and gave themselves up to singing and waiting for Jesus. One party betook themselves to a loft, and with lighted lamps or torches stayed up all night, expecting the King every moment. Poor, simple people, one cannot even smile at their misled enthusiasm. They had known the bitterness and degradation of heathenism so long, that one cannot wonder at their hoping for a short cut to the Millenium, when all wrongs would be righted and everybody have a chance'.7 Pollard notes that intense excitement was caused by the question of brideprice: 'With the coming of the New Testament many of the people wished to get rid of the old crushing burden'. Membership of the Church eventually gave the Miao a privileged status, and a Norsu landlord is quoted as saying that nobody now dared molest the Miao as they had formerly done. Pollard also mentions difficulties in translating the word 'kingdom' in the Lord's Prayer into Miao : 'None of the Miao ever remembered a time when they had a kingdom, and noone knew the Miao word for such an idea'. Hudspeth too described the mass conversion of the Miao by Pollard, who was said to be able to see three feet into the earth and drop magical water into Miao mouths which instantly converted them. Clearly the sudden adoption of a millenarian Christianity arose from the economically desperate position into which the Miao were forced following the failure of their various rebellions.

IV Of course, this is only one example of missionary work among the Hmong, and many others could be cited for other Hmong divisions, which space precludes. But there is reason to believe that the influence of the China Inland Mission was not confined to the 'Hua' Miao of Gui Zhou, and that redemption work undertaken elsewhere, for example by Catholic missions in Laos, or by missionary work in Thailand, which still 7.

Compare this to Smalley (1956) who observed that 'For years the Christian witness made no impression on the Meo. Then suddenly, in the space of a month in 1949 about a thousand converts were made. Today there are several thousand Meo Christians. Furthermore, occasionally, 'prophets' declare themselves to be Jesus. So far none of these splinter movements have become widespread, but they are symptomatic of the fact that the Meo are undergoing a period of cultural reformulation which was triggered and given its particular form by the Christian gospel'.

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continues, has not essentially differed in the long·term reactions it has provoked. 8 And in almost every case the result of such work has been to lend ideological support to an essentially sociopolitical form of alienation. Thus the economic marginalisation of an upland minority of shifting cultivators with a long history of persecution and extortion at the hands of local landlords from literate lowland state traditions; has been legitimated in terms of an ideology which has rationatised such a history of persecution in terms of, and by reference to, Judaeo·Christian motifs. This shows considerable similarities to trends reported from elsewhere, as I show below. There can be no doubt that this process continues today. Cooper (1976) for example reports on the adoption of Christianity by emergent poor strata of Hmong society relieving them of the necessity to invest in ritual status (such as bridewealth) demanded by kinship obligations. These Christians of Khun Sa were, according to Cooper, 'attracted by the saviour aspects of their new religion and expect a supreme force to intervene in the believer's favour'. Rather than opening the way, therefore, for the greater integration into Thai society or economic innovations demanded by internationally funded development programmes, the adoption of a messianic form of Christianity seems to increase the belief in an ideal past and an ideal future which allows present structural contradictions to persist unchanged. I now quote Hudspeth at some length to illustrate this process and the appeal which certain forms of Christianity makes to ethnic separatism : 'Before the Pollard script, books and a library were unknown. The great majority of these tribesmen had never handled even a sheet of writing paper or a pen. They had heard that once upon a time there were books; a tribal legend described how long, long ago the Miao lived on the north side of the Yangtze River, but the conquering Chinese came and drove them from their land and homes. Coming to the river and possessing no boats they debated what should be done with the books and in the end they strapped them to their shoulders and swam across, but the water ran so swiftly and the river was so wide, that the books were washed away and fishes swallowed them. This was the story. When the British and Foreign Bible Society sent the first Gospels and these were distributed 8. Father Bertrais, for instance, refers to the frequency with which individuals are invested with the mission of embodying the personality of an imminent Huab Tais to whom he speaks in trance, affirming that they generallv appear 'at moments of crisis, when the general discon· tents or miseries create a psychosis of revolt or aspirations for a better life', often demanding the throwing away of money or cessation of planting 'because next year's grain of rice will turn itself into a granary of rice'. From 1957 onwards, Bertrais had 'heard talk about this constantly' : in Sam Neua on the Pha Thong mountain near Luang Prabang : during the 1960's on the mountainous Thai-Lao border: and currently in the mountains near Phu Bia (Laos) and the refugee camps in Thailand (Bertrais 1978).

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the legend grew-the once upon a time lost books had been found, found in the white man's country, and they told the incomparable story that Jesus loved the Miao. Only the imagination can conceive what this meant to those hillmen; some of them travelled for days to view the books' (Hudspeth 1937). This account, the verisimilitude of which there is no more reason to doubt than there is to doubt Pollard's account of his difficulties in translating the word for 'kingdom' (although a Chinese word may have been used) clearly illustrates the various factors involved. Is it possible that Christian teachings of a kingdom and a chosen people of the Book should have so meshed with indigenous Hmong rationalisations of an illiterate, deprived and marginal state, as to have falsely inflated the latter by uniting the Judaic notion of a kingdom with the Hmong notion of writing in the form of the Messianic beliefs reported by Lemoine for the Hmong of Laos today? Given the similarity of this process with that reported for other minorities of the region, it seems quite likely. Keyes's summarization for the Karen is a case in point. After describing the Karen myth of creation, Keyes describes how 'Y' wa is said to have given books to his various children, sometimes said to number seven, who are the ancestors of the major ethnic groups in the world known to the Karen, This gift of a book was, of course, the gift of literacy. The Karen, however, are negligent with the book given to them and it is eaten by animals or, in some versions, consumed in the fires built by the Karen in the course of tilling their fields. Y'wa offers the Karen the consolation that at some future date, 'foreign brothers' will bring the gift of literacy-in the form of a golden book-back to thein. These two myths greatly impressed the American Baptist missionaries who began work among the Karens in the early part of the 19th. century. The first story so paralleled the Biblical story of the Garden of Eden, including the fact that the name Y'wa was very similar to the Hebrew Yaweh, that the missionaries concluded that the Karen must be descendants of one of the lost tribes of Israel. Moreover, they quickly presented themselves as the foreign brothers bringing the Karens the golden book. The fact that missionaries were the first to record these myths has led to their interpretations colouring the understanding of them ever since' (Keyes 1979).9 It seems that a similar process occurred with the Hmong, who show similarly ambivalent attitudes towards the acquisition of literacy skills as do the Karen (compare Geddes 1976 p. 20 with Marlowe, in Keyes 1979, p. 172). It has been missionaries who have been largely responsible for the various scripts invented for the Hmong languages (Pollard himself being the first), and there is no doubt that this has carried enormous appeal to a people possessed of an oral tradition. 9.

See also Anthony Walker, for example, discussing the priest-led Lahu rebellions against Imperial Chinese rule in the 18th and 19th centuries, who points out how the white missionaries were originally welcomed as the fulfillment of a prophecy (Walker 1974).

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Beliefs in a past state structure and a lost literacy, at first blush odd in a society of closely knit shifting cultivators, are clearly linked in other cases besides the Hmong.l o It seems clear that such beliefs express particular orientations towards majority or 'host' populations which, when combined with the appropriate legitimating supernatural symbols, can coalesce into millenarian and messianic movements in concrete political shape. Such movements, as Burridge has remarked, whether they are syncretic or nativistic, represent a transitional stage for subsistence economies adjusting to a cash economy, and his hypothesis that 'The redemptive process, and so redemption, bears significantly on the politico-economic process, particularly the prestige system' (Burridge 1971) is amply confirmed in the context of the data presented above.

v If this is so, we may then be forced to reconsider some of the basic assumptions which have been made in the past about the distinctive and exclusive nature of Hmong ethnicity, which may prove more amenable to the sort of approach adumbrated by Lehman for the study of 'subnuclear social systems' (Lehman 1967) than has hitherto been thought, particularly since what isolation there was is now largely a matter of the past. On the basis of different migration patterns and the relative absence of transcultural movement among high-altitude swiddeners such as the Hmong, Yao, Akha, Lahu and Lisu, Hinton (1969) for example noted that 'Researchers in the latter societies tend to note the homogeneity and relative isolation of these peoples' by contrast with 'the concern of students of changing cultural identity with such peoples as the Thai, Karen, Lua', Thai-Lue and Shans'. However, recent research (e.g. Alting 1982) has shown that such homogeneity and relative isolation may be the result of quite recent historical conditions and that inter-ethnic relations in the past were far more extensive than has been supposed. It is at least probable for the Hmong that the strong sense of ethnic identity noted by many ethnographers has been at least in part a response to quite recent circumstances, including the influence of missionary Christianity in promoting traditional inter-ethnic hostilities and mistrust, and fostering a notion of sociocultural specificity essentially derived from Western models. The clear awareness of the lack of literacy and state formation, as evinced in legends which are part of an 10.

'The Akha mention two periods in their history in which they had warlords (generals) and, later, chiefs or kings .... associated with walled cities ... During the time of the third ruler, the power to rule, although thought of as reified for all time, was either lost or burned, the art of writing disappeared, books were eaten, and because of pressure from the Chinese and Shan, one after another of the clans had to seek refuge in the mountains' (Aiting 1982). Graham (1954) mentions that the 'legend of a lost book' which in his account is linked with Buddhist scriptures and has nothing to do with a state or kingdom, was also found among the Ch'iang of West Sichuan and the tribes of Burma.

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extremely ancient oral tradition, as with the Karen, Akha and even Kachinll, would certainly seem to point towards long historical contacts with lowland state based civilizations. Not only the social scientist (cf. Lehman 1966) but also the missionary, then, has lent a spurious validity to local differentia by sanctioning what Leach (1961) defined as the third level of social reality-the folk model. As Lehman pointed out in 1966, such formal models of what seems an increasingly fluid and flexible ethnic situation must be employed with great caution to avoid fostering arbitrary and undiscriminating administrative approaches to the problems of ethnic minorities. The present day isolation of the Hmong, then, may be seen as a dynamic form of 'retribalization'; a revitalism similar to that described by Cohen (1969), in the face of increasingly insurmountable political and economic uncertainty. The term 'Miao', therefore, should be regarded as the blanket term for the minorities of southern China it so often was, much as the extension of the term 'Meo' has been loosely used to apply to the Karen today (Keyes 1979), and the 'Hmong' should be regarded as having evolved out of a complex polyethnic situation in southern China which also involved the Chung Chia, Lolo, Yunnanese, and many others (cf. Grandstaff 1979), accelerated, in the case of the Hmong, by the effects of missionary Christianity.' 2 The logical outcome to this process of successive marginalisation and peripheralisation of the Hmong from the centres of power would seem to be the current diaspora of refugee Hmong from Laos to the four corners of the earth under the auspices of the UNHCR programmes, where, I am told, a people with still a predominantly oral tradition communicate with relatives in other parts of the globe by cassette recorder and urgently desire telephones, so that lineage names can be entered in telephone directories and traditional lineage hospitality practiced on a global scale. Here we see how a long process of historical marginalisation, when rationalised in terms of a myth which projects the possibilities of participation in a state formation into an idealised past and future, can serve to disguise real structural contradictions between democratic, autocratic, and stately forms of social organisation, and sustain a remarkably homogeneous and resilient ethnic community.J3 11.

For example, Gilhodes (1908) on the Kachin: 'Ning kong wa convoque tousles hommes en son palais du milieu de la terre. Aux Chinois, Shans, Birman, Kalas, il distribue Ia science dans des livres. Mais c'est sur des parchemins qu'illa donne au Katchins. Ceux-ci, ·presses par Ia faim en rentrant chez eux, les rotissent et les devorent; depuis lors ils ont toutes leurs connaissances dans le ventre, tandis que les autres peuples les possedent sur du papier'. 12. See, for example, Shiratori's (1966) claim that 'the Miao are not a homogenous ethnic group' and that 'the recent Miao represent a widely distributed complex of originally different ethnic groups'. 13. This study is the result of ltbrary research undertaken at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London from 1980-1981 for which assistance was received from the Social Science Research Council, and is not based on fieldwork undertaken among the White Hmong of Northern Thailand since then.

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Bernatzik H.A. Bertrais Y Burridge K Cohen A Cooper R Davis R Garrett W Geddes W GILHODES C Graham D Grandstaff T Hill A

Hinton P Hudspeth W Keyes C Kunstadter P ed. et a1 : Leach E

Lehman F

Lemoine J Levi-Strauss C Lombard-Salmon C McCoy A Pollard S Ruey Yih-Fu

Akha and Miao, Problems of Applied Ethnography in Further India (trans. HRAF, New Haven 1970). The Traditional Marriage Among the While Hmong of Thailand and Laos (Paris 1978) New Heaven, New Earth (London 1971) Custom and Politics in Urban Africa (1969) Resource Scarcity and the H'mong Response, unpub. PhD thesis, Univ. Hull 1976. 'Tolerance and Intolerance of Ambiguity in Northern Thai Myth and Ritual' Ethnology Xlll 1974. 'The Hmong of Laos : No Place To Run' National Geographic Magazine CXLV 1 1974. Migrants of the Mountains (london 1976) 'Mythologie et Religion des Katchins (Birmanie)' Anthropos 3 1908. Songs and Stories of the Ch'uan Miao (Washington 1954) 'The Hmong, Opium and the Haw' JSS 67 2 1979. 'Caravan Transport and Chinese Frontier Communities in the China/ Southeast Asia Uplands', paper prepared for 6th Oklahoma Symposium on Comparative Frontiers, March 20-21, 1980. Tribesmen and Peasants in North Thailand (Chiangmai 1969) Stone Gateway and the Flowery Miao (London 1937). The Golden Peninsula (Ithaca 1979). Ethnic Adaptation and Identity (Philadelphia 1979). Farmers in the Forest (Honolulu 1978). 'Jinghpaw Kinship Terminology' Rethinking Anthropology (London 1961) 'Anthropological Aspects of Language' New Directions in the Study of Language (ed. Lennenberg, MIT 1964). The Structure of Chin Society (111inois 1963). 'Ethnic Categories in Burma and the Theory of Social Systems', Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations ed. Kunstadter (Princeton 1966). 'Kayah Society', Contemporary Change in Traditional Societies ed. Steward (Illinois 1967). 'Who Are the Karen, and If So, Why?' Ethnic Adaptation and Identity, ed. Keyes (1979). 'Les ecritures du Hmong' Bulletin des Amis du Royaume Lao 7-8 1972a 'L'initiation du mort chez les Hmong' L'Homme 12 1972b. 'The Structural Study of Myth' Structural Anthropology 1 1963. 'Un Exemp1e d'accu1turation Chinoise' BEFEO LXXXIV 1972. The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia (Harper & Row 1973). The Story of the Miao (London 1919). 'The Magpie Miao of Southern Szechuan' Social Structure in Southeast Asia. ed. Murdock (Chicago 1960).

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Savina F Scheuzger 0 Shryock J

Histoire des Miao (Hong Kong 1930). The New Trail: Among the Tribes in North Thailand (Chiangmai 1966). 'Ch'en Ting's Account of the Marriage Customs of the Chiefs of Yunnan and Kweichow' American Anthropologist 36 1934. Smalley W 'The Gospel and the Cultures of Laos' Readings in Missionary Anthropology 3 1956. Von Gesau, L. A1ting : 'The Dialectics of Akhazan: Interiorizations of a Minority Group' The Highlanders of Thailand, ed. J. McKinnon (Kuala Lumpur 1982). 'Messianic Movements Among the Lahu of the Young-l~dochina BorderWalker A lands' Southeast Asia III 2 1974. Wiens H China's March Into the Tropics (Shoestring Press 1954; rev. ed. 1970). 'Ethnic Configurations in Southern China' Tokyo 1966. Yoshiro Shiratori

(De Freire, Paulo

Cultural Action For Freedom, Harvard Educational Review and Center for the Study of Development and Change, Monograph Series No. 1, 1970).

THE RELEVANCE OF TELEPHONE DIRECTORIES TO A LINEAGE-BASED SOCIETY : A CONSIDERATION OF SOME MESSIANIC MYTHS AMONG THE HMONG 1 NICHOLAS

T APP*

'Only beings who can reflect upon the fact th~t they are determined are capable of freeing themselves' De Freire 1970 ABSTRACT:

The following paper sets out to demonstrate that, as Levi-Strauss (1963) has put it, 'the purpose of myth is to provide a logical model capable of overcoming a contradiction (an impossible achievement if, as it happens, the contradiction is reaJ.2)" The contradiction is, in this instance, areal one, and by examining variant versions of a single Hmong myth which accounts for the lack of literacy and political autnomy among the Hmong, we find that, reduced to its simplest elements, the myth is concerned to overcome the felt contradiction between state and stateless society. We are then led to examine . Christian missionary influence as a catalytic influence on the emergence of this myth, and to consider its historical antecedants. According to Levi-Strauss (1969), 'history .•. can never completely divest itself of myth'. Equally it is true, as we see, that myth never quite succeeds in ridding itself of history. Finally I am led to query some of the assumptions which have been traditionally made concerning Hmong autonomy and ethnic exclusiveness, and to suggest that the same sort of analysis which has been applied to the study of 'subnuclear social systems' in Burma (cf. Lehman 1963) may be usefully applied to such groups as the Hmong.

1. In what follows, I have used the term 'Hmong' to refer to the people of that name in Thailand, Vietnam and Laos, while I have used other terms such as "Miao' when referring to the work of other writers who have used such terms themselves. It should be clearly understood, however, that the term 'Hmong' or 'Mong' refers to the Western branch of a language family which also includes the Hmu and Xioob, which terms are cognate. The latter were referred to by the Chinese as respectively Hei Miao or Black Miao, and Hung Miao or Red Miao, while members of the former included the White, Green, and Flowery (Hua) Miao. 2. According to Levi-Strauss ( 1969), 'we define the myth as consisting of all its versions' which, as he points out, has the merit of excluding the quest for the 'true' or 'earliest' version of the myth, much as occurred in early comparative linguistics. Consequently I have made no attempt at selection of an authentic version, but have rather concentrated on all the versions available in the published accounts, with no attempt to differentiate between them. I hope to prepare an exhaustive account of these in due course. * School of Oriental and African Studies, London. M.A. South-east Asian Studies, London.

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I Writing in 1947, Bernatzik claimed that 'The memory of times when there was a much larger political unit has been kept alive to this day among the Meau. Thus, tradition tells of a powerful kingdom of the Meau, an hereditary kingship, in which the king was at the same time the supreme war lord'. Bernatzik goes on to say that the last king (van tso') was defeated in battle against Chinese forces who were menacing their settlements, and then led his people southward in flight before the pursuing enemy. He concludes by declaring that 'Even today they believe that sometime and somewhere a Meau king will rise again, who will unite his people, gather them together, and lead them victoriously against the hated oppressors' (Bernatzik 1970), and quotes Savina to the following effect: 'The Meau are waiting for a liberator, a king, a phoa thay. As soon as the report of a phoa thay comes from somewhere, they immediately take up their weapons and set out to put themselves at his disposal. What we call a 'rebellion' they call oa phoa thay, 'to make a king'. The phrase Bernatzik's translation omits without apology, which follows Savina's first sentence above, is 'tout comme les Juifs, attendant un Messie' (Savina 1930). Geddes also has drawn parallels with Judaism when, speaking of the presence of people whom he considers 'culturally identifiable' with the Miao in Kweichow and neighbouring provinces some 1,000 years ago and 'possibly twice as long', he remarked that 'The preservation by the Miao of their ethnic identity for such a long time despite their being split into many small groups surrounded by different alien peoples and scattered over a vast geographical area is an outstanding record parallelling in some ways that of the Jews but more remarkable because they lacked the unifying forces of literacy and doctrinal religion and because the cultural features they preserved seem to be more numerous' (Geddes 1976). But indeed, the felt lack of literacy seems to have been a crucial element in the Hmong messianic movements which played such an important part in fashioning political decisions and forging cultural identity. Hence Lemoine : 'Frappes sans doute de !'importance accordee au document ecrit par !'administration chinoise, les Hmong revaient d'une ecriture tombee du ciel et qui leur serait propre. Ce theme revint constamment au cours des divers mouvements messianiques qui pendant des siecles ont tente intervalles plus ou moins longs de secouer le joug chinoise et surtout d'etablir un 'royaume hmong' . . . . . . . Selon le mythe messianique un roi allait naitre ou etait iie pour rassembler les Hmong et les delivrer de la tutelle des autres peuples. Le roi ou son prophete ne manquais pas d'annoncer qu'il avait eu Ia revelation d'une ecriture. C'etait la marque meme de !'investiture par le Ciel'. The name of this mythical king is 'Foua Tai' (from the Chinese Houang Ti or Emperor) (Lemoine 1972a).

a

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Although accounts of the lost form of Miao writing differ, the essential elements remain the same. Geddes, for example, recounts that 'At. Pasamlien I was told by some of the people that long ago, when they were still in China, they had a book like the Chinese. But one day it got cooked up and was eaten by them with their rice' (Geddes 1976). Other accounts attribute its loss to the flight of the Hmong from invading Chinese, when it was dropped while crossing a river (cf. Hudspeth below) or, as in the following :fictionalized version of the tale by a recent missionary in northern Thailand; to other causes : 'Why ever did those horses have to eat the books of our forefathers, many, many years ago? Those Meo kings were the first. there were in the whole great northern kingdom. Indeed in those days we had a land of our own. A Meo king ruled over us. We were the most powerful nation on earth. But the wicked Chinese were more cunning than we. They fell upon us in great hordes. They had better weapons than we had. We fought bitterly and courageously, but it was in vain. The Chinese knew no mercy. They murdered, enslaved and pillaged. We had to surrender. But not quite everyone gave in; whoever could escape did so. When the exhausted fugitives came to a wide river they rested, leaving their packs among the bushes. They were all overcome with sleep. When at last they woke up-0 horror-the horses had eaten up the Meo books! Not a single one remained. Since then we have possessed neither books nor script. .. ' After describing the passage of the Meo through a 'Lake' which closely parallels the Biblical account of the passage of the Jews through the Red Sea, the raconteur concluded, 'Ever since that day we Meo have been sacrificing to the spirits and are pledged to them until our Fuatai comes again and destroys the spirits and all our enemies' ..... 'Until our Fuatai rises again and comes to help us' they all cried', adds the author (Scheuzger 1966). In this highly coloured and somewhat Kiplingesque version, we nevertheless see the clear connection between messianic beliefs and a myth about the lack of literacy which is linked to the ideal of a fallen kingdom. These motifs remain politically most important. Garrett reported that in the late 1950's, the Hmong of Laos, divided by the conflict between Pathet Lao and Lao Government forces, 'naturally looked to the spirit world for help. Messianic myths spread through the hills. One prophesied that Christ would come to the Hmong in a jeep, wearing American clothes and handing out weapons' (Garrett 1974). Lemoine

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noted that the invention of a new script believed to be the lost Hmong writing formed the attraction of the messianic movement which began in Long Tien (Laos) in 1967 (Lemoine 1972a). In the early 1960's reports of the birth of a new Hmong king drew large crowds of Hmong villagers to a remote valley in the north of Thailand (cf. Bertrais 1978) 3 , while recently the Vietnamese Government accused the Chinese of spreading similar rumours of the birth of a Hmong king in southern China in order to alienate the Vietnamese Hmong (The Guardian, London, 9 Jan 1981). Twe points should perhaps be made here.

Firstly, m the opinion of the

present writer, it is useless to attempt historical reconstructions on the basis of such myths 4 • We should, rather, be looking at what such a myth may be able to tell us about the society which possesses it. Richard Davis (1979) has drawn attention to the ~urprising functionalism of Levi-Strauss's thesis that 'a myth can validate actual social practice by offering imaginary alternatives', and this is the line which shall be followed hereS.

Thus a myth of the type 'Once we had a kingdom and a writing of our own,

but owing to the Chinese we lost it' should be read as a conditional statement of the type 'If it hadn't been for the Chinese, we would have had a kingdom and a writing of our own'. The implied negative (absence of a state, absence of literacy) has disappeared from the mythological statement just as it does from the subordinate clause of the English conditional. We are dealing with a society deprived of a state formation and of literacy, and consciously aware of its deprivation. Secondly, in the absence of the possibility of a valid historical reconstruction, we may nevertheless inquire into the historical circumstances in which such a myth may have been expressed, and which may have provoked its emergence in such a powerful form. These, I believe lie largely in the influence of missionary Christianity upon the Hmong. 3. In the Meo Handbook prepared by the Joint US- Thai Military Research and Development Center in 1969, it is declared that 'Present day insurgent recruiters have induced some Meo to go to Laos for training by promising to take them to see the 'King of the Meo'.' 4.

Nevertheless, the history of such movements is being reconstructed by people better qualified than myself to deal with the historical evidence, such as Father Y. Bertrais and the Miao- Yao Project team members of CEDRASEME in Paris. When this is assembled, it should be useful for our understanding of the persistence of such beliefs today in the analytical framework I have suggested.

5.

Similarly, Leach refers to 'Levi-Strauss's version of the Hegelian-Marxist dialectic in which the sacred elements of myth are shown to be factors which mediate contradictories'. As Levi-Strauss himself put it-, mythology, seen as an 'instrument for the suppression of time .... overcomes the contradiction between historical, enacted time, and a permanent constant' (Levi-Strauss 1969).

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II It must be noted, however, that rebellions among the Hmong in China predated the influence of what Lemoine (1972b) has (in a literary context) termed 'une contamination biblique' by many centuries. The earliest references to the 'San-Miao' in Chinese records categorize them as a rebellious people banished from the central plains of China before the second millenium B.C.. 6 In A.D. 47 a suppression campaign mounted against the Miao of West Hunan was followed by other suppression campaigns which hastened their migration southwards, according to Wiens (1954). The Miao mounted a northwards invasion during the 5th and 6th centuries, and again during the 3 Kingdoms period following the Han period. In Wiens' words, 'Between A.D. 403 and 561 there were more than 40 instances of Miao uprisings between the Yang-tzu and Yellow Rivers'. During the 5 Dynasties period (A.D. 907 -960) Ma Yin, the self-: proclaimed ruler of the new state of Ch'u, subjugated the Miao, who had declared their independence. According to Wiens, 'There was hardly any time during the Ming and Ch'ing periods when suppression or pacification campaigns were not being undertaken against the Miao and the Yao. In the major suppression campaigns in the upaisings of 1698, 1732, 1794, and 1855, the Miao scattered in all directions, initiating the migratory movements of the modern period' (Wiens 1954). As McCoy (1973) put it, 'trouble descended on the Meo tribes after the Manchu dynasty was established in 1644'. After the failure of attempts to integrate the Miao into the regular bureaucracy, 'the Manchus began to exterminate these troublesome tribes and to repopulate their lands with the more pliable ethnic Chinese. After a two hundred year extermination campaign culminated in a series of bloody massacres in the mid-nineteen~h century, thousands of Meo tribesmen fled southwards towards Indochina' (McCoy 1973). Dealing with the great Miao uprisings in 1734-1737 and 1795-1806 in the province of Gui Zhou, Claudine Lombard-Salmon (1972) quotes the Sheng Wu ji: 'Nombreux 1es Miao qui tuerent eux-memes leurs femmes et leurs enfants, pour ensuite affronter les armees imperiales et opposer une resistance acharnee' (Sheng Wu ji 7 in Lombard-Salmon 1972 p. 237). The repression of this first uprising of the Gui Zhou 6. I here follow Lehman's ( 1979) important distinction of the usage of an ethnic category from the 'genetic-linguistic' groupings to which it may at different times refer. The real issue is the persistence of an ethnic category such as 'Miao' in a given ecological niche to refer to a particular kind of people, and its continuing application to a people who today resent its derogatory implications. The way in which the term was used indiscriminately in the past by Han Chinese is identical to the way in which the term 'Meo' is used to refer to such other groups as the Karen (cf. Kunstadter 1979).

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Miao and the savage reprisals following the second, did not however prevent further rebellions : in 1801 40 villages rese up, and in 1802 a Miao chief proclaimed himself 'Roi du ciel' (lien wang ].;,__f), and led a further rebellion. 18,000 Miao warriors were massacred after the 1735 revolt, while the 1795 uprising against the introduction of Han Chinese tenant farmers by Han overlords resulted in the destruction and burning of thousands of Chinese homes. Pere Amyot, a Jesuit missionary resident at Beijing during the 18th. century, has left us an account of the 1763 campaign against two small Miao principalities in Sichuan which ended in the slaughter of the ruler and his whole family after they were invited to the capital (Savina 1930). 20,000 Imperial troops were required to quell the last great rebellion of the Miao in Gui Zhou of 1856, which took place during the Panthay Rebellion of the Chinese Moslems in Yunan. Miao insurrections during the Qing (Manchu) period, were in large part the result of the forcible imposition of Han Chinese military officials on the tu-si or local official system of indirect rule practised by the Chinese authorities in the southern provinces (viz Hill 1980). Under this system, first formalised during the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), local chiefs had been enfeoffed to rule their peoples from the Chinese court. Office was hereditary, and usually patrilineally inherited. The tu-si system had emerged from the more informal system of local enfeoffment established by military garrisons set up after the Mongol conquest of Yunnan in 1253 during the Yuan dynasty (1280-1367). The tu-si system left indelible impressions of Chinese social organization on the customs of many of the local people, and may have been partly responsible for the superimposition of Han patrilineal characteristics on the original kinship structure of the Miao (Ruey Yih-Fu 1960). It may also have been responsible for the emergence of quasi-independent Miao chiefdoms, the memory of which survives in mythological form today (cf. Shryock 1934 for an account of these rich Miao clans) and, in its later form, for the upsurge of rebellions documented from the 18 century onwards. To take this general consideration of their rebellions into the present century, in 1919 the Pachai Revolt of the Hmong against the French in Laos, dubbed the Guerre du Fou and closely connected to messianic beliefs and promises of an end to economic exploitation, took the authorities two full years to suppress, while their most recent insurrection in Thailand from 1967 to 1971 necessitated the joint operations of the Thai and Laotian Armies and the establishment of five major refugee centres in the northern provinces. Meanwhile the resistance of the Hmong in Laos to the Pathet Lao continues. From this and other evidence we may conclude that real social pressures, arising from the contradiction between a state and a tribal form of social organization, were responsible for the rebellious propensities to which the ethnic category 'Miao' was,

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and still is, considered appropriate. The Miao, in common with many other peoples of the area, were classified according to relative acculturation by the Chinese as sheng raw, wild, uncivilized or unsinicised, or shu (cooked, tax-paying, Chinese-speaking, 'civilized'), which suggests that the opposition became internalized in their own form of social organization as tendencies towards autocratic rule emerged. It was in this form that Christianity found it.

III Although Jesuit missionaries were reportedly in contact with the Hmong as early as 1736 in Gui Zhou, the first Protestant encounter only began with the work of the China Inland Mission in 1896. Samuel Pollard, who introduced the first romanized script for the Miao language, described the surprising impact of the Christian Gospel on the Miao at that time in the following words : 'Some days they came in tens and twenties! Some days in sixties and seventies! Then came a hundred! Then came two hundred! Three hundred! Four hundred! At last, on one special occasion, a thousand of these mountain men came in one day! When they came, the snow was on the ground, and terrible had been the snow on the hills they crossed over. What a great crowd it was!' (Pollard 1919). 'Picture these early scouts as they journey' adds Hudspeth (1937), Pollard's colleague and pupil. 'Each carries a felt cape which in the daytime serves as an overcoat and at night as a blanket, and every one has a bag of oatmeal, a basin and chopsticks or a wooden spoon; the oatmeal mixed with water serves as breakfast, lunch and evening meal'. Pollard describes the degraded and impoverished position of the Miao at the hands of unscrupulous Chinese and Norsu landlords, and how 'The great demand these crowds made was for books' (my emphasis). He describes how it was whispered that the Miao meditated rebellion and massacre, how rumours arose that the foreigners were supplying the Miao with bags of poison with which the waters of the Chinese and Norsu were being contaminated: 'Before the Miao had been coming many months, a most dangerous situation was created, which might at any time have ended in a great massacre. As it was', he adds glibly, 'a number of people lost their lives'. 'Nearly every day came stories of Miao being driven away from the markets, of men and even women being beaten, of murderous attacks, and chained prisoners' (Pollard 1919). In effect, the introduction of missionary teachings to a people already marginal in relation to their lowland neighbours increased their marginalised position and widened the gap between Miao and Chinese. Finally Pollard reported that 'We were troubled yet in another way. By some means or other the rumour went abroad that Jesus was coming again very soon. Instead

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of the teachings of the Second Coming proving a blessing to these simple people, the way in which it was stated by some irresponsible and ignorant people led to disastrous results. Some of the old wizards, and some of the singing women tried the role of prophet, and several dates were announced for the appearance of Christ. So firmly did some of. the people believe these prophecies, that they neglected their farm work and gave themselves up to singing and waiting for Jesus. One party betook themselves to a loft, and with lighted lamps or torches stayed up all night, expecting the King every moment. Poor, simple people, one cannot even smile at their misled enthusiasm. They had known the bitterness and degradation of heathenism so long, that one cannot wonder at their hoping for a short cut to the Millenium, when all wrongs would be righted and everybody have a chance'.7 Pollard notes that intense excitement was caused by the question of brideprice: 'With the coming of the New Testament many of the people wished to get rid of the old crushing burden'. Membership of the Church eventually gave the Miao a privileged status, and a Norsu landlord is quoted as saying that nobody now dared molest the Miao as they had formerly done. Pollard also mentions difficulties in translating the word 'kingdom' in the Lord's Prayer into Miao : 'None of the Miao ever remembered a time when they had a kingdom, and noone knew the Miao word for such an idea'. Hudspeth too described the mass conversion of the Miao by Pollard, who was said to be able to see three feet into the earth and drop magical water into Miao mouths which instantly converted them. Clearly the sudden adoption of a millenarian Christianity arose from the economically desperate position into which the Miao were forced following the failure of their various rebellions.

IV Of course, this is only one example of missionary work among the Hmong, and many others could be cited for other Hmong divisions, which space precludes. But there is reason to believe that the influence of the China Inland Mission was not confined to the 'Hua' Miao of Gui Zhou, and that redemption work undertaken elsewhere, for example by Catholic missions in Laos, or by missionary work in Thailand, which still 7.

Compare this to Smalley (1956) who observed that 'For years the Christian witness made no impression on the Meo. Then suddenly, in the space of a month in 1949 about a thousand converts were made. Today there are several thousand Meo Christians. Furthermore, occasionally, 'prophets' declare themselves to be Jesus. So far none of these splinter movements have become widespread, but they are symptomatic of the fact that the Meo are undergoing a period of cultural reformulation which was triggered and given its particular form by the Christian gospel'.

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continues, has not essentially differed in the long·term reactions it has provoked. 8 And in almost every case the result of such work has been to lend ideological support to an essentially sociopolitical form of alienation. Thus the economic marginalisation of an upland minority of shifting cultivators with a long history of persecution and extortion at the hands of local landlords from literate lowland state traditions; has been legitimated in terms of an ideology which has rationatised such a history of persecution in terms of, and by reference to, Judaeo·Christian motifs. This shows considerable similarities to trends reported from elsewhere, as I show below. There can be no doubt that this process continues today. Cooper (1976) for example reports on the adoption of Christianity by emergent poor strata of Hmong society relieving them of the necessity to invest in ritual status (such as bridewealth) demanded by kinship obligations. These Christians of Khun Sa were, according to Cooper, 'attracted by the saviour aspects of their new religion and expect a supreme force to intervene in the believer's favour'. Rather than opening the way, therefore, for the greater integration into Thai society or economic innovations demanded by internationally funded development programmes, the adoption of a messianic form of Christianity seems to increase the belief in an ideal past and an ideal future which allows present structural contradictions to persist unchanged. I now quote Hudspeth at some length to illustrate this process and the appeal which certain forms of Christianity makes to ethnic separatism : 'Before the Pollard script, books and a library were unknown. The great majority of these tribesmen had never handled even a sheet of writing paper or a pen. They had heard that once upon a time there were books; a tribal legend described how long, long ago the Miao lived on the north side of the Yangtze River, but the conquering Chinese came and drove them from their land and homes. Coming to the river and possessing no boats they debated what should be done with the books and in the end they strapped them to their shoulders and swam across, but the water ran so swiftly and the river was so wide, that the books were washed away and fishes swallowed them. This was the story. When the British and Foreign Bible Society sent the first Gospels and these were distributed 8. Father Bertrais, for instance, refers to the frequency with which individuals are invested with the mission of embodying the personality of an imminent Huab Tais to whom he speaks in trance, affirming that they generallv appear 'at moments of crisis, when the general discon· tents or miseries create a psychosis of revolt or aspirations for a better life', often demanding the throwing away of money or cessation of planting 'because next year's grain of rice will turn itself into a granary of rice'. From 1957 onwards, Bertrais had 'heard talk about this constantly' : in Sam Neua on the Pha Thong mountain near Luang Prabang : during the 1960's on the mountainous Thai-Lao border: and currently in the mountains near Phu Bia (Laos) and the refugee camps in Thailand (Bertrais 1978).

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the legend grew-the once upon a time lost books had been found, found in the white man's country, and they told the incomparable story that Jesus loved the Miao. Only the imagination can conceive what this meant to those hillmen; some of them travelled for days to view the books' (Hudspeth 1937). This account, the verisimilitude of which there is no more reason to doubt than there is to doubt Pollard's account of his difficulties in translating the word for 'kingdom' (although a Chinese word may have been used) clearly illustrates the various factors involved. Is it possible that Christian teachings of a kingdom and a chosen people of the Book should have so meshed with indigenous Hmong rationalisations of an illiterate, deprived and marginal state, as to have falsely inflated the latter by uniting the Judaic notion of a kingdom with the Hmong notion of writing in the form of the Messianic beliefs reported by Lemoine for the Hmong of Laos today? Given the similarity of this process with that reported for other minorities of the region, it seems quite likely. Keyes's summarization for the Karen is a case in point. After describing the Karen myth of creation, Keyes describes how 'Y' wa is said to have given books to his various children, sometimes said to number seven, who are the ancestors of the major ethnic groups in the world known to the Karen, This gift of a book was, of course, the gift of literacy. The Karen, however, are negligent with the book given to them and it is eaten by animals or, in some versions, consumed in the fires built by the Karen in the course of tilling their fields. Y'wa offers the Karen the consolation that at some future date, 'foreign brothers' will bring the gift of literacy-in the form of a golden book-back to thein. These two myths greatly impressed the American Baptist missionaries who began work among the Karens in the early part of the 19th. century. The first story so paralleled the Biblical story of the Garden of Eden, including the fact that the name Y'wa was very similar to the Hebrew Yaweh, that the missionaries concluded that the Karen must be descendants of one of the lost tribes of Israel. Moreover, they quickly presented themselves as the foreign brothers bringing the Karens the golden book. The fact that missionaries were the first to record these myths has led to their interpretations colouring the understanding of them ever since' (Keyes 1979).9 It seems that a similar process occurred with the Hmong, who show similarly ambivalent attitudes towards the acquisition of literacy skills as do the Karen (compare Geddes 1976 p. 20 with Marlowe, in Keyes 1979, p. 172). It has been missionaries who have been largely responsible for the various scripts invented for the Hmong languages (Pollard himself being the first), and there is no doubt that this has carried enormous appeal to a people possessed of an oral tradition. 9.

See also Anthony Walker, for example, discussing the priest-led Lahu rebellions against Imperial Chinese rule in the 18th and 19th centuries, who points out how the white missionaries were originally welcomed as the fulfillment of a prophecy (Walker 1974).

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Beliefs in a past state structure and a lost literacy, at first blush odd in a society of closely knit shifting cultivators, are clearly linked in other cases besides the Hmong.l o It seems clear that such beliefs express particular orientations towards majority or 'host' populations which, when combined with the appropriate legitimating supernatural symbols, can coalesce into millenarian and messianic movements in concrete political shape. Such movements, as Burridge has remarked, whether they are syncretic or nativistic, represent a transitional stage for subsistence economies adjusting to a cash economy, and his hypothesis that 'The redemptive process, and so redemption, bears significantly on the politico-economic process, particularly the prestige system' (Burridge 1971) is amply confirmed in the context of the data presented above.

v If this is so, we may then be forced to reconsider some of the basic assumptions which have been made in the past about the distinctive and exclusive nature of Hmong ethnicity, which may prove more amenable to the sort of approach adumbrated by Lehman for the study of 'subnuclear social systems' (Lehman 1967) than has hitherto been thought, particularly since what isolation there was is now largely a matter of the past. On the basis of different migration patterns and the relative absence of transcultural movement among high-altitude swiddeners such as the Hmong, Yao, Akha, Lahu and Lisu, Hinton (1969) for example noted that 'Researchers in the latter societies tend to note the homogeneity and relative isolation of these peoples' by contrast with 'the concern of students of changing cultural identity with such peoples as the Thai, Karen, Lua', Thai-Lue and Shans'. However, recent research (e.g. Alting 1982) has shown that such homogeneity and relative isolation may be the result of quite recent historical conditions and that inter-ethnic relations in the past were far more extensive than has been supposed. It is at least probable for the Hmong that the strong sense of ethnic identity noted by many ethnographers has been at least in part a response to quite recent circumstances, including the influence of missionary Christianity in promoting traditional inter-ethnic hostilities and mistrust, and fostering a notion of sociocultural specificity essentially derived from Western models. The clear awareness of the lack of literacy and state formation, as evinced in legends which are part of an 10.

'The Akha mention two periods in their history in which they had warlords (generals) and, later, chiefs or kings .... associated with walled cities ... During the time of the third ruler, the power to rule, although thought of as reified for all time, was either lost or burned, the art of writing disappeared, books were eaten, and because of pressure from the Chinese and Shan, one after another of the clans had to seek refuge in the mountains' (Aiting 1982). Graham (1954) mentions that the 'legend of a lost book' which in his account is linked with Buddhist scriptures and has nothing to do with a state or kingdom, was also found among the Ch'iang of West Sichuan and the tribes of Burma.

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extremely ancient oral tradition, as with the Karen, Akha and even Kachinll, would certainly seem to point towards long historical contacts with lowland state based civilizations. Not only the social scientist (cf. Lehman 1966) but also the missionary, then, has lent a spurious validity to local differentia by sanctioning what Leach (1961) defined as the third level of social reality-the folk model. As Lehman pointed out in 1966, such formal models of what seems an increasingly fluid and flexible ethnic situation must be employed with great caution to avoid fostering arbitrary and undiscriminating administrative approaches to the problems of ethnic minorities. The present day isolation of the Hmong, then, may be seen as a dynamic form of 'retribalization'; a revitalism similar to that described by Cohen (1969), in the face of increasingly insurmountable political and economic uncertainty. The term 'Miao', therefore, should be regarded as the blanket term for the minorities of southern China it so often was, much as the extension of the term 'Meo' has been loosely used to apply to the Karen today (Keyes 1979), and the 'Hmong' should be regarded as having evolved out of a complex polyethnic situation in southern China which also involved the Chung Chia, Lolo, Yunnanese, and many others (cf. Grandstaff 1979), accelerated, in the case of the Hmong, by the effects of missionary Christianity.' 2 The logical outcome to this process of successive marginalisation and peripheralisation of the Hmong from the centres of power would seem to be the current diaspora of refugee Hmong from Laos to the four corners of the earth under the auspices of the UNHCR programmes, where, I am told, a people with still a predominantly oral tradition communicate with relatives in other parts of the globe by cassette recorder and urgently desire telephones, so that lineage names can be entered in telephone directories and traditional lineage hospitality practiced on a global scale. Here we see how a long process of historical marginalisation, when rationalised in terms of a myth which projects the possibilities of participation in a state formation into an idealised past and future, can serve to disguise real structural contradictions between democratic, autocratic, and stately forms of social organisation, and sustain a remarkably homogeneous and resilient ethnic community.J3 11.

For example, Gilhodes (1908) on the Kachin: 'Ning kong wa convoque tousles hommes en son palais du milieu de la terre. Aux Chinois, Shans, Birman, Kalas, il distribue Ia science dans des livres. Mais c'est sur des parchemins qu'illa donne au Katchins. Ceux-ci, ·presses par Ia faim en rentrant chez eux, les rotissent et les devorent; depuis lors ils ont toutes leurs connaissances dans le ventre, tandis que les autres peuples les possedent sur du papier'. 12. See, for example, Shiratori's (1966) claim that 'the Miao are not a homogenous ethnic group' and that 'the recent Miao represent a widely distributed complex of originally different ethnic groups'. 13. This study is the result of ltbrary research undertaken at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London from 1980-1981 for which assistance was received from the Social Science Research Council, and is not based on fieldwork undertaken among the White Hmong of Northern Thailand since then.

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Bernatzik H.A. Bertrais Y Burridge K Cohen A Cooper R Davis R Garrett W Geddes W GILHODES C Graham D Grandstaff T Hill A

Hinton P Hudspeth W Keyes C Kunstadter P ed. et a1 : Leach E

Lehman F

Lemoine J Levi-Strauss C Lombard-Salmon C McCoy A Pollard S Ruey Yih-Fu

Akha and Miao, Problems of Applied Ethnography in Further India (trans. HRAF, New Haven 1970). The Traditional Marriage Among the While Hmong of Thailand and Laos (Paris 1978) New Heaven, New Earth (London 1971) Custom and Politics in Urban Africa (1969) Resource Scarcity and the H'mong Response, unpub. PhD thesis, Univ. Hull 1976. 'Tolerance and Intolerance of Ambiguity in Northern Thai Myth and Ritual' Ethnology Xlll 1974. 'The Hmong of Laos : No Place To Run' National Geographic Magazine CXLV 1 1974. Migrants of the Mountains (london 1976) 'Mythologie et Religion des Katchins (Birmanie)' Anthropos 3 1908. Songs and Stories of the Ch'uan Miao (Washington 1954) 'The Hmong, Opium and the Haw' JSS 67 2 1979. 'Caravan Transport and Chinese Frontier Communities in the China/ Southeast Asia Uplands', paper prepared for 6th Oklahoma Symposium on Comparative Frontiers, March 20-21, 1980. Tribesmen and Peasants in North Thailand (Chiangmai 1969) Stone Gateway and the Flowery Miao (London 1937). The Golden Peninsula (Ithaca 1979). Ethnic Adaptation and Identity (Philadelphia 1979). Farmers in the Forest (Honolulu 1978). 'Jinghpaw Kinship Terminology' Rethinking Anthropology (London 1961) 'Anthropological Aspects of Language' New Directions in the Study of Language (ed. Lennenberg, MIT 1964). The Structure of Chin Society (111inois 1963). 'Ethnic Categories in Burma and the Theory of Social Systems', Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations ed. Kunstadter (Princeton 1966). 'Kayah Society', Contemporary Change in Traditional Societies ed. Steward (Illinois 1967). 'Who Are the Karen, and If So, Why?' Ethnic Adaptation and Identity, ed. Keyes (1979). 'Les ecritures du Hmong' Bulletin des Amis du Royaume Lao 7-8 1972a 'L'initiation du mort chez les Hmong' L'Homme 12 1972b. 'The Structural Study of Myth' Structural Anthropology 1 1963. 'Un Exemp1e d'accu1turation Chinoise' BEFEO LXXXIV 1972. The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia (Harper & Row 1973). The Story of the Miao (London 1919). 'The Magpie Miao of Southern Szechuan' Social Structure in Southeast Asia. ed. Murdock (Chicago 1960).

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Savina F Scheuzger 0 Shryock J

Histoire des Miao (Hong Kong 1930). The New Trail: Among the Tribes in North Thailand (Chiangmai 1966). 'Ch'en Ting's Account of the Marriage Customs of the Chiefs of Yunnan and Kweichow' American Anthropologist 36 1934. Smalley W 'The Gospel and the Cultures of Laos' Readings in Missionary Anthropology 3 1956. Von Gesau, L. A1ting : 'The Dialectics of Akhazan: Interiorizations of a Minority Group' The Highlanders of Thailand, ed. J. McKinnon (Kuala Lumpur 1982). 'Messianic Movements Among the Lahu of the Young-l~dochina BorderWalker A lands' Southeast Asia III 2 1974. Wiens H China's March Into the Tropics (Shoestring Press 1954; rev. ed. 1970). 'Ethnic Configurations in Southern China' Tokyo 1966. Yoshiro Shiratori

(De Freire, Paulo

Cultural Action For Freedom, Harvard Educational Review and Center for the Study of Development and Change, Monograph Series No. 1, 1970).

NOTES NOTES ON A LETTER FROM PRINCE MONGKUT TO DR. S.R. HOUSE RONALD D. RENARD & HERBERT R. SWANSON*

Among the records of the American Presbyterian Mission in Thailand which are housed at the Manuscript Division of Payap College there has come to light a holograph letter written by "T.Y. Chaufa Mongkut" to "Mr. House, M.D.,"! undated except that it was written on a Monday morning. Mentioned in George Haws Feltus' biography of Dr. House,2 an American Presbyterian medical missionary to Thailand, this letter provides insights into the important relationship between Prince Mongkut and the American missionaries in 19th century Thailand. The purpose of these notes is to provide a brief study of the text of this letter and to comment on the letter's historical significance.

Analysis of the Text Prince Mongkut preferred his English-language correspondents to call him "T.Y. Chaufa Mongkut".3

In a letter to Mr. G.W. Eddy dated July 14, 1848, Prince

Mongkut wrote that in Thailand his inferiors or dependants referred to him as "Thun Kramom Fa Yai" ('tn'lfl'l"ZVI~mJ~1lVI~) and that those nominally superior or not depen.,

dent to him called him "Chau Fa Yai" (Li'1~1LVI~). Prince Mongkut then wrote that "I prefer that my friends, when they write me letters, or send parcels to me, will use this name Chau Fa Mongkut with the letters 'T.Y.' short for Thun Yai prefixed as being that by which I am known in the Laws and Public Documents of Siam." Prince Mongkut of course gave up being called T.Y. Chau Fa Mongkut upon becoming King, when he often signed his letters as "Somdetch Phra Paramendr Maha Mongkut,''

(tUIL~'Il..,'l"Z1hL:IJ'I.I.'Yl'i:IJV11lh1fli]) which he sometimes abbreviated to "S.P.P.M. Mongkut.''

•

Prince Mongkut worte this letter while he was staying at Wat Thong, Bangkok Noi, in Thonburi. This temple, on the north bank of the Bang Phrom Canal in Taling Chan District, would later be renamed Wat Kanchanasinghat (1uilfl1qj'il'l.l.ff"VI1t'{U) in 1854 by Mongkut, after he had become King. 4 Prince Mongkut stayed at this temple

* Dr. Renard teaches

history and works in the Research and Community Development Center of Payap College. Mr. Swanson is the Head of the Manuscript Division of Payap College and Archivist of the Church of Christ in Thailand.

128

129

NOTES

A

while attending the funeral of the mother of Prince Poramanuchit Chinorot (m3J'I/I3J'U U13J1'U'ifli1wn'l), referred to in the letter as "Krommanujit." Prince Poramanuchit • Chinorot was a noted author and scholar of Pali, writing and translating numerous religious and historical texts. He held the rank of Kromaml!n (m3J'III~U), denoting a Prince of the fifth official rank for princes, just below a Kromakhun (mllonu) and

•

"Krommanujit" was a colloquial shortening of his title and name. King Mongkut was to name Prince Poramanuchit Chinorot the Lord Patriarch («n~3J'III1i~·.ll1l1u1Un) in 1851 and, even though the Jetter refers to him as "highest Priest Prince," he did not yet actually hold the position of Lord Patriach when Mongkut was Prince and this letter was written. The office of Lord Patriarch was vacant from 1849 until 1851 and that Prince Mongkut called him "highest Priest Prince" most likely indicated unofficial acceptance of Prince Poramanuchit Chinorot as Lord Patriarch. Although most details regarding this letter can be explained, precise dating has been impossible. The earliest this letter could have been written is 1847, which is when House arrived in Thailand. The latest is 1851, when Prince Mongkut became King. Prince Mongkut almost surely wrote this letter after 1849, when the position of Lord Patriarch became vacant since Mongkut would not have referred to Prince Poramanuchit Chinorot as "highest Priest Prince" if someone else was the Lord Patriarch. Similarly it is quite unlikely that Dr. House, a newcomer to Thailand, would have received this letter on behalf of the other American missionaries at a time when the Rev. Jesse Caswell was still alive. Caswell was on very close terms with Prince Mongkut and did not die until September 1848. Additional clues to the precise date appear in the note which House wrote at the bottom of the letter, requesting that Mongkut's words not get into print. This request most likely reflects House's wish not to embarrass Mongkut at a time of official pressure on the mission and its press in 1850. In a letter of October 8, 1850, the missionary, Samuel Matoon, mentioned "Government persecution of Mission teacher's".5 Another American missionary, D.B. Bradley, noted in 1850 that King Rama III, alarmed that the missionaries were converting too many Buddhists to Christianity, had arrested all the Thai colporteurs. 6 Matoon added that employees and teachers of the mission had been "cast into the royal prison" on suspicion of the mission having printed the laws of the country.? The weight of the circumstantial evidence thus strongly suggests a date of 1850 or early 1851. Furthermore, the tone of House's note, which is that of a person who has more than a newcomer's knowledge of Thailand, makes such a dating likely since it is improbable that House could have written such a note during his first year or two

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in the country. In any case, as House's note indicates, the invitation was apparently not in time and neither House nor his fellow missionaries discussed religion with the assembled monks. Two other items regarding this letter merit special mention. First, Captain Brown is almost certainly the individual Vella described as "an American merchant" in his biography of King Rama III. 8 Second, the custom of throwing "limons" (limes) at cremations is still a popular custom in rural central Thailand. After the cremation fire is lighted, individuals standing at the four corners of the funeral pyre place money in the limes and throw them to the crowd as a means for making merit. Placing the coins in fruit is probably a safety measure.

Transcript wat thong Monday morning Dear Sir I am now at the "Wat thong Bangkok noi" with my Uncle & teacher highest Priest Prince "Krommanujit-" who is rendering funiral offering of his mother two days ago. the highest Priest and his peels (peers ?] several princes desire to communicate with English for be strangers in festival as they have heard that the English strangers accustomed to be called on festival of me before. Therefore they petitioned me to write invitation to Captn Brown & Missionaries to be called at Wat thong today evening before 7 o'clock to be attained the time of fire work which will be pleasent. and they wish to give glad riward (money put in limon fruit) to you who arrived their festival by Siamese custom and feed you with any padable food. Will you please to accept their invitation ? I think that all or a few or but one of your missionaries must come. I think they will be glad. You also can distribute your book to several high head priests of various Wats because many of them will be assembled here on that time I can introduce you to let them listen you preaching your religious subject too. Please answer to me firstly if you will not exicute this invitation. I shall inform to them to assemble for your visitation and hear you teach them or accept your books your [s] truly T.Y. Chaufa Mongkut

NOTES

131

P.S. Please inform to other missionaries by meant of this letter. This note though addressed to me, was of course intended for all the Missionaries. The invitation to discourse upon Christianity before the assembled head-priests of various wats-may pass a specimen of oriental compliment-and perhaps of oriental insinceritythough-it may be His Royal Highness would have been glad-had time allowed-to have got up a kind of discussion-between Missionaries & his Buddhist friends-Pray do not let this note get into print,- curiousity as it is every way.

Physical Description The sheet of paper on which the letter is written measures 18! by 23 centimeters. It was folded with the name Mr. House M.D. appearing on the outside.

Significance of the Document This letter presents an interesting commentary on Prince Mongkut's commitment to westernization as well as illuminating his relationship with the American missionaries. Mongkut undertook the study of English with Caswell beginning in 1845 and the grammar, spelling, and style of this document indicate that he had made impressive progress. However, this letter is less polished and contains more errors than other letters he wrote at this time, leading one to believe he either wrote this letter hurriedly or had no one to proofread it. Nevertheless, Prince Mongkut had obviously invested no little time in learning the English language. Prince Mongkut's interest in English and willingness to associate with missionaries, at a time when contact with Westerners was not politically popular, indicates he was prepared to move against the tide of political events to further his relationship with Westerners. Prince Mongkut is an early example of what was to become a rather common pattern : the Thai official or member of royalty seeking opportunities to learn Western languages as a means for acquiring European and American leaming.9 This document also suggests that Prince Mongkut saw that the best way to get the missionaries to cooperate was by offering them an opportunity to preach and to distribute tracts. However, in contrast to Prince Mongkut's understanding of what motivated the missionaries, the note by House shows that he set himself up as superior to the Thai, whom he stereotyped as "oriental". The condescending use of this adjective implies that House framed his interpretation of Mongkut's words and motivations out of a cultural bias against things "oriental". House, one of the missionaries closest to Mongkut, felt the Prince was a forward-looking individual, but when one focuses upon his use of the word "specimen" it almost seems as if House viewed Mongkut, at least in this instance, as a clinical sample of a widespread "oriental" reality.

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Finally, this document is significant in yet another way, as one of the few extant documents left from the papers of Dr. House. Besides being addressed to House, Feltus wrote that this letter was among "the papers of Dr. House," 9 implying that there existed a body of documents that had once belonged to him. However, Feltus, an upstate New York clergyman, who had apparently neither visited Thailand nor met House, never saw the "papers of Dr. House."lO Over the last four years, the Payap ~llege Manuscript Divi::.ion has developed extensive contacts both in Thailand and in ~e United States i_n its search for original missionary records. At no point has it discovered any collection of pap_ers written by Dr. Hous_e. While it is conceivable that the House .papers had already been lost when Feltus wrote his biography in 1924, it is most probable they went missi~g in World War II when much American Presbyterian Mission belongings and real estate were seized as enemy property and many missionaries were repatriated or interned. The Mongkut to House letter, then becomes one of the few tangible links' to the relationship between these two influential individuaJs.

' REFERENCES

1. "T Y. Chauf'a Mongkut to Mr ..House. M.D" n.d., in Rare Documents File, Records of the American !'resbyterian Mission 184S-1979, RG 001178 (a), at the Manuscript Division, Payap ·College. i. · George Haws Fertus, The Man with the Gentle Heart: Samuel Reynolds House of Siam, Pioneer ·: Medica/Missionary./847-'1876 (New York: Revell1924): 54-55. :a; :Prince Mongkut to G;W. Eddy," Seni and Kukrit Pramoj, "King of Siam Speaks." Typescript, · jn :the_ Sia!Il Society Library : 14-15. 4.· Chaokkhun. Phranirotharakkit Chonthasaro, "Prawat Wat Kanchanasinghat," in Chaokhun : Phraniroth~rakkhlt Chorithasaro, Ru'ang Manut Winichai lae Prawat Wat Kanchanasinghat - (Bangkok·: Wat'Karichanasiilghat 1968) : 27. S. Matoon to·Presbyterian·Headquarters, October 8, 1850," V. 2, SL 1847-1864 No. 48. Records ·. ofthe Boardof.Fore.ign.Missions, Presbyterian Church in-the U.S.A. Microfilm. The master negative (originals no longer. exist) is at the Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 6. A succinct account is in Walter Vella, Siam Under Rama III 1824-1851 (Locust Valley, N.Y.; Augustin 1957) : 128-130. 7. Ibid.: 127. Vella's source is "Letter from Brown and Co. to Balestier," U.S. Congress, Senate : Message from the President of the United States Calling for information in Relation to the Mission of Mr. Balestier, Late United States Consul at Singapore to Eastern Asia, 32nd Cong., 1st sess., S.Ex. Doc. 38, Washington D.C. 8. On the relationship between Mongkut and House, see Feltus : 55.ff, and Donald C. Lord, Mo Bradley and Thailand, (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans 1969) : 125. 9. Feltus : 54. 10. Ibid. : 5.

•

•

NOTES NOTES ON A LETTER FROM PRINCE MONGKUT TO DR. S.R. HOUSE RONALD D. RENARD & HERBERT R. SWANSON*

Among the records of the American Presbyterian Mission in Thailand which are housed at the Manuscript Division of Payap College there has come to light a holograph letter written by "T.Y. Chaufa Mongkut" to "Mr. House, M.D.,"! undated except that it was written on a Monday morning. Mentioned in George Haws Feltus' biography of Dr. House,2 an American Presbyterian medical missionary to Thailand, this letter provides insights into the important relationship between Prince Mongkut and the American missionaries in 19th century Thailand. The purpose of these notes is to provide a brief study of the text of this letter and to comment on the letter's historical significance.

Analysis of the Text Prince Mongkut preferred his English-language correspondents to call him "T.Y. Chaufa Mongkut".3

In a letter to Mr. G.W. Eddy dated July 14, 1848, Prince

Mongkut wrote that in Thailand his inferiors or dependants referred to him as "Thun Kramom Fa Yai" ('tn'lfl'l"ZVI~mJ~1lVI~) and that those nominally superior or not depen.,

dent to him called him "Chau Fa Yai" (Li'1~1LVI~). Prince Mongkut then wrote that "I prefer that my friends, when they write me letters, or send parcels to me, will use this name Chau Fa Mongkut with the letters 'T.Y.' short for Thun Yai prefixed as being that by which I am known in the Laws and Public Documents of Siam." Prince Mongkut of course gave up being called T.Y. Chau Fa Mongkut upon becoming King, when he often signed his letters as "Somdetch Phra Paramendr Maha Mongkut,''

(tUIL~'Il..,'l"Z1hL:IJ'I.I.'Yl'i:IJV11lh1fli]) which he sometimes abbreviated to "S.P.P.M. Mongkut.''

•

Prince Mongkut worte this letter while he was staying at Wat Thong, Bangkok Noi, in Thonburi. This temple, on the north bank of the Bang Phrom Canal in Taling Chan District, would later be renamed Wat Kanchanasinghat (1uilfl1qj'il'l.l.ff"VI1t'{U) in 1854 by Mongkut, after he had become King. 4 Prince Mongkut stayed at this temple

* Dr. Renard teaches

history and works in the Research and Community Development Center of Payap College. Mr. Swanson is the Head of the Manuscript Division of Payap College and Archivist of the Church of Christ in Thailand.

128

129

NOTES

A

while attending the funeral of the mother of Prince Poramanuchit Chinorot (m3J'I/I3J'U U13J1'U'ifli1wn'l), referred to in the letter as "Krommanujit." Prince Poramanuchit • Chinorot was a noted author and scholar of Pali, writing and translating numerous religious and historical texts. He held the rank of Kromaml!n (m3J'III~U), denoting a Prince of the fifth official rank for princes, just below a Kromakhun (mllonu) and

•

"Krommanujit" was a colloquial shortening of his title and name. King Mongkut was to name Prince Poramanuchit Chinorot the Lord Patriarch («n~3J'III1i~·.ll1l1u1Un) in 1851 and, even though the Jetter refers to him as "highest Priest Prince," he did not yet actually hold the position of Lord Patriach when Mongkut was Prince and this letter was written. The office of Lord Patriarch was vacant from 1849 until 1851 and that Prince Mongkut called him "highest Priest Prince" most likely indicated unofficial acceptance of Prince Poramanuchit Chinorot as Lord Patriarch. Although most details regarding this letter can be explained, precise dating has been impossible. The earliest this letter could have been written is 1847, which is when House arrived in Thailand. The latest is 1851, when Prince Mongkut became King. Prince Mongkut almost surely wrote this letter after 1849, when the position of Lord Patriarch became vacant since Mongkut would not have referred to Prince Poramanuchit Chinorot as "highest Priest Prince" if someone else was the Lord Patriarch. Similarly it is quite unlikely that Dr. House, a newcomer to Thailand, would have received this letter on behalf of the other American missionaries at a time when the Rev. Jesse Caswell was still alive. Caswell was on very close terms with Prince Mongkut and did not die until September 1848. Additional clues to the precise date appear in the note which House wrote at the bottom of the letter, requesting that Mongkut's words not get into print. This request most likely reflects House's wish not to embarrass Mongkut at a time of official pressure on the mission and its press in 1850. In a letter of October 8, 1850, the missionary, Samuel Matoon, mentioned "Government persecution of Mission teacher's".5 Another American missionary, D.B. Bradley, noted in 1850 that King Rama III, alarmed that the missionaries were converting too many Buddhists to Christianity, had arrested all the Thai colporteurs. 6 Matoon added that employees and teachers of the mission had been "cast into the royal prison" on suspicion of the mission having printed the laws of the country.? The weight of the circumstantial evidence thus strongly suggests a date of 1850 or early 1851. Furthermore, the tone of House's note, which is that of a person who has more than a newcomer's knowledge of Thailand, makes such a dating likely since it is improbable that House could have written such a note during his first year or two

130

Ronald D. Renard & Herbert R. Swanson

in the country. In any case, as House's note indicates, the invitation was apparently not in time and neither House nor his fellow missionaries discussed religion with the assembled monks. Two other items regarding this letter merit special mention. First, Captain Brown is almost certainly the individual Vella described as "an American merchant" in his biography of King Rama III. 8 Second, the custom of throwing "limons" (limes) at cremations is still a popular custom in rural central Thailand. After the cremation fire is lighted, individuals standing at the four corners of the funeral pyre place money in the limes and throw them to the crowd as a means for making merit. Placing the coins in fruit is probably a safety measure.

Transcript wat thong Monday morning Dear Sir I am now at the "Wat thong Bangkok noi" with my Uncle & teacher highest Priest Prince "Krommanujit-" who is rendering funiral offering of his mother two days ago. the highest Priest and his peels (peers ?] several princes desire to communicate with English for be strangers in festival as they have heard that the English strangers accustomed to be called on festival of me before. Therefore they petitioned me to write invitation to Captn Brown & Missionaries to be called at Wat thong today evening before 7 o'clock to be attained the time of fire work which will be pleasent. and they wish to give glad riward (money put in limon fruit) to you who arrived their festival by Siamese custom and feed you with any padable food. Will you please to accept their invitation ? I think that all or a few or but one of your missionaries must come. I think they will be glad. You also can distribute your book to several high head priests of various Wats because many of them will be assembled here on that time I can introduce you to let them listen you preaching your religious subject too. Please answer to me firstly if you will not exicute this invitation. I shall inform to them to assemble for your visitation and hear you teach them or accept your books your [s] truly T.Y. Chaufa Mongkut

NOTES

131

P.S. Please inform to other missionaries by meant of this letter. This note though addressed to me, was of course intended for all the Missionaries. The invitation to discourse upon Christianity before the assembled head-priests of various wats-may pass a specimen of oriental compliment-and perhaps of oriental insinceritythough-it may be His Royal Highness would have been glad-had time allowed-to have got up a kind of discussion-between Missionaries & his Buddhist friends-Pray do not let this note get into print,- curiousity as it is every way.

Physical Description The sheet of paper on which the letter is written measures 18! by 23 centimeters. It was folded with the name Mr. House M.D. appearing on the outside.

Significance of the Document This letter presents an interesting commentary on Prince Mongkut's commitment to westernization as well as illuminating his relationship with the American missionaries. Mongkut undertook the study of English with Caswell beginning in 1845 and the grammar, spelling, and style of this document indicate that he had made impressive progress. However, this letter is less polished and contains more errors than other letters he wrote at this time, leading one to believe he either wrote this letter hurriedly or had no one to proofread it. Nevertheless, Prince Mongkut had obviously invested no little time in learning the English language. Prince Mongkut's interest in English and willingness to associate with missionaries, at a time when contact with Westerners was not politically popular, indicates he was prepared to move against the tide of political events to further his relationship with Westerners. Prince Mongkut is an early example of what was to become a rather common pattern : the Thai official or member of royalty seeking opportunities to learn Western languages as a means for acquiring European and American leaming.9 This document also suggests that Prince Mongkut saw that the best way to get the missionaries to cooperate was by offering them an opportunity to preach and to distribute tracts. However, in contrast to Prince Mongkut's understanding of what motivated the missionaries, the note by House shows that he set himself up as superior to the Thai, whom he stereotyped as "oriental". The condescending use of this adjective implies that House framed his interpretation of Mongkut's words and motivations out of a cultural bias against things "oriental". House, one of the missionaries closest to Mongkut, felt the Prince was a forward-looking individual, but when one focuses upon his use of the word "specimen" it almost seems as if House viewed Mongkut, at least in this instance, as a clinical sample of a widespread "oriental" reality.

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Finally, this document is significant in yet another way, as one of the few extant documents left from the papers of Dr. House. Besides being addressed to House, Feltus wrote that this letter was among "the papers of Dr. House," 9 implying that there existed a body of documents that had once belonged to him. However, Feltus, an upstate New York clergyman, who had apparently neither visited Thailand nor met House, never saw the "papers of Dr. House."lO Over the last four years, the Payap ~llege Manuscript Divi::.ion has developed extensive contacts both in Thailand and in ~e United States i_n its search for original missionary records. At no point has it discovered any collection of pap_ers written by Dr. Hous_e. While it is conceivable that the House .papers had already been lost when Feltus wrote his biography in 1924, it is most probable they went missi~g in World War II when much American Presbyterian Mission belongings and real estate were seized as enemy property and many missionaries were repatriated or interned. The Mongkut to House letter, then becomes one of the few tangible links' to the relationship between these two influential individuaJs.

' REFERENCES

1. "T Y. Chauf'a Mongkut to Mr ..House. M.D" n.d., in Rare Documents File, Records of the American !'resbyterian Mission 184S-1979, RG 001178 (a), at the Manuscript Division, Payap ·College. i. · George Haws Fertus, The Man with the Gentle Heart: Samuel Reynolds House of Siam, Pioneer ·: Medica/Missionary./847-'1876 (New York: Revell1924): 54-55. :a; :Prince Mongkut to G;W. Eddy," Seni and Kukrit Pramoj, "King of Siam Speaks." Typescript, · jn :the_ Sia!Il Society Library : 14-15. 4.· Chaokkhun. Phranirotharakkit Chonthasaro, "Prawat Wat Kanchanasinghat," in Chaokhun : Phraniroth~rakkhlt Chorithasaro, Ru'ang Manut Winichai lae Prawat Wat Kanchanasinghat - (Bangkok·: Wat'Karichanasiilghat 1968) : 27. S. Matoon to·Presbyterian·Headquarters, October 8, 1850," V. 2, SL 1847-1864 No. 48. Records ·. ofthe Boardof.Fore.ign.Missions, Presbyterian Church in-the U.S.A. Microfilm. The master negative (originals no longer. exist) is at the Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 6. A succinct account is in Walter Vella, Siam Under Rama III 1824-1851 (Locust Valley, N.Y.; Augustin 1957) : 128-130. 7. Ibid.: 127. Vella's source is "Letter from Brown and Co. to Balestier," U.S. Congress, Senate : Message from the President of the United States Calling for information in Relation to the Mission of Mr. Balestier, Late United States Consul at Singapore to Eastern Asia, 32nd Cong., 1st sess., S.Ex. Doc. 38, Washington D.C. 8. On the relationship between Mongkut and House, see Feltus : 55.ff, and Donald C. Lord, Mo Bradley and Thailand, (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans 1969) : 125. 9. Feltus : 54. 10. Ibid. : 5.

•

•

A NOTE ON THE MILITARY PARTICIPATION OF SIAM IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR by KEITH HART*

The outbreak of the First World War did not affect Siam directly because Of the great distance from Europe. However, as with the other states of the World, the government of King Rama VI was outraged by Germany's declaration of unrestricted submarine warfare in February 1917. As a result, the Siamese declared war on the Central Powers on 22 July of the same year. A few months later, Siam became the only sovereign state of Asia to send an expeditionary force to Europe during World War I. . One of the first official acts of the Kingdom of Siam upon entering the war was to seize all German ships in the country's ports. These vessels numbered nine of about 1,000 tons each plus a few smaller craft. I Additionally, there was a roundup of all nationals of the enemy belligerents. Those arrested were interned first in Siam and later in India.2 But not long after the war declaration, the Siamese government moved to take a much more active part in the conflict. In September, 1917, the Siamese authorities issued a call for volunteers for an expeditionary force to be sent overseas.3 An agreement had been reached with France whereby Bangkok would send a unit consisting of motor transport troops, medical personnel and aviators. A small contingent, but, as P~ince Vaidyakara, Secretary of the Siamese Legation in Paris, stated: " ... it represents the effort of a people animated by the highest sentiments toward France." 4 The proposed expeditionary force experienced no shortage of applications and a complete unit was recruited easily. To a man, the regular troops volunteered,. as did civilians by the thousands. 5 Finally, during the first months of 1918, the final selections of personnel were made and a force was assembled. Altogether, 1,200 men were to be sent to France. 6

* Department of History, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona 85281. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

The Statesman's Yearbook 1918, 1263. "Siam", Encyclopaedia Britannica 1921, (New York, 1922}, 466. The Times (London) 26 September 1917, 6c. The New York Times 27 July 1918, 1 : 2. Prince Chula Chakrabongse, Lords of Life: A History of the Kings of Thailand (London, 1967}, 289. 6. Area Handbook for Thailand (Washington, D.C., 1968}, 482. 133

134

Keith Hart

While the Siamese contingent was being recruited, the French military authorities were making arrangements for its arrival. To assist in these preparations, the government of Siam sent a five-man Military Mission to Paris.' Now the composition of the expeditionary force and the logistics were finalized. The Siamese contingent would consist of professional soldiers and all transportation expenses were to be borne by Siam. The French government would feed and maintain the unit and would be reimbursed by Bangkok later. Rations were to be adjusted so that rice would be added to the Siamese allotment.& The aviation contingent was to go to a French military air installation for advanced instruction while the ground force would be sent directly to the front after some preliminary training. Since the aviation section was such a technical and highly skilled part of the military, the French General Staff and the Legation of Siam were concerned about the Siamese airmen. This force, consisting of 370 men (including 113 pilots),9 did have trained flyers. But neither government considered their level of training to be sufficient to meet demands of combat at the front. Therefore, it was decided to determine exactly how competent the pilots were before committing them to action. On their arrival, the flying personnel were to be given medical examinations "with a view to determining, more specifically, whether or not they are susceptible to effects from flying at great altitudes."IO The impending arrival of the Siamese gave rise to other problems as well. Language promised to be a barrier because none of the members of the contingent spoke French. In addition, the pilots would have to adjust to an entirely different training system. II Then there was the problem of where to send the Siamese airmen for their advanced instruction because all French military aviation schools were fully engaged in fulfilling the demands of the air units of France. It was finally decided to place the pilots at Istres, near Miramas.I2 With the uncertainty about the skills of the Siamese pilots came the problem of utilizing them at the front. The Sous-Secretariat d'Etat de I' Aeronautique Militaire 7.

8. 9. l 0. 11. 12.

Etat-Major General de 1'Armee, Groupe de !'Avant, 3" Bureau, I No. 1557 BS/3, Paris, 1e 24 Janvier I 918; Service Historique De L'Armee De L'Air, 94300 Chateau de Vincennes (Hereafter S.H.A.A.). Ibid. Contingent de troupes siamoises; Liste de 1'effectif du contingent siamois; S.H.A.A. Le Sous-Secretaire D'Etat de 1' Aeronautique Mil1taire et Maritime a M.le Colonel, Inspecteur General des Ecoles et Depots d'Aviation, a Paris, 30 Avill918; S.H.A.A. Le So us· Secretariat D'Etat de 1' Aeronautique Militaire et Maritime, 4" Bureau, Note pour l'Etat-Major de l'Armee-5" Bureau Interieur~ 30 Avri11918; S.H.A.A. Ibid.

NOTES

135

et Maritime suggested the following : "either to place the contingent under the command of the Navy (coast squadrons) or to send them to theatres of operations where the flying altitude does not matter (Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria)."13 But no final decision was made before the Siamese actually arrived in France. The French General Staff preferred to wait until the Sous-Secretariat had assessed the capabilities of the pilots.t4 The Siamese Expeditionary Force landed in France at the end of July 1918. The ground forces underwent brief training and proceeded to the fighting front in midSeptember. IS All their equipment was proyided by the French military authorities. The Siamese personnel themselves wore khaki uniforms similar to those of the British Army.l 6 The motor transport and medical detachments of the Siamese Expeditionary Force reached the front in time to participate in the Champagne and Argonne battles.17 The Siamese soldiers gave excellent service in these actions. The force, consisting of 850 men, lost 19 killed.IS At about the same time as the Siamese ground units entered combat, some of the airmen were ready also. Consequently, General Phya Bhijai Janridh, Chief of the Siamese Military Mission in France, requested that certain of the aviators be attached to French air squadrons at the front in order for them to gain combat experience. Then these men could return the next spring and form, with the others, an all-Siamese unit.l9 There was no opposition on the part of the French military authorities to this proposal. The Commandant of the French l'Armee du Nord Est replied that the Siamese airmen would be placed in groups of three in French squadrons in an area to be determined soon.20 However, apparently the only Siamese troops to see combat were those in the ground forces. The airmen were still undergoing training when the Armistice was signed in November 1918. I3. Ibid. 14. L'Etat-Major de I' Armee, 5 Bureau Interieur a Monsieur Ie Sous-Secretaire d'Etat de I' Aeronautique Militaire et Maritime, 5 Mai 1918; S.H.A.A. 15. The Statesman's Yearbook 1919, 1247. 16. The Times (London) 9 August 1918, 6c. 17. K. Subamonkala, La Thailande et ses Relations avec Ia France (Paris, 1960), 226. 18. Information courtesy of: Major Achara Sukramool, WAC, Sub-Librarian, Cadet School Library, Bangkok, January 5, 1980. 19. General Phya Bhijai Janridh, Chef de Ia Mission Militaire Siamoise en France aM. Le General Petain, Commandant en Chef les Armees franc;aises, G.Q.C., Le 11 Septembre 1918; S.H.A.A. 20. Commandant, L' Armee du Nord Est a General Chef de Ia Mission Militaire Siamoise, 20 Septembre I9I8; S.H.A.A.

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Keith Hart

After the end of hostilities, the Siamese troops served with the Allied Army of Occupation at Neustade-sur-Arrendt, Germany.21 They also participated in the victory parades in the Allied capitals in Europe. Honours accorded the contingent included the French Croix de Guerre and the Ramathibodi Decoration awarded by King Rama VI. In Bangkok, the Volunteer Soldiers Monument was erected in memory of those killed overseas.22 The Siamese Expeditionary Force returned home in 1919.

21. Subamonkala, op. cit., 226. 22. Courtesy Major Sukramool, Cadet School Library.

A NOTE ON THE MILITARY PARTICIPATION OF SIAM IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR by KEITH HART*

The outbreak of the First World War did not affect Siam directly because Of the great distance from Europe. However, as with the other states of the World, the government of King Rama VI was outraged by Germany's declaration of unrestricted submarine warfare in February 1917. As a result, the Siamese declared war on the Central Powers on 22 July of the same year. A few months later, Siam became the only sovereign state of Asia to send an expeditionary force to Europe during World War I. . One of the first official acts of the Kingdom of Siam upon entering the war was to seize all German ships in the country's ports. These vessels numbered nine of about 1,000 tons each plus a few smaller craft. I Additionally, there was a roundup of all nationals of the enemy belligerents. Those arrested were interned first in Siam and later in India.2 But not long after the war declaration, the Siamese government moved to take a much more active part in the conflict. In September, 1917, the Siamese authorities issued a call for volunteers for an expeditionary force to be sent overseas.3 An agreement had been reached with France whereby Bangkok would send a unit consisting of motor transport troops, medical personnel and aviators. A small contingent, but, as P~ince Vaidyakara, Secretary of the Siamese Legation in Paris, stated: " ... it represents the effort of a people animated by the highest sentiments toward France." 4 The proposed expeditionary force experienced no shortage of applications and a complete unit was recruited easily. To a man, the regular troops volunteered,. as did civilians by the thousands. 5 Finally, during the first months of 1918, the final selections of personnel were made and a force was assembled. Altogether, 1,200 men were to be sent to France. 6

* Department of History, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona 85281. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

The Statesman's Yearbook 1918, 1263. "Siam", Encyclopaedia Britannica 1921, (New York, 1922}, 466. The Times (London) 26 September 1917, 6c. The New York Times 27 July 1918, 1 : 2. Prince Chula Chakrabongse, Lords of Life: A History of the Kings of Thailand (London, 1967}, 289. 6. Area Handbook for Thailand (Washington, D.C., 1968}, 482. 133

134

Keith Hart

While the Siamese contingent was being recruited, the French military authorities were making arrangements for its arrival. To assist in these preparations, the government of Siam sent a five-man Military Mission to Paris.' Now the composition of the expeditionary force and the logistics were finalized. The Siamese contingent would consist of professional soldiers and all transportation expenses were to be borne by Siam. The French government would feed and maintain the unit and would be reimbursed by Bangkok later. Rations were to be adjusted so that rice would be added to the Siamese allotment.& The aviation contingent was to go to a French military air installation for advanced instruction while the ground force would be sent directly to the front after some preliminary training. Since the aviation section was such a technical and highly skilled part of the military, the French General Staff and the Legation of Siam were concerned about the Siamese airmen. This force, consisting of 370 men (including 113 pilots),9 did have trained flyers. But neither government considered their level of training to be sufficient to meet demands of combat at the front. Therefore, it was decided to determine exactly how competent the pilots were before committing them to action. On their arrival, the flying personnel were to be given medical examinations "with a view to determining, more specifically, whether or not they are susceptible to effects from flying at great altitudes."IO The impending arrival of the Siamese gave rise to other problems as well. Language promised to be a barrier because none of the members of the contingent spoke French. In addition, the pilots would have to adjust to an entirely different training system. II Then there was the problem of where to send the Siamese airmen for their advanced instruction because all French military aviation schools were fully engaged in fulfilling the demands of the air units of France. It was finally decided to place the pilots at Istres, near Miramas.I2 With the uncertainty about the skills of the Siamese pilots came the problem of utilizing them at the front. The Sous-Secretariat d'Etat de I' Aeronautique Militaire 7.

8. 9. l 0. 11. 12.

Etat-Major General de 1'Armee, Groupe de !'Avant, 3" Bureau, I No. 1557 BS/3, Paris, 1e 24 Janvier I 918; Service Historique De L'Armee De L'Air, 94300 Chateau de Vincennes (Hereafter S.H.A.A.). Ibid. Contingent de troupes siamoises; Liste de 1'effectif du contingent siamois; S.H.A.A. Le Sous-Secretaire D'Etat de 1' Aeronautique Mil1taire et Maritime a M.le Colonel, Inspecteur General des Ecoles et Depots d'Aviation, a Paris, 30 Avill918; S.H.A.A. Le So us· Secretariat D'Etat de 1' Aeronautique Militaire et Maritime, 4" Bureau, Note pour l'Etat-Major de l'Armee-5" Bureau Interieur~ 30 Avri11918; S.H.A.A. Ibid.

NOTES

135

et Maritime suggested the following : "either to place the contingent under the command of the Navy (coast squadrons) or to send them to theatres of operations where the flying altitude does not matter (Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria)."13 But no final decision was made before the Siamese actually arrived in France. The French General Staff preferred to wait until the Sous-Secretariat had assessed the capabilities of the pilots.t4 The Siamese Expeditionary Force landed in France at the end of July 1918. The ground forces underwent brief training and proceeded to the fighting front in midSeptember. IS All their equipment was proyided by the French military authorities. The Siamese personnel themselves wore khaki uniforms similar to those of the British Army.l 6 The motor transport and medical detachments of the Siamese Expeditionary Force reached the front in time to participate in the Champagne and Argonne battles.17 The Siamese soldiers gave excellent service in these actions. The force, consisting of 850 men, lost 19 killed.IS At about the same time as the Siamese ground units entered combat, some of the airmen were ready also. Consequently, General Phya Bhijai Janridh, Chief of the Siamese Military Mission in France, requested that certain of the aviators be attached to French air squadrons at the front in order for them to gain combat experience. Then these men could return the next spring and form, with the others, an all-Siamese unit.l9 There was no opposition on the part of the French military authorities to this proposal. The Commandant of the French l'Armee du Nord Est replied that the Siamese airmen would be placed in groups of three in French squadrons in an area to be determined soon.20 However, apparently the only Siamese troops to see combat were those in the ground forces. The airmen were still undergoing training when the Armistice was signed in November 1918. I3. Ibid. 14. L'Etat-Major de I' Armee, 5 Bureau Interieur a Monsieur Ie Sous-Secretaire d'Etat de I' Aeronautique Militaire et Maritime, 5 Mai 1918; S.H.A.A. 15. The Statesman's Yearbook 1919, 1247. 16. The Times (London) 9 August 1918, 6c. 17. K. Subamonkala, La Thailande et ses Relations avec Ia France (Paris, 1960), 226. 18. Information courtesy of: Major Achara Sukramool, WAC, Sub-Librarian, Cadet School Library, Bangkok, January 5, 1980. 19. General Phya Bhijai Janridh, Chef de Ia Mission Militaire Siamoise en France aM. Le General Petain, Commandant en Chef les Armees franc;aises, G.Q.C., Le 11 Septembre 1918; S.H.A.A. 20. Commandant, L' Armee du Nord Est a General Chef de Ia Mission Militaire Siamoise, 20 Septembre I9I8; S.H.A.A.

136

Keith Hart

After the end of hostilities, the Siamese troops served with the Allied Army of Occupation at Neustade-sur-Arrendt, Germany.21 They also participated in the victory parades in the Allied capitals in Europe. Honours accorded the contingent included the French Croix de Guerre and the Ramathibodi Decoration awarded by King Rama VI. In Bangkok, the Volunteer Soldiers Monument was erected in memory of those killed overseas.22 The Siamese Expeditionary Force returned home in 1919.

21. Subamonkala, op. cit., 226. 22. Courtesy Major Sukramool, Cadet School Library.

REVKJEWS Barend Jan Terwiel, Editor, Seven Probes in South East Asia (Centre for South East Asian Studies, Gaya, India, 1979), pp. 108. One of the central issues of our time is change. Everywhere change has become central to people's awareness. In every society there is technological change, demographic change, rapid ecological change, and change induced by internal incongruities in economic and political patterns and by conflicting ideologies. The fundamental questions relate to what is changing, at what level, and how. Moreover, we want to know what type of change is taking place, and what its magnitude, scope, and direction are. Furthermore, we would like to know what the mechanisms of social change are and to what extent such change affects the lives of the people. This volume of essays is intended to provide the readers with such knowledge. The editor makes it clear in his introduction that "the seven main chapters may be regarded as seven separate 'straws' to show the wind; to wit the wind of change". However, the seven reports on the transformation of rural communities cover only five Southeast Asian countries, namely, Burma, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand. Each essay attempts to report the change that has taken place in each village in the time span of a decade or so (1960's to 1970's). It is basically a "longitudinal" study of each village. However, the methodology employed to study the community varies according to the author's academic orientation. The first report, A Burmese Village- Revisited, by Mya Than, is an attempt to answer the question: "Is there any significant social and economic change in the 1970's in a village in Burma?". The author compared the socio-economic conditions of the village at three points in time, namely, in 1956, 1969 and 1978, and described primarily visible changes in such periods. For example, demographic, occupational, economic, educational, health and administrative changes. The author concludes that "there are no visible changes in the village's economic and social life since 1969". The author also asserts that "social and economic changes in this village will occur at a significantly rapid rate, only when forceful external forces ... are applied continuously. This is due to the fact that the internal generating forces have not been as strong in this village ......". Two reports on Thai villages provide us with different pictures regarding rural changes. The case of B(wn Wad Saancow, by Barend Jan Terwiel, is simply a description of what has happened in the village at two points in time. It is clear from the report that Baan Wad Saancaw has been modernized, As the author puts it: 137

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" .•. It is undoubtedly more comfortable to live in Baan Wad S~ancaw in 1977 than it was in 1967, and those who think back to the 1950's cannot but be grateful for the benefits of technology". (p. 37) Yet, the author seems to admit that material comforts bas brought certain negative "side effects". For example, the village bas become part of a much more intricate larger world and its fate could no longer be determined at borne. Competition for material well-being becomes increasingly tense. People become more individualistic. In sum, the village has lost its rural character and peaceful life and could no longer be self-sufficient. In the case of Baan Taa, Richard Davis reports that there is little change in the village during 1969 and 1977. The argument put forth by the author on why little change bas taken place is very convincing. Those who optimistically believe that rural development, as has been practiced in many parts of the Third World, can realistically improve the quality of life of the majority of villagers without asking the question concerning the distribution of power- be it economic or political, should read this report. Two reports from the Philippines provide us with information regarding the impact of land reform and of urbanization on the improvement of the quality of life of the villagers. The first report, "Land Reform and Rural Transformation", by Jesucita L.G. Sodusta, presents the socio-economic conditions of Paltok village in 1972 (before implementation of the Land Reform Programme) and compared them with those in 1977 (five years after the Land Reform Programme bad been implemented). The author reports that by and large, the implementation of the Land Reform Programme slightly improves the standard of living of the villagers, increases agricultural production and re-structures the socio-economic system of relationships between landowner and tenant. Despite admitting that the Land Reform Programme bas limited success and worse still fails to improve incomes and the standard of living, the author seems to believe that the Land Reform Programme is crucial to the rural transformation process. The second report, "The Capampangan Changing Life-Styles: A Case Study", by Realidad Santico-Rolda, describes the extent to which urbanization changes the life-style of the villagers in Cabetican, Pampanga. The author said that from 1968 to 1978 considerable quantitative change bas taken place in Cabetican. The author also asserts that such changes are attributable to the increasing emphasis on education, migration, and to less emphasis on agricultural production. In other words, such changes are brought about by the urbanization process. It would have been more interesting bad we known to what extent unbanization bas generated socio-economic problems in the village. It's a pity that such a discussion is not presented in the report.

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Dean K. Forbes's "Peasants in the City : An Indonesian Example" deals with the process by which an "informal sector" is created in an urban area. The author examines certain characteristics of a selection of trishaw riders in the city of Ujung Pandang and asserts that it is a part of the transformation of peasant society within the colonial mode of production. The author apparently employs a structuralfunctionalist explanation to such a social phenomenon. The last report, "Problems and Accomplishments: Kampung Asam Riang 1967-1978", by Rosemary Barnard, presents an overview of changes in Kampung Asam Riang that have taken place during the period 1967-1978. Several aspects of quantitative change are reported, for example, population change, employment situation, occupation of women, mechanization of agricultural production and so on. The author contends that such changes are mainly caused by the introduction of government projects such as the irrigation scheme and the change in related infrastructures in the community. This essay is purely a description of what has taken place, in a particular period, in the village. Even though it is clear from the reports that changes have indeed taken place in rural Southeast Asia, many more important fundamental questions need to be asked, particularly, the consequence or the impact of such changes. Many people tend to assume that rural transformation is a "good thing" and uncritically attempt to have it done. For the reviewer, questions like: Does any effort to bring about change originate with the people involved? Does the project strengthen the economic and political power of a certain group, creating a more prosperous enclave, which then becomes resistant to change that might abolish its privileges? Does change generate a shift in power to the powerless ? Does it generate a process of democratic decisionmaking and a thrust toward self-reliance? Does it reinforce dependence on outside sources for materials and skills ? and so on and so forth. Answers to these questions are crucial, for it is evident that most changes that occur in the rural areas are change in form not in context. As we already know, the cause of rural poverty and other related socio-economic problems is not scarcity of agricultural resources, or lack of modern technology. Rather, the root of the cause is the increasing concentration of control over resources in the hands of fewer and fewer people.

Uthai Dulyakasem Faculty of Education, Silpakorn University, Nakorn Pathom

John L.S. Girling, Thailand, Society and Politics (Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1981), pp. 306. Several books have been written by foreign scholars on Thailand or Thai politics, such as John Coast's Some Aspects of Siamese Politics (1953), David Wilson's Politics in Thailand (1962), Fred W. Riggs's Thailand: The Modernization of a Bureaucratic Polity (1966), and Clark D. Neher (ed.)'s Modern Thai Politics (1976). Most of these books are done in the late 1950s or the early 1960s, and become out-ofdate. In the meantime, Thai scholars, who have studied abroad and done their theses on Thai society and politics, start to publish their work, for example, Thawatt Makarapong's History of the Thai Revolution (1972), Thak Chaloemtiarana's Thailand: The Politics of Despotic Paternalism (1979). These books are excellent and add new knowledge and understanding about Thai history and politics, but are narrow in scope or deal with a short time period, or specific aspect of lhai politics. What is needed is the comprehensive analysis of Thai society and politics. Thailand is a complex society and its politics is even more dynamic and fluid than one expects. In analyzing Thai politics, one not only has to unravel the complex relations of values, structure and process, but also, as one scholar puts it, to "dare to think carefully about Thai society, history and culture as a totality." A new book, Thailand, Society and Politics by John L.S. Girting, seems to be the answer to the challenge. This book is published by Cornell University Press as one in the series on Politics and International Relations of Southeast Asia, whose general editor is George MeT. Kahin. The author of Thailand, Societr and Politics, Professor John L.S. Girling of Australian National University, is an "old hand" and has published many articles and books on Southeast Asia. He is also a keen observer of Thai politics. In Thailand, Society and Politics, Prefessor Girting presents his analysis in 7 chapters as the follow-

ing: Chapter I Past and Present-This chapter presents a brief historical evolution of Thai society and the formation of Thai sta[e from Sukhothai, to Ayuthaya and to Ratanakosin or Bangkok period with the emphasis on the influence of the Sakdina system and values as the basis of power, authority and social structure in traditional Thai society. Chapter II Economic Change-Political and Social Implications. This chapter deals with the modernization processes in Thailand in the twentieth century, especially the economic development after the Second World War, and their impacts on contemporary Thai society. 140

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Chapter III Course of Events-A brief description of political events and changes in Thailand from the 1932 Revolution to the present time is presented here. Chapter IV Political structure-This chapter analyzes the dynamic relationship between the military leadership and bureaucratic structure, as well as the emergence of "extrabureaucratic" elements in Thai society, such as political parties, professional associations, academics, and labor groups, etc. Chapter V Political Performance-This chapter focuses the analysis on the October 1973 events and the democratic interregnum between 1974-1976. The reactions after the 1976 coup d'etat is also analyzed. Chapter VI External Involvement-This chapter analyzes Thai foreign relations with respect to the Super powers, and the neighbouring ASEAN as well as Indochinese countries. Chapter VII Revolutionary Alternative- This chapter traces the evolution and expansion of the communist movement in Thailand. The recent dilemma facing the Communist Party of Thailand is also discussed. Professor Girling's Thailand, Society and Politics is well-organized and well written and also quite comprehensive in the coverage. The main theme of the book seems to be based on his earlier work on "Conflict or Consensus?" Thai history is seen here as having been "fashioned around consensus, based on traditional Thai values, patterns of behavior, and institutions-in some aspects adapting to, and in others resisting, the impact of change." (p. II) Such a consensus does not mean simply mutual cooperation. In fact, clique rivalries among the leaders, such as those between Phao and Sarit, are parts of the rules of the game or rather understandings, which form the basis of the traditional Thai consensus. Professor Girling also points out that this consensus is expressed through personality, patronage, customary values, and the embodiment of all three-the bureaucracy, where the relations between superior and subordinate, or '·patron-client" are the natural form of interaction. These personal, reciprocal relationships cut across the "formal" organizational structure of the modern centralized bureaucracy. Thai political system as such "receives the symbolic support of the monarchy and the Buddhist hierarchy." (p. 12). This is the political order that only in the past two decades has been substantially affected by the modernization and economic development. Professor Girling correctly observes (p. 101) that "modernization in Thailand has taken the form of uneven rural development, on the one hand, and business-bureaucratic partnership, on the other, both within an international orbit of powerful strategic and market forces." These forces create newly "aware" groups and movements, in this book called "extrabureaucratic" elements, that no longer fit the traditional political system.

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These new groups' demand and desire for political participation clash with the traditional order and explode in the dramatic ousting of top military leaders in October 1973, thus launching Thai society onto the path of democratic experiment. The experiment lasts for three years and is reversed by the coup d'etat in October 1976, bringing down the fragile structure of democracy. A large number of students, intellectuals, labor leaders, and other "extrabureaucratic" elements left for the jungle to join the Communist Party of Thailand. The coup has the effect of speeding up the process of polarization in Thai society, even though some of its effects has been limited by the present government's moderation; and many who left for the jungle have returned home. Professor Girling believes and I agree with him that Thailand cannot return to the old "accepted" system, because the consensus on which it was based has been lost. The political problem facing Thai political elite now is whether they can create new conditions for rebuilding consensus or not. In addition to this, the fundamental social problem of Thai society, according to Girling, is whether even political consensus is sufficient to carry out, through the existing machinery of government, those rural reforms (notably land redistribution, tenancy laws, availability of credit, and so on), combmed with the administrative reforms (putting an end to "feudal'' attitudes and abuses, subjection to "influence," and bias in favor of the rural and urban elite) that the situation demands. Whether Thai elite can solve these problems remains to be seen. In general, Thailand, Society and Polilics is well-researched and well-balanced in presenting facts and interpretations. Professor Girling should be congratulated for his fine efforts. Although the work relies heavily on secondary sources, this does not reduce the value· of the book. In fact, Professor Girting's perceptive analysis and insightful interpretations make this book one of the best on Thai politics and contribute significantly to the field of Thai studies. A small suggestion here is that the book will be more complete if the formal politicalstructures, central as well as provincial levels, are included for those who are not familiar with the complexities of Thai political structures. In a word, Professor Girting's Thailand, Society and Politics is highly recommended for scholars as well as laymen and others who are interested in Thai society and politics. Chulacheeb Chinwanno

Faculty of Social Sciences, Mahidol University

Somsakdi Xuto, et al, Thailand in the 1980's : Significant Issues, Problems and Prospects (Bangkok: Printing Co-Ordination Co., Ltd., 1981), 84 pages. This is a booklet of four contributors reviewing the socio-economic and political phenomena which had taken place in Thailand from the 1960's to the end of the 1970's with an attempt to forecast what the 1980's Thailand would be like. It is rather a brave as well as dangerous enterprise on the part of prominent Thai scholars, who are quite aware of the nature of their undertaking, when a sentence saying "Some major exogenous factors may change which might affect considerably the course of events, and this is beyond the ability of the present state of arts to predict" is inserted. On the other hand, it seems that some of the so-called "significant issues" and "problems" are perennial within Thai society, such as the characteristics of Thai politics, bureaucracy and economic structure, and will stay with us for years to come. As such, predictability is enhanced to a certain extent. Understandably, a decade-long forecast like this has to be granted a certain degree of imprecision. Also granted is the assumption that the forecastors base their assessment on broad enough indicators yet do not compromise their insight to generality. Population growth occurs unevenly (perhaps, in a sense, evenly) in Thailand owing to the fact pointed out in the study that higher population growth takes place in the northeast and the south while the north and the central plains experience a lower growth rate. This is linked to the need for labour in the former case because mechanization in the agricultural sector is still implicitly low due to rural poverty. In other words, mechanization in agriculture at some stages in the central plains area influences lower population growth. Or does it? It is pointed out that "regional fertility are mostly due to topographical economic and social structural variants", and fertility means population growth. This still seems to be proved by the historical perspective of population growth of Thailand: that is to say, has the central plains remained an area of low population growth throughout? Rightly, population growth and unemployment do not directly correlate. But to play up a demographic element too much will cause misunderstanding. Australia which has zero population growth is facing unemployment. Evidently, the Thai economy since the 1960's has become more and more tied up with "exogenous" factors: capital, market, investment, pricing, credit, money value, industrialization, etc. It is hopeless to see the emergence of independent Thai capitalists. The encroachment of or the irreversible course of Thai economy in relations to world capital and multi-national corporations makes it next to impossible for Thailand to be able to manage her economy the way she might like, to say nothing of various constraints acting upon that policy. How the quasi-developed and undeveloped sectors of the Thai economy will survive is very significant for Thailand. 143

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The bureaucracy has been given a very predominant role in modern Thai politics. In fac~, it has been so since the beginning of the Thai polity. The military is also a bureaucrat. What Riggs called the "constitutive system" in Thai politics will never be able to rival the executive branch of government with the bureaucracy at its command no matter how earnestly we might wish for it. No drastic change that can upturn the present situation is foreseeable in the 1980's Thailand. Party development? How? Through regulations in party bill (s)?

Withaya Sucharithanarugse Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University

Puey Ungpbakorn, A Siamese for All Seasons (Komol Keemthong Foundation, Bangkok, 6 October 1981), pp. 351

Puey Ungphakorn, A Siamese for All Seasons is a collection of articles by and about Dr. Puey Ungphakorn, one of the outstanding leaders of present-day Thailand. The book takes the reader on an exciting journey through recent Thai history, starting with Dr. Puey's experiences in the Free Thai Movement during World War II, his struggles to help build a truly democratic Thailand with a strong and just economy, and his deeply personal views of the events that led up to and through the events of October 1976. For serious students of Thailand who wish to better understand recent Thai history, and who would like to better know one of the figures who played such an important part in that history, this book is a must. Dr. Puey is an economist, and served as Governor of the Bank of Thailand from 1959 to 1971 and later as economic adviser to the government of Mr. Sanya Dharmasakti. He was later to also serve as the Rector of Thammasat University, a post which he was holding when the university was put to siege by rightist elements and many students killed, hanged and burned. Dr. Puey ~eft the country at that time and went to England where he now lives. Included in this book is an article written by a Thai journalist who recently visited Dr. Puey in England, and through that article one can see the fierce love and loyalty which Dr. Puey still holds for his beloved Thailand. Dr. Puey's clear and strong analysis of the Thai situation, and his welcome sense of humor make this book easy reading, yet powerful and thought-provoking.

Max Ediger Church of Christ in Thailand

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Pridi Banomyong, Political and Military Tasks of the Free-Thai Movement to Regain National Sovereignty and Independence (Bangkok: A marin Press, 1981), 79 pages. This is a booklet which Mr. Pridi Banomyong wrote in 1979 in letter-form to Phra Bisal-Sukhumvit after he read the latter's book in Thai entitled "Report of Free Thai His Mission in Kandy, New Delhi and USA" (Bangkok: Thai Khasem Press, 1979). Some crucial points relating to the subtlety of activities pursued by the FreeThai Movement during the Japanese occupation of Thailand in the last war in order to regain independence for Thailand and to salvage Thailand from becoming a war criminal country, are explicated in an impassioned manner. Mr. Pridi takes pain to substantiate virtually most of his statements by non-partisan sources. The main thrust of Mr. Pridi's argument is twofold: (1) armed resistance activities must be carried out in conjunction with vigorous diplomatic initiatives and (2) cooperation of Thai people and officials is indispensable. Admittedly, in this booklet, Mr. Pridi draws more attention to the diplomatic course of action. The validity for this argument is quite evident. Field Marshal Pibul's martial adventures so angered the Chinese that they pressed for the occupation of Thai territory above the sixteenth northern latitude, while the British were as displeased as to want to keep the Thai government's authority outside Thai territory below the twelfth northern latitude. Pridi rightly emphasises significance of the mission to clear up the mess with the Allied Powers. It should be clear here that in the circumstance in which the sovereignty of the nation was at stake, wise and rational thinking as well as diplomatic skill once again came to the rescue, thanks to the predominant role of Pridi. Financial matters connected with the activities of the Free-Thai Movement are also clarified. Granted the secret measures undertaken by the group, it is indeed amazing that things were handled so admirably well. Perhaps it is timely to point out at the present when money seems to be heavily involved in all political acts that political motivation need not be propelled by financial expectations or entail dubious financial manipulation. Mr. Pridi refers too to the rather complicated situation of the period in which groups such as the Communist Party of Thailand were making claims about their role in the event and to the anti-Japanese activities of the local Chinese. Evidently, the CPT's part begs for research. Amazingly, a man of his age (81) Mr. Pridi's quest for truth and knowledge is as vigorous as ever, a quality that transcends all praise.

Withaya Sucharithanarugse Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalogkorn University 146

91

M.R. Nimitmongkol Nawarat, 1eltn11'llel\llJ1fH?l (A Drama: The Emerald's Cleavage), translated from the English by Charnvit Kasetsiri, Introduction by Chaianan Samudvanija (Thammasat University Press, 1981), (24) + 187 pp., paperback. Even in the rather eccentric world of Thai letters M.R. Nimitmongkol Nawarat is an unusual figure. A member of the royal family, he showed considerable interest in democracy, socialism, and more radical political doctrines; though apparently having no foreign education he often wrote, and wrote well, in English; he spent a great part of his adult life in prison an political charges, and yet when not in jail he held various positions in the military and civilian bureaucracy; and when he died, aged less than 40, of illnesses contracted during his imprisonment his cremation was royally sponsored.

In literary terms his career has also been erratic, for it was only with the republication, long after his death in 1948, of his utopian political novel Muang Nimit (original title: Khwamfan khQng nak udomkhati, Dreams of an Idealist) that he came to the attention of a younger generation, and it is upon this work and his autobiographical Chiwit haeng kankabot song khrang (rather freely rendered in English by M.R. Nimit himself as The Victim of the Two Political Purges) that his reputation largely rests. However political authors are particularly prone to leave behind unpublished works (cf. Chit Phumisak), and this is the case with the work under review. Written in English, it was preserved by M.R. Nimit's son and first published in 1974 in Thai translation in the journal Phuan. In the present volume Thammasat Press makes available both the original English text and the Thai translation, augmented by a lengthy introduction by Chai-anan Samudvanija and a biographical section on M.R. Nimit written by his widow for a 1949 memorial volume. The original date of composition is not known, but from internal evidence the setting of the drama is about 1940/41, and it is probably safe to assume that the work was written not long after the period with which it deals. Thus the setting is the first Phibun era, though as Chai-anan correctly observes--and despite the author's highly political earlier writings--this is more or less incidental to the central theme, and the story could have been placed in almost any historical context. Indeed apart from some mention of special courts, with which the author's alleged involvement in the 1933 Bowaradej rebellion and the 1938 'Phya Song Suradej' conspiracy had provided extensive firsthand experience, there are less specific references to the Phibun era than to Wellington Koo and (in somewhat more veiled form) Chiang Kai-chek, references which many presentday readers will find obscure at best. 147

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Benjamin A. Batson

The real subject however, alluded to in the title but not made explicit until the last of the four acts, is not politics but human nature, and specifically that 'all men are flawed'. The emerald of the title finally makes its appearance in the guise of a rather heavy-handed symbolism: the heroine, Ara, on the verge of leaving her husband Dilok after having discovered his less than spotless past, is wearing an emerald ring. Bairojana, the wise protagonist and voice of the author, makes a pretence of criticizing the ring on the grounds the stone is flawed, suggesting that hence she should discard it; Ara indignantly replies that all emeralds have imperfections, and the reader sees at once, and Ara eventually, that Bairojana's comments really concern not jewelry but her errant husband, and mankind in general. The format of the volume is excellent, with Chai-anan's introduction followed by the biographical section, and finally the text of the drama itself with English and Thai versions on facing pages. This commendably, if perhaps a bit rashly, facilitates comparing the translation with the original text. On the whole the Thai version seems somewhat 'fiat', generally conveying the 'meaning' of the English but often without the 'flavor' of the original, and with little sense of the word-play and verbal sparring that characterize much of the English dialogue (one rather suspects that M.R. Nimit was an avid reader of G.B. Shaw). Thus for example in the exchange over the emerald ring, when Ara comments that it is "inherited" Bairojana's rejoinder is that as it is flawed she "had better disown it"; however in Thai this latter is rendered simply "thoe mai na ja keb man wai" (You ought not to keep it), which hardly does justice to the literary style and balance of the original (pp. 168-169). And at times even the meaning of the English seems to be missed, as in the third act when the black-mailing Supatra complains of cigarette smoke at Bairojana's, and tracking down the source announces "There it--they are fuming" (emphasis added). The reader is to understand of course (as is made explicit on the following page) that she is well aware that Bairojana has just received another visitor, undoubtedly Dilok, who has made a hurri~d departure upon her arrival; the Thai however (Nan ngai Kamlang khwan khamong) gives the reader no indication of the singular/plural distinction and its significance, or even why the cigarette(s) should be mentioned at all (pp. 118-119). What then of the work as a whole? Chai-anan's Introduction draws--one might say 'overdraws' --comparisons with Machiavelli; but then Introductions by their nature are more or less required to make a case for the significance of that which they introduce. The four characters (there are also several servants, serving mainly to set the scene and for comic relief) can hardly be said to 'develop', except in coming to realize the obvious. The symbolism seems a bit contrived and labored, nor is the struc-

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ture particularly distinguished ; indeed by the third act when Dilok is hiding in a bedroom and Supatra in a "telephone box" we are hardly above the level of farce. Perhaps the greatest merit of the work is in the clever and polished dialogues, though as noted above this at times suffers somewhat in translation. And the English text itself has a number of obvious faults, though it is not clear to what degree these are simply misprintings or are reflections of the original text (apparently a pencil draft). In narrowly literary terms then one might say a 'minor' work. But such a judgment does less than justice to author and translator. 'Thai literature' in English is a fairly rare phenomenon, and works of M.R. Nimit even more so, though he was one of the most original and innovative writers of his age. 'The Emerald's Cleavage', as Chai-anan observes, is a significant departure from Nimit's earlier writings, and deserves to be read as both a product and a reflection of the post-1932 political scene. This attractive, inexpensive Thammasat edition is to be commended in making available both the Thai and English texts along with the substantial background materials. It is a valuable work in its own right, and will be even more so if it inspires some scholar to give M.R. Nimit's career and writings the comprehensive study they deserve. Benjamin A. Batson

Asia Center of Japan, Tokyo

William L. Bradley, Siam Then (William Carey Library, Pasadena, California, 1981), pp. 205 including index, notes, acknowledgments, etc. The librarian who is a purist may find it hard to classify the book under review. Perhaps it can best be described as .'history, slightly fictionalized".

However, the em-

phasis must lie heavily on the history aspect, and it is in that section I would place it in my library. The author is a descendant of Dr. Daniel Beach Bradley. It draws on many sources- 'missionary journals, correspondence, printed articles in missionary magazines, and the official records of denominational boards and the National Archives of the United States.' Dr. Bradley himself kept a journal for most of the 38 years he spent in Siam, and it is this and his other writings which provide most of the material. William Bradley states, 'For a number of years prior to his death in 1873 Dr. Bradley published an almanac entitled "The Bangkok Calendar". On two occasions the "Calendar" included his "Reminiscences from a Journal of the Oldest Living Missionary to the Siamese." It is in the style and manner of these recollections that I have cast the series of accounts that constitute this book. Some of the events that follow were observed and reported by Dan Bradley; some were not. Because he saw himself as the spokesman of the foreign community, however, he seems an appropriate narrator of the totality". (Preface). One other important point must be made. The book's sub-title, "The Foreign Colony in Bangkok Befor~ and After Anna" must be taken seriously. Those who seek a description of the Siamese people and administration will not find it here, except for scattered, incidental references. The forty short chapters are described under the rubric "Cast of Characters : The Siamese, The Missionaries, the Bradleys, and Other Foreigners.'', and it can be quickly seen that amongst these the farangs, their ways and their doings, are predominant. That, of course, is not a drawback, but just a sensible limitation imposed by the author on his material. Sometimes, reading this book, one feels that some characters are encountered without adequate introduction, e.g. the French Consul-General, Aubaret, or Charles Redman (first mentioned on page 99, not p. 98 as per index). This drawback is slightly alleviated by pp. xvii-xix of the Preface, where, under the heading "Cast of Characters", very brief notes explain the roles of the "dramatis personae". When all this has been said, we have in this book a most entertaining and informative account of the people and incidents which it records. The style is crisp and clear, avoiding repetitions and wearying detail, and making the people concerned 150

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very real and believable people in their own right, be they seamen, consuls, courtesans, merchants, adventurers, or Anna herself, who comes out of the telling, brief though it is, with dignity and our respect. Above all, this is not a work of hagiology.

The doings and characteristics of

the missionaries, comprising the major part ofthe book, are presented "in the round". We are told not only of their successes, but also of their failings and failures; not only of their united efforts to bring Christ to the Siamese nation, but also of their not infrequent failings out with each other, and their sometimes undignified squabbles and feuds. Like all other expatriates in an isolated situation there was a degree of social claustrophobia which did not always lend itself to mutual appreciation or harmony. Bradley himself may not have been the easiest of men to live with at times. Perhaps because of the book's concentration on the foreign community one sometimes wonders to what extent these first missionaries failed to really identify with the local population, and to what extent this accounts for the very meagre results they obtained in terms of building the Church in Siam into a strong indigenized, Christian community. But this does not deny the vital contribution they made t the nation's life. In the Epilogue William Bradley says: "Dr. Bradley died more than a century ago, but his name is known to every schoolchild in Thailand as the one who introduced Western surgery, vaccination, and the newspaper to their country. His widow spent the remainder of her life in Bangkok, continuing in the printing business that had sustained the family throughout the years. The missionary enterprise was continued through three more generations ..... The story of those Americans who lived in Bangkok a century ago reads like a fairytale now.

Most of them were in their twenties, restless and in

search of adventure, fortunate enough to become the friends of princes and nobles in an exotic land that still entices Americans by its charms For whatever their reasons, they went forth as conquerors, and they all succumbed to a nation that could accept Christianity but remain staunchly Buddhist, welcome democracy but maintain an absolute monarchy, and open its port to foreign trade while preserving a monopoly for its own citizens." The book also contains much that is humorous or quaint to our modern minds. Dr. Bradley is claimed to have written, "Our last day before departure was spent in a delightful visit to the Charlestown Prison, the Insane Asylum and the beautiful new Mt. Auburn Cemetery". Daniel and Emilie had been married less than a month! They sailed on July 1st, 1834, and took more than a year to reach Bangkok. An interesting

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map shows their route, and that of Bradley's second, return trip in 1849. (When they first went, they never expected to see America again, and Emilie never did.). Two other maps, one of Thailand and one of Bangkok are considerably less helpful. There is some evidence of haste in preparing this book for the final stages of its publication. One Index error has already been noted; there may be others. There is also a serious mistake in pagination in the Preface, between pp. xi and xv. Page xiii must be read after page xi, then pages xii and xiv, in that order. The illustrative photographs are excellently reproduced. This is a most readable and interesting insight into the life of the 19th century farang inhabitants of Bangkok, and I warmly recommend it.

Harold F. Gross Bangkok Christian College

George Vinal Smith, The Dutch in Seventeenth-Century Thailand (N. Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies Special Report No. 16, 1977), pp. 203 Published in 1977, this monograph is likely to remain for some time the standard work on Thai-Dutch relations during the Seventeenth Century and on the Siam trade of the Dutch United East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, or V.O.C.). The book's two focal points are the V.O.C, and the kingdom of Ayutthaya. It is therefore likely to be of use both to historians of the Dutch "seaborne empire" and to anyone studying Siamese history. George Vinal Smith's is a pioneering work, the first to use Dutch sources comprehensively, and to present a Dutch point-of-view, in the study of Seventeenth Century Ayutthaya. New factual evidence is brought to light, and new interpretations put forward, making several historical events and episodes far less obscure or muddled than they had appeared. For example, the circumstances surrounding the Pattani rebellion of the 1630s and the background to the ThaiDutch conflict of 1663-1664 emerge more clearly than ever before, thanks largely to the availability of V.O.C. archival documents, and to Dr. Smith's careful study of these invaluable sources. The first chapter of the book is a concise but informative introduction to the "Historical Background" of the period which the author has chosen to study (16041690). It is in the subsequent chapters, however, that the bulk of the new data may be found. Chapter II, on the political history of the V.O.C. in Ayutthaya, is probably of the greatest general interest. Dr. Smith is especially illuminating when dealing with the period during which the Dutch became most involved in Siamese political affairs, a period roughly corresponding with the reign of King Prasatthong (1629-1656). The King asked the V.O.C. for military assistance against his rebellious vassals the Queen of Pattani and the King of Cambodia. In 1634 the V.O.C. sent six: vessels to help the Siamese forces then besieging Pattani, but the Dutch fleet arrived two weeks after the Siamese bad abandoned the siege. In 1644 the Dutch Governor-General asked King Prasatthong for military cooperation in attacking Cambodia, where several Dutchmen had recently been massacred by order of the new Khmer King. King Prasatthong sent some ships to help the V.O.C., but once again the Siamese and Dutch forces failed to find each other. Although little came of these joint operations, it is significant that the V.O.C. valued its commerce in Siam enough to involve itrelf militarily in Siamese foreign/tributary affairs. Batavia wanted a steady supply of Thai rice and coconut oil, and· a hides export monopoly in Siam. An alliance with King Prasatthong was thought to be one way of securing these trade objectives. 153

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Dr. Smith deserves credit for portraying King Prasatthong as much more than a regicidal monster given to bouts of drunkenness. Prasatthong was an able and energetic King. Even Jeremias van Vliet, who has left to posterity a detailed account of Prasatthong's cruelty when seizing the crown, saw fit to praise the usurper's qualities as a ruler. After King Prasatthong's death, the V.O.C. tried to avoid any involvement in Siam's political affairs. Nevertheless Thai-Dutch relations during King Narai's reign (1656-1688) were far from uneventful. Dr. Smith cogently refutes the idea that King Narai was constantly on bad terms with the Dutch, pointing out that only in 1663-1664, and from circa 1682 to 1685, did the V.O.C. have strained relations with the Siamese court. However, the significance of the Dutch blockade of 1663 and the unequal treaty of 1664 is played down rather too much. The August 1664 treaty between Siam and the V.O.C. cannot be interpreted as anything other than a humiliation of the Siamese, and an attempt by the V.O.C. to stop Siamese crown trade to Japan (by forbidding the use of Chinese pilots and crews on the King's ships). The V.O.C. never had any intention of conquering Siam, but King Narai must have retained enough fear of the V.O.C. to have taken seriously the rumours in 1682-1685 tl:lat the Dutch, fresh from their conquest of Bantam, were about to attack Siam. Dr. Smith provides a detailed account and discussion of the V.O.C.'s trade in Ayutthaya, aud of the Seventeenth Century Siamese economy (Chapters III and IV). The V.O.C.'s Siam office was not one of its most important: Siam had neither silk nor spices. These two chapters on the V.O.C.'s commerce in Siam are noteworthy for their accounts of the various markets and types of merchandise in which the V.O.C. competed. The Siamese King emerged as a major competitor of the foreign merchants, for he had at his disposal a great amount of manpower and a system of warehouses and monopolies. The Dutch nevertheless managed to obtain a hides export monopoly from King Prasatthong and a tin export monopoly at Ligor (Nakhon Sithammarat) from King Narai. Having suffered from the monopolistic practices of Phaulkon in the 168Qs, the Dutch must have been relieved to witness the fall of the "Greek mandarin" in the succession conflict of 1688, especially when King Phetracha decided that he would henceforth deal with no European nation other than the Dutch. Although it appears that the V.O.C.'s Ayutthaya trade declined in intensity towards the end of the Seventeenth Century, there was a Dutch presence in Siam right up to the sack of the Siamese capital in 1767. The survival of the V.O.C. in Ayutthaya says much for its employees' ability to adapt to conditions in Siam, an approach which George Vinal Smith calls keeping a "low profile". His chapter on the V.O.C.'s personnel and their interaction with Siamese society and institutions (especially the crown) is full of fascinating informa-

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tion. It constitutes, in fact, a social history of the Dutch in Seventeenth Century Ayutthaya. The Siamese could not have been naive enough to perceive the V.O.C. personnel in Siam as a group of phrai under a nai, but they appreciated the Netherlanders' attempts to conform to their system of hierarchy and manpower organisation. Dr. Smith tells how, from experience, the Dutch learned to maintain this "low profile" while the French made social and diplomatic faux pas. He also corrects the impression that the French were the ones who supplied King Narai with all things European. The V.O.C. often obliged the King by supplying him with scientific tools, luxury goods, and skilled personnel. The French arrived in Siam much later than the Dutch, and supplied the Siamese court with fewer artisans. Last but not least, Dr. Smith's work establishes once and for all the importance of Dutch sources in the study of Ayutthaya history. His Appendix I is an excellent survey of Dutch sources on Seventeenth Century Siam, bringing to our attention hitherto neglected works such as those by Gijsbert Heecq and Joannes Keijts. Matters of authorship and authenticity are also cleared up. For instance, Dr. Smith convincingly argues that the "Desfarges" account of the 1688 upheavals was indeed wdtten by the French commander, and not by a Dutchman. He also raises strong objections to the validity of Jan Struijs' highly coloured account of Siam as a primary source .. The most important sources, however, are the V.O.C. archives at the Algemeen Rijksarchief in The Hague. The author rightly emphasizes the special value of the Overgekomen Brieven collection, The documents in this collection, mostly written in Ayutthaya, are necessarily limited in the scope of their subject-matter, being in the main merchants' letters. Nevertheless the V.O.C. records form the most complete set of archives relevant to the history of Siam from 1604 to circa 1765. George Vinal Smith's book will surely inspire more historians to use Dutch source material in their study of Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Siam. Dhiravat na Pomhejra

School of Oriental and African Studies, London University ·

Klaus Wenk, Tbe Art of Motber-of-pearl in Thailand, German and English, English translation by Sean and Elisabeth 0' Loughlin (Inigo von Oppersdorff Publishers, Zurich,. Switzerland, 1980), Illustrated, pp. 140 Although the art of mother-of-pearl inlay is usually counted among the "secon.; · dary arts", perhaps because a large portion of it is handicraft, it is yet surprising that literature on it should' be so scarce, considering the intriguing character and effect of this material and the wide range of its application. This is particularly true in the case of Thailand whose mother-of-pearl art has been neglected abroad even more than Thai art in general, compared to the affluence of. what has been published on the arts of other Asian countries. Such an indifference seems both regrettable and unwarranted. We do find in Thailand examples of mother-of-pearl art creations, as for instance at the Ubosot of the Wat Phra Chetuphon in Bangkok, which are outstanding not merely for their subtle craftsmanship and almost incredibly delicate treatment of this brittle material but, for the exquisite beauty of the artists' conceptions and the splendour of every detail filled with a live, iridescent, almost unearthly beauty attained by hardly any other technique. All the more welcome is a volume published recently under the title 'The Art of J:Jother-of-pearl in Thailand'. It is a valuable addition to the by now impressive series of works on Thai art by Dr. Klaus Wenk, Professor of Hamburg University, Germany, a man who combines a passionate dedication to the Thai genius with a scrupulously discriminating scholarly mind. It may be mentioned here in parentheses that Wenk, after completing his juridical studies and being comfortably installed as a young lawyer chanced to come acrn~r ,.,... - and was so struck by it that he abandoned nai studies, holding today the Chair for Languhis profession t" ~ at his University and enjoying a reputation as ~ field. volume presents samples of all possible applications of ation, from objects of everyday use like small boxes l, trunks or chests (Ciet), tobacco boxes (hip huri muk), r9ng pr'adap muk), and so forth; to the containers for uk, and tatum), or to a bride or highly placed personages;· .ases; monks' chairs, throne seats and regalia ; all the way . which those at Wat Phra Chetuphon are as crowning achi;;ixteen magnificent plates. The subtle colours and iridescent .ifully in the photographs of high quality for which the Swiss publisher Jm 5 .... vn Oppersdorff is well known. 156

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The author, iti modest scholarly understatement, defines as his intention merely to offer "a stimulus and an introduction" to further studies in this field. He refers to the existing works of Thai authors like Luong Wisansinlapakam, Somphop Phirom and others listed in his bibliography. But the significance and merit of Wenk's book seems rather that, in preparing it, he sifted and probed all the existing knowledge on Thai mother-of-pearl art and assembled in this slender volume whatever could be termed scientifically certified. His hope, evidently, is that on these solid, if measured, foundations others may feel encouraged to build and enlarge. How slim this basis is as yet in some areas become most apparent in the historical chapter. Wenk"s principal conclusions are that, although mother-of-pearl was used . for decoration already in the Dvaravati period, there is no line of development from there to the "Footprint of the Lord Buddha" in the Chiangmai Museum, nor to the Ubosot doors of Wat Phra Chetuphon in Bangkok ; that, contrary to other fields of art, we have no evidence thus far of any neighbouring country's influence on Thai motherof-pearl art, prior to the Ratanakosin period; and that, with very few objects of this art datable, there is only one rather reliable historical dividing line : the earlier, ornamen tal period before the Chetuphon doors, and a late period from then on, turning to more naturalistic forms and to scenic representations. What the book brings out clearly is that the Ratanakosin era did not merely achieve a development of the formal elements in mother-of-pearl art but, a nearly revolutionary change of conception. Whereas the classic style is almost entirely decorative, with an overwhelming predominance of geometric and plant-derived forms, sometimes ending up in stylized mythical heads or figures, the new style attempted in its masterpieces the presentation of vivid scenes of action set in complete landscapes, in the manner and style of classical Thai painting. It is not surprising that in thisconsidering the material- utterly ambitious proposition some of the new creations did not at once attain to the harmonious perfection of the decorative style at its best, such as we find it for example in the doors of the Phra Monthop Phd1 Phutha Bat at Saraburi. What one marvels at is rather that by carving brittle shells one should have succeeded in vying with the delicacy and elegance of the nimble pencil or pen. A magnificent mother-of-pearl creation of an entirely different kind is reproduced and commented on in conclusion. It is a dance mask of Hanuman embellished by lavish application of this material- a decorative piece not for actual use. Only four of these precious masks exist, two of them old, of which one is in the possession of His Majesty the King, the other one of the National Museum in Bangkok. The mask reproduced in the book is one of the only two built by a contemporary master, the late Nai Chit Kiudiiongcai. It is in the possession of the author and was built in 1970 at the request of H.H. Prince Ajavadis Diskul, to the memory of whom the book is also dedicated.

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A detailed description of the manufacturing processes for mother-of-pearl art, including a brief comparison with Chinese and Vietnamese techniques, gives an impression of the enormously labour-intensive character of this craft and some indication for the superior quality of Thai-produced work. Being published in English, in addition to German, the book is accessible to a wide audience. Those outside Thailand will find it helpful that a chapter has been added to introduce the reader to the kr'fzcang and especially kranok ornaments in their various forms recurring in all mother-of-pearl designs. All in all, this volume should be warmly welcomed by both Thais and Westerners because it opens up to the outside world another field of art in which the Thai genius has excelled. It may even be that such an enhanced reputation abroad might kindle, not altogether superfluously, a broader attention to, and appreciation of, this precious heritage in Thailand itself. In any case, the author and his publisher, after a series of works in a similar vein, most notable among them the monumental opus Mural Paintings in Thailand, have added another distinguished feather to their already well-bedecked caps.

Volkmar Zueh/sdorff

Santosh Nagpaul Desai, Hinduism in Thai Life (Popular Prakashan Private Ltd., Bombay 1980), pp. 163. Reading Hinduism in Thai Life by Prof. (Mrs.) S.N. Desai reminds me of a poem written by that illustrious son and savant of India, Rabindranath Tagore, on the occasion of his visit to Thailand (then Siam) in 1927. The last stanza of that poem entitled "To Siam" reads: "I come, a pilgrim, at thy gate, 0 Siam, to offer my verse to the endless glory of India sheltered in thy home, away from her own deserted shrine~ to bathe in the living stream that flows in thy heart, whose water descends from the snowy height at a sacred time on which arose, from the deep of my country's being, the Sun of Love and Righteousness." The underlining is mine. Readers will kindly forgive my impudence for I just want to point out "the glory of India" that inspired Tagore to compose the above poem and dedicate it to Siam. In her preface to the book under review, Prof. Desai writes that during her four-year stay in Thailand, she "acquired a knowledge of and developed a warm feeling for Thai religious and cultural life." I presume that this "warm feeling" on the part of the authoress, though not expressed in the same vein as Tagore did half a century ago, moved her in no small measure to bring out the present book. In any case, there is no denying the fact that countries of South-east Asia have been in cultural contacts with India since ages past. Georges Coedes, the renowned French archaeologist of Indo-China and Thailand, says that these contacts date back to the early centuries before the Christian era. If language is to be any criterion of such contacts, Thailand, among countries of South-east Asia, perhaps, has been in very close cultural relations with India, for there is a significantly high percentage of Sanskrit and Pali words in the Thai language, especially so iri respect of literary Thai and terms for technical expression. Indeed, without the component of Sanskrit and Pali vocabulary, the Thai language would not be what it is today. "The object of this book is to .assess the role of the Hindu traditions in Thai life--their functional value, their significance to the Thai, and the extent to which they were modified," writes Prof. Desai at the very commencement of her preface. Accordingly, Hinduism in Thai Life is divided into six chapters, namely: 159

Karuna Kus~~aya

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I. Thai History and Archaeology: Evidence of Indian Contacts II. Thai Religion, Festivals and Ceremonies : Elements of Hinduism III. Thai Political Theory: The Hindu Components IV. Thai Literature: The Rama Story, The Hindu Religious Epic V. The Ramakirti and the Non-Valmiki Versions of the Rama Story: In India ' and in other countries of South-east Asia VI. Conclusion Each of the above chapters deals cogently with the subject concerned. To those not familiar with Sanskrit and Pali terms, the book may prove a little irksome. But thoughtful readers will sympathize with the authoress since books on such subjects could hardly be written without referring to Sanskrit texts and sources. Coming from a Brahmin family, herself a professor of Hinduism and Buddhism. and, above all, having studied the subject on the spot, Prof. Desai is fully merited to undertake this scholarly job. The authoress took great pains to explain the elements of Hinduism in Thai religion, festivals and ceremonies in Chapter II, and in Chapter III dealing with the Hindu components in Thai political theory, we find her exerting the same efforts. In Chapter IV, a careful comparison is made between the Ramakirti, the Thai Ramayana. and the Sanskrit Ramayana of Valmiki. The comparison sheds useful and interesting information with regard to differences in vario11:s aspects of the Thai Ramayana and ihe Ramayana of Valmiki. Chapter Vis even more interesting because here the Ramakirti is cOmpared with the non-Valmiki versions of the Rama story prevalent in India as weli as in other countries of South-east Asia, such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. Finally, in Chapter VI, we have the authoress' conclusion of her Hinduism in Thai Life which sums up as follows: "Hinduism has .existed in Thailand in a syncre~istic relationship with Theravada Buddhism since the pre-Thai period (at least since the fifth century B.C.) •.•.... The roie of Hinduism, therefore, is subordinate and peripheral to Buddhism. Hinduism . exists not as a total tradition as it does in India; rather it is there in a piece-meal way, lacking in depth, structure, inner unity and cohesiveness. . ..•.•.• But that Hinduism in this modified form is universally encountered and all pervasive in Thai life is, on the other hand, beyond question." Dr. Ainslie T. Embree, Professor of Indian Studies, Columbia University, in his foreword to the book, writes of the authoress as follows:

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"In her (Prof. S.N. Desai's) writing, there is none of the cultural chauvinism that has characterized much writing of this kind, for she writes from a warm understanding of both Indian and Thai cultures that prevents her from making easy value judgements." The above view of Dr. Embree will be readily shared by anyone who goes through the book reflectively. Apart from the copious bibliography and glossary of Sanskrit terms, the book is furnished with useful appendices and an index. Notwithstanding typographical errors appearing in several places, Hinduism in Thai Life is heartily recommended to all those interested in the subject.

Karuna Kuaalasaya Thai Bharat Lodge, and Silpakom University

Heinz Bechert, Editor, Die Sprache der altesten buddhistischen Vberlieferung. The Language of the Earliest Buddhist Tradition (Symposien zur Buddhismusforschung II) (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1980), 193 p. (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse. Dritte Folge 117). In contrast to the first symposium held under the auspices of the Academy of Sciences at Gottingen and organized by Heinz Bechert Bupdhism in Ceylon and Studies on Religious Syncretism in Buddhist Countries (1978), the second meeting has· concentrated on a much narrower and more precisely defined subject: the language of the earliest Buddhist tradition. Eight contributions, five in English, two in German and one in French, are framed by a general introduction to the subject and abstracts of the discussions that succeeded each paper. The "Introduction" and the "Allgemeine Bermerkungen" (General Remarks), both by Heinz Bechert, furnish an excellent guide to the present state of research reached and the methods applied in dealing with the problems of historical linguistics in early Buddhist texts. Within the twenty years since the posthumous publication of H. Liiders' {1869-1943) fundamental book Beobachtungen uber die Sprache des buddhistischen Urkanons (Observations on the language of the original Buddhist canon) (1954), the contents of which have been summed up conveniently in English by M.A. Mehendale, Some Aspects of Indo-Aryan Linguistics (1968), the idea of an original canon, from which all existing canonical Buddhist texts are derived somehow or other, has become more and more doubtful. Therefore the word "Urkanon" has been banished from the headline of this symposium, as it is dropped from the discussion on linguistic and literary problems. Thus the discussion focusses on· the means and ways of how to get a clearer picture of the lost language or languages at the time of the Buddha. One of the major difficulties, which has yet to be overcome, is the lack of an investigation similar to Li.iders' work into the earliest language used by the Jains. The articles of Ludwig Alsdorf (1904-1978), to whom this volume is dedicated, "Ardha-Magadhi" and of Colette Caillat "La Langue Primitive du Bouddhisme" (the original language ofBuddhism) deal with this aspect, while K.R. Norman "The Dialects in which the Buddha Preached" tries to reconstruct different dialects used by the Buddha on different occasions from the wording of parallel passages known from the Northern and Southern Buddhist traditions and showing a similar, but not an identical Text. At the same time he tries to revive the opinion of Hermann Oldenberg (1854-1920) that the home of Pali is 162

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to be found in Eastern rather than in Western India as generally assumed now. Both proposals met with some doubt and criticism at the conference as can be gathered from the discussion in the respective appendix to this volume (on the home and early history of Pili see also my forthcoming article "Pili as an Artificial Language" to be published in Indologica Taurinensia 9. 1982). John Brough again very carefully investigates the much debated sakkaya niruttiya and chandaso aropetulp in the Cullavagga of the Vinayapitaka with the result that the latter probably means "Vedic" especially in the light of the Chinese translations of the relevant pas~age. Later views on language held by the Buddhists themselves are examined by Akira Yuyama "Bu-ston on the Language Used by Indian Buddhists at the Schismatic Period". Finally Gustav Roth re-edited the Sanskrit version of the Dhammapada found in Tibet by Rihula Sank~tyiyana and preserved today in Patna thus superseding the earlier edition by N.S. Shukla (1979). This article also surveys the "Particular Features of the Language of the Arya-Mahasimghika-Lokottaravidins and Their Importance for Early Buddhist Tradition". Ernst Waldschmidt describes the present state of knowledge in the field of "Central Asian Siitra Fragments and Their Relation to the Chinese Agamas". This contribution also contains a re-edited text: the Mahasamija-siitra found at Turfan. The equally high standard of all articles and the brillant survey of the research done on this subject during the last two decades make this book indispensable reading for everybody who wants to work in the field of Pili or early Buddhist languages and literature in general. (A more detailed review by J.W. de Jong has appeared in the Indo-Iranian Journal 24, 1982, 215-218; a second one by myself discussing especially the relation of Pili and Vedic is forthcoming in lndogermanische Forschungen).

Oskar von Hinuber Orientalisches Seminar Der Universitiit Freiburg- lndologie

"'

Wl~l1')f'J'j~ti ( lh~~'VIi ~~~ 1~ ),

'ttlfifi1'i:ll

I "' "''

"I"~. I ~ lJGJHrnu lil'jlJ 1'VIff'U1 lJ'lfnJlJ1IJfJIJ'VI1 'l17a

QUlf~llf~~\ltUl~GJJtntlfl'l1lJ "''

n~linlJ'lf1~

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(The Venerable Phra Rajavaramuni (Payu!to), Buddhadhamma)

(flru~l~~lJli'j'jlJ

"'' ,j I "'' ,j ~.={ ) WlJW1NtJUWl WlJWfll\I'VI 1 fi~\11'VIW o'! W.ff. 2525-Bangkok, I 982 , pp. 940

In 1971 the Textbook Project on Social Sciences and Humanities under the chairmanship of Dr. Puey Ungphakorn produced two big tomes as afestshcrift in honour of H.R.H. Prince Wan's 80th birthday anniversary. Among the scholars invited to write all those learned articles, there was only one monk, the Ven. P. Payutto who. was then Phra Srivisudhimoli, deputy secretary general of Maha Chulalongkorn Buddhist University. His writing 'Buddhadhamma' was the longest (206 pages) and was considered the best article in the two volumes. Hence he was invited to deliver it in a concised form as a special lecture on the Prince's birthday at Thammasat University's Auditorium. The article was later published separately as a book in itself. The book Buddhadhamma made a real impact on the Thai Buddhist community: for the first time Buddhism was explained with such clarity that even Thais who were trained traditionally in Buddhist monastic schools as well as those who were educated abroad both could easily understand it. They found it beautifully written and extremely stimulating. Since then the book had been reprinted on a number of occasions, especially for free distribution at cremation ceremonies. Most Buddhist clubs at various univer sities prescribed the book as a handbook for those who wished to study the Dhamma seriously. In the first edition, the learned author only explained two main parts of Buddhism namely (1) The Principles concerning the Truth which is the core of Nature, and (2) The Middle Path, or the way of practice to reach the ulti~ate truth. Yet each part is explained with such profundity. For instance, in the first part, he began by asking 'What is Life?' Then_ he explained the five aggregates in detail and with rationality so that those who had no knowledge of Buddhism would be able to understand the Buddhist analysis of the so called 'Mind and Body' into Corporeality, Feeling or Sensation, Perception, Mental Formations or Volitional Activities and Consciousness. This is the basic concept in Buddhism which is much misunderstood not only in the West but in this country as well. This section in itself is worth translating into English. Another question the author posed was 'How is Life?' and he answered this by explaining the Three Signs of Impermanence, Conflict and Non-self or Soullessness. To understand this, again, is to understand the essential teaching of the Buddha concerning the universe and it natural phenomena, including the so-called self. 164

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The author then asked 'How life comes into being?' and he answered this by explaining the Law of Dependent Origination or Conditionality. This is the essence of Buddhist philosophy, which denies the First Cause or the Causa Causan. This law is the most difficult and the most profound. One Supreme Patriarch of the Thai Sangha . even admitted that he could not understand this properly. All schools of Buddhism .stress and explain this law or principle. In Theravada Buddhism alone, there are so many commentaries and sub-commentaries on this. If one understands this thoroughly, then one would appreciate the Middle Path and could really proclaim oneself a true Buddhist. Otherwise one could easily fall into a trap, emphasising such as Extreme Realism, Nihilism, Eternalism, Annihilationism, Self-Generationism or Karmic Autogenesisism. Unfortunately, too many so-called Buddhists in this country make one of these errors. Among contemporary Thai Bhikkhus, the Venerable Buddhadasa and the Venerable P. Payutto seem to be among the very few who could explain this very delicate law for a wide audience. Both rely heavily on Pali canonical works of the Buddha more than on commentaries or sub-commentaries, although they also consult them. Part 2 dealt with guidelines for practice in order that life could be led in accordance to the Middle Path, i.e. all would be harmonious according to the law of nature. The author began by asking 'What should life be?' He then answered the question by explaining the Noble Eightfold Path in detail. Right and wrong views as well as right and wrong practices were stressed and explained clearly. Within less than one hundred pages, the author managed to present these very delicate matters to readers in a clear and concise manner. His explanation was orthodox yet so rational and convincing that one could not help but marvel at his grasp of the Dhamma and the lucid way in which he expounded it. The first edition ended here, although the author felt that the complete Buddhadhamma should consist of two more parts, namely - Part 3 : dealing with liberation i.e. the meaning of life after the ultimate end. What would be the meaning and condition of that ultimate end, as well as its value for those who achieved that state; Part 4: the practical purpose of the Middle Path i.e. how should individuals and society function by applying these Principles for daily life both for carrying out daily activities as well as for educating members of the younger generation in order that all could live together as happily and harmoniously as possible. The learned author has since been promoted by H.M. the King to his present title-Phra Rajavaramuni (the Best Sage for the Sovereign). He was invited to teach once at Swarthmore College and once at Harvard University. Although he resigned from the abbotship of his monastery at Wat Prapirendra in Bangkok and from the

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deputy general-secretaryship at his Buddhist University in order to fulfill his wishes in completing the book, he was unable to do so for a decade, partly because of his commitments to other writings and to his duty as a monk in helping laymen in their spiritual needs. Besides, he was not in good health. So it was a great joy to most of us when the complete and revised edition of

Buddhadhamma was published in 1982. Despite difficulties and imperfections in printing as well as a lack of index (which is very crucial), I, for one, feel that the book is certainly the most welcome event in the Thai publishing context. As for all the minu~ points they could easily be overcome in. the next edition which, one is certain, will be soon. Indeed its publication this year is a very good omen too as it coincides with the two hundredth anniversary of Bangkok. It should be translated (even in a concised form) into English. Then it would be the best gift from Siam to the world, as the Buddha says, the gift of Dhamma is the best gift of all. So many farangs attempt to understand Thai Buddhism through existing academic disciplines. With this book, anyone can understand Theravada Buddhism about as well as the best contemporary Thai Buddhist scholar. I feel this is the best single volume on Buddhism ever written in any language.

The Three Worlds of King Ruang offerred the best explanation of Buddhism during the Sukhothai period, which unfortunately was distorted for the purpose of the ruling elite. Kijjanuktj was the best expose of the Thai worldview of the last century which Chao Phya Divakaravamsa relied heavily on for his understanding of Buddhism to show that we were not inferior to the farang, especially after so many attacks by missionaries. Alabaster put forward the essence of Kijjanukij in his book The Wheel of the Law. Unf.Jrtunately King Mongkut never wrote his magnum opus on Buddhism. His son, the Prince Patriarch Vajirafiana, wrote many books on many aspets of Buddhism, but he never wrote a single volume on the whole Buddhist Philosophy and its practice like this one. Let us· hope therefore that someone will do justice to Buddhadhamma soon, by translating it into English. In the 1982 edition of Buddhadhamma, the Venerable author did not divide the book into 4 parts. In fact, he still divided it into 2 main parts as previously, but he more or less answered all the points which he felt should be answered. The subtitle Buddhadhamma still remains the same-The Law of Nature and Its Values for Life. However, he expanded it sixfold. In this edition, the author still referred to Pali texts-not only to the Thai and Roman scripts but also to the Burmese edition. He also consulted and sometimes contradicted English books on Buddhism by giving definite and precise points when he was sure that those authors had gone wrong. Yet he does so in an inoffensive manner.

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In part I, the first chapter dealing with the Five Aggregates has been much expanded, especially in dealing with memory and mindfulness, as well as with consciousness and knowledge. At the end of this chapter and of every chapter the author always refers to ethical values on that topic. And at every chapter, there is an appendix for scholars who wish to pursue some points further. Chapter 2 deals with the six senses-doors (eyes, ears, nose, tongue, body and mind) and the three channels of action (bodily, speech, mind). This is an addition. Chapters 3 and 4 deal with the Three Signs and Dependent Origination as in the first edition, but Chapter 4 is much expanded by referring to the Nikayas as well as the Abhidhamma, since there has been much controversy lately among Thai Buddhist scholars on this very topic and the Ven. Buddhadasa was the centre of this controversial issue. Perhaps this Chapter will help to clarify the issue. Chapter 5, dealing with Karma, is a long addition to the new edition. As the Law of Karma is very important and is usually misunderstood, it is quite right that the learned author spends much time explaining the law of act and result or moral laws (karmic laws). He differentiates this from (1) law of energy or law of physical phenomena, (2) law of hereditary or biological laws, (3) psychic law or psychological laws, and (4) the general law of cause and effect, or order of the norm. This Chapter has been thoroughly explained with long quotations from the Discourses of the Buddha, since it deals with the Theory of Rebirth too. Without proper understanding, one could easily commit the wrong view of past lives and future livesnot to mention the prevailing misconception ~1fit~t®~ (doing good without any good result). The author explains about good, goodness, good result etc. with lucidity. Anyone who has read G.B. Moore's Principia Ethica will appreciate the Buddhist approach to ethical language. The first five chapters in Part I have been divided into 3 sections: (1) What is Life? {2) How is Life? (3) How Life comes into being? This is on the main the same as in the first edition. In this new edition, the author adds section (4) How Life should be? Chapter 6 deals with Knowledge, Liberation, Purity, Peace and Nirvana. Chapter 7 deals with the state and stages of those who achieve Nirvana. Chapter 8 deals with the practice in order to achieve various stages of Nirvana-i.e. Mindfulness of Calm, Insight, Liberation through the Mind and Liberation through Wisdom. Chapter 9 explains the main principles in helping one to achieve Nirvana. And Chapter 10 concludes about Nirvana.

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Chapters 6 to 10 are the most profound and difficult. Those who have difficulty in reading The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga}, The Path of Liberation (Vimuttimagga) and Questions of King Milinda will find these chapters a great help. For those who come across serious Buddhism for the first time, if they understand the first 5 chapters or have read the first edition of Buddhadhamma thoroughly, they will understand and appreciate these five chapters better. Chapter 11 to 15 are called 'Additional Articles' starting with explaining about life and basic quality of the four divisions of the Noble Disciples: Stream Enterer, Once-Returner, Non-Returner and the Worthy One (Arahant}. An appendix on this chapter deals especially with Dana or Generosity, which is the first step in practising Buddhism. Chapters 12, which is still in section 4, deals with Morality and Society. This chapter is very relevant especially for those who think Buddhism only dealt with individual salvation. In fact this chapter explains clearly social responsibility of those who study and practise Buddhadhamma. The Buddhist concept of development is also dealt with. Chapter 13 deals with "extraordinariness", beyond ordinary perception, such as miracles and other beings, like ghosts and gods or other worlds, subjects which those who want to make Buddhism rational often tend to overlook. Yet the author explains this rationally just as he explains other matters and phenomena. · This is according to the canonical Texts as expounded by the Buddha himself, indeed it is The Miracle of Being Awake as Thich Nhat Hanh puts it. Chapter 14 deals with Motive or Aspiration for Moral life. This is particularly interesting because it is this idea that is most often subject to misinterpretation. Because the Buddha taught us to get rid of craving, people think that in order to be detached, one must not have any incentive, one should sit still and be inactive. Nothing is further from the truth. The whole Buddhist threefold training on Morality, Mindfulness and Wisdom is in fact to set one in the right frame of mind for proper action. Indeed the path of accomplishment or basis for success, both for worldly gains and spiritual attainments, must begin with willingness or proper motivation. Then one must direct one's energy, effort or exertion toit. After that one must use active thought, or apply thoughtfulness to each action-whether mind, speech or body. In addition, investigation, testing, examination or reasoning are needed in order to accomplish the desired result.

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Chapter 15 deals with Happiness in its various aspects and levels.

It starts

with the ·sensual realm which could actually be harmful, to non-sensual happiness which could be attaifled through the practice of mindfulness in various aspects of Jhanic meditation, for instance, the First Three Absorptions include Happiness, whereas the Fourth Absorption only has two qualities-Equinimity and one-pointedness of mind. One must realize of course that Buddhism wants to lead those who practise Dhamma to walk on beyond Happiness to Liberation. Part II of the new edition starts with Chapter 16, which has a long introduction on the Middle Path or the Noble Eightfold Path. Having understood the map of the Middle Path, one is ready to walk along the way, and the essential element for the wayfarer is Good Friends.

Indeed the Buddha

regards himself only as a Good Friend who could but point out the way.

At this

stage, one should hear or learn from others or be induced by others-namely Good Friends who know the Path and who could point out the way. Bhikkhus, teachers and meditation masters can all be regarded as Good Friends. Once one is convinced of the way, one has faith or confidence to walk on that path. The whole of chapter 17 deals with Good Friends in all aspects. Then Chapter 18 deals with directing one's thoughts in order to develop wise consideration. If chapter 17 deals with counsel or advice from others, then this chapter deals with developing one's own frame of mind. In Buddhism, these twin aspects are crucial prerequisites for the noble life.

To me, no one has explained those two main pillars

of Buddhism as clearly as is done in this book. Chapter 19 deals with wisdom, i.e. Right View and Right Thought. 20 deals with Morality i.e. Right Speech, Right Action and Right Livelihood. aspects are taken into full

co~sideration.

Chapter Social

Chapter 21 is about Mindfulness or the rest

of the Noble Eightfold Path, namely Right Effort, Right Mindfulness and Right Concentration. This chapter in itself can be a useful handbook for intellectuals who wish to practise meditation, as it gives the theoretical framework as well as good guidelines for putting theory into practice. The last chapter-chapter 22-summarises the whole Buddhadhamma in its essence, namely the Four Noble Truths. The reader who pursues the book to its end will surely understand Buddhism much more thoroughly.

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The book will make a new person of the reader. Even if he still clings to his 'self' and may not be much better spiritually, he will surely have a new and deep understanding of the Buddha and his teachings. Non-Buddhists who read this book need not be converted but would appreciate Buddhism better as a philosophy, a religion and a noble way of life. This book may thus be proclaimed as the best expose of the whole corpus of essential teaching of Theravada Buddhism in Thai ever written.

S. Sivaraksa Asian Cultural Forum on Development. Bangkok

Dialogue, Vol. 8 : Buddhist-Christian Renewal and the Faith of Humanity (Ecumenical Institute for Study & Dialogue,

Colombo~

Sri Lanka, 1981)

Buddhist-Christian Studies, Vol. 1 (East-West Religions Project, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii, 1981) These two volumes have been published as a result of the international conference of religious students, scholars, and teachers held at the University of Hawaii in June 1980 and sponsored by the University of Hawaii Department of Religion, the Hawaii Council of Churches, and the Hawaii Buddhist Council. Dialogue contains seven papers presented at the conference, each emphasizing the new awareness resulting from interfaith dialogue between Buddhism and Christianity: 1. "Interfaith Dialogue as a Source of Christian-Buddhist Renewal: Creative Transformation" by Paul 0. Ingram. The encounter between divergent beliefs can serve as a source for spiritual renewal. Interfaith dialogue presents an opportunity for greater knowledge and insight when we relate to one another based on our common humanity as persons, not merely through such abstract labels as "Christian", "Buddhist", "Hindu", or "Muslim". 2. "Reformist Buddhism in Thailand, Bhikkhu Buddhadasa" by Donald K. Swearer and Sulak Sivaraksa*. Bhikkhu Buddhadasa, a controversial reformist monk, reinterprets the Buddha's tc!achings according to contemporary life. This article explains the basic structure of his philosophy, the reformulation of basic Theravada teachings, and his critique of Thai Buddhism. 3. "Dialogue: Spiritual Transformation", by Donald K. Swearer, examines the life and teachings of two modern religious spokesmen : Thich Nhat Hanh and Thomas Merton. 4. "Buddha, Man and God", by Hsueh-li-Chang, presents a discussion of Buddhism in relation to the existence of a theistic god. Additional essays include: 5. "The Ethic of the Dhammapada and the Sermon on the Mount" by Roy C. Amore; 6. "Dialogue of World Religions" by Arvind Sharma; 7. "Mother Teresa's Boundless Compassion and Voluntary Poverty: An Evaluation by a Buddhist" by Neville Gunaratne. Buddhist-Christian Studies, a scholarly journal based on historical research and contemporary religious practice, has evolved in response to the enthusiasm generated from the University of Hawaii conference. The first annual issue consists of nine papers:

* This article was reprinted as a booklet by

Suksit Siam, Bangkok, to mark the 50th anniversary of Suan Mokh (The Garden of Liberation) which was created by Buddhadasa Bhikkhu on 27 May 1932.

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Terry A. Silver

1. "A Framework for Buddhist-Christian Dialogue" by Donald K. Swearer. A radical, personal transformation and acceptance of moral responsibility for the welfare of humankind is central to both Buddhism and Christianity. 2. "Buddhist-Christian Dialogue: Past, Present and Future" by Masao Abe and John Cobb (interviewed by Bruce Long). The establishment of a spiritual foundation for the realization of a deeper religious dimension can be attained only by cutting through "innate" conceptual and cultural patterns. This article mentions some of the difficulties regarding the character of the contemporary Buddhist-Christian encounter. 3. "The Pluralistic Situation and . the Coming Dialogue Between the World Religions" by Peter Berger. The religions of modern technological society must progress beyond mere tolerance of one another and inquire into the deeper truth that underlies them. The Buddhist-Christian dialogue provides an immense challenge for attempting to answer the most profound questions of human existence. Additional essays include: 4. "Christians, Buddhists and Manichaeans in Medieval Central Asia" by Hans-J. Klimkeit; 5. "Bengal Blackie and the Sacred Slut: A Sahajayana Buddhist Song" by Lee Siegel; 6. "Buddhist Attitudes toward Women's Bodies" by Diana Y. Paul; 7. "Feminism from the Perspective of Buddhist Practice" by Rita Gross; 8. "The Cloud of Unknowing and the Mumonkan: Christian and Buddhist Meditation Methods" by Robert Aitken; 9. "The Cloud of Unknowing and the Buddhist Logic of Not-Two" by Masaaki Honda. "We have arrived at the most serious crisis point the civilized world has ever known. Threatened by overpopulation and food shortages, the possibility of widespread chemical contamination, the prospect of atomic holocaust, international political confrontation, and the dissolution of traditional communal structures and values, some reel in confusion, others react with mindless violence, while still others, anticipating the apocalypse, retreat to self-sufficient exis~ence cut off from a world apparently gone insane."l Dialogue and Buddhist-Christian Studies provide a challenge for those seeking a deeper and more complete spiritual reality. It is hoped that both journals will continue to explore the depths of interfaith dialogue and human consciousness as exemplified by these two issues.

Terry A. Silver 1. Donald K. Swearer, "Dialogue: Spiritual Transformation" (Dialogue, Vol. 8, p. 52).

Roy C. Amore, Two Masters, One Message (Abingdon, Nashville), pp. 186. Professor Roy C. Amore, with much intellectual ingenuity, attempts herein to prove that the New Testament was strongly influenced by Buddhism. He cites the striking similarities in the biographies of the Buddha and Jesus; their comparable lifestyles; the compatability of the two masters' teaching; the shared message. Further correspondences can be seen in their efforts to communicate this message through the working of miracles and teaching through similes, parables. He then, with a dramatic flair, presents the thesis that Matthew and Luke in their Gospels drew on a "Sayings Source", Q, which incorporated Buddhist teachings and was partially influenced by the biography of the Buddha. The author points to the Buddhistic content of the temptation of Jesus; the Sermon on the Mount; the invocations of Jesus to love your enemies; judge not; and overcome anger. The author places especial emphasis on the very Buddhistic account of the birth of Jesus found solely in the Gospel of Luke and the inclusion in Luke of the greatest number of Buddhist sayings. The author closes his presentation expressing the conviction that Jesus drew upon Buddhist, as well as Jewish concepts and images, and that the Buddhist presence in Christianity continued after Jesus' death. While the author's thesis is provocative and challenging, it is not entirely convincing. There is no doubt as to the striking similarities in the ethical teachings, parables, metaphors and similes used; the miracles performed; the birth and infancy narratives and Iifestyl~s of the Buddha and Jesus. However, the author only refers to the specific means through which such actual contact between teachers and both the Q community and with Jesus and his disciples and might have been established e.g. sea and land trade routes, commercial archaeological evidence etc.

fleetingly Buddhist followers contacts,

Perhaps, of more significance, the author neglects to analyze the equally provocative writings of Sir James George Frazer, Carl Gustav Jung and Joseph Campbeli who, each from their different perspectives, argue the universality of the World Savior mythology and stress the universally recurrent patterns of human thought (the psychological, as well as biological and social, characteristics, common to all man), first evidenced in myths, which find expression in the masterpieces of world literature as well as in the philosophical teachings of religious mystics. It is the hero, the World Savior, who plumbs the depths of the "mythical consciousness", the "collective unconsciouspess"; who overcomes illusion and ignorance after the adventurous quest, suffering, release. Carl Jung refers to "archetypes", Adolf Bastian to "Elementary Ideas". The 173

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tradition of "subjectively known forms" (Sanskrit : antarjfieyariipa) is co-extensive with the tradition of myth. The mythologists point to 'a set of symbols common to all communities throughout time; to recurrent themes of guilt, fear, anxiety; to cyclic patterns of withdrawal and return; death and rebirth; guilt and expiation; sacrificial suffering; propitiation and initiation rites common to all people from time immemorial. Campbell speaks of the imagery shared by the two religious traditions, Christianity and Buddhism, as being older than both: serpent, tree, garden of immortality, all described in the earliest cuneiform texts and old Sumerian cylinder seals, in the art and rites of primitive cultures. Campbell also refers to the enlightenment of the Buddha under the Bo tree as the most important moment in Oriental mythology. He cites it as a counterpart to the Crucifixion of Christianity. He sees Buddha under the Bo tree and Christ on Holy Rood (Tree of Redemption) as analogous figures, incorporating an archetypal World Savior, World Tree motif, which is of immemorial antiquity. Other variants of the theme may be found in the Immovable Spot and Mount Calvary as images of the World Navel, or World Axis of mythology. He further contends that productions and projections of the psyche evolve from man's imagination in th~ same mythological motifs throughout the world i.e. myths and legends of Virgin Birth, Incarnations, Resurrections. Thus, in the language of anthropology, cannot the similarities and correspondences between Buddhism and Christianity which Professor Amore attributes, in diffusionist terms, to Buddhist influence on Christianity be rather seen as the result of independent development or parallelism ? Both Buddhism and Christianity may well ·have independently drawn on mythic patterns and motifs, recurrent themes and imagery and a common set of symbols, universal projections of the psyche. Drawing from a common well of hero and Savior myths and legends and mirror reflections of biological, psychological and social characteristics common to all man, it is not surprising that similar patterns of birth. lifestyle, ethical teaching, miracles, parables, would emerge in the religious traditions of Buddhism and Christianity. As cultural form has limits set by natural conditions which makes for resemblances i.e. the law of limited possibilities, so too do the life and teachings of the religious mystics, culture heroes, World Saviors evidence striking correspondences. In the transformation of man's consciousness and achieving purity of mind; in liberating truth from the illusion of the individual ego; in overcoming ignorance, does not the law of limited possibilities also apply?* Sir James Frazer, in his seminal work "The Golden Bough", eloquently outlined this thesis: '"We

* At

the same time, it must be appreciated that the cosmology and epistemology of the two religious traditions, Buddhism and Christianity, are distinctly different.

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need not .... suppose that the Western peoples borrowed from the older civilization of the Orient the conception of the Dying and Reviving God, together with solemn ritual, in which that conception was dramatically set forth before the eyes of the worshippers. More probably the resemblance which may be traced in this respect between the religions of the East and West is no more than what we commonly, though incorrectly, call a fortuitous coincidence, the effect of similar causes acting alike on the similar constitution of the human mind in different countries and under different skies." Thus, Professor Amore, as a religious diffusionist, visualizes "Two Masters, One Message"; Campbell, Frazer, Jung, as exponents of mythic and psychic parellelism, visualize "The Hero With a Thousand Faces", the title of Campbell's brilliant, though controversial, treatise. Professor Amore's well reasoned, succinct and challenging argument in this work should provoke readers to begin their own historical journey and exploration to seek the truth as to linkages, or their absence, in the great religious traditions of Buddhism and Christianity. William J. Klausner

Chulalongkorn University

Antony Fernando, Buddhism and Christianity: Their Inner Affinity (Colombo, Ecumenical Institute for Study and Dialogue, 1981) One of the evidences of the positive nature of religious pluralism is the increasing number of very helpful basic guides to the comparative study of Buddhism and Christianity, Dr. Antony Fernando's book is such a guide. It is one in a series of thoughtful publications from the Ecumenical Institute for Study and Dialogue in Colombo, Sri Lanka. At each step of interpretation, Fernando suggests a few carefully chosen parallels to the Christian faith. His purpose is to write a guide to Buddhism for Christians. To those already acquainted with the rudiments of Buddhism, basing a major part of a hook on the four noble truths may seem elementary, but the author manages to approach his subject with freshness arid insight. For advanced students he provides sufficient technical terms and depth to provide a helpful review. Dr. Fernando also is careful to offer enough social and historical material to give some sense of the context and development of. Buddhist teaching. Particularly interesting are his references to the place of laypersons in early J3uddhism. He emphasizes the anti-ascetical and anti-ritualistic aspects of the Buddha's teaching. His clarification of the levels of meaning of karma and samsara provide needed corrective to popular usage. He points to the teaching of the Ven. Buddhadasa of Thailand to indicate the present "here and now" emphasis of karma and samsara. Fernando proposes a reconception of Nirvana in modern terminology. After working his way through the old terminology and imagery, he suggests that, "Nirvana denotes a well developed personality or 'humanhood' in its ideal form". (p. 42). Earlier he comments that "This vitality of the Nirvanic personality comes from the very power of dharma or the power of truth and goodness to which he adheres." (p. 40) Whether this modernization of nirvana is an adequate restatement may be questioned, but it indicates the bold strokes that the author makes in his interpretation. His exposition of mindfulness and concentration are clear and include very practical illustrations. This is useful in approaching the sometimes very complex psychology of Buddhism. Fernando draws a parallel of Buddhist mindfulness to the New Testament "expectation of the Parmisia" or the imminent coming of Christ. This is an interesting but surely questionable comparison. Would it have been more fruitful to look for affinity with the mystical tradition in Christianity? Maybe that has been overworked. His description of Buddhist meditation is clear and concise. The author recognizes the difference between Jesus' sense of personal relationship to God and Buddha's criticism of the Hindu conventional belief and practices concerning gods. In suggesting that Jesus' emphasis was a "behavioral acknowledge176

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ment" of God, Fernando indicates the common emphasis on anti-ritualism and the quality of personal transformation in both faiths. "Both have one common aim : to awaken people to a sense of realism and responsibility in their day to day life". (p. 98) The author carefully works through the experimental dimension of the Christian faith in God, the forgivenness of God and Jesus' teaching of man's relatedness to man. He holds as a hope that persons may genuinely benefit from both religions. "It is quite possible that as forms of personality upliftment the two systems have elements that are complimentary to each other" (p. 109). The Christian need not compete with the Buddhist but should collaborate with him. Fernando has penetrated the deeper meaning of both faiths and the book is very illuminating for the Christian exploring Buddhist teaching. It will also assist in reflections on his own faith . It may be that not all the examples of "inner affinity" are adequate, but the book as a whole is an important and very helpful contribution to the dialogue between the faiths.

Robert Bohilin Department of Religion, University of Hawaii, Honolulu

C.F. Keyes (ed), Ethnic Adaptation and Identity (Insitute for the Study of Human Issues, Philadelphia, 1979) A witty, elegant collection of essays about the Karen of the Thai-Burmese frontier areas, edited and introduced by Charles Keyes. who also supplies a chapter on Karen ethnohistory. Other contributors, several of whose papers circulated for some time before the book was printed, include Lehman and Hinton, K unstadter, Ijima, Stern and Marlowe. An interesting mixture of history and ethnography, the work makes a major theoretical contribution to the debate about ambivalent ethnicity initiated by Leach's work on the Kachin 1 • Many of the papers focus on what Lehman sees as the equivalence of cultural change with 'a change in ethnicity, an alteration in identity' . Thus Marlowe compares the way British colonial policy in Burma defined a hierarchically ordered state in terms of locality and culture, to recent changes in the state's conception which, in the North of Thailand, have meant a schism in the hierarchy which once encompassed Karen identity as part of the domain of Chiang Mai. The resultant 'loss of their status as holders of the wild for the 'sown' 'has deprived the Karen of any political power in the real world. Similarly Ij ima examines the impact of wet rice agriculture on traditionally swiddening groups of Sgaw Karen in Mae Sariang, which has transformed land tenure patterns and the social relations arising from them, resulting in the abandonment of the long house as settlem ents have become more permanent. Ijima emphasises the religious basis of Karen ethnicity, which, organised around the ancestral spirits of matrilineal kin groups, has survived such changes, demarcating a continuum for the Sgaw Karen from the tribal, consanguineally based society more associated with the hills, to the peasant community, based on territorial criteria and oriented towards the plains. Stern too shows how the Pwo Karen of Sangkhlaburi have forsaken the joint lineal community in 'their adjustment to a cash economy, and examines the place of the Pwo language as a marker of cultural identity by comparison with three other communities. From a survey of some historical data, h e concludes that the Pwo are 'far from a people exposed for the first t ime to the impact of a lowland civiliza tion', but represent an accommodation between Mon and Thai interests, currently readapting towards the latter. Many of the writers complain of the injustice with which the Karen are often classed with recent migrants to the hills such as the Hmong. As Keyes puts it, the new ethnic label of chao khao, extended to include the Karen, falsely stigmatises them as invariably upland swiddeners, opium cultivators and recent migrants, and he also draws attention to the potential 'explosiveness' of the lack of (citizenship rights in the 1.

Leach: Political Systems of Highland Burma (1954)

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hills.

179

Kunstadter's paper, describing the heterogeneity of relationships between Lua'

and Karen, Karen and Khonmuang groups, also refers to the increasing land shortage in the area, accelerated by lowland immigration up into the hills, which has caused the Hmong to oust the Karen from their fields with no legal redress, and deplores the official tendency to 'lump' Karen in the same category as Hmong. Millenialism is, as Keyes observes, frequently an attempt to restructure or 'come to grips with radical structural change', and he shows how the Christian conversions of Karen, both in Burma and Thailand, had the effect of 'strengthening the ethnic boundaries between Karen and others' (p. 21). Hinton's paper examines in some detail the role of millenialism as an accommodation to lowland states, based on an earlier work of Stern's2, describing how Baptist missionaries in the early 19th century were taken to be the fulfillment of an old Karen prophecy about the return of a white, younger brother who had taken away a golden book 'containing all the secrets of literacy wealth and power' denied to th!' Karen, and how this precipitated a rebellion against Burmese hegemony. Hinton suggests that such cults, which survive among the Karen to this day, together with the influence of Khae Chae Uae3 in the hills (a defrocked Buddhist monk, disciple of the Khruba Siwicai who was a symbol of resistance to the centralised control of the North during the '20"s), made an appeal to the national sentiment of the Karen, which has to be understood, like the influence of the KND0 4 in Burma, as a response to their harsh political realities. This is expressed in folk tales which cast the Karen as the perpetual orphan, always missing out on the opportunities presented to others, myths of insecurity in face of an increasingly hostile world. Lehman's concluding pa per draws many of these threads together, and is perhaps the most important of the collection. Examining linguistic and archaeological evidence which suggests contacts between Tai and Karen well before the l~te 18th century, and pointing out that the Burmese-Thai wars would surely have involved some relocation of the Karen, Lehman is led to differentiate importantly between an 'ethnic category, and 'the ethnolinguistic grouping' to which it may, at different times, refer. The issue of whether a category such as 'Karen' was of old standing in Thailand has to be separated from the issue of whether the present Karen population has ancient roots in Thailand.

This is a most important point, possibly the most important in the book,

since it allows some credence to be given to folk memories of the past as well as often 2.

Stern : 'Ariya and the Golden Book : A Millenarian Buddhist Sect Among the Karen' Journal of Asian Sludies 27 (2): 297-328 (1968)

3.

(Alias) Khruba Khao. Karen National Defense Organisation.

4.

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scant official records. Lehman re-examines some of the evidence for supposing that the Kayah (Karenni) emerged out of a mixed Shan-Karen polity somewhere before the end of the 18th century, associated with various Buddhist messianic movements and concludes that 'an overall pattern of ad aptation to non-Karen people . . .. has characterized the general category of Karen', proffering a cognitive view of ethnicity and the various taxonomic constraints under which it is defined. Although the views of ethnicity range from Lehman's to Marlowe's emph asis on behavioural features, with Ijima emphasising religious and Stern linguistic factors, the contributors are united by a common agreement that ethnicity, especially where the Karen are concerned, is not something fixed, bounded, or static, but dynamic, mobile, relative and closely associated with processes of sociocultural change.

Nicholas Tapp School of Oriental & African Studies, London University

Jacques Lemoine (with the assistance of Donald Gibson), Yao Ceremonial Paintings (White Lotus Company Ltd., Bangkok, 1982). 168 pp. A beautiful book, for the art collector and historian as well as the scholar, with more than 280 well-reproduced colour prints which do full justice to the rich sheen characteristic of Yao paintings, achieved through a glue base made from boiling the hide of an ox. Now that full sets of these paintings, ideally numbering 17, have in many cases been broken up and dispersed after the flight of impoverished Yao refugees from Laos, the work is additionally valuable in compiling information on the dating and background of individual sets, and identification of the figures they portray. The paintings illustrate the pantheon of Yao deities and episodes from their mythological history, and as paintings have a purely religious function.

Usually

commissioned by well to do families from priests or itinerant Chinese artists, they were executed in a specially consecrated place; in a partitioned room or outhouse, the walls of which had been pasted over with white paper and covered with cloth. During the one or two months it took for the work to be completed, strict celibacy was enjoined on all the inhabitants of the house to ensure the spiritual purity of the work finally This in turn was considered to contribute to its aesthetic beauty. As produced. Lemoine puts it (p. 36), 'A similar beauty and sense of piety illuminates the Italian primitives of the duecento'. The paintings are only exhibited on ritual occasions, such as the mass ordinations at which young men are admitted to the various grades of the Yao priesthood, as iconographic representations fulfilling the part played by idols and statuary in other cultures.

Each painting has 'a position and a role to play in the

rituals' (p. 42), and on the ownership of a certain number of them depends progress through the ranks of the pries.thood, and ultimate salvation for oneself and one's family. When they are not so exhibited, the scrolls are carefully stored in basket-work boxes to one side of the domestic altar (p. 34). The author's identification of the Yao religion as a branch of Taoism allows him to embark on an entrancing excursion into the mythological origins of the Yao as illustrated in the paintings, such as the myth of P'an Hu, the five-coloured palace dog who was allowed to marry one of the Chinese Emperor's daughters as a reward for defeating his enemies, from whose six sons and daughters the 12 Yao clans trace their descent. The Charter in which this legend was inscribed granted the Yao in China traditional exemption from the duties of taxation and corvee military labour, as well as the freedom to cultivate 'by the sword and fire' (i.e. by swidden agriculture) 'all the mountains of the Empire' (p. 13). As Lemoine notes, early colonists in Laos and 181

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Vietnam were handed versions of this document by the Yao, and the story it enshrines is the reason why the eating of dog is today taboo for the Yao, and why the traditional wedding veil should cover the bride's head 'as a device to hide from her the bestiality of the groom'. Their voyage across the sea from China after a great drought has become a second origin myth for the Yao, and this too is illustrated in the paintings. Thus the paintings provide a full graphic model of the Yao cosmology, seen in Taoist terms to begin with the origins of creation from the expansion of the body of the cosmic man after death. The text examines and explores this cosmology. Also illustrated are many culture heroes and Chinese deities, besides the father of historical Taoism, the Celestial Master Chang, who (p. 75) founded a theocratic state in the Western Marches of the decaying Han Empire after his researches into alchemy had resulted in the discovery of the Pill of Immortality, where among Han and tribal people a doctrine was taught which attr ibuted illness and suffering to immoral behaviour, expiable through priestly confession. Today similar sets of paintings are in use among Chinese Taoist priests of the Taiwan area, and the book also illustrates various aspects of Yao religious and ceremonial life, as well as providing information on the life circumstances and village situations of the Yao today, showing why, how and where the paintings are exhibited and what part they play in the spiritual comrpunity of the Yao. Thus there is also material on the masks and wreaths depicting the gods which are worn by priests at rituals. Altogether an absorbing work, and one which throws much ethnographic light on an insufficiently known and currently fragmented culture. Niclto/as Tapp School of Oriental & African Studies, London University

Jennifer Lindsay, Javanese Gamelan (Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1979) pp. 59. Edward C. Van Ness and Shita Prawirohardjo, Javanese Wayang Kulit (Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1980) pp. 95. In a rather discrete, almost furtive way, the Kuala Lumpur branch of Oxford University Press launched, officially in 1979, a new series called Oxford in Asia Traditional and Contemporary Arts, under the unacknowledged guidance of Dr. Jack Richards, and the two volumes discussed here were the only titles available by the end of 1981. Both a ppea red the year following the da te given on the title page, both are profusely illustrated with colour and black-and-white photographs; Lindsay's volume also has a map and line drawings. Neither pretends to be more than an introduction to the subject, each vast in itself, and the Van Ness-Prawirohardjo volume emphasises this in its subtitle. There is certainly room for such a series, and with the authority that Oxford commands, one's expectations are high.

The authors are well-qualified to tackle their

subjects: Jennifer Lindsay, better remembered to those who knew her during her years in Yogyakarta in the 1970s as Jenny Meister, comes from a distinguished N:w Zealand musical family; Edward Van Ness teaches at the Yogyakarta Academy of Music and his wife Shita Prawirohardjo comes from a courtly family in Solo where the shadow play tradition is as strong as in Yogyakarta. It is therefore rather with regret that one feels somewhat less than happy with these two volumes. Of the two, Lindsay's book on the gamelan is the more satisfactory. She briefly covers the historical background, lists in detail the different musical instruments and their making, commen ts on the tuning and intonation, discusses the structure of gamelan music and lastly writes about the gamelan in Javanere society.

There are

a glossary, notes on pronunciation, suggestions for further reading and a list of gamelan recordings. The limitations of the introductory nature of the volume are perhaps most clearly seen in the ten-and-a-hal f pages (including four photographs and four poems in Javanese with translations) on the structure of gamelan music. The subject is clearly enormous. There is a footnote referring the reader to Mantle Hood's booklet of 1958, not included in the suggestions for further reading, which also curiously omit Oxford's recent reprint of McPhee's House in Bali, but rightly and inevitably include Kunst's works. 183

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A point of debate is whether the siteran really can be said to belong to the gamelan, which by definition involves percussive instruments that are struck with a hammer. The rebab (viol) and suling (flute) were both added under external influences, but neither the siteran nor the celempung, both zither-type instruments and both presumab ly introduced under Chinese influence, belong inherently to the gong-chime cultures of Southeast Asia . Neither has been heard by this reviewer taking part in a full gamelan orchestra performance.

There might possibly here be some confusion

between Javanese music in general and gamelan music proper. Nevertheless, Ms. Lindsay writes clearly, reasonably objectively and necessarily succinctly on an extensive subject which has tremendous cultural remifications within Javanese society. The longer though still brief Van Ness-Prawirohardjo volume is chiefly disappointing in the poor quality of some of the photographs; the colour plates of the warung, the street scene, the dalang, golek heads and Arjuna, like the black-and-white photographs of paper wayang and the cempala, are ill-defined, or out of focus, or unintelligible. Whilst it is a good idea to allow a reader to compare th e static coloured figure with the silhouette form it presents on the screen, to repeat with both coloured plates and black-and-white photos the figures of Kayon, Wayang Prampogan, Arjuna, Bima, Adipati-Karma and others, separated and without any cross-referencing, either between plates or to the text, is singularly unhelpful. To include an illustration of a Cambodian shadow-play figure and a Chinese one from Yogyakarta without any reference to them in the text indicating why they are there and what they signify is also unhelpful. Because the wayang culture so profoundly permeates Javanese culture and affects Javanese attitudes, perhaps it is impossible for any volume, least of all one as short as this, to do justice to the subject. The book starts by placing the wayang in the past and the present, elaborates on the epics and important personages in them, discusses the da lang and his art, and then describes a particular wayang performance. The introductory chapter does not develop clearly and one has, almost inevitably, a confused picture of wayang kulit and its relationship to other Javanese theatres. The most satisfactory section is that dealing with the dalang, though this is confused by the insertion of descriptions of typical scenes from wayang kulit performances, which have little directly to do with a description of the dalang's role and functions. The last chapter, describing a specially-arranged performance at Mrs. Prawirohardjo's family house, is the least successful. Perhaps here the style of the text is most obviously intrusive, being on occasions chattily housewifely ('It is amazing how efficiently all the preparations are realised with no one person really coordinating things'). There is no

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conclusion to the chapter at all, though the dismantling of the screen and figures and the dispersal of the dalang and musicians at the end of the story merit comment in the same way that the setting up for the performance is elaborated. There is no general conclusion to the whole book either, which just peters out. There is however a helpful and necessary ten page glossary. The difficulty of explaining anything Javanese to the outsider is great: the complex Javanese world is entirely self-contained and self-reflecting. It cannot be said that this book is likely to be very helpful to someone who has not already some acquaintance with this world and the wayang, and such a person is likely to want more than an introduction to the subject. In other words, it falls uneasily between two stools, being neither sufficiently simple nor sufficiently detailed. Firmer editing would have improved matters, in style, order and detail. Lindsay's book is referred to as 'another book in this series by Jennifer Meister', whereas Ms. Lindsay's married name nowhere appears in her volume. The copyright symbol is blacked out in the copy acquired by this reviewer; one wonders why. This series, which one assumes will not be confined to Java, promises more than it has given to date, ·and it is to be hoped that further volumes will not give too little and, unlike the wayang kulit volume, will clearly explain to an outsider the subject with~ut appearing to make it and the culture it is part of almost impenetrable. Michael Smithies

Nanyang Technological Institute, Singapore

REVKJEWS Barend Jan Terwiel, Editor, Seven Probes in South East Asia (Centre for South East Asian Studies, Gaya, India, 1979), pp. 108. One of the central issues of our time is change. Everywhere change has become central to people's awareness. In every society there is technological change, demographic change, rapid ecological change, and change induced by internal incongruities in economic and political patterns and by conflicting ideologies. The fundamental questions relate to what is changing, at what level, and how. Moreover, we want to know what type of change is taking place, and what its magnitude, scope, and direction are. Furthermore, we would like to know what the mechanisms of social change are and to what extent such change affects the lives of the people. This volume of essays is intended to provide the readers with such knowledge. The editor makes it clear in his introduction that "the seven main chapters may be regarded as seven separate 'straws' to show the wind; to wit the wind of change". However, the seven reports on the transformation of rural communities cover only five Southeast Asian countries, namely, Burma, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand. Each essay attempts to report the change that has taken place in each village in the time span of a decade or so (1960's to 1970's). It is basically a "longitudinal" study of each village. However, the methodology employed to study the community varies according to the author's academic orientation. The first report, A Burmese Village- Revisited, by Mya Than, is an attempt to answer the question: "Is there any significant social and economic change in the 1970's in a village in Burma?". The author compared the socio-economic conditions of the village at three points in time, namely, in 1956, 1969 and 1978, and described primarily visible changes in such periods. For example, demographic, occupational, economic, educational, health and administrative changes. The author concludes that "there are no visible changes in the village's economic and social life since 1969". The author also asserts that "social and economic changes in this village will occur at a significantly rapid rate, only when forceful external forces ... are applied continuously. This is due to the fact that the internal generating forces have not been as strong in this village ......". Two reports on Thai villages provide us with different pictures regarding rural changes. The case of B(wn Wad Saancow, by Barend Jan Terwiel, is simply a description of what has happened in the village at two points in time. It is clear from the report that Baan Wad Saancaw has been modernized, As the author puts it: 137

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" .•. It is undoubtedly more comfortable to live in Baan Wad S~ancaw in 1977 than it was in 1967, and those who think back to the 1950's cannot but be grateful for the benefits of technology". (p. 37) Yet, the author seems to admit that material comforts bas brought certain negative "side effects". For example, the village bas become part of a much more intricate larger world and its fate could no longer be determined at borne. Competition for material well-being becomes increasingly tense. People become more individualistic. In sum, the village has lost its rural character and peaceful life and could no longer be self-sufficient. In the case of Baan Taa, Richard Davis reports that there is little change in the village during 1969 and 1977. The argument put forth by the author on why little change bas taken place is very convincing. Those who optimistically believe that rural development, as has been practiced in many parts of the Third World, can realistically improve the quality of life of the majority of villagers without asking the question concerning the distribution of power- be it economic or political, should read this report. Two reports from the Philippines provide us with information regarding the impact of land reform and of urbanization on the improvement of the quality of life of the villagers. The first report, "Land Reform and Rural Transformation", by Jesucita L.G. Sodusta, presents the socio-economic conditions of Paltok village in 1972 (before implementation of the Land Reform Programme) and compared them with those in 1977 (five years after the Land Reform Programme bad been implemented). The author reports that by and large, the implementation of the Land Reform Programme slightly improves the standard of living of the villagers, increases agricultural production and re-structures the socio-economic system of relationships between landowner and tenant. Despite admitting that the Land Reform Programme bas limited success and worse still fails to improve incomes and the standard of living, the author seems to believe that the Land Reform Programme is crucial to the rural transformation process. The second report, "The Capampangan Changing Life-Styles: A Case Study", by Realidad Santico-Rolda, describes the extent to which urbanization changes the life-style of the villagers in Cabetican, Pampanga. The author said that from 1968 to 1978 considerable quantitative change bas taken place in Cabetican. The author also asserts that such changes are attributable to the increasing emphasis on education, migration, and to less emphasis on agricultural production. In other words, such changes are brought about by the urbanization process. It would have been more interesting bad we known to what extent unbanization bas generated socio-economic problems in the village. It's a pity that such a discussion is not presented in the report.

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Dean K. Forbes's "Peasants in the City : An Indonesian Example" deals with the process by which an "informal sector" is created in an urban area. The author examines certain characteristics of a selection of trishaw riders in the city of Ujung Pandang and asserts that it is a part of the transformation of peasant society within the colonial mode of production. The author apparently employs a structuralfunctionalist explanation to such a social phenomenon. The last report, "Problems and Accomplishments: Kampung Asam Riang 1967-1978", by Rosemary Barnard, presents an overview of changes in Kampung Asam Riang that have taken place during the period 1967-1978. Several aspects of quantitative change are reported, for example, population change, employment situation, occupation of women, mechanization of agricultural production and so on. The author contends that such changes are mainly caused by the introduction of government projects such as the irrigation scheme and the change in related infrastructures in the community. This essay is purely a description of what has taken place, in a particular period, in the village. Even though it is clear from the reports that changes have indeed taken place in rural Southeast Asia, many more important fundamental questions need to be asked, particularly, the consequence or the impact of such changes. Many people tend to assume that rural transformation is a "good thing" and uncritically attempt to have it done. For the reviewer, questions like: Does any effort to bring about change originate with the people involved? Does the project strengthen the economic and political power of a certain group, creating a more prosperous enclave, which then becomes resistant to change that might abolish its privileges? Does change generate a shift in power to the powerless ? Does it generate a process of democratic decisionmaking and a thrust toward self-reliance? Does it reinforce dependence on outside sources for materials and skills ? and so on and so forth. Answers to these questions are crucial, for it is evident that most changes that occur in the rural areas are change in form not in context. As we already know, the cause of rural poverty and other related socio-economic problems is not scarcity of agricultural resources, or lack of modern technology. Rather, the root of the cause is the increasing concentration of control over resources in the hands of fewer and fewer people.

Uthai Dulyakasem Faculty of Education, Silpakorn University, Nakorn Pathom

John L.S. Girling, Thailand, Society and Politics (Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1981), pp. 306. Several books have been written by foreign scholars on Thailand or Thai politics, such as John Coast's Some Aspects of Siamese Politics (1953), David Wilson's Politics in Thailand (1962), Fred W. Riggs's Thailand: The Modernization of a Bureaucratic Polity (1966), and Clark D. Neher (ed.)'s Modern Thai Politics (1976). Most of these books are done in the late 1950s or the early 1960s, and become out-ofdate. In the meantime, Thai scholars, who have studied abroad and done their theses on Thai society and politics, start to publish their work, for example, Thawatt Makarapong's History of the Thai Revolution (1972), Thak Chaloemtiarana's Thailand: The Politics of Despotic Paternalism (1979). These books are excellent and add new knowledge and understanding about Thai history and politics, but are narrow in scope or deal with a short time period, or specific aspect of lhai politics. What is needed is the comprehensive analysis of Thai society and politics. Thailand is a complex society and its politics is even more dynamic and fluid than one expects. In analyzing Thai politics, one not only has to unravel the complex relations of values, structure and process, but also, as one scholar puts it, to "dare to think carefully about Thai society, history and culture as a totality." A new book, Thailand, Society and Politics by John L.S. Girting, seems to be the answer to the challenge. This book is published by Cornell University Press as one in the series on Politics and International Relations of Southeast Asia, whose general editor is George MeT. Kahin. The author of Thailand, Societr and Politics, Professor John L.S. Girling of Australian National University, is an "old hand" and has published many articles and books on Southeast Asia. He is also a keen observer of Thai politics. In Thailand, Society and Politics, Prefessor Girting presents his analysis in 7 chapters as the follow-

ing: Chapter I Past and Present-This chapter presents a brief historical evolution of Thai society and the formation of Thai sta[e from Sukhothai, to Ayuthaya and to Ratanakosin or Bangkok period with the emphasis on the influence of the Sakdina system and values as the basis of power, authority and social structure in traditional Thai society. Chapter II Economic Change-Political and Social Implications. This chapter deals with the modernization processes in Thailand in the twentieth century, especially the economic development after the Second World War, and their impacts on contemporary Thai society. 140

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Chapter III Course of Events-A brief description of political events and changes in Thailand from the 1932 Revolution to the present time is presented here. Chapter IV Political structure-This chapter analyzes the dynamic relationship between the military leadership and bureaucratic structure, as well as the emergence of "extrabureaucratic" elements in Thai society, such as political parties, professional associations, academics, and labor groups, etc. Chapter V Political Performance-This chapter focuses the analysis on the October 1973 events and the democratic interregnum between 1974-1976. The reactions after the 1976 coup d'etat is also analyzed. Chapter VI External Involvement-This chapter analyzes Thai foreign relations with respect to the Super powers, and the neighbouring ASEAN as well as Indochinese countries. Chapter VII Revolutionary Alternative- This chapter traces the evolution and expansion of the communist movement in Thailand. The recent dilemma facing the Communist Party of Thailand is also discussed. Professor Girling's Thailand, Society and Politics is well-organized and well written and also quite comprehensive in the coverage. The main theme of the book seems to be based on his earlier work on "Conflict or Consensus?" Thai history is seen here as having been "fashioned around consensus, based on traditional Thai values, patterns of behavior, and institutions-in some aspects adapting to, and in others resisting, the impact of change." (p. II) Such a consensus does not mean simply mutual cooperation. In fact, clique rivalries among the leaders, such as those between Phao and Sarit, are parts of the rules of the game or rather understandings, which form the basis of the traditional Thai consensus. Professor Girling also points out that this consensus is expressed through personality, patronage, customary values, and the embodiment of all three-the bureaucracy, where the relations between superior and subordinate, or '·patron-client" are the natural form of interaction. These personal, reciprocal relationships cut across the "formal" organizational structure of the modern centralized bureaucracy. Thai political system as such "receives the symbolic support of the monarchy and the Buddhist hierarchy." (p. 12). This is the political order that only in the past two decades has been substantially affected by the modernization and economic development. Professor Girling correctly observes (p. 101) that "modernization in Thailand has taken the form of uneven rural development, on the one hand, and business-bureaucratic partnership, on the other, both within an international orbit of powerful strategic and market forces." These forces create newly "aware" groups and movements, in this book called "extrabureaucratic" elements, that no longer fit the traditional political system.

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These new groups' demand and desire for political participation clash with the traditional order and explode in the dramatic ousting of top military leaders in October 1973, thus launching Thai society onto the path of democratic experiment. The experiment lasts for three years and is reversed by the coup d'etat in October 1976, bringing down the fragile structure of democracy. A large number of students, intellectuals, labor leaders, and other "extrabureaucratic" elements left for the jungle to join the Communist Party of Thailand. The coup has the effect of speeding up the process of polarization in Thai society, even though some of its effects has been limited by the present government's moderation; and many who left for the jungle have returned home. Professor Girling believes and I agree with him that Thailand cannot return to the old "accepted" system, because the consensus on which it was based has been lost. The political problem facing Thai political elite now is whether they can create new conditions for rebuilding consensus or not. In addition to this, the fundamental social problem of Thai society, according to Girling, is whether even political consensus is sufficient to carry out, through the existing machinery of government, those rural reforms (notably land redistribution, tenancy laws, availability of credit, and so on), combmed with the administrative reforms (putting an end to "feudal'' attitudes and abuses, subjection to "influence," and bias in favor of the rural and urban elite) that the situation demands. Whether Thai elite can solve these problems remains to be seen. In general, Thailand, Society and Polilics is well-researched and well-balanced in presenting facts and interpretations. Professor Girling should be congratulated for his fine efforts. Although the work relies heavily on secondary sources, this does not reduce the value· of the book. In fact, Professor Girting's perceptive analysis and insightful interpretations make this book one of the best on Thai politics and contribute significantly to the field of Thai studies. A small suggestion here is that the book will be more complete if the formal politicalstructures, central as well as provincial levels, are included for those who are not familiar with the complexities of Thai political structures. In a word, Professor Girting's Thailand, Society and Politics is highly recommended for scholars as well as laymen and others who are interested in Thai society and politics. Chulacheeb Chinwanno

Faculty of Social Sciences, Mahidol University

Somsakdi Xuto, et al, Thailand in the 1980's : Significant Issues, Problems and Prospects (Bangkok: Printing Co-Ordination Co., Ltd., 1981), 84 pages. This is a booklet of four contributors reviewing the socio-economic and political phenomena which had taken place in Thailand from the 1960's to the end of the 1970's with an attempt to forecast what the 1980's Thailand would be like. It is rather a brave as well as dangerous enterprise on the part of prominent Thai scholars, who are quite aware of the nature of their undertaking, when a sentence saying "Some major exogenous factors may change which might affect considerably the course of events, and this is beyond the ability of the present state of arts to predict" is inserted. On the other hand, it seems that some of the so-called "significant issues" and "problems" are perennial within Thai society, such as the characteristics of Thai politics, bureaucracy and economic structure, and will stay with us for years to come. As such, predictability is enhanced to a certain extent. Understandably, a decade-long forecast like this has to be granted a certain degree of imprecision. Also granted is the assumption that the forecastors base their assessment on broad enough indicators yet do not compromise their insight to generality. Population growth occurs unevenly (perhaps, in a sense, evenly) in Thailand owing to the fact pointed out in the study that higher population growth takes place in the northeast and the south while the north and the central plains experience a lower growth rate. This is linked to the need for labour in the former case because mechanization in the agricultural sector is still implicitly low due to rural poverty. In other words, mechanization in agriculture at some stages in the central plains area influences lower population growth. Or does it? It is pointed out that "regional fertility are mostly due to topographical economic and social structural variants", and fertility means population growth. This still seems to be proved by the historical perspective of population growth of Thailand: that is to say, has the central plains remained an area of low population growth throughout? Rightly, population growth and unemployment do not directly correlate. But to play up a demographic element too much will cause misunderstanding. Australia which has zero population growth is facing unemployment. Evidently, the Thai economy since the 1960's has become more and more tied up with "exogenous" factors: capital, market, investment, pricing, credit, money value, industrialization, etc. It is hopeless to see the emergence of independent Thai capitalists. The encroachment of or the irreversible course of Thai economy in relations to world capital and multi-national corporations makes it next to impossible for Thailand to be able to manage her economy the way she might like, to say nothing of various constraints acting upon that policy. How the quasi-developed and undeveloped sectors of the Thai economy will survive is very significant for Thailand. 143

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The bureaucracy has been given a very predominant role in modern Thai politics. In fac~, it has been so since the beginning of the Thai polity. The military is also a bureaucrat. What Riggs called the "constitutive system" in Thai politics will never be able to rival the executive branch of government with the bureaucracy at its command no matter how earnestly we might wish for it. No drastic change that can upturn the present situation is foreseeable in the 1980's Thailand. Party development? How? Through regulations in party bill (s)?

Withaya Sucharithanarugse Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University

Puey Ungpbakorn, A Siamese for All Seasons (Komol Keemthong Foundation, Bangkok, 6 October 1981), pp. 351

Puey Ungphakorn, A Siamese for All Seasons is a collection of articles by and about Dr. Puey Ungphakorn, one of the outstanding leaders of present-day Thailand. The book takes the reader on an exciting journey through recent Thai history, starting with Dr. Puey's experiences in the Free Thai Movement during World War II, his struggles to help build a truly democratic Thailand with a strong and just economy, and his deeply personal views of the events that led up to and through the events of October 1976. For serious students of Thailand who wish to better understand recent Thai history, and who would like to better know one of the figures who played such an important part in that history, this book is a must. Dr. Puey is an economist, and served as Governor of the Bank of Thailand from 1959 to 1971 and later as economic adviser to the government of Mr. Sanya Dharmasakti. He was later to also serve as the Rector of Thammasat University, a post which he was holding when the university was put to siege by rightist elements and many students killed, hanged and burned. Dr. Puey ~eft the country at that time and went to England where he now lives. Included in this book is an article written by a Thai journalist who recently visited Dr. Puey in England, and through that article one can see the fierce love and loyalty which Dr. Puey still holds for his beloved Thailand. Dr. Puey's clear and strong analysis of the Thai situation, and his welcome sense of humor make this book easy reading, yet powerful and thought-provoking.

Max Ediger Church of Christ in Thailand

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Pridi Banomyong, Political and Military Tasks of the Free-Thai Movement to Regain National Sovereignty and Independence (Bangkok: A marin Press, 1981), 79 pages. This is a booklet which Mr. Pridi Banomyong wrote in 1979 in letter-form to Phra Bisal-Sukhumvit after he read the latter's book in Thai entitled "Report of Free Thai His Mission in Kandy, New Delhi and USA" (Bangkok: Thai Khasem Press, 1979). Some crucial points relating to the subtlety of activities pursued by the FreeThai Movement during the Japanese occupation of Thailand in the last war in order to regain independence for Thailand and to salvage Thailand from becoming a war criminal country, are explicated in an impassioned manner. Mr. Pridi takes pain to substantiate virtually most of his statements by non-partisan sources. The main thrust of Mr. Pridi's argument is twofold: (1) armed resistance activities must be carried out in conjunction with vigorous diplomatic initiatives and (2) cooperation of Thai people and officials is indispensable. Admittedly, in this booklet, Mr. Pridi draws more attention to the diplomatic course of action. The validity for this argument is quite evident. Field Marshal Pibul's martial adventures so angered the Chinese that they pressed for the occupation of Thai territory above the sixteenth northern latitude, while the British were as displeased as to want to keep the Thai government's authority outside Thai territory below the twelfth northern latitude. Pridi rightly emphasises significance of the mission to clear up the mess with the Allied Powers. It should be clear here that in the circumstance in which the sovereignty of the nation was at stake, wise and rational thinking as well as diplomatic skill once again came to the rescue, thanks to the predominant role of Pridi. Financial matters connected with the activities of the Free-Thai Movement are also clarified. Granted the secret measures undertaken by the group, it is indeed amazing that things were handled so admirably well. Perhaps it is timely to point out at the present when money seems to be heavily involved in all political acts that political motivation need not be propelled by financial expectations or entail dubious financial manipulation. Mr. Pridi refers too to the rather complicated situation of the period in which groups such as the Communist Party of Thailand were making claims about their role in the event and to the anti-Japanese activities of the local Chinese. Evidently, the CPT's part begs for research. Amazingly, a man of his age (81) Mr. Pridi's quest for truth and knowledge is as vigorous as ever, a quality that transcends all praise.

Withaya Sucharithanarugse Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalogkorn University 146

91

M.R. Nimitmongkol Nawarat, 1eltn11'llel\llJ1fH?l (A Drama: The Emerald's Cleavage), translated from the English by Charnvit Kasetsiri, Introduction by Chaianan Samudvanija (Thammasat University Press, 1981), (24) + 187 pp., paperback. Even in the rather eccentric world of Thai letters M.R. Nimitmongkol Nawarat is an unusual figure. A member of the royal family, he showed considerable interest in democracy, socialism, and more radical political doctrines; though apparently having no foreign education he often wrote, and wrote well, in English; he spent a great part of his adult life in prison an political charges, and yet when not in jail he held various positions in the military and civilian bureaucracy; and when he died, aged less than 40, of illnesses contracted during his imprisonment his cremation was royally sponsored.

In literary terms his career has also been erratic, for it was only with the republication, long after his death in 1948, of his utopian political novel Muang Nimit (original title: Khwamfan khQng nak udomkhati, Dreams of an Idealist) that he came to the attention of a younger generation, and it is upon this work and his autobiographical Chiwit haeng kankabot song khrang (rather freely rendered in English by M.R. Nimit himself as The Victim of the Two Political Purges) that his reputation largely rests. However political authors are particularly prone to leave behind unpublished works (cf. Chit Phumisak), and this is the case with the work under review. Written in English, it was preserved by M.R. Nimit's son and first published in 1974 in Thai translation in the journal Phuan. In the present volume Thammasat Press makes available both the original English text and the Thai translation, augmented by a lengthy introduction by Chai-anan Samudvanija and a biographical section on M.R. Nimit written by his widow for a 1949 memorial volume. The original date of composition is not known, but from internal evidence the setting of the drama is about 1940/41, and it is probably safe to assume that the work was written not long after the period with which it deals. Thus the setting is the first Phibun era, though as Chai-anan correctly observes--and despite the author's highly political earlier writings--this is more or less incidental to the central theme, and the story could have been placed in almost any historical context. Indeed apart from some mention of special courts, with which the author's alleged involvement in the 1933 Bowaradej rebellion and the 1938 'Phya Song Suradej' conspiracy had provided extensive firsthand experience, there are less specific references to the Phibun era than to Wellington Koo and (in somewhat more veiled form) Chiang Kai-chek, references which many presentday readers will find obscure at best. 147

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The real subject however, alluded to in the title but not made explicit until the last of the four acts, is not politics but human nature, and specifically that 'all men are flawed'. The emerald of the title finally makes its appearance in the guise of a rather heavy-handed symbolism: the heroine, Ara, on the verge of leaving her husband Dilok after having discovered his less than spotless past, is wearing an emerald ring. Bairojana, the wise protagonist and voice of the author, makes a pretence of criticizing the ring on the grounds the stone is flawed, suggesting that hence she should discard it; Ara indignantly replies that all emeralds have imperfections, and the reader sees at once, and Ara eventually, that Bairojana's comments really concern not jewelry but her errant husband, and mankind in general. The format of the volume is excellent, with Chai-anan's introduction followed by the biographical section, and finally the text of the drama itself with English and Thai versions on facing pages. This commendably, if perhaps a bit rashly, facilitates comparing the translation with the original text. On the whole the Thai version seems somewhat 'fiat', generally conveying the 'meaning' of the English but often without the 'flavor' of the original, and with little sense of the word-play and verbal sparring that characterize much of the English dialogue (one rather suspects that M.R. Nimit was an avid reader of G.B. Shaw). Thus for example in the exchange over the emerald ring, when Ara comments that it is "inherited" Bairojana's rejoinder is that as it is flawed she "had better disown it"; however in Thai this latter is rendered simply "thoe mai na ja keb man wai" (You ought not to keep it), which hardly does justice to the literary style and balance of the original (pp. 168-169). And at times even the meaning of the English seems to be missed, as in the third act when the black-mailing Supatra complains of cigarette smoke at Bairojana's, and tracking down the source announces "There it--they are fuming" (emphasis added). The reader is to understand of course (as is made explicit on the following page) that she is well aware that Bairojana has just received another visitor, undoubtedly Dilok, who has made a hurri~d departure upon her arrival; the Thai however (Nan ngai Kamlang khwan khamong) gives the reader no indication of the singular/plural distinction and its significance, or even why the cigarette(s) should be mentioned at all (pp. 118-119). What then of the work as a whole? Chai-anan's Introduction draws--one might say 'overdraws' --comparisons with Machiavelli; but then Introductions by their nature are more or less required to make a case for the significance of that which they introduce. The four characters (there are also several servants, serving mainly to set the scene and for comic relief) can hardly be said to 'develop', except in coming to realize the obvious. The symbolism seems a bit contrived and labored, nor is the struc-

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ture particularly distinguished ; indeed by the third act when Dilok is hiding in a bedroom and Supatra in a "telephone box" we are hardly above the level of farce. Perhaps the greatest merit of the work is in the clever and polished dialogues, though as noted above this at times suffers somewhat in translation. And the English text itself has a number of obvious faults, though it is not clear to what degree these are simply misprintings or are reflections of the original text (apparently a pencil draft). In narrowly literary terms then one might say a 'minor' work. But such a judgment does less than justice to author and translator. 'Thai literature' in English is a fairly rare phenomenon, and works of M.R. Nimit even more so, though he was one of the most original and innovative writers of his age. 'The Emerald's Cleavage', as Chai-anan observes, is a significant departure from Nimit's earlier writings, and deserves to be read as both a product and a reflection of the post-1932 political scene. This attractive, inexpensive Thammasat edition is to be commended in making available both the Thai and English texts along with the substantial background materials. It is a valuable work in its own right, and will be even more so if it inspires some scholar to give M.R. Nimit's career and writings the comprehensive study they deserve. Benjamin A. Batson

Asia Center of Japan, Tokyo

William L. Bradley, Siam Then (William Carey Library, Pasadena, California, 1981), pp. 205 including index, notes, acknowledgments, etc. The librarian who is a purist may find it hard to classify the book under review. Perhaps it can best be described as .'history, slightly fictionalized".

However, the em-

phasis must lie heavily on the history aspect, and it is in that section I would place it in my library. The author is a descendant of Dr. Daniel Beach Bradley. It draws on many sources- 'missionary journals, correspondence, printed articles in missionary magazines, and the official records of denominational boards and the National Archives of the United States.' Dr. Bradley himself kept a journal for most of the 38 years he spent in Siam, and it is this and his other writings which provide most of the material. William Bradley states, 'For a number of years prior to his death in 1873 Dr. Bradley published an almanac entitled "The Bangkok Calendar". On two occasions the "Calendar" included his "Reminiscences from a Journal of the Oldest Living Missionary to the Siamese." It is in the style and manner of these recollections that I have cast the series of accounts that constitute this book. Some of the events that follow were observed and reported by Dan Bradley; some were not. Because he saw himself as the spokesman of the foreign community, however, he seems an appropriate narrator of the totality". (Preface). One other important point must be made. The book's sub-title, "The Foreign Colony in Bangkok Befor~ and After Anna" must be taken seriously. Those who seek a description of the Siamese people and administration will not find it here, except for scattered, incidental references. The forty short chapters are described under the rubric "Cast of Characters : The Siamese, The Missionaries, the Bradleys, and Other Foreigners.'', and it can be quickly seen that amongst these the farangs, their ways and their doings, are predominant. That, of course, is not a drawback, but just a sensible limitation imposed by the author on his material. Sometimes, reading this book, one feels that some characters are encountered without adequate introduction, e.g. the French Consul-General, Aubaret, or Charles Redman (first mentioned on page 99, not p. 98 as per index). This drawback is slightly alleviated by pp. xvii-xix of the Preface, where, under the heading "Cast of Characters", very brief notes explain the roles of the "dramatis personae". When all this has been said, we have in this book a most entertaining and informative account of the people and incidents which it records. The style is crisp and clear, avoiding repetitions and wearying detail, and making the people concerned 150

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very real and believable people in their own right, be they seamen, consuls, courtesans, merchants, adventurers, or Anna herself, who comes out of the telling, brief though it is, with dignity and our respect. Above all, this is not a work of hagiology.

The doings and characteristics of

the missionaries, comprising the major part ofthe book, are presented "in the round". We are told not only of their successes, but also of their failings and failures; not only of their united efforts to bring Christ to the Siamese nation, but also of their not infrequent failings out with each other, and their sometimes undignified squabbles and feuds. Like all other expatriates in an isolated situation there was a degree of social claustrophobia which did not always lend itself to mutual appreciation or harmony. Bradley himself may not have been the easiest of men to live with at times. Perhaps because of the book's concentration on the foreign community one sometimes wonders to what extent these first missionaries failed to really identify with the local population, and to what extent this accounts for the very meagre results they obtained in terms of building the Church in Siam into a strong indigenized, Christian community. But this does not deny the vital contribution they made t the nation's life. In the Epilogue William Bradley says: "Dr. Bradley died more than a century ago, but his name is known to every schoolchild in Thailand as the one who introduced Western surgery, vaccination, and the newspaper to their country. His widow spent the remainder of her life in Bangkok, continuing in the printing business that had sustained the family throughout the years. The missionary enterprise was continued through three more generations ..... The story of those Americans who lived in Bangkok a century ago reads like a fairytale now.

Most of them were in their twenties, restless and in

search of adventure, fortunate enough to become the friends of princes and nobles in an exotic land that still entices Americans by its charms For whatever their reasons, they went forth as conquerors, and they all succumbed to a nation that could accept Christianity but remain staunchly Buddhist, welcome democracy but maintain an absolute monarchy, and open its port to foreign trade while preserving a monopoly for its own citizens." The book also contains much that is humorous or quaint to our modern minds. Dr. Bradley is claimed to have written, "Our last day before departure was spent in a delightful visit to the Charlestown Prison, the Insane Asylum and the beautiful new Mt. Auburn Cemetery". Daniel and Emilie had been married less than a month! They sailed on July 1st, 1834, and took more than a year to reach Bangkok. An interesting

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map shows their route, and that of Bradley's second, return trip in 1849. (When they first went, they never expected to see America again, and Emilie never did.). Two other maps, one of Thailand and one of Bangkok are considerably less helpful. There is some evidence of haste in preparing this book for the final stages of its publication. One Index error has already been noted; there may be others. There is also a serious mistake in pagination in the Preface, between pp. xi and xv. Page xiii must be read after page xi, then pages xii and xiv, in that order. The illustrative photographs are excellently reproduced. This is a most readable and interesting insight into the life of the 19th century farang inhabitants of Bangkok, and I warmly recommend it.

Harold F. Gross Bangkok Christian College

George Vinal Smith, The Dutch in Seventeenth-Century Thailand (N. Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies Special Report No. 16, 1977), pp. 203 Published in 1977, this monograph is likely to remain for some time the standard work on Thai-Dutch relations during the Seventeenth Century and on the Siam trade of the Dutch United East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, or V.O.C.). The book's two focal points are the V.O.C, and the kingdom of Ayutthaya. It is therefore likely to be of use both to historians of the Dutch "seaborne empire" and to anyone studying Siamese history. George Vinal Smith's is a pioneering work, the first to use Dutch sources comprehensively, and to present a Dutch point-of-view, in the study of Seventeenth Century Ayutthaya. New factual evidence is brought to light, and new interpretations put forward, making several historical events and episodes far less obscure or muddled than they had appeared. For example, the circumstances surrounding the Pattani rebellion of the 1630s and the background to the ThaiDutch conflict of 1663-1664 emerge more clearly than ever before, thanks largely to the availability of V.O.C. archival documents, and to Dr. Smith's careful study of these invaluable sources. The first chapter of the book is a concise but informative introduction to the "Historical Background" of the period which the author has chosen to study (16041690). It is in the subsequent chapters, however, that the bulk of the new data may be found. Chapter II, on the political history of the V.O.C. in Ayutthaya, is probably of the greatest general interest. Dr. Smith is especially illuminating when dealing with the period during which the Dutch became most involved in Siamese political affairs, a period roughly corresponding with the reign of King Prasatthong (1629-1656). The King asked the V.O.C. for military assistance against his rebellious vassals the Queen of Pattani and the King of Cambodia. In 1634 the V.O.C. sent six: vessels to help the Siamese forces then besieging Pattani, but the Dutch fleet arrived two weeks after the Siamese bad abandoned the siege. In 1644 the Dutch Governor-General asked King Prasatthong for military cooperation in attacking Cambodia, where several Dutchmen had recently been massacred by order of the new Khmer King. King Prasatthong sent some ships to help the V.O.C., but once again the Siamese and Dutch forces failed to find each other. Although little came of these joint operations, it is significant that the V.O.C. valued its commerce in Siam enough to involve itrelf militarily in Siamese foreign/tributary affairs. Batavia wanted a steady supply of Thai rice and coconut oil, and· a hides export monopoly in Siam. An alliance with King Prasatthong was thought to be one way of securing these trade objectives. 153

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Dr. Smith deserves credit for portraying King Prasatthong as much more than a regicidal monster given to bouts of drunkenness. Prasatthong was an able and energetic King. Even Jeremias van Vliet, who has left to posterity a detailed account of Prasatthong's cruelty when seizing the crown, saw fit to praise the usurper's qualities as a ruler. After King Prasatthong's death, the V.O.C. tried to avoid any involvement in Siam's political affairs. Nevertheless Thai-Dutch relations during King Narai's reign (1656-1688) were far from uneventful. Dr. Smith cogently refutes the idea that King Narai was constantly on bad terms with the Dutch, pointing out that only in 1663-1664, and from circa 1682 to 1685, did the V.O.C. have strained relations with the Siamese court. However, the significance of the Dutch blockade of 1663 and the unequal treaty of 1664 is played down rather too much. The August 1664 treaty between Siam and the V.O.C. cannot be interpreted as anything other than a humiliation of the Siamese, and an attempt by the V.O.C. to stop Siamese crown trade to Japan (by forbidding the use of Chinese pilots and crews on the King's ships). The V.O.C. never had any intention of conquering Siam, but King Narai must have retained enough fear of the V.O.C. to have taken seriously the rumours in 1682-1685 tl:lat the Dutch, fresh from their conquest of Bantam, were about to attack Siam. Dr. Smith provides a detailed account and discussion of the V.O.C.'s trade in Ayutthaya, aud of the Seventeenth Century Siamese economy (Chapters III and IV). The V.O.C.'s Siam office was not one of its most important: Siam had neither silk nor spices. These two chapters on the V.O.C.'s commerce in Siam are noteworthy for their accounts of the various markets and types of merchandise in which the V.O.C. competed. The Siamese King emerged as a major competitor of the foreign merchants, for he had at his disposal a great amount of manpower and a system of warehouses and monopolies. The Dutch nevertheless managed to obtain a hides export monopoly from King Prasatthong and a tin export monopoly at Ligor (Nakhon Sithammarat) from King Narai. Having suffered from the monopolistic practices of Phaulkon in the 168Qs, the Dutch must have been relieved to witness the fall of the "Greek mandarin" in the succession conflict of 1688, especially when King Phetracha decided that he would henceforth deal with no European nation other than the Dutch. Although it appears that the V.O.C.'s Ayutthaya trade declined in intensity towards the end of the Seventeenth Century, there was a Dutch presence in Siam right up to the sack of the Siamese capital in 1767. The survival of the V.O.C. in Ayutthaya says much for its employees' ability to adapt to conditions in Siam, an approach which George Vinal Smith calls keeping a "low profile". His chapter on the V.O.C.'s personnel and their interaction with Siamese society and institutions (especially the crown) is full of fascinating informa-

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tion. It constitutes, in fact, a social history of the Dutch in Seventeenth Century Ayutthaya. The Siamese could not have been naive enough to perceive the V.O.C. personnel in Siam as a group of phrai under a nai, but they appreciated the Netherlanders' attempts to conform to their system of hierarchy and manpower organisation. Dr. Smith tells how, from experience, the Dutch learned to maintain this "low profile" while the French made social and diplomatic faux pas. He also corrects the impression that the French were the ones who supplied King Narai with all things European. The V.O.C. often obliged the King by supplying him with scientific tools, luxury goods, and skilled personnel. The French arrived in Siam much later than the Dutch, and supplied the Siamese court with fewer artisans. Last but not least, Dr. Smith's work establishes once and for all the importance of Dutch sources in the study of Ayutthaya history. His Appendix I is an excellent survey of Dutch sources on Seventeenth Century Siam, bringing to our attention hitherto neglected works such as those by Gijsbert Heecq and Joannes Keijts. Matters of authorship and authenticity are also cleared up. For instance, Dr. Smith convincingly argues that the "Desfarges" account of the 1688 upheavals was indeed wdtten by the French commander, and not by a Dutchman. He also raises strong objections to the validity of Jan Struijs' highly coloured account of Siam as a primary source .. The most important sources, however, are the V.O.C. archives at the Algemeen Rijksarchief in The Hague. The author rightly emphasizes the special value of the Overgekomen Brieven collection, The documents in this collection, mostly written in Ayutthaya, are necessarily limited in the scope of their subject-matter, being in the main merchants' letters. Nevertheless the V.O.C. records form the most complete set of archives relevant to the history of Siam from 1604 to circa 1765. George Vinal Smith's book will surely inspire more historians to use Dutch source material in their study of Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Siam. Dhiravat na Pomhejra

School of Oriental and African Studies, London University ·

Klaus Wenk, Tbe Art of Motber-of-pearl in Thailand, German and English, English translation by Sean and Elisabeth 0' Loughlin (Inigo von Oppersdorff Publishers, Zurich,. Switzerland, 1980), Illustrated, pp. 140 Although the art of mother-of-pearl inlay is usually counted among the "secon.; · dary arts", perhaps because a large portion of it is handicraft, it is yet surprising that literature on it should' be so scarce, considering the intriguing character and effect of this material and the wide range of its application. This is particularly true in the case of Thailand whose mother-of-pearl art has been neglected abroad even more than Thai art in general, compared to the affluence of. what has been published on the arts of other Asian countries. Such an indifference seems both regrettable and unwarranted. We do find in Thailand examples of mother-of-pearl art creations, as for instance at the Ubosot of the Wat Phra Chetuphon in Bangkok, which are outstanding not merely for their subtle craftsmanship and almost incredibly delicate treatment of this brittle material but, for the exquisite beauty of the artists' conceptions and the splendour of every detail filled with a live, iridescent, almost unearthly beauty attained by hardly any other technique. All the more welcome is a volume published recently under the title 'The Art of J:Jother-of-pearl in Thailand'. It is a valuable addition to the by now impressive series of works on Thai art by Dr. Klaus Wenk, Professor of Hamburg University, Germany, a man who combines a passionate dedication to the Thai genius with a scrupulously discriminating scholarly mind. It may be mentioned here in parentheses that Wenk, after completing his juridical studies and being comfortably installed as a young lawyer chanced to come acrn~r ,.,... - and was so struck by it that he abandoned nai studies, holding today the Chair for Languhis profession t" ~ at his University and enjoying a reputation as ~ field. volume presents samples of all possible applications of ation, from objects of everyday use like small boxes l, trunks or chests (Ciet), tobacco boxes (hip huri muk), r9ng pr'adap muk), and so forth; to the containers for uk, and tatum), or to a bride or highly placed personages;· .ases; monks' chairs, throne seats and regalia ; all the way . which those at Wat Phra Chetuphon are as crowning achi;;ixteen magnificent plates. The subtle colours and iridescent .ifully in the photographs of high quality for which the Swiss publisher Jm 5 .... vn Oppersdorff is well known. 156

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The author, iti modest scholarly understatement, defines as his intention merely to offer "a stimulus and an introduction" to further studies in this field. He refers to the existing works of Thai authors like Luong Wisansinlapakam, Somphop Phirom and others listed in his bibliography. But the significance and merit of Wenk's book seems rather that, in preparing it, he sifted and probed all the existing knowledge on Thai mother-of-pearl art and assembled in this slender volume whatever could be termed scientifically certified. His hope, evidently, is that on these solid, if measured, foundations others may feel encouraged to build and enlarge. How slim this basis is as yet in some areas become most apparent in the historical chapter. Wenk"s principal conclusions are that, although mother-of-pearl was used . for decoration already in the Dvaravati period, there is no line of development from there to the "Footprint of the Lord Buddha" in the Chiangmai Museum, nor to the Ubosot doors of Wat Phra Chetuphon in Bangkok ; that, contrary to other fields of art, we have no evidence thus far of any neighbouring country's influence on Thai motherof-pearl art, prior to the Ratanakosin period; and that, with very few objects of this art datable, there is only one rather reliable historical dividing line : the earlier, ornamen tal period before the Chetuphon doors, and a late period from then on, turning to more naturalistic forms and to scenic representations. What the book brings out clearly is that the Ratanakosin era did not merely achieve a development of the formal elements in mother-of-pearl art but, a nearly revolutionary change of conception. Whereas the classic style is almost entirely decorative, with an overwhelming predominance of geometric and plant-derived forms, sometimes ending up in stylized mythical heads or figures, the new style attempted in its masterpieces the presentation of vivid scenes of action set in complete landscapes, in the manner and style of classical Thai painting. It is not surprising that in thisconsidering the material- utterly ambitious proposition some of the new creations did not at once attain to the harmonious perfection of the decorative style at its best, such as we find it for example in the doors of the Phra Monthop Phd1 Phutha Bat at Saraburi. What one marvels at is rather that by carving brittle shells one should have succeeded in vying with the delicacy and elegance of the nimble pencil or pen. A magnificent mother-of-pearl creation of an entirely different kind is reproduced and commented on in conclusion. It is a dance mask of Hanuman embellished by lavish application of this material- a decorative piece not for actual use. Only four of these precious masks exist, two of them old, of which one is in the possession of His Majesty the King, the other one of the National Museum in Bangkok. The mask reproduced in the book is one of the only two built by a contemporary master, the late Nai Chit Kiudiiongcai. It is in the possession of the author and was built in 1970 at the request of H.H. Prince Ajavadis Diskul, to the memory of whom the book is also dedicated.

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A detailed description of the manufacturing processes for mother-of-pearl art, including a brief comparison with Chinese and Vietnamese techniques, gives an impression of the enormously labour-intensive character of this craft and some indication for the superior quality of Thai-produced work. Being published in English, in addition to German, the book is accessible to a wide audience. Those outside Thailand will find it helpful that a chapter has been added to introduce the reader to the kr'fzcang and especially kranok ornaments in their various forms recurring in all mother-of-pearl designs. All in all, this volume should be warmly welcomed by both Thais and Westerners because it opens up to the outside world another field of art in which the Thai genius has excelled. It may even be that such an enhanced reputation abroad might kindle, not altogether superfluously, a broader attention to, and appreciation of, this precious heritage in Thailand itself. In any case, the author and his publisher, after a series of works in a similar vein, most notable among them the monumental opus Mural Paintings in Thailand, have added another distinguished feather to their already well-bedecked caps.

Volkmar Zueh/sdorff

Santosh Nagpaul Desai, Hinduism in Thai Life (Popular Prakashan Private Ltd., Bombay 1980), pp. 163. Reading Hinduism in Thai Life by Prof. (Mrs.) S.N. Desai reminds me of a poem written by that illustrious son and savant of India, Rabindranath Tagore, on the occasion of his visit to Thailand (then Siam) in 1927. The last stanza of that poem entitled "To Siam" reads: "I come, a pilgrim, at thy gate, 0 Siam, to offer my verse to the endless glory of India sheltered in thy home, away from her own deserted shrine~ to bathe in the living stream that flows in thy heart, whose water descends from the snowy height at a sacred time on which arose, from the deep of my country's being, the Sun of Love and Righteousness." The underlining is mine. Readers will kindly forgive my impudence for I just want to point out "the glory of India" that inspired Tagore to compose the above poem and dedicate it to Siam. In her preface to the book under review, Prof. Desai writes that during her four-year stay in Thailand, she "acquired a knowledge of and developed a warm feeling for Thai religious and cultural life." I presume that this "warm feeling" on the part of the authoress, though not expressed in the same vein as Tagore did half a century ago, moved her in no small measure to bring out the present book. In any case, there is no denying the fact that countries of South-east Asia have been in cultural contacts with India since ages past. Georges Coedes, the renowned French archaeologist of Indo-China and Thailand, says that these contacts date back to the early centuries before the Christian era. If language is to be any criterion of such contacts, Thailand, among countries of South-east Asia, perhaps, has been in very close cultural relations with India, for there is a significantly high percentage of Sanskrit and Pali words in the Thai language, especially so iri respect of literary Thai and terms for technical expression. Indeed, without the component of Sanskrit and Pali vocabulary, the Thai language would not be what it is today. "The object of this book is to .assess the role of the Hindu traditions in Thai life--their functional value, their significance to the Thai, and the extent to which they were modified," writes Prof. Desai at the very commencement of her preface. Accordingly, Hinduism in Thai Life is divided into six chapters, namely: 159

Karuna Kus~~aya

160

I. Thai History and Archaeology: Evidence of Indian Contacts II. Thai Religion, Festivals and Ceremonies : Elements of Hinduism III. Thai Political Theory: The Hindu Components IV. Thai Literature: The Rama Story, The Hindu Religious Epic V. The Ramakirti and the Non-Valmiki Versions of the Rama Story: In India ' and in other countries of South-east Asia VI. Conclusion Each of the above chapters deals cogently with the subject concerned. To those not familiar with Sanskrit and Pali terms, the book may prove a little irksome. But thoughtful readers will sympathize with the authoress since books on such subjects could hardly be written without referring to Sanskrit texts and sources. Coming from a Brahmin family, herself a professor of Hinduism and Buddhism. and, above all, having studied the subject on the spot, Prof. Desai is fully merited to undertake this scholarly job. The authoress took great pains to explain the elements of Hinduism in Thai religion, festivals and ceremonies in Chapter II, and in Chapter III dealing with the Hindu components in Thai political theory, we find her exerting the same efforts. In Chapter IV, a careful comparison is made between the Ramakirti, the Thai Ramayana. and the Sanskrit Ramayana of Valmiki. The comparison sheds useful and interesting information with regard to differences in vario11:s aspects of the Thai Ramayana and ihe Ramayana of Valmiki. Chapter Vis even more interesting because here the Ramakirti is cOmpared with the non-Valmiki versions of the Rama story prevalent in India as weli as in other countries of South-east Asia, such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. Finally, in Chapter VI, we have the authoress' conclusion of her Hinduism in Thai Life which sums up as follows: "Hinduism has .existed in Thailand in a syncre~istic relationship with Theravada Buddhism since the pre-Thai period (at least since the fifth century B.C.) •.•.... The roie of Hinduism, therefore, is subordinate and peripheral to Buddhism. Hinduism . exists not as a total tradition as it does in India; rather it is there in a piece-meal way, lacking in depth, structure, inner unity and cohesiveness. . ..•.•.• But that Hinduism in this modified form is universally encountered and all pervasive in Thai life is, on the other hand, beyond question." Dr. Ainslie T. Embree, Professor of Indian Studies, Columbia University, in his foreword to the book, writes of the authoress as follows:

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"In her (Prof. S.N. Desai's) writing, there is none of the cultural chauvinism that has characterized much writing of this kind, for she writes from a warm understanding of both Indian and Thai cultures that prevents her from making easy value judgements." The above view of Dr. Embree will be readily shared by anyone who goes through the book reflectively. Apart from the copious bibliography and glossary of Sanskrit terms, the book is furnished with useful appendices and an index. Notwithstanding typographical errors appearing in several places, Hinduism in Thai Life is heartily recommended to all those interested in the subject.

Karuna Kuaalasaya Thai Bharat Lodge, and Silpakom University

Heinz Bechert, Editor, Die Sprache der altesten buddhistischen Vberlieferung. The Language of the Earliest Buddhist Tradition (Symposien zur Buddhismusforschung II) (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1980), 193 p. (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse. Dritte Folge 117). In contrast to the first symposium held under the auspices of the Academy of Sciences at Gottingen and organized by Heinz Bechert Bupdhism in Ceylon and Studies on Religious Syncretism in Buddhist Countries (1978), the second meeting has· concentrated on a much narrower and more precisely defined subject: the language of the earliest Buddhist tradition. Eight contributions, five in English, two in German and one in French, are framed by a general introduction to the subject and abstracts of the discussions that succeeded each paper. The "Introduction" and the "Allgemeine Bermerkungen" (General Remarks), both by Heinz Bechert, furnish an excellent guide to the present state of research reached and the methods applied in dealing with the problems of historical linguistics in early Buddhist texts. Within the twenty years since the posthumous publication of H. Liiders' {1869-1943) fundamental book Beobachtungen uber die Sprache des buddhistischen Urkanons (Observations on the language of the original Buddhist canon) (1954), the contents of which have been summed up conveniently in English by M.A. Mehendale, Some Aspects of Indo-Aryan Linguistics (1968), the idea of an original canon, from which all existing canonical Buddhist texts are derived somehow or other, has become more and more doubtful. Therefore the word "Urkanon" has been banished from the headline of this symposium, as it is dropped from the discussion on linguistic and literary problems. Thus the discussion focusses on· the means and ways of how to get a clearer picture of the lost language or languages at the time of the Buddha. One of the major difficulties, which has yet to be overcome, is the lack of an investigation similar to Li.iders' work into the earliest language used by the Jains. The articles of Ludwig Alsdorf (1904-1978), to whom this volume is dedicated, "Ardha-Magadhi" and of Colette Caillat "La Langue Primitive du Bouddhisme" (the original language ofBuddhism) deal with this aspect, while K.R. Norman "The Dialects in which the Buddha Preached" tries to reconstruct different dialects used by the Buddha on different occasions from the wording of parallel passages known from the Northern and Southern Buddhist traditions and showing a similar, but not an identical Text. At the same time he tries to revive the opinion of Hermann Oldenberg (1854-1920) that the home of Pali is 162

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to be found in Eastern rather than in Western India as generally assumed now. Both proposals met with some doubt and criticism at the conference as can be gathered from the discussion in the respective appendix to this volume (on the home and early history of Pili see also my forthcoming article "Pili as an Artificial Language" to be published in Indologica Taurinensia 9. 1982). John Brough again very carefully investigates the much debated sakkaya niruttiya and chandaso aropetulp in the Cullavagga of the Vinayapitaka with the result that the latter probably means "Vedic" especially in the light of the Chinese translations of the relevant pas~age. Later views on language held by the Buddhists themselves are examined by Akira Yuyama "Bu-ston on the Language Used by Indian Buddhists at the Schismatic Period". Finally Gustav Roth re-edited the Sanskrit version of the Dhammapada found in Tibet by Rihula Sank~tyiyana and preserved today in Patna thus superseding the earlier edition by N.S. Shukla (1979). This article also surveys the "Particular Features of the Language of the Arya-Mahasimghika-Lokottaravidins and Their Importance for Early Buddhist Tradition". Ernst Waldschmidt describes the present state of knowledge in the field of "Central Asian Siitra Fragments and Their Relation to the Chinese Agamas". This contribution also contains a re-edited text: the Mahasamija-siitra found at Turfan. The equally high standard of all articles and the brillant survey of the research done on this subject during the last two decades make this book indispensable reading for everybody who wants to work in the field of Pili or early Buddhist languages and literature in general. (A more detailed review by J.W. de Jong has appeared in the Indo-Iranian Journal 24, 1982, 215-218; a second one by myself discussing especially the relation of Pili and Vedic is forthcoming in lndogermanische Forschungen).

Oskar von Hinuber Orientalisches Seminar Der Universitiit Freiburg- lndologie

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Wl~l1')f'J'j~ti ( lh~~'VIi ~~~ 1~ ),

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"I"~. I ~ lJGJHrnu lil'jlJ 1'VIff'U1 lJ'lfnJlJ1IJfJIJ'VI1 'l17a

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(The Venerable Phra Rajavaramuni (Payu!to), Buddhadhamma)

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"'' ,j I "'' ,j ~.={ ) WlJW1NtJUWl WlJWfll\I'VI 1 fi~\11'VIW o'! W.ff. 2525-Bangkok, I 982 , pp. 940

In 1971 the Textbook Project on Social Sciences and Humanities under the chairmanship of Dr. Puey Ungphakorn produced two big tomes as afestshcrift in honour of H.R.H. Prince Wan's 80th birthday anniversary. Among the scholars invited to write all those learned articles, there was only one monk, the Ven. P. Payutto who. was then Phra Srivisudhimoli, deputy secretary general of Maha Chulalongkorn Buddhist University. His writing 'Buddhadhamma' was the longest (206 pages) and was considered the best article in the two volumes. Hence he was invited to deliver it in a concised form as a special lecture on the Prince's birthday at Thammasat University's Auditorium. The article was later published separately as a book in itself. The book Buddhadhamma made a real impact on the Thai Buddhist community: for the first time Buddhism was explained with such clarity that even Thais who were trained traditionally in Buddhist monastic schools as well as those who were educated abroad both could easily understand it. They found it beautifully written and extremely stimulating. Since then the book had been reprinted on a number of occasions, especially for free distribution at cremation ceremonies. Most Buddhist clubs at various univer sities prescribed the book as a handbook for those who wished to study the Dhamma seriously. In the first edition, the learned author only explained two main parts of Buddhism namely (1) The Principles concerning the Truth which is the core of Nature, and (2) The Middle Path, or the way of practice to reach the ulti~ate truth. Yet each part is explained with such profundity. For instance, in the first part, he began by asking 'What is Life?' Then_ he explained the five aggregates in detail and with rationality so that those who had no knowledge of Buddhism would be able to understand the Buddhist analysis of the so called 'Mind and Body' into Corporeality, Feeling or Sensation, Perception, Mental Formations or Volitional Activities and Consciousness. This is the basic concept in Buddhism which is much misunderstood not only in the West but in this country as well. This section in itself is worth translating into English. Another question the author posed was 'How is Life?' and he answered this by explaining the Three Signs of Impermanence, Conflict and Non-self or Soullessness. To understand this, again, is to understand the essential teaching of the Buddha concerning the universe and it natural phenomena, including the so-called self. 164

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The author then asked 'How life comes into being?' and he answered this by explaining the Law of Dependent Origination or Conditionality. This is the essence of Buddhist philosophy, which denies the First Cause or the Causa Causan. This law is the most difficult and the most profound. One Supreme Patriarch of the Thai Sangha . even admitted that he could not understand this properly. All schools of Buddhism .stress and explain this law or principle. In Theravada Buddhism alone, there are so many commentaries and sub-commentaries on this. If one understands this thoroughly, then one would appreciate the Middle Path and could really proclaim oneself a true Buddhist. Otherwise one could easily fall into a trap, emphasising such as Extreme Realism, Nihilism, Eternalism, Annihilationism, Self-Generationism or Karmic Autogenesisism. Unfortunately, too many so-called Buddhists in this country make one of these errors. Among contemporary Thai Bhikkhus, the Venerable Buddhadasa and the Venerable P. Payutto seem to be among the very few who could explain this very delicate law for a wide audience. Both rely heavily on Pali canonical works of the Buddha more than on commentaries or sub-commentaries, although they also consult them. Part 2 dealt with guidelines for practice in order that life could be led in accordance to the Middle Path, i.e. all would be harmonious according to the law of nature. The author began by asking 'What should life be?' He then answered the question by explaining the Noble Eightfold Path in detail. Right and wrong views as well as right and wrong practices were stressed and explained clearly. Within less than one hundred pages, the author managed to present these very delicate matters to readers in a clear and concise manner. His explanation was orthodox yet so rational and convincing that one could not help but marvel at his grasp of the Dhamma and the lucid way in which he expounded it. The first edition ended here, although the author felt that the complete Buddhadhamma should consist of two more parts, namely - Part 3 : dealing with liberation i.e. the meaning of life after the ultimate end. What would be the meaning and condition of that ultimate end, as well as its value for those who achieved that state; Part 4: the practical purpose of the Middle Path i.e. how should individuals and society function by applying these Principles for daily life both for carrying out daily activities as well as for educating members of the younger generation in order that all could live together as happily and harmoniously as possible. The learned author has since been promoted by H.M. the King to his present title-Phra Rajavaramuni (the Best Sage for the Sovereign). He was invited to teach once at Swarthmore College and once at Harvard University. Although he resigned from the abbotship of his monastery at Wat Prapirendra in Bangkok and from the

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deputy general-secretaryship at his Buddhist University in order to fulfill his wishes in completing the book, he was unable to do so for a decade, partly because of his commitments to other writings and to his duty as a monk in helping laymen in their spiritual needs. Besides, he was not in good health. So it was a great joy to most of us when the complete and revised edition of

Buddhadhamma was published in 1982. Despite difficulties and imperfections in printing as well as a lack of index (which is very crucial), I, for one, feel that the book is certainly the most welcome event in the Thai publishing context. As for all the minu~ points they could easily be overcome in. the next edition which, one is certain, will be soon. Indeed its publication this year is a very good omen too as it coincides with the two hundredth anniversary of Bangkok. It should be translated (even in a concised form) into English. Then it would be the best gift from Siam to the world, as the Buddha says, the gift of Dhamma is the best gift of all. So many farangs attempt to understand Thai Buddhism through existing academic disciplines. With this book, anyone can understand Theravada Buddhism about as well as the best contemporary Thai Buddhist scholar. I feel this is the best single volume on Buddhism ever written in any language.

The Three Worlds of King Ruang offerred the best explanation of Buddhism during the Sukhothai period, which unfortunately was distorted for the purpose of the ruling elite. Kijjanuktj was the best expose of the Thai worldview of the last century which Chao Phya Divakaravamsa relied heavily on for his understanding of Buddhism to show that we were not inferior to the farang, especially after so many attacks by missionaries. Alabaster put forward the essence of Kijjanukij in his book The Wheel of the Law. Unf.Jrtunately King Mongkut never wrote his magnum opus on Buddhism. His son, the Prince Patriarch Vajirafiana, wrote many books on many aspets of Buddhism, but he never wrote a single volume on the whole Buddhist Philosophy and its practice like this one. Let us· hope therefore that someone will do justice to Buddhadhamma soon, by translating it into English. In the 1982 edition of Buddhadhamma, the Venerable author did not divide the book into 4 parts. In fact, he still divided it into 2 main parts as previously, but he more or less answered all the points which he felt should be answered. The subtitle Buddhadhamma still remains the same-The Law of Nature and Its Values for Life. However, he expanded it sixfold. In this edition, the author still referred to Pali texts-not only to the Thai and Roman scripts but also to the Burmese edition. He also consulted and sometimes contradicted English books on Buddhism by giving definite and precise points when he was sure that those authors had gone wrong. Yet he does so in an inoffensive manner.

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In part I, the first chapter dealing with the Five Aggregates has been much expanded, especially in dealing with memory and mindfulness, as well as with consciousness and knowledge. At the end of this chapter and of every chapter the author always refers to ethical values on that topic. And at every chapter, there is an appendix for scholars who wish to pursue some points further. Chapter 2 deals with the six senses-doors (eyes, ears, nose, tongue, body and mind) and the three channels of action (bodily, speech, mind). This is an addition. Chapters 3 and 4 deal with the Three Signs and Dependent Origination as in the first edition, but Chapter 4 is much expanded by referring to the Nikayas as well as the Abhidhamma, since there has been much controversy lately among Thai Buddhist scholars on this very topic and the Ven. Buddhadasa was the centre of this controversial issue. Perhaps this Chapter will help to clarify the issue. Chapter 5, dealing with Karma, is a long addition to the new edition. As the Law of Karma is very important and is usually misunderstood, it is quite right that the learned author spends much time explaining the law of act and result or moral laws (karmic laws). He differentiates this from (1) law of energy or law of physical phenomena, (2) law of hereditary or biological laws, (3) psychic law or psychological laws, and (4) the general law of cause and effect, or order of the norm. This Chapter has been thoroughly explained with long quotations from the Discourses of the Buddha, since it deals with the Theory of Rebirth too. Without proper understanding, one could easily commit the wrong view of past lives and future livesnot to mention the prevailing misconception ~1fit~t®~ (doing good without any good result). The author explains about good, goodness, good result etc. with lucidity. Anyone who has read G.B. Moore's Principia Ethica will appreciate the Buddhist approach to ethical language. The first five chapters in Part I have been divided into 3 sections: (1) What is Life? {2) How is Life? (3) How Life comes into being? This is on the main the same as in the first edition. In this new edition, the author adds section (4) How Life should be? Chapter 6 deals with Knowledge, Liberation, Purity, Peace and Nirvana. Chapter 7 deals with the state and stages of those who achieve Nirvana. Chapter 8 deals with the practice in order to achieve various stages of Nirvana-i.e. Mindfulness of Calm, Insight, Liberation through the Mind and Liberation through Wisdom. Chapter 9 explains the main principles in helping one to achieve Nirvana. And Chapter 10 concludes about Nirvana.

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Chapters 6 to 10 are the most profound and difficult. Those who have difficulty in reading The Path of Purification (Visuddhimagga}, The Path of Liberation (Vimuttimagga) and Questions of King Milinda will find these chapters a great help. For those who come across serious Buddhism for the first time, if they understand the first 5 chapters or have read the first edition of Buddhadhamma thoroughly, they will understand and appreciate these five chapters better. Chapter 11 to 15 are called 'Additional Articles' starting with explaining about life and basic quality of the four divisions of the Noble Disciples: Stream Enterer, Once-Returner, Non-Returner and the Worthy One (Arahant}. An appendix on this chapter deals especially with Dana or Generosity, which is the first step in practising Buddhism. Chapters 12, which is still in section 4, deals with Morality and Society. This chapter is very relevant especially for those who think Buddhism only dealt with individual salvation. In fact this chapter explains clearly social responsibility of those who study and practise Buddhadhamma. The Buddhist concept of development is also dealt with. Chapter 13 deals with "extraordinariness", beyond ordinary perception, such as miracles and other beings, like ghosts and gods or other worlds, subjects which those who want to make Buddhism rational often tend to overlook. Yet the author explains this rationally just as he explains other matters and phenomena. · This is according to the canonical Texts as expounded by the Buddha himself, indeed it is The Miracle of Being Awake as Thich Nhat Hanh puts it. Chapter 14 deals with Motive or Aspiration for Moral life. This is particularly interesting because it is this idea that is most often subject to misinterpretation. Because the Buddha taught us to get rid of craving, people think that in order to be detached, one must not have any incentive, one should sit still and be inactive. Nothing is further from the truth. The whole Buddhist threefold training on Morality, Mindfulness and Wisdom is in fact to set one in the right frame of mind for proper action. Indeed the path of accomplishment or basis for success, both for worldly gains and spiritual attainments, must begin with willingness or proper motivation. Then one must direct one's energy, effort or exertion toit. After that one must use active thought, or apply thoughtfulness to each action-whether mind, speech or body. In addition, investigation, testing, examination or reasoning are needed in order to accomplish the desired result.

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Chapter 15 deals with Happiness in its various aspects and levels.

It starts

with the ·sensual realm which could actually be harmful, to non-sensual happiness which could be attaifled through the practice of mindfulness in various aspects of Jhanic meditation, for instance, the First Three Absorptions include Happiness, whereas the Fourth Absorption only has two qualities-Equinimity and one-pointedness of mind. One must realize of course that Buddhism wants to lead those who practise Dhamma to walk on beyond Happiness to Liberation. Part II of the new edition starts with Chapter 16, which has a long introduction on the Middle Path or the Noble Eightfold Path. Having understood the map of the Middle Path, one is ready to walk along the way, and the essential element for the wayfarer is Good Friends.

Indeed the Buddha

regards himself only as a Good Friend who could but point out the way.

At this

stage, one should hear or learn from others or be induced by others-namely Good Friends who know the Path and who could point out the way. Bhikkhus, teachers and meditation masters can all be regarded as Good Friends. Once one is convinced of the way, one has faith or confidence to walk on that path. The whole of chapter 17 deals with Good Friends in all aspects. Then Chapter 18 deals with directing one's thoughts in order to develop wise consideration. If chapter 17 deals with counsel or advice from others, then this chapter deals with developing one's own frame of mind. In Buddhism, these twin aspects are crucial prerequisites for the noble life.

To me, no one has explained those two main pillars

of Buddhism as clearly as is done in this book. Chapter 19 deals with wisdom, i.e. Right View and Right Thought. 20 deals with Morality i.e. Right Speech, Right Action and Right Livelihood. aspects are taken into full

co~sideration.

Chapter Social

Chapter 21 is about Mindfulness or the rest

of the Noble Eightfold Path, namely Right Effort, Right Mindfulness and Right Concentration. This chapter in itself can be a useful handbook for intellectuals who wish to practise meditation, as it gives the theoretical framework as well as good guidelines for putting theory into practice. The last chapter-chapter 22-summarises the whole Buddhadhamma in its essence, namely the Four Noble Truths. The reader who pursues the book to its end will surely understand Buddhism much more thoroughly.

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The book will make a new person of the reader. Even if he still clings to his 'self' and may not be much better spiritually, he will surely have a new and deep understanding of the Buddha and his teachings. Non-Buddhists who read this book need not be converted but would appreciate Buddhism better as a philosophy, a religion and a noble way of life. This book may thus be proclaimed as the best expose of the whole corpus of essential teaching of Theravada Buddhism in Thai ever written.

S. Sivaraksa Asian Cultural Forum on Development. Bangkok

Dialogue, Vol. 8 : Buddhist-Christian Renewal and the Faith of Humanity (Ecumenical Institute for Study & Dialogue,

Colombo~

Sri Lanka, 1981)

Buddhist-Christian Studies, Vol. 1 (East-West Religions Project, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii, 1981) These two volumes have been published as a result of the international conference of religious students, scholars, and teachers held at the University of Hawaii in June 1980 and sponsored by the University of Hawaii Department of Religion, the Hawaii Council of Churches, and the Hawaii Buddhist Council. Dialogue contains seven papers presented at the conference, each emphasizing the new awareness resulting from interfaith dialogue between Buddhism and Christianity: 1. "Interfaith Dialogue as a Source of Christian-Buddhist Renewal: Creative Transformation" by Paul 0. Ingram. The encounter between divergent beliefs can serve as a source for spiritual renewal. Interfaith dialogue presents an opportunity for greater knowledge and insight when we relate to one another based on our common humanity as persons, not merely through such abstract labels as "Christian", "Buddhist", "Hindu", or "Muslim". 2. "Reformist Buddhism in Thailand, Bhikkhu Buddhadasa" by Donald K. Swearer and Sulak Sivaraksa*. Bhikkhu Buddhadasa, a controversial reformist monk, reinterprets the Buddha's tc!achings according to contemporary life. This article explains the basic structure of his philosophy, the reformulation of basic Theravada teachings, and his critique of Thai Buddhism. 3. "Dialogue: Spiritual Transformation", by Donald K. Swearer, examines the life and teachings of two modern religious spokesmen : Thich Nhat Hanh and Thomas Merton. 4. "Buddha, Man and God", by Hsueh-li-Chang, presents a discussion of Buddhism in relation to the existence of a theistic god. Additional essays include: 5. "The Ethic of the Dhammapada and the Sermon on the Mount" by Roy C. Amore; 6. "Dialogue of World Religions" by Arvind Sharma; 7. "Mother Teresa's Boundless Compassion and Voluntary Poverty: An Evaluation by a Buddhist" by Neville Gunaratne. Buddhist-Christian Studies, a scholarly journal based on historical research and contemporary religious practice, has evolved in response to the enthusiasm generated from the University of Hawaii conference. The first annual issue consists of nine papers:

* This article was reprinted as a booklet by

Suksit Siam, Bangkok, to mark the 50th anniversary of Suan Mokh (The Garden of Liberation) which was created by Buddhadasa Bhikkhu on 27 May 1932.

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Terry A. Silver

1. "A Framework for Buddhist-Christian Dialogue" by Donald K. Swearer. A radical, personal transformation and acceptance of moral responsibility for the welfare of humankind is central to both Buddhism and Christianity. 2. "Buddhist-Christian Dialogue: Past, Present and Future" by Masao Abe and John Cobb (interviewed by Bruce Long). The establishment of a spiritual foundation for the realization of a deeper religious dimension can be attained only by cutting through "innate" conceptual and cultural patterns. This article mentions some of the difficulties regarding the character of the contemporary Buddhist-Christian encounter. 3. "The Pluralistic Situation and . the Coming Dialogue Between the World Religions" by Peter Berger. The religions of modern technological society must progress beyond mere tolerance of one another and inquire into the deeper truth that underlies them. The Buddhist-Christian dialogue provides an immense challenge for attempting to answer the most profound questions of human existence. Additional essays include: 4. "Christians, Buddhists and Manichaeans in Medieval Central Asia" by Hans-J. Klimkeit; 5. "Bengal Blackie and the Sacred Slut: A Sahajayana Buddhist Song" by Lee Siegel; 6. "Buddhist Attitudes toward Women's Bodies" by Diana Y. Paul; 7. "Feminism from the Perspective of Buddhist Practice" by Rita Gross; 8. "The Cloud of Unknowing and the Mumonkan: Christian and Buddhist Meditation Methods" by Robert Aitken; 9. "The Cloud of Unknowing and the Buddhist Logic of Not-Two" by Masaaki Honda. "We have arrived at the most serious crisis point the civilized world has ever known. Threatened by overpopulation and food shortages, the possibility of widespread chemical contamination, the prospect of atomic holocaust, international political confrontation, and the dissolution of traditional communal structures and values, some reel in confusion, others react with mindless violence, while still others, anticipating the apocalypse, retreat to self-sufficient exis~ence cut off from a world apparently gone insane."l Dialogue and Buddhist-Christian Studies provide a challenge for those seeking a deeper and more complete spiritual reality. It is hoped that both journals will continue to explore the depths of interfaith dialogue and human consciousness as exemplified by these two issues.

Terry A. Silver 1. Donald K. Swearer, "Dialogue: Spiritual Transformation" (Dialogue, Vol. 8, p. 52).

Roy C. Amore, Two Masters, One Message (Abingdon, Nashville), pp. 186. Professor Roy C. Amore, with much intellectual ingenuity, attempts herein to prove that the New Testament was strongly influenced by Buddhism. He cites the striking similarities in the biographies of the Buddha and Jesus; their comparable lifestyles; the compatability of the two masters' teaching; the shared message. Further correspondences can be seen in their efforts to communicate this message through the working of miracles and teaching through similes, parables. He then, with a dramatic flair, presents the thesis that Matthew and Luke in their Gospels drew on a "Sayings Source", Q, which incorporated Buddhist teachings and was partially influenced by the biography of the Buddha. The author points to the Buddhistic content of the temptation of Jesus; the Sermon on the Mount; the invocations of Jesus to love your enemies; judge not; and overcome anger. The author places especial emphasis on the very Buddhistic account of the birth of Jesus found solely in the Gospel of Luke and the inclusion in Luke of the greatest number of Buddhist sayings. The author closes his presentation expressing the conviction that Jesus drew upon Buddhist, as well as Jewish concepts and images, and that the Buddhist presence in Christianity continued after Jesus' death. While the author's thesis is provocative and challenging, it is not entirely convincing. There is no doubt as to the striking similarities in the ethical teachings, parables, metaphors and similes used; the miracles performed; the birth and infancy narratives and Iifestyl~s of the Buddha and Jesus. However, the author only refers to the specific means through which such actual contact between teachers and both the Q community and with Jesus and his disciples and might have been established e.g. sea and land trade routes, commercial archaeological evidence etc.

fleetingly Buddhist followers contacts,

Perhaps, of more significance, the author neglects to analyze the equally provocative writings of Sir James George Frazer, Carl Gustav Jung and Joseph Campbeli who, each from their different perspectives, argue the universality of the World Savior mythology and stress the universally recurrent patterns of human thought (the psychological, as well as biological and social, characteristics, common to all man), first evidenced in myths, which find expression in the masterpieces of world literature as well as in the philosophical teachings of religious mystics. It is the hero, the World Savior, who plumbs the depths of the "mythical consciousness", the "collective unconsciouspess"; who overcomes illusion and ignorance after the adventurous quest, suffering, release. Carl Jung refers to "archetypes", Adolf Bastian to "Elementary Ideas". The 173

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tradition of "subjectively known forms" (Sanskrit : antarjfieyariipa) is co-extensive with the tradition of myth. The mythologists point to 'a set of symbols common to all communities throughout time; to recurrent themes of guilt, fear, anxiety; to cyclic patterns of withdrawal and return; death and rebirth; guilt and expiation; sacrificial suffering; propitiation and initiation rites common to all people from time immemorial. Campbell speaks of the imagery shared by the two religious traditions, Christianity and Buddhism, as being older than both: serpent, tree, garden of immortality, all described in the earliest cuneiform texts and old Sumerian cylinder seals, in the art and rites of primitive cultures. Campbell also refers to the enlightenment of the Buddha under the Bo tree as the most important moment in Oriental mythology. He cites it as a counterpart to the Crucifixion of Christianity. He sees Buddha under the Bo tree and Christ on Holy Rood (Tree of Redemption) as analogous figures, incorporating an archetypal World Savior, World Tree motif, which is of immemorial antiquity. Other variants of the theme may be found in the Immovable Spot and Mount Calvary as images of the World Navel, or World Axis of mythology. He further contends that productions and projections of the psyche evolve from man's imagination in th~ same mythological motifs throughout the world i.e. myths and legends of Virgin Birth, Incarnations, Resurrections. Thus, in the language of anthropology, cannot the similarities and correspondences between Buddhism and Christianity which Professor Amore attributes, in diffusionist terms, to Buddhist influence on Christianity be rather seen as the result of independent development or parallelism ? Both Buddhism and Christianity may well ·have independently drawn on mythic patterns and motifs, recurrent themes and imagery and a common set of symbols, universal projections of the psyche. Drawing from a common well of hero and Savior myths and legends and mirror reflections of biological, psychological and social characteristics common to all man, it is not surprising that similar patterns of birth. lifestyle, ethical teaching, miracles, parables, would emerge in the religious traditions of Buddhism and Christianity. As cultural form has limits set by natural conditions which makes for resemblances i.e. the law of limited possibilities, so too do the life and teachings of the religious mystics, culture heroes, World Saviors evidence striking correspondences. In the transformation of man's consciousness and achieving purity of mind; in liberating truth from the illusion of the individual ego; in overcoming ignorance, does not the law of limited possibilities also apply?* Sir James Frazer, in his seminal work "The Golden Bough", eloquently outlined this thesis: '"We

* At

the same time, it must be appreciated that the cosmology and epistemology of the two religious traditions, Buddhism and Christianity, are distinctly different.

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need not .... suppose that the Western peoples borrowed from the older civilization of the Orient the conception of the Dying and Reviving God, together with solemn ritual, in which that conception was dramatically set forth before the eyes of the worshippers. More probably the resemblance which may be traced in this respect between the religions of the East and West is no more than what we commonly, though incorrectly, call a fortuitous coincidence, the effect of similar causes acting alike on the similar constitution of the human mind in different countries and under different skies." Thus, Professor Amore, as a religious diffusionist, visualizes "Two Masters, One Message"; Campbell, Frazer, Jung, as exponents of mythic and psychic parellelism, visualize "The Hero With a Thousand Faces", the title of Campbell's brilliant, though controversial, treatise. Professor Amore's well reasoned, succinct and challenging argument in this work should provoke readers to begin their own historical journey and exploration to seek the truth as to linkages, or their absence, in the great religious traditions of Buddhism and Christianity. William J. Klausner

Chulalongkorn University

Antony Fernando, Buddhism and Christianity: Their Inner Affinity (Colombo, Ecumenical Institute for Study and Dialogue, 1981) One of the evidences of the positive nature of religious pluralism is the increasing number of very helpful basic guides to the comparative study of Buddhism and Christianity, Dr. Antony Fernando's book is such a guide. It is one in a series of thoughtful publications from the Ecumenical Institute for Study and Dialogue in Colombo, Sri Lanka. At each step of interpretation, Fernando suggests a few carefully chosen parallels to the Christian faith. His purpose is to write a guide to Buddhism for Christians. To those already acquainted with the rudiments of Buddhism, basing a major part of a hook on the four noble truths may seem elementary, but the author manages to approach his subject with freshness arid insight. For advanced students he provides sufficient technical terms and depth to provide a helpful review. Dr. Fernando also is careful to offer enough social and historical material to give some sense of the context and development of. Buddhist teaching. Particularly interesting are his references to the place of laypersons in early J3uddhism. He emphasizes the anti-ascetical and anti-ritualistic aspects of the Buddha's teaching. His clarification of the levels of meaning of karma and samsara provide needed corrective to popular usage. He points to the teaching of the Ven. Buddhadasa of Thailand to indicate the present "here and now" emphasis of karma and samsara. Fernando proposes a reconception of Nirvana in modern terminology. After working his way through the old terminology and imagery, he suggests that, "Nirvana denotes a well developed personality or 'humanhood' in its ideal form". (p. 42). Earlier he comments that "This vitality of the Nirvanic personality comes from the very power of dharma or the power of truth and goodness to which he adheres." (p. 40) Whether this modernization of nirvana is an adequate restatement may be questioned, but it indicates the bold strokes that the author makes in his interpretation. His exposition of mindfulness and concentration are clear and include very practical illustrations. This is useful in approaching the sometimes very complex psychology of Buddhism. Fernando draws a parallel of Buddhist mindfulness to the New Testament "expectation of the Parmisia" or the imminent coming of Christ. This is an interesting but surely questionable comparison. Would it have been more fruitful to look for affinity with the mystical tradition in Christianity? Maybe that has been overworked. His description of Buddhist meditation is clear and concise. The author recognizes the difference between Jesus' sense of personal relationship to God and Buddha's criticism of the Hindu conventional belief and practices concerning gods. In suggesting that Jesus' emphasis was a "behavioral acknowledge176

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ment" of God, Fernando indicates the common emphasis on anti-ritualism and the quality of personal transformation in both faiths. "Both have one common aim : to awaken people to a sense of realism and responsibility in their day to day life". (p. 98) The author carefully works through the experimental dimension of the Christian faith in God, the forgivenness of God and Jesus' teaching of man's relatedness to man. He holds as a hope that persons may genuinely benefit from both religions. "It is quite possible that as forms of personality upliftment the two systems have elements that are complimentary to each other" (p. 109). The Christian need not compete with the Buddhist but should collaborate with him. Fernando has penetrated the deeper meaning of both faiths and the book is very illuminating for the Christian exploring Buddhist teaching. It will also assist in reflections on his own faith . It may be that not all the examples of "inner affinity" are adequate, but the book as a whole is an important and very helpful contribution to the dialogue between the faiths.

Robert Bohilin Department of Religion, University of Hawaii, Honolulu

C.F. Keyes (ed), Ethnic Adaptation and Identity (Insitute for the Study of Human Issues, Philadelphia, 1979) A witty, elegant collection of essays about the Karen of the Thai-Burmese frontier areas, edited and introduced by Charles Keyes. who also supplies a chapter on Karen ethnohistory. Other contributors, several of whose papers circulated for some time before the book was printed, include Lehman and Hinton, K unstadter, Ijima, Stern and Marlowe. An interesting mixture of history and ethnography, the work makes a major theoretical contribution to the debate about ambivalent ethnicity initiated by Leach's work on the Kachin 1 • Many of the papers focus on what Lehman sees as the equivalence of cultural change with 'a change in ethnicity, an alteration in identity' . Thus Marlowe compares the way British colonial policy in Burma defined a hierarchically ordered state in terms of locality and culture, to recent changes in the state's conception which, in the North of Thailand, have meant a schism in the hierarchy which once encompassed Karen identity as part of the domain of Chiang Mai. The resultant 'loss of their status as holders of the wild for the 'sown' 'has deprived the Karen of any political power in the real world. Similarly Ij ima examines the impact of wet rice agriculture on traditionally swiddening groups of Sgaw Karen in Mae Sariang, which has transformed land tenure patterns and the social relations arising from them, resulting in the abandonment of the long house as settlem ents have become more permanent. Ijima emphasises the religious basis of Karen ethnicity, which, organised around the ancestral spirits of matrilineal kin groups, has survived such changes, demarcating a continuum for the Sgaw Karen from the tribal, consanguineally based society more associated with the hills, to the peasant community, based on territorial criteria and oriented towards the plains. Stern too shows how the Pwo Karen of Sangkhlaburi have forsaken the joint lineal community in 'their adjustment to a cash economy, and examines the place of the Pwo language as a marker of cultural identity by comparison with three other communities. From a survey of some historical data, h e concludes that the Pwo are 'far from a people exposed for the first t ime to the impact of a lowland civiliza tion', but represent an accommodation between Mon and Thai interests, currently readapting towards the latter. Many of the writers complain of the injustice with which the Karen are often classed with recent migrants to the hills such as the Hmong. As Keyes puts it, the new ethnic label of chao khao, extended to include the Karen, falsely stigmatises them as invariably upland swiddeners, opium cultivators and recent migrants, and he also draws attention to the potential 'explosiveness' of the lack of (citizenship rights in the 1.

Leach: Political Systems of Highland Burma (1954)

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hills.

179

Kunstadter's paper, describing the heterogeneity of relationships between Lua'

and Karen, Karen and Khonmuang groups, also refers to the increasing land shortage in the area, accelerated by lowland immigration up into the hills, which has caused the Hmong to oust the Karen from their fields with no legal redress, and deplores the official tendency to 'lump' Karen in the same category as Hmong. Millenialism is, as Keyes observes, frequently an attempt to restructure or 'come to grips with radical structural change', and he shows how the Christian conversions of Karen, both in Burma and Thailand, had the effect of 'strengthening the ethnic boundaries between Karen and others' (p. 21). Hinton's paper examines in some detail the role of millenialism as an accommodation to lowland states, based on an earlier work of Stern's2, describing how Baptist missionaries in the early 19th century were taken to be the fulfillment of an old Karen prophecy about the return of a white, younger brother who had taken away a golden book 'containing all the secrets of literacy wealth and power' denied to th!' Karen, and how this precipitated a rebellion against Burmese hegemony. Hinton suggests that such cults, which survive among the Karen to this day, together with the influence of Khae Chae Uae3 in the hills (a defrocked Buddhist monk, disciple of the Khruba Siwicai who was a symbol of resistance to the centralised control of the North during the '20"s), made an appeal to the national sentiment of the Karen, which has to be understood, like the influence of the KND0 4 in Burma, as a response to their harsh political realities. This is expressed in folk tales which cast the Karen as the perpetual orphan, always missing out on the opportunities presented to others, myths of insecurity in face of an increasingly hostile world. Lehman's concluding pa per draws many of these threads together, and is perhaps the most important of the collection. Examining linguistic and archaeological evidence which suggests contacts between Tai and Karen well before the l~te 18th century, and pointing out that the Burmese-Thai wars would surely have involved some relocation of the Karen, Lehman is led to differentiate importantly between an 'ethnic category, and 'the ethnolinguistic grouping' to which it may, at different times, refer. The issue of whether a category such as 'Karen' was of old standing in Thailand has to be separated from the issue of whether the present Karen population has ancient roots in Thailand.

This is a most important point, possibly the most important in the book,

since it allows some credence to be given to folk memories of the past as well as often 2.

Stern : 'Ariya and the Golden Book : A Millenarian Buddhist Sect Among the Karen' Journal of Asian Sludies 27 (2): 297-328 (1968)

3.

(Alias) Khruba Khao. Karen National Defense Organisation.

4.

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scant official records. Lehman re-examines some of the evidence for supposing that the Kayah (Karenni) emerged out of a mixed Shan-Karen polity somewhere before the end of the 18th century, associated with various Buddhist messianic movements and concludes that 'an overall pattern of ad aptation to non-Karen people . . .. has characterized the general category of Karen', proffering a cognitive view of ethnicity and the various taxonomic constraints under which it is defined. Although the views of ethnicity range from Lehman's to Marlowe's emph asis on behavioural features, with Ijima emphasising religious and Stern linguistic factors, the contributors are united by a common agreement that ethnicity, especially where the Karen are concerned, is not something fixed, bounded, or static, but dynamic, mobile, relative and closely associated with processes of sociocultural change.

Nicholas Tapp School of Oriental & African Studies, London University

Jacques Lemoine (with the assistance of Donald Gibson), Yao Ceremonial Paintings (White Lotus Company Ltd., Bangkok, 1982). 168 pp. A beautiful book, for the art collector and historian as well as the scholar, with more than 280 well-reproduced colour prints which do full justice to the rich sheen characteristic of Yao paintings, achieved through a glue base made from boiling the hide of an ox. Now that full sets of these paintings, ideally numbering 17, have in many cases been broken up and dispersed after the flight of impoverished Yao refugees from Laos, the work is additionally valuable in compiling information on the dating and background of individual sets, and identification of the figures they portray. The paintings illustrate the pantheon of Yao deities and episodes from their mythological history, and as paintings have a purely religious function.

Usually

commissioned by well to do families from priests or itinerant Chinese artists, they were executed in a specially consecrated place; in a partitioned room or outhouse, the walls of which had been pasted over with white paper and covered with cloth. During the one or two months it took for the work to be completed, strict celibacy was enjoined on all the inhabitants of the house to ensure the spiritual purity of the work finally This in turn was considered to contribute to its aesthetic beauty. As produced. Lemoine puts it (p. 36), 'A similar beauty and sense of piety illuminates the Italian primitives of the duecento'. The paintings are only exhibited on ritual occasions, such as the mass ordinations at which young men are admitted to the various grades of the Yao priesthood, as iconographic representations fulfilling the part played by idols and statuary in other cultures.

Each painting has 'a position and a role to play in the

rituals' (p. 42), and on the ownership of a certain number of them depends progress through the ranks of the pries.thood, and ultimate salvation for oneself and one's family. When they are not so exhibited, the scrolls are carefully stored in basket-work boxes to one side of the domestic altar (p. 34). The author's identification of the Yao religion as a branch of Taoism allows him to embark on an entrancing excursion into the mythological origins of the Yao as illustrated in the paintings, such as the myth of P'an Hu, the five-coloured palace dog who was allowed to marry one of the Chinese Emperor's daughters as a reward for defeating his enemies, from whose six sons and daughters the 12 Yao clans trace their descent. The Charter in which this legend was inscribed granted the Yao in China traditional exemption from the duties of taxation and corvee military labour, as well as the freedom to cultivate 'by the sword and fire' (i.e. by swidden agriculture) 'all the mountains of the Empire' (p. 13). As Lemoine notes, early colonists in Laos and 181

182

Nicholas Tapp

Vietnam were handed versions of this document by the Yao, and the story it enshrines is the reason why the eating of dog is today taboo for the Yao, and why the traditional wedding veil should cover the bride's head 'as a device to hide from her the bestiality of the groom'. Their voyage across the sea from China after a great drought has become a second origin myth for the Yao, and this too is illustrated in the paintings. Thus the paintings provide a full graphic model of the Yao cosmology, seen in Taoist terms to begin with the origins of creation from the expansion of the body of the cosmic man after death. The text examines and explores this cosmology. Also illustrated are many culture heroes and Chinese deities, besides the father of historical Taoism, the Celestial Master Chang, who (p. 75) founded a theocratic state in the Western Marches of the decaying Han Empire after his researches into alchemy had resulted in the discovery of the Pill of Immortality, where among Han and tribal people a doctrine was taught which attr ibuted illness and suffering to immoral behaviour, expiable through priestly confession. Today similar sets of paintings are in use among Chinese Taoist priests of the Taiwan area, and the book also illustrates various aspects of Yao religious and ceremonial life, as well as providing information on the life circumstances and village situations of the Yao today, showing why, how and where the paintings are exhibited and what part they play in the spiritual comrpunity of the Yao. Thus there is also material on the masks and wreaths depicting the gods which are worn by priests at rituals. Altogether an absorbing work, and one which throws much ethnographic light on an insufficiently known and currently fragmented culture. Niclto/as Tapp School of Oriental & African Studies, London University

Jennifer Lindsay, Javanese Gamelan (Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1979) pp. 59. Edward C. Van Ness and Shita Prawirohardjo, Javanese Wayang Kulit (Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1980) pp. 95. In a rather discrete, almost furtive way, the Kuala Lumpur branch of Oxford University Press launched, officially in 1979, a new series called Oxford in Asia Traditional and Contemporary Arts, under the unacknowledged guidance of Dr. Jack Richards, and the two volumes discussed here were the only titles available by the end of 1981. Both a ppea red the year following the da te given on the title page, both are profusely illustrated with colour and black-and-white photographs; Lindsay's volume also has a map and line drawings. Neither pretends to be more than an introduction to the subject, each vast in itself, and the Van Ness-Prawirohardjo volume emphasises this in its subtitle. There is certainly room for such a series, and with the authority that Oxford commands, one's expectations are high.

The authors are well-qualified to tackle their

subjects: Jennifer Lindsay, better remembered to those who knew her during her years in Yogyakarta in the 1970s as Jenny Meister, comes from a distinguished N:w Zealand musical family; Edward Van Ness teaches at the Yogyakarta Academy of Music and his wife Shita Prawirohardjo comes from a courtly family in Solo where the shadow play tradition is as strong as in Yogyakarta. It is therefore rather with regret that one feels somewhat less than happy with these two volumes. Of the two, Lindsay's book on the gamelan is the more satisfactory. She briefly covers the historical background, lists in detail the different musical instruments and their making, commen ts on the tuning and intonation, discusses the structure of gamelan music and lastly writes about the gamelan in Javanere society.

There are

a glossary, notes on pronunciation, suggestions for further reading and a list of gamelan recordings. The limitations of the introductory nature of the volume are perhaps most clearly seen in the ten-and-a-hal f pages (including four photographs and four poems in Javanese with translations) on the structure of gamelan music. The subject is clearly enormous. There is a footnote referring the reader to Mantle Hood's booklet of 1958, not included in the suggestions for further reading, which also curiously omit Oxford's recent reprint of McPhee's House in Bali, but rightly and inevitably include Kunst's works. 183

•

Michael Smithies

184

A point of debate is whether the siteran really can be said to belong to the gamelan, which by definition involves percussive instruments that are struck with a hammer. The rebab (viol) and suling (flute) were both added under external influences, but neither the siteran nor the celempung, both zither-type instruments and both presumab ly introduced under Chinese influence, belong inherently to the gong-chime cultures of Southeast Asia . Neither has been heard by this reviewer taking part in a full gamelan orchestra performance.

There might possibly here be some confusion

between Javanese music in general and gamelan music proper. Nevertheless, Ms. Lindsay writes clearly, reasonably objectively and necessarily succinctly on an extensive subject which has tremendous cultural remifications within Javanese society. The longer though still brief Van Ness-Prawirohardjo volume is chiefly disappointing in the poor quality of some of the photographs; the colour plates of the warung, the street scene, the dalang, golek heads and Arjuna, like the black-and-white photographs of paper wayang and the cempala, are ill-defined, or out of focus, or unintelligible. Whilst it is a good idea to allow a reader to compare th e static coloured figure with the silhouette form it presents on the screen, to repeat with both coloured plates and black-and-white photos the figures of Kayon, Wayang Prampogan, Arjuna, Bima, Adipati-Karma and others, separated and without any cross-referencing, either between plates or to the text, is singularly unhelpful. To include an illustration of a Cambodian shadow-play figure and a Chinese one from Yogyakarta without any reference to them in the text indicating why they are there and what they signify is also unhelpful. Because the wayang culture so profoundly permeates Javanese culture and affects Javanese attitudes, perhaps it is impossible for any volume, least of all one as short as this, to do justice to the subject. The book starts by placing the wayang in the past and the present, elaborates on the epics and important personages in them, discusses the da lang and his art, and then describes a particular wayang performance. The introductory chapter does not develop clearly and one has, almost inevitably, a confused picture of wayang kulit and its relationship to other Javanese theatres. The most satisfactory section is that dealing with the dalang, though this is confused by the insertion of descriptions of typical scenes from wayang kulit performances, which have little directly to do with a description of the dalang's role and functions. The last chapter, describing a specially-arranged performance at Mrs. Prawirohardjo's family house, is the least successful. Perhaps here the style of the text is most obviously intrusive, being on occasions chattily housewifely ('It is amazing how efficiently all the preparations are realised with no one person really coordinating things'). There is no

185

REVIEWS

conclusion to the chapter at all, though the dismantling of the screen and figures and the dispersal of the dalang and musicians at the end of the story merit comment in the same way that the setting up for the performance is elaborated. There is no general conclusion to the whole book either, which just peters out. There is however a helpful and necessary ten page glossary. The difficulty of explaining anything Javanese to the outsider is great: the complex Javanese world is entirely self-contained and self-reflecting. It cannot be said that this book is likely to be very helpful to someone who has not already some acquaintance with this world and the wayang, and such a person is likely to want more than an introduction to the subject. In other words, it falls uneasily between two stools, being neither sufficiently simple nor sufficiently detailed. Firmer editing would have improved matters, in style, order and detail. Lindsay's book is referred to as 'another book in this series by Jennifer Meister', whereas Ms. Lindsay's married name nowhere appears in her volume. The copyright symbol is blacked out in the copy acquired by this reviewer; one wonders why. This series, which one assumes will not be confined to Java, promises more than it has given to date, ·and it is to be hoped that further volumes will not give too little and, unlike the wayang kulit volume, will clearly explain to an outsider the subject with~ut appearing to make it and the culture it is part of almost impenetrable. Michael Smithies

Nanyang Technological Institute, Singapore

ANNUAL REPORTS The Honorary Auditor's Financial Report December 31, 1981 and 1980 We hav~ examined the statements of assets and liabilities of the Siam Society (Under Royal Patronage) as at December 31, 1981 and 1980 and the related statements of revenues and expenses for the years then ended. Our examinations were made in accordance with generally accepted auditing standards and, accordingly, included such tests of the accounting records and such other auditing procedures as we considered necessary in the circumstances. The accounts of the Society are maintained and the accompanying financial statements have been prepared on the cash basis, with adjustments to give effect to unsold publications, dues collected in advance and inclusion of · provision for depreciation. In our opinion, the financial statements referred to above present fairly, on the basis indicated in the preceding paragraph, the assets and liabilities of the Siam Society (Under Royal Patronage) at December 31, 1981 and 1980 and its revenues and expenses for tbe years then ended, applied on a consistent basis.

YUKT A NA THALANG C.P.A. (THAILAND) Registration No. 1 March 9, 1982

THE SIAM SOCIETY STATEMENTS OF ASSJ ns AND LIABILITIES AS AT DECEMBER : 31, 1981 AND 1980 ASSETS

LIABILITY AND FUNDS

In Baht

In Baht

1981

1981

1980 CURRENT LIABILITY Dues collected in ad vance

CURRENT ASSETS Cash on hand and in banks Temporary investments Publications for sale . Other current asset Total Current Assets PROPERTY AND EQUIPMENT-At Cost or assigned value Jess accumulated depreciation (Note) Land Buildings Furniture, fixtures and office equipment Transportation equipment Total

168,353.40 5,778,985.50 368,176.70 48,000.00 6,363,515.60

136,839.92 5,220,199.20 344,114.84 48,000.00 5, 749,153.96

1.00 3.00

1.00 3.00

. 906,916.56 4,168.40 911,088.96

992,149.94 6.252.60 998,406.54

FUNDS Endowment fund : Thai Government Members' contribution Life membership fund Revolving fund Kamthieng Memorial fund Staff welfare fund Edwin F. Stanton fund Carlsberg Foundation fund F.t:iends of Society fund Accumulated excess of revenues over expenditures Balance, beginning of year Excess of revenues over expenditures for the year

7,274.604.56

6,747.560.50

See accompanying Note ~ (With Mr. Yukta na Thalang'\

41,280.98

2,0~0,000.00

323,395.57 915,923.16 101,675.00 63,519.25 44,435.00 51,062.47 10,205.25 4,000.00 3,514,215.70

2,000,000.00 323,395.57 797,144.95 101,675.00 60,914.00 44,435.00 22,608.47 10,205.25 4,000.00 3,364,378.24

3,341,901.28

2,133,063.95

369,123.08

1,208,837.33

Total Funds

3,341,901.28 . 6,706,279.52

TOTAL LIABILITY AND FUNDS

7,274,604.56

6,747,560.50

to Financial Statements. 9, 1982)

i report dated March

L-

49,364.50

3, 711,024.36 7,225,240.06

Balance, end of year

TOTAL ASSETS

·J980

THE SIAM SOCIETY STATEMENTS OF REVENUES AND EXPENSES FOR THE YEARS ENDED DECEMBER 31, 1981 AND 1980 In Baht REVENUES Interest income Members' dues and fees Sales of publications Donation from : - John F Kennedy Foundation - H.R.H. Princess Marayart Diskul Contribution from members on the 75th Anniversary of the Society Others-net Total Revenues EXPENSES Salaries and bonuses Travel and transportation Cost of.publications Depreciation Electricity and water Dues and subscriptions Stationery and printing Postage, telephone and telegram Repairs and maintenance Provident funds Representation and entertainment Medical Expenses Insurance Parking lot Medallions and boxes Miscellaneous Total Expenses EXCESS OF REVENUES OVER EXPENSES

1981

1980

893,444.02 471,425.36 243,620.50

1,056,554.23 410,457.94 387,766.02 100,000.00

3,000.00

398,885.00 2,010,374.88

1,278,523.83 447,862.53 3,681,164.55

410,198.00 320,749.50 282,101.64 138,422.86 133,650.74 74,256.32 71,020.25

377,100.00 301,653.50 657,718.08 101,223.82 63,608.75 75,137.83 73,730.00

67,300.00 29,265.50 27,290.00 24,668.50 9,590.00 7,731.74

90,172.00 494,607.40

45,006.75 1,641,251.80

35,316.50 11,359.50 7,398.99 67,320.00 45,569.00 70,411.85 2,472,327.22

369,123.08

1,208,837.33

See accompanying Note to Financial Statements. (With Mr. Yukta na Thalang's report dated March 9, 1982)

THE SIAM SOCIETY NOTE TO FINANCIAL STATEMENTS DECEMBER 31, 1981 AND 1980

PROPERTY AND EQUIPMENT The Society has adopted the practice of recording donated properties at nominal values. Because of the nature of the Society's activities, it has not put emphasis on establishing the current values of these properties. In the past, the Society had obtained a valuation for its land which was quoted at Baht 7.2 million. Furniture, fixtures and office equipment are being depreciated by the declining balance method; whereby the depreciation rate of 10%-20% are being applied on the ·net book value at the beginning of each year, while the transportation equipment is depreciated by the straight-line method of five years. Depreciation expense amounted to Baht 138,422.86 in 1981 and Baht 101,224 in 1980.

188

Minutes of the Annual General Meeting of the Siam Society, Under Royal Patronage I 3 I Soi Asoke, Sukhumvit Road, Bangkok Thursday, 26 March 1981 The Annual General Meeting terminating the Council year 1980/81 was held on Thursday, 26 March 1981 at the Society's Home, and commenced at 8.15 p.m. The meeting was attended by 69 members. The following members of the outgoing Council were present. President H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul Vice-President & Honorary Treasurer M.R. Patanachai Jayant Vice-President & Leader of the Natural History Section Dr. Tem Smitinand Vice-President Mr. Vivadh na Pombejra Honorary Secretary Mrs. Nongyao Narumit Honorary Editor Mr. Kim Atkinson Mrs. Katherine Buri Mr. Francis W.C. Martin Mr. Henri Pagau-Clarac Dr. Tej Bunnag Mr. Sirichai Narumit Mr. Dacre Raikes Mrs. Sonia Krug

1. The Adoption of the Minutes of the last Annual General Meeting, held on Thursday, 27 March 1980. Since there were no comments, the Minutes were adopted as presented. 2. Presentation of the Annual Report for the Council year 1980. Since there were no questions or comments the Annual Report was adopted as presented. 3. Presentation of the Financial Statement for 1980. M.R. Patanachai Jayant, the Honorary Treasurer, presented the Financial Statement for 1980 with the comment that although the statements of Assets and Liabilities showed an increase of more than one ·million baht from 1979 to 1980, this was misleading in that it reflected the contributions received from the Society's Seventy-Fifth Anniversary Fund Raising, but not the amounts spent on air-conditioning the hall and repairing the Library. In actuality the Society spent more than it received in contributions. With this commentary, the Financial Statement was accepted as presented. 189

190

Annual Reports

4. Election of the Honorary Auditor for 1981. The outgoing Council proposed the re-election of Mr. Yukta na Thalang as Honorary Auditor. Mr. Yukta na Thalang was re-elected Honorary Auditor.

5. Election of Honorary Vice-President. The outgoing Council proposed the election of Mom Kobkaew Abhakara na Ayudhya as Honorary Vice-President, in view of her outstanding work on the Society's behalf. Mom Kobkaew Abhakara na Ayudhya was elected Honorary Vice-President. 6. Election of Honorary Member. The outgoing Council proposed the election of Chao Khun Rajvoramuni as Honorary Member. Chao Khun Rajvoramuni was elected Honorary Member. 7.

Election of Council for 1981/81. a. H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul announced he had tendered his resignation to the Council as he would be abroad for much of the coming year. Jayant was elected President. M.R. Patanachai _,... b. Dr. Tem Smitinand and Mr. Vivadh na Pombejra were re-elected VicePresidents and Mr. Sirichai Narumit was elected Vice-President. c. Dr. Chitriya Tingsabadh was elected Honorary Secretary replacing Mrs. Nongyao Narumit who had resigned from the Council. d. Mrs. Katherine Buri was elected Honorary Treasurer. e. Dr. Tej Bunnag was elected Honorary Editor. f. Dr. Soonthorn Kaewlai was elected Honorary Librarian replacing Mrs. Chittra Pranich who had resigned from the Council. g. Office of "Leader of the Natural History Section". This position was to be filled ex-officio. Council members seeking re-election and members proposed as members of the Council were introduced. g.

The following were re-elected Ordinary Members of Council: Mr. Kim Atkinson Mr. Henri Pagau-Clarac Mr. Christopher J.A. Chubb Dr. Piriya Krairiksh Mr. Eiichi Hamanishi Mr. Dacre F.A. Raikes Mrs. Sonia Krug Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa Mr. Francis W.C. Martin

h.

The following were elected Ordinary Members of Council: Dr. Somboon Suksamran Dr. Thosaporn Wongratana Mr. Michael Wright Dr. Warren R. Brockelman Mrs. Virginia Di Crocco Mr. William Sage

Annual Reports

8..

191

Any other business. a.

Mr. Francis W.C. Martin read the Council's recommended changes to Rules 7, 8, 9, 13, and 32 as follows:

Rule 7 : Members of the Society shall be of four categories-Ordinary, Honorary, Corresponding and Student. Both ladies and gentlemen shall be eligible for membership of the Society.

Rule 8 : Candidates for ordinary and student membership shall be proposed by a member of the Sociely, and shall be put up for election at a Meeting of the Council.

Rule 9 : The Annual Subscription for Ordinary members shall be Baht 500, and for Student members Baht 50.00 payable IN ADVANCE on the 1st of January in each year, or in the case of new members upon notification of election. The election shall, however, not be deemed valid until the first year's subscription have been paid. Ordinary Members shall be allowed to apply for life membership of the Society on a single payment of Baht 10,000.0rdinary Members of a standing of full twenty-five years shall be deemed to be life members, and ipso facto be exempted from further subscription. The Council shall have power to remit or reduce the Annual Subscription for Ordinary Members in special cases.

Rule 13: Any Ordinary Member, and student member, resigning after the 1st of January of any year, shall be liable for his subscription for that year.

Rule 32: Every Member of the Society shall be entitled to one copy of each number of the Journal and the Bulletin as it appears upon payment of such sum as the Council may fix to cover cost of production from time to time. There was a discussion, during which Dr. Tej Bunnag pointed out that with the continuously rising costs of publications the Siam Society could no longer afford to include the Journals in the fixed membership fee. It was, he explained, the Council's plan to publish only one Journal in 1981, which would be a thicker, more substantion volume than any single volume recently published, with the hope that in 1982 the Society would be able to return to the two-volumes per year. The amendments to the Rules of the Siam Society were then adopted as recommended by the out-going Council.

192

Annual Reports

Mr. Roger Krasker suggested that the Society have more natural history trips organized by Mrs. Katherine Buri to Khao Yai and possibly other national parks. No action was recommended.

*

*

*

*

*

*

After the formal business of the Annual General Meeting a film on the activities of the Siam Society, The 75th Year of the Siam Society, was presented, narrated by Mrs. Nisa Sheanakul and Mr. Henri Pagau-Ciarac. The President adjourned the Meeting at 10.45 p.m.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE COMMITTEE 1981/82 The Siam Society continued to expand its activities during the year. In addition to the Society's own programmes of regular lectures, film shows and other events, the Hall and grounds were widely used by members and the public. The Administrative Secretary and other staff have been most willing to ensure that the Society's activities were carried out smoothly. The Society is operating under increasing financial pressure. Various economy measures have been introduced together with attempts to increase the Society's income. Rising electricity and water charges are the two major items that affect administrative costs of the Society. It is not yet clear how much the new scale of membership fees will contribute to income. The Society is always faced with problems of storage space. Some of its unsold publications and books temporarily stored in various places could be donated to libraries, sold or even thrown away.

Membership. The total number of members of the Siam Society, as appearing on the list at the end of December 1981, was 1160. Of this, 374 were Life Members, 768 Ordinary Members and 18 were Student Members. The new membership structure and fees became effective as of I January 1982.

Staff. 1. Miss Songsri Boon-long was employed on a 3 month trial basis as Assistant Administrative Secretary on I June 1981. She resigned at the end of the trial period on 31 August 1981. 2. Mrs. Sunee Grima, Librarian, resigned in October 1981 after a year with the Society to go back to the United States. She was replaced by Mrs. Yuwadee Pitak. 3. Mr. Suraphol Kayan, office boy, was given leave for 18 days to be ordained as a monk. The Society has 13 staff members.

House and Ground Improvement. 1. A typewriter was purchased for the Business office. 2. Ten tables were purchased for the Hall. 3. The Administrative Committee was anxious to find a way to improve the acoustics in the Hall. Financial constraint was the principal limiting factor. l93

Annual Reports

194

Donations. Mrs. Katherine Buri, Honorary Treasurer, kindly donated a pump to the Society to help to drain flood water from the compound. Mrs. Buri also kindly donated a lens for use with a 16 mm. movie projector. The Fuji Photo Co. Ltd. kindly donated one Fujica single lens reflex camera and one Fujica Auto Strobo AZ which prove excellent for Programme and Travel work of the Society. Mrs. Sonia Krug, Council member also kindly donated a calculating machine to the office.

Hall and Grounds. The Hall has been used for the Society's varied programmes, performances, film and video shows, etc. The Society now serves punch, snacks and coffee during the interval-a service which seems to have been warmly received by those who join in the Society's activities. 1981.

The Siam Studio Co. Ltd. rented the hall to make advertising films in June The Hall and grounds were also rented for cocktail, dinner and wedding parties.

With increased electricity and water charges, the rent hardly covered expenses. The rental charges may have to be revised in view of increased costs.

Film Project. A number of old films were given to the Siam Society some years ago by H.M. Queen Rambhai Barni. Some of these films have been examined, cleaned and restored with expert help. There is, however, still considerable work to be done.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Dr. Chitriya Tingsabadh Mr. Vivadh na Pombejra Mr. Francis W.C. Martin Mrs. Katherine Buri Ms. Nongyao Narumit Dr. Soonthorn Kaewlai Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay

Chairman Vice Chairman

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE LIBRARY COMMITTEE 1981/82 LIBRARY ACQUISITION. The Library had 213 titles added to the collection. Out of these 122 titles were in Thai. For gift and donation, there were 59 titles in Thai and 203 in foreign languages; with emphasis on arts and Buddhism. Donors were both individuals and institutions.

LIBRARY SERVICES. 1.

Cataloguing and classification. 1.1 The library has attempted to catalogue books in Mon and Burmese through the help of a volunteer expert in Mon. 1.2 For better bibliographic control, the reclassification and relocation of back issues and bound volumes of journals has begun. 1.3 A list of 35 old and rare maps with details about size and location has been completed. 2. Microfilm project. The microfilming of The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 1-57 is now complete, both for library use and for sale. Due to the condition of the paper, the result of the microfilming of Bangkok Times has been unfortunately unsatisfactory. 3. Inter-library loan. Other than university libraries, the library has started an official inter-library loan service with the National Library. 4. Circulation service. The library has ·a number of overdue books. The library hopes that members who have overdue books wtll kindly return them to the library. 5. Exchange. 54 institutions cooperated in our exchange programme~

PERSONNEL. Two student assistants were employed in 1981.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Dr. Mrs. Mrs. Dr. Mrs.

Chairman

Soonthorn Kaewlai Bonnie Davis Virginia M. Di Crocco Tej Bunnag Yuwadee Pitak

Advisor Secretary 195

ANNUAL REPORt OF NAttJRAL HISTORY SECTION 1981/82 During the fiscal year the Natural History Section has undertaken the following activities : 1. EXCURSION : Four excursions have been organised for members of the Society and their friends. An excursion to Phu Luang Wildlife Sanctuary in Loei was attractive and received great interest from participants, so three consecutives trips have been made to this particular area of nnique natural beauty, i.e. 22-25 October, 17-21 December 1981 and 5-9 February 1982.

A one-day excursion to visit the shell museum, naval museum and the aquarium in Samut Prakan on 6 June 1981led by Dr. Thosaporn Wongratana was received with satisfaction. 2. PUBLICATION: A sum of Baht 60,000 has been approved by the Council for the publication of the Natural History Bulletin, Volume 29. Owing to the scarcity of articles, the publication has had to be postponed; the volume is expected to be published during the fiscal year 1982-1983.

3. COMMITTEE MEETING: An open meeting was held on lOth February 1982 to discuss plans and activities of the Section. Plans for a supplementary bicentennial volume of the Natural History Bulletin entitled "Conservation in Thailand" were considered. Dr. Tern Smitinand was re-elected as the Leader for 1982-1983.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Dr. Tem Smitinand Dr. Warren R. Brockelman Mrs. Katherine Buri Mr. Buayporn Kerdchouay Dr. Rachit Buri Dr. Thosaporn Wongratana

Leader of the Section and Editor, NHB Co-Editor, NHB Financial Advisor Programme Advisor Programme Advisor Programme Advisor

196

ANNtJAL REPORT OF THE PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE 1981/82 Owing to the tightness of the Society's financial, situation only one book was published: a new edition of Yao Design by Jacqueline Butler Diaz. This is very welcome as the book had long been out of print. Mrs. Sonia Krug kindly acted as editor and the Council is most grateful to the author for a loan to help cover the cost of production. Future publications include "The Kamthieng House" by Mrs. Sonia Krug, "A History of Mon" "Dvaravati Art" by Dr. Piriya Krairiksh and "Thai Bank Notes" by Charles Stewart.

Journal of the Siam Society: Due to various difficulties, JSS 1981, inclusive of two parts, appeared in March 1982.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Mr. F.W.C. Martin Mr. Kim Atkinson Dr. Tej Bunnag Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa Mrs. Sonia Krug

Chairman

197

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE KAMTHIENG HOUSE COMMITTEE

1981/82 Miss Amaraphorn Lelakultanit, B. Archeology (Silpakorn University) was selected and employed as curator of the Kamthieng House from February 1981. She spent the first two months re-arranging exhibit items in the main house and the hill-tribe museum, resulting in much better conditions for visitors. Besides serving as regular guide to the House, Miss Amaraphorn went up to Chiang Mai in March 1981 to consult with Khun Kraisri Nimmanhemindra, the donor of the house, and to collect additional artifacts for exhibition. Miss Songsri Boon-Long, Assistant Administrative Secretary, also went to Chieng Mai on a similar mission in August 1981. During 1981, the Kamthieng House was visited by individuals and numerous groups, including H.R.H. Prince Naruhito of Japan and Members of the American Travel Writers Association. A wedding party and several other parties were. arranged at the House and in its compound. The total revenue earned from the Kamthieng House for 1981 was 9,035 baht. In addition, a donation of 66,254 baht from the East-West Seminar Foundation of Japan was gratefully received and utilized for the curator's salary. As the former guidebook for the Kamthieng House ran out of print, Mrs. Sonia Krug has kindly compiled a new guidebook which is going to be more up to date and more detailed. The draft of the book has been completed and the book will be published shortly.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Mr. Sirichai Narumit Mrs. Nisa Sheanakul Mrs. Sonia Krug Mrs. Shirley Duboff Mr. William Sage Mr. William M. Riley Mr. Nunt Buranasiri

Chairman Members

198

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE PROGRAMME AND TRAVEL COMMITTEE 1981/82 Our travels have been fairly frequent and many members and friends went regularly with us. Some trips have had to be repeated. Financially, they helped a great deal to pay other expenses of the Society, which have been constantly increasing. ·We have also contributed some of our earnings to worthwhile causes e.g. to Wats for mural conservation as well as for spiritual welfare of those who seek enlightenment. Apart from our usual lectures in English, we also held seminars in Thai. For smaller audiences we used the Prince Dhani room effectively. All our lectures are taped for the benefit of absent members and those who live abroad, who can borrow these tapes or have them copied at a reasonable cost. Our film and video tape series, have been well attended. evenings, too, have gone from strength to strength.

Our cultural

The following were our activities during the year. 18-19 April Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an excursion to SARABURI, SINGBURI AND ANGTHONG with Nang Yai performance and dinner party. Prof. Saneh Chamarik, Faculty of Political Science, Thammasat 21 April University, lectured on PROBLEMS OF DEVELOPMENT IN THE THAI POLITICAL SETTING. Mr. Tirayuth Yuangsri, Dramatics Arts College, Chiang Mai, 23 April introduced THE DANCE AND MUSIC OF THE AKHA. 25-26 April 7 May

12 May 19 May

Panel discussion on t~u-iu 'l 'lll~riim11LL~1.:1'1111L£Jnmmnn\ 'YI!l ' Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led members to observe the PLOUGHING CEREMONY AT PRAMANE GROUND. Dr. Wipa Kongkananda, Silpakorn University, Nakorn Pathom lectured on PHRA LO, AN IMAGE OF A TRAGIC HERO. H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, former President of the Siam Society, lectured on NEW DISCOVERIES AT WAT KEO, CHAIYA, PRASAT MUANG SINGH, KANCHANABURI, AND A NEW EXCAVATION SITE AT AMPHOE SAM CHUK, SUPANBURI.

200

23-24 May

26 May

2 June

21 June

2 July

7 July

9 July

15-20 July

16 July

23 July

25 July

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H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, former President of the Siam Society, and Dr. Tem Smitinand, Vice-President of the Siam Society led an excursion to PRASAT MUANG SINGH, U-THONG AND OTHER PLACES IN KANCHANABURI. Dr. Gerard Diffioth, Associate Professor of Linguistics, University of Chicago, lectured on THE NY AH-KUR PEOPLE (CHAO-BON) :DIRECT DESCENDANTS OF THE DVARAVATI POPULATION. Mrs. Kirsten Ewers Andersen, Associate expert at the International Labour Organisation, lectured on PWO KAREN FOREST PEOPLE IN THAILAND : RELIGION, ECOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT. H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, former President of the Siam Society, led A TOUR OF THE GRAND PALACE AND THE TEMPLE OF THE EMERALD BUDDHA. The Japanese film THE CASTLE OF SAND, was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation, Bangkok. Rev. Prof. Bruce Matthews, Acadia University, Nova Scotia, lectured on BUDDHISM AND NATIONAL PURPOSETHE CASE OF SRI LANKA. The Japanese film THE TWIN SISTERS OF KYOTO was shown with )he cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation, Bangkok. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO . VISIT HILL TRIBE VILLAGES, TEMPLES AND OTHER SITES OF INTEREST IN MAE HONG SON, CHIANG RAI, PHYAO AND LAMPANG. The Japanese film THREE LETTERS was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation. The Japanese film MELODY IN GREY was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation. A ~ Panel discussion on n1'l'LU\'I!IULLUt'h'ILLt'l!:fl11~GJm'I-Hh111£h1£lfllln11m'llrH "'

I

,

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26 July

Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO VISIT TEMPLES AND MURAL PAINTINGS. AT SELDOM VISITED TEMPLES IN THONBURI AND PHRAPRADAENG..

30 July

The Japanese film HOME FROM THE SEA was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation. Mr. Henri Pagau-Clarac,. Member of the Council, led an EXCURSION TO UDORN TRANI, SAKON NAKHON, KHON KAEN, MAHASARAKHAM AND KALASIN.

31 July3 August 6 August

8-15 August 11 August

19 August

20 August

22-23 August

25 August

1 September

3 September

The Japanese film THE YELLOW HANDKERCHIEF was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation. Dr. Piriya Krairiksh, Member of the Council, led an EXCURSION TO BURMA. Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa, Member of the Council, lectured on H.R.H. PRINCE BARIPAT OF NAGARASAWAN, (1881-1944) HIS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE THAI NATION. Dr. Kim Atkins, Cornell University, lectured on PROBLEMS IN CULTURAL PRESERVATION: LANNA LANGUAGE AND SCRIPTS. Prof. Y. Ishii, Southeast Asia Research Center, Kyoto University, lectured on DON DAENG VILLAGE IN KHON KAEN PROVINCE AFTER 15 YEARS OF DEVELOPMENT. Mr. John Blofeld, Member of the Society and well-known author of many books on Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism, led an excursion to CHINESE TEMPLES IN CHONBURI. Dr. John Grima, Lecturer of Faculty of Liberal Arts, Thammasat University, lectured on THE HISTORY OF CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN..VIETNAMESE FINALS. Dr. Withaya Sucharitthanarugse, Asst. Prof., Faculty of Political Science, Director of the Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, lectured on THE IDEA OF POWER IN THAI SOCIETY. Dr. K. V. Raman, Department of Ancient History and Archaeology, University of Madras, India, lectured on ARCHAEOLOGY IN SOUTU INDIA-RECENT DISCOVERIES.

202

8 September

13 September

15 September 17 September 22 September 24 September

1 October 13 Oc_tober

20 October 22 October 22-25 October 29 October 1 November

6-9 November

19 November

21 November

24 November

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Mrs. J. Butler-Diaz, author of the book entitled YAO DESIGN OF NORTHERN THAILAND, lectured on DESIGNS OF THE YAO. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay Administrative Secretary, led members for A SUNDAY WALK IN ORCHARDS AND A VISIT TO TEMPLES IN THONBURI. The Korean films DISCOVERING THE ART OF KOREA and KOREAN ARCHITECTURE were shown. The Thai film YELLOW SKY was shown. The Thai film LOED SUPAN was shown. MUSIC AND DANCE FROM MAHASARAKAM was performed, with cooperation of Mahasarakam Teachers Training College. The Thai film LUANG T A was shown. Dr. Uthai Dulyakasem, Faculty of Education, Silpakorn University, Nakorn Pathom, lectured on MODERNIZATION AND ETHNIC NATIONALISM : THE CASE OF MUSLIM MALAYS OF SOUTHERN THAILAND. The Thai film THONG PAN was shown. The Thai film MOUNTAIN PEOPLE was shown. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO CHIANG MAl. The Thai film NEGRITO was shown. Mrs. Yi-Ming Chang, member of the Siam Society, lectured on the CHINESE OPERA. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO SAMUI ISLAND AND OTHER ISLANDS IN THE GULF OF SIAM. Dr. T. Pathy, Department of Ancient Indian Culture, Marathwada University, Aurangabad, Maharashtra, India, lectured on THE ART AND CULTURE OF BUDDHIST CAVES AT AJANTA. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led members to VISIT THE HOME OF ACHILLE CLARAC, former French Ambassador to Thailand and AN EXCURSION TO TEMPLES ON THE CHAO PHYA RIVER. Dr. Chiri Vichit-Vadakan, Faculty of Public Administration, NIDA, lectured on RETHINKING THE PROBLEM OF THE ·CHINESE IN THA.I SOCIETY,

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2o3

27-30 November

H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, former Preside~t of the Siam Society, led an EXCURSION TO PHITSANULOK, KAMPHAENGPHET, SUKHOTHAI AND SI SATCHANALAI.

6 December

Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO SEE TEMPLES, PAINTINGS IN THONBURl AND NONTHABURI BY RICE BARGE.

8 December

Dr. Jacques Lemoine, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique Fran«;:ais, lectured on YAO TAOIST PAINTINGS.

9-14 December

Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO VISIT HILL TRIBE VILLAGES AND OTHER SITES OF INTEREST IN CHIANG RAI, CHIANG SAEN, PHYAO AND LAMPANG. Dr. Kwandee Rakpongse, Faculty of Liberal Arts, Thammasat University, lectured on WESTERN INFLUENCE IN THAI LITERATURE. Two videos were shown: Wild Life: VAMPIRE and The Spirit of Asia part 1: WORLD OF SHADOW. Two videos were shown: Wild Life : THAI MONKEY and The Spirit of Asia part 2 : BALI. Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa, Member of the Council, lectured on LEADING PERSONALITIES IN THE EARLY BANGKOK PERIOD.

15 December

22 December

29 December 5 January

12 January 19 January 20 January

26 January 27 January 30 January

Two videos were shown: Wild Life: ROCK FOR ALL SEASON and The Spirit of Asia part 3 : JAVA. Two videos were shown: Wild Life : CROCODILE and The Spirit of Asia part 4 : RAMAY ANA. Mr. Takamichi Tohyama, a professional Noh player and a follower of the Hosho school, gave an introduction and demonstration of JAPANESE NOH THEATRE. Two videos were shown: Wild Life: CATS and The.Spirit.of Asia part 5 : CAMBODIA. MUSIC AND DANCE FROM LOBI PROVINCE was performed, with the cooperation of Loei Teachers Training College. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO VISIT TEMPLES, MURAL PAINTINGS AND OTHER SITES OF INTEREST IN SARABURI.

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2 February

Two videos were shown: Wild Life : SHOW DOGS and The Spirit of Asia part 6: BURMA.

9 February

Dr. Robert Bobilin, former Chairman, Department of Religions, University of Hawaii, HonolUlu, gave a talk on MALTHUSIANS, MARXISTS, MISSIONARIES AND THE MIDDLE PATH.

12-15 February

Mr. William Klausner, former member of the Council and Advisor to the Ford Foundation, Bangkok, led members to Ubol Ratchathani and TOD PHA PA. SAMAKKI AT WAT PA NANACHAT. Two videos were shown : ANIMAL OLYMPICS and the last programme from The Spirit of Asia series: THAILAND. The film THE OPIUM WARLORDS was shown. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary,. led an EXCURSION TO PHI PHI DON ISLAND, PHI PHI LE ISLAND AND OTHER ISLANDS IN THE ANDAMAN SEA. Two videos were shown: MYSTERY OF THE GREEN MOUNTAIN and MUSIC AFTER MAO. Mr. Buayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO PHI PHI DON ISLAND, PHI PHI LB ISLAND AND OTHER ISLANDS IN THE ANDAMAN SEA. Two videos were shown : MUNDI ABORIGINES and BUDDHA CAME TO SUSSEX. Two videos were shown: PORCELAIN and AS THE JAPANESE LIKE IT. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO AMPHAWA, PHOTHARAM, RATCHABURI AND PHRACHUAP KHIRI KHAN. Two videos were shown: LAST PLACE ON EARTH No. 1 and No.2. The Annual General Meeting was held followed by a lecture and slide show on BARB-HEADED DOCTORS by Dr. Prawes Wasi, Deputy Rector of Mahidol University, 1981 Ramon Magsaysay Award for. Public Service.

23 February 25 February

26-28 February

2 March S-7 March

9 March

16 March 20-2i March

23 March 25 March

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NOTE: Lectures Excursions Films Video Performances Panel discussions Total

22 20 14 11 4 2 73

The Programme & Travel Committee works closely with the Natural History Section as well as with the Arts & Culture Committee. Besides, a tlUx:nber of members and friends helped to make all the events possible.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa Mr. Henri ~agau-Clarac Mr. Sirichai Narumit Mr. Dacre Raikes Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay

Chairman Co-Chairman Member Member Secretary

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE AR't AND CULTtlRE COMMITTE£ 1981/82 The Art and Culture Committee met four times during 1981 and either allocated funds, or assisted in the acquisition of funds, to support the following projects:-

MAK REUK KHON. The second performance was given on the Society's lawn on 29th January by a group consisting of about 60 dancers and musicians from the combined campuses of Srinakharinwirot University at Bangkhen and Prasarnmit. An audience o~ 180 Society members and friends witnessed and much enjoyed this demonstration of human chess which is hard to see elsewhere these days.

AKHA (EGOR) DANCE AND MUSIC. A programme was presented at the Society by Acharn Tirayudh Yuangsri of the Dramatic Arts College, Chiang Mai, on 25th April. Additional performances were also given at the Bangkok Bank's Art Center at Phanfa as well as on TV Channel 7. Some of the traditional dance movements performed by the girls in time to their own singing were demonstrated as well as some of the dances in which boys and girls perform in alternate teams. The exclusively male reed organ (ladjei) was played as was the flute (cheu lu) and the jews harp (cha eu) by means of which messages, particularly love-messages, can be passed when courting.

NORTHEASTERN DANCE AND MUSIC. This was presented on 24th September when the students ofKanasawat College, Mahasarakam, gave a most vivacious performance for Society members. The programme opened with a Baisri Dance after which the traditional sacred threads were tied around the wrists of some guests present, this was followed by Khun Larn, the harvesting dance. The shallow water fishing dance, Serng Sawing was next and this in turn was followed by the less wellknown mat weaving dance from Ban Pheng, Amphoe Kosumphisai. Other dances, which were interspersed with northeastern songs and solo items on the kaen and pong lang, included a brisk Fon Tien, the candle dance, the Fon Phu Thai and a boisterous Kiong Yao Dance to round off an enjoyable night.

TAECHIEW OPERA A somewhat marathonic course consisting of a lecture on "Taechiew Opera in Thailand" by Mrs. Yi-Ming Chang, a Chinese dinner in Jawarad Road and a performance of the Lo Tung story (a romance set in the Tang period) at the Sin Fa Theatre was undertaken by 130 Society members on 1st November. Some of the 206

Annual Reports

207

considerable differences betweem ·Peking and Taechiew opera, particularly those pertaining to local custom regarding make-up and dress, were pointed out by Mrs. Yi-Ming before she went on to show slides of the upcoming evening's performance. Notes, on a scene-by-scene basis, had also been prepared beforehand and members were therefore able, more or less, to follow the story as it unfolded on stage. However not too many were left to witness the drop of the curtain at about 10.45 p.m.

JAPANESE NOH THEATRE. A lecture-demonstration ~as given to an audience in excess of 100 at the Society on 20th January 1982 by Mr. Makamichi Tohyama, a leading exponent of the Hosho school. The evening began with a short lecture given in English by Acharn Saowaluck Suriyawongpaisal of Chulalongkorn University who explained some of the major points to look for in a Noh play and illustrated the more important points with the use of Mr. Tohyama's slides. Mr. Tohyama was then h:mself introduced and Acharn Saowaluck continued to translate his remarks as he gave an initial demonstration of some of the basic movements used in the Noh. The actor then demonstrated a very celebrated solo part, the Angel's Dance from Hagoromo, and later followed this up with a short part for a samurai by way of contrast. The Society is grateful to Professor Yoshinobu Kakiuchi, Professor Emeritus of the University of Tokyo, and to Mrs. Kakiuchi who gave much assistance with the preparation of this programme which proved to be of great interest to followers of drama in the Asian region.

NORTHEASTERN DANCE AND MUSIC. The second performance of northeastern dance and music was brought to the Society on 27th January 1982 by the Teachers Training College of Loei. This was combined with a Thai supper to make an enjoyable evening for the 100 members who came to see the show which included the to-be-expected sounds of kaens, pins and pong lang. Much of the music gave signs of heavy infiltration by modern "look toong" beats bul some of the dances were new to Bangkok audiences, one was even new to Loei as it was only choreographed last year on the TTC campus. Of greatest interest, perhaps, was the Ram Chong Pang of the Thai Dam of which ethnic grouping there are only 100 households, in their own village, in Changvad Loei. This dance concerns the exorcism of evil spirits which take possession of various people. The performance begins with the blessing of a tree to which flowers are attached. The "moh phi" (spirit doctor) brandishes a sword in front of this tree aided by a group of girls who perform a ceremonial dance around it. If the magic is effective the illnesses, mental or physical, are cured when the afflicted are made to eat the flowers after the blessing is completed.

208

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Another rather unusual dance was the Serng Nang Kwak which represents a seance in which two widows hold each end of a pole on which a basket has been fixed; this is dressed up to look somewhat human with a shirt, a hat, and maybe even false hair. Answers put to the spirit through the medium are divined from the directions in which the holders of the "kwak" move. Other spirit dances included the Fon Khoon Larn, a harvesting dance to Mae Phosop the rice-goddess, and the Ram Nang Dong in which the motions of rice husking are copied.

SLIDE LECTURES ON INDIAN ARCHEOLOGY. The Society joined with the Ford Foundation (who kindly provided the airfares) in sponsoring the vi~s of two Indian professors who came to lecture on some .archeological and historical aspects of the sub-continent. In September Dr. K.V. Raman, Professor and Head of Department of Ancient History and Archeology ofMarathavada University, Madras, lectured on the archeology, temple architecture and sculptural art and iconography of South India to the Society, to the National Museum Volunteers and the Graduate School of Archeology at Silapakorn University respectively. He was followed in November by Professor T. Pathy of the Department of Ancient Indian Culture of Aurungabad University who lectured on the Ell ora and Ajanta Caves at the same three locations:

CULTURAL EXCHANGES WITH MALAYSIA. These unfortunately suffered a double blow in November/December when firstly Kesuma, the cultural troupe of Universiti Malaya, cancelled their visit at short notice and, secondly, when the festival committee of Pesta Pinang decided that they would concentrate on Singapore in 1981 and let a proposed Nang Yai ·performance from Thailand await another year. Many preparations had already been made for both visits and it is to be hoped that something can be rescheduled in 1982 or 1983.

THAI CLASSICAL DANCE, FOLK DANCE AND MUSIC IN FRANCE AND ENGLAND. This was presented throughout most of August by 18 dancers and musicians from the Prasarnmit, Patumwan and Palasuksa campuses of Srinakharinwirot University by kind permission of the President, Dr. Nibhon Sasithorn, and heads of departments. The French part of the visit was largely under the sponsorship of the Comite des Fetes de Montoire who provided a bus to take the group from Paris to give a series of performances at folklore festivals at many small towns and villages but chiefly at Charolles, Macon, Felletin and at Montoire itself. These performances were usually preceeded by parades of the various participating groups, btb froJD france and abroad,

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209

down the village streets in order to raise interest for the night shows. Audiences varied from one or two hundred in small villages up to over three thousand under ~he "bigtop'' at Montoire itself. Shows were given in converted open-air farmyards and public parks as well as in warehouses, gymnasiums, castle ruins and .under canvas. Two performances were also given in churches and one in a hospital for paraphlegics which included dining with, and helping to feed, the inmates. · Sleeping arrangements were usually provided at school dormitories which led to some interesting situations when "lights-out" occurred in the middle of the Thai midnight suppers, one or two near international incidents were avoided by the exercise of good sense. Other nations represented at some of the bigger festivals included Belgium, Spain, Finland, Israel, Greece, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Romania. ·From further afi"eld came Nigeria and Hawaii whilst many French regional groups were also included in many places. Programmes were very varied ranging from the almost undiluted gymnastics of Nigeria through the regional square dances of France and the furiously energetic folk dances of the Balkans. The Thai troupe were considered to be the most classic and it was gratifying to find that the great effort that had been put into preparing adequate programmes in both French and E.nglish so that spectators would have a good idea of what was going on, was appreciated at many venues. Possibly one of the greatest problems encountered was in the provision of familiar food. Kind hosts would not believe that almost anything was acceptable provided there was an adequate provision of plain boiled rice to accompany it. Excellent food was often wasted as it was unknown and no rice was served. The problem was partly solved by the institution of "midnight picnics" consisting of instant dried noodles in the dormitory after the return from giving the late night show, but it sometimes meant a long and empty wait throughout the day for unadventurous eaters. Copious supplies of noodles were indeed packed into every free crevice in the instrument boxes (a precaution learned from previous expeditions) and the group was delighted when the Royal Thai Embassy in Paris managed to get the huge heaps of baggage past the airport customs without any inspection whatever. It might have been difficult to explain that the whole consignment was for personal consumption and not about to be used to stock up a Thai restaurant in Paris for the next six months. The Ambassador, Khun Owart Suthiwartnarueput, even went one better upon the group's departure and provided a Thai meal at the station in Paris : this was much appreciated. After three weeks touring in central France all left for London to be greeted by Dr. Donald Mitchell, Director of Music Studies at the Britten-Pears School for Advanced Music Studies at Aldeburgh. No time was lost in getting down to rehearsal

210

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for the Promenade Concert performance to be given under the auspices of the BBC in the Royal Albert Hall on 22nd August. This was to be used by both sound radio and, later, by television and was to be only the second time that a group from Southeast Asia had been invited to perform in the 87 year history of the "Proms". Many hours of rehearsals in different BBC studios culminated in a commendable performance which included khon excerpts, folk dances and classical musical showpieces. The promenaders amongst the audience, which had been somewhat at ease on the hall floor during the preceeding item, a Messiaen organ recital, rose to their feet and remained pressed to the bar of the orchestra pit during the whole of the so' minute Thai programme. Most major music critics, particularly those from "The Times" and "The Daily Telegraph", gave favourable reports two days later. The Ambassador to Britain, Khun Phan Wannamethee, gave an excellent reception at the Embassy after the performance and it was only with great difficulty that all could be extracted, and despatched to their billets, around I a.m. : two shows were scheduled up on the east coast at Aldeburgh next day and an early start was called for. Before returning to Thailand one additional sound recording was made for the BBC, this is the third programme that has been recorded by Srinakharinwirot University groups in the course of the past four years. In addition to the invaluable FF 20,000 subvention provided by M. JeanFrancais Proux and his festival committee at Montoire towards airfares, the considerable sum of Baht 270,000 was also donated by banks and business houses (listed elsewhere) with Thai/French, and Thai/British connections. To this support must be added that from the Anglo-Thai Society in London, chaired by Sir Arthur de Ia Mare, an exAmbassador to Thailand, and his Honorary Secretary Mr. John Milner, and of course the fees from the BBC itself. These funds ensured that the tour remained viable and it would have been quite impossible to ensure so far, for so long, without adequate financial back-up. The Siam Society, which received prominent billing in the 7,500 French and English language programmes personally printed free-of-charge by Khun Suk Soongsawang of D.K. Bookhouse, is most grateful to all who gave support in both cash, or kind, and hopes that all generous sponsors will not feel that their assistance has been wasted.

LUANG PRADIT PAIROH FOUNDATION. Funds were voted to support the objectives of this musical foundation launched by Khunying Chin Silapabanleng, the celebrated musician's daughter, and a group of supporters in early 1981. Recordings were made of some of the more rare as well as some of the better known compositions by a group of distinguished musicians. They were made both privately and at a special programme commemorating the late Luang Pradit at the National Theatre in August. The Society hopes to receive copies of all the recordings, and of the publications, in due course.

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TEMPLE MURALS PRESERVATION. In cooperation with the Siamese Architects Association, the Society assi~ted in negotiations to obtain a grant of Baht 200,000 from the Siam Cement Company, to preserve murals dating from the Third Reign in Wat Bangkhanun, Klong Bangkok Noi, Nonthaburi. The Society successfully concluded arrangements with the Fine Arts Department, the provincial government and the Abbot to allow this work to proceed. Surviving murals at Wat Bangyikan, also dating from the Third Reign, will also benefit from a grant to be made by the management of the European Asian Bank as their principal contribution towards the Rattanakosin Bicentennial Celebrations. The Society has obtained permission from the Fine Arts Department for this work to proceed. It will be placed under the control of Khun Wannipha na Songkla of the F.A.D. who has already completed some most successful preservation projects at Wat Boworn, Wat Suthat and Wat Phrakeo. She was responsible for the work at Wat Kok in Rajburi about 7 years ago.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS. Mr. Dacre Raikes Mrs. Sonia Krug Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa M.C. Subhadradis Diskul Mrs. Virginia Di Crocco Dr. Piriya Krairiksh Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay

Chairman

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Siam Society acknowledges with grateful thanks the contributions received, both in cash and in kind, from th.e following generous and public-spirited sponsors:Bangkok: AIR FRANCE ANGLO-THAI (BANGKOK) LTD. BANGKOK BANK LTD. BANK OF A YUDHYA LTD. BOON RAWD BREWERY COMPANY LTD. THE BORNEO COMPANY (THAILAND) LTD. MISS DAPHNE COLWELL & ESCAP TRANSLATION TEAM THE CHARTERED BANK D.K. BOOKHOUSE JARDINE MATHESON & CO., (SOUTH EAST ASIA) LTD. LEVER BROTHERS (THAILAND) LTD. LOUIS T. LEONOWENS LTD. THE ROYAL BANGKOK SPORTS CLUB THE SHELL COMPANY OF THAILAND LTD. SHINAWATRA FASHION HOUSE SOCIETE GENERALE THAI MELON POLYESTER CO., LTD. THAI PURE DRINKS LTD. OVERSEAS CONTAINERS LTD. THAI FARMERS BANK. France: M. ACHILLE CLARAC & M. HENRI PAGAU-CLARAC ASSOCIATION DE CULTURES ET TRADITIONS DU SUD-EST ASIATIQUE, MACON COMITE DES FETES ET LOISIRS DE MONTOIRE-SUR-LOIRE England: ALDEBURGH FESTIVAL-SNAPE MALTINGS FOUNDATION ANGLO-THAI CORPORATION LTD. BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION INCHCAPE AND COMPANY LTD. KILLICK MARTIN & CO., LTD. LOUIS T. LEONOWENS LTD. DR DONALD MITCHELL NATIONAL-WESTMINSTER BANK LTD. PAULING AND COMPANY LTD. STANDARD CHARTERED BANK LTD. VISITING ARTS UNIT 212

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213

The Society is particularly grateful to Air France for their very considerable assistance with both airfares and transportation of instruments and costumes. Mention should also be made of the very substantial contributions received from the Comite des Fetes at Montoire, the Bangkok Bank, London Branch and the Thai Farmers Bank. Without this assistance, and that of all the other contributors mentioned above this tour could not have been undertaken by the dancers and musicians of Srinakharinwirot University in Bangkok.

LIST OF PAID-UP MEMBERS, 1982 "'DENOTES LIFE MEMBER

* *

*

Mr. Yoji Aoyagi Mr. Hachiro Arai Mr. Alain Archambault Mr. C. Archaimbault Mr. Ray Archer Mr. H. Gunther Arlt Dr. Woraphat Arthayukti * Mr. Charles D. Arthur Mr. William P. Ashdown * Mr. Yehuda Assia Dr. Phanupong Asvakiat Mrs. Dorothy C. Asumendi Mr. Siva Asva Asvakiat Miss Ratana Athirakool * Mr. Kim Atkinson * Mr. Bunchana Atthakorn * Mr. B. Atthakorn Mrs. Khy Hlahla Aung Mrs. Betty M. Avery * Prof. Tsuneo Ayabe Mr. Kenneth R. Ayer Mr. Liam Ayudhrij Miss Kathleen Badger Dr. Christopher Baker * Mr. Michael H. Baker * Dr. R. Balakrishna * Mr. Daroon Balasiri Mr. John M. Ball * Mr. Dieter-Maria Balzar • Miss Banchop Bandhumedha * Mr. Dharmadasa Banij Mr. Dusit Banijbatana * Prof. P.V. Bapat * Dr. G. Bare

Mr. Hisashi Abe * Mom Kobkaew Abhakara Na Ayudhya * Prof. ArthurS. Abramson Mr. Klaus M. Ackermann * Mr. A.C.S. Adams Mr. A. Peter Adcock * Mrs. V.T. Adloff Mr. Osamu Akaqi Mr. M.V. Akbar Luang Pracherd Aksorlaksana * Mr. A. Alexander * Mr. P.J. Alexander * Mr. Anvar T. Aliakbar Mrs. Catherine E. Allen Mr. Chalie Amatyakul * Mr. Pricha Amatyakul * Mr. Pinglasvasti Amranand * Mr. Piyasvasti Amranand * Mr. Vidusvasti Amranand * Dr. E. Ammundsen Mr. Diethard Ande Ms. Annabel Anderson Miss Donna J. Anderson * Dr. Douglas D. Anderson Mr. Hans G. Andersen * Mr. Hiroshi Ando Mrs. Josefine Andorfer * H.E. Mr. G. Andre Miss Nicole Andrews Mr. David I. Andrianoff * Miss Mary Anglemyer Miss Boonchua Ankapradit * Prof. Edward M. Anthony Mr. William Aoustin 214

Annual Reports

• Mr. G.R.D. Barker Mr. J.N.A. Barnes Mr. D. Barrett * Mr. Norman Bartlett Mr. James R. Basche "' Mr. Douglas N. Batson Mr. Erwin Baumann Mr. Josef Baumgartner Mr. Robert M. Bayliss Miss Helene Beaupere Prof. Dr. Heinz Bechert Miss. Anns Beck * Dr. Damrong Bejrablaya Mr. Konrad Bekker Mr. Geoffrey Bell Mr. Kittisak Bencharit * Mr. Paul J. Bennett Mr. Richard H. Bennison Mr. Arthur E. Berger Mrs. Marie M. Berlingieri Mr. Mel T. Bernard Mr. Massimo Bernardinelli Mrs. F. Bertin Mr. Klaus D. Bettenhausen * Miss Chamrieng Bhavichitra * Mr. Robert J. Bickner Mr. JanBierdrager Mr. Maurice Bigoin Mr. Fred Bild Dr. George A. Binnew Dr. Med. Ernst W. Birmele Mr. Brian Birley Mr. Kurt Bischof Mrs. Mona M. Bittenbender Miss lnga Bjorkroth * Mr. Otto Bjorling • Mr. J. Black

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Mrs. Beryl Blacka Mrs. Patricia J. Blackburn Mr. John Blofeld Mr. David J. Bluford Mr. Robert Boca Mr. J.J. Boeles Prof. Dr. Ernest Boesch Mr. Marc Bogerd H.E. Mr. Rudolf Bogner Prof. Jean Boisselier Mr. Richard N. Bones Mr. Simon Bonython Mr. Thanongsak Boonyarungsrit Mr. William Booth Mr. Denis Borel Miss Christine Borgeaud Mr. Richard Borsuk Mr. Alexander H. Borthwick Dr. Meredith Borthwick Mrs. Marcelle Boschan Mr. Huysmans Boudewijn Mrs. Robert G. Boughey Mr. Jean Boulbet Mr. Carroll G. Bowen Miss Henrietta A.B. Bouman Miss Delores Boyer Dr. David Bradley Dr. William L. Bradley Mr. Heinz Braendli Dr. Niged J. Brailey Mrs. S.L. Bramley Mr. Leo F. Brandenberg Mr. Kennon Breazeale Mr. Hermann Brecheisen Mr. Thor W. Brehmer Mr. Rainer Breitfeld Mr. Walter Brenneis

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Dr. R. Peter Brenner * Ms. Bonita Brereton Mrs. Lesleya Brewin Dr. Colin M. Britton Dr. Warren Brockelman Mr. Jean C. Brodbeck * Mr. Jere Broh-Kahn * Dr. John F. Brohm Miss Emma R. Broisman Mr. Bennet Bronson Mr. Daniel J. Brooks Mr. Michael D. Brown Miss Roxanna M. Brown Mr. Han ten Brummelhuis Mr. Viggo Brun Mr. Michel Bruneau Mrs. Doris Brunner * Mr. Prakit Buabusaya Maj. Gen. Prasert Buabusya Prof. Saroj Buasri Mrs. Janinc Buhrman . Miss Rachaniwan Bulakul • Mrs. L.C. Edna Bulkley Mr. William Bunch * Mr. Danuj Bunnag Mr. Marut Bunnag * Dr. Tej Bunnag * Mr. Munt Buranasiri Mrs. Vilaileka Buranasiri * Mrs. Katherine Buri * Mrs. Prapai S. Buri * Mrs. Prapar N. Buri * Mr. Prasarn B. Buri * Mr. Prasit Buri Dr. Rachit Buri Mr. Herbert 0. Burri * Mr. WilliamS. Burtenshaw

Annual Reports

Mr. John J.S. Burton Miss Victoria Butler Mr. John Cairncross * Mr. C.M. Callaway Mr. Alan Cameron Mrs. Sheilah Campbell Lt. Col. Donald J. Cann Mr. Gary W. Carlson * Mr. Timothy Carney * Mr. G.D. Carpenter * Mrs. Carroll L. Cartwright Miss Kathy Cedilnik Mr. Suchint Chaimungkalanont Mr. Tana Chaivorapat * H.R.H. Prince Chalermbol Yukala Dr. James R. Chamberlain Mr. Varyl M.H. Chamberlain * Miss Chusiri Chamaraman Mr. Chalaw Chamoraman * Mr. Abhai Chandavimol Mr. Albert T. Chandler Mr. David P. Chandler * M.C. Sasavin Chandratat Mrs. Wanpen Chandr-Virochana Mr. Wiwat Chandrvirot Mr. Y.H. Chang * Mr. Damrong Changtrakul Mrs. Chanpen Charoenchitt * Mr. Manop Charoensuk Miss Moniyue G. Charrier * Prof. S.K. Chatterji Prof. Dr. Kamheang Chaturachinda Mr. Paul Chauzat * Mr. Chamras Chayabongse * Miss Seela Chayaniyayodhin Mr. Chetta P.C. Cheng Mr. Sumedh Chhim

Annual Reports Mr. Chatri Chirarapurk * Mr. C.F. Chicarelli Jr. Miss Ganigar Chinachote Mr. Charoon Chinalai Dr. Preeda Chitarachinda Dr. Hatai Chitanondh Miss Toogbai Chittamongkol Miss Bancha Chittibhol Miss Kotchakorn Chivakunakorn Miss Nancy Chng Mrs. Francoise Chomthongdi * Miss U. Chongpipatanasook Mr. Bangkok Chowkwanyun * Mr. Chow Chowkwanyun Mrs. Evelyn Chowkwanyun Dr. John J. Christian Mr. James Christie Mr. Tom Chuawiwat Mr. Christopher J.A. Chubb * M.R. Doangchai Chumbala Mr. Pradit Chungkla Mrs. Saisuree Chutikul * Miss Krongthong Chutima Mrs. Oon Chutima Mr. Sanit Chutintaranond * Mrs. Nandana Chutiwongs Mr. C.A. Clarac Mr. G.C. Clark Dr. Harry R. Clarke Mr. Erroll D. Coles Miss Lucy Coltman Mr. T.H. Commins * Prof. Georges Condominas Mrs. Patchrie Conrad Mr. Consigny Miss Nerida M. Cook * Mr. Robert N. Cook Jr.

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Miss Mary N. Cooke Mrs. Teresa Cooney Mr. Edward J. Cooper Jr. * Mr. J. Corman Mr. R. Coster Dr. Conrad P. Cotter Mr. Bruce E. Cox Mr. Peter Cox Mrs. P.L. Creasy Mr. Ronald J. Crista! Mrs. Lois E. Crittenden Miss Margaret Crowley Mr. Jean Crozatier Mr. Richmond Cubis * Mr. J.L. Culbertson Mr. James R. Cullen * Mr. William H. Cummings * Dr. Richard D. Cushman Mr. Lawrence Oaks * Mr. Lance Dane Mrs. Ans Dankers * Mr. Chitra Dansuputra Mr. S.J. Davies Mr. James E. Davis Mrs. Jean Davis * Mr. Richard B. Davis Mrs. Martine Dean Miss Nerina De Angelis Mr. Jacques de Barrin Miss Chantal de Boisboissel Prof. Dr. Johannes G. de Casparis * Mr. A.I. de Courcy Lyons Mrs. Eileen Deeley · Mrs. J. De Fels * Miss Sukanya Dej-Udom Dr. Jose Eduardo De Mello-Gouveia Dr. Eugene Denis, S.J.

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• Mr. Ulrich Dennerlein Mr. Edward de Renzie Brown Mr. G. de Rougemont Mr. John de Salis Mrs. Paulette de SchaUer M.R. Anongdevan Devakul Mrs. Fee de Vallois Mr. David DeVoss • Ir. F.C. de Weger B.I. * Miss Chalermsri Dhamabutra * Mr. Phadhadej Dhamcharee • H.E. Mr. Sanya Dharmasakti Mrs. Francine Dhesse * Mr. Edward Dickinson " Mr. W. Dickinson Mrs. J.V. Di Crocco Mr. Ludo Dieltjens Mr. Dirk J. Dijkstra .Dr. Anthony Diller Miss Rebecca Dirks * H.S.H. Princess Ma~ayat Diskul H.S.H. Princess Patralada Diskul * H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul Dr. Edward B. Doberstyn Mr. Robert J. Dobias Mr. Michael T. Dockerty * Mr. John Dodds * Reverend Paul S. Dodge · Mr. Francis H. Dong Mrs. Velvet Eve Douglas Mr. John B. Downs * Mr. Svend H. Drachmann ·Mr. C.W. Drewes Mrs. Shirley Duboff 3 Mr. Jacques Dubois Mr. Sol G. Dubroof Mr. Ernest Duchamp

Annual Reports

Mr. Gerard Dudeffend Mrs. Anne Coude du Foresto Mr. Peter Duhse Mr. Vincent A. Eagan Mr. John B. Eastman Mr. Alfred F. Eberhardt Mr. Krister Eduargs Mr. Axel Edelstam Mr. Peter Edwards Prof. Srbren Egerod Mr. Michael Eiland Mrs. Maly Ekaritbutr • Mrs. Kamala Sukhabanj Eksaengsri Miss Pitasana Ek-une Mr. Donald C. Elison Dr. Richard Engelhardt Mr. Jan B. Eriksson * The Viscount Errington Dr. Lorette Etienne-Amberg * Dr. Egon A. Ettinger Mr. R.G. Evans Mr. William D. Evans Mr. John L. Everingham Prof. H.D. Evers Mr. Fernand Falchier Mr. David Feeny * Prof. David A. Feingold Mr. J.P. Ferguson Mrs. Dorothy H. Fickle Mrs. Monkia L. Fischer Dr. Kenneth S. Fischer Mr. Richard Flaspohler Prof. Dr. Gerhand Platz Mrs. Piyathida Flores Mrs. Eva-Maria Forsberg Mr. Lawrence T. Forman Mr. Angus Hamish Forsyth

Annual Reports

Mr. Brian L. Foster Mr. Stephen R. Fox Mr. Jean Lvu Francois * Mr. H.G. Frandsen Mrs. Beverly Frankel * Mr. Dean Frasche · Mr. P.R.N. Fraymouth * Mr. James W.D. Fransche Mr. Lars E. Fredberg Mr. Douglas Frewer Mr. Etienne Friang * Mr. H. Frijlink Prof. Riichiro Fujiwara Mr. N.J. Funston Mr. Louis Gabaude * M.R. Rosalin Gagananga Miss A. Jean Gainor * Mr. Bo Khin Maung Gale Mrs. Michele L. Galopin Mr. Marcel Gambert * Mr. George F. Gant Mr. Albert Garaboeuf Dr. Richard A. Gard Dr. Damnern Garden Mr. Derick Garnier Mrs. Lada R. Gasikorn Dr. Reto F. Gass Mr. Benjamin Gassmann Mr. Marcel F. Gautschi Mrs. J. Gaw * Dr. William Gedney Dr. David Gee-Clough Mr. P.F. Geithner Mrs. Ruth Gerson * Mr. T.W. Gething * H.E. Mr. John I. Getz * Mr. Hugh Gibb

Mr. I.M. Gibson Mr. Ress Gilles Mr. Rod M. Gillespie Mrs. Asa Gim Mr. Ulf Glattkowski * Mr. Gunther Glauninger Mrs. Tatyana Goldenshtein Mr. Ilya Goldenshtein Mr. Richard Goldrick Mr. S. Gonge Mr. R.F. Goninon * Mr. Betty Gosling Prof. L.A. Peter Gosling * Mr. D.C. Goss * Dr. JosephS. Gould Mr. Mark Graham Mr. Terry B. Grandstaff Mr. Denis D. Gray Mrs. Janine J. Gray Mrs. Myrtue Greenwalt Mr. Ronald H. Greer * Dr. M.E. Griffith * Mr. A.B. Griswold * Dr. Pracha Gunakasem Mr. Bo Gustavsson * Mr. F.G. Groarke * Dr. B.P. Groslier Mr. Paul M. Grostad * Mrs. U.L. Guehler Mr. Kurt Guenther Miss Georgia Guldan * Mrs. Malinee Gumperayarnnont Mr. Geoffrey Gunn Mr. James F. Guyot Mr. Michel Guyot * Dr. Mary R. Haas Dr. J.A. Hafner

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Dr. Klaus Hahlweg Mr. Jorgen Hage Mr~ David L. Hagen Mr. Hiromitsu Hakari Mr. Jamer W. Hamilton Mr. Chris Hampton Mr. John W. Hancock Dr. Lucien M. Hanks Jr. Mrs. Kate A. Hansen Mr. Per Svane Hansen Dr. Vagn Hansen Mr. Heather Hanson Mrs. Barbara Ann Harding Mr. Hugh C. Harries Mrs. Adda M. Hartman Mr. John F. Hartman Mr. Peter Hartog Mr. J.D. Hastings Mrs. Kyoko Hayashi Mr. Victor C. Heard Mrs. Elizabeth Heatherington Mrs. Gudrun Heckel Mr. Hanspeter Heckendorn Mr. F.L. Heider Mr. William E. Heinecke Dr. H.W. Heitmann Miss E.J.A. Henderson Mr. Max E. Herman Mr. Knut Herzer Dr. George Heuser Mr. Kevin J. Hewison Dr. Takeo Hibino Mr. A.R. Hickson Mr. Boonchvey Hiranpruk Prof. Herman L. Hoeh Mr. Albert R. Hofmann Mr. D.W. Hogan

Annual Reports

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Mr. Richard M. Hollander Mr. David F. Holm * Mr. Jorgen Holm * Mr. Derek A. Holmes Sir James R. Holt, K.B.E. Mr. H.W. Homan * H.E. Sunthom Hongladarom H.E. Sommai Hoontrakool Mr. G. Hoppe Mr. Fritz Hops Mr. T. Hoshino Dr. Piet-Hein Houben Mr. Stephen M. Hourigan Mr. David W. Howard * Mr. Nid H. Shiranan * Mr. Thomas i. Hudak Major Roy Hudson Prof. F.E. Huffman Mr. Urs Hufschmid Mr. J.W. Huguet Mrs. Alice M. Hunnicutt Mr. Toum Hutasing * Mr. C.K. Hyland Mr. Jorgen Hylleberg * Mr. Shig~ru Iijima Mr. Christian Immer * Mr. Marcel Indergand Mr. Chainarong Indharameesup Miss Pinna Indorf Mr. A morn Indrakamhang Mr. Boon lndrambarya Mrs. Phasook Indrawooth Mr. Narin Indhewat Mr. Jerry Ingeman * Mr. Jasper Ingersoll Mr. Apichart Intravisit * Mr. Vadhana Isarabhakdi

Annual Reports

"' Khunying Tasniya Isarasena Punyagupt * Prof. Y oneo Ishii * Mrs. Thavee lsrasena Mr. Shoji Ito * Mr. Y. lwaki * Prof. K. lwatsuki Mr. J. Kenneth Jackson Mrs. Marilyn A. Jackson Mr. William A. Jackson Mr. Claude Jacques Ms. Samsiah A. Jajid * Mr. R. Campbell James Mr. Gustav A. Jamnig Mr. Joergen Jantzen Mr. Hermann Janzen Mr. Jean-Didier Javet Mr. Charles Javssi * M.R. Patanachai Jayant Miss Pranee Jiramahasuwan * Mr. Piya Jittalan Dr. Nirund Jivasantikarn Dr. Wicha Jiwalai Mr. Thomas Johnson Mr. Thomas Eric Johnson * U. Alexis Johnson Dr. David Johnston * Mr. P.A. Jones Mr. Ronald K. Jones Mr. Anders B. Jorgensen * Miss Ina Jorgensen Mr. E.E. Jornbeck * Mr. Sunthorn Jubandhu * Dr. Laurence C. Judd M.C. Sita Jumbala * Brig. Gen. M.L. Manich Jumsai Dr. Sumet Jumsai Mr. Z.T. Kajiji

Dr. M.L. Ekjai Kambhu * M.L. Jidjeua Kambhu Mr. Kurt Kammholz * Mr. Charn C. Kanchanagom Mr. Peter K. Kandre * Mr. Samran Kalayanaroj M.R. Romaniyachat Kaeokiriya Mr. Sukri Kaocharern * Miss Karnitha Karnchanachari Prof. Dr. Otto Karow * M.R. Nitivataya Kasemsri * M.R. Saengsome Kasemsri * Prof. H.E. Kauffmann * Dr. Howard K. Kaufman Mrs. Erika Kaufmann Miss Marja L. Kauppinen Mr. Peter Kauz Dr. Harvey Kayman Mr. Kunio Kawakami * Mrs. I. W. Kellogg Mr. Kim S. Kendall Miss Jean Kennedy Miss Sunantha Keotabhand Mr. Joseph F. Kerch Miss Mattana Ketkamon * Dr. Ouay Ketusingh * Prof. Charles F. Keyes * Dr. Thanat Khoman * Mr. Xob Khongkhakul Mr. Hong Chuan Khoo Mr. Lawrence Khor Mr. Sokichi Kimura Mr. Norman Yan Kin Mr. J.M.E. Kindl * Mr. G. Kingma "' Dr. Konrad King shill "'Mr. J.H. Kinoshita

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Mr. Wolf Kirmayer * Prof. A. Thomas Krisch • Mr. Atsushi Kitahara * M.L. Plaichumpol Kitiyakara Mrs. Penelope M. Klap Mrs. Ellis E.M.E. Klarenbeek Mr. Bewulf K. Klebert Mr. Wolfgang Klemer Mr. M. Mck Kliks Mr. Klaus Klinke Mr. D.M. Knapp Mr. F.W.A. Knight Mr. Michael A. Knowles Mrs. Ulrike Koelver Mr. Manfred U. Kohler Mr. Hirobaru Koike Miss Aramsri Kompanthong Mr. Michio Komuro Mr. Fatt Kiew Kon Mrs, Sunetra Kongsiri Prof. Irving Kopf Mr. H.R. Korff Dr. Roy J. Korn Mrs. Margaret Kosbab Mr. Osot Kosin Miss Khaipipat Kosiyakul Mr. Didrik Krag * Dr. Piriya Krairiksh * Dr. Chittrapat Krairiksh Mr. R.L. Kranker M.L. Taw Kritakara Mr. Alongkorn Krityarut Mrs. Stanley Krug Mr. Gerard A.M. Kruse Mrs. Ulla Kruse Dr. Willy Kuenzel * Mr. Ernest Kuhn

Annual Reports

Mr. Cherdgiet Kulabutara Miss Nontaporn Kunakorn Mr. Bhornchai Kunalai Mr. Miles Kupa * Prof. Masanori Kuwahara Mr. Roshan Lall Kwatra Mr. E. Lachenauer Mrs. Alain Lacoste Mr. Charles Lamarche Miss A.B. Lambert Mr. Banthoon Lamsam * Miss Supawan Lamsam * Mr. Kenneth P. Landon H.E. Dr. Hans C. Lankes Dr. Charles C. Lantz Miss Supin Laohasirinadh Mrs. Maria Laosunthara Dr. Pijit Laosonthorn Prof. Kai Larsen * M.R. Salah Latavalya * Mr. Douglas A.J. Latchford Mrs. Lynette H. Laue Mr. Robert Lavery Mr. Patrick Laycock Miss Therese Le Baron Miss Sudarat Leerabhandh Mrs. Anne V. Leete Dr. H. Leedom Lefferts. Jr. Mr. Bernard Lefort Mr. F.K. Lehman * Dr. Boonsoong Lekakul Lt. Gen. Damnern Lekbakula Mr. Ah Bang Leo Miss Suree Lertprathanporn Mr. Stephen J. Lesiuk *Mr. L.E.C. Letts Mr.SanguanLewmanomont

Annual Reports

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Dr. Roger P. Lewis Mr. T.A. Lewis Mr. Charles H. Ley * H. E. Monsieur Han Lih-Wu Mrs. Pongpun Likanasudh Mr. Vivithya Likanasudh Mr. H.H. Lim Mr. Preedeeporn Limcharoen * Mrs. M. Linck * Mr. Herbert Link Mrs. Monika Link Mr. Paul Lo Mr. Beat R. Lobsiger Mrs. Catherine M. Loehr Mr. Wichien Loetsuraphibun Mrs. Sujaree Logavit Prof. Denys Lombard. Mr. Frank Lombard * Dr. H.H.E. Loofs * Mrs. Reid un Loose Mr. Peter Loverde Mrs. Sylvia Lu Dr. Guy Lubeigt Mr. Graham J. Lucas Dr. Niegel J. Lucas * Prof. Gordon H. Luce Dr. Harvey F. Ludwing * Mr. R. Lueke * Ambassador Ivar Lunde Miss Jeranai Lunsucheep Mrs. Pornsri Luphaiboon Mrs. Albert Lyman * Miss Elizabeth Lyons * Mr. C.S.I. Mabbatt * Mrs. C.S.I. Mabbatt Mr. C.R. Maberly Mr. Robert R.S. MacDonald

* Mr. John A.G. MacDermott Mr. Michael B. Magnani Mr. Prateep Mahasuwan Mr. Jisa Makarasara M.L. Pin Malakul Miss Pikul Malasiddh * Mr. Ariyant Manjikul Dr. P.Y. Manguin " Mrs. C. Mangskau Mr. William L. Mann Mrs. Mette K. Manoharan Mrs. Alfred L. Marks * Mr. Michel Marliere Mr. F.H. Marsh Mr. John A. Marsteller Mr. G.A. Martin * Mr. F.W.C. Martin Miss Marie A. Martin Mr. Gordon Mason Mr. Rasheed A. Maskati Mr. Dominique S. Mathevet Dr. Kathleen Matics Prof. Osamu Matsuyama * Mr. Tetsuya Matsumoto Mr. G.N. Mauger Mr. Robert B. Muale * Mr. Perry Mavro * Mr. Wilhelm Mayer Mrs. Machiko McAlister Mrs. William T. McCabe * Mr. Robert P. McDevitt Mr. Gava McDonell Mr. Forrest McGill Miss Edna C. McGuire Mr. Robert J. McKeon Mrs. Sarah McLean Mrs. Miriam McNair-Scott

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Mr. Jeffrey A. McNeely Dr. Ruth McVey "' Miss Kanitta Meesook * Khunying Amphorn Meesook Mrs. Samira Meghaessian Mr. Charles B. Mehl Miss Ho Chui Mei "' Mr. K. William Melchers Mrs. Bruno Mercier Mr. Christian Meric Mr. Claude Meyer Mr. Niti K. Meyer Mr. Jukka 0. Miettinen Mrs. Mary A. Milecki Mrs. Gwen S. Millager Mr. Terry E. Miller Mr. Frank Minnick Mrs. Susan M. Mirkes Dr. Roland Mischung * Dr. Donald Mitchell Mr. Sidney S. Mitchell Miss Thida Mitrakul "' Mr. Sunao Miyahara * Mr. Koichi Mizuno Mr. Roger Montgomery Mrs. Elizabeth Moore Mr. Werner Morf Mr. John M. Morgan * Mr. G.H. Morgan Mr. Thomas E. Morgan Dr. Grace Morley * Dr. Harold S. Morris Mr. A.R.G. Morrison Mr. Peter M. Motzfeldt Miss Berbara Mountfield Dr. Majorie A. Muecke Mr. Kurt A. Mueller

Annual Reports

* Miss Jean Mulholland Mr. N.A. Mundhenk *Dr. Wiwat Mungkandi * Mr. Eiji Murashima Mr. Joseph J. Murrie * Mrs. Renuka Musikasinthom Mr. Hans Naegeli Mr. Hiroshi Nagai Mr. Tsugio Nagai * Dr. Chetana Nagavajara Mr. Otto Nagler Mr. Prakhan Namthip "' Prof. Prasert Na Nagara Miss Chomsri Nanthavanich *Mrs. Wanida Nanthavanij Mr. Dhirawat Na Pombejra * Mr. Vivadh Na Pombejra *Dr. Banpot Napompeth Mr. Cyril Nanshkin Mr. Rajeev Narula Mrs. Nongyao Narumit * Mr. Sirichai Narumit Mrs. Pomtip Narumpakorn * Mr. Wiraj Na Songkhla Mr. Dirk Naumann * Mr. Sukhum Navaphan Mr. Harald Neple Mr. Donald C.G. Newton Mrs. Pat Ngamsnit Mr. Carsten D. Nielsen Mr. Pierre J. Nicolas Miss Else M. Nielsen *Mr. Jan Nielsen * Prof. Boonyong Nikrodhananda Mr. Snoh Nilkamhaeng . * Miss lppa Nilubol * Dr. Kraisri Nimmanahaeminda

Annual Reports

Mr. Eric L. Nissen *Mr. Yoshimi Hitta Mr. Duncan Niven Mr. Harry L. Norlander *Mrs. R.G. North *Mr. Hans G. Oblander Dr. Taryo Obayashi Mr. Richard O'Connor Col. E.J. O'Donnell * Mr. Samuel C. Oglesby * Mr. Tadashi Okaniwa * Miss Laura Olson Mr. David Oot Mr. Surin Osathanugrah Dr. Milton Osborne Mr. Jacky Ott Dr. Jan Overbeek Mrs. Marika Overbeek Mr. Nigel F. Overy Mr. Muneto Ozaki Mrs. Sundri Paaopanchon Miss Feresita Padilla Mr. Henri Pagau-Clarac Mr. Spha Palasthira Mrs. Rita Palla * Mr. Prasat Panyarachun * Mr. E. Conrad Parkman *Dr. H.C. Parish Mr. Michael Parr M.L. Pawkaun Patamasingh Mrs. H.K. Patmo-(Mingoen) Mr. Lewis Pauker Mr. Alois Payer *Mr. Somnuk Pejrprim Mrs. David Penn * Dr. Hans Penth Mr. Geoffrey Percival

Mr. J.P. Perguson *Mr. J. Perrin Mr. David M. Peter Mr. Donald L. Petrie Miss Malo Petterson Mr. Jurgen M. Pfeifer * Mr. S. Phataminviphas Mr. A.J. Phillips *Mr. Pinyo Phinainitisat Mr. Yong Pholabun Dr. Pasuk Phongpaichit • Mr. Harry H. Pierson Mr. C. Davis Pike Miss Christel Pilz * Khun Nilawan Pinthong * Prof. Duangduen Pisalbutra * Mr. Kaset Pitakpaivan Mr. Vagn G.A. Plenge Mr. Raymond Plion-Bernier Dr. Todd R. Poch Mrs. Bernadette Poidatz Mr. Henry P. Poli Mr. V.I. Ponomarev Miss Taraka Poontavee Mr. Vitavas Poshyachinda Mr. Derek R. Pott Mr. Tom Potworowski *Dr. Saveros Pou Mr. Jess G. Pourret Mr. Chun Prabhavivadhana * Mrs. Mira Prachabarn Miss Ninitra Prachuabmoh * M.R. Seni Pramoj Miss Promporn Pramualratana Mrs. Chittra Pranich Mrs. Madeleine Preisinger Mrs. Barry Price

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Mr. Russell Proctor * Dr. Sem Pring-Puang Kaew Luang Promadhat Mr. James B. Pruess Mr. Gobchai Puavilai Mrs. Siripen Puavilai Miss Chanchai Puckadhikom Miss Mathilda Punaraksha Mr. Henri Punta * Mr. Tos Puntumasen Mrs. Penkae Puntusang * Dr. Chaloem Puranananda * Mr. Chamikom Puranananda *Dr. Herbert C. Purnell Mrs. Sophia W. Quinn-Judge Mr. J. Race Dr. Jeremy J. Raemaekers Mr. Dacre F.A. Raikes * Gen. Rasmee Rajanivat Mr. M. Rajaretnam * H.S.H. Prince Piyarangsit Rangsit * Mom Chao Sanidh Rangsit Mrs. L. Rasmussen Dr. Prasob Ratanakorn Mr. Preecha Ratanodom Miss Wiph:a Ratanodom Mr. Bhichai Rattakul "' Mr. Thomas H. Rau Mrs. Susan R. Real Mr. Antonia Realacci Dr. Karl Reichstetter Mr. John M. Reid Mr. Ronald D. Renard Mrs. Carol Kim Retka Mr. Nicolas Revenga Mr. Craig J. Reynolds Mr. Hans A. Ries

Annual Reports

*Prof. Fred W. Riggs * Mrs. Susan G. Riley Mr. William M. Riley Mrs. R.S. Ringis Mr. Francesco Ripandelli * Mr. Serge Rips Mr. Edward A. Roberts Mr. George B. Roberts Mr. Kevin W. Robertson Miss M.S. Robertson Mr. L.W.G. Robson Mrs. Joy Rogers Mrs. Sarapee Rojanavongse Miss Kittiporn Rojchanayotin Mr. James P. Rooney Mr. Edward K. Rose Dr. Klaus Rosenberg Mr. Ronald Rosenberg Miss Laurie Rosenthal Mr. Jason Roussos . Mrs. Barbara Rowbottom Mr. J.S. Roy Mr. Thamanoon Ruangsilp *Mr. Walter A. Rudlin * Miss Parichart Ruengivsesh Miss Yaowamam Rujikietkumjom Miss Wasinee Rujirut *Mr. Dana W. Russell Mrs. Susan Ruthaivilavan Mrs· Chamnongsri Rutnin Mr. Kevin A. Ryon * Prof. Sood Saengvichien Mr. Prapat Saengwanit * Mr. David Sahlberg Mr. Bengt Sahlin *Mr. Patya Saihoo Dr. Waldemar Sailer

Annual Reports

*Mr. Takeshi Sakamoto

* Mrs. Si ta Sena Salih * Lt. Gen. Phya Salwidhan-Nidhes * Khunying Lursakdi Sampatisiri Miss M.S. Sanderson Mr. Richard E. Sandler * Mr. Cecil Sanford * Mr. Jitkasem Sangsingkeo Mr. Kriengsak Sangtong * Dr. Thawatchai Santisuk * Sao Saimong Mr. Vibul Sarakitpricha * Mrs. Laksanee Sarasas Mr. D.V. Sassoon *Mr. Hock Siew Saw Miss Suphanee Sawangwan *Mr. Pancha Sayalakshana Mrs. Chindabha Sayanha-Vikasit * Mr. Ratchatin Sayamanond * Prof. Dr. Meinrad Scheller Mr. George Schmidt Mr. Klaus Schindler *Mr. Hartmut W. Schneider

* Dr. Hans Schneider H.E. W.F.M. Schmidt * Dr. E.P. Schrock Mr. Walter Schuller Mr. Dieter Schutt Dr. Ira K. Schwartz Mr. Herbert Schwarz Mr. P.C. Schwarz Mr. Dale Schwerdtfeger Dr. Breisach Schwoerer-Kohl Mr. Frank W. Scotton Dr. Thomas Scovel Mr. Ronald S. Scrivener Mrs. Thomas A. Seale

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Mr. Ulrich Seeger Mr. Lothar Seethaler Mr. D. Segaller

* H.E.

Monsieur Gunnar Seidenfaden Mr. Adreas S. Sekles

Mr. Charles H .C. Seller Dr. Z. Semberova * Mr. Leo Seng Tee

* Mr. A. Sennhauser Mrs. Doris Sepulveda Miss Kulanuch Sertsuwankul

* Mr. Vija Sethaput * H .E. Phya Manava Raja Sevi Mrs. Colleen Sharp * Dr. Lauriston Sharp Dr. B C. Shaw * Mrs. Duangphorn Shaw * Prof. John Shaw * Mrs. Nisa Sheanakul * Mr. Lee Sheng-Yi Mr. Masahide Shibusawa Mrs. Haruyo Shirato * Prof. Dr. Yoshiro Shiratori * Dr. Jit Kasem Sibunruang

* Mr. P.E.J.S. Simms Mr. David M. Sims Mr. Aksorn Sindhuprama * Mr. Jaimal Singh Mrs. Surijt Chawla Singh * H .R.H . Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Mrs. Soontree Sirachaya Miss Vimala Siripongse Miss Aroonee Sirivadhna * Mrs. Mani Sirivorasarn Mr. Javanit Sivakua * Mr. Sulakshna Sivaraks Dr. Ronald Skeldom

228

* Mr. Robert Skiff Mr. Peter Skilling Prof. Cyril Skinner * Prof. G.W. Skinner Miss S. Skul Jittajarern Mr. Edwin Slatter Dr. William A. Smalley Mr . Peter M. Smidt Mr. Adelbert G. Smith Mr. Ellis G. Smith Mr. George Vinal Smith Dr. Herbert B. Smith Mr. Michael E. Smight * Mr. Perry E.H. Smith * Prof. Michael Smithies * Dr. Tern Smitinand Miss Sarapee Smutkochorn Dr. Isabella Vignoli Snidvongs Mrs. Pasherin Snidvongs

* Mr. Pochana Snidvongs * Khun Varunyupha Snidvongs * Miss Wipudh Sobhavong *Mr. Soedjatmoko * Dr. Wilhelm G. Solheim, II *Mr. J. Paul Somm * Dr. Prasert Sombuntham ~' M.R. Ying Subijja Sonakul H.S.H. Princess Sibpan Sonakul Mrs. Eva Sophonpanich Mrs. Kanchana Sophonpanich Mrs. Arunee Sopitpongsatorn Mr. Per Sorensen *Miss Marjorie W. Spaulding Mr. N .A.J. Spencer *Dr. Max Spiegelberg * Mr. Hans J. Speilmann * Dr. Charles N. Spinks

Annual Reports

Mr. Kuoch H. Srea Mr. Anek Srisanit Mrs. F. Sreesangkom * Admiral Ying Srihong Miss Tatsanai Sriratana • Dr. Koson Srisang * Mrs. Vina Sritanratana Mrs. Susan Staples Mr. Richard Stampfle * Miss Lucy Starling * Mr. Willy Steck Mr. Mark J. Stein Mr. David I. Steinberg Mr. James Stent Mrs. Ingrid Stenvik Dr. Rolf Stephan Mr. Bart N. Stephens Mr. Theodore Stern * Dr. Larry Sternstein * Mr. Charles Stewart Mr. John Stirling Mrs. Diane S. Strachan Mr. Robert Stratton Mr. Roger F. Stuveras Mr. Sumeth Suabanu Miss Sirichantorn Sucharitakul Mr. Seri Suddhaphakti Mrs. Hiroko Sukanjanajtee Miss V. Sukapanpotharam * Mrs. Sirivan Sukhabanij * Mr. Vhavit Sukhabanij * Dr. Dhara Sukhavachana Mr. Vichien Sukitjanont Miss Pisawat Sukonthapan Mrs. Vinita Sukrasep M.R. Suriyavudh Suksvasti Prof. Helmut Sundhaussen

Annual Reports Mr. Methi Sunthornrangsri * Mr. Konthi Suphamongkhon Miss Supanand Supumporn Mr. Vinit Suraphongchai Miss Waraporn Suravadi Miss Somchit Suravanichsiri * Khunying Srinath Suriya Mrs. Rose Marie Sutan-Tanon Miss Anna Sutjayakorn Mrs. Bubphanard Suvanamas Mrs. Regina Suvansarang Mr. Songphand Suvansarang Mr. Phairoj Suvarnasthira * Mr. Kasin Suvatabandhu Mrs. Pha-oon Suwannawin * M.R. Vudhi Svasti Mr. Tor Svendsby * Mrs. Ellen Swan * Mr. Robert Swann Mr. D.K. Swearer Mrs. Pauline Tabtiang Mrs. Vallapha Tabtieng Datuk Shahuddin Mohamed Taib Assc. Prof. Takuji Takemura Miss Nicola J. Tamlyn

* Mr. David K.S. Tan Miss Suchada Tangtongtavy Mr. Chirasak Tansathitaya Mrs. Ingrid Tantemsapya Mr. Thavi Tantisunthorn Dr. Thavi Tantiwongse Mr. N.C.T. Tapp Mr. David D. Tarrant Mr. William B. Tate Miss Kanita Tavekarn Mr. Ronald Tavel * Mr. Martin F. Taylor

Miss Claudia Tennant * Mr. Sathien Tejapaibul Dr. Barend J. Terwiel Mr. Robert C. Tetro * Prof. Robert B. Textor Mr. Boonparn Thakoon Dr. Kokeo Thammongkol Mr. Chavalit Thanachanan Mrs. Veronika Thananan Mrs. Lucia Thagsuphanich Mr. Yin Thaung Mrs. Sukanya Thavikulwat Mr. Anussorn Thavisin Mr. John A. Thierry Miss Arpunchanit Thipayanond Mr. MarshallS. Thomas Mr. Geoffrey Thompson * Mr. Henry B. Thompson *Dr. Donald R. Thomson * Mr. Paothong Thongchua Mrs. Srinaul Thoomchai *Brigadier Gen. Elliott R. Thorpe Mr. Hans P. Tillmann Mrs. Sally Timm Mr. Marten G. Timmer Dr. Chitriya Tingsabadh Mr. Chitti Tingsabadh Mr. Suthas Tiradnakorn Dr. P. Tixier * Prof. Takejiro Tomita *Mr. Takashi Tomosugi M.R. Puckpring Tongyai M.R. Tongyai Tongyai Dr. Steven J. Torok Miss Lalita Tosompak Mr. Michael Toth Mrs. Jacqueline Touchard

229

230

Dr. Hideo Toyokuni Miss Narelle R. Townsend Mrs. Yanagi Toyokuni Prof. Arne Trankell * Mr. Forrest C. Traville Miss Jeanne-Marie Treboul Mr. Guy Trebuil Miss Bernadette Tro Mr. Carl Trocki Mr. Hans J. Tschudi Mrs. Sheila Tuchinda Mr. John W. Tucker Mr. Paul Tuley Miss Sally Tun Thein Mr. WilliamS. Turley ·• Mr. G.M. Turpin * Dr. Snoh Unakul * Mrs. Margaret Ungphakorn Mr. Michael A. Ussery Ms. K.M. Uvhagen Mr. Viravudhi Vajrabhaya Mrs. Prathumporn Vajrasathira Mrs. Rachanee Valls * Luang Borihara Vanakhett * Luang Saman Vanakit Mr. Steven D. Van Beek Mr. A.D. Vanderboon Mrs. Florance Man Duyn Mrs. lngeborg Vanek * Mr. H.A. van der Flier *Dr. M.B.C. van der Velden Mrs. Penny Van Esterik Dr. W.J. van Liere Mrs. Romee S. van Luttervelt Mr. J.D. van Oenen Mr. Peter Van Rijn Mr. Edward Van Roy

Annual Reports

Mr. Johan A. Van Zuylen Miss Thaveeporn Vasavakul " Mr. Pichai Vasnasong Mrs. Leonie Vejjajiva • H.E. Nissai Vejjajiva * Dr. Christian Velder Miss Andrea Verkuehlen Mr. Gabriei Vernier Mr. Robert Vernstrom Mrs. Daniel Verpillot Mr. Michael T. Vickery Mr. N. Victor Dr. John Villiers *Miss Suri Vimolohakarn *Dr. Samak Viravaidya Mr. Samrerng Virachanang "' Mr. Navmintr Vitayakul Mr. Vittorio * Dr. J. Vixseboxse *Mr. Rolf E. Von Bueren Mr. Charoon Vongsayanh • Prof. Dr. Oskar von Hinuber Mr. Chusak Voraphitak M.R. Chirie Voravarn Mrs. Esti Votaw Miss Suchitra Vuthisathird Mrs. Barbara Wagner Miss Elizabeth Walch Mr. Eric Waldelius Mr. Louis Walker Mr. Despiegelaere Walter Mr. Rieser Walter Mr. Chanin Wanadit Dr. Derek Wangwiwatana Miss Kanchanasit Wansom Mr. Sirajit Waramontri Mr. George Ward

Annual Reports

Dr. David A. Warrell Mr. Charles P. Warren Mr. William Warren Mr. D.B. Waterhouse Mr. Ulrich Weber *Dr. Karl E. Weber Miss Ann G. Webster Mrs. Margot Weinmann Mr. Roger C. Welty *Dr. K. Wenk Mr. Sam S. Westgate Mr. T.O. Westheimer Mr. T.K. Whalley Mrs. Mark I. Whitcraft Dr. Nicholas J. White Mr. Peter White *Mr. WilliamS. Whorton *Dr. Adul Wichiencharoen Mr. Hansjoerg Wiedmann Dr. Martin Wieland Mr. Leo Wienands Mrs. M.M.F. Wiggins Dr. Henry Wilde Mr. Endymion P. Wilkinson Mr. M.J. Wilkinson · *Mr. Curtis C. Williams, Jr. Mr. H.R. Williams Mr. John Willoughby * Dr. Constance M. Wilson Mr. Sven H. Wiioesch Mr. Jim Wolf

Mr. Albert Wongjirachai Dr. Thosaporn Wongratana * Miss Carol Woo Mr. Peter Woodcock

* Mr. James L. Woods Mr. H.W. Woodward, Jr. Mr. R.A. Woodward Mr. Michael Wright "' Prof. David K. Wyatt Mr. Andrew Wynne Mr. Bernard Xiberras Miss Kazue Yamamoto Mr. Tadayuki Yamamoto Mrs. Chodchoy Yang * Mrs. M. Yipintsoi *Mr. Toshiharu Yoshikawa Miss Mineko Yoshioka * Mr. Prachitr Yossundara Mr. Chin You-di * Mr. Allan B. Young Dr. William R. Young * H.R.H. Prince Bhanubandh Yugala M.C. Mongkolchaleam Yugala * Mr. Thanit Yupho Mr. Boguslow Zakrzeski Mr. Nicholas C. Zefran Mr. Pierre Zerdoun Mr. Carl J. Zeytoon Mr. Daniel D. Zoller, Jr. Dr. Volkmar V. Zuhlsdorff

231

LIST OF INSTITUTIONAL SUBSCRIBERS AUSTRALIA James Cook University of Queensland, Queensland Monash University, Clayton, Victoria University of Western Australia, Nedlands BURMA Printed Matter & Photographic Store Trade Corp., Rangoon CANADA Mr. B. Maule, Vancouver Mrs. Pontip Placzek, Vancouver CIDLE Universidao De Chile, Temico DENMARK Statsbiblioteket, Aarhus FRANCE Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris Musee Ouimet d'Histoire Naturelle, Lyon Mr. Robert Sausse, Combault/Seine-et-Marne GREAT BRITAIN British Library, Boston Spa, Wetherby, Yorks Brynmor Jones Library, Hull Indian Institute Library, Oxford University Library, Canterbury HOLLAND Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, Amsterdam Uni versiteitsbiliotheek, Amsterdam HONG KONG Sinminchu Publishing Company, Hong Kong University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong INDIA Rajasthan University Library, Jaipur ISRAEL Jewish Natl & University Library, Jerusalem 232

Annual Reports

ITALY Mr. Scott D. Bellard, Rome JAPAN Kitao Shoseki Boeki, Osaka Nanzan University, Aichi Tsukuba University Library, Japan KOREA Yonsei University Library, Seoul MALAYSIA Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, Selangor University of Malaya Library, Kuala Lumpur NETHERLANDS Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague NEW ZEALAND University of Auckland Library, Auckland University of Otago Library, Dunedin Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington, PHILIPPINES University of Philippines, Diliman SINGAPORE Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Pasir Panjang THAILAND

·-,

Chieng Mai University, Chieng Mai Chieng Mai University, Central Library, Chieng Mai Chulalongkorn University Library, Bangkok Khon Kaen University Library, Khon Kaen Mr. David Thomas, Bangkok Office of the National Educatian Commission Library, Bangkok Royal Secretary Office, Bangkok Silpakorn University Library, Bangkok Silpakorn University Library, NakoriJ, Pathom Songkhla University Library, Songkhla Thammasat University, Central Library, Bangkok

233

Annual Reports

234

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ABC-Clio Library, Santo Barbara, CA Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ Brandeis University, Waltham, MA Brigham Young University, Provo, YT Carleton College Library, Northfield, MN College of William & Mary, Williamsburg, VA Indiana State University Cunningham Library, Terre Hatue, IN Indiana University Libraries, Bloomington, IN Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI Northern Illinois University, Dekalb, ILL Ohio University, Athens, OH Rice University, Houston, TX Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC State University of New York At Buffalo, Buffalo, NY The Pennsylvania State University, PENN Tufts University, Medford, MA University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, AR University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ University of California, Davis, CA University of California, Santa Barbara, CA University of Chicago Library, Chicago, ILL University of Colorado Libraries, Boulder, CO University of MD/Mckeldin Library, College Park, MD University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI University of New York at Albany, NY University of Oklahoma Library, Norman, Oklahoma University of Oregon Library, Eugene, Oregon University of Pittsburgh, PA University of Utah Libraries, Salt Lake City, Utah University of Washington, Seattle, Washington Washington State University, Pullman, WA Wesleyan University, Middletown, CT W-GERMANY Staatliche Museen Preussische:r Kulturbesitz, Berlin

INSTITUTIONS EXCHANGING PUBLICATIONS WITH THE SIAM SOCIETY, 1982 BELGIUM Jardin Botanique National de Belgique, Bruxelles. BRUNEI Brunei Museum, Kota Batu. CHINA, REP. OF (TAIWAN) Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, National Taiwan University, Taipei. Institute of Fishery Biology, National Taiwan University, Taipei. Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Taipei. DENMARK Botanisk Centrabibliotek, K¢benhaven. National Museum, K¢benhaven. FRANCE Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, Paris Musee Ouimet, Paris Societe Asiatique, Paris GERMANY, FED. REP. OF Botanischer Garden und Botanisches Museum, Berlin Seminar flir sprache und Kultur Chinas, South East Asian Department, Hamburg Geographisches Institut der Universitat, Bonn Staatliches Museum fur Naturkunde, Stuttgart HONG KONG Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch INDIA All-India Kashiraj Trust, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh Asiatic Society, Calcutta JAPAN Institute for the Study of Languages and Culture of Asia and Africa, Tokyo Gaikokugo Daigaku, Tokyo Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, Tokyo National Museum of Ethonology, Serita, Osaka Oriental Library, The Toyo Bunko, Tokyo 235

236

Annual Reports

MALAYSIA Ford Foundation, Kuala Lumpur Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Jalan Sultan, Petaling Jaya Malayan Nature Society, Kuala Lumpur Sarawak Museum, Kuching, Sarawak NETHERLANDS Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde, Leiden NORWAY Universitets Biblioteket, Oslo PHILIPPINES National Museum of the Philippines, Manila University of the Philippines at Los Banos, Laguna POLAND Museum of Natural History Sienkiewicra, Wvoclaw SINGAPORE National University of Singapore Library South Seas Society SRI LANKA National Museum Library, Colombo SWITZERLAND Conservatoire et Jardin Botanique, Bibliotheque, Geneve THAILAND Develop-!Dent Document Center, ·National Institute of Development Administration, Bangkok Exchanges, Library of Congress Office, American Embassy, Bangkok Thai National Document Center, Bangkok UNITED KINGDOM British Museum, Department of Natural History, London British Museum, Department of Oriental Printed Books und Manuscripts, London Royal Asiatic Society, London School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, London

Annual Reports

237

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Acquisition Division, Albert R. Mann Library, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. Allan Hancock Foundation, University of Southern California, Los Angeles. Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois. Museum of Fine Arts, Library, Boston, Massachusetts. New York Botanical Garden, Library, New York. University of California General Library, Berkeley, California. University of Florida Libraries, Gainesville, Florida. University of Hawaii Library, Honolulu, Hawaii. Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, . New York. Smithsonian Institution Library, Washington D.C. American Museum of Natural History, Library, New York. American Ornithologists' Union, Department of Anatomy (UMIC) Chicago, Illinois.

ANNUAL REPORTS The Honorary Auditor's Financial Report December 31, 1981 and 1980 We hav~ examined the statements of assets and liabilities of the Siam Society (Under Royal Patronage) as at December 31, 1981 and 1980 and the related statements of revenues and expenses for the years then ended. Our examinations were made in accordance with generally accepted auditing standards and, accordingly, included such tests of the accounting records and such other auditing procedures as we considered necessary in the circumstances. The accounts of the Society are maintained and the accompanying financial statements have been prepared on the cash basis, with adjustments to give effect to unsold publications, dues collected in advance and inclusion of · provision for depreciation. In our opinion, the financial statements referred to above present fairly, on the basis indicated in the preceding paragraph, the assets and liabilities of the Siam Society (Under Royal Patronage) at December 31, 1981 and 1980 and its revenues and expenses for tbe years then ended, applied on a consistent basis.

YUKT A NA THALANG C.P.A. (THAILAND) Registration No. 1 March 9, 1982

THE SIAM SOCIETY STATEMENTS OF ASSJ ns AND LIABILITIES AS AT DECEMBER : 31, 1981 AND 1980 ASSETS

LIABILITY AND FUNDS

In Baht

In Baht

1981

1981

1980 CURRENT LIABILITY Dues collected in ad vance

CURRENT ASSETS Cash on hand and in banks Temporary investments Publications for sale . Other current asset Total Current Assets PROPERTY AND EQUIPMENT-At Cost or assigned value Jess accumulated depreciation (Note) Land Buildings Furniture, fixtures and office equipment Transportation equipment Total

168,353.40 5,778,985.50 368,176.70 48,000.00 6,363,515.60

136,839.92 5,220,199.20 344,114.84 48,000.00 5, 749,153.96

1.00 3.00

1.00 3.00

. 906,916.56 4,168.40 911,088.96

992,149.94 6.252.60 998,406.54

FUNDS Endowment fund : Thai Government Members' contribution Life membership fund Revolving fund Kamthieng Memorial fund Staff welfare fund Edwin F. Stanton fund Carlsberg Foundation fund F.t:iends of Society fund Accumulated excess of revenues over expenditures Balance, beginning of year Excess of revenues over expenditures for the year

7,274.604.56

6,747.560.50

See accompanying Note ~ (With Mr. Yukta na Thalang'\

41,280.98

2,0~0,000.00

323,395.57 915,923.16 101,675.00 63,519.25 44,435.00 51,062.47 10,205.25 4,000.00 3,514,215.70

2,000,000.00 323,395.57 797,144.95 101,675.00 60,914.00 44,435.00 22,608.47 10,205.25 4,000.00 3,364,378.24

3,341,901.28

2,133,063.95

369,123.08

1,208,837.33

Total Funds

3,341,901.28 . 6,706,279.52

TOTAL LIABILITY AND FUNDS

7,274,604.56

6,747,560.50

to Financial Statements. 9, 1982)

i report dated March

L-

49,364.50

3, 711,024.36 7,225,240.06

Balance, end of year

TOTAL ASSETS

·J980

THE SIAM SOCIETY STATEMENTS OF REVENUES AND EXPENSES FOR THE YEARS ENDED DECEMBER 31, 1981 AND 1980 In Baht REVENUES Interest income Members' dues and fees Sales of publications Donation from : - John F Kennedy Foundation - H.R.H. Princess Marayart Diskul Contribution from members on the 75th Anniversary of the Society Others-net Total Revenues EXPENSES Salaries and bonuses Travel and transportation Cost of.publications Depreciation Electricity and water Dues and subscriptions Stationery and printing Postage, telephone and telegram Repairs and maintenance Provident funds Representation and entertainment Medical Expenses Insurance Parking lot Medallions and boxes Miscellaneous Total Expenses EXCESS OF REVENUES OVER EXPENSES

1981

1980

893,444.02 471,425.36 243,620.50

1,056,554.23 410,457.94 387,766.02 100,000.00

3,000.00

398,885.00 2,010,374.88

1,278,523.83 447,862.53 3,681,164.55

410,198.00 320,749.50 282,101.64 138,422.86 133,650.74 74,256.32 71,020.25

377,100.00 301,653.50 657,718.08 101,223.82 63,608.75 75,137.83 73,730.00

67,300.00 29,265.50 27,290.00 24,668.50 9,590.00 7,731.74

90,172.00 494,607.40

45,006.75 1,641,251.80

35,316.50 11,359.50 7,398.99 67,320.00 45,569.00 70,411.85 2,472,327.22

369,123.08

1,208,837.33

See accompanying Note to Financial Statements. (With Mr. Yukta na Thalang's report dated March 9, 1982)

THE SIAM SOCIETY NOTE TO FINANCIAL STATEMENTS DECEMBER 31, 1981 AND 1980

PROPERTY AND EQUIPMENT The Society has adopted the practice of recording donated properties at nominal values. Because of the nature of the Society's activities, it has not put emphasis on establishing the current values of these properties. In the past, the Society had obtained a valuation for its land which was quoted at Baht 7.2 million. Furniture, fixtures and office equipment are being depreciated by the declining balance method; whereby the depreciation rate of 10%-20% are being applied on the ·net book value at the beginning of each year, while the transportation equipment is depreciated by the straight-line method of five years. Depreciation expense amounted to Baht 138,422.86 in 1981 and Baht 101,224 in 1980.

188

Minutes of the Annual General Meeting of the Siam Society, Under Royal Patronage I 3 I Soi Asoke, Sukhumvit Road, Bangkok Thursday, 26 March 1981 The Annual General Meeting terminating the Council year 1980/81 was held on Thursday, 26 March 1981 at the Society's Home, and commenced at 8.15 p.m. The meeting was attended by 69 members. The following members of the outgoing Council were present. President H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul Vice-President & Honorary Treasurer M.R. Patanachai Jayant Vice-President & Leader of the Natural History Section Dr. Tem Smitinand Vice-President Mr. Vivadh na Pombejra Honorary Secretary Mrs. Nongyao Narumit Honorary Editor Mr. Kim Atkinson Mrs. Katherine Buri Mr. Francis W.C. Martin Mr. Henri Pagau-Clarac Dr. Tej Bunnag Mr. Sirichai Narumit Mr. Dacre Raikes Mrs. Sonia Krug

1. The Adoption of the Minutes of the last Annual General Meeting, held on Thursday, 27 March 1980. Since there were no comments, the Minutes were adopted as presented. 2. Presentation of the Annual Report for the Council year 1980. Since there were no questions or comments the Annual Report was adopted as presented. 3. Presentation of the Financial Statement for 1980. M.R. Patanachai Jayant, the Honorary Treasurer, presented the Financial Statement for 1980 with the comment that although the statements of Assets and Liabilities showed an increase of more than one ·million baht from 1979 to 1980, this was misleading in that it reflected the contributions received from the Society's Seventy-Fifth Anniversary Fund Raising, but not the amounts spent on air-conditioning the hall and repairing the Library. In actuality the Society spent more than it received in contributions. With this commentary, the Financial Statement was accepted as presented. 189

190

Annual Reports

4. Election of the Honorary Auditor for 1981. The outgoing Council proposed the re-election of Mr. Yukta na Thalang as Honorary Auditor. Mr. Yukta na Thalang was re-elected Honorary Auditor.

5. Election of Honorary Vice-President. The outgoing Council proposed the election of Mom Kobkaew Abhakara na Ayudhya as Honorary Vice-President, in view of her outstanding work on the Society's behalf. Mom Kobkaew Abhakara na Ayudhya was elected Honorary Vice-President. 6. Election of Honorary Member. The outgoing Council proposed the election of Chao Khun Rajvoramuni as Honorary Member. Chao Khun Rajvoramuni was elected Honorary Member. 7.

Election of Council for 1981/81. a. H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul announced he had tendered his resignation to the Council as he would be abroad for much of the coming year. Jayant was elected President. M.R. Patanachai _,... b. Dr. Tem Smitinand and Mr. Vivadh na Pombejra were re-elected VicePresidents and Mr. Sirichai Narumit was elected Vice-President. c. Dr. Chitriya Tingsabadh was elected Honorary Secretary replacing Mrs. Nongyao Narumit who had resigned from the Council. d. Mrs. Katherine Buri was elected Honorary Treasurer. e. Dr. Tej Bunnag was elected Honorary Editor. f. Dr. Soonthorn Kaewlai was elected Honorary Librarian replacing Mrs. Chittra Pranich who had resigned from the Council. g. Office of "Leader of the Natural History Section". This position was to be filled ex-officio. Council members seeking re-election and members proposed as members of the Council were introduced. g.

The following were re-elected Ordinary Members of Council: Mr. Kim Atkinson Mr. Henri Pagau-Clarac Mr. Christopher J.A. Chubb Dr. Piriya Krairiksh Mr. Eiichi Hamanishi Mr. Dacre F.A. Raikes Mrs. Sonia Krug Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa Mr. Francis W.C. Martin

h.

The following were elected Ordinary Members of Council: Dr. Somboon Suksamran Dr. Thosaporn Wongratana Mr. Michael Wright Dr. Warren R. Brockelman Mrs. Virginia Di Crocco Mr. William Sage

Annual Reports

8..

191

Any other business. a.

Mr. Francis W.C. Martin read the Council's recommended changes to Rules 7, 8, 9, 13, and 32 as follows:

Rule 7 : Members of the Society shall be of four categories-Ordinary, Honorary, Corresponding and Student. Both ladies and gentlemen shall be eligible for membership of the Society.

Rule 8 : Candidates for ordinary and student membership shall be proposed by a member of the Sociely, and shall be put up for election at a Meeting of the Council.

Rule 9 : The Annual Subscription for Ordinary members shall be Baht 500, and for Student members Baht 50.00 payable IN ADVANCE on the 1st of January in each year, or in the case of new members upon notification of election. The election shall, however, not be deemed valid until the first year's subscription have been paid. Ordinary Members shall be allowed to apply for life membership of the Society on a single payment of Baht 10,000.0rdinary Members of a standing of full twenty-five years shall be deemed to be life members, and ipso facto be exempted from further subscription. The Council shall have power to remit or reduce the Annual Subscription for Ordinary Members in special cases.

Rule 13: Any Ordinary Member, and student member, resigning after the 1st of January of any year, shall be liable for his subscription for that year.

Rule 32: Every Member of the Society shall be entitled to one copy of each number of the Journal and the Bulletin as it appears upon payment of such sum as the Council may fix to cover cost of production from time to time. There was a discussion, during which Dr. Tej Bunnag pointed out that with the continuously rising costs of publications the Siam Society could no longer afford to include the Journals in the fixed membership fee. It was, he explained, the Council's plan to publish only one Journal in 1981, which would be a thicker, more substantion volume than any single volume recently published, with the hope that in 1982 the Society would be able to return to the two-volumes per year. The amendments to the Rules of the Siam Society were then adopted as recommended by the out-going Council.

192

Annual Reports

Mr. Roger Krasker suggested that the Society have more natural history trips organized by Mrs. Katherine Buri to Khao Yai and possibly other national parks. No action was recommended.

*

*

*

*

*

*

After the formal business of the Annual General Meeting a film on the activities of the Siam Society, The 75th Year of the Siam Society, was presented, narrated by Mrs. Nisa Sheanakul and Mr. Henri Pagau-Ciarac. The President adjourned the Meeting at 10.45 p.m.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE COMMITTEE 1981/82 The Siam Society continued to expand its activities during the year. In addition to the Society's own programmes of regular lectures, film shows and other events, the Hall and grounds were widely used by members and the public. The Administrative Secretary and other staff have been most willing to ensure that the Society's activities were carried out smoothly. The Society is operating under increasing financial pressure. Various economy measures have been introduced together with attempts to increase the Society's income. Rising electricity and water charges are the two major items that affect administrative costs of the Society. It is not yet clear how much the new scale of membership fees will contribute to income. The Society is always faced with problems of storage space. Some of its unsold publications and books temporarily stored in various places could be donated to libraries, sold or even thrown away.

Membership. The total number of members of the Siam Society, as appearing on the list at the end of December 1981, was 1160. Of this, 374 were Life Members, 768 Ordinary Members and 18 were Student Members. The new membership structure and fees became effective as of I January 1982.

Staff. 1. Miss Songsri Boon-long was employed on a 3 month trial basis as Assistant Administrative Secretary on I June 1981. She resigned at the end of the trial period on 31 August 1981. 2. Mrs. Sunee Grima, Librarian, resigned in October 1981 after a year with the Society to go back to the United States. She was replaced by Mrs. Yuwadee Pitak. 3. Mr. Suraphol Kayan, office boy, was given leave for 18 days to be ordained as a monk. The Society has 13 staff members.

House and Ground Improvement. 1. A typewriter was purchased for the Business office. 2. Ten tables were purchased for the Hall. 3. The Administrative Committee was anxious to find a way to improve the acoustics in the Hall. Financial constraint was the principal limiting factor. l93

Annual Reports

194

Donations. Mrs. Katherine Buri, Honorary Treasurer, kindly donated a pump to the Society to help to drain flood water from the compound. Mrs. Buri also kindly donated a lens for use with a 16 mm. movie projector. The Fuji Photo Co. Ltd. kindly donated one Fujica single lens reflex camera and one Fujica Auto Strobo AZ which prove excellent for Programme and Travel work of the Society. Mrs. Sonia Krug, Council member also kindly donated a calculating machine to the office.

Hall and Grounds. The Hall has been used for the Society's varied programmes, performances, film and video shows, etc. The Society now serves punch, snacks and coffee during the interval-a service which seems to have been warmly received by those who join in the Society's activities. 1981.

The Siam Studio Co. Ltd. rented the hall to make advertising films in June The Hall and grounds were also rented for cocktail, dinner and wedding parties.

With increased electricity and water charges, the rent hardly covered expenses. The rental charges may have to be revised in view of increased costs.

Film Project. A number of old films were given to the Siam Society some years ago by H.M. Queen Rambhai Barni. Some of these films have been examined, cleaned and restored with expert help. There is, however, still considerable work to be done.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Dr. Chitriya Tingsabadh Mr. Vivadh na Pombejra Mr. Francis W.C. Martin Mrs. Katherine Buri Ms. Nongyao Narumit Dr. Soonthorn Kaewlai Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay

Chairman Vice Chairman

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE LIBRARY COMMITTEE 1981/82 LIBRARY ACQUISITION. The Library had 213 titles added to the collection. Out of these 122 titles were in Thai. For gift and donation, there were 59 titles in Thai and 203 in foreign languages; with emphasis on arts and Buddhism. Donors were both individuals and institutions.

LIBRARY SERVICES. 1.

Cataloguing and classification. 1.1 The library has attempted to catalogue books in Mon and Burmese through the help of a volunteer expert in Mon. 1.2 For better bibliographic control, the reclassification and relocation of back issues and bound volumes of journals has begun. 1.3 A list of 35 old and rare maps with details about size and location has been completed. 2. Microfilm project. The microfilming of The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. 1-57 is now complete, both for library use and for sale. Due to the condition of the paper, the result of the microfilming of Bangkok Times has been unfortunately unsatisfactory. 3. Inter-library loan. Other than university libraries, the library has started an official inter-library loan service with the National Library. 4. Circulation service. The library has ·a number of overdue books. The library hopes that members who have overdue books wtll kindly return them to the library. 5. Exchange. 54 institutions cooperated in our exchange programme~

PERSONNEL. Two student assistants were employed in 1981.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Dr. Mrs. Mrs. Dr. Mrs.

Chairman

Soonthorn Kaewlai Bonnie Davis Virginia M. Di Crocco Tej Bunnag Yuwadee Pitak

Advisor Secretary 195

ANNUAL REPORt OF NAttJRAL HISTORY SECTION 1981/82 During the fiscal year the Natural History Section has undertaken the following activities : 1. EXCURSION : Four excursions have been organised for members of the Society and their friends. An excursion to Phu Luang Wildlife Sanctuary in Loei was attractive and received great interest from participants, so three consecutives trips have been made to this particular area of nnique natural beauty, i.e. 22-25 October, 17-21 December 1981 and 5-9 February 1982.

A one-day excursion to visit the shell museum, naval museum and the aquarium in Samut Prakan on 6 June 1981led by Dr. Thosaporn Wongratana was received with satisfaction. 2. PUBLICATION: A sum of Baht 60,000 has been approved by the Council for the publication of the Natural History Bulletin, Volume 29. Owing to the scarcity of articles, the publication has had to be postponed; the volume is expected to be published during the fiscal year 1982-1983.

3. COMMITTEE MEETING: An open meeting was held on lOth February 1982 to discuss plans and activities of the Section. Plans for a supplementary bicentennial volume of the Natural History Bulletin entitled "Conservation in Thailand" were considered. Dr. Tern Smitinand was re-elected as the Leader for 1982-1983.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Dr. Tem Smitinand Dr. Warren R. Brockelman Mrs. Katherine Buri Mr. Buayporn Kerdchouay Dr. Rachit Buri Dr. Thosaporn Wongratana

Leader of the Section and Editor, NHB Co-Editor, NHB Financial Advisor Programme Advisor Programme Advisor Programme Advisor

196

ANNtJAL REPORT OF THE PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE 1981/82 Owing to the tightness of the Society's financial, situation only one book was published: a new edition of Yao Design by Jacqueline Butler Diaz. This is very welcome as the book had long been out of print. Mrs. Sonia Krug kindly acted as editor and the Council is most grateful to the author for a loan to help cover the cost of production. Future publications include "The Kamthieng House" by Mrs. Sonia Krug, "A History of Mon" "Dvaravati Art" by Dr. Piriya Krairiksh and "Thai Bank Notes" by Charles Stewart.

Journal of the Siam Society: Due to various difficulties, JSS 1981, inclusive of two parts, appeared in March 1982.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Mr. F.W.C. Martin Mr. Kim Atkinson Dr. Tej Bunnag Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa Mrs. Sonia Krug

Chairman

197

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE KAMTHIENG HOUSE COMMITTEE

1981/82 Miss Amaraphorn Lelakultanit, B. Archeology (Silpakorn University) was selected and employed as curator of the Kamthieng House from February 1981. She spent the first two months re-arranging exhibit items in the main house and the hill-tribe museum, resulting in much better conditions for visitors. Besides serving as regular guide to the House, Miss Amaraphorn went up to Chiang Mai in March 1981 to consult with Khun Kraisri Nimmanhemindra, the donor of the house, and to collect additional artifacts for exhibition. Miss Songsri Boon-Long, Assistant Administrative Secretary, also went to Chieng Mai on a similar mission in August 1981. During 1981, the Kamthieng House was visited by individuals and numerous groups, including H.R.H. Prince Naruhito of Japan and Members of the American Travel Writers Association. A wedding party and several other parties were. arranged at the House and in its compound. The total revenue earned from the Kamthieng House for 1981 was 9,035 baht. In addition, a donation of 66,254 baht from the East-West Seminar Foundation of Japan was gratefully received and utilized for the curator's salary. As the former guidebook for the Kamthieng House ran out of print, Mrs. Sonia Krug has kindly compiled a new guidebook which is going to be more up to date and more detailed. The draft of the book has been completed and the book will be published shortly.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Mr. Sirichai Narumit Mrs. Nisa Sheanakul Mrs. Sonia Krug Mrs. Shirley Duboff Mr. William Sage Mr. William M. Riley Mr. Nunt Buranasiri

Chairman Members

198

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE PROGRAMME AND TRAVEL COMMITTEE 1981/82 Our travels have been fairly frequent and many members and friends went regularly with us. Some trips have had to be repeated. Financially, they helped a great deal to pay other expenses of the Society, which have been constantly increasing. ·We have also contributed some of our earnings to worthwhile causes e.g. to Wats for mural conservation as well as for spiritual welfare of those who seek enlightenment. Apart from our usual lectures in English, we also held seminars in Thai. For smaller audiences we used the Prince Dhani room effectively. All our lectures are taped for the benefit of absent members and those who live abroad, who can borrow these tapes or have them copied at a reasonable cost. Our film and video tape series, have been well attended. evenings, too, have gone from strength to strength.

Our cultural

The following were our activities during the year. 18-19 April Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an excursion to SARABURI, SINGBURI AND ANGTHONG with Nang Yai performance and dinner party. Prof. Saneh Chamarik, Faculty of Political Science, Thammasat 21 April University, lectured on PROBLEMS OF DEVELOPMENT IN THE THAI POLITICAL SETTING. Mr. Tirayuth Yuangsri, Dramatics Arts College, Chiang Mai, 23 April introduced THE DANCE AND MUSIC OF THE AKHA. 25-26 April 7 May

12 May 19 May

Panel discussion on t~u-iu 'l 'lll~riim11LL~1.:1'1111L£Jnmmnn\ 'YI!l ' Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led members to observe the PLOUGHING CEREMONY AT PRAMANE GROUND. Dr. Wipa Kongkananda, Silpakorn University, Nakorn Pathom lectured on PHRA LO, AN IMAGE OF A TRAGIC HERO. H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, former President of the Siam Society, lectured on NEW DISCOVERIES AT WAT KEO, CHAIYA, PRASAT MUANG SINGH, KANCHANABURI, AND A NEW EXCAVATION SITE AT AMPHOE SAM CHUK, SUPANBURI.

200

23-24 May

26 May

2 June

21 June

2 July

7 July

9 July

15-20 July

16 July

23 July

25 July

Annual Reports

H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, former President of the Siam Society, and Dr. Tem Smitinand, Vice-President of the Siam Society led an excursion to PRASAT MUANG SINGH, U-THONG AND OTHER PLACES IN KANCHANABURI. Dr. Gerard Diffioth, Associate Professor of Linguistics, University of Chicago, lectured on THE NY AH-KUR PEOPLE (CHAO-BON) :DIRECT DESCENDANTS OF THE DVARAVATI POPULATION. Mrs. Kirsten Ewers Andersen, Associate expert at the International Labour Organisation, lectured on PWO KAREN FOREST PEOPLE IN THAILAND : RELIGION, ECOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT. H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, former President of the Siam Society, led A TOUR OF THE GRAND PALACE AND THE TEMPLE OF THE EMERALD BUDDHA. The Japanese film THE CASTLE OF SAND, was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation, Bangkok. Rev. Prof. Bruce Matthews, Acadia University, Nova Scotia, lectured on BUDDHISM AND NATIONAL PURPOSETHE CASE OF SRI LANKA. The Japanese film THE TWIN SISTERS OF KYOTO was shown with )he cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation, Bangkok. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO . VISIT HILL TRIBE VILLAGES, TEMPLES AND OTHER SITES OF INTEREST IN MAE HONG SON, CHIANG RAI, PHYAO AND LAMPANG. The Japanese film THREE LETTERS was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation. The Japanese film MELODY IN GREY was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation. A ~ Panel discussion on n1'l'LU\'I!IULLUt'h'ILLt'l!:fl11~GJm'I-Hh111£h1£lfllln11m'llrH "'

I

,

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201

26 July

Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO VISIT TEMPLES AND MURAL PAINTINGS. AT SELDOM VISITED TEMPLES IN THONBURI AND PHRAPRADAENG..

30 July

The Japanese film HOME FROM THE SEA was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation. Mr. Henri Pagau-Clarac,. Member of the Council, led an EXCURSION TO UDORN TRANI, SAKON NAKHON, KHON KAEN, MAHASARAKHAM AND KALASIN.

31 July3 August 6 August

8-15 August 11 August

19 August

20 August

22-23 August

25 August

1 September

3 September

The Japanese film THE YELLOW HANDKERCHIEF was shown with the cooperation of the Embassy of Japan and of the Japan Foundation. Dr. Piriya Krairiksh, Member of the Council, led an EXCURSION TO BURMA. Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa, Member of the Council, lectured on H.R.H. PRINCE BARIPAT OF NAGARASAWAN, (1881-1944) HIS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE THAI NATION. Dr. Kim Atkins, Cornell University, lectured on PROBLEMS IN CULTURAL PRESERVATION: LANNA LANGUAGE AND SCRIPTS. Prof. Y. Ishii, Southeast Asia Research Center, Kyoto University, lectured on DON DAENG VILLAGE IN KHON KAEN PROVINCE AFTER 15 YEARS OF DEVELOPMENT. Mr. John Blofeld, Member of the Society and well-known author of many books on Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism, led an excursion to CHINESE TEMPLES IN CHONBURI. Dr. John Grima, Lecturer of Faculty of Liberal Arts, Thammasat University, lectured on THE HISTORY OF CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN..VIETNAMESE FINALS. Dr. Withaya Sucharitthanarugse, Asst. Prof., Faculty of Political Science, Director of the Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, lectured on THE IDEA OF POWER IN THAI SOCIETY. Dr. K. V. Raman, Department of Ancient History and Archaeology, University of Madras, India, lectured on ARCHAEOLOGY IN SOUTU INDIA-RECENT DISCOVERIES.

202

8 September

13 September

15 September 17 September 22 September 24 September

1 October 13 Oc_tober

20 October 22 October 22-25 October 29 October 1 November

6-9 November

19 November

21 November

24 November

Annual Reports

Mrs. J. Butler-Diaz, author of the book entitled YAO DESIGN OF NORTHERN THAILAND, lectured on DESIGNS OF THE YAO. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay Administrative Secretary, led members for A SUNDAY WALK IN ORCHARDS AND A VISIT TO TEMPLES IN THONBURI. The Korean films DISCOVERING THE ART OF KOREA and KOREAN ARCHITECTURE were shown. The Thai film YELLOW SKY was shown. The Thai film LOED SUPAN was shown. MUSIC AND DANCE FROM MAHASARAKAM was performed, with cooperation of Mahasarakam Teachers Training College. The Thai film LUANG T A was shown. Dr. Uthai Dulyakasem, Faculty of Education, Silpakorn University, Nakorn Pathom, lectured on MODERNIZATION AND ETHNIC NATIONALISM : THE CASE OF MUSLIM MALAYS OF SOUTHERN THAILAND. The Thai film THONG PAN was shown. The Thai film MOUNTAIN PEOPLE was shown. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO CHIANG MAl. The Thai film NEGRITO was shown. Mrs. Yi-Ming Chang, member of the Siam Society, lectured on the CHINESE OPERA. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO SAMUI ISLAND AND OTHER ISLANDS IN THE GULF OF SIAM. Dr. T. Pathy, Department of Ancient Indian Culture, Marathwada University, Aurangabad, Maharashtra, India, lectured on THE ART AND CULTURE OF BUDDHIST CAVES AT AJANTA. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led members to VISIT THE HOME OF ACHILLE CLARAC, former French Ambassador to Thailand and AN EXCURSION TO TEMPLES ON THE CHAO PHYA RIVER. Dr. Chiri Vichit-Vadakan, Faculty of Public Administration, NIDA, lectured on RETHINKING THE PROBLEM OF THE ·CHINESE IN THA.I SOCIETY,

Annual Reports

2o3

27-30 November

H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, former Preside~t of the Siam Society, led an EXCURSION TO PHITSANULOK, KAMPHAENGPHET, SUKHOTHAI AND SI SATCHANALAI.

6 December

Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO SEE TEMPLES, PAINTINGS IN THONBURl AND NONTHABURI BY RICE BARGE.

8 December

Dr. Jacques Lemoine, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique Fran«;:ais, lectured on YAO TAOIST PAINTINGS.

9-14 December

Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO VISIT HILL TRIBE VILLAGES AND OTHER SITES OF INTEREST IN CHIANG RAI, CHIANG SAEN, PHYAO AND LAMPANG. Dr. Kwandee Rakpongse, Faculty of Liberal Arts, Thammasat University, lectured on WESTERN INFLUENCE IN THAI LITERATURE. Two videos were shown: Wild Life: VAMPIRE and The Spirit of Asia part 1: WORLD OF SHADOW. Two videos were shown: Wild Life : THAI MONKEY and The Spirit of Asia part 2 : BALI. Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa, Member of the Council, lectured on LEADING PERSONALITIES IN THE EARLY BANGKOK PERIOD.

15 December

22 December

29 December 5 January

12 January 19 January 20 January

26 January 27 January 30 January

Two videos were shown: Wild Life: ROCK FOR ALL SEASON and The Spirit of Asia part 3 : JAVA. Two videos were shown: Wild Life : CROCODILE and The Spirit of Asia part 4 : RAMAY ANA. Mr. Takamichi Tohyama, a professional Noh player and a follower of the Hosho school, gave an introduction and demonstration of JAPANESE NOH THEATRE. Two videos were shown: Wild Life: CATS and The.Spirit.of Asia part 5 : CAMBODIA. MUSIC AND DANCE FROM LOBI PROVINCE was performed, with the cooperation of Loei Teachers Training College. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO VISIT TEMPLES, MURAL PAINTINGS AND OTHER SITES OF INTEREST IN SARABURI.

204

Annual Reports

2 February

Two videos were shown: Wild Life : SHOW DOGS and The Spirit of Asia part 6: BURMA.

9 February

Dr. Robert Bobilin, former Chairman, Department of Religions, University of Hawaii, HonolUlu, gave a talk on MALTHUSIANS, MARXISTS, MISSIONARIES AND THE MIDDLE PATH.

12-15 February

Mr. William Klausner, former member of the Council and Advisor to the Ford Foundation, Bangkok, led members to Ubol Ratchathani and TOD PHA PA. SAMAKKI AT WAT PA NANACHAT. Two videos were shown : ANIMAL OLYMPICS and the last programme from The Spirit of Asia series: THAILAND. The film THE OPIUM WARLORDS was shown. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary,. led an EXCURSION TO PHI PHI DON ISLAND, PHI PHI LE ISLAND AND OTHER ISLANDS IN THE ANDAMAN SEA. Two videos were shown: MYSTERY OF THE GREEN MOUNTAIN and MUSIC AFTER MAO. Mr. Buayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO PHI PHI DON ISLAND, PHI PHI LB ISLAND AND OTHER ISLANDS IN THE ANDAMAN SEA. Two videos were shown : MUNDI ABORIGINES and BUDDHA CAME TO SUSSEX. Two videos were shown: PORCELAIN and AS THE JAPANESE LIKE IT. Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, Administrative Secretary, led an EXCURSION TO AMPHAWA, PHOTHARAM, RATCHABURI AND PHRACHUAP KHIRI KHAN. Two videos were shown: LAST PLACE ON EARTH No. 1 and No.2. The Annual General Meeting was held followed by a lecture and slide show on BARB-HEADED DOCTORS by Dr. Prawes Wasi, Deputy Rector of Mahidol University, 1981 Ramon Magsaysay Award for. Public Service.

23 February 25 February

26-28 February

2 March S-7 March

9 March

16 March 20-2i March

23 March 25 March

205

Annual Reports

NOTE: Lectures Excursions Films Video Performances Panel discussions Total

22 20 14 11 4 2 73

The Programme & Travel Committee works closely with the Natural History Section as well as with the Arts & Culture Committee. Besides, a tlUx:nber of members and friends helped to make all the events possible.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS: Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa Mr. Henri ~agau-Clarac Mr. Sirichai Narumit Mr. Dacre Raikes Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay

Chairman Co-Chairman Member Member Secretary

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE AR't AND CULTtlRE COMMITTE£ 1981/82 The Art and Culture Committee met four times during 1981 and either allocated funds, or assisted in the acquisition of funds, to support the following projects:-

MAK REUK KHON. The second performance was given on the Society's lawn on 29th January by a group consisting of about 60 dancers and musicians from the combined campuses of Srinakharinwirot University at Bangkhen and Prasarnmit. An audience o~ 180 Society members and friends witnessed and much enjoyed this demonstration of human chess which is hard to see elsewhere these days.

AKHA (EGOR) DANCE AND MUSIC. A programme was presented at the Society by Acharn Tirayudh Yuangsri of the Dramatic Arts College, Chiang Mai, on 25th April. Additional performances were also given at the Bangkok Bank's Art Center at Phanfa as well as on TV Channel 7. Some of the traditional dance movements performed by the girls in time to their own singing were demonstrated as well as some of the dances in which boys and girls perform in alternate teams. The exclusively male reed organ (ladjei) was played as was the flute (cheu lu) and the jews harp (cha eu) by means of which messages, particularly love-messages, can be passed when courting.

NORTHEASTERN DANCE AND MUSIC. This was presented on 24th September when the students ofKanasawat College, Mahasarakam, gave a most vivacious performance for Society members. The programme opened with a Baisri Dance after which the traditional sacred threads were tied around the wrists of some guests present, this was followed by Khun Larn, the harvesting dance. The shallow water fishing dance, Serng Sawing was next and this in turn was followed by the less wellknown mat weaving dance from Ban Pheng, Amphoe Kosumphisai. Other dances, which were interspersed with northeastern songs and solo items on the kaen and pong lang, included a brisk Fon Tien, the candle dance, the Fon Phu Thai and a boisterous Kiong Yao Dance to round off an enjoyable night.

TAECHIEW OPERA A somewhat marathonic course consisting of a lecture on "Taechiew Opera in Thailand" by Mrs. Yi-Ming Chang, a Chinese dinner in Jawarad Road and a performance of the Lo Tung story (a romance set in the Tang period) at the Sin Fa Theatre was undertaken by 130 Society members on 1st November. Some of the 206

Annual Reports

207

considerable differences betweem ·Peking and Taechiew opera, particularly those pertaining to local custom regarding make-up and dress, were pointed out by Mrs. Yi-Ming before she went on to show slides of the upcoming evening's performance. Notes, on a scene-by-scene basis, had also been prepared beforehand and members were therefore able, more or less, to follow the story as it unfolded on stage. However not too many were left to witness the drop of the curtain at about 10.45 p.m.

JAPANESE NOH THEATRE. A lecture-demonstration ~as given to an audience in excess of 100 at the Society on 20th January 1982 by Mr. Makamichi Tohyama, a leading exponent of the Hosho school. The evening began with a short lecture given in English by Acharn Saowaluck Suriyawongpaisal of Chulalongkorn University who explained some of the major points to look for in a Noh play and illustrated the more important points with the use of Mr. Tohyama's slides. Mr. Tohyama was then h:mself introduced and Acharn Saowaluck continued to translate his remarks as he gave an initial demonstration of some of the basic movements used in the Noh. The actor then demonstrated a very celebrated solo part, the Angel's Dance from Hagoromo, and later followed this up with a short part for a samurai by way of contrast. The Society is grateful to Professor Yoshinobu Kakiuchi, Professor Emeritus of the University of Tokyo, and to Mrs. Kakiuchi who gave much assistance with the preparation of this programme which proved to be of great interest to followers of drama in the Asian region.

NORTHEASTERN DANCE AND MUSIC. The second performance of northeastern dance and music was brought to the Society on 27th January 1982 by the Teachers Training College of Loei. This was combined with a Thai supper to make an enjoyable evening for the 100 members who came to see the show which included the to-be-expected sounds of kaens, pins and pong lang. Much of the music gave signs of heavy infiltration by modern "look toong" beats bul some of the dances were new to Bangkok audiences, one was even new to Loei as it was only choreographed last year on the TTC campus. Of greatest interest, perhaps, was the Ram Chong Pang of the Thai Dam of which ethnic grouping there are only 100 households, in their own village, in Changvad Loei. This dance concerns the exorcism of evil spirits which take possession of various people. The performance begins with the blessing of a tree to which flowers are attached. The "moh phi" (spirit doctor) brandishes a sword in front of this tree aided by a group of girls who perform a ceremonial dance around it. If the magic is effective the illnesses, mental or physical, are cured when the afflicted are made to eat the flowers after the blessing is completed.

208

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Another rather unusual dance was the Serng Nang Kwak which represents a seance in which two widows hold each end of a pole on which a basket has been fixed; this is dressed up to look somewhat human with a shirt, a hat, and maybe even false hair. Answers put to the spirit through the medium are divined from the directions in which the holders of the "kwak" move. Other spirit dances included the Fon Khoon Larn, a harvesting dance to Mae Phosop the rice-goddess, and the Ram Nang Dong in which the motions of rice husking are copied.

SLIDE LECTURES ON INDIAN ARCHEOLOGY. The Society joined with the Ford Foundation (who kindly provided the airfares) in sponsoring the vi~s of two Indian professors who came to lecture on some .archeological and historical aspects of the sub-continent. In September Dr. K.V. Raman, Professor and Head of Department of Ancient History and Archeology ofMarathavada University, Madras, lectured on the archeology, temple architecture and sculptural art and iconography of South India to the Society, to the National Museum Volunteers and the Graduate School of Archeology at Silapakorn University respectively. He was followed in November by Professor T. Pathy of the Department of Ancient Indian Culture of Aurungabad University who lectured on the Ell ora and Ajanta Caves at the same three locations:

CULTURAL EXCHANGES WITH MALAYSIA. These unfortunately suffered a double blow in November/December when firstly Kesuma, the cultural troupe of Universiti Malaya, cancelled their visit at short notice and, secondly, when the festival committee of Pesta Pinang decided that they would concentrate on Singapore in 1981 and let a proposed Nang Yai ·performance from Thailand await another year. Many preparations had already been made for both visits and it is to be hoped that something can be rescheduled in 1982 or 1983.

THAI CLASSICAL DANCE, FOLK DANCE AND MUSIC IN FRANCE AND ENGLAND. This was presented throughout most of August by 18 dancers and musicians from the Prasarnmit, Patumwan and Palasuksa campuses of Srinakharinwirot University by kind permission of the President, Dr. Nibhon Sasithorn, and heads of departments. The French part of the visit was largely under the sponsorship of the Comite des Fetes de Montoire who provided a bus to take the group from Paris to give a series of performances at folklore festivals at many small towns and villages but chiefly at Charolles, Macon, Felletin and at Montoire itself. These performances were usually preceeded by parades of the various participating groups, btb froJD france and abroad,

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209

down the village streets in order to raise interest for the night shows. Audiences varied from one or two hundred in small villages up to over three thousand under ~he "bigtop'' at Montoire itself. Shows were given in converted open-air farmyards and public parks as well as in warehouses, gymnasiums, castle ruins and .under canvas. Two performances were also given in churches and one in a hospital for paraphlegics which included dining with, and helping to feed, the inmates. · Sleeping arrangements were usually provided at school dormitories which led to some interesting situations when "lights-out" occurred in the middle of the Thai midnight suppers, one or two near international incidents were avoided by the exercise of good sense. Other nations represented at some of the bigger festivals included Belgium, Spain, Finland, Israel, Greece, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Romania. ·From further afi"eld came Nigeria and Hawaii whilst many French regional groups were also included in many places. Programmes were very varied ranging from the almost undiluted gymnastics of Nigeria through the regional square dances of France and the furiously energetic folk dances of the Balkans. The Thai troupe were considered to be the most classic and it was gratifying to find that the great effort that had been put into preparing adequate programmes in both French and E.nglish so that spectators would have a good idea of what was going on, was appreciated at many venues. Possibly one of the greatest problems encountered was in the provision of familiar food. Kind hosts would not believe that almost anything was acceptable provided there was an adequate provision of plain boiled rice to accompany it. Excellent food was often wasted as it was unknown and no rice was served. The problem was partly solved by the institution of "midnight picnics" consisting of instant dried noodles in the dormitory after the return from giving the late night show, but it sometimes meant a long and empty wait throughout the day for unadventurous eaters. Copious supplies of noodles were indeed packed into every free crevice in the instrument boxes (a precaution learned from previous expeditions) and the group was delighted when the Royal Thai Embassy in Paris managed to get the huge heaps of baggage past the airport customs without any inspection whatever. It might have been difficult to explain that the whole consignment was for personal consumption and not about to be used to stock up a Thai restaurant in Paris for the next six months. The Ambassador, Khun Owart Suthiwartnarueput, even went one better upon the group's departure and provided a Thai meal at the station in Paris : this was much appreciated. After three weeks touring in central France all left for London to be greeted by Dr. Donald Mitchell, Director of Music Studies at the Britten-Pears School for Advanced Music Studies at Aldeburgh. No time was lost in getting down to rehearsal

210

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for the Promenade Concert performance to be given under the auspices of the BBC in the Royal Albert Hall on 22nd August. This was to be used by both sound radio and, later, by television and was to be only the second time that a group from Southeast Asia had been invited to perform in the 87 year history of the "Proms". Many hours of rehearsals in different BBC studios culminated in a commendable performance which included khon excerpts, folk dances and classical musical showpieces. The promenaders amongst the audience, which had been somewhat at ease on the hall floor during the preceeding item, a Messiaen organ recital, rose to their feet and remained pressed to the bar of the orchestra pit during the whole of the so' minute Thai programme. Most major music critics, particularly those from "The Times" and "The Daily Telegraph", gave favourable reports two days later. The Ambassador to Britain, Khun Phan Wannamethee, gave an excellent reception at the Embassy after the performance and it was only with great difficulty that all could be extracted, and despatched to their billets, around I a.m. : two shows were scheduled up on the east coast at Aldeburgh next day and an early start was called for. Before returning to Thailand one additional sound recording was made for the BBC, this is the third programme that has been recorded by Srinakharinwirot University groups in the course of the past four years. In addition to the invaluable FF 20,000 subvention provided by M. JeanFrancais Proux and his festival committee at Montoire towards airfares, the considerable sum of Baht 270,000 was also donated by banks and business houses (listed elsewhere) with Thai/French, and Thai/British connections. To this support must be added that from the Anglo-Thai Society in London, chaired by Sir Arthur de Ia Mare, an exAmbassador to Thailand, and his Honorary Secretary Mr. John Milner, and of course the fees from the BBC itself. These funds ensured that the tour remained viable and it would have been quite impossible to ensure so far, for so long, without adequate financial back-up. The Siam Society, which received prominent billing in the 7,500 French and English language programmes personally printed free-of-charge by Khun Suk Soongsawang of D.K. Bookhouse, is most grateful to all who gave support in both cash, or kind, and hopes that all generous sponsors will not feel that their assistance has been wasted.

LUANG PRADIT PAIROH FOUNDATION. Funds were voted to support the objectives of this musical foundation launched by Khunying Chin Silapabanleng, the celebrated musician's daughter, and a group of supporters in early 1981. Recordings were made of some of the more rare as well as some of the better known compositions by a group of distinguished musicians. They were made both privately and at a special programme commemorating the late Luang Pradit at the National Theatre in August. The Society hopes to receive copies of all the recordings, and of the publications, in due course.

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TEMPLE MURALS PRESERVATION. In cooperation with the Siamese Architects Association, the Society assi~ted in negotiations to obtain a grant of Baht 200,000 from the Siam Cement Company, to preserve murals dating from the Third Reign in Wat Bangkhanun, Klong Bangkok Noi, Nonthaburi. The Society successfully concluded arrangements with the Fine Arts Department, the provincial government and the Abbot to allow this work to proceed. Surviving murals at Wat Bangyikan, also dating from the Third Reign, will also benefit from a grant to be made by the management of the European Asian Bank as their principal contribution towards the Rattanakosin Bicentennial Celebrations. The Society has obtained permission from the Fine Arts Department for this work to proceed. It will be placed under the control of Khun Wannipha na Songkla of the F.A.D. who has already completed some most successful preservation projects at Wat Boworn, Wat Suthat and Wat Phrakeo. She was responsible for the work at Wat Kok in Rajburi about 7 years ago.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS. Mr. Dacre Raikes Mrs. Sonia Krug Mr. Sulak Sivaraksa M.C. Subhadradis Diskul Mrs. Virginia Di Crocco Dr. Piriya Krairiksh Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay

Chairman

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Siam Society acknowledges with grateful thanks the contributions received, both in cash and in kind, from th.e following generous and public-spirited sponsors:Bangkok: AIR FRANCE ANGLO-THAI (BANGKOK) LTD. BANGKOK BANK LTD. BANK OF A YUDHYA LTD. BOON RAWD BREWERY COMPANY LTD. THE BORNEO COMPANY (THAILAND) LTD. MISS DAPHNE COLWELL & ESCAP TRANSLATION TEAM THE CHARTERED BANK D.K. BOOKHOUSE JARDINE MATHESON & CO., (SOUTH EAST ASIA) LTD. LEVER BROTHERS (THAILAND) LTD. LOUIS T. LEONOWENS LTD. THE ROYAL BANGKOK SPORTS CLUB THE SHELL COMPANY OF THAILAND LTD. SHINAWATRA FASHION HOUSE SOCIETE GENERALE THAI MELON POLYESTER CO., LTD. THAI PURE DRINKS LTD. OVERSEAS CONTAINERS LTD. THAI FARMERS BANK. France: M. ACHILLE CLARAC & M. HENRI PAGAU-CLARAC ASSOCIATION DE CULTURES ET TRADITIONS DU SUD-EST ASIATIQUE, MACON COMITE DES FETES ET LOISIRS DE MONTOIRE-SUR-LOIRE England: ALDEBURGH FESTIVAL-SNAPE MALTINGS FOUNDATION ANGLO-THAI CORPORATION LTD. BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION INCHCAPE AND COMPANY LTD. KILLICK MARTIN & CO., LTD. LOUIS T. LEONOWENS LTD. DR DONALD MITCHELL NATIONAL-WESTMINSTER BANK LTD. PAULING AND COMPANY LTD. STANDARD CHARTERED BANK LTD. VISITING ARTS UNIT 212

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The Society is particularly grateful to Air France for their very considerable assistance with both airfares and transportation of instruments and costumes. Mention should also be made of the very substantial contributions received from the Comite des Fetes at Montoire, the Bangkok Bank, London Branch and the Thai Farmers Bank. Without this assistance, and that of all the other contributors mentioned above this tour could not have been undertaken by the dancers and musicians of Srinakharinwirot University in Bangkok.

LIST OF PAID-UP MEMBERS, 1982 "'DENOTES LIFE MEMBER

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Mr. Yoji Aoyagi Mr. Hachiro Arai Mr. Alain Archambault Mr. C. Archaimbault Mr. Ray Archer Mr. H. Gunther Arlt Dr. Woraphat Arthayukti * Mr. Charles D. Arthur Mr. William P. Ashdown * Mr. Yehuda Assia Dr. Phanupong Asvakiat Mrs. Dorothy C. Asumendi Mr. Siva Asva Asvakiat Miss Ratana Athirakool * Mr. Kim Atkinson * Mr. Bunchana Atthakorn * Mr. B. Atthakorn Mrs. Khy Hlahla Aung Mrs. Betty M. Avery * Prof. Tsuneo Ayabe Mr. Kenneth R. Ayer Mr. Liam Ayudhrij Miss Kathleen Badger Dr. Christopher Baker * Mr. Michael H. Baker * Dr. R. Balakrishna * Mr. Daroon Balasiri Mr. John M. Ball * Mr. Dieter-Maria Balzar • Miss Banchop Bandhumedha * Mr. Dharmadasa Banij Mr. Dusit Banijbatana * Prof. P.V. Bapat * Dr. G. Bare

Mr. Hisashi Abe * Mom Kobkaew Abhakara Na Ayudhya * Prof. ArthurS. Abramson Mr. Klaus M. Ackermann * Mr. A.C.S. Adams Mr. A. Peter Adcock * Mrs. V.T. Adloff Mr. Osamu Akaqi Mr. M.V. Akbar Luang Pracherd Aksorlaksana * Mr. A. Alexander * Mr. P.J. Alexander * Mr. Anvar T. Aliakbar Mrs. Catherine E. Allen Mr. Chalie Amatyakul * Mr. Pricha Amatyakul * Mr. Pinglasvasti Amranand * Mr. Piyasvasti Amranand * Mr. Vidusvasti Amranand * Dr. E. Ammundsen Mr. Diethard Ande Ms. Annabel Anderson Miss Donna J. Anderson * Dr. Douglas D. Anderson Mr. Hans G. Andersen * Mr. Hiroshi Ando Mrs. Josefine Andorfer * H.E. Mr. G. Andre Miss Nicole Andrews Mr. David I. Andrianoff * Miss Mary Anglemyer Miss Boonchua Ankapradit * Prof. Edward M. Anthony Mr. William Aoustin 214

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• Mr. G.R.D. Barker Mr. J.N.A. Barnes Mr. D. Barrett * Mr. Norman Bartlett Mr. James R. Basche "' Mr. Douglas N. Batson Mr. Erwin Baumann Mr. Josef Baumgartner Mr. Robert M. Bayliss Miss Helene Beaupere Prof. Dr. Heinz Bechert Miss. Anns Beck * Dr. Damrong Bejrablaya Mr. Konrad Bekker Mr. Geoffrey Bell Mr. Kittisak Bencharit * Mr. Paul J. Bennett Mr. Richard H. Bennison Mr. Arthur E. Berger Mrs. Marie M. Berlingieri Mr. Mel T. Bernard Mr. Massimo Bernardinelli Mrs. F. Bertin Mr. Klaus D. Bettenhausen * Miss Chamrieng Bhavichitra * Mr. Robert J. Bickner Mr. JanBierdrager Mr. Maurice Bigoin Mr. Fred Bild Dr. George A. Binnew Dr. Med. Ernst W. Birmele Mr. Brian Birley Mr. Kurt Bischof Mrs. Mona M. Bittenbender Miss lnga Bjorkroth * Mr. Otto Bjorling • Mr. J. Black

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Mrs. Beryl Blacka Mrs. Patricia J. Blackburn Mr. John Blofeld Mr. David J. Bluford Mr. Robert Boca Mr. J.J. Boeles Prof. Dr. Ernest Boesch Mr. Marc Bogerd H.E. Mr. Rudolf Bogner Prof. Jean Boisselier Mr. Richard N. Bones Mr. Simon Bonython Mr. Thanongsak Boonyarungsrit Mr. William Booth Mr. Denis Borel Miss Christine Borgeaud Mr. Richard Borsuk Mr. Alexander H. Borthwick Dr. Meredith Borthwick Mrs. Marcelle Boschan Mr. Huysmans Boudewijn Mrs. Robert G. Boughey Mr. Jean Boulbet Mr. Carroll G. Bowen Miss Henrietta A.B. Bouman Miss Delores Boyer Dr. David Bradley Dr. William L. Bradley Mr. Heinz Braendli Dr. Niged J. Brailey Mrs. S.L. Bramley Mr. Leo F. Brandenberg Mr. Kennon Breazeale Mr. Hermann Brecheisen Mr. Thor W. Brehmer Mr. Rainer Breitfeld Mr. Walter Brenneis

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Dr. R. Peter Brenner * Ms. Bonita Brereton Mrs. Lesleya Brewin Dr. Colin M. Britton Dr. Warren Brockelman Mr. Jean C. Brodbeck * Mr. Jere Broh-Kahn * Dr. John F. Brohm Miss Emma R. Broisman Mr. Bennet Bronson Mr. Daniel J. Brooks Mr. Michael D. Brown Miss Roxanna M. Brown Mr. Han ten Brummelhuis Mr. Viggo Brun Mr. Michel Bruneau Mrs. Doris Brunner * Mr. Prakit Buabusaya Maj. Gen. Prasert Buabusya Prof. Saroj Buasri Mrs. Janinc Buhrman . Miss Rachaniwan Bulakul • Mrs. L.C. Edna Bulkley Mr. William Bunch * Mr. Danuj Bunnag Mr. Marut Bunnag * Dr. Tej Bunnag * Mr. Munt Buranasiri Mrs. Vilaileka Buranasiri * Mrs. Katherine Buri * Mrs. Prapai S. Buri * Mrs. Prapar N. Buri * Mr. Prasarn B. Buri * Mr. Prasit Buri Dr. Rachit Buri Mr. Herbert 0. Burri * Mr. WilliamS. Burtenshaw

Annual Reports

Mr. John J.S. Burton Miss Victoria Butler Mr. John Cairncross * Mr. C.M. Callaway Mr. Alan Cameron Mrs. Sheilah Campbell Lt. Col. Donald J. Cann Mr. Gary W. Carlson * Mr. Timothy Carney * Mr. G.D. Carpenter * Mrs. Carroll L. Cartwright Miss Kathy Cedilnik Mr. Suchint Chaimungkalanont Mr. Tana Chaivorapat * H.R.H. Prince Chalermbol Yukala Dr. James R. Chamberlain Mr. Varyl M.H. Chamberlain * Miss Chusiri Chamaraman Mr. Chalaw Chamoraman * Mr. Abhai Chandavimol Mr. Albert T. Chandler Mr. David P. Chandler * M.C. Sasavin Chandratat Mrs. Wanpen Chandr-Virochana Mr. Wiwat Chandrvirot Mr. Y.H. Chang * Mr. Damrong Changtrakul Mrs. Chanpen Charoenchitt * Mr. Manop Charoensuk Miss Moniyue G. Charrier * Prof. S.K. Chatterji Prof. Dr. Kamheang Chaturachinda Mr. Paul Chauzat * Mr. Chamras Chayabongse * Miss Seela Chayaniyayodhin Mr. Chetta P.C. Cheng Mr. Sumedh Chhim

Annual Reports Mr. Chatri Chirarapurk * Mr. C.F. Chicarelli Jr. Miss Ganigar Chinachote Mr. Charoon Chinalai Dr. Preeda Chitarachinda Dr. Hatai Chitanondh Miss Toogbai Chittamongkol Miss Bancha Chittibhol Miss Kotchakorn Chivakunakorn Miss Nancy Chng Mrs. Francoise Chomthongdi * Miss U. Chongpipatanasook Mr. Bangkok Chowkwanyun * Mr. Chow Chowkwanyun Mrs. Evelyn Chowkwanyun Dr. John J. Christian Mr. James Christie Mr. Tom Chuawiwat Mr. Christopher J.A. Chubb * M.R. Doangchai Chumbala Mr. Pradit Chungkla Mrs. Saisuree Chutikul * Miss Krongthong Chutima Mrs. Oon Chutima Mr. Sanit Chutintaranond * Mrs. Nandana Chutiwongs Mr. C.A. Clarac Mr. G.C. Clark Dr. Harry R. Clarke Mr. Erroll D. Coles Miss Lucy Coltman Mr. T.H. Commins * Prof. Georges Condominas Mrs. Patchrie Conrad Mr. Consigny Miss Nerida M. Cook * Mr. Robert N. Cook Jr.

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Miss Mary N. Cooke Mrs. Teresa Cooney Mr. Edward J. Cooper Jr. * Mr. J. Corman Mr. R. Coster Dr. Conrad P. Cotter Mr. Bruce E. Cox Mr. Peter Cox Mrs. P.L. Creasy Mr. Ronald J. Crista! Mrs. Lois E. Crittenden Miss Margaret Crowley Mr. Jean Crozatier Mr. Richmond Cubis * Mr. J.L. Culbertson Mr. James R. Cullen * Mr. William H. Cummings * Dr. Richard D. Cushman Mr. Lawrence Oaks * Mr. Lance Dane Mrs. Ans Dankers * Mr. Chitra Dansuputra Mr. S.J. Davies Mr. James E. Davis Mrs. Jean Davis * Mr. Richard B. Davis Mrs. Martine Dean Miss Nerina De Angelis Mr. Jacques de Barrin Miss Chantal de Boisboissel Prof. Dr. Johannes G. de Casparis * Mr. A.I. de Courcy Lyons Mrs. Eileen Deeley · Mrs. J. De Fels * Miss Sukanya Dej-Udom Dr. Jose Eduardo De Mello-Gouveia Dr. Eugene Denis, S.J.

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• Mr. Ulrich Dennerlein Mr. Edward de Renzie Brown Mr. G. de Rougemont Mr. John de Salis Mrs. Paulette de SchaUer M.R. Anongdevan Devakul Mrs. Fee de Vallois Mr. David DeVoss • Ir. F.C. de Weger B.I. * Miss Chalermsri Dhamabutra * Mr. Phadhadej Dhamcharee • H.E. Mr. Sanya Dharmasakti Mrs. Francine Dhesse * Mr. Edward Dickinson " Mr. W. Dickinson Mrs. J.V. Di Crocco Mr. Ludo Dieltjens Mr. Dirk J. Dijkstra .Dr. Anthony Diller Miss Rebecca Dirks * H.S.H. Princess Ma~ayat Diskul H.S.H. Princess Patralada Diskul * H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul Dr. Edward B. Doberstyn Mr. Robert J. Dobias Mr. Michael T. Dockerty * Mr. John Dodds * Reverend Paul S. Dodge · Mr. Francis H. Dong Mrs. Velvet Eve Douglas Mr. John B. Downs * Mr. Svend H. Drachmann ·Mr. C.W. Drewes Mrs. Shirley Duboff 3 Mr. Jacques Dubois Mr. Sol G. Dubroof Mr. Ernest Duchamp

Annual Reports

Mr. Gerard Dudeffend Mrs. Anne Coude du Foresto Mr. Peter Duhse Mr. Vincent A. Eagan Mr. John B. Eastman Mr. Alfred F. Eberhardt Mr. Krister Eduargs Mr. Axel Edelstam Mr. Peter Edwards Prof. Srbren Egerod Mr. Michael Eiland Mrs. Maly Ekaritbutr • Mrs. Kamala Sukhabanj Eksaengsri Miss Pitasana Ek-une Mr. Donald C. Elison Dr. Richard Engelhardt Mr. Jan B. Eriksson * The Viscount Errington Dr. Lorette Etienne-Amberg * Dr. Egon A. Ettinger Mr. R.G. Evans Mr. William D. Evans Mr. John L. Everingham Prof. H.D. Evers Mr. Fernand Falchier Mr. David Feeny * Prof. David A. Feingold Mr. J.P. Ferguson Mrs. Dorothy H. Fickle Mrs. Monkia L. Fischer Dr. Kenneth S. Fischer Mr. Richard Flaspohler Prof. Dr. Gerhand Platz Mrs. Piyathida Flores Mrs. Eva-Maria Forsberg Mr. Lawrence T. Forman Mr. Angus Hamish Forsyth

Annual Reports

Mr. Brian L. Foster Mr. Stephen R. Fox Mr. Jean Lvu Francois * Mr. H.G. Frandsen Mrs. Beverly Frankel * Mr. Dean Frasche · Mr. P.R.N. Fraymouth * Mr. James W.D. Fransche Mr. Lars E. Fredberg Mr. Douglas Frewer Mr. Etienne Friang * Mr. H. Frijlink Prof. Riichiro Fujiwara Mr. N.J. Funston Mr. Louis Gabaude * M.R. Rosalin Gagananga Miss A. Jean Gainor * Mr. Bo Khin Maung Gale Mrs. Michele L. Galopin Mr. Marcel Gambert * Mr. George F. Gant Mr. Albert Garaboeuf Dr. Richard A. Gard Dr. Damnern Garden Mr. Derick Garnier Mrs. Lada R. Gasikorn Dr. Reto F. Gass Mr. Benjamin Gassmann Mr. Marcel F. Gautschi Mrs. J. Gaw * Dr. William Gedney Dr. David Gee-Clough Mr. P.F. Geithner Mrs. Ruth Gerson * Mr. T.W. Gething * H.E. Mr. John I. Getz * Mr. Hugh Gibb

Mr. I.M. Gibson Mr. Ress Gilles Mr. Rod M. Gillespie Mrs. Asa Gim Mr. Ulf Glattkowski * Mr. Gunther Glauninger Mrs. Tatyana Goldenshtein Mr. Ilya Goldenshtein Mr. Richard Goldrick Mr. S. Gonge Mr. R.F. Goninon * Mr. Betty Gosling Prof. L.A. Peter Gosling * Mr. D.C. Goss * Dr. JosephS. Gould Mr. Mark Graham Mr. Terry B. Grandstaff Mr. Denis D. Gray Mrs. Janine J. Gray Mrs. Myrtue Greenwalt Mr. Ronald H. Greer * Dr. M.E. Griffith * Mr. A.B. Griswold * Dr. Pracha Gunakasem Mr. Bo Gustavsson * Mr. F.G. Groarke * Dr. B.P. Groslier Mr. Paul M. Grostad * Mrs. U.L. Guehler Mr. Kurt Guenther Miss Georgia Guldan * Mrs. Malinee Gumperayarnnont Mr. Geoffrey Gunn Mr. James F. Guyot Mr. Michel Guyot * Dr. Mary R. Haas Dr. J.A. Hafner

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Dr. Klaus Hahlweg Mr. Jorgen Hage Mr~ David L. Hagen Mr. Hiromitsu Hakari Mr. Jamer W. Hamilton Mr. Chris Hampton Mr. John W. Hancock Dr. Lucien M. Hanks Jr. Mrs. Kate A. Hansen Mr. Per Svane Hansen Dr. Vagn Hansen Mr. Heather Hanson Mrs. Barbara Ann Harding Mr. Hugh C. Harries Mrs. Adda M. Hartman Mr. John F. Hartman Mr. Peter Hartog Mr. J.D. Hastings Mrs. Kyoko Hayashi Mr. Victor C. Heard Mrs. Elizabeth Heatherington Mrs. Gudrun Heckel Mr. Hanspeter Heckendorn Mr. F.L. Heider Mr. William E. Heinecke Dr. H.W. Heitmann Miss E.J.A. Henderson Mr. Max E. Herman Mr. Knut Herzer Dr. George Heuser Mr. Kevin J. Hewison Dr. Takeo Hibino Mr. A.R. Hickson Mr. Boonchvey Hiranpruk Prof. Herman L. Hoeh Mr. Albert R. Hofmann Mr. D.W. Hogan

Annual Reports

*

Mr. Richard M. Hollander Mr. David F. Holm * Mr. Jorgen Holm * Mr. Derek A. Holmes Sir James R. Holt, K.B.E. Mr. H.W. Homan * H.E. Sunthom Hongladarom H.E. Sommai Hoontrakool Mr. G. Hoppe Mr. Fritz Hops Mr. T. Hoshino Dr. Piet-Hein Houben Mr. Stephen M. Hourigan Mr. David W. Howard * Mr. Nid H. Shiranan * Mr. Thomas i. Hudak Major Roy Hudson Prof. F.E. Huffman Mr. Urs Hufschmid Mr. J.W. Huguet Mrs. Alice M. Hunnicutt Mr. Toum Hutasing * Mr. C.K. Hyland Mr. Jorgen Hylleberg * Mr. Shig~ru Iijima Mr. Christian Immer * Mr. Marcel Indergand Mr. Chainarong Indharameesup Miss Pinna Indorf Mr. A morn Indrakamhang Mr. Boon lndrambarya Mrs. Phasook Indrawooth Mr. Narin Indhewat Mr. Jerry Ingeman * Mr. Jasper Ingersoll Mr. Apichart Intravisit * Mr. Vadhana Isarabhakdi

Annual Reports

"' Khunying Tasniya Isarasena Punyagupt * Prof. Y oneo Ishii * Mrs. Thavee lsrasena Mr. Shoji Ito * Mr. Y. lwaki * Prof. K. lwatsuki Mr. J. Kenneth Jackson Mrs. Marilyn A. Jackson Mr. William A. Jackson Mr. Claude Jacques Ms. Samsiah A. Jajid * Mr. R. Campbell James Mr. Gustav A. Jamnig Mr. Joergen Jantzen Mr. Hermann Janzen Mr. Jean-Didier Javet Mr. Charles Javssi * M.R. Patanachai Jayant Miss Pranee Jiramahasuwan * Mr. Piya Jittalan Dr. Nirund Jivasantikarn Dr. Wicha Jiwalai Mr. Thomas Johnson Mr. Thomas Eric Johnson * U. Alexis Johnson Dr. David Johnston * Mr. P.A. Jones Mr. Ronald K. Jones Mr. Anders B. Jorgensen * Miss Ina Jorgensen Mr. E.E. Jornbeck * Mr. Sunthorn Jubandhu * Dr. Laurence C. Judd M.C. Sita Jumbala * Brig. Gen. M.L. Manich Jumsai Dr. Sumet Jumsai Mr. Z.T. Kajiji

Dr. M.L. Ekjai Kambhu * M.L. Jidjeua Kambhu Mr. Kurt Kammholz * Mr. Charn C. Kanchanagom Mr. Peter K. Kandre * Mr. Samran Kalayanaroj M.R. Romaniyachat Kaeokiriya Mr. Sukri Kaocharern * Miss Karnitha Karnchanachari Prof. Dr. Otto Karow * M.R. Nitivataya Kasemsri * M.R. Saengsome Kasemsri * Prof. H.E. Kauffmann * Dr. Howard K. Kaufman Mrs. Erika Kaufmann Miss Marja L. Kauppinen Mr. Peter Kauz Dr. Harvey Kayman Mr. Kunio Kawakami * Mrs. I. W. Kellogg Mr. Kim S. Kendall Miss Jean Kennedy Miss Sunantha Keotabhand Mr. Joseph F. Kerch Miss Mattana Ketkamon * Dr. Ouay Ketusingh * Prof. Charles F. Keyes * Dr. Thanat Khoman * Mr. Xob Khongkhakul Mr. Hong Chuan Khoo Mr. Lawrence Khor Mr. Sokichi Kimura Mr. Norman Yan Kin Mr. J.M.E. Kindl * Mr. G. Kingma "' Dr. Konrad King shill "'Mr. J.H. Kinoshita

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Mr. Wolf Kirmayer * Prof. A. Thomas Krisch • Mr. Atsushi Kitahara * M.L. Plaichumpol Kitiyakara Mrs. Penelope M. Klap Mrs. Ellis E.M.E. Klarenbeek Mr. Bewulf K. Klebert Mr. Wolfgang Klemer Mr. M. Mck Kliks Mr. Klaus Klinke Mr. D.M. Knapp Mr. F.W.A. Knight Mr. Michael A. Knowles Mrs. Ulrike Koelver Mr. Manfred U. Kohler Mr. Hirobaru Koike Miss Aramsri Kompanthong Mr. Michio Komuro Mr. Fatt Kiew Kon Mrs, Sunetra Kongsiri Prof. Irving Kopf Mr. H.R. Korff Dr. Roy J. Korn Mrs. Margaret Kosbab Mr. Osot Kosin Miss Khaipipat Kosiyakul Mr. Didrik Krag * Dr. Piriya Krairiksh * Dr. Chittrapat Krairiksh Mr. R.L. Kranker M.L. Taw Kritakara Mr. Alongkorn Krityarut Mrs. Stanley Krug Mr. Gerard A.M. Kruse Mrs. Ulla Kruse Dr. Willy Kuenzel * Mr. Ernest Kuhn

Annual Reports

Mr. Cherdgiet Kulabutara Miss Nontaporn Kunakorn Mr. Bhornchai Kunalai Mr. Miles Kupa * Prof. Masanori Kuwahara Mr. Roshan Lall Kwatra Mr. E. Lachenauer Mrs. Alain Lacoste Mr. Charles Lamarche Miss A.B. Lambert Mr. Banthoon Lamsam * Miss Supawan Lamsam * Mr. Kenneth P. Landon H.E. Dr. Hans C. Lankes Dr. Charles C. Lantz Miss Supin Laohasirinadh Mrs. Maria Laosunthara Dr. Pijit Laosonthorn Prof. Kai Larsen * M.R. Salah Latavalya * Mr. Douglas A.J. Latchford Mrs. Lynette H. Laue Mr. Robert Lavery Mr. Patrick Laycock Miss Therese Le Baron Miss Sudarat Leerabhandh Mrs. Anne V. Leete Dr. H. Leedom Lefferts. Jr. Mr. Bernard Lefort Mr. F.K. Lehman * Dr. Boonsoong Lekakul Lt. Gen. Damnern Lekbakula Mr. Ah Bang Leo Miss Suree Lertprathanporn Mr. Stephen J. Lesiuk *Mr. L.E.C. Letts Mr.SanguanLewmanomont

Annual Reports

*

Dr. Roger P. Lewis Mr. T.A. Lewis Mr. Charles H. Ley * H. E. Monsieur Han Lih-Wu Mrs. Pongpun Likanasudh Mr. Vivithya Likanasudh Mr. H.H. Lim Mr. Preedeeporn Limcharoen * Mrs. M. Linck * Mr. Herbert Link Mrs. Monika Link Mr. Paul Lo Mr. Beat R. Lobsiger Mrs. Catherine M. Loehr Mr. Wichien Loetsuraphibun Mrs. Sujaree Logavit Prof. Denys Lombard. Mr. Frank Lombard * Dr. H.H.E. Loofs * Mrs. Reid un Loose Mr. Peter Loverde Mrs. Sylvia Lu Dr. Guy Lubeigt Mr. Graham J. Lucas Dr. Niegel J. Lucas * Prof. Gordon H. Luce Dr. Harvey F. Ludwing * Mr. R. Lueke * Ambassador Ivar Lunde Miss Jeranai Lunsucheep Mrs. Pornsri Luphaiboon Mrs. Albert Lyman * Miss Elizabeth Lyons * Mr. C.S.I. Mabbatt * Mrs. C.S.I. Mabbatt Mr. C.R. Maberly Mr. Robert R.S. MacDonald

* Mr. John A.G. MacDermott Mr. Michael B. Magnani Mr. Prateep Mahasuwan Mr. Jisa Makarasara M.L. Pin Malakul Miss Pikul Malasiddh * Mr. Ariyant Manjikul Dr. P.Y. Manguin " Mrs. C. Mangskau Mr. William L. Mann Mrs. Mette K. Manoharan Mrs. Alfred L. Marks * Mr. Michel Marliere Mr. F.H. Marsh Mr. John A. Marsteller Mr. G.A. Martin * Mr. F.W.C. Martin Miss Marie A. Martin Mr. Gordon Mason Mr. Rasheed A. Maskati Mr. Dominique S. Mathevet Dr. Kathleen Matics Prof. Osamu Matsuyama * Mr. Tetsuya Matsumoto Mr. G.N. Mauger Mr. Robert B. Muale * Mr. Perry Mavro * Mr. Wilhelm Mayer Mrs. Machiko McAlister Mrs. William T. McCabe * Mr. Robert P. McDevitt Mr. Gava McDonell Mr. Forrest McGill Miss Edna C. McGuire Mr. Robert J. McKeon Mrs. Sarah McLean Mrs. Miriam McNair-Scott

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Mr. Jeffrey A. McNeely Dr. Ruth McVey "' Miss Kanitta Meesook * Khunying Amphorn Meesook Mrs. Samira Meghaessian Mr. Charles B. Mehl Miss Ho Chui Mei "' Mr. K. William Melchers Mrs. Bruno Mercier Mr. Christian Meric Mr. Claude Meyer Mr. Niti K. Meyer Mr. Jukka 0. Miettinen Mrs. Mary A. Milecki Mrs. Gwen S. Millager Mr. Terry E. Miller Mr. Frank Minnick Mrs. Susan M. Mirkes Dr. Roland Mischung * Dr. Donald Mitchell Mr. Sidney S. Mitchell Miss Thida Mitrakul "' Mr. Sunao Miyahara * Mr. Koichi Mizuno Mr. Roger Montgomery Mrs. Elizabeth Moore Mr. Werner Morf Mr. John M. Morgan * Mr. G.H. Morgan Mr. Thomas E. Morgan Dr. Grace Morley * Dr. Harold S. Morris Mr. A.R.G. Morrison Mr. Peter M. Motzfeldt Miss Berbara Mountfield Dr. Majorie A. Muecke Mr. Kurt A. Mueller

Annual Reports

* Miss Jean Mulholland Mr. N.A. Mundhenk *Dr. Wiwat Mungkandi * Mr. Eiji Murashima Mr. Joseph J. Murrie * Mrs. Renuka Musikasinthom Mr. Hans Naegeli Mr. Hiroshi Nagai Mr. Tsugio Nagai * Dr. Chetana Nagavajara Mr. Otto Nagler Mr. Prakhan Namthip "' Prof. Prasert Na Nagara Miss Chomsri Nanthavanich *Mrs. Wanida Nanthavanij Mr. Dhirawat Na Pombejra * Mr. Vivadh Na Pombejra *Dr. Banpot Napompeth Mr. Cyril Nanshkin Mr. Rajeev Narula Mrs. Nongyao Narumit * Mr. Sirichai Narumit Mrs. Pomtip Narumpakorn * Mr. Wiraj Na Songkhla Mr. Dirk Naumann * Mr. Sukhum Navaphan Mr. Harald Neple Mr. Donald C.G. Newton Mrs. Pat Ngamsnit Mr. Carsten D. Nielsen Mr. Pierre J. Nicolas Miss Else M. Nielsen *Mr. Jan Nielsen * Prof. Boonyong Nikrodhananda Mr. Snoh Nilkamhaeng . * Miss lppa Nilubol * Dr. Kraisri Nimmanahaeminda

Annual Reports

Mr. Eric L. Nissen *Mr. Yoshimi Hitta Mr. Duncan Niven Mr. Harry L. Norlander *Mrs. R.G. North *Mr. Hans G. Oblander Dr. Taryo Obayashi Mr. Richard O'Connor Col. E.J. O'Donnell * Mr. Samuel C. Oglesby * Mr. Tadashi Okaniwa * Miss Laura Olson Mr. David Oot Mr. Surin Osathanugrah Dr. Milton Osborne Mr. Jacky Ott Dr. Jan Overbeek Mrs. Marika Overbeek Mr. Nigel F. Overy Mr. Muneto Ozaki Mrs. Sundri Paaopanchon Miss Feresita Padilla Mr. Henri Pagau-Clarac Mr. Spha Palasthira Mrs. Rita Palla * Mr. Prasat Panyarachun * Mr. E. Conrad Parkman *Dr. H.C. Parish Mr. Michael Parr M.L. Pawkaun Patamasingh Mrs. H.K. Patmo-(Mingoen) Mr. Lewis Pauker Mr. Alois Payer *Mr. Somnuk Pejrprim Mrs. David Penn * Dr. Hans Penth Mr. Geoffrey Percival

Mr. J.P. Perguson *Mr. J. Perrin Mr. David M. Peter Mr. Donald L. Petrie Miss Malo Petterson Mr. Jurgen M. Pfeifer * Mr. S. Phataminviphas Mr. A.J. Phillips *Mr. Pinyo Phinainitisat Mr. Yong Pholabun Dr. Pasuk Phongpaichit • Mr. Harry H. Pierson Mr. C. Davis Pike Miss Christel Pilz * Khun Nilawan Pinthong * Prof. Duangduen Pisalbutra * Mr. Kaset Pitakpaivan Mr. Vagn G.A. Plenge Mr. Raymond Plion-Bernier Dr. Todd R. Poch Mrs. Bernadette Poidatz Mr. Henry P. Poli Mr. V.I. Ponomarev Miss Taraka Poontavee Mr. Vitavas Poshyachinda Mr. Derek R. Pott Mr. Tom Potworowski *Dr. Saveros Pou Mr. Jess G. Pourret Mr. Chun Prabhavivadhana * Mrs. Mira Prachabarn Miss Ninitra Prachuabmoh * M.R. Seni Pramoj Miss Promporn Pramualratana Mrs. Chittra Pranich Mrs. Madeleine Preisinger Mrs. Barry Price

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Mr. Russell Proctor * Dr. Sem Pring-Puang Kaew Luang Promadhat Mr. James B. Pruess Mr. Gobchai Puavilai Mrs. Siripen Puavilai Miss Chanchai Puckadhikom Miss Mathilda Punaraksha Mr. Henri Punta * Mr. Tos Puntumasen Mrs. Penkae Puntusang * Dr. Chaloem Puranananda * Mr. Chamikom Puranananda *Dr. Herbert C. Purnell Mrs. Sophia W. Quinn-Judge Mr. J. Race Dr. Jeremy J. Raemaekers Mr. Dacre F.A. Raikes * Gen. Rasmee Rajanivat Mr. M. Rajaretnam * H.S.H. Prince Piyarangsit Rangsit * Mom Chao Sanidh Rangsit Mrs. L. Rasmussen Dr. Prasob Ratanakorn Mr. Preecha Ratanodom Miss Wiph:a Ratanodom Mr. Bhichai Rattakul "' Mr. Thomas H. Rau Mrs. Susan R. Real Mr. Antonia Realacci Dr. Karl Reichstetter Mr. John M. Reid Mr. Ronald D. Renard Mrs. Carol Kim Retka Mr. Nicolas Revenga Mr. Craig J. Reynolds Mr. Hans A. Ries

Annual Reports

*Prof. Fred W. Riggs * Mrs. Susan G. Riley Mr. William M. Riley Mrs. R.S. Ringis Mr. Francesco Ripandelli * Mr. Serge Rips Mr. Edward A. Roberts Mr. George B. Roberts Mr. Kevin W. Robertson Miss M.S. Robertson Mr. L.W.G. Robson Mrs. Joy Rogers Mrs. Sarapee Rojanavongse Miss Kittiporn Rojchanayotin Mr. James P. Rooney Mr. Edward K. Rose Dr. Klaus Rosenberg Mr. Ronald Rosenberg Miss Laurie Rosenthal Mr. Jason Roussos . Mrs. Barbara Rowbottom Mr. J.S. Roy Mr. Thamanoon Ruangsilp *Mr. Walter A. Rudlin * Miss Parichart Ruengivsesh Miss Yaowamam Rujikietkumjom Miss Wasinee Rujirut *Mr. Dana W. Russell Mrs. Susan Ruthaivilavan Mrs· Chamnongsri Rutnin Mr. Kevin A. Ryon * Prof. Sood Saengvichien Mr. Prapat Saengwanit * Mr. David Sahlberg Mr. Bengt Sahlin *Mr. Patya Saihoo Dr. Waldemar Sailer

Annual Reports

*Mr. Takeshi Sakamoto

* Mrs. Si ta Sena Salih * Lt. Gen. Phya Salwidhan-Nidhes * Khunying Lursakdi Sampatisiri Miss M.S. Sanderson Mr. Richard E. Sandler * Mr. Cecil Sanford * Mr. Jitkasem Sangsingkeo Mr. Kriengsak Sangtong * Dr. Thawatchai Santisuk * Sao Saimong Mr. Vibul Sarakitpricha * Mrs. Laksanee Sarasas Mr. D.V. Sassoon *Mr. Hock Siew Saw Miss Suphanee Sawangwan *Mr. Pancha Sayalakshana Mrs. Chindabha Sayanha-Vikasit * Mr. Ratchatin Sayamanond * Prof. Dr. Meinrad Scheller Mr. George Schmidt Mr. Klaus Schindler *Mr. Hartmut W. Schneider

* Dr. Hans Schneider H.E. W.F.M. Schmidt * Dr. E.P. Schrock Mr. Walter Schuller Mr. Dieter Schutt Dr. Ira K. Schwartz Mr. Herbert Schwarz Mr. P.C. Schwarz Mr. Dale Schwerdtfeger Dr. Breisach Schwoerer-Kohl Mr. Frank W. Scotton Dr. Thomas Scovel Mr. Ronald S. Scrivener Mrs. Thomas A. Seale

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Mr. Ulrich Seeger Mr. Lothar Seethaler Mr. D. Segaller

* H.E.

Monsieur Gunnar Seidenfaden Mr. Adreas S. Sekles

Mr. Charles H .C. Seller Dr. Z. Semberova * Mr. Leo Seng Tee

* Mr. A. Sennhauser Mrs. Doris Sepulveda Miss Kulanuch Sertsuwankul

* Mr. Vija Sethaput * H .E. Phya Manava Raja Sevi Mrs. Colleen Sharp * Dr. Lauriston Sharp Dr. B C. Shaw * Mrs. Duangphorn Shaw * Prof. John Shaw * Mrs. Nisa Sheanakul * Mr. Lee Sheng-Yi Mr. Masahide Shibusawa Mrs. Haruyo Shirato * Prof. Dr. Yoshiro Shiratori * Dr. Jit Kasem Sibunruang

* Mr. P.E.J.S. Simms Mr. David M. Sims Mr. Aksorn Sindhuprama * Mr. Jaimal Singh Mrs. Surijt Chawla Singh * H .R.H . Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Mrs. Soontree Sirachaya Miss Vimala Siripongse Miss Aroonee Sirivadhna * Mrs. Mani Sirivorasarn Mr. Javanit Sivakua * Mr. Sulakshna Sivaraks Dr. Ronald Skeldom

228

* Mr. Robert Skiff Mr. Peter Skilling Prof. Cyril Skinner * Prof. G.W. Skinner Miss S. Skul Jittajarern Mr. Edwin Slatter Dr. William A. Smalley Mr . Peter M. Smidt Mr. Adelbert G. Smith Mr. Ellis G. Smith Mr. George Vinal Smith Dr. Herbert B. Smith Mr. Michael E. Smight * Mr. Perry E.H. Smith * Prof. Michael Smithies * Dr. Tern Smitinand Miss Sarapee Smutkochorn Dr. Isabella Vignoli Snidvongs Mrs. Pasherin Snidvongs

* Mr. Pochana Snidvongs * Khun Varunyupha Snidvongs * Miss Wipudh Sobhavong *Mr. Soedjatmoko * Dr. Wilhelm G. Solheim, II *Mr. J. Paul Somm * Dr. Prasert Sombuntham ~' M.R. Ying Subijja Sonakul H.S.H. Princess Sibpan Sonakul Mrs. Eva Sophonpanich Mrs. Kanchana Sophonpanich Mrs. Arunee Sopitpongsatorn Mr. Per Sorensen *Miss Marjorie W. Spaulding Mr. N .A.J. Spencer *Dr. Max Spiegelberg * Mr. Hans J. Speilmann * Dr. Charles N. Spinks

Annual Reports

Mr. Kuoch H. Srea Mr. Anek Srisanit Mrs. F. Sreesangkom * Admiral Ying Srihong Miss Tatsanai Sriratana • Dr. Koson Srisang * Mrs. Vina Sritanratana Mrs. Susan Staples Mr. Richard Stampfle * Miss Lucy Starling * Mr. Willy Steck Mr. Mark J. Stein Mr. David I. Steinberg Mr. James Stent Mrs. Ingrid Stenvik Dr. Rolf Stephan Mr. Bart N. Stephens Mr. Theodore Stern * Dr. Larry Sternstein * Mr. Charles Stewart Mr. John Stirling Mrs. Diane S. Strachan Mr. Robert Stratton Mr. Roger F. Stuveras Mr. Sumeth Suabanu Miss Sirichantorn Sucharitakul Mr. Seri Suddhaphakti Mrs. Hiroko Sukanjanajtee Miss V. Sukapanpotharam * Mrs. Sirivan Sukhabanij * Mr. Vhavit Sukhabanij * Dr. Dhara Sukhavachana Mr. Vichien Sukitjanont Miss Pisawat Sukonthapan Mrs. Vinita Sukrasep M.R. Suriyavudh Suksvasti Prof. Helmut Sundhaussen

Annual Reports Mr. Methi Sunthornrangsri * Mr. Konthi Suphamongkhon Miss Supanand Supumporn Mr. Vinit Suraphongchai Miss Waraporn Suravadi Miss Somchit Suravanichsiri * Khunying Srinath Suriya Mrs. Rose Marie Sutan-Tanon Miss Anna Sutjayakorn Mrs. Bubphanard Suvanamas Mrs. Regina Suvansarang Mr. Songphand Suvansarang Mr. Phairoj Suvarnasthira * Mr. Kasin Suvatabandhu Mrs. Pha-oon Suwannawin * M.R. Vudhi Svasti Mr. Tor Svendsby * Mrs. Ellen Swan * Mr. Robert Swann Mr. D.K. Swearer Mrs. Pauline Tabtiang Mrs. Vallapha Tabtieng Datuk Shahuddin Mohamed Taib Assc. Prof. Takuji Takemura Miss Nicola J. Tamlyn

* Mr. David K.S. Tan Miss Suchada Tangtongtavy Mr. Chirasak Tansathitaya Mrs. Ingrid Tantemsapya Mr. Thavi Tantisunthorn Dr. Thavi Tantiwongse Mr. N.C.T. Tapp Mr. David D. Tarrant Mr. William B. Tate Miss Kanita Tavekarn Mr. Ronald Tavel * Mr. Martin F. Taylor

Miss Claudia Tennant * Mr. Sathien Tejapaibul Dr. Barend J. Terwiel Mr. Robert C. Tetro * Prof. Robert B. Textor Mr. Boonparn Thakoon Dr. Kokeo Thammongkol Mr. Chavalit Thanachanan Mrs. Veronika Thananan Mrs. Lucia Thagsuphanich Mr. Yin Thaung Mrs. Sukanya Thavikulwat Mr. Anussorn Thavisin Mr. John A. Thierry Miss Arpunchanit Thipayanond Mr. MarshallS. Thomas Mr. Geoffrey Thompson * Mr. Henry B. Thompson *Dr. Donald R. Thomson * Mr. Paothong Thongchua Mrs. Srinaul Thoomchai *Brigadier Gen. Elliott R. Thorpe Mr. Hans P. Tillmann Mrs. Sally Timm Mr. Marten G. Timmer Dr. Chitriya Tingsabadh Mr. Chitti Tingsabadh Mr. Suthas Tiradnakorn Dr. P. Tixier * Prof. Takejiro Tomita *Mr. Takashi Tomosugi M.R. Puckpring Tongyai M.R. Tongyai Tongyai Dr. Steven J. Torok Miss Lalita Tosompak Mr. Michael Toth Mrs. Jacqueline Touchard

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230

Dr. Hideo Toyokuni Miss Narelle R. Townsend Mrs. Yanagi Toyokuni Prof. Arne Trankell * Mr. Forrest C. Traville Miss Jeanne-Marie Treboul Mr. Guy Trebuil Miss Bernadette Tro Mr. Carl Trocki Mr. Hans J. Tschudi Mrs. Sheila Tuchinda Mr. John W. Tucker Mr. Paul Tuley Miss Sally Tun Thein Mr. WilliamS. Turley ·• Mr. G.M. Turpin * Dr. Snoh Unakul * Mrs. Margaret Ungphakorn Mr. Michael A. Ussery Ms. K.M. Uvhagen Mr. Viravudhi Vajrabhaya Mrs. Prathumporn Vajrasathira Mrs. Rachanee Valls * Luang Borihara Vanakhett * Luang Saman Vanakit Mr. Steven D. Van Beek Mr. A.D. Vanderboon Mrs. Florance Man Duyn Mrs. lngeborg Vanek * Mr. H.A. van der Flier *Dr. M.B.C. van der Velden Mrs. Penny Van Esterik Dr. W.J. van Liere Mrs. Romee S. van Luttervelt Mr. J.D. van Oenen Mr. Peter Van Rijn Mr. Edward Van Roy

Annual Reports

Mr. Johan A. Van Zuylen Miss Thaveeporn Vasavakul " Mr. Pichai Vasnasong Mrs. Leonie Vejjajiva • H.E. Nissai Vejjajiva * Dr. Christian Velder Miss Andrea Verkuehlen Mr. Gabriei Vernier Mr. Robert Vernstrom Mrs. Daniel Verpillot Mr. Michael T. Vickery Mr. N. Victor Dr. John Villiers *Miss Suri Vimolohakarn *Dr. Samak Viravaidya Mr. Samrerng Virachanang "' Mr. Navmintr Vitayakul Mr. Vittorio * Dr. J. Vixseboxse *Mr. Rolf E. Von Bueren Mr. Charoon Vongsayanh • Prof. Dr. Oskar von Hinuber Mr. Chusak Voraphitak M.R. Chirie Voravarn Mrs. Esti Votaw Miss Suchitra Vuthisathird Mrs. Barbara Wagner Miss Elizabeth Walch Mr. Eric Waldelius Mr. Louis Walker Mr. Despiegelaere Walter Mr. Rieser Walter Mr. Chanin Wanadit Dr. Derek Wangwiwatana Miss Kanchanasit Wansom Mr. Sirajit Waramontri Mr. George Ward

Annual Reports

Dr. David A. Warrell Mr. Charles P. Warren Mr. William Warren Mr. D.B. Waterhouse Mr. Ulrich Weber *Dr. Karl E. Weber Miss Ann G. Webster Mrs. Margot Weinmann Mr. Roger C. Welty *Dr. K. Wenk Mr. Sam S. Westgate Mr. T.O. Westheimer Mr. T.K. Whalley Mrs. Mark I. Whitcraft Dr. Nicholas J. White Mr. Peter White *Mr. WilliamS. Whorton *Dr. Adul Wichiencharoen Mr. Hansjoerg Wiedmann Dr. Martin Wieland Mr. Leo Wienands Mrs. M.M.F. Wiggins Dr. Henry Wilde Mr. Endymion P. Wilkinson Mr. M.J. Wilkinson · *Mr. Curtis C. Williams, Jr. Mr. H.R. Williams Mr. John Willoughby * Dr. Constance M. Wilson Mr. Sven H. Wiioesch Mr. Jim Wolf

Mr. Albert Wongjirachai Dr. Thosaporn Wongratana * Miss Carol Woo Mr. Peter Woodcock

* Mr. James L. Woods Mr. H.W. Woodward, Jr. Mr. R.A. Woodward Mr. Michael Wright "' Prof. David K. Wyatt Mr. Andrew Wynne Mr. Bernard Xiberras Miss Kazue Yamamoto Mr. Tadayuki Yamamoto Mrs. Chodchoy Yang * Mrs. M. Yipintsoi *Mr. Toshiharu Yoshikawa Miss Mineko Yoshioka * Mr. Prachitr Yossundara Mr. Chin You-di * Mr. Allan B. Young Dr. William R. Young * H.R.H. Prince Bhanubandh Yugala M.C. Mongkolchaleam Yugala * Mr. Thanit Yupho Mr. Boguslow Zakrzeski Mr. Nicholas C. Zefran Mr. Pierre Zerdoun Mr. Carl J. Zeytoon Mr. Daniel D. Zoller, Jr. Dr. Volkmar V. Zuhlsdorff

231

LIST OF INSTITUTIONAL SUBSCRIBERS AUSTRALIA James Cook University of Queensland, Queensland Monash University, Clayton, Victoria University of Western Australia, Nedlands BURMA Printed Matter & Photographic Store Trade Corp., Rangoon CANADA Mr. B. Maule, Vancouver Mrs. Pontip Placzek, Vancouver CIDLE Universidao De Chile, Temico DENMARK Statsbiblioteket, Aarhus FRANCE Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris Musee Ouimet d'Histoire Naturelle, Lyon Mr. Robert Sausse, Combault/Seine-et-Marne GREAT BRITAIN British Library, Boston Spa, Wetherby, Yorks Brynmor Jones Library, Hull Indian Institute Library, Oxford University Library, Canterbury HOLLAND Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, Amsterdam Uni versiteitsbiliotheek, Amsterdam HONG KONG Sinminchu Publishing Company, Hong Kong University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong INDIA Rajasthan University Library, Jaipur ISRAEL Jewish Natl & University Library, Jerusalem 232

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ITALY Mr. Scott D. Bellard, Rome JAPAN Kitao Shoseki Boeki, Osaka Nanzan University, Aichi Tsukuba University Library, Japan KOREA Yonsei University Library, Seoul MALAYSIA Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, Selangor University of Malaya Library, Kuala Lumpur NETHERLANDS Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague NEW ZEALAND University of Auckland Library, Auckland University of Otago Library, Dunedin Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington, PHILIPPINES University of Philippines, Diliman SINGAPORE Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Pasir Panjang THAILAND

·-,

Chieng Mai University, Chieng Mai Chieng Mai University, Central Library, Chieng Mai Chulalongkorn University Library, Bangkok Khon Kaen University Library, Khon Kaen Mr. David Thomas, Bangkok Office of the National Educatian Commission Library, Bangkok Royal Secretary Office, Bangkok Silpakorn University Library, Bangkok Silpakorn University Library, NakoriJ, Pathom Songkhla University Library, Songkhla Thammasat University, Central Library, Bangkok

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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ABC-Clio Library, Santo Barbara, CA Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ Brandeis University, Waltham, MA Brigham Young University, Provo, YT Carleton College Library, Northfield, MN College of William & Mary, Williamsburg, VA Indiana State University Cunningham Library, Terre Hatue, IN Indiana University Libraries, Bloomington, IN Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI Northern Illinois University, Dekalb, ILL Ohio University, Athens, OH Rice University, Houston, TX Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC State University of New York At Buffalo, Buffalo, NY The Pennsylvania State University, PENN Tufts University, Medford, MA University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, AR University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ University of California, Davis, CA University of California, Santa Barbara, CA University of Chicago Library, Chicago, ILL University of Colorado Libraries, Boulder, CO University of MD/Mckeldin Library, College Park, MD University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI University of New York at Albany, NY University of Oklahoma Library, Norman, Oklahoma University of Oregon Library, Eugene, Oregon University of Pittsburgh, PA University of Utah Libraries, Salt Lake City, Utah University of Washington, Seattle, Washington Washington State University, Pullman, WA Wesleyan University, Middletown, CT W-GERMANY Staatliche Museen Preussische:r Kulturbesitz, Berlin

INSTITUTIONS EXCHANGING PUBLICATIONS WITH THE SIAM SOCIETY, 1982 BELGIUM Jardin Botanique National de Belgique, Bruxelles. BRUNEI Brunei Museum, Kota Batu. CHINA, REP. OF (TAIWAN) Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, National Taiwan University, Taipei. Institute of Fishery Biology, National Taiwan University, Taipei. Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Taipei. DENMARK Botanisk Centrabibliotek, K¢benhaven. National Museum, K¢benhaven. FRANCE Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, Paris Musee Ouimet, Paris Societe Asiatique, Paris GERMANY, FED. REP. OF Botanischer Garden und Botanisches Museum, Berlin Seminar flir sprache und Kultur Chinas, South East Asian Department, Hamburg Geographisches Institut der Universitat, Bonn Staatliches Museum fur Naturkunde, Stuttgart HONG KONG Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch INDIA All-India Kashiraj Trust, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh Asiatic Society, Calcutta JAPAN Institute for the Study of Languages and Culture of Asia and Africa, Tokyo Gaikokugo Daigaku, Tokyo Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, Tokyo National Museum of Ethonology, Serita, Osaka Oriental Library, The Toyo Bunko, Tokyo 235

236

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MALAYSIA Ford Foundation, Kuala Lumpur Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Jalan Sultan, Petaling Jaya Malayan Nature Society, Kuala Lumpur Sarawak Museum, Kuching, Sarawak NETHERLANDS Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde, Leiden NORWAY Universitets Biblioteket, Oslo PHILIPPINES National Museum of the Philippines, Manila University of the Philippines at Los Banos, Laguna POLAND Museum of Natural History Sienkiewicra, Wvoclaw SINGAPORE National University of Singapore Library South Seas Society SRI LANKA National Museum Library, Colombo SWITZERLAND Conservatoire et Jardin Botanique, Bibliotheque, Geneve THAILAND Develop-!Dent Document Center, ·National Institute of Development Administration, Bangkok Exchanges, Library of Congress Office, American Embassy, Bangkok Thai National Document Center, Bangkok UNITED KINGDOM British Museum, Department of Natural History, London British Museum, Department of Oriental Printed Books und Manuscripts, London Royal Asiatic Society, London School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, London

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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Acquisition Division, Albert R. Mann Library, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. Allan Hancock Foundation, University of Southern California, Los Angeles. Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois. Museum of Fine Arts, Library, Boston, Massachusetts. New York Botanical Garden, Library, New York. University of California General Library, Berkeley, California. University of Florida Libraries, Gainesville, Florida. University of Hawaii Library, Honolulu, Hawaii. Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, . New York. Smithsonian Institution Library, Washington D.C. American Museum of Natural History, Library, New York. American Ornithologists' Union, Department of Anatomy (UMIC) Chicago, Illinois.

OBITUARIES PETER JAMES BEE

1927-1982 Members and friends of the Siam Siam Society will be saddened to learn of the death of Peter James Bee, Lecturer in Thai Studies at SOAS, University of London (1964-82) and former Lecturer in English at the Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkom University (1955-64). Peter, who had suffered from a serious heart condition in recent recent years, died quietly in his office on May 4, 1982. His colleague, Stuart Simmonds, had stopped by to join Peter for tea and discovered that he had passed away. Peter was born on July 12, 1927 in Leicester, England where he also received his primary education. He later went on to Clare College, Cambridge, where he received both his B.A. (Modem and Medieval Languages, 1951) and M.A. (Oriental Languages, principally Chinese Literature, 1953). In 1954, he studied Thai for a year at SOAS, and then came to Chula where he joined such stalwarts as John Blofeld, Victor Sassoon, and Robert Swann, and for almost a decade participated in what has come to be known as the "golden age of farang archam" at Chula's Department of English. Peter's years at Chula were memorialized in the 1965 book, mai pen rai means never mind by the late Carol Hollinger. Although Hollinger drew excellent portraits of all her characters (all of whom were identified by name) her descriptions of Peter's sparkling wit and infectious camaraderie, as well as his brilliance as a teacher, were unerring in their accuracy. During this period, he also shared a house with J. Marvin Brown who for years had been Director of Thai instruction at the AUA Language Center. Peter often said that it was Marvin's stimulation that induced him to expand his professional interests from literature into linguistics. Peter's love affair with Thailand culminated in his marriage to Khun Chok, the woman who was to be his wife for many years and the mother of his two children. Peter returned to SOAS in 1964 and with Stuart Simmonds and Khun Manas helped create the premier program for the study of Thai language and literature in the Western world. While Peter was not a prolific writer, the work he did publish or report on was marked by originality and profundity. He was a man of extraordinary intellectual talents. Peter was also keenly aware of his own strengths and limitations, and he much preferred dealing with people on a personal face-to-face basis rather than through the written word. He was a superb listener (with his head cocked slightly to the left) and always responded with relevance, clarity, and stimulation. Like Socrates in the Academy, he sometimes thought that writing created too great a distance between 238

Obituaries

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people and also afforded more efficient opportunities for guile and falsehood. He himself was a man totally without guile. One of this writer's greatest frustrations was his inability to interest Peter in a position at Berkeley during the early 1970's when our own new Department of South and Southeast Asian Languages and Literature was created. Peter correctly perceived that at Berkeley he would have to write more and teach less--and that was not his style. Peter was a man of many parts. While he loved singing scatological ditties, he could also sing every Mozart opera--every part of every opera--from beginning to end. In fact, his love of music was exceeded only by his love of language. It is of course as a teacher that Peter will best be remembered. His students are

legion, and include people as varied as the last British Consul in Chiengmai, one of Thailand's most provocative Ministers of Interior (Samak Sunthornwej), and the most recent Instructor in the Thai language at UC Berkeley. In fact, one encounters Peter's students under the most serendipitous circumstances : in 1979, I bad been working in California for more than a year with a Thai associate on aspects of contemporary Thai literature when I discovered that her favorite professor in college, twenty years earlier, had been Peter Bee. Although Peter was not a practicing Buddhist, he was keenly aware of the limitations of each person's existence and yet how the consequences of that existence tied each person to eternity. Just a month before his death, one of my own students was passing through London and I asked her to phone Peter to inquire about his health and to convey my regards. Peter would not talk about himself. Perhaps in prescient awareness of his condition, he would talk only of his children. He said, "Tell Herb that my children have grown up wonderfully. I am lucky. They are good people and they are going to contribute." Indeed, just as their father did. Herbert P. Phillips

University of California, Berkeley

240

Obituaries

Address by Professor E.H.S. Simmonds ..t~

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'UO 71'1ftyti-!!7W~\I ~ ~ "Even as the four-footed may stumble so may the wise man still blunder". That is a proverbial saying of the Thai which Peter held very much in his mind and was fond of quoting. For he was a modest man, not unaware of his qualities but, being wisely aware of fallibility, he was disinclined openly to recognise or advertise them. Neither did he ask us to recognise those qualities but we did so all the same. We remember Peter for his constant generosity as a teacher. He had an active wish to share his knowledge and he preferred to do so person to person. He was unstinting of his time and effort, giving freely to all who sought him out-not only to those students who were bonded to appear in his classes. It was no real bondage because he carried his students with him in an enterprise of learning with clear and progressing aims. The beginning student found at Christmas that he could read and write Thai when in October he or she had no inkling 'of the structure of the sounds or the patterns of the script. Some Christmas present ! If it was no bondage then it was no eac;y ride either. Peter was·a determined taskmaster. I think that is the worddetermined, NOT harsh NOT hard. It would be conventional to say that he did not suffer fools gladly, but that would be wrong. If he encountered fools he suffered with them and for them, determined kindly and firmly to mitigate their foolishness. Peter had his idiosyncracies. He was very much an individual. This sometimes expressed itself in the complex arrangement of his material; perhaps sometimes puzzling to students. But the puzzle was always resolved. His aim was always to make difficult things easy, not easy things difficult. His students had no doubt about the end result that his teaching had for them. I have heard from Chiangmai in northern Thailand where presently reside two students of Peter's. One is a former British Consul, now retired, and the other a young geographer who writes to say how both could share fond memories of Peter's inimitable enthusiasm for the language and the way it works. He referred to Peter's drilling of the rules. At the time they seemed bizarre (not quite the right word perhaps) but invaluable when once the language was put to use, enabling him now, as he said, to do all his research work in Thai. I have had a tribute from the most recent Foreign Office student of Peter's who writes for himself and his colleagues who were taught by Peter, and he includes Her Majesty's present Ambassador in Bangkok who was once a fellow student of Peter's at the School. These tributes, and they are many, speak for themselves. Peter was first of all a student of language. At Cambridge, Clare College, he read the Modern and Mediaeval Language Tripos which gave him German an.d Rqs11ian,

Obituaries

241

Also he took the Diploma in Classical Chinese and he began his Thai studies at the School. Then, of course, he taught at Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, for nearly a~decade. His published works were not many. They lie mainly in the field of linguistic investigation and they are important. He always claimed a lack of sensitivity towards literature yet was able to write an article full of personal insight into the life and attitudes of one of Thailand's most accomplished contemporary poets. In later years he undertook a study of the language of the Maha Chat-The Great Life-The Vessantara Jataka. His work was intensely detailed. He gave several fascinating papers as the research progressed but, alas it remained unfinished. Over the years, in his personal life, Peter knew the love and happiness of a wife and family and saw his children grow and emerge from schooldays into the commencement of their careers. As a scholar he had a great love for his subject-that we all recognise. In the best sense he loved all with whom he came into contact through his work. People were for him a link between his research and his teaching. We remember Peter for his unfailing cheerfulness. His ready smile was familiar to us all. And we recognise his quality of openness-he was a man without guile. No one who knew him doubted that he was entirely worthy of trust. He was not naive. There was a quality of shrewdness in his judgments whether they were made about the problems of his work or about people. And in his judgments of people he was eminently fair and just. Peter no doubt knew the nature of tal]ha, desire and temptation-attributes that could, in the Buddhist explanation, lead to the acts that bind us to the wheel of existence. He was not a Buddhist but he also knew the value of the way of moderation, even of renunciation and austerity. He trespassed against none. Towards the end of his life he lived under the shadow of ill-health and this perhaps was one of the things which created a sense of loneliness in him. He did not allow this to intrude into his relations with others. He threw himself into his work and his teaching and the School became a place of great significance to him. People responded to his caring with caring of their own. His younger colleagues and his students were the friends he did not ask for but nevertheless needed. They gave a lot to him as he gave to them. And he and they enjoyed the hours of fruitful evening talk over a glass and a simple meal. His honesty and his loyalty made him, you see, a true man and that tr1,1e-ness does not die with death. It lives with life. It is, I believe, a quality, still existent, almost perhaps a constituent of the air we breathe and we who still live can take it to ourselves if we have the will to do so, as we remember Peter James Bee.

RICHARD DAVIS 1943-1981 Richard (Dick) Davis was born in New York in 1943. He took his first degree in 1965 at the University of Virginia. He had spent some time in France and it was probably then he discovered his natural talent, and the requisite capacity for hard work, which led to his mastery of foreign languages. This must have played some part in his decision to volunteer for the Peace Corps and his acquisition of extraordinary fluency in Thai. Dick was not unaware of his accomplishment, but acknowledged it with modesty. He once said: to me there were some things he did not fully understand-like the exact distinction between the uses of the relative pronouns thii ['Y"'1] and

"'

syng ["11'-3].

After his initial training he spent four years in the Peace Corps, mostly in Nan province. He worked for the Provincial Education Office in Nan and was responsible for setting up and supplying Hmong schools in the province. He made many close friends during this period. These he was to keep for the rest of his life. He also turned his formidable language learning skills to the acquisition of northern Thai (kham muang Nan [fi1L~a,nhu]). By 1967 he was preparing instructional material for other Peace Corps volunteers, on kham muang, with particular emphasis on variations between provinces. When his period with the Peace Corps came to an end, Davis went back to a village in Amphur Sa, with the intention of doing systematic anthropological fieldwork. This was in 1969. It was during this period that he learned the northern system of writing, or at least acquired the final polish to his previous knowledge, from the gentle, learned old man to whom he never ceased to express his gratitude-Noi Inta Muangphrom. Noi Inta died in 1980. In 1970 Davis was awarded a scholarship to the University of Sydney. He was to spend the rest of his academic life in Australia. In 1972-73 he spent another year in Amphur Sa, and in 1974 received his PhD. The next four years he spent in Canberra, first as Post-Doctoral Fellow in the Department of Prehistory and Anthropology. During these years he proved himself a teacher of great skill and enthusiasm. Many of the students from that period remain passionately devoted to him and to his memory. In 1978 he took up a position as Lecturer in t~e Department of General Studies at the University of New South Wales. It was not the position he would have liked to have had, but economic conditions were bad, worldwide, and university jobs scarce. His task was to provide some general education for professional and science students, whose education was otherwise thought to be too narrow. 242

Obituaries

243

Dick channelled all his enthusiasm, his love of Jazz, of film, of Southeast Asian ethnography and· general anthropology into his courses, but by its very nature it couldn't give him back what he so desired from teaching. For many years Dick Davis had suffered from a serious disorder which increasingly interfered with the way of life he chose and intended to live. Leaving his affairs in meticulous order, he died in June 1981 of his own choice. He was cremated, with Buddhist rites, in Sydney. My colleague, Michael Young, has eloquently paid tribute to Richard Davis as man and scholar, and all his friends would, I am sure, like to read this (Canberra Anthropology 4, (2) : 95-7, 1981). Rather than, inadequately, trying to cover this same ground, let me here make a brief preliminary assessment of Davis's work; one that may be of interest to readers of this Journal. Davis's major work is the revised version of his PhD thesis, Muang Metaphysics: A Study of Northern Thai Myth and Ritual, which we hope will soon be published. All the rest of his extant work is either incorporated here, or is closely integrated with it. Unpublished papers unconnected with his central interests, of which there was at least one, appear to have been destroyed. Myth and ritual remained his central and, as far as anthropology was concerned, finally, his only interest. All his talents and energy were devoted to the task of presenting and explaining this substantial portion of northern Thai ethnography. The book is a detailed account of just about all the ritual activity engaged in by northern Thai peasants. On one side, as it were, the detail of the ritual merges into peasant secular activity, and on the other into more orthodox Buddhist ritual. The observational detail is supported by a wealth of material from northern Thai texts and finally placed within the context of Tai ethnography, using a wide range of secondary sources. As an anthropologist, Davis was profoundly concerned with theory, but his exceptionally detailed knowledge of Muang ethnography and linguistic skill made him extremely cautious about theoretical speculations, or jumping to conclusions. One sees in his work, therefore, a constant attempt to have the ethnography make its own theoretical point, with but the barest intervention by the theoretician. Because it seems the least theoretical of his published work, his paper on the northern Thai calendar (1976) may perhaps best illustrate this point. This is the very detailed exposition of one partic11lar aspect of m!lang belief, but caref11lly located in the real world of use, rationalization and manip11lation. To state, baldly, that m:yth and ritual are in the very nature of man, may appear to be trite. In the book, Davis proceeds to demons-

244

Obituaries

trate by presenting a comprehensive ethnography of the northern Thai with these topics at the focus of his attention. He looks first at political and domestic units and draws from this the principles of sexual opposition and the structuring of relations between junior and senior. He moves to the more abstract and metaphysical treat. ment of space and time and the oppositions emerge as "high" and "low". The next five chapters examine the emergence of these principles over and over again, in a series of rituals having to do with the division of time, agricultural production, territory and kinship. The final chapter attempts to make a more theoretical statement about myth and ritual. Here be uses ideas which appear in his paper on play (1977) and in his posthumous paper (1981). Most important, however, are his notions of ambiguity which were set out in a paper in Ethnology (1974). In a nutshell, Davis is saying that ritual is formalized and repetitive behaviour through which humans express both their own nature and that of the universe in which they live. For the northern Thai, at least, the symbolism of ritual is straightforward and unambiguous, though their myths often confound these same categories and shroud them in mists of ambiguity. The strength of Davis's work is not in these ideas themselves, but in the manner in which he attempts to demonstrate them. It is in the ethnography. As an example, let us consider his treatment of the male/female opposition. It first arises out of his discussion of so-called northern Thai matriliny. He presents the ethnography to bring out the fact that though domestic and kinship relations are largely structured through women, they are subordinate to an overwhelming ideology of male dominance-itself articulated with other antimonies of northern Thai culture, such as the high and the low, senior and junior. This problem, or set of problems, is again taken up at the end of the book when he discusses the political aspects of clan and domestic rituals, and the final result is a complex presentation of the way in which the symbolic, structural dichotomy between male and female interacts with other such symbolic dichotomies, is woven into ideology, and finally emerges as political. action. The ethnography is not seen merely as a manifestation of binary opposition, of functional consistency, or sexual repression, but a complex amalgam of these, and much more. The intellectual rigour with which he approached his chosen subject, myth and ritual, had two unfortunate results. He sometimes seemed to place too much reliance on fashionable, but simplistic, notions such as those of Mary Douglas. The reason I say this, is that most of the major theoretical trends in anthropological theory, if followed through, have consequences. They lead to general notions about the way the world is. This does not seem to be so for such dichotomies as "group" and "grid" canvassed by Mary Douglas. More important, in Davis's case, is that his theoretical

Obituaries

245

explorations seem to have deepened his pessimism. The major currents of anthropological theory are basically optimistic. Despite the pessimism that sometimes emerges in Levi-Strauss's own writings, Levi-Straussian structuralism is at bottom a humanist affirmation of the powers of the intellect : functionalism if pushed too far is almost panglossian, and the ideas of Freud and Marx may always be interpreted in evangelical and utopian ways. Reading Muong Metaphysics and the earlier papers, I am impressed by a sense of control. In his last work, posthumously published, Davis pulled out of

Muong Metaphysics the one notion hardly elaborated there-stereotypy. More than that, he dispassionately set out to examine himself with the sharpest analytical tools he had at his disposal. It is not, I think, doing him a disfavour to let it be known that 'The Ritualization of Behaviour' is partly autobiogr1:1phical. There were two major events in Davis's relations with The Siam Society and this Journal. His paper "Muang Matrifocality" raised the whole question of the interpretation of northern Thai kinship and spirit propitiation.

It is hoped that this

paper will form the core of a book on the subject that some of his friends and colleagues wish to put together in his memory.

The other event was of course A Northern Thai

Reader, published by The Society in 1970. ;

To my knowledge it was the first and still

the only work of this kind in English, and it preceded what I understand, is the standard text used at the University of Chiangmai, by the late Acharn Singkha Wanasai by about five years. I am not sure that Davis fully realized the importance of this work, though he did think the palm leaf texts important enough to leave among his effects a box full of muong texts carefully copied out by hand. When the Presbyterian Missionaries went to Chiangmai in the last century they set up a press and began publishing religious tracts in what they called Lao-but what was in fact the northern Thai script. During the early years of this century, official government signs were written in this tua muang [i1L~t:1-1].

After the Shan rebellion,

Bangkok moved to unify the kingdom with one officiall~nguage and one official script. In the meantime, the missionaries had discovered that this so-called Lao script was used over a wide region stretching from Chiang Tung into Yunnan and eastwards. In Laos it was the tua tham [fl...11iTnJ], the script of the Buddhist texts.

All this is known from

the work of Dodd, but what has happened over the last few years is the growing interest among scholars in Chiangmai, the discovery and transliteration of texts, and the realization that the same script, rationalized by order of the Chinese Government, is actually being used around Kunming.

Acharn Kraisri Nimmanheminda has also now

Obituaries

246

discovered that a considerable collection of texts was removed from the Lue country to Taiwan-and is now available there. Davis's book, from being an interesting curiosity, should now be at the centre of a small but fascinating field of academic endeavour. In the short period available to him, he has left a substantial m~rk on both anthropology and Thai studies. Muang Metaphysics and A Northern Thai Reader are two landmarks in the field.

Gehan W ijeyewardene Department of Anthropology, The Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra

BIBLIOGRAPHY n.d. 1970 1973 1974 1976 1977 1981

Muang Metaphysics: A Study of Northern Thai Myth and Ritual. (Revised version of PhD. University of Sydney, 1974). A Northern Thai Reader. Bangkok, The Siam Society. Muang Matrifocality. Journal of the Siam Society 61 (2): 53-62. Tolerance and Intolerance of Ambiguity in Northern Thai Myth and Ritual. Ethnology Xlll (1) : 1-24. The Northern Thai Calender and its Uses. Anthropos 71 : 3-32. Myth, Play and Alchemy. Canberra Anthropology 1 (1) : 15-23. The Ritualization of Behaviour. Mankind 13 (2): 103-112.

In Thai: I I a 4 I 1972 a'U1flfi£11-I.U1'1111-1'JJ£HIL3Ja.:JL'IIIU£1-U1U G1

6l,

g, fJU1fll'l lt:Jci!G>o!.

r

OBITUARIES PETER JAMES BEE

1927-1982 Members and friends of the Siam Siam Society will be saddened to learn of the death of Peter James Bee, Lecturer in Thai Studies at SOAS, University of London (1964-82) and former Lecturer in English at the Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkom University (1955-64). Peter, who had suffered from a serious heart condition in recent recent years, died quietly in his office on May 4, 1982. His colleague, Stuart Simmonds, had stopped by to join Peter for tea and discovered that he had passed away. Peter was born on July 12, 1927 in Leicester, England where he also received his primary education. He later went on to Clare College, Cambridge, where he received both his B.A. (Modem and Medieval Languages, 1951) and M.A. (Oriental Languages, principally Chinese Literature, 1953). In 1954, he studied Thai for a year at SOAS, and then came to Chula where he joined such stalwarts as John Blofeld, Victor Sassoon, and Robert Swann, and for almost a decade participated in what has come to be known as the "golden age of farang archam" at Chula's Department of English. Peter's years at Chula were memorialized in the 1965 book, mai pen rai means never mind by the late Carol Hollinger. Although Hollinger drew excellent portraits of all her characters (all of whom were identified by name) her descriptions of Peter's sparkling wit and infectious camaraderie, as well as his brilliance as a teacher, were unerring in their accuracy. During this period, he also shared a house with J. Marvin Brown who for years had been Director of Thai instruction at the AUA Language Center. Peter often said that it was Marvin's stimulation that induced him to expand his professional interests from literature into linguistics. Peter's love affair with Thailand culminated in his marriage to Khun Chok, the woman who was to be his wife for many years and the mother of his two children. Peter returned to SOAS in 1964 and with Stuart Simmonds and Khun Manas helped create the premier program for the study of Thai language and literature in the Western world. While Peter was not a prolific writer, the work he did publish or report on was marked by originality and profundity. He was a man of extraordinary intellectual talents. Peter was also keenly aware of his own strengths and limitations, and he much preferred dealing with people on a personal face-to-face basis rather than through the written word. He was a superb listener (with his head cocked slightly to the left) and always responded with relevance, clarity, and stimulation. Like Socrates in the Academy, he sometimes thought that writing created too great a distance between 238

Obituaries

239

people and also afforded more efficient opportunities for guile and falsehood. He himself was a man totally without guile. One of this writer's greatest frustrations was his inability to interest Peter in a position at Berkeley during the early 1970's when our own new Department of South and Southeast Asian Languages and Literature was created. Peter correctly perceived that at Berkeley he would have to write more and teach less--and that was not his style. Peter was a man of many parts. While he loved singing scatological ditties, he could also sing every Mozart opera--every part of every opera--from beginning to end. In fact, his love of music was exceeded only by his love of language. It is of course as a teacher that Peter will best be remembered. His students are

legion, and include people as varied as the last British Consul in Chiengmai, one of Thailand's most provocative Ministers of Interior (Samak Sunthornwej), and the most recent Instructor in the Thai language at UC Berkeley. In fact, one encounters Peter's students under the most serendipitous circumstances : in 1979, I bad been working in California for more than a year with a Thai associate on aspects of contemporary Thai literature when I discovered that her favorite professor in college, twenty years earlier, had been Peter Bee. Although Peter was not a practicing Buddhist, he was keenly aware of the limitations of each person's existence and yet how the consequences of that existence tied each person to eternity. Just a month before his death, one of my own students was passing through London and I asked her to phone Peter to inquire about his health and to convey my regards. Peter would not talk about himself. Perhaps in prescient awareness of his condition, he would talk only of his children. He said, "Tell Herb that my children have grown up wonderfully. I am lucky. They are good people and they are going to contribute." Indeed, just as their father did. Herbert P. Phillips

University of California, Berkeley

240

Obituaries

Address by Professor E.H.S. Simmonds ..t~

odJ

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01

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01

Sl

~

'UO 71'1ftyti-!!7W~\I ~ ~ "Even as the four-footed may stumble so may the wise man still blunder". That is a proverbial saying of the Thai which Peter held very much in his mind and was fond of quoting. For he was a modest man, not unaware of his qualities but, being wisely aware of fallibility, he was disinclined openly to recognise or advertise them. Neither did he ask us to recognise those qualities but we did so all the same. We remember Peter for his constant generosity as a teacher. He had an active wish to share his knowledge and he preferred to do so person to person. He was unstinting of his time and effort, giving freely to all who sought him out-not only to those students who were bonded to appear in his classes. It was no real bondage because he carried his students with him in an enterprise of learning with clear and progressing aims. The beginning student found at Christmas that he could read and write Thai when in October he or she had no inkling 'of the structure of the sounds or the patterns of the script. Some Christmas present ! If it was no bondage then it was no eac;y ride either. Peter was·a determined taskmaster. I think that is the worddetermined, NOT harsh NOT hard. It would be conventional to say that he did not suffer fools gladly, but that would be wrong. If he encountered fools he suffered with them and for them, determined kindly and firmly to mitigate their foolishness. Peter had his idiosyncracies. He was very much an individual. This sometimes expressed itself in the complex arrangement of his material; perhaps sometimes puzzling to students. But the puzzle was always resolved. His aim was always to make difficult things easy, not easy things difficult. His students had no doubt about the end result that his teaching had for them. I have heard from Chiangmai in northern Thailand where presently reside two students of Peter's. One is a former British Consul, now retired, and the other a young geographer who writes to say how both could share fond memories of Peter's inimitable enthusiasm for the language and the way it works. He referred to Peter's drilling of the rules. At the time they seemed bizarre (not quite the right word perhaps) but invaluable when once the language was put to use, enabling him now, as he said, to do all his research work in Thai. I have had a tribute from the most recent Foreign Office student of Peter's who writes for himself and his colleagues who were taught by Peter, and he includes Her Majesty's present Ambassador in Bangkok who was once a fellow student of Peter's at the School. These tributes, and they are many, speak for themselves. Peter was first of all a student of language. At Cambridge, Clare College, he read the Modern and Mediaeval Language Tripos which gave him German an.d Rqs11ian,

Obituaries

241

Also he took the Diploma in Classical Chinese and he began his Thai studies at the School. Then, of course, he taught at Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, for nearly a~decade. His published works were not many. They lie mainly in the field of linguistic investigation and they are important. He always claimed a lack of sensitivity towards literature yet was able to write an article full of personal insight into the life and attitudes of one of Thailand's most accomplished contemporary poets. In later years he undertook a study of the language of the Maha Chat-The Great Life-The Vessantara Jataka. His work was intensely detailed. He gave several fascinating papers as the research progressed but, alas it remained unfinished. Over the years, in his personal life, Peter knew the love and happiness of a wife and family and saw his children grow and emerge from schooldays into the commencement of their careers. As a scholar he had a great love for his subject-that we all recognise. In the best sense he loved all with whom he came into contact through his work. People were for him a link between his research and his teaching. We remember Peter for his unfailing cheerfulness. His ready smile was familiar to us all. And we recognise his quality of openness-he was a man without guile. No one who knew him doubted that he was entirely worthy of trust. He was not naive. There was a quality of shrewdness in his judgments whether they were made about the problems of his work or about people. And in his judgments of people he was eminently fair and just. Peter no doubt knew the nature of tal]ha, desire and temptation-attributes that could, in the Buddhist explanation, lead to the acts that bind us to the wheel of existence. He was not a Buddhist but he also knew the value of the way of moderation, even of renunciation and austerity. He trespassed against none. Towards the end of his life he lived under the shadow of ill-health and this perhaps was one of the things which created a sense of loneliness in him. He did not allow this to intrude into his relations with others. He threw himself into his work and his teaching and the School became a place of great significance to him. People responded to his caring with caring of their own. His younger colleagues and his students were the friends he did not ask for but nevertheless needed. They gave a lot to him as he gave to them. And he and they enjoyed the hours of fruitful evening talk over a glass and a simple meal. His honesty and his loyalty made him, you see, a true man and that tr1,1e-ness does not die with death. It lives with life. It is, I believe, a quality, still existent, almost perhaps a constituent of the air we breathe and we who still live can take it to ourselves if we have the will to do so, as we remember Peter James Bee.

RICHARD DAVIS 1943-1981 Richard (Dick) Davis was born in New York in 1943. He took his first degree in 1965 at the University of Virginia. He had spent some time in France and it was probably then he discovered his natural talent, and the requisite capacity for hard work, which led to his mastery of foreign languages. This must have played some part in his decision to volunteer for the Peace Corps and his acquisition of extraordinary fluency in Thai. Dick was not unaware of his accomplishment, but acknowledged it with modesty. He once said: to me there were some things he did not fully understand-like the exact distinction between the uses of the relative pronouns thii ['Y"'1] and

"'

syng ["11'-3].

After his initial training he spent four years in the Peace Corps, mostly in Nan province. He worked for the Provincial Education Office in Nan and was responsible for setting up and supplying Hmong schools in the province. He made many close friends during this period. These he was to keep for the rest of his life. He also turned his formidable language learning skills to the acquisition of northern Thai (kham muang Nan [fi1L~a,nhu]). By 1967 he was preparing instructional material for other Peace Corps volunteers, on kham muang, with particular emphasis on variations between provinces. When his period with the Peace Corps came to an end, Davis went back to a village in Amphur Sa, with the intention of doing systematic anthropological fieldwork. This was in 1969. It was during this period that he learned the northern system of writing, or at least acquired the final polish to his previous knowledge, from the gentle, learned old man to whom he never ceased to express his gratitude-Noi Inta Muangphrom. Noi Inta died in 1980. In 1970 Davis was awarded a scholarship to the University of Sydney. He was to spend the rest of his academic life in Australia. In 1972-73 he spent another year in Amphur Sa, and in 1974 received his PhD. The next four years he spent in Canberra, first as Post-Doctoral Fellow in the Department of Prehistory and Anthropology. During these years he proved himself a teacher of great skill and enthusiasm. Many of the students from that period remain passionately devoted to him and to his memory. In 1978 he took up a position as Lecturer in t~e Department of General Studies at the University of New South Wales. It was not the position he would have liked to have had, but economic conditions were bad, worldwide, and university jobs scarce. His task was to provide some general education for professional and science students, whose education was otherwise thought to be too narrow. 242

Obituaries

243

Dick channelled all his enthusiasm, his love of Jazz, of film, of Southeast Asian ethnography and· general anthropology into his courses, but by its very nature it couldn't give him back what he so desired from teaching. For many years Dick Davis had suffered from a serious disorder which increasingly interfered with the way of life he chose and intended to live. Leaving his affairs in meticulous order, he died in June 1981 of his own choice. He was cremated, with Buddhist rites, in Sydney. My colleague, Michael Young, has eloquently paid tribute to Richard Davis as man and scholar, and all his friends would, I am sure, like to read this (Canberra Anthropology 4, (2) : 95-7, 1981). Rather than, inadequately, trying to cover this same ground, let me here make a brief preliminary assessment of Davis's work; one that may be of interest to readers of this Journal. Davis's major work is the revised version of his PhD thesis, Muang Metaphysics: A Study of Northern Thai Myth and Ritual, which we hope will soon be published. All the rest of his extant work is either incorporated here, or is closely integrated with it. Unpublished papers unconnected with his central interests, of which there was at least one, appear to have been destroyed. Myth and ritual remained his central and, as far as anthropology was concerned, finally, his only interest. All his talents and energy were devoted to the task of presenting and explaining this substantial portion of northern Thai ethnography. The book is a detailed account of just about all the ritual activity engaged in by northern Thai peasants. On one side, as it were, the detail of the ritual merges into peasant secular activity, and on the other into more orthodox Buddhist ritual. The observational detail is supported by a wealth of material from northern Thai texts and finally placed within the context of Tai ethnography, using a wide range of secondary sources. As an anthropologist, Davis was profoundly concerned with theory, but his exceptionally detailed knowledge of Muang ethnography and linguistic skill made him extremely cautious about theoretical speculations, or jumping to conclusions. One sees in his work, therefore, a constant attempt to have the ethnography make its own theoretical point, with but the barest intervention by the theoretician. Because it seems the least theoretical of his published work, his paper on the northern Thai calendar (1976) may perhaps best illustrate this point. This is the very detailed exposition of one partic11lar aspect of m!lang belief, but caref11lly located in the real world of use, rationalization and manip11lation. To state, baldly, that m:yth and ritual are in the very nature of man, may appear to be trite. In the book, Davis proceeds to demons-

244

Obituaries

trate by presenting a comprehensive ethnography of the northern Thai with these topics at the focus of his attention. He looks first at political and domestic units and draws from this the principles of sexual opposition and the structuring of relations between junior and senior. He moves to the more abstract and metaphysical treat. ment of space and time and the oppositions emerge as "high" and "low". The next five chapters examine the emergence of these principles over and over again, in a series of rituals having to do with the division of time, agricultural production, territory and kinship. The final chapter attempts to make a more theoretical statement about myth and ritual. Here be uses ideas which appear in his paper on play (1977) and in his posthumous paper (1981). Most important, however, are his notions of ambiguity which were set out in a paper in Ethnology (1974). In a nutshell, Davis is saying that ritual is formalized and repetitive behaviour through which humans express both their own nature and that of the universe in which they live. For the northern Thai, at least, the symbolism of ritual is straightforward and unambiguous, though their myths often confound these same categories and shroud them in mists of ambiguity. The strength of Davis's work is not in these ideas themselves, but in the manner in which he attempts to demonstrate them. It is in the ethnography. As an example, let us consider his treatment of the male/female opposition. It first arises out of his discussion of so-called northern Thai matriliny. He presents the ethnography to bring out the fact that though domestic and kinship relations are largely structured through women, they are subordinate to an overwhelming ideology of male dominance-itself articulated with other antimonies of northern Thai culture, such as the high and the low, senior and junior. This problem, or set of problems, is again taken up at the end of the book when he discusses the political aspects of clan and domestic rituals, and the final result is a complex presentation of the way in which the symbolic, structural dichotomy between male and female interacts with other such symbolic dichotomies, is woven into ideology, and finally emerges as political. action. The ethnography is not seen merely as a manifestation of binary opposition, of functional consistency, or sexual repression, but a complex amalgam of these, and much more. The intellectual rigour with which he approached his chosen subject, myth and ritual, had two unfortunate results. He sometimes seemed to place too much reliance on fashionable, but simplistic, notions such as those of Mary Douglas. The reason I say this, is that most of the major theoretical trends in anthropological theory, if followed through, have consequences. They lead to general notions about the way the world is. This does not seem to be so for such dichotomies as "group" and "grid" canvassed by Mary Douglas. More important, in Davis's case, is that his theoretical

Obituaries

245

explorations seem to have deepened his pessimism. The major currents of anthropological theory are basically optimistic. Despite the pessimism that sometimes emerges in Levi-Strauss's own writings, Levi-Straussian structuralism is at bottom a humanist affirmation of the powers of the intellect : functionalism if pushed too far is almost panglossian, and the ideas of Freud and Marx may always be interpreted in evangelical and utopian ways. Reading Muong Metaphysics and the earlier papers, I am impressed by a sense of control. In his last work, posthumously published, Davis pulled out of

Muong Metaphysics the one notion hardly elaborated there-stereotypy. More than that, he dispassionately set out to examine himself with the sharpest analytical tools he had at his disposal. It is not, I think, doing him a disfavour to let it be known that 'The Ritualization of Behaviour' is partly autobiogr1:1phical. There were two major events in Davis's relations with The Siam Society and this Journal. His paper "Muang Matrifocality" raised the whole question of the interpretation of northern Thai kinship and spirit propitiation.

It is hoped that this

paper will form the core of a book on the subject that some of his friends and colleagues wish to put together in his memory.

The other event was of course A Northern Thai

Reader, published by The Society in 1970. ;

To my knowledge it was the first and still

the only work of this kind in English, and it preceded what I understand, is the standard text used at the University of Chiangmai, by the late Acharn Singkha Wanasai by about five years. I am not sure that Davis fully realized the importance of this work, though he did think the palm leaf texts important enough to leave among his effects a box full of muong texts carefully copied out by hand. When the Presbyterian Missionaries went to Chiangmai in the last century they set up a press and began publishing religious tracts in what they called Lao-but what was in fact the northern Thai script. During the early years of this century, official government signs were written in this tua muang [i1L~t:1-1].

After the Shan rebellion,

Bangkok moved to unify the kingdom with one officiall~nguage and one official script. In the meantime, the missionaries had discovered that this so-called Lao script was used over a wide region stretching from Chiang Tung into Yunnan and eastwards. In Laos it was the tua tham [fl...11iTnJ], the script of the Buddhist texts.

All this is known from

the work of Dodd, but what has happened over the last few years is the growing interest among scholars in Chiangmai, the discovery and transliteration of texts, and the realization that the same script, rationalized by order of the Chinese Government, is actually being used around Kunming.

Acharn Kraisri Nimmanheminda has also now

Obituaries

246

discovered that a considerable collection of texts was removed from the Lue country to Taiwan-and is now available there. Davis's book, from being an interesting curiosity, should now be at the centre of a small but fascinating field of academic endeavour. In the short period available to him, he has left a substantial m~rk on both anthropology and Thai studies. Muang Metaphysics and A Northern Thai Reader are two landmarks in the field.

Gehan W ijeyewardene Department of Anthropology, The Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra

BIBLIOGRAPHY n.d. 1970 1973 1974 1976 1977 1981

Muang Metaphysics: A Study of Northern Thai Myth and Ritual. (Revised version of PhD. University of Sydney, 1974). A Northern Thai Reader. Bangkok, The Siam Society. Muang Matrifocality. Journal of the Siam Society 61 (2): 53-62. Tolerance and Intolerance of Ambiguity in Northern Thai Myth and Ritual. Ethnology Xlll (1) : 1-24. The Northern Thai Calender and its Uses. Anthropos 71 : 3-32. Myth, Play and Alchemy. Canberra Anthropology 1 (1) : 15-23. The Ritualization of Behaviour. Mankind 13 (2): 103-112.

In Thai: I I a 4 I 1972 a'U1flfi£11-I.U1'1111-1'JJ£HIL3Ja.:JL'IIIU£1-U1U G1

6l,

g, fJU1fll'l lt:Jci!G>o!.

r

PUBLICATIONS OF THE SIAM SOCIETY Joumal of the Siam Society, per number (before vol. 67 part 2) (from vol. 67 part 2 onward) . . . ... . .. Index of volumes I to 50 ... Commemorative reprint volumes published on the Society's 50th anniversary : Vols. I & II, Selected Articles f rom the Siam Society Journal, 1954, 290 & 300 pp., re sp. ... ... .. . . . . . .. Vol. IV, Lop Buri, Bangkok and Phuket. 1959, 304 pp. Vols. V & VI, Relations 1.-ith Burma, 19 59, 207 & 228 pp ., resp. Vol. VII, Relations with Portugal, Holland and the Vatican, 1959 Vol. VIII, Relatio11s with. France, England a11d Denmark, 1959, 258 pp.

Prices in baht/US$ 100/5.150/7.50 15/0.75

I 00/5.50/2.50 50/2.50 50/2.50 50/2.50

John Black, The Lofty Sanctuary of Khao Phra Vihiir, Together with the Inscriptions of'Khao Pra~ Jlihar', 2nd ed., 1976, ill., 88 pp. ............ Prince Damrong Rajanubhab, Mo11uments of the Buddha in Siam, 60 pp. Richard Davis, A Northern Thai Reader, 1970, 9 1 pp .IJ ... Prince Dhani Nivat, Articles Reprinted from the Journal of the Siam Society, 1969, 194 pp. . .. ......••• ... G .E. Gerini, Chulakantamangala: The Tonsure Ceremony as Performed in Siam, j (hard) 1976 reprint of the 1893 edition , 243 pp. (soft) A.B. Gri;wold, Wat Pra Yiin Reconsidered., Monograph No.4, 1975,'.120 pp.

I

Mattani Rutnin, ed., The Siamese Theatre: A Collection of Reprints from the Journal of the Siam Society, 1975, 291 pp. . .... ...... . Pimsai Amranand, Gardening in Bangkok, 2nd ed. 1976, 169 pp. Tej Bunnag and Michael Smithies, eds., In Memoriam Phya Anuman Rajadhon, 1970, 397 pp. Nusit Chindarsi, The Religion of the Hmong Njua . 1976, 197 pp. Collected Articles in Memory of H.R.H. Pri11ce Wan Waithaya/wrn, 1976 Sirichai Narumit. Old Bridges of Bo11gkok. in Eng li ~h and Thai, 1977, 176 pp. Ruethai Jaijongrak and A nuwit Jaroensuphakul, Traditioual Thai Houses, in Thai, 1976, 53 pp.

70/3.50 40/2.40/2.100/5.130/6.50 100/5.80/4.120/6.100/5.120/6.100/5.-

100/5.150/7.50 (hard) 30/1.50 (soft) 15/0.75

{

The Natural History Bulletin of the Siam Society. per number (before vol. 28) fiom vol. 28 onward . .. . . . . . . . .. Gunnar Seidenfaden and Tern Smitinand, The Orchids of Thailand, Parts I-IV, 1959-1965, 870 pp .• ill., 164 col. photos ............... Albert H. Banner and Dora M. Banner, The Alplzeid Shrimp of Thailand, 1966, 168 pp. .. . .. . .. .

Florae Siamensis Enumeratio Angkarn Kalayanapongs, Naowarat Pongpaibool and Witayakorn Chiengkul, Three Thai Poets , in collab. with Thai PEN Club. and Sathirakoses-Nagapradipa Foundation, 1979, 47 pp .... K.I. Matics, A History of Wat Plzra Chetupon and Its Buddha Images, 1979, 71 + xiv pp. Charles Nelson Spinks, The Ceramic Wares of Siam, 3rd ed. 197 8 (pub!. 1980), 221 + ix pp. illus. John Blofeld, The World of Buddhism : a Pictorial Presentatiou, 1980, 62 + iv pp. Jean Mottin, 55 chants d'amour hmong bla11c (55 zaj /ofJV txhiaj hmoob clawh), 1980, 173 pp. Jacqueline Butler-Diaz, Yao Design of Northern Thailand, Revised Edition, 1981

30/1.50 100/5.450/22.50 80/4.30/1.50

30/1.50 90/4.50 200/10.100/5.100/5 .175/8.75

Society members are allowed a discount of 20% on the above prices. The prices do not include postage. Orders and enquiries should be addressed to the Administrative Secretary, Siam Society, G.P.O. Box 65, Bangkok, Thailand.

-·-·--

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF RAMA I OF THE CHAKRI DYNASTY By

Prince Dhani Nivat, Kromamun Bidyalabh

Property of the Siam Society's Library BANGKOK

Rattanakosin Bicentennial 198.2

BANGKOK THAILAND The Siam Society

THE SIAM SOCIETY UNDER ROYAL PATRONAGE

The Society's home: Telephone: Mail address :

131 Soi 21 (Asoke), Sukhumvit Road 391-4401, 391-2407 G.P.O. Box 65, Bangkok, Thailand

The Siam Society was founded in 1904, under the patronage of His Majesty the King, as an organization for those interested in the artistic, scientific and other cultural affairs of Thailand and neighbouring countries. The Society maintains an excellent Library, which is a t the disposal of Members and visitors. The Society publishes the Journal of the Siam Society, in addition to occasional works of topical interest and scholarly merit. The Society sponsors a programme of lectures and artistic performances, and regularly conducts excursions to places of archaeological and cultural interest in Thailand and abroad. The Kamthieng House on the grounds of the Society's home provides an example of a traditional northern Thai house, with artefacts of rural life and superb collections of woven materials and wood carvings. The Natural History Section of the Siam Society, which was organized in 1913, sponsors its own programme of lectures and excursions to places of natural interest, and concerns itself with the conservation of Thai wildlife and flora. The Natural History Section publishes the annual Natural History Bulletin oftlle Siam Society, as well as occasional works of scientific interest. MEMBERSHIP : The Society welcomes new Members, resident in Thailand or abroad, on the following bases : LIFE MEMBER 10,000 baht (US $ 500.-) ORDINARY MEMBER 800 baht (US$ 40.-) renewable annually Life Members receive the Society's Journal and the Natural History Bulletin, a 20% disc unt on all publications, excursions and performances, as well as the right to vote at the Society's Annual General Meeting. Ordinary Members enjoy the same privileges. In addition, all members resident in Thailand receive the Monthly Programme, and the Annual Report of the Siam Society which is issued in advance of the Annual General Meeting. STUDENT MEMBERSHIP is a special category (50 baht, for Thai students only; renewable annually) and carries the same privileges as Ordinary Membership. SUBSCRIPTIONS to the Journal of the Siam Society and the Natural History Bulletin of the Siam Society are available independently of membership at the following rates: JSS - 300 baht (US$ 15.-) per volume Bulletin - 150 baht (US$ 7.50) per part Applications for membership, subscriptions or further information on the Society are welcome. Please contact Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, the Administrative

Secretary of the Society, at the address given above. Printed at Prachandra Printin g Press, Ma haraja Road, Bangkok, Thailand Tel. 2221555 Mrs. Sanitwan Bunyasiribhandhu, Propri etor, Printer and Publisher, 19 83

THE KAMTHIENG HOUSE ITS HISTORY AND COLLECTIONS

A Classic Example of Northern Thai Residential Architecture of the Nineteenth Century

Text by ...... . ....... . . . . . Sonia Krug Photographs by ... . .. . ...... Shirley Duboff Drawings by .... . .......... Euayporn Kerdchouay Design by .... . . . .. . . . ..... Jacqueline Page Sutliff

The Siam Society Under Royal Patronage Bangkok April 1982

PUBLICATIONS OF THE SIAM SOCIETY Joumal of the Siam Society, per number (before vol. 67 part 2) (from vol. 67 part 2 onward) . . . ... . .. Index of volumes I to 50 ... Commemorative reprint volumes published on the Society's 50th anniversary : Vols. I & II, Selected Articles f rom the Siam Society Journal, 1954, 290 & 300 pp., re sp. ... ... .. . . . . . .. Vol. IV, Lop Buri, Bangkok and Phuket. 1959, 304 pp. Vols. V & VI, Relations 1.-ith Burma, 19 59, 207 & 228 pp ., resp. Vol. VII, Relations with Portugal, Holland and the Vatican, 1959 Vol. VIII, Relatio11s with. France, England a11d Denmark, 1959, 258 pp.

Prices in baht/US$ 100/5.150/7.50 15/0.75

I 00/5.50/2.50 50/2.50 50/2.50 50/2.50

John Black, The Lofty Sanctuary of Khao Phra Vihiir, Together with the Inscriptions of'Khao Pra~ Jlihar', 2nd ed., 1976, ill., 88 pp. ............ Prince Damrong Rajanubhab, Mo11uments of the Buddha in Siam, 60 pp. Richard Davis, A Northern Thai Reader, 1970, 9 1 pp .IJ ... Prince Dhani Nivat, Articles Reprinted from the Journal of the Siam Society, 1969, 194 pp. . .. ......••• ... G .E. Gerini, Chulakantamangala: The Tonsure Ceremony as Performed in Siam, j (hard) 1976 reprint of the 1893 edition , 243 pp. (soft) A.B. Gri;wold, Wat Pra Yiin Reconsidered., Monograph No.4, 1975,'.120 pp.

I

Mattani Rutnin, ed., The Siamese Theatre: A Collection of Reprints from the Journal of the Siam Society, 1975, 291 pp. . .... ...... . Pimsai Amranand, Gardening in Bangkok, 2nd ed. 1976, 169 pp. Tej Bunnag and Michael Smithies, eds., In Memoriam Phya Anuman Rajadhon, 1970, 397 pp. Nusit Chindarsi, The Religion of the Hmong Njua . 1976, 197 pp. Collected Articles in Memory of H.R.H. Pri11ce Wan Waithaya/wrn, 1976 Sirichai Narumit. Old Bridges of Bo11gkok. in Eng li ~h and Thai, 1977, 176 pp. Ruethai Jaijongrak and A nuwit Jaroensuphakul, Traditioual Thai Houses, in Thai, 1976, 53 pp.

70/3.50 40/2.40/2.100/5.130/6.50 100/5.80/4.120/6.100/5.120/6.100/5.-

100/5.150/7.50 (hard) 30/1.50 (soft) 15/0.75

{

The Natural History Bulletin of the Siam Society. per number (before vol. 28) fiom vol. 28 onward . .. . . . . . . . .. Gunnar Seidenfaden and Tern Smitinand, The Orchids of Thailand, Parts I-IV, 1959-1965, 870 pp .• ill., 164 col. photos ............... Albert H. Banner and Dora M. Banner, The Alplzeid Shrimp of Thailand, 1966, 168 pp. .. . .. . .. .

Florae Siamensis Enumeratio Angkarn Kalayanapongs, Naowarat Pongpaibool and Witayakorn Chiengkul, Three Thai Poets , in collab. with Thai PEN Club. and Sathirakoses-Nagapradipa Foundation, 1979, 47 pp .... K.I. Matics, A History of Wat Plzra Chetupon and Its Buddha Images, 1979, 71 + xiv pp. Charles Nelson Spinks, The Ceramic Wares of Siam, 3rd ed. 197 8 (pub!. 1980), 221 + ix pp. illus. John Blofeld, The World of Buddhism : a Pictorial Presentatiou, 1980, 62 + iv pp. Jean Mottin, 55 chants d'amour hmong bla11c (55 zaj /ofJV txhiaj hmoob clawh), 1980, 173 pp. Jacqueline Butler-Diaz, Yao Design of Northern Thailand, Revised Edition, 1981

30/1.50 100/5.450/22.50 80/4.30/1.50

30/1.50 90/4.50 200/10.100/5.100/5 .175/8.75

Society members are allowed a discount of 20% on the above prices. The prices do not include postage. Orders and enquiries should be addressed to the Administrative Secretary, Siam Society, G.P.O. Box 65, Bangkok, Thailand.

-·-·--

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF RAMA I OF THE CHAKRI DYNASTY By

Prince Dhani Nivat, Kromamun Bidyalabh

Property of the Siam Society's Library BANGKOK

Rattanakosin Bicentennial 198.2

BANGKOK THAILAND The Siam Society

THE SIAM SOCIETY UNDER ROYAL PATRONAGE

The Society's home: Telephone: Mail address :

131 Soi 21 (Asoke), Sukhumvit Road 391-4401, 391-2407 G.P.O. Box 65, Bangkok, Thailand

The Siam Society was founded in 1904, under the patronage of His Majesty the King, as an organization for those interested in the artistic, scientific and other cultural affairs of Thailand and neighbouring countries. The Society maintains an excellent Library, which is a t the disposal of Members and visitors. The Society publishes the Journal of the Siam Society, in addition to occasional works of topical interest and scholarly merit. The Society sponsors a programme of lectures and artistic performances, and regularly conducts excursions to places of archaeological and cultural interest in Thailand and abroad. The Kamthieng House on the grounds of the Society's home provides an example of a traditional northern Thai house, with artefacts of rural life and superb collections of woven materials and wood carvings. The Natural History Section of the Siam Society, which was organized in 1913, sponsors its own programme of lectures and excursions to places of natural interest, and concerns itself with the conservation of Thai wildlife and flora. The Natural History Section publishes the annual Natural History Bulletin oftlle Siam Society, as well as occasional works of scientific interest. MEMBERSHIP : The Society welcomes new Members, resident in Thailand or abroad, on the following bases : LIFE MEMBER 10,000 baht (US $ 500.-) ORDINARY MEMBER 800 baht (US$ 40.-) renewable annually Life Members receive the Society's Journal and the Natural History Bulletin, a 20% disc unt on all publications, excursions and performances, as well as the right to vote at the Society's Annual General Meeting. Ordinary Members enjoy the same privileges. In addition, all members resident in Thailand receive the Monthly Programme, and the Annual Report of the Siam Society which is issued in advance of the Annual General Meeting. STUDENT MEMBERSHIP is a special category (50 baht, for Thai students only; renewable annually) and carries the same privileges as Ordinary Membership. SUBSCRIPTIONS to the Journal of the Siam Society and the Natural History Bulletin of the Siam Society are available independently of membership at the following rates: JSS - 300 baht (US$ 15.-) per volume Bulletin - 150 baht (US$ 7.50) per part Applications for membership, subscriptions or further information on the Society are welcome. Please contact Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay, the Administrative

Secretary of the Society, at the address given above. Printed at Prachandra Printin g Press, Ma haraja Road, Bangkok, Thailand Tel. 2221555 Mrs. Sanitwan Bunyasiribhandhu, Propri etor, Printer and Publisher, 19 83

THE KAMTHIENG HOUSE ITS HISTORY AND COLLECTIONS

A Classic Example of Northern Thai Residential Architecture of the Nineteenth Century

Text by ...... . ....... . . . . . Sonia Krug Photographs by ... . .. . ...... Shirley Duboff Drawings by .... . .......... Euayporn Kerdchouay Design by .... . . . .. . . . ..... Jacqueline Page Sutliff

The Siam Society Under Royal Patronage Bangkok April 1982