Journal of the Siam Society; 62

Citation preview

THE SlA:\1 SOCH: I\'

\'I< 'l·~·l'ATHil:-.o~

110-..;, I'HI•:'-;IllE.'i'J'

no:-.:. \'I(

·•·:-l•to·:"illll·::-.oT~"~

IIi:. .\bJt~!} the K ~~~~\ llcr .\tl;c"!~ 1ht• w:cn lie:! >.t1jt~l) (,hlCCil !~ami';!: ll;H!ll J!cr R·•:· al lll,t:llllt''·' the 1': w .. c~~ 1·f

s.

ll.lf. Pnncc Dhanin0\;1:, Kr••m;lmil:~ lb.f.;.." ,:, ll.S.ll. Prin~:c ,\ja\ ;aJt, o,~.J.ul !I.E . .\1um.icur l:bhc .\hu11:h .\!r. Alcxamkr B. Cim•.H•ld

I UU I. l'rillL'C 1/an '1/aithayalu>lll, KH!In;wnw :-.:;uadllip B••llJ.:'•Piah;mdh l'n:~;tknl 11.1:: :>-lr. Suk1t.:h ~illlllla!lilarrlllllda Scll!ur '/t~.,:c.J'rc-.H.lcnt ll.S.IL Prim·~: Suh~Jad:icur A.'l/, K¢ttig,lcldt J\tr. Cir.tlwm LLH.:as M.L :\lanidl Jum•.ai Mr. F.'II.C. Man in ivlr!>. 1\lauani Rutnin 1\lr:-;. Ni~a Slwan;tkul Mr. Trevor John Rutter Capt. Sunq1 mvuhv rna awv ce_ hk'ov hta,.., yo.., law le" k'o" k'o, kav shaw- k'aw" pa" ve, la shaw_ k'aw" pa" ve k'a..,, k'aw" chi k'aw" a dawv ve k'av, k'aw" pa k'aw . . . g'o" leh keu la".

6.

Te" ha- sheh" yan", te nyi sbeh" yan" chaw ca_ chaw law" a" tcuh\ ne" ca_ ne" law" a" tcuh\ k'ao_ ca __ lao ca __ ve, ca" leh av peu", veu,.., leh av yaw ve, chi bon ji" leh k'a la".

7.

Ya,.., nyi tan_ o" k'ai ve yo" law le" k'o" k'o, neh chi neh yav chi rna ve k'av, hpa,.., k'o" hpa,.., va" chi rna ve k'av, k'aw,.., ce_ k'aw,.., tawv leh ha,.., sha- leh lo_ la".

8.

Te" nyi sheh" yan", te" ha- sheh" yan" yo" law le" k'o" k'o, a-, rnL,. rna hk'o" hta,.., yo.., law lev k'o" k'o, ta_ nu,.., ta_ han- chi rna ve k'a..,, g'a ce_ g'a taw" leh u- hpu hpa,.., k'o" hpa,.., va" chi ma ve k'av, g'a ce __ g'a taw" Ieh mav ha __ bon rnav g'aw" bon, chi bon hk'o" hta,.., k'aw" pa" leh keu lav cev.

14 9.

Anthohy

R.. Walkei·

o- o- ya ... nyi tan_ 0" k'ai ve k'o" k'o-ehv, ma" g'a daw" ha ___ ga" hki- leh chi bon k'aw ... pa" leh keula" meh_.

10.

A paSha- ca" yov law le" k'o" k'o, a e Nav bo na" ca- k'av tev ha- sheh~< yanv hk'ov hta" k'awA pa_leh keu lav, a pa Sba- ca" k'av te" nyi sheh" yanv k'aw,. hpa_ leh keu lav, mav g'a dawv ba __ ga" hki- ve, o-, o-, ya ... nyi tan_ o" k'ai ve yo ... law le" k'o" k'o, cheh" sha caw ... sha bon ti- k'aw" pa_leh keu lav.

TEXT TWO

-

WORKING TRANSLATION

[Roman numeral I refers reader back to Text One, Working Translation.] VERSE 1. 1. o, o, an exclamation beginning prayer 2. nga: my 3. te yeh : one house 4. te k'a, no meaning by itself; forms couplet with te yeh to mean "one household" 5. yo law k'o k'o (see I/26) 6. chi hk'aw: this year 7. na-pu: eternal(?) (see I/4) 8. hk'aw meu: year point (see I/44) 9. chi: this 10. hk'o-hta: on. In the poetic language of prayer, hk'o-hta seems to be a morpheme of quite general locative meaning; Noun+ hk'o-hta: injatjaroundjup tojonjaway from the noun (personal communication, J.A. Matisoff). 11. hk'aw: year 12. ca: celebrate 13. ha ca-ve : month, celebrate 14. yo law le k'o k'o (see I/26) 15. a, exclamation at beginning of new clause 16. te yeh te k'a ve (couplet): one household 17. yo law le k'o k'o (see I/26) 18. a (see above, 15) 19. te yeh te k'a ve: one household

LAHU NY! (HED LAHU) NEW YEAH TI•;XTS- I

20. 21.

g'a: chicken ka: also

22. 23. 24.

ce ka ca ka (couplet) : animals

25.

15

chi ma ve: all these yo law le k'o k'o (see l/26)

ma dmt• ha ga hki (couplet): no troubled/distressing thoughts. Literally, "no difficult thoughts" (daw-ve : to think; ma, negative; ha : difficult); ga hlci is the second part of the couplet and has no meaning by itself.

VERSE 2. 26.

neh hk'aw: next year

27.

ti: only g'a-ve: to reach. 26-28 means "until next year". yo law le k'o k'o (see 1/26)

28. 29.

30. na-beu: sickness 31. suh-chi suh : seventy-seven 32. yan, literally "times", here means "kinds" 33. u-hta : from 34. po: let pass; i.e. "protect us from" 35. leh: and 36.

37.

sho : iron tcuh, literally "joint", as in vav tcuh-: joint 'of a bamboo.

38.

kui tcuh: copper joints.

36-38 is a poetic couplet meaning the knives and axes used in farming.

39. lzk'o-hta: from 40. po leh (see above, 34-35) 41. shaw ba ma ba (couplet): pieces of wood (shaw, na: wood; cf. 1/63) 42. 43.

hk'o-hta : from k'aw po: once again let pass, protect

44. 45. 46. 4 7. 48.

leh: ana hpe: to tie haweh (?) hk' aw na : year sickness ta; all kinds of (from Shan)

16

Anthony R. Walker

49. hki (?). 45-49 means "tied up by all kinds of sicknesses throughout the year" 50. hpe-la sha-hpa (couplet) : sickness(?) (cf. hpev /ai_ve: to decay) 51. la-hta {?) (probably only sound effect) 52. hk'o-hta : from 53. k'aw po: again protect 54. leh: and 55. ma g'a daw ha ga hki : no troubled or depressing thoughts (see above, 25) 56. leh: and 57. mo-law: down there, i.e. "in the lowlands" 58. kao, from aw-hkao: the first 59. ma-ha: great (from Burmeseiii'llitl', l)lll;~c~d

1 ~~

l''lI

Rttl-ll!H~:lrllli·*,l!dtlr!~··

!'late 2.

l'wo

l\i~ren

!my.

Plate 3. Pwo Karen married woman.

Plate 4.

Pwo Karen loom.

.~;~--'

Plate 5. Fluffy red patterns on girl's dress-"Tiny Little Squares" on the shoulder, "Zig Zags" at the yoke, and "Tiny Little Squares" at the hem.

Plate 6. Fluffy red patterns on girl's dress-"Squares with Diagonals" at the shoulder, "Zig Zags" at the yoke, and "Double Squares" at the hem.

Plate 7. Fluffy red patterns~ on the girl's dress-"Perpendiculars" _at the shoulder, "Zig Zags" at the yoke, and "Horizontal Lines of Squares" at the hem.

Plate 8. Fluffy red patterns on the girl's dress-" Zig Zags" on the shoulder, and at the yoke, and ''Horizontal Lines of Squares" at the hem.

Plate 9. Fluffy red patterns on the girl's dress-"Tiny Little Squares" at the shoulder, "Zig Zags" at the yoke, and "Horizontal Lines of Squares" at the hem.

Plate I 0. Fluffy red patterns on girl's dress-"Squares" at the shoulder, "Zig Zags" at the yoke, and ''Perpendiculars" at the hem.

Plate 11. l'lurfy red patterns on girl's drchs--"Doublc Squares" at the shoulder, "Zig Zugs" ut the yoke, und "Line~ of Square!i" at the hem.

Plate 12. Fluffy red patterns on girl's dress-"Zig Zags" on the shoulder, and at the yoke, and "Perpendiculars" at the hem.

Plate 13.

Pattern on the yoke of single girl's dress.

Plate 15. ~

Plate 14. Simple decoration on the dresses of small girls.

Old married Pwo woman- the design on her blouse is a lar~e one.

Plate 16. The coloured woven patterns of the married woman's blouse. The shoulder pattern is called· "Squares with small Sides". Like the pattern found at the hem of the girl's dress, this pattern is invariably based on "squares" (or diamond shaped rectangles), which vary in size and trimmings-some are simple squares, while others have squares within squares, or coloured diagonals.

Plate 17. Coloured patterns found in a married woman's blouse. with big Sides".

The shoulder pattern is called "Squares

Plate 1 &. Coloured patterns found in a married woman's blouse. with big Sides".

The shoulder pattern is called "Squares

Plate 19.

Plate 20.

Pwo Karen boy.

Plate 21.

Old Pwo Karen man.

Decorative tattoos of Pwo Karen boy.

Plate 22.

Ceremonial dresses of Pwo Karen girls.

Plate 23.

Ceremonial dress of Pwo Karen boys.

Plate 24.

Young Pwo Karen at a funeral.

THE ALLIANCE OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CONCEPTS AND METHODOLOGIES IN FIELD RESEARCH IN THAILAND by

Milton Jacobs*

This paper is an answer, albeit a partial one, to the question that deals with the compatibilities between the two disciplines, anthropology and sociology. My view is that the two fields are so closely related that the future growth of both depends upon their cooperation and willingness to understand one another. Let me put forth my position plainly. It seems to me that the orthodox anthropological field techniques are well suited to the study of small societies. Where the problem of research lies imbedded in large urban areas, sizable rural areas, or even in nations, then I doubt that our type of intimate research . . . participation-observation, interviewing informants, obtaining life histories, giving psychological tests to small numbers, are adequate to the task. The opportunities for field research these days take the researcher into developing countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America as well as into new concerns in our own society. We must be quite aware that we are dealing with countries of some millions of inhabitants and with the problems of such countries. Under these circumstances, a new perspective is required; this new perspective calls for the alliance of our two fields and militates against isolationism. Calling for the collaboration of these two disciplines shows my bias. The major problems of city decay, poverty, and a polluted environment in the industrial world as well as the multitude of problems in the Third World require the concerted efforts of the entire family of physical scientists, engineers, humanists, and social scientists. I would suggest, as a beginning, that the anthropologist and the sociologist must work hand in hand in order to begin to achieve the significant research required by these times of ferment and explosions. To demonstrate this band in hand approach, I would like to discuss field *Professor of Anthropology, State University College, New Paltz, New York, U.S.A.

36

Milton Jacobs

work that I conducted in Thailand in 1961-62.1 Simply stated, I utilized as the major framework of the study design the folk-urban continuum of Redfield (1960). As is known, Redfield arrived at his concept through classical anthropological research in Central America. In a sense then, I viewed the Redfield concept as a hypothesis which I attempted to test and amplify by using the more sociologically accepted techniques of systematic sampling of urban and rural areas, interviewing with structured questionnaires, quantifying the responses to questions, setting up specific moss tabulations, and applying statistical 'tests of significance to the tables. ·In this fashion, we do not generalize on the basis of a handful of village studies but rather make the generalizations after we have tested the hypotheses derived from village level research. I am suggesting that anthropologists will undertake the hypothesizing role and the socialgists will undertake the verifying role. Both roles arc after all components of the scientific method. This paper is a demonstration of such a cooperative enterprise. 1)

A short note on the research design: (a) The study represented an attempt to gather empirical information concerning communications behavior. A large number of persons were asked to describe their own reee'nt behavior. In order that findings might apply to many parts of Thailand, seven locations were selected to include Bangkok, .three provincial capitals, and three villages. In these selected locations, area probability sampling was employed to select the respondents for interviews. (b) The questionnaire was designed generally to obtain descriptions of a number of different social and geographical conditions. The data allowed the partial completion of the well-known formnla of communication :- source (who says?), content (what?), audience (to whom?) media (how?), and effect (with what effect?). It should be noted that the "with what effect" component of the formula was not studied. Specifically, the questionnaire contained questions dealing with (i) exposure to the mass media; (ii) wordof-mouth behavior with respect to passing political and personal information and to receiving or giving advice; (iii) word-of-mouth behavior in different social contexts and in spatial contexts (travel, migration); and (iv) the respondents' background. (c) The interviewers asked the questions as written in the Thai-language versions of the questionnaire and either recorded the spontaneous responses verbatim or fitted the responses into precoded categories for certain items. If the respondent failed to understand a question, the interviewer was instructed to rephrase it slightly to obtain a response. The sequential arrangement of the questions was such that in some cases all questions were not asked of all respondents. Whether or not certain questions were asked depended upon the response or lack of response to the preceding ones.

~IETIIODOLOCIES IN FIELD HESEARCH IN THAILAND

37

The above sequence can be reversed. There are examples where sociological research, theory, and hypotheses operate within a particular cultural context. It is then good practice to replicate the study or to attempt to test the hypothesis in other cultural contexts thus moving toward greater generality. Of course, this is what sociologists are now calling comparative sociology. Admittedly then, this complementing of anthropology and sociology should be a two-way street, but I would argue that in the developing countries the small scale anthropological studies based on a number of villages, for example, should occur first and should provide for the initial hypothesizing. The sociological concern for quantification and sampling should follow to test out the anthropological hypotheses. There are a number of reasons why this seems preferable: (1) it allows for more flexibility; (2) it allows for more depth research although admittedly on a small scale; (3) lastly, it is more practical, easily managed, and less costly. The example of testing anthropological hypotheses or concepts by sociological methods which I want to present in brief form is as follows: Following Redfield's folk-urban (traditional-modern) continuum, how can we define or better delineate the traditional, transitional, and modern Thai on the basis of sociological characteristics like spatial mobility, social isolation, exposure to the mass media, and communication behavior? I am aware of the controversy (Foster: 1967: 2-4) over thefolk-urban continuum and admit the confusion that Redfield (1953: 7, 22, 31, 33) created by using "folk" and "peasant" interchangeably. However, I am convinced that it is a useful typology and can serve with some adjustment in the analysis of Thai society. For example, I find more similarity than diJference in Miner's ( 1967: 3) descriptions of Redfield's folk-urban typology and the rural-urban continuum. In a sense, the rural-urban continuum fits within the larger continuum called the folk-urban. The adjustment that 1 referred to above is the creation of the continuum- (1) village, (2) town, and (3) city. Since we are dealing with a nation having political, cultural, and economic extensions, I include the peasant village within the continuum but exclude the "primitive'' village of the hills tribesmen (Service: 1971 : 390). But 1 must first admit the resemblances between the folk and the peasant village. Perhaps, a tabular presentation of data can best point out these similarities as well as the diiTerences and can indicate the characteristics of the village-town-city continuum:

38

Milton Jacobs

FOLK___

--------,-------- ---URBAN

I;PEASANTS(

"PRIMITIVES"

\

I

VILLAGEk-- ---------

2

)

-->

. 'l'tzc d" Ch aractenst1cs: . . "Prectvt

TOWN+------------~CITY

. '1'tze d' 'CllaractenstiCs: . . " Ctvt

Smallness

Not small

Isolated< 4>

Not isolated

Homogeneous

Heterogeneous

Self-sufficient

Not self-sufficient

Personal relationships emphasized

Impersonal relationships emphasized

Simple division of labor

Complex division of labor

Nonliterate Sacred or moral order

Somewhat literate

Literate Secular order

Connected to city Market-focused econom/ 9 > through markets< 6> Politically controlled by city< 7 >

Political complexity and control

1) The concepts "folk" and "little community" are used synonomously by Redfield (1955:3,4, 144). 2) Peasants are referred to as rural natives whose life style take account of the city (Redfield : 19 53 : 3 1). 3) Redfield: 1953: 7-13, 22. 4) "Isolated" refers to the infrequent contacts between urban peoples and village people (Halpern: 1967: 38), and to the lack of literacy of the folk culture (Redfield: 1941:16, 17). 5) Peasants are said to possess the "traditional moral solidarity found in any isolated folk society." (Redfied: 1953: 39). 6) Service: 1971: 441; Redfield: 1953: 33. 7) Service: 1971: 457; Redfield: t'953: 53. 8) Redfield: 195 3 : 22. 9) Halpern: 1967: 3 8.

39

METHODOLOGIES IN ·FJELD HESEARCH IN THAlLANil

Most of the "precivilized characteristics" of the folk culture or "little community" are opposites of the "civilized characteristics" of the urban culture.

The peasant village and the primitive village share many

of these precivilized characteristics except that they may appear to a somewhat lesser degree in the peasant village.

The main difference

between the two types of villages is that there is some presence of literacy in the peasant village and none in the primitive village.

At the same

time the important connections between the city and the peasant village must be stated: (1) the peasant village is linked to the city through the market economy and (2) the peasant village is controlled politically by the city. Rather than putting forth a typology or a continuum as has been illustrated above, Hauser (1965:8, 9) prefers to use the term urbanization as a social process which has brought about changes in life style.

As if

influenced by Hauser's viewpoint, I choose to examine social interactions as examples or segments of life style: everyday (personal topics) wordof-mouth behavior, political discussions 2 , advice-giving and adviceseeking in the study in Thailand.

In all cases, I was interested in deter-

mining the sociological characteristics of both parties in these interactions. In addition, it was possible to look for differences among these social interactions as we compared them in (I) the city (Bangkok), (2) the towns (the provincial capitals), and (3) the villages.

Thus, I combined the

continuum concept with Hauser's emphasis on social process. My examination of the practices of passing personal information showed that there is a greater similarity of male and female behavior in Bangkok (city) than in the provincial capitals (town) and villages where males are generally more active than females (Table IA-1). 2) If a respondent reported to the interviewer that he had recently discussed a political topic, the interviewer would ask him to describe the nature of the topic. In this way we were able to verify that the topic was truly political. The interviewers were native Thai speakers. ThQse w)lo cQded tl1e questionP!Iires were also nat~ve T)lai spe~ker~,

40

Milton Jacobs

The Passing of Information by Word-of-Mouth

Table I.

- - - - - - -------------

--------~~1

- - -- ------- A-2- ---·

-~-

--------;----------

The% passing per- The% passing poli- The% who gave sonal information tical information personal advice

Sex

Bangkok: (city)

-M F

50(113)* 39 (92)

61 (166) 44 (98)

26 (451) 17 (395)

64 (28) 54 (34) 62 (26)

59 (90) 30 (33) 57 (34)

36 (184) 26 (109) 18 (125)

75 (76) 44 (54)

58 (84) 48 (63)

18 (278) 18 (272)

50 (24) 78 (22) 48 (31)

65 (42) 42 (19) 54 (15)

18 (89) 10 (86) 16 (77)

70 (32) 54 (13)

46 (19)

Occupational

Levels** I

II III 3 Provincial Capitals (Town)

Sex

M F

Occupational

Levels I II III

3 Villages (Village)

Sex

-M F

*

**

33 ( 9)

The number without parentheses is the percentage; the one within the parentheses refers to the number of cases involved. The Occupational Levels· subsume specific occupations and are generally correlated with power, prestige, and education. Some students of Thailand argue that attempting to construct a class system for Thailand is meaningless but insist that occupation is a highly significant social differentiating variable. Level I includes the f,ollowing occupations which are government or large-or. ganization oriented and require certain kinds of formal training or education : government officials, military-police, teachers, professionals, white collar workers, and students. Level II is made up mainly of persons in the commercial field who own business: merchants. Level III includes occupations requiring few complicated skills and therefore little in the way of formal training or education: transport workers, waiters, gas station attendants, store clerks, jabon;:rs (skilled (tnd unskilled), farmers, and fishermen,

MgTHODOLOt:IES IN FIELD HESEARCII IN TIIATLAN!J

41

If the information being passed is political, then males are even more involved generally than females but are again somewhat more active in Bangkok than elsewhere (Table IA-2). There are more advice-giving interactions in Bangkok than in the provincial capitals. Provincial females are just as likely to give advice as their male counterparts. In Bangkok, more males than females give advice. Similar behavior seems exemplified by the women while the urban-rural dichotomy is more striking among males (Table I B). The less urban (or more rural) Thai males are more socially restricted than the urban males in that the former (39%; N = 130) are less likely to cross occupational lines in their social interactions than the latter (48%; N=243). What about social interactions that involve connecting distant points ... or carrying information from one point to another? Thai are involved in such interactions?

Which

Urban Thai (27%; N =546) are more likely to become involved in long distance interactions than rural Thai (9%; N=102); the urban Thai (36%; N=126) are also more spatially mobile than the urban Chinese ( 14%; N =40). Similarly, travel beyond the limits of their home city is practiced by the urban Thai (32%) to a greater extent than the rural Thai ( 15%).

Further, those urban Thai who are involved in long distance

social interactions and in travel are characterized as more modern than traditional by virtue of their occupations (Level 1=46%) and education of western orientation. In another study limited to urban Thai males, we discovered that monks, professionals and the military were vitally involved in word-of-mouth communication as sources and discussants of political information and as adv.ice-givers (Jacobs et al: Social Forces, 1966). This is corroboration to some extent of the previous statement about prestigeful western-oriented occupations being more involved in significant social interactions than non-prestigeful professions. Political conversations or discussions 2 in the work and friendship contexts occur more frequently in urban areas than in rural areas (See Table II),

42

Milton Jacobs

Table II.

Percentage of Conversations Reported by Mule Respondents as Having Political Content ------~------------

Type of Network

3 Provincal Capital

Bangkok ,.,,

3 Villages

1------- '

%

%

%

31

23

12

(281)

(163)

(50)

At Work --

~--~-------·--

--

26

18

9

(266)

(162)

(50)

Friends -·----------···--

In a number of different contexts we find that the more modern segment of the social structure- the professionals of western orientation-exhibits greater involvement in political discussions than the more tra~ ditional segments (peasants, farmers, fishermen, laborers). An examination of the status relationships in the work context, between male respondents and their reliable sources of news indicates that respondents in the villages (42%; N=35) and provincial cities (29~;; N= 121) tend to seek out tbe[r superiors for this function to a greater extent than Bangkok respondents (ll%; N=177). In other words, the provincials and villagers behave more traditionally in following the usual Thai superordinate-subordinate pattern of behavior. Examining word-of-mouth networks along the village-town-city continuum (my modification of Redfield's folk-urban continuum) casts additional light on the Thai society. The data presented so far also helps us define more precisely the homogeneity of the village culture and the heterogeneity of the urban culture :3 3)

My statement is reminiscent of Redfield's stated objective of his Yucatan study, that is to investigate the differences between "isolated homogeneous society" and "mobile hetero~eneous society" (Redfield: 1941: 17),

43

METHODOLOGIIretation Phra Yanrakkhit, chief monk of Monthon Isan, attributed the Thai side of the rebellion to the people's "hardship and need". He emphasized the poverty of the Northeast, where there was very little opportunity for wage labor, and very little profit to be derived from agriculture. This situation, coupled with corruption in tax receipts and registration of animals on the part of local officials, made life increasingly difficult for the populace, and rendered them susceptible to rebellion.69 Phra Yanrakkhit's analysis contains an interesting distinction. He implies that conditions with regard to corruption were satisfactory in area~ ruled directly by Siamese government commissioners. However, the problem of corruption was greatest in areas far from government commissioners where local leaders bullied the people. (He was writing to Commissioner Sanphasittbiprasong.) Following the Ministry of Interior's reforms of the 1890's, both the local leaders and the populace were left in an uncertain position. The local leaders lost their direct control over revenue and manpower to the central government bureaucracy. Thus, they faced economic hardship and loss of status. The Ministry of Interior, however, suffered from its own shortage of manpower, and hence selectively brought some of the local leaders into the government administration as salaried civil servants. These leaders would presumably have vested interests in the success of the new administrative reforms, and would be expected to oppose the rebellion. However, those who were not hired by the bureaucracy would presumably be. the local leaders falling back on their traditional, though eroding, sense of control of revenue and manpower, and extracting money from the populace through corruption. It would 68) Alfred w. McCoy, "French Colonialism in Laos, I 893-1945" in Nina S. Adams and Alfred W. McCoy, Laos: War and Revolution (New York, 1970), p. 89. 69) Tej Bunnag, op. cit., p. 81.

62

John B. Murdoch

also be expected that these people with their dissatisfactions would be likely candidates for leadership in the rebellion-for they had no future in the new order, but could gain by a return to the old order. The common people would similarly have been in an uncertain position. To the extent that they saw the governmental reforms, particularly the newly imposed taxes, as oppressive, they could be expected to react to these influences from "outsidersjj by rallying to their traditional leaders, at least the ones who were not "colloborating" with the central government as civil servants. On the other hand, to the extent that dispossessed local leaders were "squeezing" their people above and beyond the government taxes, the people could be expected to react against them. The ambiguity of the positions of both local leadership and the populace is reflected in their being on both sides of the issue- as rebels and as local militia putting down the rebels. J.J. Dauplay, French Commissioner of Sara vane ( 1905-21), emphasized the Kha misunderstanding of French policy, and the corruption of Lao officials as important in the uprising. He claimed that the Kha bad traditionally submitted to the Lao or Thai; therefore the French should not be seen as taking away their independence. Rather, the French should be seen as liberators, removing the Kba from bondage to the Thai and Lao, and ma~ing them equal under French law. Dauplay complained that the Kha were dislocated by their new freedom, that they did not know how to make decisions. In fact they hardly seemed to notice the gift of independence-and finally took counsel with their "natural" chiefs, the Lao, against the French. In addition, both Lao and Kha officials under the French became corrupt in tax collection and price fixing .. They were further angered when the French eliminated vassalage and slave-trading. Dauplay thought the French were in error in challenging the system of debt-slavery, for it cut off servants from the Lao and the merchants and only angered them. Also, the Bolovens Plateau drew its revenues from trade in slaves-and its leaders reacted with fury when the French cut off Vietnamese slave trade by occupying Kontum.70 Both Phra Yanrakkhit and Dauplay reflect the common political and. economic conditions faced by local rulers and the populace on either 70) J.J. Dauplay, op, cit., pp. 55-58.

THE

1901-1902

"HOLY MAN'S" RIWELL!ON

63

side of the river. The local ruling elites had been deprived of power, and then split-some being co-opted bp the Siamese and the French, and others retaining their traditional hold over the people which led them to leadership in the rebellion.

Both Siamese and French complained of

corruption on the part of these dispossessed rulers-yet "corruption" from the point of view of the new order may well have been "rulers' prerogative" or ''acceptable sources of revenue" in terms of the old order. In addition to this uncertainty of "legitimacy" of rule, we must also bear in mind the uncertainty of the relationship between the Siamese and the French. In 1893 the French had taken control of the east bank of the Mekong that had formerly been under the control of the Siamese. This split the Bassac Kingdom in two, leaving the capital and ruling family on the Siamese side, and most of the territory on the French side. The ruler of Bassac, a Siamese sympathizer, was reported to have sided with the rebels in the hope he could get back the territories of Sara vane and Attopeu when the "just ruler" came to reign. 71

The French, how-

ever, were claiming the we&t bank portion of the Bmsac Kingdom which they saw as being within their legal rights. Both the Siamese and the French were deeply suspicious of the motives of the other, the twentyfive kilometer zone on the Siamese side was essentially ungoverned, and relations over responsibilities for its control were strained. Another point strongly emphasized by Dauplay was the millenia! element. This contains the sense that the Phu Mi Bun have special powers from the spirits which makes them able to rule and dispense justice, to do miracles, and to have the quality of invulnerability.n He further records the impression that this tradition of millenialism, spiritual power, and invulnerability was stronger among the non-Buddhist Kha than among the Buddhist Lao. The Lao around the Plateau, who had had long contact with the Kha, were seen to have adopted these elements of Kha tradition, but the more "pure" Lao of the Mekong and the Khong regions took this less seriously. 73 ------------·

-·····--·---·-·

71) Bernard Bourotte, op. cit., p. 102. 72) J.J. Dauplay, op. cit .. p. 59, 73) Ibid., p. 65,

64

John B. Murdoch

The issue of millenialism is a dimcult one. Obviously, Dauplay cannot be entirely correct in interpreting this solely as a Kha phenomena, for the appeal of the millenia! elements is heavily stressed in the Thai side of the rebeUion, where the Kha were an almost inconsequential minority. Keyes argues that the potential for millenialism is inherent in the Theravada Buddhist traditions of Southeast Asia; that there is a recognition of people with extraordinary powers, and a proto-Bodhisattva ideal of the coming of the Maitreya Buddha. 74 Given this conceptual frame, Keyes argues that "millenialism appears to be most associated with crises in human relationships and the most central of these relationships is the distribution of power within society including both power over men and power over resources and wealtb.7S" It has been shown that during the period of the rebellion, there was a serious crisis in the distribution of power within the society of the Lower Mekong Region. The panels found in the Saravane area portraying Ong Keo as a Thevada suggest the invocation of the proto-Bodhisattva Maitreya tradition. In addition there were repeated references to "Phu Mi Bun" (he who has merit) and "Thammikatat" (Ruler of Law or Ruler of Justice). On the Lao side of the river, and specifically among the non-Buddhist Kha, the more common reference was to invulnerabilityas though invulnerability to bullets or personal harm was a kind of "proof" of the "legitimacy" of the Phu Mi Bu11 and his cause. The tradition of sorcery, spirit-mediums, and invulnerability is particularly strong in the Kha tradition, as has long been acknowledged by the Lao,76 The point is that sorcery and millenialism are intertwined parts of both Thai-Lao and Kha traditions, and that while they may well have been 'vehicles' , for the rebellion, they are less likely to have been its causes.

The main cause of the rebellion appears to lie in the far reaching political changes instituted by both the Siamese and the French. The 74) Charles Keyes, op. cit., p. 14. 75) Ibz'd., p. 4. 76) Kha sorcerers have been believed to have the knowledge of ceremonies that will render a person invulnerable, and by tradition one of the sons of the family of the ''Kings of the Front" of Luang Prabang have been sent to Attopeu to have.this ceremony performed, See Jean Larteguy, The Bron:~;e Prums {London, 1967), pp. 2~-~o.

fl'HE

i 901-1902

''HOLY MAN;S,; REBELLION

65

results of these changes severely dislocated the economic patterns and traditional leadership structures of the Lower Mekong Region. In the political sphere, power traditionally held by various Lao elites had been taken over by "outsiders" and "foreigners'j-the Siamese and the French. They had initiated the new order of reforms that imposed central government control, increased taxation, changed tradi· tional trade patterns, and radically altered power relationships among central governments, local nobilities, and the local populace. The local rulers lost their control over taxation and manpower, and without this control, their traditional positions were no longer viable. The French diversion of the trade of Southern Laos from Ubon and Bangkok to Saigon further undermined the economic position of the area. Siamese and French suppression of the traditional Thai-Lao-I~l

3JV!11i1fl, 'Ufl"jt'J"lf"Jft.n Lt:"ln 'U iJo/'JWJ'U 'U 'ULLt'l •••••• • • • • •

.. 1'Vlm111VlmJ11LLm1Vlmuu~n 1u~Vl~lu( u'1-lLLt'l:JJ) 'II

~11l'Jt~aJ71"lf1t:-Jtl Lm'v'm ~tl1 UL~tJ.;JLL vmmJ 'tm '\lm~fl'U 'II 'lJ 'II

99

A.B. Griswold and Prasert J}n Nagara

100

A

klkl.

d

V

Q..l,tCij

. ...• JJnt'it1\l6J.JmEJ~\l"llt:-11"1J11aJl:IJ1Um~v.mnlmv.n .•• 'II

1

oiQI

Q

'IJ

1::.1~

IV

kl'oJ • • '!,1 ••• LLn~. t1n11'Yl\IVH'llEJLlt'l .•.. U LVIV'J ••• klf:?l.

• LL 'YlunvrJ~VllVln'".lt-bunmJU lWu~tr~~\l1V11tJ

ffi(i).

.• rlUlL"JT'il\1 VIW:ilLnL11t:l.UU"'l\lL'il1n •.• ,. , 'IJ

'IJ

'IJ

'IJ

A

1

~

~

mkl.

rnm.

"'

mer. . .•..... t1ULVfl

1U'lJUUULLt'l . ., •••••• ,, ••••••..•

EPIGRAPHIC AND HISTORICAL STUDIES

101

SLAB II 19).

• •••••••••

kl .•....

~ lt'l .. tl ......................... .

tJ~1m~tJ.:~~1'11i.'Yl ................... .

rn.

• • 1i1lJ:W11"1f1~1J~

~.

• • L'1J1'V'lt1~1 h( m)l1t'll~:J"h'l'V'lU 1m ·n 1t'lb '1!1YH~t'l11u{1tu1

'!)'II

.:11, l.i.JvmJV!1!1dJ( mbm) •....

I

r;~, J,Lb)f1.:~u1u~'lJ1-uMn11'll'Lrt

'II

Clilfla:-

h~1rl::t'l(nm1'1J')i.r~ ·

Gi)O,

"" "" nfl .............. . ............... n1 . 1 .. ~U~tl

. • . . • . . . . • . . • . . (b'lll'V'l)t'lt11htm'J1t'lJ,(bLmib) ..•••....•

h~~h..1t1(nm1"lf)t~

!dlfl ~ •••••.•••••..•..•

1..

(t1)111t'l~Wl..11u~dJLt'l.:J .... (1)u~·m1t'ln(m1"1fLrt I

drnl9l

A.B. Griswold and Prasert f!a Nagara

102

SLAB III

~. t'lnn·n"l!Lifl If!.

L~tJULnlL~fl~UUYldJ q q

G')lcfo

lfWJ ~dJV\1Lm 1~ vn 1 LLno/lru ~njdJV\1Lt1'J~1£J

t

rn. t11'lJU11nm~fl~ urlt1-b ~mt~Vlllm 1~ L111 ';JL q

ct.

tlltll.fldJV! 1Lm 'II

lt'l L"Jl 'h LLndJ\lf1t'llmt113JV11L tl'Jifll

rd.

£J~"llu11.nmL~1lb~ II o I nt'ltJtJt1111 ~flmJVl 1Ltl"JL L~Vi'Y11i1\l"fldJV\1LmfltJn tlll't'1U 11~tJ15mvru nn'Vlu 1L

~.

Lt'lf)t'lf.J£JLflifl~3J'Vl1lJ 13JdJ11"lf11i -:rl"lf[:..!V\ f'l1ULL t'1t11'J::lJ"JdJ:IJ11".lflJ 1

'J.

q

. 'J.

uu't'1:J.JV\1Ltnnuu.n nt'lu-:rt'liflfl'Yl\lV!t'l1£JLUEh'ltl1tlJ C1J11t11

liJ rd.

1t'I~3J\lf1t'UJ Vl1LmL 'lldJdJ\lflt'l3JV\1Lbl11l 'JdJlJ L6J.Jt113J ,

q

EPIGRAPHIC AND HISTORICAL STUDIES

103

,col

A

1£1". l-1,.,1 Ln·n:nu u 'YllJVI1 Lt1'HJ1flfltJJ1rn :w,., 1Lm'ff 1:w:wn mm:rmuu 1£1 kl. Rn~u1~~~'Yl\l ...VIl:m.J~nwu 1umm51 ut'ltltlt.h 'lH.m 1wn~ ~ , I 'II 1£1 m. 'ill; \lj \!'1JtJtJ15 fljlli flU 'U, Yl11-b 'Yl\!"1~\!VI1 n1t'11-h 'U, ULLt'l1LLt'l l€:Jcr.

L~fl~flml"lllo/1 ld'ol~ ~unnt'1o/lm~rmmmL1:lJ~uri11Wl-l

l€llf.

m~'llt.J\Il11V'l'i"~1"11L~m'i"Ltll~ou:wVI1'ff13JlJ'i"1"111TI"n"lJ b v,n::VJ,_,1

1£1'"'.

7~JJ 1n7tW

P='

ltd

"V

p:1

h

•I.J 11. '11.fls '11. t Lllftl11. f3li.L k1. ~L.i.f1.L ~Ut'~L ~ Wl{L 1lhL g:::tM.)l.Llf\1.11 ' 'w w f1,

b

t

b

M.~ 11. '11.11.11. '11.~11. 11. WLg::!f.Mt' !.IJ)l.LW ~tf.g:L li.H.M.Gl ~111.11.C..I'eL

'Gi( w

f1.

tJt\lllf1.t.l.!lbl11 L'ltl/l,UU'I1.11LtJIJ1 ..,M'11. '11.Glf3L~I/I. I.'L"lA.LJ7.f11.'G ..,!.l.!lif3C..~L~ 11.

flo

L

'mcaw being introduced by King Barommokot and m~mraad­ chawov by King Mongkut, both are listed in the Law of the Civil Hierarchy

REVIEW ARTICLES

163

dated 1298 (1376), but currently attributed to King Trailokkanat (14481488)4. Of course, since the extant edition of the laws dates only from 1805, m:>mctm could still have been introduced by King Barommokot, in which case we have evidence for a late interpolation into the law; and since in the law m5mrlladch&wO?J is mixed in with the mahlitlek, it may have been an old title to which King Mongkut gave a new function. Concerning the relationship with Khmer titles and practices, which is the subject of my remaining remarks, some introductory comment is necessary. The conventional view for some time has been that the massive Khmer borrowings in Thai administrative and royal vocabulary result from an influx of Cambodian scholars and brahmans to Ayutthaya following the final conquest of Angkor by the Thai in 1431, the date given in the hlvmi prasro'(h (Luang Praso't) chronicle. The Khmer influences reaching Ayutthaya at that time were then formalized a score or so of years later in the adtninistrative reforms of King Trailokkanat. In the days when Prince Damrong was devoting his attention to the chronicles this explanation seemed to account for most of the facts, but such is no longer the case. Attention has been drawn in recent years to certain pieces of evidence showing that from pre-Angkorean times there were localities on territory which later formed the core of the Ayutthayan kingdom, using Khmer, and apparently independent of any polity in what was to be the Angkor Empire.s This situation continued in certain places into Angkorean times as is proven by the inscription on the Buddha ofGrahi and the 1167 inscription from Nakbon Sawan.6 Together with this long tradition of the local use of Khmer, parts of the Menam basin came under the direct control of Angkor-Lopbburi under Suryavarman I ( 1006-1050), and probably the lower Menam basin and contiguous territory under Jayavarman VII (1181-1220). 7 4) See note 3 above · 5) G. Coedes, "Nouvelles Donnees Epigraphiques sur l'Histoire de l'Indochine Centrale", Journal Asiatique 246 (2) 19 58, pp. 125-142, see 127-128. 6) Ibid; and Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam, deuxieme partie, pp. 29-31. 7) Coedes, Etats H.indouises d'Indochine et d'lnda11esie, 1964, pp. 252-3, 314, 320· 321; and Recueil des Inscriptions du Siam, deuxieme partie, PP· 21-31.

164

111•:\'IE\V AI\TIC!.EH

Even more interesting is that the early kingdom of Ayutthnyn reserved an important place for the Khmer language which appeurs in the mujority of original Ayutthayan documents preserved from before the 17th century.s The logic imposed by these pieces of evidence is that Khmer innuence in Ayutthayan language and administration does not have to be accounted for by borrowing from Angkor or the pre-Angkorean states of Cambodia proper, but may be due to a long, independent, local Khmer tradition; and that even if due to direct Angkorean influence the process was not necessarily contingent on a Thai conquest of Angkor in 1431 or at any other date, but could have resulted rather from the extension of Angkorean power into the Menam basin in the Il-13th centuries (It is interesting to note that recent writers on the subject who accept that King Trailokkanat instituted important reforms in the 1450's-1460's, and that these reforms were Khmer inspired, also accept Prof. O.W. Wolters• new reconstructions which place the final conquest of Angkor in 1389, nearly u hatf.century earlier than the hitherto accep. ted date, and yet fail to discuss whether the longer period between presumed initial cultural impact and resultant reforms is consonant with received views on King Trailokkanat's reforms or should force revision of our ideas about them. This is the sort of thing I bad in mind when I introduced the term" scholastic involution" into an earlier review).9 Michael Vickery, "The Khmer Inscriptions of Tenasserim: a Reinterpretation", JSS 61 (! ), Jan. 1973. Ayutthayan inscriptions of this period are extremely rare. One which seems to have gone unnoticed is on the pedestal of a bodhisatva image currently believed to be one of a set cast by King Trnllokkanat in I 451:1. See smlapakam m!lulay ayutlwyaa, published for National Children's Day, 2514, p 65 and fig. 25. The inscription, which is not visible in the photograph, reads, in graphic translitteration, anakfil brahm r.si, "he/the one/a persc>n, as/ who is a brabma r.ishi". 9) 0. Wolters, "The Khmer King at Basan ( 13 71-3) and the Restoration of the Cambodian Chronology During the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries", Asia Major I 2, 1 (1966), pp. 44-89. Akin Rabibhadana, The Organization o.f Thai Socifty in the Early Banl!kok Period 1782-1873, Data Paper 74, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, July 1969. see pp. 21. 27, n. 60, 190. David K. Wyatt, "The Abridged Royal Chronicle of Ayudhya of Prince Paramanuchitchinorot", JSS 61 (I), Jan. 1973, pp. 25-50. See pp. 33, n. 10; 34, n. 1 7; and Wyatt, op. cit, note 2, above. Jones, n. 2. Hall, A History of Southeast Asia, pp. 130, 178-80, seems both to accept Wolters' view and yet maintain the date 1431, but does not repeat the suggestion that the reforms of Trailokkanat were a result. 8)

Ri;:VIEW ARTICLES

165

In addition to the foregoing theoretical considerations of Khmer influenc? in Ayutthaya, a few pertinent facts relating to the possible connectiOn between the Ayutthayan and Angkorean administrative systems require emphasis. As Prof. Jones noted (p. 115), the Angkorean administration and its titles have been insufficiently studied. In fact, we know next to nothing about Angkorean administration, not even having lists of titles comparable to the Thai laws of civil, military and provincial hierarchies. 9 a However, any student reasonably familiar with Ayutthayan titles and who has even casually leafed through the several volumes of Inscriptions du Cambodge and Coedes' other epigraphic studies should have been struck by the almost complete absence of similar titles in the two areas. Certain Angkorean royal titles were apparently adopted in Ayutthaya, but scholars have generally ignored them and they have not figured in any treatment of the subject.IO Mention of vra~ kralahom is found in Angkorean inscriptions, but its meaning is not certain.! I The famous oath inscriptions of Suryavarman I contain long lists of tamrvac (Thai damruot), whose function, aside from being somehow territorial, has not been determined.I2 Some Sanskrit titles such as purohita, guru, and senapati, are found both at Angkor and Ayuttbaya, but Sanskrit titles occur all over Southeast Asia as well as in India, and a case may be made for borrowing from one specific place to another only if the title is both identical and applied to the same function. The Khmer royal and sacred title, kamraten, which is hidden away in an odd place in the Ayutthayan laws,13 is also found in Sukhothai inscription no. 4, in the Grabi inscription, and in tl1e 1167 inscription from Nakbon Sawan, and 9a) At the present time the best compilation of information, from inscriptions and secondary sources, relating to Angkorean administration and titles is, Sachchidanand Sahai, Les Institutions Politiques et l'01·ganisation Administrative du Cam hodge Ancien Wl-XI II siecles), where the reader familiar with Thai titles can easily see the great difference between the latter and Angkorean terminology. 10) These titles are lri .~r7.ndra and jayavarmmadeva. See Vickery, "The Khmer Inscriptions of Tenasserim ... ", p. 69 and p. 57, n. 25. II) Coe.des variously treats the term as "l'aire du homa", "salle de l'oblation", ''l'aire des oblations", and ''nom de fonction". G. Coedes et P. Dupont, ... Les Steles de Sdok Kak Thorn, Phnom Sandak et Pral] Vihilr", l:IEFEO 43 (1943-46) pp. 56-1 54, see pp. 1 07, n. 1; 118, n. 4; 144, n. I; G. Coedes, "Stele du Vat Pnih That de Tu'k cba", 1nscriptions du Cambodge V, pp. 222-228, see pp. 225, 228.; and G. Coedes, ••Stele de Saq~rtn", IC IV, pp. 175-205. seep: 197: 12) George Coedes, "Etudes Cambodgiennes IX Le Serment de.s F~~ctton.na~res de Suryavarman r. BEFEO 13 (6), 1913, pp. ll-.17; and Coedes, Inscnpt•on du Gopura Oriental du Phi'meanakas", btscriptions du Camhodge Ill, pp. 205-214. 13) Laws r. 249. Six relatively low-ranking (sakdina 600) officials in the Registrar's Department had the title kzuit('taen (graphic) ck), \ldltncc thcr·e extended a chain of large and small islands. After two til' three da>•s' voyage they saw in the west the mountains or l.m(J·J•u·h.~u. Then, continuing southwards to Chi-lung (Fowl Cage IshmdJ, they reached the borders of C!ti!Hu."

Lion Rock is L.aem Singha outside the Chandaburi River. Fowl Cage lllland i~• Koh Rung Kai (Chicken's Nest Island) off Patiew in Chumporn province. Another island in the same district that pairs with this one i!i catlled Koh Rung Pet (Ducks' Nest Jsland). Also in the same district !iUU'l the Koh Rung Nok (Birds' Nest Islands) that run down the coast lCl(ll' perceives hi msclf as hampered by his patients' ignorance, and Jm:k t.>f education; they do not consult him at a sufficiently early stage in their illness; they cannot describe their symptoms with any precision; they fail to full ow the advice prescribed and change doctors very frequently. B mil. :;H~. m:t >' h;l\'c h,;;cn tic stucco:>:> and tcu;t c~ltt.l::.. c h 1'itt.' s~ulpnae til t'JwiltJml . (it plt,i':> :iiM't are the 1\\lrk \.11' Mr. Cir essay on"lmagei> (•fib: Buddha", ;1 t.::kt. up mu;;!ivf I lie introdll(;'l\ll'Y pages, is cunc.:mcd l,;q.tdy 1.11 il : llh•H;I•(~~.: 1:arwt:111. lt is a \aluable summary 11f .Ht1Jlb ~h'. Un~'mts Advertil;ing Mnnagcr

Mr. Kobsak Chutikul Mr. Euayporn Kerdchouay

ADVERTISING RATES

Full puge

1,000 baht per issue

Half page

600 baht per issue

Quarter page : 400 baht per issue

Page size

: 9t" X 7"

Text to be submitted by tst October for January issue, 1st April for July issue.

I

'1

1 I

.

MONUMENTS Olr THE BUDDHA IN SIAM By Prince Damrong Rijlinubhiib Vice.Pntron of the Siam Society (1904-1943) Translated by Sulak Sivaraksa and A.B. Griswold with footnotes by Prince Subhadradis Diskul and A.B. Griswold

First Edition, published 1962 under the title A History of Buddhist Monuments irt Siam

Monogupll No. ti (revised) The Slant Society Under Royal Patronage Bangkok 1973

40 baht

JOURNAL OF THE SIAM SOCIETY

JULY 1974

· volume 02 part 2

TilE SlAl\1 SOC IE lY IIi~ ~laje:-.ty

I' A'l' HO :"
~W.rt.:JJV»fiJGjcutla6Jvl!f!1Sr:i.o~o~uDijfiYBa~ .r; :fl:J V> vr;;ws rp si;.9 '1./n , {Y) tn'G'lfdlJ w;; 'l/1/) uu-?nZ~-)} tJ lJ7) u-;s>21'6'cP cPA

\ - ~A.r­

_': ~- --~ "I!:., u; _·

$~~ ~:~:~ ~--~-"-~5_4-2:~~- . ',-

Fig. 3. Eye-copy of the inscription.

(After Fournereau, Le Siam ancien.)

J

Fig. 4 The eye-copy in Fig. 3, with the sections transposed to correspond to the arrangement on the base of the statue.

A KHMER KILN SITE-SURIN PROVINCE by

Roxanna Brown,

Vance Childress, &

Michael Gluckman* For some years, Bangkok has been one of the few places in Asia :"here Khmer potte~y can be purchased on the open market, and accordmg to museum officmls and art-dealers, the source of the wares is lower Northeast Thailand-primarily Srisakhet, Surin and Buriram provinces. More.over, the number of kiln-wasters amongst the finds make it virtually certam that some former Khmer kiln sites co-exist with former Khmer habitation sites in the area. However, no kilns have actual been found by anyone in authority. The illusiveness of villagers protecting their monetary gains and the silence of Bangkok dealers shielding their sources, in fact, make it difficult to pinpoint even the district provenance of the wares or wasters. Through the offices ofa sympathetic inhabitant of Ban Sawai village, Surin province, however, the authors of this paper were able to make a direct examination of one area where there were recent finds, and wish to propose the distinct possibility of the area being a kiln-site, and worthy of careful excavation. Finds from Ban Sawai, located about 15 kilometers southwest of the provincial capital of Surin (see Fig. 1), began appearing on the market in about March of 1973-among them were some statues, numerous pieces of pottery and some-kiln wasters. When the authors visited the village in December of 1973 they were le.d to seven sites where the villagers bad been digging in the rice-paddies, three kilometers west of the village. The local people said that there were other sites nearby but that it would take another complete day to see them all. Content for the moment with the seven disturbed areas, the authors collected surface sherds which they washed and attempted to reconstruct, and made.

*Roxanna

Brown has recently completed a Master's thesis on Southeast Asian ceramics at the University of Singapore. Vance Childress, an architect who is directing the restoration of Prasat Ban Phluang, Surin province. . Michael Gluckman is beginning stuc;lies at Oxford University on Chineso export wares.

240

Brown, Childress & Gluckman

measurements of the area in order to draft the accompanying map (Fig.2). As a result a definition of the types of ware peculiar to the area, plus a case for the existence of former kilns, can be made. Judging by the number of Khmer edifices along the present ThaiKhmer border and northwards to the Mun river, lower Northeast Thailand once supported a sizeable Khmer population that was linked to the Angkor metropolis by two main arteries.t Visible in aerial photographs on the Cambodian side of the border, the roads led. from Angkor in fairly direct lines towards the Mun River. Portions of the primary road to Pimay are still extant in dense jungle on the Thai side of the border just to the west of Prasat Ta Muang in Surin province; from there it ran to Phanom Rung, Phanom Van and on to Pimay. A second road, the closest to Ban Sawai, extended from Angkor to Prah Vihear, and then north past Ban Phluang and on to Surin. Heavy temple construction in the provinces adjacent to the old roads (e.g. Prasat Ta Muang, Phnom Rung, Prasat Ban Phluang, Prasat Bing etc.) during the 11th and 12th centuries, together with numerous manmade lakes, indicates a stable and undoubtedly agrarian-based population. Geographically, Ban Sawai occupies a central position within the area. Any population, of course, requires storage vessels, and a sedentary population often initiates their local production; in the case of Ban Sawai, local production of pottery vessels of the Khmer type is hypothesized. Pottery vessels could have met the requirements of both home and ceremonial usage. Khmer pottery has beenfairly well-defined by the excavations at Angkor by Bernard Ph. Groslier. 2 It is wholly distinctive, uniquely Khmer, highly traditional, and only found within the confines of present or former Khmer possessions, except in rare instances. As far as former kilns in Cambodia proper are concerned, however, only one likely site has been documented : that on the plateau of Phnom Kulen, which Etienne Aymonier found in 1883.3 The only types of wares 1) For a more complete description of the roads see Louis Finot, "DharmAqalas au Cambodge" Bulletin de L'Ecole Fran~aise d' Extr~me Orient, VoL XXV (1925), 417-422. 2) For an outline of the types and their approximate dating see Roxanna M. Brown, "Khmer Ceramics" Arts of Asia (May-June 1973). 3) see Etienne Aymonier, Le Cambodge, Vol. II (Paris, 1901), 412; and Victor Goloubew, Le Phnom Kulen 1 (Hanoi, 1924), 14,

A llmpe!i nnd glazes found at Angkor in dnted excavations by Groslicr, the u~m Stn'td ut th~;t AbiUI}tljl,iri V1tuuu m Amuadlmpunt, 1ie Wid the king, Udti)'U 1 Ccm:u 797-l:\CHJ, tlmt "the ~o~.orw;!Ut) i!> lh$l" wili!lil.t: (in liH: rc>~dmt~ N the inh:!prcilwuld inwginc thai !he bualdmg thai Kunmigncd, culled Undhimamla, \\a~ a ~~~lll·hhc hmltlm~l !hilt !he 'l bn ~; . ;lied tl .1\.hmdapa (fnunnunced numdllfl). If the buildwg uu ~vp \\ m• dt nwmh,p: 1f a prrmw:, u f'tlllllfl m1~11dHp; und the im:tgch (fmlll11w l inMdc 1he hwltlins$ mlt$hl h;l, c: bt:t•u a Huthlhu und/or Avalokc~\lam . .1\'hHl~' bllt:h hutldWJl> ure w be :.ctn .mUt:C'~>. fdl u\t~r Hu.~ lill} ~cur~; p: h> PJ ullnbuh~l!l. 1t.1 the u~~.: ul mli!C nunb~ucs. w the n~c 111 the. :U\

in

IUCll phm~cd n\:)l

• mHpU(

HU fwm lhc app.Ht'll[ nf >.Hen fw·..ter lhan fh;ilUlnllun, lh!C'tt:' nn d.il.rl PH "~;c

19tiJ) llmdl;, J.m~:c 11»:\U ;uca phmltd n\ cnl!l "'l~mly nnd rnp1dly than fh'jaullltlnll. \\ijh II'I.:C ~:uhn.ilht'fl ~~~~·• lht~ arcu phwtcd f,:•r o!hii:l' C'Hlf!!> ttr.mang '>'if:~)' lr!u.lw~ to the u~o·hh~\'CIU!!Ill of t'tm"'JdCHibk th\'Ch!fkMiult til lllo.!l •IF:ntullure U\:Cf th~! twn tkcudc,.. Fmulhl), wile nt:c }ucld f'•t:f rui f;lli C•lll!.I">ICIHlj" U'\ lhC !'II/( of' '>C 1fi ;~ll h•lif Ul;ijOr re~tinns f,f the cmuur> dm.~ w u ICM\ ('»f h1h••r, oninml rmd mtdmrm::nl pu·•n:r, ~md ~~ta uml '~I hllld t§!l. the sa;rc of furm im.:reillitf>. h.hhl), !he lllllf~uml ;wd ~p. fHl'du~~:t c::f btb111' in rice fnrmintt fil>Clll lUI the l>llt uf lu~•hl!fl!:!ll IUUt:'ll~t!\, intht:tlllllf> a nmldiJUibtHion nf rtMJUft:t~ u llctcby thtrt l'fi> rchili\t:l) wn much hthor hl

on 11mtH furmili tmd ltll(l huh~ ''~' htq:e tnuuanmn1 being (lbtained when the value of Htc m1Hli)mroduction taxes that distort domestic costs and isolate them from world prices. Thus,

REVIEWS

341

fiscal policy for demand management has to be confined to net income

taxes, domesttc sal~s taxes on consumer goods, etc." (p. 302). Thus Marz.ou~ appears, Wtth some qualifications, (mentioned elsewhere), to be advocatmg free trade (although this is hard to reconcile with his proposal on pp. 250-1 to reduce import duties on finished goods and raise them on raw materials and capital goods), but the argument becomes murky indeed for he then advocates the use of exchange rate policy to bring the market prices of domestic factors into line with their shadow prices saying that the easiest way to do this is "to adjust the market exchange rate to conform to the shadow exchange rate defined as equal to the value of ~he marginal products of factors of production, mainly labor and

capital." (p. 302).

Unfortunately, as anyone familiar with trade theory will realize, there are several alternative versions of the shadow price of foreign exchange, differing not only in their underlying theoretical assumptions . but also (ordinarily) in their resulting empirical magnitudes in any particular application. None of the alternatives would (or could) be equal to the value of the marginal products of factors of production. Marzouk never lets us know which version he is employing and when he concedes that measuring the shadow price for Thailand is difficult and beyond the scope of his study, we are left in the dark as to what it is that he isn't measuring. If he had argued that the baht is overvalued because of high tariffs on imports and that a movement to free trade (which he nt times appears to be advocating) would necessitate a devaluation to maintain the trade balance, .the confusion would be ended because the concept of the shadow exchange rate here is that exchange rate which would maintain the trade balance given the elimination of all trade taxes. Jnsteud he argues that "the Thai cu,rrency is overvalued in the sense that the shadow wages are lower than the actual market rates and thus, considering the importance of labour as a factor of production, the shadow exchange rate for foreign currenctes in terms of baht is substantially higher than the marke.t rate" (pp. 302-3). Despite what appears to be considerable seasonal fluctuations in employment and unemployment rates in Thailand, I know of no evidence that shows that market wages overstate the real costs of labor inpl!LS. Marzouk provides no such evidence.

t!~ipltne

hl1

f(nl.,ibk

lh

exumim~

the

~~~~lhl•

lht

implu:.Hiun~

irn:~:slrm:nl V!Ch\CCU

"t\Viil

14 e11;plorc

up h» I

Ho m.;hsc\c the

;md

the term

·r !mi cn•m1m)

~.;mt:m~ i!f'~'"" lh fillll:'~• tlll

H"ijUU