Journal of the Siam Society; 102

Citation preview

Barend Jan Terwiel • On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey in collaboration with Joko Umbaran • Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace: Prapañca’s 1365 Description Projected onto Satellite Imagery

Journal of the Siam Society

Chatri Prakitnonthakan • Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram (Wat Pho)

Hilary Disch • The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li Paul Michael Taylor • William Louis Abbott in Thailand: A Research Resource on Southern Thailand in the 1890s

Chris Baker • Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya with Remarks on Defence, Policing, Infrastructure, and Sacred Sites Paul Bromberg • Report on a Symposium: Weaving Royal Traditions Through Time: Textiles and Dress at the Thai Court and Beyond Grant Evans • The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom Ken Kirigaya • Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle: The Era of Burmese Rule in Lan Na

ISSN 0857-7099 jss102Cover.indd 1

Volume 102 • 2014

Patrick Dumon • Amsterdam: The VOC Warehouse at the Mouth of the Chao Phraya River

JSS

Volume 102 • 2014 29/04/2014 06:52:21

The Journal of the

Siam Society Volume 102 2014

Cover: Thai Chakri, Chong Kraben Variation, 1982. Pierre Balmain, Paris. Silk and metal-thread brocade (phaa yok) and silk satin; bead and sequin embroidery. Collection of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit. Photographer: Mr. Nat Prakobsantisuk. Photo courtesy of the Queen Sirikit Museum of Textiles.

Honorary editor: Chris Baker Editor: Paul Bromberg Advisors: Tej Bunnag, Michael Smithies, Kim W. Atkinson © The Siam Society, 2014 ISSN 0857-7099 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electrical or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system without prior permission from the Siam Society. The Journal of the Siam Society is a forum for original research and analysis. Opinions expressed in the Journal are those of the authors. They do not represent the views or policies of the Siam Society. Printed by Amarin Printing and Publishing Public Company Limited 65/16 Chaiyapruk Rod, Taling Chan, Bangkok 10170, Thailand Tel. (662) 422-9000 • Fax (662) 433-2742, 434-1385 E-mail: [email protected] • http://www.amarin.com

Journal of the Siam Society Volume 102

2014 Contents

The Minute Books of the Council of the Siam Society Inscribed in the UNESCO Memory of the World Register........................................................... vii

Articles Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram (Wat Pho) Chatri Prakitnonthakan....................................................................................... 1 On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm Barend Jan Terwiel........................................................................................... 41 Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace: Prapañca’s 1365 Description Projected onto Satellite Imagery Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey in collaboration with Djoko Umbaran................................................................................................ 67 The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li Hilary Disch.................................................................................................... 119 William Louis Abbott in Thailand: A Research Resource on Southern Thailand in the 1890s Paul Michael Taylor........................................................................................ 143 Amsterdam: The VOC Warehouse at the Mouth of the Chao Phraya River Patrick Dumon................................................................................................ 169 Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya with Remarks on Defence, Policing, Infrastructure, and Sacred Sites Chris Baker..................................................................................................... 179 Report on a Symposium: Weaving Royal Traditions Through Time: Textiles and Dress at the Thai Court and Beyond Paul Bromberg................................................................................................ 211 The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom Grant Evans.................................................................................................... 221 Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

iii

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle: The Era of Burmese Rule in Lan Na Ken Kirigaya................................................................................................... 257

Reviews Gambling, The State and Society in Thailand, c. 1800-1945 by James A. Warren Reviewed by Paul Bromberg.......................................................................... 291 The Memoirs and Memorials of Jacques de Coutre: Security, Trade and Society in 16th- and 17th-century Southeast Asia translated by Roopanjali Roy, edited with an introduction by Peter Borschberg Reviewed by Chris Baker............................................................................... 294 The Ideal Man: The Tragedy of Jim Thompson and the American Way of War by Joshua Kurlantzick Reviewed by Jeffery Sng................................................................................ 296 Isan Writers, Thai Literature: Writing and Regionalism in Modern Thailand by Martin B. Platt Reviewed by Charles Keyes........................................................................... 299 Illuminating the Life of the Buddha by Naomi Appleton, Sarah Shaw, and Toshiya Unebe Reviewed by Rebecca Hall............................................................................ 303 In Royal Fashion: The Style of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit of Thailand by Melissa Leventon and Dale Carolyn Gluckman Reviewed by Jane Puranananda..................................................................... 305 How Theravāda is Theravāda? Exploring Buddhist Identities edited by Peter Skilling, Jason A. Carbine, Claudio Cicuzza, and Santi Pakdeekham Reviewed by Patrick McCormick.................................................................. 308 Enlightened Ways: The Many Streams of Buddhist Art in Thailand edited by Heidi Tan Reviewed by Paul Bromberg.......................................................................... 311 The Philosophical Constructs of Wat Arun by Chatri Prakitnonthakan Reviewed by Chris Baker............................................................................... 314 Modern Thai Buddhism and Buddhadāsa Bhikkhu: A Social History by Tomomi Ito Reviewed by Claudio Cicuzza....................................................................... 317

iv

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

What’s What in a Wat. Thai Buddhist Temples: Their Purpose and Design by Carol Stratton Reviewed by Bonnie Brereton....................................................................... 323 Art of Southeast Asian Textiles: The Tilleke & Gibbins Collection by Linda S. McIntosh Reviewed by Paul Bromberg.......................................................................... 325 Royal Porcelain from Siam: Unpacking the Ring Collection edited by Anne Håbu and Dawn F. Rooney Reviewed by Heidi Tan.................................................................................. 327 Buddhist Storytelling in Thailand and Laos: The Vessantara Jataka Scroll at the Asian Civilisations Museum by Leedom Lefferts and Sandra Cate Reviewed by Bonnie Brereton....................................................................... 333 Contributors to this Volume............................................................................... 337 Notes for Contributors........................................................................................ 341

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

v

The Minute Books of the Council of the Siam Society Inscribed in the UNESCO Memory of the World Register

The Minute Books of the Siam Society from 1904 have been inscribed on the UNESCO Memory of the World Register as a record of international cooperation in research and the dissemination of knowledge in the arts and sciences. The full citation is as follows: “The Minute Books of the Council of the Siam Society”, 100 years of recording international cooperation in research and the dissemination of knowledge in the arts and sciences. Documentary heritage submitted by Thailand and recommended for inclusion in the Memory of the World Register in 2013. Contains the official records of the Council meetings and the General Meetings of the Siam Society from 1904 to 2004 and beyond. It reflects the Society’s Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

vii

system, process and outcome of work, its obstacles and challenges, the personalities and organizations contributing to its success and the scope of its work in a century of great international changes and development. It testifies to the continuous transactions and cooperation of an international and intellectual nature, among the many generations of people elected to carry out the work of the Siam Society over the long and eventful century.

The Memory of the World Register is like UNESCO’s World Heritage listing, but for documents rather than buildings. The program was started in 1992 “to preserve these recorded treasures of humanity and mobilize resources so that future generations can enjoy this legacy that is preserved in the major libraries, archives and museums across the globe.” There are now around 400 items on the register. They include the Gutenberg Bible, Bayeux Tapestry, Magna Carta, and the film of the Wizard of Oz. The Society’s Minute Books are the fourth entry from Thailand. The others are: Archival Documents of King Chulalongkorn’s Transformation of Siam (18681910), Epigraphic Archives of Wat Pho, and the King Ram Khamhaeng Inscription. The archive of Minute Books contain the official records of the Council meetings and the General Meetings of the Siam Society. It reflects the Society’s system, process and outcome of work, its obstacles and challenges, the personalities and organizations contributing to its success and the scope of its work in a century of great international changes and development. It testifies to the continuous transactions and cooperation of an international and intellectual nature, among the many generations of people elected to carry out the work of the Siam Society over the long and eventful century. This inscription is a great honor for the Siam Society. It recognizes the Society’s role in the country’s history and especially in international cooperation on academic and cultural topics.

viii

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram (Wat Pho) Chatri Prakitnonthakan1

Abstract—Earlier studies have described the cosmological symbolism in the design of Wat Pho, focusing on Mount Meru and the Tavatimsa Heaven, and argued that this symbolism was largely introduced by the renovation in the Third Reign. This essay adjusts this view in two ways. First, the cosmological symbolism was already present from the construction in the First Reign; the Third Reign renovation strengthened this symbolism, but did not originate it. Second, the symbolism has two layers, present in the same design and architectural elements. The first layer is about Buddhist cosmology, while the second concerns the god Indra. Both layers reflect the philosophy of the new state and dynasty in early Bangkok.

Introduction Several studies of the symbolism and meanings in the design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram (Wat Pho) have argued that the wat was designed to reflect the cosmology of Theravada Buddhism. The layout and architectural elements inside the wat can be compared to elements which appear in several cosmological texts. Samoechai Phunsuwan argued that the ubosot (ordination hall; Pali: uposatha) and its cloisters symbolise the Tavatimsa (Dawadueng) Heaven on the peak of Mount Meru, the four wihan (preaching halls; Pali: vihara) represent the Sattaparibhanda (Satthaboriphan) Range, and the surrounding wall represents the exterior wall of the universe. The western area of the complex, where several architectural elements were added in the Third Reign including the wihan of the Reclining Buddha, Scripture Hall, bodhi tree, and Teaching Hall, represents the Jambudvipa (Chomphu Continent), Lankadvipa (Lanka Continent), and World of This article originally appeared in Thai in Sathapat Wat Pho naeo khwam khit lae kan ook baep sathapatyakam Wat Pho [The architecture of Wat Pho: philosophy and design] (Bangkok: Amarin, 2009), published for the monastic chapter of Wat Pho and the King Rama I Foundation on the 200th anniversary of King Rama I’s death), pp. 257-344. Here the presentation has been slightly adjusted, but the argument and data are unchanged. Translation by Chris Baker with thanks to Niyada Lausunthorn and Peter Skilling. Digital reconstructions by Banana Studio. Thanks to the Fine Arts Department for permission to reproduce images from the Traiphum Illustrated Manuscripts. 1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

2

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

Hell (Narok).2 Samoechai suggests that this symbolism was evident until the major renovation in the Third Reign, when several new architectural elements were added. Watchari Watchasin3 argued that the wat was not a model of Mount Meru at all, but of machanimaprathet an wiset nai chomphuthawip, “the sacred Middle Country in the Jambu Continent,” which figures prominently in the Trailokawinitchai (Pali: Trailokavincchaya) of the First Reign, but not in other cosmological texts. Although the study was strongly argued and based on contemporary sources, it overlooked much important evidence. In this article, I build on these past studies to examine the symbolism and meanings in the design of Wat Pho in the First and Third Reigns (the important periods, as later modifications were minor and had no major effect on the symbolism), using additional sources and analysis, as follows. First, the two versions of the Trailokawinitchai, contemporary texts which I believe provided the main framework of thinking behind the design.4 Second, other cosmological texts including Arunavati Sutra (Arunawadisut), Lokabatti (Lokuppatti), Cakkavaladipani (Jakawanthipani), and four illustrated Traiphum manuscripts known as the Khmer-language version, Ayutthaya version, Thonburi version, and Lanna-script version. Third, murals which are known to have existed in the First and Third Reigns, especially those overlooked in earlier studies. Fourth, architectural details from the First and Third Reigns subject to new analysis to understand the thinking behind their design. Fifth, data on the social, economic, political, and cultural history of the early Bangkok era, because I believe that no architectural project exists in a vacuum, but is a product of its time. My main argument is that the symbolism in the design of Wat Pho was clear and complete since the First Reign, and that the renovation and extension in the Third Reign only confirmed that symbolism through additional detail. The 2

Samoechai Phunsuwan, “Sanyalak thang phumijakrawan phai nai khet phutthawat Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram” [Cosmological symbolism in Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram], Mueang Boran 16, 1 (Jan-Mar 1990), pp. 112-123, reprinted in Samoechai, Sanyalak nai ngan jitrakam thai rawang phutthasatawat 19 thueng 24 [Symbolism in Thai murals from the 19th to 24th centuries BE] (Bangkok: Faculty of Sociology and Anthropology, Thammasat University, 1992). 3 The study appeared first as a Silpakorn University MA thesis in 1990 and was printed as Wat Phra Chetuphon: machanimaprathet an wiset nai chomphuthawip [Wat Phra Chetuphon: the sacred Middle Country in the Jambu Continent] (Bangkok: Matichon, 1995). Watchari’s findings do not seem to have been well accepted in academic circles, especially when compared to those of Samoechai. 4 On these texts, see Santi Phakdikham, “Traiphum ruea wannakam lokasat phraphutthasasana: khwam samphan kap sathapatyakam thai” [Traiphum or Buddhist cosmological literature: relations with Thai architecture”, in Sathapat Wat Pho naeo khwam khit lae kan ook baep sathapatyakam Wat Pho, pp. 220-53. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

3

symbolism has two layers, present in the same space. In the first layer, Wat Pho is a model of the Jambu Continent with a centre at the sisa phaendin (ศีรษะแผ่นดิน) or Head Land, meaning that Wat Pho is the centre of the world of Buddhism according to the beliefs in the Trailokawinitchai. In the second layer, Wat Pho is a model of the Tavatimsa Heaven, reflecting the special prominence of Indra in the ideology of the early Bangkok state. These two layers are present in the same design and architectural elements. As they tell different stories with different meanings, they might be assumed to conflict, but in fact they are mutually reinforcing. Besides, this kind of combination of two different ideas in a single space is something common in traditional forms of expression. For example, traditional mural paintings often have several stories with different symbols and meanings on a single wall. The combination of two planes of symbolic meaning at Wat Pho is not unusual at all.

Overview of the plan and architecture from the First Reign The layout and architectural features of Wat Pho seen today date mostly from the renovation made in the Third Reign (1824-1851). Here I will briefly explain the design of the wat created in the First Reign (1782-1809) as background for understanding the symbolism. The wat was divided into two areas: an inner area to the east and an outer area to the west (see Figure 1). In the inner area, the centrepiece of the design was the ubosot (which was smaller than the current building), surrounded by peaked sema (boundary stones) at the eight directions.5 The presiding Buddha image, called Phra Phutthathewapatimakon, was seated in meditation pose on a base lower than the present one. The murals were on the themes of “the Ten Former Lives, the subduing of Lord Jambupati, and the Convocation of the Deities.”6 Around the ubosot there was a wihan at each of the four directions, with the eastern one longer than the others, and two levels of cloisters, abutting on the long sides of the four wihan. The inner cloister was taller than the outer one. The outer cloister did not completely surround the ubosot, but jutted out from the inner cloister on each side, giving the impression of a redented cloister. At each of the four corners inside the cloister there was a stupa with a prang (ปรางค์, a corncobshaped tower). The two levels of cloister housed a total of 832 Buddha images.7 John Crawfurd, Journal of an Embassy to the Courts of Siam and Cochin China (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 107. 6 Niyada Laosunthorn, ed., “Jaruek rueang song sang Wat Phra Chetuphon khrang rachakan thi 1” [Inscriptions on the construction of Wat Pho in the First Reign] in Phrachum jaruek Wat Phrachetuphon [Collected inscriptions of Wat Pho] (Bangkok: Monastic chapter of Wat Pho, 2001), p. 52. 7 Niyada, “Jaruek,” p. 53. 5

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

4

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

The eastern wihan was divided by a wall into two chambers. The front chamber (to the east) housed a Buddha image called Phrajao Trat Nai Khuang Mai Phra Mahapho (The Lord Speaking at the Great Holy Bodhi Tree) seated in the pose of subduing Mara on a throne under a bodhi tree, and had murals on the theme of the Victory over Mara. The rear chamber (to the west) housed a standing Buddha image twenty cubits tall in the pose of halting the sandalwood image called Phra Lokanatsatsadajan, brought from Wat Phra Si Sanphet in Ayutthaya, and had murals on the theme of “the monk meditating on the ten loathsome features of the body and the ten insights to attain enlightenment (อุปรมาญาณ ๑๐).”8 INNER

inner cloister

outer cloister

OUTER wihan

teaching hall

satellite pavilions

pond

Si Sanphetyadanan

scripture hall

N L-shaped wihan

5-stupa group

ubosot

stupa with prang

Figure 1. Reconstruction of Wat Pho in the First Reign

The southern wihan housed a Buddha image in the pose of subduing Mara with five disciples, called Phra Phutthajao Thesna Thammajak (Buddha preaching the sermon on the wheel of thamma), and had murals on the theme of the sermon on the wheel and the sermon at Tavatimsa. The western wihan housed a Buddha seated under a naga with the rear in the design of a jik, or Indian oak tree, and had murals on the theme of the Buddha’s hair relic. The northern wihan housed a Parileyya (Palelai) Buddha, newly cast (the only image cast at Wat Pho), with statues of an elephant offering a water pot and a monkey offering a honeycomb in front of the image, and had murals on the Three Worlds cosmology including depictions of Mount Meru, the seven mountain ranges, four continents, five rivers, Himavanta (Himaphan) Forest, and Anotatta (Anodat) Lake. 9 At each of the four corners of the wall surrounding this inner area there was an 8 9

Niyada, “Jaruek,” p. 52. Niyada, “Jaruek,” p. 53. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

5

L-shaped wihan, and in the angle of each wihan there was a group of five stupa on a single base – a taller central stupa surrounded by others at the four directions (Figure 2). Beyond the western wihan stood a stupa 82 cubits high called the Si Sanphetyadanan, housing a standing Buddha called Phra Si Sanphet which had previously been at the wihan of Wat Phra Si Sanphet in Ayutthaya. On three sides around this stupa was a cloister with murals of the Ramakian on the inner walls.10 In the outer part of the wat to the west, King Rama I commanded the construction of a scripture hall aligned with the Si Sanphetyadanan stupa and the ubosot, two small wihan to left and right, and a bell tower. To the south of this group there was an old ubosot Figure 2. Group of five stupa on a single base (remaining from the Ayutthaya era when the wat was called Wat Photharam) which was modified to become a teaching hall, and a pond dug between this hall and the scripture hall for keeping a crocodile.11 Along the outer wall enclosing both areas of the wat were thirteen satellite pavilions containing murals on the 550 jātaka stories and texts on medicine and the rishi-poses for massage.12

The first layer of symbolism from the First Reign: the Head Land at the centre of the Jambu Continent, Wat Pho at the centre of the world of Buddhism The layout, architectural elements, and artworks of Wat Pho in the First Reign correspond with details of the Jambu Continent as they are described in the two versions of Trailokawinitchai composed in the First Reign.13 King Rama I intended to establish Wat Pho as the Head Land, the central sacred space of the Jambu Continent in Theravada Buddhist cosmology. This symbolism reflected the politics and ideology of the early Bangkok state. 10

Niyada, “Jaruek,” p. 52. Crawfurd, Journal, p. 111. 12 Niyada, “Jaruek,” p. 52. 13 In 1783, King Rama I commanded the Supreme Patriarch to oversee a recension of the Three Worlds cosmology by a group of scribes and monks using the Pāli canon and commentaries as sources. In 1802, the king reviewed the draft, found it uneven and inaccurate in parts, and commanded another draft. The work was first published in printed form in 1913. 11

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

6

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

The significance of the Head Land King Rama I commissioned the first and second versions of the Trailokawinitchai in 1783 (before the establishment of Wat Pho) and the revised second version in 1802 (about three years after the establishment of Wat Pho). These texts describe the Jambu Continent as follows: ... the Jambu Continent extends for 10,000 yojana, the Himavanta Forest for 3,000 yojana, the flood waters for 4,000 yojana, the abode of human beings for 3,000 yojana. This 3,000 yojana is divided into the Middle Country [มัช ณิมประเทศ, macchima prathet, Pali: Majjhimadesa], 300 yojana long and 250 yojana wide, 100 yojana around, in the shape of a taphon drum. In the territory around, Changkhala Nikhom is the boundary to the east, the Salawa River [Salawanat] is the boundary to the southwest, Setrakannikara Nikhom is the boundary to the south, the Brahmanakham land is the boundary to the west, and the Usirathacha mountain is the boundary to the north. Beyond these boundaries everything is the Outer Upcountry [ปะจันตชนบท, pajanta chonnabot; Pali: Paccanta Janapada]; within these boundaries is the sacred Middle Country.14 .. and this island of the Jambu Continent has the great jewelled Bodhi-Tree Throne on the Head Land at the centre of the realm.... adjacent to that are the Six Stations after the Enlightenment [มะหาสถาน, mahasathan]: where the Lord [Buddha] stood and he gazed at the bodhi tree for seven days; where he walked in meditation for seven days; where he sat considering the Three Jewels for seven days; where he meditated under the shelter of the Ajapala-higrodha [Achapalanikhrot] banyan tree for seven days; where he meditated on the bank of the Mucalinda [Mujalin] Lake and the Lord of the Nagas came and raised his hood to protect him from rain for seven days; where he meditated under the Lord Milkwood tree for seven days. All these places are ranged around the great bodhi tree.... Beyond them are the Great Cities, namely Varanasi, Savatthi, Vaishali, Mithila, Alavi, and Kosambi.... These cities are ranged around outside those Seven Great Places after the Enlightenment.... Beyond them are the outer peoples [ปะจันตะราษฎร, pajanta ratsadon; Pali: Paccanta Rattha], namely Kuru, Asakosala, Sonamagadha, and Sivi.... These are called the Upcountry Cities [ชนบทนคร, chonnabot nakhon; Pali: Janapada Nagara] beyond the Great Cities, and among those Great Cities are many Upcountry Settlements [นิคมชนบท, nikhom chonnabot: Pali: Nigama Janapada].15 National Archives, Manuscript Section, Traiphum Lokawinitchai Vol. 5, No. 5, Cupboard 107, Bundle 2 on the Jambu Continent and Himavanta Forest. 15 Ibid. 14

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

7

In sum, at the centre of the Jambu Continent is the Bodhi-Tree Throne, surrounded by six places, which together with the throne, constitute the Seven Great Places after the Enlightenment. Beyond them are the Great Cities and then the Upcountry Settlements. All of this constitutes the Middle Country. In the outskirts of the Jambu Continent are the Himavanta Forest and a flooded area. This geography did not appear for the first time in the Trailokawinitchai texts. There is a similar description in earlier cosmological texts such as Arunavati Sutra16 and similar illustrations in several illuminated Traiphum manuscripts which date to the late 18th century CE. However, the Trailokawinitchai has one important difference, namely that the area around the Bodhi-Tree Throne is called the Head Land. This wording does not appear in earlier texts. Another addition which appears in the second version of the Trailokawinitchai (not the first) is the insertion of the Eight Great Places (อัฏฐมหาสถาน, atthamahasathan), the sites of eight miracles in the life of the Buddha, as another ring in the geography between the Seven Great Places after the Enlightenment and the Great Cities.17 What is the significance of the Head Land in the Jambu Continent? Both versions of the Trailokawinitchai explain that it is “the birth place of the important things, namely the Lord Buddha, the Pacceka Buddha, the Buddha’s disciples, the Buddha’s followers, his father and mother, the eighty great disciples, the many householders and Brahmans, and he who has much property and possessions, namely the Great Lord Emperor. All these were born only in this same Middle Country.” The key point is that Buddhism, the Buddha, the arahant, and the emperor were all born in the Jambu Continent. The Trailokawinitchai further explains the importance of the Head Land in the destruction and creation of the world at the end of each cycle, as follows: As for the Head Land, the site of the Great Bodhi-Tree Throne, where the Buddha is enthroned and enlightened under a white umbrella, when the world is destroyed, it is the last to be destroyed, and when the world is re-created, it is the first to appear, before everything else. Hence it is called the Head Land, meaning that it is the head of the Jambu Continent.18

Similar accounts appear in other old cosmological texts such as the Lokabatti which states: “The country that is the Great Bodhi-Tree Throne, when the world National Library, Fine Arts Department, “Arunawadisut” in Lokapatti Arunawadisut Pathommun Pathomkap lae Muntontrai (Bangkok: National Library, Fine Arts Department, 1990), pp. 86-87. 17 Summarised from Literature and History Division, Fine Arts Department, Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha) [Literature of the Bangkok era, volume 2: Trailokawinitchai] (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1992), p. 347. 18 National Archives, Manuscript Section, Traiphum Lokawinitchai Vol. 2, No. 2, Cupboard 107, Bundle 2 on the domain of Buddha in the 10,000 universes. 16

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

8

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

is destroyed, is the last to be destroyed, and when the world is established, it is established first.” But this text gives no further detail. There is no description of the Bodhi-Tree Throne or anything surrounding it. Texts such as the Arunawadisut mention the physical surroundings of the Bodhi-Tree Throne, but fail to explain the importance of this space. In sum, other cosmological texts mention fragments about the Bodhi-Tree Throne and Jambu Continent, but the Trailokawinitchai is unique in bringing all these fragments together and giving them a new definition as the Head Land. The Head Land in the Trailokawinitchai has another significance. After the Head Land has appeared at the re-creation of the world and before the birth of humankind, a lotus appears that prophesies how many Buddhas will attain enlightenment in the coming era (kalpa). A Brahma from the Suddhavasa (Suthawat) level flies down to inspect this omen: There is a lotus flower that appears as an omen at the site of the Bodhi-Tree Throne. If one Buddha will attain enlightenment, the lotus will have one flower, and if two, three, four or five Buddhas then the lotus will have two, three, four or five flowers. If two, three, four or five flowers, all will be on one stalk.... Then, all the Suddhavasa Brahmas at the Suddhavasa level invite one another to go to see the omen together at the site of the Bodhi-Tree Throne. If the era will have no enlightened Buddha, the lotus clump will have no flowers and great suffering will result. Thus, the Brahmas speak together that it seems that this time the world will be truly dark; all animals will die, and in future will go to the four realms of misery... and the Brahma world will be truly deserted by deities and Brahmas. If the Suddhavasa Great Brahmas see a flower growing on the lotus, they rejoice that this time they will see wonders... this time the realms of misery will have no animals as all will travel to the world of deities and the Brahma world. The deities and great Brahmas and Lord Suddhavasa Great Brahmas exclaim thus, rejoice greatly, and return together to the pure palaces of the Brahma world.19

The Head Land is thus a sacred space of great importance in Theravada Buddhism. It is associated with the symbol of the Bodhi-Tree Throne that appears in several old cosmological texts. It was given a new name and new importance in the texts of the Bangkok First Reign. It lies at the centre of the Jambuu Continent. It is the birthplace of the Buddha, Pacceka Buddha, disciples, arahant, and emperor. It is the site of the Bodhi-Tree Throne where the Buddha will sit when attaining enlightenment. It is the first land to appear at the birth of the world and the last to disappear at its destruction. And it is the site of the omen foretelling the number of enlightened Buddhas at the beginning of an era. 19

Ibid. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

9

The symbolism of the Head Land at Wat Pho If Wat Pho is a model of the Jambu Continent, then the ubosot represents the Head Land at its centre, and its presiding image represents the Bodhi-Tree Throne. Yet, since every ubosot has a presiding image, more evidence is needed to support this identification. In the Trailokawinitchai, as noted above, the Head Land is surrounded by the Seven Great Places after the Enlightenment, then the Eight Great Places, then the Great Cities (given as the Sixteen Great Cities in the second version of the text), and the Upcountry Settlements (given as the Sixteen Great Upcountries in the second version of the text). These must be identified in the images and murals in the complex around the ubosot. Symbolism of the Seven Great Places after the Enlightenment The seven places where the Buddha sojourned for a week apiece after attaining enlightenment are as follows:20 Week 1: On the Bodhi-Tree Throne beneath the shade of the bodhi tree. Week 2: At the Amimisa site (northeast from the throne) gazing at the bodhi tree throne without blinking. Week 3: At the Ratanacankama (Rattanajongkrom) site (between the Amimisa site and the throne) where he walked in meditation. Week 4: At the Ratanagara (Rattanakhon) site (west from the throne) where he sat meditating on the Abhidhamma in a crystal hall that the gods magically provided. Week 5: Under a banyan tree called the Ajapalanigrodha (Achapalanikhrot) site (east from the throne), a resting place for goat herders. Week 6: Under a jik tree (Indian oak) called the Mucalinda site (southeast from the throne) where the Lord of the Nagas came and spread his hood to give protection from rain and wind. Week 7: Under the shelter of a milkwood tree called the Rajayatana (Rachayatan) site. During this week several events took place. In particular, Indra presented him with an olive fruit, and two merchants, Tapussa and Bhallika, gave him food and begged to become his first disciples, after which the Buddha wiped his head and gave them the hairs from his head. Several Traiphum manuscripts illustrate the Seven Great Places after the Enlightenment with the Bodhi-Tree Throne at the centre and the other six circled around (see Figure 3). The first week is represented in Wat Pho by the presiding image in the ubosot, which significantly is in the pose of meditation, not in the more common pose of subduing Mara. 20

Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), pp. 251-263 Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

10

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

The western wihan has a Buddha seated under a naga with a jik tree in the rear. This clearly represents the sixth week. In the First Reign, the murals here were on the theme of the Buddha’s hair relic, representing the seventh week when the Buddha presented hairs to Tapussa and Bhallika. Four weeks are still not identified. There may have been other murals whose subjects are not recorded. The only information on the murals in the eastern wihan mentions the theme of the Victory over the Mara, which is invariably painted on an end-wall, usually the front wall. That still leaves the rear wall, the space above the windows on the two long sides, and the spaces between the windows. The latter were usually devoted to jataka tales, or the Buddha’s life story. In several other wat from the First Reign, the Seven Great Places are depicted as part of the Buddha’s life story in this space, but such illustrations would be too small to carry the symbolic meaning sought here. Only the end-walls or the space above the windows would be large enough for this purpose. During the First Reign, the space above the windows was usually illustrated with the Convocation of the Deities. That leaves the remaining end-wall. There are examples of this space being used to illustrate one of the Great Locations. For instance at Wat Mai Prachumphon in Ayutthaya, the wall behind the image carries a mural of the Buddha meditating under a tree with the Lord Naga spreading his hood as protection, clearly a depiction of the sixth week.21 I suspect that similar illustrations of other weeks may have appeared on the end-walls in the eastern or western wihan of Wat Pho. This incomplete identification of the Seven Great Places after the Enlightenment is not enough to confirm the ubosot as the Head Land. So we will proceed to the next ring, the Eight Great Places. The Eight Great Places The Eight Great Places are locations of the principal events in the Buddha’s life, as follows:22 1. His birthplace in the Lumbini (Lumphini) Forest. 2. The Bodhi-Tree Throne where he achieved enlightenment. 3. The Isipatana (Isipaton) Forest deer park at Varanasi where he delivered the First Sermon to the five disciples. 4. The forest where he spent the rains retreat alone and the Parileyya elephant took care of him. 5. The place where he tamed the Dhanapala elephant that Devadatta (Thewathat) had released to harm him. 6. The place where he performed the twin miracle at Savatthi, and ascended to the Tavatimsa Heaven to preach to his mother. Samoechai, Sanyalak, p. 96. Summarised from Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), pp. 263-4. 21 22

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

11

7. The place where he descended from the Tavatimsa Heaven to preach to his mother, coming down at the city gate of Sankassa, and performing the miracle of “opening the cosmos.” 8. The place where he achieved nirvana between the rang trees in the Salavana (Salawan) park in Kusinara.

Figure 3. The Jambu Continent from the Lanna-script Traiphum Illustrated Manuscript showing the Bodhi-Tree Throne at the centre, surrounded by the six Great Locations, then the Great Cities, and the Upcountry Places.

In the Trailokawinitchai text and several illustrated Traiphum manuscripts, these sites are illustrated with the Bodhi-Tree Throne at the centre and the other seven sites circled around (Figure 3). At Wat Pho, the Eight Great Places are represented in the north and south wihan. The presiding image in the southern wihan is a Buddha in the pose of subduing Mara along with five disciples. This represents the third site. The murals inside this wihan are on the themes of the sermon on the wheel of the law, apparently another representation of the third site, and on the sermon at Tavatimsa, representing the sixth site. Murals on the Tavatimsa sermon, especially if they appear behind the Buddha image, usually feature two other key events in the Buddha’s life: either the twin miracle at Savatthi before the Buddha ascended to preach to his mother

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

12

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

in the Tavatimsa Heaven, as on the rear wall of the ubosot of Wat Chong Nonsi;23 or the Buddha’s descent from Tavatimsa to the Sankassa city gate (Figure 4); or sometimes both, as on the rear wall of the ubosot of Wat Suwannaram, Thonburi. The descent from Tavatimsa is less likely because this scene includes the miracle of “opening the cosmos,” that allowed the creatures of all three worlds to see one another. Artists usually portray this event against a background of the whole Three Worlds cosmology. Since the murals in the northern wihan were on the theme of the Three Worlds, I suspect those in the southern wihan did not show the descent from Tavatimsa, but rather the miracle at Savatthi, representing the sixth site.

Figure 4: The Buddha’s descent from Tavatimsa Heaven in the Buddhaisawan Chapel (Muang Boran, 1983)

There is some confirmation of this assumption. In the second version of the Trailokawinitchai, the twin miracle at Savatthi and the ascent to the Tavatimsa Heaven are related together as part of this same sixth site.24 People of the time saw the miracle and the ascent as part of a single event. Hence, the Traiphum mural in the northern wihan most likely showed the descent from Tavatimsa and the worldopening miracle, the seventh site. The Buddha image in the northern wihan is the Parileyya image, the only image cast in Wat Pho. King Rama I must have had a definite purpose for this Some argue that this image does not depict the yomok miracle at Savatthi, the sixth site, as it does not show the khanthamaphruek tree, an important element of the event, but more likely shows the Buddha’s descent from Tavatimsa to the Sankassa city gate. See Samoechai, Sanyalak, pp. 86, 95. 24 Summarised from Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), pp. 264. 23

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

13

image otherwise there would be no reason for such a unique casting. This image clearly represents the fourth site. Including the image in the ubosot which represents the second site (the Bodhi-Tree Throne), the north-south axis has symbols of five of the Eight Great Places. The remaining three (birth, taming the elephant, and attaining nirvana) were probably represented elsewhere in the murals in the north or south wihan. There are earlier examples of murals themed on the Seven Great Places and Eight Great Places, such as at Wat Ko Kaeo Sutharam, Phetchaburi, where the scene of the Buddha attaining nirvana was not depicted along with the other sites on the long walls, but appeared as a small inset on the front end-wall in a painting of the universe.25 On the basis of this example, the eighth site on attaining nirvana was probably depicted as part of the mural on the universe in the northern wihan. From this evidence, I am inclined to believe that the four axial wihan in Wat Pho represented the Seven Great Places along the east-west axis and the Eight Great Places on the north-south axis. Symbolism of the Great Cities and Upcountry Places In the Trailokawinitchai, the Head Land is first surrounded by the Seven Great Places and the Eight Great Places, and then by the Great Cities and Upcountry Places. Altogether, these constitute the Middle Country that has the shape of a taphon drum.26 The distinctive feature of a taphon drum is the tapering at both ends. Wachari Wacharasin noted that the ground plan of the cloisters at Wat Pho is rather similar

Figure 5: Probable layout of the ubosot and cloisters in the First Reign; taphon drum

Siripot Laomanajaroen “Naeo khit nai ka nook baep jittakam fa phanang ubosot Wat Ko Kaeo Sutharam pratimanwithaya kap kan sadaengook choeng chang” [Philosophy in the design of the murals at Wat Ko Kaeo Sutharam: iconography and workmanship], Mueang Boran 33, 1 (Jan-Mar 2007), p. 83. 26 Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), pp. 248. 25

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

14

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

Figure 6. The Jambu Continent in the Khmer-language Traiphum manuscript

Figure 7. Symbols of the Seven Great Places on the Khmerlanguage Traiphum manuscript: Bodhi tree at centre, then clockwise from top left: Amimisa, Ratanacankama, Ratanagara, Ajapalanigrodha, Mucalinda, Rajayatana.

(Figure 5).27 Wachari also suggested that the inner and outer cloisters represent the Great Cities and Upcountry Settlements, and that the four wihan represent the territories beyond the boundaries of the Middle Country in each of the four directions (Changkhala, Setrakannikara, Brahmanakham, and Usirathacha). This might seem exaggerated, but there is a text that supports this interpretation. In the Khmer-language illustrated manuscript of the Traiphum, which most scholars believe was created in the late 18th century CE,28 there is a map of the Jambu Continent which has

Wachari, Wat Phra Chetuphon, pp. 109-12. Fine Arts Department, Samuthaphap traiphum chabap akson tham lanna lae akson khom [Illustrated Traiphum manuscripts, Lanna script version and Khmer version] (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 2004), p. 5. 27 28

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

15

details and place names that suggest it was created in the early Bangkok era (Figure 6). This map is radically different from the maps of the Jambu Continent in other Traiphum manuscripts. Instead of the usual portrayal based on concentric circles, this map resembles an architectural drawing and is uncannily similar to the design of Wat Pho. It could even be called a plan of the wat. The map shows the Jambu Continent at the centre as a rectangular shape with extensions on the four sides that are very similar to the cloisters of Wat Pho, with the same impression of a redented cloister that is found only at this wat. In the space on the map equivalent to the area inside the cloisters at Wat Pho, there are images depicting the Seven Great Places (Figure 7). Three are images of trees which correspond to the Bodhi-Tree Throne at the centre (1), a banyan representing the Ajapalanigrodha site (5), and a milkwood tree representing the Rajayatana site (7). There is also an image of a pavilion representing the Ratanagara site (4), another picture that must mean the Ratanacankama site (3), and a naga in a pond representing the Mucalinda site (6). The Animisa site, where the Buddha gazed unblinking at the bodhi-tree, may be missing because the bodhi-tree represents both this and the Bodhi-Tree Throne. The part of the illustration that corresponds to the cloisters of Wat Pho is divided into rectangles containing names of the Great Cities and Upcountry Settlements. At the upper left corner of the cloisters, there is a picture of a Brahma and a lotus, clearly depicting the Brahma’s descent at the onset of the era to see the prophetic lotus at the Bodhi-Tree Throne in the centre of the Head Land, as described in both versions of the Trailokawinitchai text. This illustration was composed to show the location of the Head Land at the centre of the Jambu Continent. The artist may have been inspired by the plan of Wat Pho to depict the shape of the Jambu Continent and the Head Land in this way. Alternatively, the illustration may have been composed prior to the Bangkok era and been the inspiration for the plan of Wat Pho. One way or the other, this document confirms that the design of Wat Pho represents the Head Land at the centre of the Jambu Continent. The Himavanta Forest In line with the analysis up to this point, the space outside the cloister in Wat Pho must represent the Himavanta Forest, which forms the outermost region of the Jambu Continent. The second version of the Trailokawinitchai describes the Himavanta Forest in great detail.29 There are 84,000 mountain peaks including five important ones called Sudassana (Suthat), Citta (Jitra), Kala, Gandhamadana (Khanthamathon), and Kelasa (Krailat); seven great lakes; many surrounding forests; an outer ring National Archives, Manuscript Section, Traiphum Lokawinitchai Vol. 5, No. 5, Cupboard 107, Bundle 2 on the Jambu Continent and Himavanta Forest. 29

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

16

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

Figure 8: Depiction of animals in the Himavanta Forest in the Khmer-language Traiphum manuscript.

of water; and a final ring of marsh.30 In addition, this text devotes a great deal of space, equivalent to over 100 pages (compared to less than twenty pages on the geography), to a description of the various animals that live in the Himavanta Forest. It seems that the important part of the Himavanta Forest is the animals. This description of the Himavanta animals uses a particular technique. It draws on those jātaka tales in which the Buddha appeared in his past lives in the form of various animals, such as a patterned coel, white coel, monkey, golden pheasant, the four Rachasi lions, and Mayah bird.31 This technique is also used in the depictions of the Himavanta Forest in the illustrated Traiphum manuscripts of the Ayutthaya era, Thonburi era version and Khmer-language version, where various animals are shown with captions explaining that these are Bodhisatta born in the form of animals (Figure 8). These illustrations take up a great deal of space in these manuscripts, in the same way that the description of Himavanta takes up a great deal of space in the Trailokawinitchai. I would thus conjecture that the representation of the Himavanta Forest in the design of Wat Pho would use the same technique as the Trailokawinitchai and the illustrated manuscripts, namely using jātaka tales in which the Bodhisatta took animal form. And, indeed, the First Reign inscription in Wat Pho recorded that the satellite pavilions around the rim of the wat were decorated with the “550 jātaka tales.” Summarised from Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), pp. 107-13. 31 Ibid., pp 120-46. 30

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

17

In addition, the stupas in groups of five on a single base constructed in the four corners of the wat represent the 84,000 mountain peaks in the Himavanta Forest. This symbolism was further emphasised in the Third Reign with the addition of 71 stupas and several khao mo artificial hills circling the cloisters. The painting of the subduing of Lord Jambupati in the ubosot Another feature of the ubosot confirms its symbolism as the Head Land. The First Reign inscription states that the murals inside the ubosot featured the Ten Past Lives, Subduing of Lord Jambupati (Mahachomphu), and Convocation of the Deities. In the practise of the time, the Convocation of Deities would have appeared above the windows on the two long sides, and the Ten Past Lives would most likely have appeared between the windows. The Subduing of Lord Jambupati could have appeared on either or both of the end walls. The illustration of the Lord Jambupati episode from the Buddha’s life story on the end-wall of an ubosot was not common practise in the late Ayutthaya period or First Reign, as the front wall was usually devoted to the Victory Over Mara and the rear wall to the Traiphum, with either the scene of the Buddha ascending to the Tavatimsa Heaven to preach to his mother or the scene of the Buddha descending from Tavatimsa Heaven to the city gate of Sankassa. The illustration of the Lord Jambupati episode in this location in contravention of usual practise is another feature that is only understandable in the context of a project to make Wat Pho a model of the Head Land and the Jambu Continent.32 The episode can be summarised as follows. A king called Jambupati sent a magic arrow to summon other lords in the Jambu Continent to an audience. If any lord refused, the arrow pierced a thread through his ear and dragged him to Jambupati’s throne, with the result that all submitted and Jambupati was dubbed the Lord Emperor. The Buddha studied this case and found that King Jambupati had merit and could become an arahant. He dispatched Indra to fetch King Jambupati. When Jambupati arrived, the Buddha appeared as a great emperor, magnificently arrayed in a splendid palace, overawing Jambupati into submission. The Buddha then delivered a sermon that resulted in Jambupati taking the precepts, entering the monkhood, and eventually becoming an arahant.33 The illustration of this story in the ubosot of Wat Pho conveys the idea of the Buddha as the Lord Emperor who is supreme in the Jambu Continent. This However, there is evidence that the murals in Wat Ratburana in the First Reign included the Subduing of Lord Jambupati, but the location within the wat is unknown. The scene also appeared in the Phutthaisawan Hall of the Front Palace, but only as a small illustration as part of the Buddha’s life story. The only other ubosot where this scene features as a prominent illustration is Wat Nang Nong, Thonburi, but the painting dates from the Third Reign, so the depiction in Wat Pho in this era seems unique. 33 See Rueang Thao Mahachomphu [The story of Lord Jambupati] (Bangkok: Sophon Piphat Thanakon, 1921). 32

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

18

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

symbolism corresponds with the design of Wat Pho as a model of the Jambu Continent, and emphasises the ubosot at the centre representing the Head Land. Illustration of Wat Pho in the First Reign as the Head Land and the Jambu Continent In the Trailokawinitchai and the illustrated Traiphum manuscripts, the Jambu Continent is depicted in a particular form. At the centre is the Head Land with the Bodhi-Tree Throne, surrounded by the Seven Great Places, the Eight Great Places, the Great Cities, Upcountry Settlements, and Himavanta Forest. The design of Wat Pho is a model of the Head Land at the centre of the Jambu Continent. The ubosot is the Head Land. The presiding image represents the Bo-Tree Throne. The Seven Great Places are represented by the wihan on the east-west axis, and the Eight Great Places are represented by the wihan on the north-south axis. The Great Cities and Upcountry Settlements are represented by the cloisters, and the Himavanta Forest by the grouped stupas and the 550 jataka murals in the satellite pavilions. The symbolism of the Head Land and the centre of the Buddhist world Why did King Rama I choose this symbolism for Wat Pho? The cosmology of the Jambu Continent is an old belief that dates back at least to the Sukhothai era. But this belief had never before been used as the framework for an architectural design.34 The explanation for this innovation lies in the society, politics, and culture of the time. The fall of Ayutthaya had delivered a great shock to the Thai ruling class because not only had the capital been physically destroyed, but the administrative system had collapsed and the theories that underpinned the state and social order had been undermined.35 From one angle, the foundation of Bangkok appears to be a restoration of Ayutthaya, but from the angle of state ideology, the new kingdom was based on a new set of ideas that were in no way copied from its predecessor. In the traditional theory of the state in Southeast Asia, the state is a model of the universe according to Hindu-Buddhist belief. The security of the state and the legitimacy of the ruling class depend on their success in explaining their power and the authority of the state in religious terms. They need to harmonise the structure Yet the ubosot of Wat Ko Kaeo Sutharam has murals of the Seven Great Places and Eight Great Places and a presiding Buddha sitting in meditation pose just like Wat Pho. Perhaps it was also intended to represent the Jambu Continent and the Bodhi-Tree Throne. The question deserves further research. 35 Nithi Eoseewong, “200 pi khong kan sueksa prawatisat thai lae thang khang na” [200 years of studying Thai history and the way ahead] in Krung taek Phraya Tak lae prawatisat Thai wa duai prawatisat lae prawatisat niphon [The fall of Ayutthaya, King Taksin and Thai history: On history and historiography] (Bangkok: Matichon, 2002), pp. 6-9. 34

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

19

of the state with the structure of the universe according to religious belief. The use of cosmologically based designs and symbols reflects the belief that the state will be stable and lasting if it is structured to resemble the universe which is the highest form of reality.36 When the universe of Ayutthaya had disappeared, what cosmology was chosen to underpin the Bangkok state founded in its place? It is generally accepted that Bangkok was founded on a theory emphasising Buddhism. Superficially, that seems no different from many traditional states, including Ayutthaya. But King Rama I drew on Buddhism as the frame of reference for state power, state policy, and the legitimisation of kingship to a much greater extent than the kings of Ayutthaya. The Siamese elite of the First Reign explained the reasons for the fall of Ayutthaya principally in terms of Buddhist morality. The royal chronicles revised in this era portray the kings of late Ayutthaya as lacking morality: they gained the throne illegitimately, acted cruelly, were not diligent, had no conscience, and performed bad and obscene deeds. All this had led the country into a kaliyuga, an era of destruction, ending with defeat at the hands of Burma.37 By attributing the collapse of the Ayutthaya state to the moral failure of its kings, the First Reign elite were arguing that the survival of a state depended on the moral strength of its ruling class. Hence the Bangkok kingdom founded to replace Ayutthaya had to adopt Buddhist morality as the theoretical frame of reference for the new state. Of course, the royal chronicles of Ayutthaya constantly mention the various activities undertaken by the king in the support of Buddhism. Yet Buddhism was not the theoretical frame of reference for government in Ayutthaya to anything like the same extent as in the early Bangkok era.38 One historian has even characterised the emphasis on Buddhism in the First Reign as an attempt to create Bangkok ideologically as a “Buddhist state,” evident in the king’s various activities in support of the religion including the Buddhist Council to revise the Tipitaka, the revision and translation of Buddhist texts, the reform of the Sangha, and the first-ever Sangha Law.39 As part of this emphasis on Buddhism as the theory of the state, King Rama I chose to model the king as a Dharmaraja, a king who ruled according to Buddhist teaching, who patronised Buddhism, and who led Robert Heine-Geldern, Conceptions of State and Kingship in Southeast Asia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1956), pp. 1-3. 37 Saichon Satyanurak. Phutthasasana kap thit than kan mueang nai ratchasamai Phrabat Somdet Phraphutthayotfachulalok (pho so 2325–2352) [Buddhism and political trends in the reign of King Rama I, 1782–1807] (Bangkok: Matichon, 2003), pp. 140-3. 38 Nidhi Eoseewong, “The history of Bangkok in the chronicles of Ayutthaya,” in Nidhi, Pen and Sail: Literature and History in Early Bangkok, ed. Chris Baker and Ben Anderson (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2005), p. 326. 39 Vinai Pongsripian, “Kan phrasasana lae kan jat rabiap sangkhom thai tangtae samai phrabat somdet Phraphutthayotfachulalok thueng samai Phrachomklaojaoyuhua” [Religion and social order from the First to Fourth Reigns], in Parithat prawatisat (Bangkok: Rungsaeng, 2001), pp. 84-110. 36

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

20

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

the people to attain contentment under the thamma.40 In terms of architecture, this theoretical stance is consistent with the attempt to make Wat Pho reflect the cosmology of the Head Land. As explained in detail above, the Head Land in Theravada Buddhist belief is the land that appears first in the world, before Mount Meru and the Tavatimsa Heaven; is the last to disappear at the destruction of the world; is the site of the Bodhi-Tree Throne where the Buddha must be seated to attain enlightenment in this world; is the site of the lotus that prophesies how many Buddhas will achieve enlightenment in a new era; and is at the centre of the Middle Country where the Buddha, arahant, disciples, and the wheel-rolling emperor must all be born. As the Head Land is thus closely associated with the birth, survival, and disappearance of Buddhism, it is not surprising that King Rama I chose this symbol to appear in the architecture for at least three reasons. First, this symbol helped to soothe the feelings of people who had just experienced the great disruption of the fall of Ayutthaya and its impact on society and religion. The image of Ayutthaya being burnt to the ground could easily be compared with the era-destroying fire which brings the world to an end in Buddhist belief. Creating Wat Pho as a symbol of the Head Land bore comparison to the rebirth of the world, of the universe, and of Buddhism. Second, designating Wat Pho as the Head Land symbolised that the newly founded Bangkok kingdom had become the centre of the Buddhist world, equivalent to the Jambu Continent, the birthplace of Buddhism, a sacred space where the Buddha will attain enlightenment and where disciples, arahant, and a wheel-turning emperor will be born. Third, when the universe must again be destroyed at the end of the era, Wat Pho will be the last surviving space of Buddhism.41 In sum, King Rama I chose to establish Wat Pho as the Head Land at the centre of the Jambu Continent because it corresponded with his aim to make Buddhism the principal ideology of the state.

The Second Level: Indra and the model of Tavatimsa at Wat Pho For King Rama I’s policy to project the king as a Dharmaraja who governed according to Buddhist principle, no symbol was more appropriate than the god Indra. Saichon, Phutthasasana kap thit than kan mueang, pp. 193-246. This idea of being the last surviving site of Buddhism was not a new idea. The popularity of naming places as Nakhon Chum or Nakhon Phrachum is based on a belief that when Buddhism disappears all the relics enshrined in various stupas will congregate (chumnum) at this place and be finally burnt together. See Sisak Walliphodom, “Khwam mahasajan khong Kamphaeng Phet” [The wonder of Kamphaeng Phet], Mueang Boran 19, 2 (Apr-Jun 1993), p. 33. 40 41

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

21

Indra in the First Reign: meaning and importance In Theravada Buddhism, Indra has a major role as the deity who patronises Buddhism and those who abide by its teachings. This appears in many religious texts.42 In several episodes in the Buddha’s life story, Indra provides support and assistance: he invites the Bodhisatta from the Tusita (Dusit) level of heaven to be born in the human world; he assists the Buddha when he is ordained; he plays a phin lute to warn Buddha to walk on the middle path.43 Besides this role as patron, Indra usually has another role in Buddhism as a warrior chief in the Tavatimsa Heaven who occasionally has to make war against the asura demons. But, in the First Reign, according to contemporary documents (especially the Trailokawinitchai), only his role as a patron of Buddhism is emphasised, and his role as a warrior is scarcely mentioned. For example, in the description of Indra’s war against the asura demons, Indra gains victory not by fighting, but by displaying such toleration and equanimity in the face of the asuras’ crudity that eventually the asura submit to Indra on account of his goodness, and foreswear doing any harm to him in the future.44 This victory won by righteousness, not force, indicates how the qualities of Indra were modified in the First Reign. Many other passages in the Trailokawinitchai show Indra as a Dharmaraja, similar to the ideal that King Rama I tried to follow; he gives sermons on the teachings, protects Buddhism, and supports Buddhism in various ways. This aspect of Indra must have been the major reason why the king chose Indra as a symbol of the state and the monarchy. In addition, one striking aspect of the Trailokawinitchai in both versions is that its description of the structure of the universe, with its centre at Mount Meru, focuses on the Tavatimsa Heaven, followed by the Caturmaharajika (Jatumaharachik) Heaven, the first of the six heavens. Earlier cosmological texts had also focused on these two heavens, but the length and detail of the description in the Trailokawinitchai, especially the second version, is many times more elaborate, occupying almost 100 pages when printed today.45 The Three Seals Law, a collection of law texts assembled in the First Reign, is another document that shows the importance of Indra as a Dharmaraja. It contains a section titled Lak inthaphat, “Principles spoken by Indra,” which states that these moral principles come from the advice and teachings of Indra for guiding judges and judicial officers in deciding legal cases to achieve pure justice.46 In the Three Kuaphan Nakbuppha, “Phra In nai wannakhadi sanskrit pali lae wannakhadi thai” [Indra in Sanskrit, Pali, and Thai literature], MA thesis, Chulalongkorn University, 1977, p. 278. 43 Chilwi Hollingka, “Phra In: botbat nai phutthaprawat” [Indra in the Buddha’s life story], Sinlapa Watthanatham 20, 4 (Dec 1998), pp. 120-2. 44 Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), pp. 1014-22. 45 Ibid., pp. 948-1042. 46 Sasikan Khongsak, “Lak inthaphat,” Warasan Mahawithayalai Sinlapakon 21-23, 3 (2001-2), pp. 114-56. 42

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

22

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

Seals Law, Indra again has a role in religious morality. Another reason why King Rama I compared the king to Indra is bound up with the legitimacy of his ascent to the throne. As is well known, King Rama I had no claim on kingship by birth, according to the prior practise of Ayutthaya. He was a commoner with a modest position in the government at Ayutthaya. At no time in Ayutthaya history had a noble of such a level been able to ascend the throne.47 Hence, the king had to justify his legitimacy and explain it. Indra served as a symbol for this project.

Figure 9. The story of Magha in the scripture hall of Wat Rakhang Kositharam (ASA, 1969)

In Theravada Buddhism, Indra is not a god by sacred birth like other deities. Instead, being Indra is rather like a rotating position.48 In Thailand, the most wellknown explanation of Indra’s unusual status is found in the story of the youth Magha (มฆมาณพ, Makhamanop). The Trailokawinitchai relates that Magha was a villager in Ajonkham (Steadfast Village), and a moral fellow. He decided to do good works by building a rest house for travellers at a crossroads. He gathered his thirty-two friends and their wives to help in the construction. As a result of the merit made, after death Both King Prasat Thong and King Phetracha had commoner backgrounds, but both were senior nobles with considerable reputations and both had legendary backgrounds that claimed royal blood. 48 Kuaphan, “Phra In,” pp. 171-5. 47

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

23

he was reborn as Indra to rule over Tavatimsa, along with his thirty-two friends (Tavatimsa means the heaven of thirty-three gods).49 However, he did not remain Indra forever. When his merit was used up, he had to return and be reborn in the world, and another human with merit took his place as Indra. The significance of Indra is that anyone, whether a mere commoner or a powerful king, who accumulates sufficient merit has an equal claim to become Indra. This is not the same in the case of Siva or Ram, the two deities who were the models of kingship in the Ayutthaya era. The symbolism of Indra helped to explain the legitimacy of King Rama I’s ascent to the throne, namely that he had accumulated sufficient merit and had no need to lay claim to links of blood and lineage.50 In sum, the meanings of Indra acquired major importance in the ideology of the First Reign. King Rama I adopted this ideology because it helped to establish his political legitimacy and claim to the throne, and because it also served as a symbol of his policy to make Buddhist morality and the role of Dharmaraja into the theoretical basis of the early Bangkok state. Indra as a symbol in the architecture of the First Reign There are many sources showing that King Rama I compared himself to Indra. His second coronation was held in the Amarintharaphisek Mahaprasat,51 roughly the “great palace of Indra’s coronation,” meaning that after this coronation the king had the status of the god Indra. His three residences were ornamented to mean they were those of Indra by adorning the frontage with an image of Indra seated on a throne within a palace. Somdet Phra Wannarat of Wat Pho recorded in the Sangitiyavamsa (สังคีติยวงศ์, Sangkhitiyawong) chronicle that the frontage of the Temple of the Emerald Buddha during the First Reign carried an image of Indra on the Eravana (Erawan) elephant. The frontage of the Ho Monthiantham in the same complex was the same. The king donated the residence where he lived while holding the post of Chaophraya Chakri to become the scripture hall in Wat Rakhang Kositharam. Fascinatingly, he commissioned murals on the story of the youth Magha, depicting Magha making merit by building the rest house that resulted in him being reborn as Indra (Figure 9). The symbolism of this mural, along with the donation of Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), pp. 1000-3. Moreover, the royal chronicles revised in the First Reign pay no attention to the legitimacy of succession based on blood. For example, King Phetracha is described as a villager from Suphanburi, showing a precedent for a commoner ascending the throne. Earlier chronicles had attributed Phetracha with some royal blood. Nidhi, “The history of Bangkok,” pp. 315-6. 51 Naruemon Thirawat and Nidhi Eoseewong, eds, Phraratchaphongsawadan krung rattanakosin ratchakan thi 1 chabap Chaophraya Thiphakorawong chabap tua khian [Royal chronicle of the Bangkok First Reign, written version of Chaophraya Thiphakorawong] (Bangkok: Amarin, 1996), pp. 52-61. 49 50

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

24

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

the residence, cannot be interpreted in any other way than the king drawing a comparison between himself and Magha. King Rama I displayed great interest in the story of Magha, Indra, and the Tavatimsa Heaven. Several times, he put questions to the Sangha about Indra within Buddhist belief. For example, he asked whether a person reborn as Indra had the same qualities as the previous incumbent. He also enquired whether at the start of the present era, the Bodhisatta was born as a Great Elect king or as Indra.52 Most importantly, King Rama I changed the name of the capital (after his second coronation) from Krungthep Mahanakhon Bowon Thawarawadi Si Ayutthaya Mahadilokphop Nopharat Ratchathani Buriram Udomniwet Mahasathan53 (named at his first coronation) to Krungthep Mahanakhon Bowon Rattanakosin Mahintharayutthaya Mahadilokphop Nopharat Ratchathani Buriram Udomrachaniwet Mahasathan Amonphiman Awatansathit Sakkhathattiya Wisanukam Prasit.54 “Rattanakosin” means Indra’s jewel. “Sakathattiya Wisanukam Prasit” means that Indra had Visvakarma (Wisanukam, artificer of the gods) build the city. These changes show the focus on Indra. The capital, the centre of the state, was created as the city of Indra, a departure from the Ayutthaya era when the capital was the city of Rama. Modelling the Tavatimsa Heaven in wat of the First Reign In current analyses, the architecture of wat built in the First Reign is usually interpreted as a revival and imitation of late Ayutthaya style. In fact, these wat had some distinctive differences, especially in the ground plan. Most have a wihan or ubosot at the focal centre of the wat, with a surrounding cloister and stupa in the four corners of the cloisters. Among many instances of this design are Wat Saket, Wat Ratburana, Wat Mahathat, Wat Pathumkhongkha, and Wat Dusitharam.55 This design cannot be found in the Ayutthaya era. Some wat in early Ayutthaya (and in the Sukhothai era) had surrounding cloisters, but the central building was surmounted by a prang, unlike the ubosot from the First Reign. In late Ayutthaya, when ubosot were often the centrepiece of the wat, there was no instance with a surrounding cloister. The First Reign style with a central wihan or ubosot and a surrounding cloister has no precedent in the Ayutthaya era. This design is undeniably an attempt to create an architectural model of the universe according to Buddhist theory. But this general description overlooks another difference from Ayutthaya era architecture. Traditional religious See Prachum Phraratchaputcha [Collected royal enquiries], presented to Somdetphra Yanasangwan, abbot of War Bowonniwet on his 60th birthday, 3 October 1973 (Bangkok: Thai Wattanaphanit, 1973), pp. 69-83. 53 Naruemon and Nidhi, eds, Phraratchaphongsawadan krung rattanakosin ratchakan thi 1, p. 7. 54 Ibid., p. 62. 55 This design also influenced wat built in the Second and Third Reigns such as Wat Arun and Wat Suthat. 52

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

25

architecture was also based on Buddhist cosmology,56 but different details can be emphasised within the same framework of belief. In the First Reign, the emphasis was on Indra and the Tavatimsa Heaven. Changing the central building of the wat from a prang in late Ayutthaya to an ubosot in the First Reign was not a minor shift but had cosmological significance. The Ayutthaya prang clearly represents Mount Meru, but the First Reign ubosot does not evoke a mountain in the same way. I suggest that the ubosot and its surrounding cloister in the First Reign wat were not intended as a full model of Mount Meru but only one part of it, the important part, namely Indra’s Tavatimsa Heaven. If the ubosot represents Tavatimsa, other elements of the design may be interpreted as follows. The grouped stupas inside the four corners of the cloister, popular in early Bangkok wat, are the palaces of the lords of the four directions in the Caturmaharajika heaven. The cloister represents the Sattaparibhanda mountains, and the outer wall of the wat is the wall of the universe. However, some more evidence is needed to support the interpretation of the ubosot as Tavatimsa. This evidence can be found in the murals. These follow the standard pattern. On the end-wall opposite the image was the Victory Over Mara episode from the Buddha’s life story; above the windows on the long sides was the Convocation of the Deities; between the windows were scenes from the Buddha’s life story; and behind the image was a cross section of the universe. On this latter wall, Mount Meru was drawn in a way that emphasised the Tavatimsa Heaven through large size and great detail. For instance, the Culamani (Chulamani) stupa and the Parichattaka (Parichat) Tree were clearly depicted. In addition, the heavens above Tavatimsa were not portrayed. By contrast, at some wat where the murals are believed to date from late Ayutthaya, such as Wat Ko Kaeo Suttharam, the upper levels of heaven were portrayed and no special emphasis was placed on Tavatimsa. In addition, murals of the universe from the early Bangkok era always have Indra depicted in a prominent position. For example, the ubosot of Wat Ratburana has various scenes from literary works, always choosing scenes where Indra appears.57 Similarly at Wat Dusitharam, Wat Ratburana, Wat Saket, and Wat Samsen, the murals in the ubosot all feature Indra prominently.58 The wat in the First Reign were models of the universe in Buddhist theory, but with emphasis on the Tavatimsa Heaven and Indra. Wat Pho also followed this pattern. Other studies of the same opinion include Samoechai, Sanyalak and Anuwat Jaroensuphakun, “Ek nai ngan sathapatyakam samai rattanakosin ton ton” [An architectural work of the early Bangkok era], in Sinlapa sathapatyakam thai [Thai art and architecture] (Bangkok: Faculty of Architecture, Silpakorn University, 1993), pp. 37-44. 57 Santi Phakdikham, “Jittakam wannakhadi thai nai phra ubosot wat ratburana” [Murals on Thai literature in the ubosot of Wat Ratburana], Mueang Boran 33, 3 (Jul-Sep 2007), pp. 78-82. 58 Wilairat Yangrot, “Jakkawan kap phra in nai jittakam fa phanang” [The universe and Indra in mural painting], Mueang Boran 22, 4 (Oct-Dec 1996), pp. 81-4. 56

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

26

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

The model of the Tavatimsa Heaven in the design of Wat Pho The architecture, art, and layout of Wat Pho in the First Reign should not be interpreted solely as the Head Land at the centre of the Jambu Continent. The layout and symbolism are more complex than this single meaning. There is another layer of symbolism featuring a model of the universe in Theravada Buddhist theory with special emphasis on the Tavatimsa Heaven, corresponding to the emphasis on Indra explained above. Universe, Mount Meru, and Tavatimsa Heaven in the Trailokawinitchai The cosmology in both versions of the Trailokawinitchai does not differ in general from earlier texts. The world of humans is circular, with Mount Meru at the centre, 84,000 yojana high with Tavatimsa Heaven on the peak. Above Tavatimsa are four more levels of heaven (Yama, Tusita, Nimmanarati, and Paranirmitavasavartin) with palaces of the deities, then sixteen Brahma levels with material factors and four levels without material factors. Below Tavatimsa is the Caturmaharajika Heaven of the deities of the four directions, then the abode of the garuda and naga. The base of Mount Meru rests on Trikuta (Trikut) Mountain, which has a form like three pillars, and the asura live on the ground in the space between the pillars. Further below are various hells. Mount Meru is surrounded by the Sattaparibhanda (seven encircling ranges), with the Sidantara (Sithandon) Ocean between them (Figure 10). Beyond the ranges in each of the four directions are the four great continents, Uttarakuru to the north, Pubbavideha (Bupphawitheha) to the east, Aparagoyana (Amonkhoyan) to the west, and Jambu to the south, which includes the abode of humans, and many smaller territories.59 The second version of the Trailokawinitchai summarises as follows: Anyone who had the power to fly in the sky and look down on the universe and everything else would see the mountains of the universe like the bank of a round lake, Mount Meru surrounded by the Seven Ranges looking like a lotus flower in the centre of the pond, and the four continents looking like four lotus leaves in each of the four directions from the lotus flower.60

The account in the Trailokawinitchai concentrates heavily on the Tavatimsa Heaven followed by the Caturmaharajika Heaven. Both versions of the Summarised from Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), pp. 81-90, 101-3. However, this general description can be found in all cosmological works from Theravada Buddhist tradition. See for example Traiphum Phra Ruang (Bangkok: Khlangwithaya, 1972) and Fine Arts Department, Jakkawan thipani (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1990). 60 Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), p. 103. 59

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

27

Figure 10. Mount Meru surrounded by the Sattaparibhanda mountain ranges and the four great continents, in the Ayutthaya 6 Traiphum manuscript.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

28

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

Trailokawinitchai state that the Tavatimsa Heaven is shaped like a taphon drum,61 the same shape as the Middle Country in the Jambu Continent. Indra presides and is lord over all Mount Meru. He resides in the Vejayanta (Phaichayon) Palace with a crystal throne, the Eravana elephant as his vehicle, the Paricchattaka Tree, Culamani Stupa, and the Sudhamma Hall for holding meetings of the gods. The heaven is surrounded by a golden wall twelve yojana high, then a moat two yojana wide with many beautiful trees and flowers on both banks. Beyond that is a row of pillars made of silver, gold, crystal, and precious stones. Beyond the embankment is a line of sugar palm trees made of gold and crystal with leaves and fruit made of silver and various jewels. This line of trees marks the outermost boundary of the heaven. Beyond them lies the Pokkharani Lake.62 The Caturmaharajika Heaven of the deities of the four directions is on the peak of Mount Yugandhara (Yukhanthon) (the first of the Seven Ranges). Dhatarattha (Tatharat), lord of the khonthan, is in the east, Virulhaka (Wirunhok), lord of the kumphan, in the south, Virupakkha (Wirupak), lord of the yak demons, in the west, and Vessavana (Wesuwan), lord of all the deities which are not under the other three, to the north.63 To defend the Tavatimsa Heaven there are guard divisions of the naga, garuda, kumphan, yak, and lastly the guardians of the four directions.64 This structure of the Tavatimsa Heaven is reflected in various architectural features of Wat Pho. Indra in Tavatimsa at the ubosot of Wat Pho in the First Reign Several earlier studies have argued that there is no clear cosmological symbolism in the design of Wat Pho in the First Reign, but I believe it clearly represents Tavatimsa on Mount Meru. The most important element is the frontage of the ubosot, which I believe had an image of Indra on Erawan. The evidence is found in an engraving in the journal of John Crawfurd who, as a British envoy during the Second Reign, visited several wat and other landmarks in Bangkok including Wat Pho, which at that time was in the form constructed in the First Reign. Crawfurd was very interested in Wat Pho and devoted many pages of his journal to describing its art and architecture. The printed version of the journal also has several engravings that appear to depict Wat Pho, even though the wat is not named. One illustration shows the Si Sanphetdayan stupa in its First Reign form. National Archives, Manuscript Section, Traiphum Lokawinitchai Vol. 4, No. 4, Cupboard 107, Bundle 2 on the Trailokawinitchai borichet 2 describing mountains and countries; and Fine Arts Department, Jakkawan thipani. 62 The second version of the Trailokawinitchai states that the walls around the Tavatimsa Heaven have seven levels, but describes only five of them, with the Pokkharani Lake at the outermost level. See Wannakam samai rattanakosin lem 2 (Traiphum Lokawinitchaikatha), pp. 948-53. 63 Ibid., pp. 915-8. 64 Ibid., pp. 1004-5. 61

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

29

Figure 11. Engraving from John Crawfurd showing the frontage of an ubosot, probably Wat Pho as built in the First Reign

Another shows an ubosot, captioned only as “Siamese Temple” (Figure 11).65 The picture is very detailed and shows good understanding of the proportions and details in Thai architecture (though there are minor errors), especially when compared to the sketches by the French visitors to Ayutthaya, which are so distorted as to be little use for architectural history. The illustration is made from the front. Around the building are sema in a five-peaked stupa form and then a crystal wall. The ubosot is in a style popular in the First Reign, with a terrace at the front, gable roof with a dual level bird-beak roof extending over the front terrace, three doors with a prasat-shaped pinnacle over the central door, and smaller decorative gables over the other two, lotus capitals on the pillars of the porch, and brackets to support the eaves. All of these details are First Reign architectural style. The picture is comparable to the ubosot of many wat of the era including Wat Ratburana and Wat Suwannaram. Clearly, the figure on the gable-end is Indra on Erawan. So what wat was being depicted here? The five-peaked sema suggest that it must have been a very important wat. Today, such sema are found only at the Temple of the Emerald 65

Crawfurd, Journal, p. 104. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

30

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

Buddha. However, other details in the illustration do not match the Temple of the Emerald Buddha, which has prasat-shaped gables over its two flanking doors, three levels of bird-beak roof, not two, and decorations on the wall. Also, the building in the illustration looks less tall than the ubosot in the Temple of the Emerald Buddha. Besides, Crawfurd did not record visiting the Temple of the Emerald Buddha. For these reasons, I think the picture shows the ubosot of Wat Pho. It was a very important wat in the First Reign, at least as important as the Temple of the Emerald Buddha, and thus more likely than any other wat to have the five-peaked sema. In addition, we know Crawfurd visited Wat Pho and made other illustrations there. The picture heads the chapter where Crawfurd’s first topic is his description of Wat Pho. Some may argue that the gable-ends on ubosot of First Reign wat usually featured Vishnu on a Garuda, and hence Wat Pho should have been the same. I would argue that gable-ends of all major buildings in the First Reign featured Indra on Eravana, including the Phra Monthian cluster in the palace, the Ho Monthiantham in the Temple of the Emerald Buddha, and the Amarintharaphisek Throne Hall. Most people assume that the ubosot of the Temple of the Emerald Buddha had Vishnu on Garuda, as at present, but a contemporary document, the Sangitiyavamsa composed by Somdet Phra Wannarat of Wat Pho, states that at first construction the gable-end had Indra on Eravana.66 The popularity of Indra on Eravana in First Reign architecture reflects the importance of Indra in the new ideology of the early Bangkok state, as described above. The ubosot of Wat Pho represented the Tavatimsa Heaven, symbolised by Indra on the frontage. Other symbols of Tavatimsa If the ubosot represents the Tavatimsa Heaven, elements in the surrounding architecture should match other elements in the cosmology. The four stupas at the corners of the cloister represent the Caturmaharajika Heaven, with each stupa representing one of the gods of the four directions. The form of these stupas, as seen today, appeared in the Third Reign when the height was raised by three cubits, but the style and placement did not change. Several studies have identified the two cloisters as the Satthaboriphan Mountains, but I believe they represent the walls around the outside of the Tavatimsa Heaven, which in the Trailokawinitchai have seven levels. Both versions of Trailokawinitchai mention that Tavatimsa is shaped like a taphon drum, and the same shape is suggested by the plan of the cloisters. The Satthaparibhanda Somdet Phra Wannarat Wat Phra Chetuphon, translated by Phraya Priyatithamthada, Sangkhitiyawong phongsawadan rueang sangkhayana phrathamwinai (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1978), pp. 428-430. 66

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

31

Mountains are represented by the grouped stupas in the corners outside the cloister. Here, King Rama III added thirty-one stupas to strengthen this symbolism. The courtyard outside the cloister represents the Sidantara Ocean between the seven ranges. The four continents beyond these ranges are most likely represented by the angled wihan in the four corners of the courtyard, while the satellite pavilions represent the minor territories. The wall of the wat represents the wall of the universe. However, these identifications are based on rather limited evidence and may be faulty. Even so, the importance of Indra to the First Reign and the appearance of Indra on the frontage of the ubosot suggest that the wat was designed as a model of the Tavatimsa Heaven.

The Third Reign renovation: strengthening the symbolism of the Head Land and Tavatimsa Heaven In my opinion, the renovation of Wat Pho in the Third Reign did not modify the design and architecture to introduce any new symbolism, but only clarified and strengthened the existing meanings by adding new artistic and architectural details. The Third Reign renovation in brief By the Third Reign, Wat Pho was thirty years old, and many parts of the fabric were dilapidated. After the king had visited the wat to present kathin robes and had seen the poor condition, he commanded a complete renovation in 1834,67 completed with a great celebration in 1848.68 The changes can be summarised as follows (see Figure 14).69 The old ubosot was totally replaced by the larger building seen today. The base of the presiding image was raised to three levels high, and the number of disciple images was increased from two to ten. Murals were painted with forty-one stories of the leading disciples. The Mahosot Jātaka was illustrated in the space above the windows, and depictions of the Caturmaharajika heaven and other heavens were painted on the beams above the pillars on both sides in the second register on both end-walls. The doors of the ubosot were decorated on the outside with mother-of-pearl Records of the First Reign for C.S 1193, Samnao jaruek phaensila wa duai kan patisangkhon Wat Phra Chetuphon [Copies of the marble inscriptions about the renovation of Wat Pho], no. 31/ ก, bundle 13 of samut thai dam. 68 Chaophraya Thiphakorawong, Phraratchaphongsawadan krung rattanakosin ratchakan thi 3 [Royal Chronicles of the Bangkok Third Reign] (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1995), p. 130. 69 Summarised from Niyada Laosunthorn, ed., “Jotmaihet rueang kan patisangkhon Wat Phra Chetuphon” [Records of the renovation of Wat Pho] in Prachum jaruek Wat Phra Chetuphon [Collected inscriptions of Wat Pho] (Bangkok: monastic chapter of Wat Pho, 2001), pp. 57-70. 67

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

32

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

inlay depicting the Ramakian, and on the inside with images of the ceremonial fans of the ecclesiastical hierarchy of both the city-dwelling and forest-dwelling divisions in the capital and provincial towns. The insides of the windows displayed the seals of the Sangha. The second register in the front and rear terraces had images of naga, garuda, moon, sun, demons, khonthan, kumphan, naksit, withayathon, kinnon, hamsa, various birds, and arahant. An extra rear terrace was added to the north, south, and west wihan to adjust them to the same size as the eastern wihan. Murals of the thirteen Ascetic Practises, Victories (ฎีกาพาหุง), and five Buddha footprints were painted inside. The height of the inner cloister was raised by two cubits, and the beams above the pillars on all four sides were decorated with illustrations of the 374 cities and towns subject to Siam. In the courtyard of the outer cloister, six-level Chinese pagodas were placed, interspersed with sugar palms planted in pots with lotuses. The stupas at the four corners of the cloister were heightened by three cubits. Deity images cast from tin were placed in niches on the four directions, and images of demons holding up the plinth, also cast from tin, were arrayed around the bases. In the courtyard, a row of thirty-one stupas, each three fathoms two cubits tall, was Figure 12. The ubosot today.

placed around the rim of the cloister, interspersed with twenty khao mo artificial hills (Figure 13). Two new stupa were built flanking the Si Sanphetdayan stupa, and a new cloister around all three stupa. Sixteen new satellite pavilions were built around the rim, and the beams between the pillars at both levels were illustrated with the 550 jātaka as before. On the terraces at both ends of these satellite pavilions were placed figures of foreigners, two in each pavilion, for a total of thirty-two images. The Third Reign renovation also expanded the wat to the west, resulting in the ground plan seen today. A new wihan was built with a reclining Buddha, murals based on the Mahavamsa chronicle from Lanka on all four walls, murals on the history of early disciples and patrons of the Buddha between the windows, and a Sri Lanka bodhi tree planted beside. The old scripture hall was demolished and replaced by a crowned mondop to store the Tipitaka, with murals inside about the nine Buddhist Councils that revised the text through history, flanking pavilions on all four Figure 13. A khao mo artificial hill in Wat Pho sides, and a bell tower. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

33

The old teaching hall was demolished and totally rebuilt. On the second register of the western terrace, murals were painted of pret (suffering ghosts) during the miracle of Buddha opening the cosmos. The pond that used to be between the teaching hall and the scripture hall was renovated with a new perimeter, and artificial hills placed both beside and in the pond. A western-style building was built to the east. North of the Tipataka mondop, a Missaka garden was created with various trees and six khao mo artificial hills. The gates in the wall of the wat were demolished and rebuilt in the crowned style seen today. OUTER

INNER

Tipitaka mondop Missaka garden

khao mo hill

row of 31 stupas

Chinese pagoda

satellite pavilions

wihan of reclining Buddha

Figure 14. Reconstruction of the layout in the Third Reign

Expanding the symbolism of Tavatimsa on the peak of Mount Meru Samoechai Phunsuwan offered a clear and powerful interpretation of the symbols of Mount Meru and Tavatimsa in Wat Pho of the Third Reign,70 with which I agree almost completely. The key points can be summarised as follows. In this renovation, more images of kumphan and yak were added to the doors of the terrace around the ubosot, and also depictions of the guardians of the four directions were added on the beams above the pillars inside. These images correspond to a passage in the Trailokawinitchai about the guards of the three levels of the Tavatimsa Heaven being yak, kumphan, and the guardians of the four directions respectively. These additions strengthened the identification of the ubosot with the Tavatimsa Heaven. The symbolism of the area around the ubosot and cloisters as Mount Meru was strengthened by three additions in the Third Reign renovation. First, images 70

Samoechai, Sanyalak, pp. 155-67. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

N

34

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

of the sun and moon were painted on the beams above the pillars on the front terrace, corresponding with Trailokanawitchai’s statement that the sun and moon orbit around Mount Meru in a clockwise direction. Second, the additional sixlevel Chinese shrines in the courtyards between the outer and inner cloister may represent the floating palaces of the gods (อากาสวิมาน, akat wiman) in the six levels of the sensual world arrayed around the central axis of the universe. Third, the sugar palm trees planted in the courtyards between the outer and inner cloisters symbolise the boundary of the Tavatimsa Heaven, following the second version of the Trailokawinitchai which states that the outermost boundary of the Tavatimsa Heaven is a line of sugar palm trees. All additions confirm that the ubosot and cloisters represent the Tavatimsa Heaven on the peak of Mount Meru, as had already been designed in the First Reign. Additions in the western area: strengthening the symbolism of the continents In Samoechai’s interpretation, the many additions to the outer area of the wat to the west represent the Jambu and Lanka Continents. He drew a comparison with the practise during the First Reign of devoting the upper part of the rear wall of an ubosot to murals of Mount Meru, with a prominent role for the Tavatimsa Heaven, and the lower part to illustration of the Jambu and Lanka Continents and the World of Hell (Narok). He suggested that the eastern area of the wat corresponds to the upper part of such murals and the western area of the wat to the lower part. There is a correspondence between the layout of the wat and the location of various elements in the illustrations of the Traiphum in the murals. In short, the eastern area of the wat represents Mount Meru and the Tavatimsa Heaven while the western area represents the Jambu and Lanka Continents. In the western area, the Lanka Continent is clearly represented by the new wihan of the reclining Buddha. The murals are on the theme of the Mahavamsa chronicle from Sri Lanka. A Sri Lanka bodhi tree was planted beside the wihan. The beautiful design of the Buddha’s footprint plays with many symbols meaning Lanka. Everything in this complex symbolises Lanka. The central complex in the western area represents the Jambu Continent, and the symbolism was strengthened by the Third Reign additions of the new stupa flanking the Si Sanphetdayan and the mondop over the Tipataka with murals on the nine Buddhist Councils following the text of the Sangitiyavamsa chronicle. The World of Hell is represented by the Teaching Hall with illustrations of passages from the Tipataka about hell and ghosts on the beams above the pillars on the front and rear terraces. Strengthening the symbolism of the Head Land and Jambu Continent Part of the Third Reign renovation clarified and extended the representation of the Head Land in the Jambu Continent. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

35

The illustrations of the fans of the Monastic Council of both the towndwelling and forest-dwelling orders, both in the city and upcountry towns, and of the various seals of the Sangha on the walls and windows inside the ubosot, clearly convey that the Buddha is supreme in spiritual matters. Similarly, the illustrations of the 374 cities of Siam on the second register of the cloister, and the statues of foreigners of thirty-two languages in the satellite pavilions, convey that the Buddha is supreme in worldly matters. In sum, these depictions convey that the Buddha is dominant in both spiritual and worldly matters throughout the Jambu Continent. King Rama I intended the ubosot of Wat Pho to represent the Head Land, the centre of the Jambu Continent, and symbolise the wheel-rolling emperor, ruler over the Jambu Continent, through murals on the subduing of Lord Jambupati. King Rama III clarified and strengthened this message by using more realistic symbolism, such as depicting the cities and towns subordinate to Siam and the various orders subordinate to the central Sangha. This symbolism projected Wat Pho as the Jambu Continent, the centre of the Buddhist world, and as the political power centre of Siam at the same time. The addition of the thirty-one stupa and twenty khao mo artificial hills in the courtyard outside the cloister made the representation of the Jambu Continent both stronger and more realistic. The expansion of the wat to the west, especially the addition of the wihan with the reclining Buddha to represent the Lanka Continent, may have further significance for the symbolism of the Head Land. In the final folds of the Ayutthaya, Thonburi, and Khmer-language versions of the Traiphum illustrated manuscript, there are “maps of the Buddhist world,”71 always in three parts (Figure 15). The first map shows the geography of the Jambu Continent in Theravada Buddhist theory, including the Bodhi-Tree Throne (Head Land), seven mountain ranges, great cities, upcountry settlements, and Himavanta Forest. This is an imaginary map, with some key incidents of the Buddha’s life inserted. The second map is like an extension of the first one, showing the geography of Suwannaphum (Southeast Asia) including places such as Burma, Lanna, Siam and Cambodia. This map is more realistic than the first and shows locations of actually existing places. The third map shows the Lanka Continent and is similar to the second, being more realistic, and showing locations of actually existing places. The phrase “maps of the Buddhist world” was coined by Michael Wright for the untitled maps that appear after the map of the Three Worlds. I find it a very appropriate phrase and beg to borrow it here. The illustrated manuscripts are: Ayutthaya version, no. 6; Ayutthaya version, no. 8; Thonburi version, no. 10; Thonburi version, no. 10/ก; and the Khmer-language version. See the analysis in Michael Wright, Phaen thi phaen thang nai prawatisat lok lae siam [Maps of places and routes in the history of the world and of Siam] (Bangkok: Matichon, 2005), pp. 33-53. 71

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Indra’s Tavatimsa Heaven

Guardians of the four directions

Boundary and exterior of Tavatimsa Heaven

Sattaparibhanda 7 mountain ranges

The four great continents and minor continents

Wall of the universe

WAT PHO AS A MODEL OF THE UNIVERSE IN THE FIRST REIGN 36

BUDDHIST COSMOLOGY FROM THE THONBURI TRAIPHUM

Indra’s Tavatimsa Heaven

Guardians of the four directions

Boundary and exterior of Tavatimsa Heaven

Sattaparibhanda 7 mountain ranges

The four great continents and minor continents

Naraka Continent

Jambu and Lanka Continents

Wall of the universe

WAT PHO AS A MODEL OF THE UNIVERSE IN THE THIRD REIGN 37

38

Chatri Prakitnonthakan

Figure 15. Three maps of the Buddhist world from the Thonburi 10 Traiphum manuscript

This sequence of maps corresponds to the design of Wat Pho. The eastern area of the wat, like the first map, represents the Jambu Continent, including the Head Land, seven mountain ranges, great cities, upcountry settlements, and Himavanta Forest. The illustrations of places subject to Siam in the cloister and the statues of foreigners in the satellite pavilions correspond to the second of the “maps of the Buddhist world”, showing places in Southeast Asia beyond the Jambu Continent. The western area of the wat, dominated by the symbolism of the Lanka Continent and elements of the Jambu Continent and World of Hell, corresponds to the third and final map in the manuscripts. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Symbolism in the Design of Wat Phra Chetuphon Wimonmangkhalaram

39

Conclusion The fact that Wat Pho was built to represent the Head Land at the centre of Buddhism and the Tavatimsa Heaven of Indra was recorded in sources of the time. Phra Chamni Wohan, a poet of the First Reign, wrote verses in praise of the king that refer to the construction of Wat Pho, as follows: Wat Pho, from a bodhi-tree seed at the time the Buddha confronted Mara a bodhi-tree shelter over the seated Buddha – this is the head! the king, joyful in his faith, supports the Buddhist religion let us build with bricks and quickly finish what remains wihan at all four directions, an ubosot cloisters low and high, with narrow corners if you see the L-shaped wihan, there are scenes by craftsmen halls with rishi bending and flexing their bodies into poses72 see the splendid stupa73 over five fathoms tall as if to challenge the Vejayanta palace in the high heavens at the upper level in the cloisters are drawn the many places where everyone bows in constant subjection monk’s quarters are built to fill up the space wooden houses of great value, all new a hall to chant tales and prayers, so beautiful the king willingly offers all this to inspire others to seek merit74

This excerpt confirms the argument of this essay. The design and symbolism of Wat Pho was complete in the First Reign. The Third Reign renovation only strengthened the symbolism with added detail. The symbolism in the design of Wat Pho has two levels of meaning layered in the same space. First, the wat represents the Head Land at the centre of the Jambu Continent, symbolising the foundation of Bangkok as the centre of the world of Buddhism in the First Reign. Second, the wat is a model of the Tavatimsa Heaven of Lord Indra, the deity adopted to symbolise the new ideology of King Rama I as a Dharmaraja, and Buddhism as the ideology of the state. Meaning the paintings showing therapeutic yoga. Here the original, ปดูปดิเรกเส้น, is unscrambled as สตูป อดิเรก เส็น[ดิ่ง]. 74 Phra Chamni Wohan, Khlong sansoen phrakiat phrabat somdet Phraphutthayotfachulalok [Verses eulogising King Rama I] (Bangkok: Office of Literature and History, Fine Arts Department, 2003), pp. 66-7. 72 73

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm Barend Jan Terwiel1

Abstract—Two manuscripts describing the Buddhist cosmology state that they were made on order of King Taksin in 1776. One of these is kept in Bangkok, one in Berlin. A third has been expertly declared to be a later copy. In Thailand it is believed that “their” document is genuine, while the Museum in Berlin is sure “theirs” is the original. A comparison of the two shows that the Berlin document has a better claim to originality, yet is somewhat flawed. Prince Damrong, who examined it in 1930, reported that he remembered having seen a fourth version, very similar in artistic execution, but with beautiful covers. In his opinion the Berlin document was not the one that had been presented to the king. It is possible that this fourth version, that promises to surpass all known versions in beauty and skill, still exists.

In 1871 Henry Alabaster, interpreter at the British consulate in Bangkok, wrote: The “Traiphoom” is the standard Siamese work on Buddhist cosmogony, &c. It was compiled from presumed classical sources in A.D. 1776, by order of the Siamese King, Phya Tak.2

Alabaster is referring to a new authoritative version of the classical text that King Taksin ordered to be made in 1776. However, there are at present three distinct manuscripts, each beginning with a statement that it was made as a result of that order, and a fourth is described in a letter written by Prince Damrong in 1937 but its present whereabouts are unknown. Two of the extant manuscripts begin with I thank Jürgen Schöpf and Maarten Terwiel for critical comments on the preliminary drafts of this article and Chris Baker, Niyada Lausunthorn, and Roland Platz for helping with a thorough revision. All illustrations from the Berlin Manuscript are © bpk – Bildagentur für Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte, Museum of Asian Art, Berlin. All illustrations from the Thonburi Manuscript are courtesy of the Fine Arts Department, Thailand. 2 Henri Alabaster, The Wheel of the Law. Buddhism Illustrated from Siamese Sources, London: Trübner, 1871, p. 5n. 1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

42

Barend Jan Terwiel

the same preface stating that the same four named scribes and four named artists produced the work, though the variation in interpretation, orthography, and artistic style between the two manuscripts render it impossible that they were the work of the same hands. Which of these manuscripts is “the original”? What are the others—poor copies, forgeries? In this article, I follow the trail of these four manuscripts. I begin with a short description of the genre of Traiphūm manuscripts, follow the story of each of the four, and end with a discussion of the possible relationship between them. This is a study of the production, reproduction, storage, travels, and trafficking of traditional Thai manuscripts.

The genre of Samutphāp Traiphūm The Thai possess an ancient tradition of writing on paper that is made from the fibre of the sā or paper mulberry tree (Broussonetia papyrifera). Long rectangular sheets of this paper are folded up to form traditional Thai concertina folding books (samut thai). In western literature they are sometimes called parabaik or leporellobooks.3 Unlike palm-leaf manuscripts that are cut in long narrow strips and have to be incised, leporello books can be made so wide and so broad that they offer an ideal surface for pictorial displays. The largest books, when opened, may present the viewer with a surface of up to about seventy centimetres wide and up to sixty centimetres from top to bottom, a surface sufficiently large to paint complex scenes. The Thai have developed a rich culture of manuscript painting. Well-known are the illustrated Phra Mālai texts and numerous documents pertaining to astrology and fortune-telling. This article is about a special genre of illustrated samut thai, namely the samutphāp traiphūm or Illustrated Manuscripts of the Three Worlds. They depict and illustrate the cosmos according to the Buddhist tradition. These picture books are highly valued; some of them are truly works of art. The three worlds refer to the World of Sensual Desire (kāmabhūmi), the World with a Remnant of Material Factors (rūpabhūmi), and the World without Material Factors (arūpabhūmi). In the classic Thai texts, the three worlds are described in this order, from low to high. The picture books, however, show the cosmic levels in reverse order.4 They begin at the most exalted level, that of nirvana, then follows Parabaik (pura puik) is the Burmese term for this kind of folding book, and the word leporello derives from the servant Leporello in Mozart’s opera Don Giovanni (Leporello’s list of ladies who had been won over by his master became so long that he had to fold and refold it). 4 This first sequence differs dramatically from the first eight chapters of Lüthai’s classic Traibhūmikathā. While Lüthai’s book begins with the deepest hells and works gradually upwards through all thirty-one realms, samutphāp traiphūm picture books begin in the reverse order. Why 3

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

43

a group of heavens, first the highest formless heavens and later the lesser celestial abodes until it reaches the immense mythical Mount Meru, around which the stars and the planets turn. Meru is surrounded by seven circular mountain ridges, each ridge separated from the other by an immense ocean. In the furthest ocean lie four continents including one, Jambudvīpa, where humans live and where the Buddha was born (see Figure 3 on p. 11 and Figure 10 on p. 27 above). Going further down the vertical sequence, below Meru is Lord Yāma’s palace, the place where the deceased are judged, followed by a number of gruesome hells and a netherworld where the pretas suffer. This sequence often ends with a set of illustrations on the life of Siddhattha Gotama, the most recent Buddha. Most samutphāp traiphūm continue with a second cosmic map showing the chief features of the continent Jambudvīpa. From Mount Meru the map traces its way through the mythological himavānt forest, with fairy-tale-like creatures to the mythical lake Anodatta (usually thought of as situated in the middle of the Indian subcontinent) then follows one of the rivers flowing from the lake through a landscape dotted with the chief cities where the Buddha once preached. This fantasy map covers an immense space as well as collapsing time, so that scenes from popular Jātaka stories can appear next to an image of the historical Buddha fleeing his father’s palace. On this lengthy mythical map the observer follows a river system that eventually leads towards Siam, to places known to the Thai through personal observation, indicated by a set of familiar city names. After passing the Buddha Footprint near Saraburi, and a prominently drawn Ayutthaya the river reaches the open sea. From there the artists lead the viewer along the Malay Peninsula and across to the island of Sri Lanka, dominated by a gigantic Adam’s Peak before the map ends in the sea beyond with more Jātaka stories (see Figure 15 on p. 38 above). Even then the most elaborate samutphāp traiphūm are not finished: on the final six or eight leaves the artists have added another map, showing roughly the coast line from China to Arabia, with Ayuthaya in central position.5

1. The Thonburi Manuscript In the National Library is a manuscript known officially as Samutphāp traiphūm samai Krung Thonburī lek thī 10, called the “Thonburi Manuscript” in this article. Up until now, the Thai scholarly world has accepted that this manuscript is the original document created as the result of King Taksin’s decree of 1776. This is stated in the facsimile publication of the manuscript in 1999 and this is so deserves to be discussed on a separate occasion. 5 See Klaus Wenk, “Zu einer ‘Landkarte’ Sued- und Ostasiens” in: Felicitation Volumes of Southeast-Asian Studies presented to His Highness Prince Dhaninivat Kromamun Bidyalabh Bridhyakorn, Volume 1, Bangkok: Siam Society, 1965, pp. 119-122. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

44

Barend Jan Terwiel

repeated in subsequent publications.6 However, there are certain anomalies and inconsistencies in the Thonburi Manuscript that require explanation, and that I believe question its status as “the original”. I shall first describe the Thonburi Manuscript and its similarities and differences from others in the genre, and then address these anomalies and inconsistencies. The preamble The Thonburi Manuscript has a lengthy introductory statement reporting that on a date that can be calculated as 24 September 1776, King Taksin, after having expounded on the value of books depicting the Buddhist cosmos, ordered Chaophrayā Sīthammathirāt, one of his chief ministers,7 to prepare paper of good quality, to send it to scribes who have the ability write the Three Worlds and to let these scribes execute the task at the office of the Supreme Patriarch. The book is to have bright illustrations throughout and serve as ethical teaching for the future. All the paintings are to be accompanied by short explanations. The Supreme Patriarch is required to check and control the process so that the writing will be in accordance with the Pali narrative. Beneath this account of King Taksin’s instructions are the names of four artists and four scribes who, so we are told, created the work. The artists were Luang Phetchawakam, Nai Nām, Nāi Bunsā and Nāi Rueang, and the scribes who wrote the accompanying texts were Nāi Bunchan, Nāi Chot, Nāi Son and Nāi Thongkham. First anomaly: incomplete In most manuscripts of this genre (including the other two extant texts described later in this article), both sides of the paper are used. However, the reverse side of the Thonburi Manuscript is completely empty. Accordingly, the number of illustrations differs dramatically. The Thonburi Manuscript has 133 pages with text and/or illustrations, while the second and third manuscripts described below have respectively: 125 illustrated pages on front and 137 on the back; and 121 pages inscribed on the front and 110 on the reverse. The Thonburi Manuscript has only the first “vertical sequence” plus scenes from the life of the Buddha, while the other two continue further in the sequence described above (see table below p. 65). The Thonburi Manuscript must thus be regarded as an incomplete samutphāp traiphūm.

Thus Chatri Prakitnonthakan, The Philosophical Constructs of Wat Arun, Bangkok: 2014, pp. 136-137 cites Rungrot Phiromanukul, “Kānsueksā choengwikhro thi mā khong samutphāp traiphūm”, Withayāniphon pratyādutsadī banthit sākhāwichāborānkhadi samai prawatsāt phāk wichāborānkhadi banthit withayālaisinlapakon pii kansueksā, 2552 [2009]. 7 This minister is also mentioned in Phrarātchaphongsāwadān Krungthonburī chabap Phan Chanthanumāt (Choem), Prachum Phongsāwadān, Vol 40, Khurusaphā Ph.S. 2512 [1969], p. 17. 6

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

45

Second anomaly: inconsistent orthography The Thonburi Manuscript is evidently inspired by older texts, such as those published as “Samutphāp Traiphūm chabap Krung Sī’ayutthayā, Lek thī 6” (hereafter: Ayutthaya 6), and “Samutphāp Traiphūm chabap Krung Sī’ayutthayā, Lek thī 8” (hereafter: Ayutthaya 8).8 The “vertical sequence” in particular shows strong resemblance to Ayutthaya 6. The orthography and spelling suggest that the Thonburi Manuscript dates from a period that ranges between the late 18th to the first half of the 19th century. The frequent use of the Khom alphabet for Pali words hints that it dates from early in that range. However, the opening pages differ significantly from the remainder. The beginning of the preamble describing King Taksin’s commissioning of the work is executed rather clumsily (see below). Unlike the rest of the text, the preamble is written without a template, so that the lines do not run straight across the page. Moreover, the scribe apparently noted that he had missed the เ “sara e” in the word เสดจ “sadet” and had to squeeze it in later, a mishap that can hardly be expected from scribes chosen to prepare such an important document.

Preamble in Thonburi manuscript (left) and detail of 2nd line (below)

Samutphāp Traiphūm chabap Krung Sī’ayutthayā–chabap Krung Thonburī, Lem 1, Khanakammakān fāi pramuan ekkasān lae chotmāihet nai khana amnuaikān chat ngān chaloem phrakiet phrabātsomdetphrachaoyuhua, chatphim nueang nai okāt phrarātchaphithī mahāmongkhon chaloem phrachanom phansā 6 rop, 5 thanwākhom 2542 [Illustrated manuscripts of the Three Worlds from Ayutthaya and Thonburi, Part 1, The commission to collect documents and testimonies in the commission directing the honoring of his Majesty the King on the occasion of the celebration of completing six cycles of twelve years on 5 December 1999]. There are other ancient, very beautiful samutphāp traiphūm, such as the famous Phaenthī Traiphūm Aksonlao and Traiphūm phāsā Khamen, both published in 2004, but apparently they did not serve as models for the makers of the Thonburi Manuscript or the Berlin Manuscript. 8

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

46

Barend Jan Terwiel

At first sight, the handwriting appears identical throughout the document, but a close look reveals several differences between the first five pages containing the preamble and the sermon on nirvana on the one hand, and the remainder of the text on the other. In the preamble, the vertical stroke that link the list of four scribes and four painters (where in modern Thai a wonglep pīkkā would be used) is remarkably wobbly. Moreover the stroke lacks any flourish at the top.

Yet on all eleven occasions where the same device is used in the rest of the document, there is a looped flourish at the top end, as in the three examples shown to the left here.

In the preamble, the character ษ so ruesi is formed with the horizontal dash near the top of the riser, as in the three examples on the left.

In the remainder of the Thonburi Manuscript, the horizontal dash is near the middle of the riser. This can be clearly seen by comparison of the word มนุษย manut here from the main text with the same word from the preamble, above it. In the preamble the vowel sara ū is drawn with the descender emerging from the center of the loop, as in the three upper examples to the left here. In the remainder of the manuscript, the descender emerges from the right edge of the loop, as in the three lower examples. The same is true of sara u. Compare the two examples of the word มนุษย manut above. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

47

These differences suggest that the first five pages, containing the preamble and the sermon on nirvana, were written by different hands from the remainder of the text, and probably at a different time, as such orthographic conventions changed over time. Third anomaly: text for the description of nirvana In Ayutthaya 8 and the two extant texts described below, the sermon on nirvana ends at the bottom of the fourth page with the words chop boribūn, or “[it is] perfectly finished.” The following two pages contain an illustration of nirvana with an explanatory text enumerating its physical features: the number of its walls, the gates, the palace, the resting place [presumably for the Buddha], the lake with lotus flowers and bees, various birds, and more. The Thonburi Manuscript also has the illustration of nirvana on the pages following the sermon. However, the text to accompany this illustration is displaced to the previous page. Apparently the scribe ended the sermon on nirvana halfway down the fourth page (a result of the document’s unusually large size), and made the mistake of continuing to inscribe the description that properly belonged on the following page. Perhaps flustered by this error, the scribe omitted two letters from the second word of this overflow, ม “m” instead of มหา “mahā”, a typical copyist’s mistake (see left). Interpretation How can we explain these anomalies? I propose that there was an original manuscript of high quality and some antiquity that had five blank pages at the beginning before opening with the illustration of nirvana. It was common practice to leave blank pages at the beginning of such valuable manuscripts as a measure of protection against wear and tear, and attacks by insects. The first four pages of the third manuscript considered below are also blank. The Ayutthaya 6 manuscript, which may have been the inspiration for this Thonburi Manuscript, also begins with the illustration of nirvana. Why this manuscript was incomplete is unknown. One possibility is that it was under preparation at the time King Taksin commissioned a completely new version. I propose that the first five pages, including the preamble reporting King Taksin’s commission and the names of the craftsmen, were copied onto these blank pages at a later date. The source for this copying was the finished manuscript that the king had commissioned in 1776. The copying was done by someone who intended to imitate the style of writing in the original document but made some small errors of detail. Clearly, this was done in order to produce the appearance that the Thonburi Manuscript was the document that King Taksin had commissioned. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

48

Barend Jan Terwiel

Nirvana in the Thonburi Manuscript (above) and Berlin Manuscript (below). Note the full text in the Berlin Manuscript but only a single overflow line in the Thonburi Manuscript.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

49

There are signs that the person who executed this task began hesitatingly, but soon gained confidence and that he succeeded in creating a convincing semblance of the handwriting of the older part. Since the Thonburi Manuscript is regarded by the Thai authorities as being the original, written in 1776, the substitution has been successful. To understand why this substitution was made, and where the 1776 original now resides, we must follow the trail further.

2. The Copied Manuscript The second manuscript will not detain us long. It was acquired by the National Library in Bangkok in 1900 and given the number Thonburi 10K. The manuscript contains the full sequence of the Traiphum genre, but the execution of the illustrations is of poorer quality than the two other extant manuscripts. The preamble is limited to a single line, stopping in mid-sentence: “Phraphutthasakarāt luanglaeo dai 2319 phra’wasā set sankhayā 4 duean kap 26 wan pacuban na wan 3 +13 11 kham, chunlasakkarāt 1138 pi wok atthasok, Somdet…” In translation: “Already 2319 rainy seasons and four months and 26 days of the Buddha era having elapsed, it being the third day of the week, the thirteenth day of the waxing moon in the eleventh month, Chula-era 1138, the year of the monkey, the eighth year of the decade, His Majesty….” These are almost exactly the opening words of the other two extant versions (the only difference being that in both other extant manuscripts the day is given as the twelfth day of the waxing moon). The name of King Taksin, his command and the names of the craftsmen do not occur; instead the scribe has left an open space. An expert committee has determined that this manuscript is a copy made around the end of the 23rd century, Buddhist Era, which roughly corresponds with the middle of the 19th century CE.9 Possibly it was an attempt to make a copy of the 1776 original, but replicating such a major work of art was beyond the capabilities of the artists. Why such a copy might have been made is another part of the mystery.

3. The Berlin Manuscript In the Museum of Asian Art in Berlin is a samutphāp traiphūm, formerly catalogued as Handschrift IC 27507 and now as II 650. Here it is referred to as the “Berlin Manuscript.” Its existence has been known for some time. In 1965, a special volume of the Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland (Register of Oriental Manuscripts in Germany) was devoted to this 9

Samutphāp Traiphūm chabap Krung Sī’ayutthayā–chabap Krung Thonburī, Lem 2, p. 7. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

50

Barend Jan Terwiel

one manuscript.10 Unlike the various samutphāp traiphūm kept in Bangkok, it has not been published, and hence has not figured in the research and debate over these manuscripts in recent years. Yet a strong claim can be made that this document, rather than the Thonburi Manuscript, is the 1776 original. The preamble has exactly the same wording, relating King Taksin’s commission and the names of the craftsmen, as that found in the Thonburi Manuscript. Unlike that work, however, the Berlin Manuscript has the full sequence of the Traiphūm genre. Moreover, the artists of the Berlin Manuscript have interpreted the various scenes in new ways that depart from the tradition followed by the Ayutthaya-era versions and the Thonburi Manuscript. Perhaps a new king in a new capital wanted to mark a break from the past with a new interpretation of this core text of the Thai Buddhist tradition. Although both the Thonburi and Berlin Manuscripts have the same preamble naming the same eight craftsmen, the difference in handwriting and illustrations between the two documents excludes the possibility that both were made by the same team. The preamble has been copied from one to another. There are several features of the orthography that suggest that the Berlin Manuscript may be the more original work. In the Berlin Manuscript Pāli words are usually written in Thai script, while in the Thonburi Manuscript they are written in Khom. The Berlin Manuscript uses more traditional orthography. For example, phra is written with the consonants “ph” and “r” fused (see left, above), while the Thonburi Manuscript uses the “modern” style (see left, below). In the Berlin Manuscript; thang is sometimes written without maihanākāt but with the final consonant duplicated (see left above), while in the preamble of the Thonburi Manuscript, thang is written in “modern” style (see left below). The numerals in the Berlin Manuscript (see left above) are written in the fashion of the 18th century, while those in the preamble of the Thonburi Manuscript (see left below) take a more modern form, but written in rather spidery and insecure way. Klaus Wenk, Thailändische Miniaturmalereien, nach einer Handschrift der Indischen Kunstabteilung der Staatlichen Museen Berlin (Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Supplementband III), Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1965. This book contains twentyfour illustrations showing details from the manuscript. Three years later a much abbreviated Thai version was published as a paperback, with only five of the original colour plates (Klaus Wenk, Chitrakam Thai Doem, Bangkok: Hunsuan, B.E. 2511 [1968]). 10

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

51

The Berlin Manuscript spells Athasok according to its Sanskrit roots (left, above), but the Thonburi Manuscript misspells the word (left, below). The Berlin Manuscript has the horizontal stroke on so ruesi at low level (as found in 17-18th century orthography), while in the Thonburi Manuscript the stroke is drawn much higher. All these differences suggest that the Berlin Manuscript is more likely to be the original. Most important is the opening sentence mentioning King Taksin. The scribe working in 1776 would write with great care, knowing that the king himself would probably soon inspect the document. Compare this sentence in the Berlin Manuscript (above) and Thonburi Manuscript (below):

The writing in the Berlin Manuscript is even, the scribe is confident, the spelling conforms with late 18th century practice (note the way “phra” is written and the lack of the kalan on “sadet”). As already noted, the same passage in the Thonburi Manuscript is executed somewhat clumsily, and even contains an obvious mistake. If the Berlin Manuscript is indeed the original, how did such a valuable document come to reside in Berlin? The centerpiece of this story is the German adventurer, Adolf Bastian. He was director of the Berlin Museum of Ethnology when it acquired the Traiphum manuscript in 1893-4. Thirty years earlier he had been given access to manuscripts in the royal library of King Mongkut, and had described some pages from a Traiphum manuscript in the book he wrote about his travels to Siam (Reisen in Siam im Jahre 1863, [Travels in Siam in 1863]). Adolf Bastian’s activities in 1862 and 1863 When on 15 November 1862, the thirty-six year old Adolf Bastian crossed the border between Burma and Siam, he was already a man of some renown as an intrepid explorer. He was born on 26 June 1826 in Bremen, the son of a wealthy merchant. After completing his study in medicine, he set out in 1851 on a voyage to explore the world. This first journey lasted eight years and not long after, in 1860, he published three volumes on The History of Mankind from a Psychological

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

52

Barend Jan Terwiel

Perspective, often regarded as the first German major study in ethnology.11 Immediately, he prepared for his second major journey, this time a proper scientific expedition in the countries that later would be subsumed by the term Mainland Southeast Asia. In 1861 he began this research voyage that would last more than four years, of which one full year was spent in Burma, one in Siam, and the rest in Cambodia, Vietnam, Singapore, Japan, and China, before returning home via Siberia. The results of this second period of research were published in six volumes as Die Voelker des Oestlichen Asiens [The Peoples of the Eastern Part of Asia].12 Volume 3 deals exclusively with his time in Siam. The six volumes are basically an account of how Bastian gained access to these various cultures and what he learnt from their literatures. Bastian had decided that he would need a year residing in a capital city, learning sufficiently of the local language to gain the cooperation of the local elite in order to delve into the historical and mythological written sources of the chosen culture. After his year in Burma he reached Bangkok in December 1862 and found a suitable accommodation with John Hassett Chandler13 Immediately, he arranged for an audience with King Mongkut and met with a favourable response regarding his plans to learn more about Buddhism and to study documents in Siamese and Pali.14 If we can trust his account, in later audiences he impressed the Siamese monarch to such a degree that Mongkut decided to address him as nak prāt (learned man).15 As to how he gained access to important documents, we shall let him speak for himself: Of all my acquaintances, one of the most important was that of a nobleman called Phra-Alak (royal scribe), i.e. the librarian in charge of the palace archives. He and his secretaries were installed in a room with a low ceiling that could be reached by climbing a narrow covered stairway, and I availed Der Mensch in der Geschichte, zur Begründung einer Psychologischen Weltanschauung, Band 1 Die Psychologie als Naturwissenschaft, Band 2 Psychologie und Mythologie, Band 3 Politische Psychologie, Leipzig: Otto Wigand, 1860. 12 6 Volumes, Leipzig: Otto Wigand, 1866-1871. 13 John Hassett Chandler arrived in Siam in 1843 as a Baptist missionary. He ran a printing press and, at the time of Bastian’s visit, was no longer preaching the gospel. In 1860 he was acting American Consul, but in 1861, he learned that his appointment had not been confirmed by the Senate. He was involved in business affairs, and served as translator and broker for foreigners who wanted to do business with the Thai government. See Benjamin A. Batson, “American Diplomats in Southeast Asia in the Nineteenth Century”, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 64, Part 2, 1976, p. 56. 14 Adolf Bastian, Reisen in Siam im Jahre 1863 [Travels in Siam in the Year 1863], Die Völker des oestlichen Asien. Studien und Reisen von Dr. Adolf Bastian, Vol. 3, Jena: Hermann Costenoble, 1867, p. 70. 15 Bastian, Reisen in Siam, p. 116. 11

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

53

myself of every opportunity to visit him and chat an hour or so in the atmosphere of antiquarian dust. The book treasures were then taken from their secure repository and laid out on the ground next to us for convenient perusal…. He proved obliging in every way, answered my questions as far as he could solve them himself, and with great liberality allowed me to borrow the books I wanted, in order to translate or make excerpts of them at home.16

As far as I know, Bastian is the only European who, in the mid-19th century, obtained free access to the royal manuscript collection and who was assisted in finding scribes and artists skilled in copying manuscripts.17 What manuscript did Adolf Bastian see in 1863? In his Reisen in Siam im Jahre 1863, Bastian mentions examining a “book Trai-Phum [that] was created in the time of Phaya-Tak in the year PhutthaSakkharat 2319 in Thonburi… under supervision of the Supreme Patriarch,”18 and describes a number of its scenes. After comparing Bastian’s descriptions with the actual manuscript held in Berlin, Klaus Wenk concluded that Bastian had viewed a different manuscript in 1863 as “some of these descriptions were not found in the Berlin samutphāp traiphūm or they were depicted differently.”19 Unfortunately Wenk did not specify which of Bastian’s descriptions did not match with the Berlin manuscript. In order to determine this I will now present an English translation of the whole of Bastian’s report of the samutphāp traiphūm that he saw in 1863. 20 After examining Bastian’s report in detail, we may come to a decision as to what document Bastian had before him. Scene 1 Bastian’s text: The “Way” and the “Fruit” are depicted by priests in yellow or reddish clothes, standing in pairs, first under three beams, then under two, then under one. Then the Priest of the Way carries the fruit on his head, and the Priest of the Fruit has nothing above his head, having reached the highest stage of holiness. Bastian, Reisen in Siam, pp. 86-87. At first I suspected that Bastian had caused the Copied Manuscript to be made and that either wilfully or by accident he had returned the copy to the royal library and carried the original in his luggage to Berlin. This was the topic of a lecture I presented at the Siam Society on Saturday, 25 January 2014 during which I also mentioned the possibility that, thirty years afterwards, Bastian used a donation of Siamese manuscripts in 1894 to “slip” the Berlin copy into the museum’s holdings. Since coming across Bastian’s own account of what really happened (recounted below) my suspicions have been allayed. 18 Wenk, Thailändische Miniaturmalereien, p. 15, citing Adolf Bastian, Reisen in Siam, p. 403. 19 Wenk, Thailändische Miniaturmalereien, p. 15. 20 All of Bastian’s text below are my translations of passages found in Bastian, Reisen in Siam, pp. 404-5. 16 17

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

54

Barend Jan Terwiel

Scene 1, “The Way and the Fruit,” in the Berlin Manuscript

Comment: This scene belongs to the standard opening sequences, depicted directly after nirvana. It is already found in the oldest surviving copies of samutphāp traiphūm (Ayutthaya 6 and Ayutthaya 8). The figures show the eight stages of becoming an arahat: entering the stream; reaping its fruit; entering single rebirth; reaping its fruit;​ entering no more rebirth; reaping its fruit; entering the stage of arahat; and reaping its fruit. Scene 2 Bastian’s text: The five highest Brahma heavens are called Suthāvāt. The regions Vehapphalā and Asaññīsattā form the fourth Jhāna. Comment: Here Bastian’s informant looks at a whole section of the document, opened over four folds. These scenes can be found in all samutphāp traiphūm.

Scene 2, two of the Brahma heavens, in the Berlin Manuscript

Scene 3 Bastian’s text: The terraces of the first Jhāna (Parittāpha and Apparamāna) will lapse and be destroyed by water. Comment: Bastian moves directly to the following two pages, found in all samutphāp traiphūm.

Scene 3, the terraces of the first Jhāna, in the Berlin Manuscript

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

55

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

Scene 4 Bastian’s text: In the lower regions lives the four-handed Brahmana. Comment: The only four-handed Brahmana that could be found in all samutphāp traiphūm is a detail from the Mahānāradakassapa Jātaka drawn in the Berlin Manuscript. The rather clumsy version of the same figure in the Copied Manuscript is depicted with six arms. This is the first indication that Bastian may be looking at the Berlin Manuscript.

Scene 4, a four-handed Brahma, in the Berlin Manuscript

Scene 5 Bastian’s text: Children, who have fulfilled their duties towards their parents, will gain access to the heaven of Indra. Comment: Indra’s heaven (Thai: Dāowadueng), situated above the cosmic Mount Meru, appears in all documents of this genre. Bastian’s text is clearly taken from a commentary written on the manuscript above the depiction of Dāowadueng. The full text says: “bukkhon phū dai khamrop yamkreng bidā māndā, phū thao Scene 5, Indra’s Heaven, in the Berlin Manuscript phū kae nai khantī ot khwāmkrot sia dai phū nan dai koet nai dāwaduengsawak” or: “those who honour and respect parents as well as old people and who have their anger completely eliminated, those people will be born in the Dāwaduengheaven”. This text does not occur in the older samutphāp traiphūm, but can be found in the Thonburi, Berlin, and Copied Manuscripts. Scene 6 Bastian’s text: The Buddha is usually depicted by a lotus flower, one that blooms in front of a seat on the rocks. Comment: This note refers to a scene from the life of the Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Scene 6, the Buddha depicted as a lotus, in the Berlin Manuscript

56

Barend Jan Terwiel

Buddha. In the tenth rainy season after reaching enlightenment, the Buddha spent a retreat in the Parileyya-forest, where he received sustenance from a monkey offering honey and an elephant offering a container of water. This scene is usually depicted with the Buddha graciously accepting these gifts. All three manuscripts (Thonburi, Berlin, and Copied) depict the Buddha in this scene using the symbol of a lotus on a rock, just as Bastian describes it. Scene 7, a hare in the Chariot of the Moon, in the Berlin Manuscript

Scene 7 Bastian’s text: The Chariot of the Moon has a hare riding behind the coachman. Comment: The Berlin Manuscript has two locations where the moon is thus depicted with a hare sitting at the back of the vehicle. The only other samutphāp traiphūm that depicts the moon in connection with a hare is Ayutthaya 6, but there the hare is not behind the charioteer, but drawn on the vehicle’s wheel. Scene 8 Bastian’s text: On the Krailāt mountain Phra Uthumphon sits between two women. Beneath the palace of Phra Narai with his two wives sit three wise men, praying, next to a conical hill, that is the representation of Phra Iswara living within. Comment: Again, Bastian’s description, linking the three wise men with a representation of a conical hill can be matched only with an illustration from the Berlin Manuscript, and not with any of the published samutphāp traiphūm. Scene 8, Phra Uthumphon on Krailat, in the Berlin Manuscript

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

57

Scene 9 Bastian’s text: In the parks of the Himaphān you see the Sithon, who make merry with dancing and singing, as do the Khonthan. Comment: The scenes of mythical beings dancing in the Himaphān are standard in the samutphāp traiphūm genre. However, while the Khonthan or Gandharva are mentioned in the Berlin Manuscript, the name Sithon could not be found in any of the versions. Probably Bastian misheard Scene 9, withayāthon in Himaphān, in the Berlin Manuscript the word withayāthon (here written below the picture), another supernatural being resident in Himaphān. Scene 10 Bastian’s text: In the town of Kālanākharāt (the Black Snake King) all inhabitants are asleep. Comment: This is depicted in the Berlin Manuscript, directly beneath the scene of the Buddha in Parileyya forest (Scene 6 above). The legend refers to an episode, just before Siddhatta Gotama becomes a Buddha. Sujātā presented him with a dish of sweet rice that he eats and then examines, looking for an omen that would indicate his destiny. If the empty bowl floats upstream in the river Nerañjara, it is a sign that he is on the verge of enlightenment. The bowl does indeed float against the current, later sinking down to the realm of Kālanākharāt. This scene is illustrated with the Black Snake King in human form, asleep in his palace, with three ordinary people asleep below him. Sujātā’s bowl is shown floating down to rest on three other bowls, deposited in former times by three previous Buddhas. This scene is found in both the Thonburi Manuscript and Berlin Manuscript, but only the Berlin document depicts the snake-king with a dark skin. Scene 10, the Black Snake King, in the Berlin Manuscript

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

58

Barend Jan Terwiel

Scene 11 Bastian’s text: The deceased are judged deep under Jambudvīpa in Yāmaloka. Comment: The realm of Yāma is found in all samutphāp traiphūm. Scene 12 Bastian’s text: In the Sankhāthell you also see an elephant led to be punished, as well as Yaksas with horses heads. Comment: The Sankhāt Hell is Scene 11, judgement of the deceased, in the Berlin Manuscript reserved for people who, during a previous life, killed animals. Many of them are shown with human bodies, but with the head of the animal they had killed. Both the Thonburi and Berlin Manuscripts have the scene of the elephant-headed man being dragged along, as well as figures with horses’ heads.

Scene 12, the Sankhāt Hell, in the Berlin Manuscript

Scene 13, the Lokanta Hell, in the Berlin Manuscript

Scene 13 Bastian’s text: Heretics (micchāditthi) are punished outside the Chakravāla in the water of the Lokantanarok. Comment: All available samutphāp traiphūm manuscripts in which the Lokanta Hell is depicted simply state its size and relate that the beings there eat each other’s flesh. However, the information that heretics go there is strange, since Micchāditthi should be sent to a separate auxiliary hell, reserved for those holding wrong views.21 This is probably a mistake by Bastian’s informants.

21

Micchāditthi is the sixteenth auxiliary hell. See Frank E. Reynolds and Mani B. Reynolds (tr.), Three Worlds according to King Ruang; A Thai Buddhist Cosmology, Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1982, pp. 79-80. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

59

Scene 14 Bastian’s text: In the Asuraphiphop the kings guard in pairs over the four points of the compass, and Phrommathat-Asun belongs to the Guardians of the North. Comment: This is a standard depiction in Thai samutphāp traiphūm. Scene 15 Bastian’s text: Where the finding of the Buddha Footprint was reported by Hunter Bun to Saraburi is added: “Here are the traces of the footprints of our Lord in manifold circles, gifted with the 105 Glories, as these are written in a Pāli text and coincide with information from Sri Lanka.” Comment: The words Bastian recorded here do not appear in any of the examined samutphāp traiphūm. The story of Hunter Bun finding the Buddha footprint on a mountain near the town of Saraburi was common knowledge in Siam, and is related in detail in the Royal Chronicles.22 Moreover, it is likely that the number 105 is a misreading from Bastian’s original notes, as all learned people in Siam knew that the number of symbols on the footprint is 108. This is an indication that the document Bastian saw in 1863 differs from the three at hand.

Scene 14, a guardian of the four points, in the Berlin Manuscript

Scene 15, the Buddha footprint in Saraburi, in the Berlin Manuscript

Appraisal Although Bastian spoke Thai imperfectly and his knowledge of Indian mythology was superficial, he still managed to record many details of the scenes that were explained to him. While the first few scenes come from the opening section of a samutphāp traiphūm, later scenes are taken from various parts and do not follow the sequence found in the originals. From Bastian’s description of scenes 7 and 8, we can exclude the possibility that he was inspecting the Thonburi Manuscript. Moreover, his descriptions of scenes 1, 7, and 8 strongly suggest that he was viewing the Berlin Manuscript. Richard D. Cushman (transl.), The Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya, Bangkok: Siam Society, 2000, pp. 209-210. 22

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

60

Barend Jan Terwiel

However, his descriptions of scenes 9, 13 and 15 do not match with the Berlin Manuscript. In the case of scenes 9 and 13, the discrepancy could have arisen from a misinterpretation by Bastian’s Thai assistant, or Bastian’s misunderstanding. But the discrepancy in scene 15 is harder to explain. Did Bastian in 1863 see a manuscript that was similar to the Berlin Manuscript, but not quite the same? How did the manuscript arrive in Berlin? Bastian obtained his first academic teaching position in Berlin. In 1868, he obtained his Habilitation, Germany’s highest academic qualification, his license to be a professor. From 1868 to 1873, he was among the founding fathers of the Berlin Museum of Ethnology, becoming the chief of the ethnographic collection. His private collection formed a major part of the first basic collection. In 1871, he became honorary professor for ethnology in Berlin and in 1873, when the first Museum of Ethnology was formally established, he became overall director of the Museum. He remained its director until his death in 1905, thus living to see Adolf Bastian the collection moved in 1886 to its own building on what was then called the Königgratzer Strasse. In 1894, the museum acquired the Berlin Manuscript.23 There are two museum publications that announce the acquisition of the document. The first was an article announcing the arrival of the “famous pictorial portrayal of the Buddhist cosmos”.24 The second is an article by Bastian himself.25 Bastian recollects that in 1862 (more likely this was 1863) he was given access to the Siamese royal library, where he examined, apart from historical documents, also an illustrated work of art that dealt with Buddhist cosmology, from which he copied some paragraphs that were published in his Reisen in Siam im Jahre 1863 (the passages we have examined in some detail above). At that time, he remembers, his request to examine the document in more detail was not granted. Still, Bastian had been impressed to such an extent that later he had repeatedly asked after its whereabouts. For a long time his inquiries met with no success. Apparently the manuscript Between 1894 and 1963 the document was kept in the Ethnology Museum (India section), then it was transferred to the new Museum of Indian Art, which recently was merged with the Museum of East Asian Art to form the Museum of Asian Art. 24 F. W. K. Müller, “Anzeige neu eingegangener siamesische Bücher im Königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde”, Ethnologisches Notizblatt, Heft 2, 1895, pp. 16-18. Dr. Müller was an Assistant (Hilfsarbeiter) in Professor Bastian’s Ethnological Department at the Berlin Ethnological Museum. 25 A. Bastian, “Das siamesische Prachtwerk Trai-Phum (Die ‘Drei-Welt’)”, Ethnologisches Notizblatt, Vol. 2, 1895, pp. 71-75. 23

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

61

could no longer be found in the palace library. It was only in the previous year (1894), that by a stroke of fortune G. E. Gerini, the Director of the Military College in Bangkok,26 had discovered its whereabouts. Bastian then quotes a letter, dated 8 March 1894, in which Gerini announces that soon after receiving Bastian’s question regarding King Taksin’s samutphāp traiphūm, he was able to borrow that famous text. Gerini waxes enthusiastically: … even the King’s library does not possess a copy as beautifully illustrated of the same work, and I am sure, if the King knew of this copy, he would have it at once. Its present owner is a palace lady, descendant from the family of King Phyā Tāk, and as she keeps the book as a family souvenir, would not consent to part with on any account. But I got one of her relatives with whom I am in great intimacy, to induce her to sell it to me as I would, I said, send it to a European Museum to be kept there as an everlasting specimen of Siamese figurative art of years gone by…. As I feel a great interest in not leaving this rare work into the hands of the Siamese (for it is sure to get lost or damaged some day) I have decided to try to get some European Museum to purchase it as soon as possible, because I am afraid that either the owner may change idea or the book may change hands.27

The German Minister Kempermann gave Gerini 125 pounds sterling, so that he could pay 2000 baht for the document. Gerini’s stated motivation that he wished to save this unique document from being lost or damaged is a striking example of cultural imperialism of the late 19th century. Serious and respected scholars felt they had the right, nay, the duty to remove artifacts of “lesser” cultures to have them protected in European museums, for mankind’s future. And indeed, the manuscript that he bought and shipped to Berlin has been very well preserved. Who was the “palace lady, descendant from the family of King Phyā Tāk” who sold the manuscript to Gerini, and how had it passed from the palace library into her possession? King Taksin had presented one of his wives (Chaoying Prang) to the ruler of the semi-independent city of Nakhon Si Thammarat. At that time she was already Gerolamo Emilio Gerini arrived in Bangkok in September 1881 as a lieutenant in charge of training cadets. He learnt to speak Thai fluently and in 1887 became director of the Royal Cadet’s School with the Thai rank of luang and the name Sarassana Balakhand (Sarasat Phonlakhan). He became a well-known authority on things Thai through a wide range of publications, the most important of them dating between 1895 and 1912, all of them testifying to both a deep knowledge of Thai ritual and a genuine respect for Thai culture. Gerini was one of the founders of the Siam Society, and was elected as one of its first vice-presidents. 27 Gerini’s letter (27 pages long) can be found in Akte 24/3.94 in the Archives of the Berlin Ethnological Museum. 26

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

62

Barend Jan Terwiel

two months pregnant by the king. Her son (Noi), who ruled Nakhon Si Thammarat from 1811-1839, is therefore regarded as the founder of the “line of Taksin” which supplied the governors of Nakhon Si Thammarat continuously down to 1901, and are known as the Na Nagara family.28 How the manuscript came into the possession of the family is unknown. At some time around the middle of the 19th century someone in the Na Nagara family must have decided to have a copy made of their heirloom, because it was Chaophrayā Suthammontri (Nū Phrom), the last member of the family to govern Nakhon Si Thammarat, who donated the Copied Manuscript to the National Library in 1900.29 More anomalies But was the manuscript that Gerini helped to convey to Bastian’s museum in Berlin really the 1776 original? In this manuscript too, there are anomalies that raise doubts. In the sermon of nirvana a passage has been blotted out with white paint and a whole line of text inserted between the lines. Between the depiction of the world of the eight guardian generals and that of the judgment by Yāma, a whole page has been blotted out, probably because the scribes or the artists had made a mistake of such gravity that it had to be erased. This gray-black page is an ugly interruption in the long opening sequence. Five pages onward, a sequence of five words is blotted out as well as a substantial part of the following illustration, presumably a painting of some trees that were deemed unsatisfactory. Would the completed original manuscript made for King Taksin, and subsequently kept in the palace library, have had such flaws? Is the Berlin Manuscript perhaps only a preliminary version?

Stuart C. Munro-Hay, Nakhon Sri Thammarat: The Archaeology, History and Legend of a Southern Thai Town, Bangkok: White Lotus, 2001, pp. 174-175. There is a persistent belief in the province that, contrary to what the official chronicles state, in 1782 Taksin was not executed, but escaped to the south, hiding in a cave (Tham Khaokhunphanom, Amphoe Phromsiri). There a veritable King Taksin cult has developed. 29 He lived from 1842 to 1907. Until 1901 he was governor of Nakhon Si Thammarat, a post that his father also had occupied. There is another intriguing bit of information on the connection between the Na Nagara family and King Taksin. In a letter, dated 16 June 1894, after informing Bastian that the manuscript had been handed over to the German Minister Kempermann, Gerini adds “the same party that sold me the book has got another relic of King Phaya Tak and this is a Siamese sword with an ivory scabbard made of a single piece of elephant tusk, magnificently carved. It is the best specimen I know of Siamese carving….” Apparently, the Berlin Museum did not pursue the matter. The question whether the Museum missed out on acquiring another major art treasure remains open. King Taksin is usually depicted together with his sword. This icon is at present reputedly in the hands of the spirit medium Thephanom Muanman. See Irene Stengs, Worshipping the Great Moderniser: The Cult of King Chulalongkorn, Patron Saint of the Thai Middle Class, Singapore: NUS Press, 2009, p. 206. 28

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

63

4. The Lost Manuscript In a letter dated Thursday 18 March 1937,30 Prince Damrong wrote to his halfbrother Narit31 about a visit to the State Library in Berlin where he was shown its famous samutphāp traiphūm.32 In Berlin also, the Germans were very happy to arrange a room for me to inspect the Thai books, as in England, but one day was enough as there were fewer in Berlin than in London....They showed off the Traiphūm, which Chao Piya33 said the Germans bought for 1000 baht,34 acclaiming it as the finest Thai book they had. But I was surprised not to find any book of which where is no copy in Siam. Even this Traiphūm is the royal version from the Thonburi era with the same preface, painting style and handwriting as the Traiphūm manuscript that Khun Thao Worachan presented to Phra Somdet Phraputthachao Luang [King Rama V] when he founded the Buddhist Clerical Library (Ho Phutthasasanasangkha). It was the same in every respect, the same skill found in both documents, but one remarkable difference: the volume acquired by the Germans still has its old paper covers intact, but the volume that Khun Thao Worachan presented has decorated outer covers on both ends. I assume that Khun Thao Worachan’s volume, which seems from the beginning to have had covers inlaid with mother-of-pearl, is the “royal version”, and the volume acquired by the Germans, which was made with paper covers must be the “subsidiary version.”35

Although Damrong’s viewing in Berlin had taken place more than six years before he wrote this letter, and he might have seen the other traiphūm manuscript some thirty years earlier, his statement carries much weight. He was Siam’s leading historian and had a lifetime experience of handling and comparing Siamese manuscripts. He demonstrates his expertise by explaining why he assumed that the Berlin document was not the document that was prepared for King Taksin, but only a lesser version. The major difference between the two documents that came 30

I thank Professor Niyada Laosunthorn for drawing my attention to this letter. Prince Damrong’s half-brother Naritsaranuwatthiwong, King Mongkut’s 62nd child. 32 This visit had taken place on Friday, 25 July 1930. 33 Chao Piya (1863-1929) was the daughter of Prince Ladāwan (Kromamuen Phuminphakdi). Her official name was Phra’ongchao Sāisawalīphirom. 34 In fact, the price was double this; see above. 35 Sāt Somdet, Lāiphrahat Somdet Chaofā Kromphrayā Naritsarānuwatthiwong lae Somdet Kromphrayā Damrongrātchanuphāp Vol. 10 (2475), Bangkok: Munlanithi Kromphrayā Naritsarānuwathiwong-Munlanithi Somdet Kromphrayā Damrongrātchanuphāp, B.E. 2550 [Princely Instructions, Correspondence of Prince Narit and Prince Damrong, Bangkok: The Naritsarānuwatthiwong and Damrongrātchanuphāp Foundations, 2007], p. 312. 31

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

64

Barend Jan Terwiel

to Damrong’s mind when viewing the Berlin manuscript was that its outer leaves were the original simple paper, while the document that he had seen in Bangkok had been finished with properly decorated boards, inlaid with mother-of-pearl. In Bastian’s account of the manuscript he saw in 1863 he noted that the document’s outer cover was decorated with the figure of an angel, named thep phanom.36 The thep phanom is a standard item in Thai decorative art, a goddess depicted with her hands raised palm to palm in adoration. Since the Berlin Manuscript has no decorative cover, it seems likely that Bastian in 1863 did see the precious document that had been prepared for King Taksin, the very treasure that was kept in the royal collection, but that was not the document his museum acquired in 1893. It is clear from Gerini’s letter that he did not realize that the document he acquired was not the same document that Bastian had examined in 1863 and that had since disappeared from the king’s library. Where is the samutphāp traiphūm with mother-of-pearl covers that Prince Damrong remembered so vividly? Damrong tells us that this manuscript had been donated by Khun Thao Worachan to the Buddhist Clerical Library. Thao Worachan is the title held by the most senior lady in the royal household, almost invariably someone of royal blood. During the Fifth Reign Khun Thao Worachan was one of Siam’s mightiest women.37 The Buddhist Clerical Library was the religious library of Wat Benchamabophit, inaugurated in the year B. E. 2445 (the year beginning 15 April 1902). The collection is no longer in the original library building but in the Thammachinaraja Panchabophit Hall within the compound of Wat Benchamabophit. In the catalogue of the library’s holdings today, there is no sign of the 1776 samutphāp traiphūm.

The relationship between the four manuscripts The Berlin Manuscript may well have been the first attempt to create the samutphāp traiphūm that King Taksin had in mind. This first version that the eight skilled craftsmen made was flawed to such an extent, that the decision must have been made to create a more worthy version. This time it passed muster and proper decorative covers were attached before it was presented to the king. This explains why these two versions, if we accept Damrong’s judgement, share the same introduction, the same handwriting, and also same painting style. The rejected Bastian, Reisen in Siam, p. 403. She was born in 1841, daughter of Sombun and Thuai Ngamsombat. She was presented to the court and had borne King Mongkut’s 61st child, Prince Sonabanthit, Kromamuen Phithayalāphruetithādā. In 1883 she had been elevated above all palace women and awarded a sakdinā rank of 3000. See Kāntaengtang Khunnāng Thai nai samai Ratchakān thi 5 [The Promotion of Nobility during the Fifth Reign], Bangkok: Krom Sinlapakon, B.E. 2521 [1978], p. 302. She died in 1939. 36 37

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

65

On the Trail of King Taksin’s Samutphāp Traiphūm

version, still in its paper covers, must somehow have come into the possession of the Na Nagara family. In 1894, Gerini purchased this version from a member of the family, and conveyed it to Bastian in Berlin, both apparently believing that they had acquired the 1776 original, the document Bastian had seen thirty years earlier. Lost Manuscript

Berlin Manuscript ca. 23x51 cm

Thonburi Manuscript ca. 30x52 cm

Copied Manuscript

Size

Unknown

Opening sequence

Presumably the One full page text One full page text One line text as in the sermon on nirvana sermon on open space Berlin manuscript nirvana sermon on nirvana

Topics

Presumably paintings in the style of the Berlin Manuscript and text in the handwriting of the Berlin Manuscript

Vertical sequence Vertical sequence Life of the Buddha Map of Jambudvīpa Map of seashore

Vertical sequence Life of the Buddha Map of Jambudvīpa Map of seashore Extra Jātakas

Front text pages

Unknown

121

133

125

Reverse text pages

Unknown

110

None

137

Mainly inspired by

Presumably as in the Berlin Manuscript

Ayutthaya 6 and 8 Ayutthaya 6

The original or the Berlin manuscript

Way of writing Pāli

Presumably as in the Berlin Manuscript

Pāli mainly in Thai script

Pāli mainly in Thai script

Pāli mainly in Khom script

ca. 23x52 cm

The Copied Manuscript was made at some point in the mid-19th century by the Na Nagara family, presumably using the Berlin Manuscript as the model. In 1900, the family donated this to the Bangkok National Library. The Thonburi Manuscript may also be a document of the late 18th or early 19th century, originally created with its first five pages blank, like many other documents of this genre. Subsequently these five pages were filled with text copied from one of the original documents made for King Taksin. This forgery must have been executed in order to pass this document off as the original, though the circumstances are unknown. This plan succeeded, since the Thonburi Manuscript has been wrongly acclaimed as the original version, made for King Taksin. The Lost Manuscript, the complete original made to fulfil King Taksin’s commission, was lodged in the palace library, where it was seen by Bastian in 1863. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

66

Barend Jan Terwiel

The Kulāvaka-Jātaka illustrated in the Berlin Manuscript.The Bodhisatta had four wives. One of them, Suyātā, did not partake in meritorious deeds and was therefore reborn as a crane. The other three wives (Sudhammā, Cittā and Nanda) look at their former companion standing in a lake in the heavenly garden Citladāwan.

At some point after that, the document came into the possession of Thao Worachan, who in 1902 donated this precious document to the library of Wat Benchamabophit. At some point before 1937, Prince Damrong saw the Lost Manuscript. Its current whereabouts are unknown. Here the trail ends, for the time being. It is possible that the real treasure still rests somewhere in Bangkok, in a forgotten chest. Unless it is found, the Berlin Manuscript represents the only example of what the eight renowned artists could achieve in 1776. Wenk’s publications of 1965, 1995 and 1998 that dealt with the Berlin Manuscript contain only a few sample illustrations, sufficient to whet the scholar’s appetite. So that this wonderful document can take its rightful place in the scholarly debate on Buddhist cosmology, there should be a full facsimile publication of the Berlin samutphāp traiphūm, in line with the three splendid Thai facsimile volumes of 1999 and 2004.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

­ he Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal T Palace: Prapañca’s 1365 Description Projected onto Satellite Imagery Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag and Peter Carey in collaboration with Djoko Umbaran1

‘As with all archaeological site detection from space, features must be detected on the ground before any claims can be made.’ Sarah Parcak (2009: 119)

Introduction Succeeding his father in the Buddhist office of the Kingdom of Majapahit in East Java, Prapañca probably served for a brief period as the minister of Buddhist religious affairs when he accompanied King Hayam Wuruk (reigned 1350-89) during his royal journey through East Java in September-October 1359. Although he had long since started composing his text Deśawarṇana (literally, ‘The Depiction of Districts’), it was not until Tuesday, 30 September 1365, when Prapañca took his iron stylus and scratched the final words in palm leaves of what we now consider to be the most important historiographical text of medieval Java. Among the Balinese who preserved the text, Prapañca’s historiography is also known under its Javano-Sanskrit title Nāgarakṛtāgama which freely translates as ‘The Precept of Past Statecraft’. In his text, Prapañca includes a detailed description of the layout of the royal palace and the court town of Majapahit. Over the past six years, we have published several articles focussing on the archaeological discoveries of a number of authorities on Majapahit-Trowulan archaeology. During this time, we have been able to make a careful evaluation of the available sources assisted by appropriate onsite observations and GIS (Geographic The authors would like to thank Dr. Philippe Peycam of the International Institute for Asian Studies in Leiden for its sponsorship of the procurement of the satellite image, Mr. T. Richard Blurton (British Museum), Professor John Miksic (National University of Singapore), Professor Aris Poniman (Badan Informasi Geospasial), Dr. Stuart Robson, Dr. Roy Jordaan, Bp. Rachmat Basuki of the PEMDA in Mojokĕrto, Drs. Aris Soviyani of the Trowulan Museum, Ir. Adriaan L.J. van den Eelaart, Erik Willems, Mr. Cornelis P. Briët, Dr. Werner Kraus (University of Passau), Ms. Caroline Lemei, Dr. Gernot Obersteiner (Landesarchiv of Steiermark, Graz), Ms. Birgit Winter (Standesamt, Knittelfeld), Drs. Pieter-Jan Klapwijk (Linschoten Vereeniging), and Jordy Theiller (Tokyo).

1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

68

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

Information Systems) techniques (cf. Subagio and Poniman 2010). One of our principal research aims has been the layout of the Majapahit royal palace. In this article, we will present a mapping of the Majapahit royal palace in accordance with Prapañca’s Nāgarakṛtāgama 8-11 account. On the basis of existing archaeological data, we will show that the site of the 14th-century royal palace can be identified in the Kĕḍaton area of the East Javanese town of Trowulan. The core of this article is a detailed description of the palace layout based on Stutterheim’s 1948 translation of Prapañca’s account. This description in turn has been plotted against onsite cartographic identifications and then projected onto high-resolution satellite imagery. We will commence with the archaeological identification of the site of the Majapahit royal palace, as the last remains of its walls have vanished brick by brick over the past century.

The archaeological identification of the Majapahit royal palace In his article on archaeological epistemology, philosopher of science, Peter Kosso, refers to the prevailing rule of thumb is this field: “Given the evidence available and the standards of comparing justification, the standard model is the responsible choice” (Kosso 2006: 21). During the century-long search for the Majapahit royal palace, Kosso’s ‘standard model’ dominated research methodologies, but not always in a very responsible manner. All too often, vital archaeological evidence appears to have been discarded, withheld or intentionally obfuscated. We will argue that the archaeological identification of the Majapahit royal palace site is, in fact, very much more straightforward than hitherto believed. In the early 1830s, Trowulan villagers guided the Dutch Resident of Surabaya, Hendrik J. Domis (1781-1842, in office 1831-4), to the spot of the vanished Majapahit kraton (‘royal palace’). From the site details and directions given in Domis’ travelogue (cf. 1834: 90), it is clear that local tradition situated the Majapahit royal palace in the hamlet of Kĕḍaton (Figure 1). Indeed, ever since 1890, when the Dutch mining engineer Rogier D.M. Verbeek (18451926) published the 1815 notes of the Javanese-Dutch army engineer Captain Johannes W.B. Wardenaar (1785-1869), archaeologists have actually known that oral traditions locate the site of the vanished Majapahit royal palace in Kĕḍaton, literally ‘Royal Palace’ (Verbeek 1890: 5). In a series of articles between 1908 and 1914 – subsequently republished in his 1917-18 collected works and in a separate monograph in 1919, Hendrik Kern (1833-1917), the famous Leiden scholar of Sanskrit and Old Javanese studies, published a critical edition of the Nāgarakṛtāgama with a Dutch translation. Since then, the reconstruction of the layout of the Majapahit royal palace and court town on the basis of Prapañca’s description has dominated Majapahit-Trowulan archaeology. However, in 1978, after more than a half century of intensive research, the last Dutch Head of the Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

69

Archaeological Service (Oudheidkundige Dienst), August J. Bernet Kempers (1906-92, in office 1947-53), reviewed progress to date and came to a startling conclusion: One simply, as it were, has to traverse the terrain with his [Prapañca’s] text in hand to be able to determine what was situated where. [But] nothing that is left on site actually corresponds with the man’s [Prapañca’s] description. So all of the [Trowulan] remains apparently date from later periods or were situated outside the described city quarters.1

In his explanatory comments on Kern’s work (1919: 254), art historian and former Head of the Archaeological Service, Nicolaas J. Krom (1883-1945, in office 1913-15/16), was the first to publish a reconstructive schematic plan of Prapañca’s description of the Majapahit royal palace. Krom clearly had the Kĕḍaton landscape in mind when he drafted his 1919 reconstructive plan, but his rather ambiguous statements regarding the siting contributed to the confusion amongst archaeologists, as Bernet Kempers subsequently concluded in 1978 (cf. Krom 1923, 2: 188; Kern 1919: 254).2 Another reason for the disordered state of Majapahit-Trowulan archaeology is that the map, to which Wardenaar’s notes refer, was considered lost for almost two centuries. It was only in March 2008, that the present authors traced the Captain-Engineer’s original 1815 Plan of Majapahit in the British Museum (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2012a).3 However, in the Kĕḍaton hamlet, Wardenaar’s 1815 plan only shows twenty-six bamboo houses including a brick-lined earthwork at a place called Siti Inggil (Figure 1, N). This rediscovery prompted our initial research question: was Kĕḍaton indeed the site of the 14th-century Majapahit royal palace? In order to answer this, we will start with a brief review of the previous ninety years of archaeological research on the Kĕḍaton area. In 1924, the regent (bupati) of Mojokĕrto in East Java, R.A.A. Kromodjojo Translation of Bernet Kempers’ Dutch (1978: 20-1): ‘Men behoeft, zou men zo zeggen, met zijn tekst in de hand het terrein maar te doorwandelen om te bepalen wàt wáár lag. In werkelijkheid klopt nu praktisch niets meer van wat er nog staat met ‘s mans beschrijving. Blijkbaar was dat allemaal uit later tijd òf lag het buiten de daarin beschreven stadsgedeelten.’ 2 As with Stutterheim’s July 1941 mapping (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008a; 2008b), Krom’s siting of the watchtower’s ‘dome’ (no. 1, Dutch koepel, Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.2a: panggung) and the open pavilion (no. 13, Nāgarakṛtāgama 9.4d, 11.1a: witāna) in his 1919 reconstructive plan (Kern 1919: 254), correspond respectively to the Panggung Islamic shrine and Siti Inggil earthwork at Kĕḍaton (Kern 1919: 40, 44, 46-7, 253-4; cf. Krom 1920, 2: 111). 3 After the British Museum sent us a new and higher resolution scan of Wardenaar’s Plan of Majapahit in March 2012, we had to revise our previous statements (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2012a: 179-180). We now conclude that the 1815 plan, including the accompanying drawings in the British Museum, are Wardenaar’s originals and not copies, and that he drew his 1815 plan in a scale of 1 Rhineland inch to 75 Rhineland rods/900 Rhineland feet (1: 10,800). 1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

70

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

Adinĕgoro (in office 1894-1916), began a collaboration with the Dutch architect Henri Maclaine Pont (1884-1971), who had then just moved to Trowulan. This resulted in their 1924 Map of the Majapahit Terrain. In the Kĕḍaton area, this map shows brick remains and three double rows of stone pediments which probably supported the bamboo or wooden posts of open pavilions (Figure 2). Two years later, Maclaine Pont published a further plan of the archaeological remains and brick structures of the Trowulan area. His 1926 Map of Majapahit Archaeological Remains remains a major source to this day (Figure 3). Although his 1926 map convincingly indicates the largest density of mapped brick remains and brick walls in the Kĕḍaton hamlet (Figure 3), and he clearly envisages Krom’s 1919 schematic plan in this archaeological landscape, Maclaine Pont (1925: 42-5, 162-3) stubbornly opposed the Kĕḍaton siting of the 14th-century royal palace (Stutterheim 1948: 5 n. 14).4 In his memoirs, written some forty years later, he recollected that the Dutch archaeologist, Pieter V. van Stein Callenfels (18831938), had steadfastly supported the Kĕḍaton siting, clearly inspired by his close friend Krom’s 1919 schematic plan based on Prapañca’s description (Maclaine Pont 1968-9, 3: 47; cf. Krom 1923, 2: 188). Indeed, during his May 1928-August 1929 temporary headship of the Archaeological Service, Van Stein Callenfels used his new-found authority to commission the Austrian architectural engineer, Bruno Nobile de Vistarini (1891-1971) (Figure 18), to undertake a series of excavations over a large area in the Kĕḍaton hamlet (Borghart 1929: 13; Bosch 1930: 133; Maclaine Pont and Vistarini 1930: 153). Referring to his own 1926 mapping, Maclaine Pont also recalled these Kĕḍaton excavations: Vistarini was instructed [by Van Stein Callenfels] to unearth entirely all walls marked in this part of the map [Figure 3].5

Between May and August 1929, Maclaine Pont and Vistarini (1930: 155) traced some 250 metres of east-west running walls on the eastern side of the Islamic shrine called Panggung (Figure 4). Since Maclaine Pont was on furlough in the Netherlands between 11 September 1929 and 7 September 1930, the Kĕḍaton The following quotation from one of Maclaine Pont’s articles summarises the Dutch architect’s archaeological approach: ‘… het centrum van Madjapahit’s kraton: de Menak Djinggo ruïne, die hoewel nog niet onderzocht...’ [‘the centre of the Majapahit kraton: the ruins of Menak Jinggo, which although not yet investigated...’] (Maclaine Pont 1927b: 173). So, without even attempting to investigate the Menak Jinggo remains in Trowulan, Maclaine Pont had already jumped to the conclusion that it was the site of the Majapahit royal palace and the centre of the court town, a vivid illustration of the Delft-trained architect’s penchant for pseudoarchaeological methodology (cf. Fagan 2006: 28-9). 5 Authors’ translation of Maclaine Pont’s original Dutch text (1968-70, 2: iv): “…Vistarini, kreeg de opdracht in een deel van dit stadsplan alle ingeschetste muurwerken van het plan geheel bloot te leggen...” 4

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

71

excavations fortuitously proceeded under the sole supervision of the Austrian architectural engineer.6 In January-September 1930, Vistarini’s team systematically traced and partially uncovered masonry walls over an 800-metre stretch, measuring a robust 2.0-2.25 metres across. They also excavated a subterranean brick-walled drain along the inner palace walls, an oblong pond measuring eighty to 100 metres by forty to fifty metres, walled and floored with bricks (Figures 4 and 8). For the first time in the history of Trowulan archaeology, someone had excavated the spot of the traditional siting of the Majapahit royal palace in the Kĕḍaton hamlet and produced tangible archaeological evidence, namely brick walls. In his first publication on the subject in 1932, the Dutch archaeologist, Willem F. Stutterheim (1892-1942), refers to Ma Huan’s account of Chinese naval expeditions in 1405-33, The Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores (1451). According to Ma Huan, all four major towns of early 15th-century Java – Tuban, Grĕsik, Surabaya, and Majapahit – “have no city walls” (Stutterheim 1932: 107, original italics maintained). Although he does not refer to the Austrian architectural engineer’s 1931 report, Stutterheim actually advanced an important re-interpretation of Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan (Figure 4). Nine years later, when serving as Head of the Archaeological Service (1936/7-42), he would return to this re-interpretation. The timing could hardly have been more dramatic. As war loomed over the Indies, the chief archaeologist decided to revive Majapahit archaeology. In July 1941, he finished his monograph on Prapañca’s description, which was posthumously published in 1948 (Stutterheim 1948: 118). However, he deliberately obfuscated the Kĕḍaton ground truth in his reconstructive mapping of the 14th-century Majapahit royal palace (Stutterheim 1948: 124-5 Map III). Using GIS software, we were able to prove beyond a shadow of doubt that Stutterheim used Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan (Figure 4) and subsequently plotted Prapañca’s description onto the 1941 topographic map (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008b: 414-7 Figs. 1-4). Stutterheim (1948: 5 n. 14, 118) evidently situated Krom’s 1919 6

Kees Briët and Werner Kraus kindly assisted us with genealogical research on the family of Bruno Nobile de Vistarini (Figure 18). Born into an Austrian noble family of north Italian descent in Leitersberg (present-day Košaki in Slovenia) on 8 April 1891, Vistarini became fascinated by Heinrich Schliemann (1822-90) and his 1871-2 search for the Homeric city of Troy during his school years at the Imperial-Royal State Gymnasium in Marburg an der Drau (present-day Maribor in Slovenia) (Glowacki 1909: 37, 44). After his graduation as an architectural engineer (DiplomIngenieur) at Graz Technical University, he moved to the Netherlands East Indies in c. 1920, establishing his own architecture firm in Surabaya where he made a professional career for himself as an architect-engineer during the interwar years. Interned by the Dutch colonial authorities after the fall of Holland in May 1940, Vistarini was eventually deported to India, probably in January 1942. In 1947, after returning to Austria at the end of the war, he became city architect (Oberbaurat) of the heavily war-damaged town of Knittelfeld in Steiermark which he was tasked with rebuilding. He remained fascinated by archaeology for the rest of his life. Passing away in Knittelfeld on 8 December 1971, he bequeathed his books on Egyptian archaeology to his wife’s granddaughter, Caroline Lemei. (Personal communications, 11-12 March 2014.) Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

72

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

schematic plan (Kern 1919: 254) in the Kĕḍaton archaeological landscape in July 1941 (cf. Krom 1923, 2: 188). In that month, he commissioned the pre‑historian, Wim J.A. Willems (1898-1964), to excavate the Siti Inggil earthwork situated at the very centre of the traditional Kĕḍaton siting of the Majapahit royal palace (Figure 1 N). Willems proceeded with his excavations from July to December 1941. Eight years later, Bernet Kempers published a summary of these excavations based on the inspection report of the Archaeological Service’s architectural engineer, Vincent R. van Romondt (1903-74, in office 1931-53), and the pottery analysis of the ceramics expert, Egbert W. van Orsoy de Flines (1886-1964), who dated the majority of the pottery sherds found during the Siti Inggil excavations to the 14th and 15th centuries (Bernet Kempers 1949: 45). Since Willems excavated only fifty metres to the south-east of the site of Vistarini’s 1930 diggings, Van Orsoy de Flines’ ceramics analysis provides a dating for the excavated walls. Separately, Willems’ son, Erik, made some thirty of his father’s 1941 Kĕḍaton excavation photographs available to us. Amongst this unique photographic record, there are images of two double rows of large brick blocks, measuring some eight metres by eleven metres and eight metres by twenty metres respectively, and probably representing the foundations for robust wooden superstructures (Figures 10-12). In the early 1980s, the Indonesians revived Majapahit archaeology, both at a local level in Trowulan and by assembling a large multi-disciplinary and cross-departmental team at the national level. Using Prapañca’s Old Javanese Nāgarakṛtāgama text (8.2b), the leading archaeologist and head of the Indonesian Archaeological Service at Trowulan (Dinas Purbakala), Abu Sidik Wibowo (193685), authoritatively linked Krom’s references to the Majapahit royal palace to the Kĕḍaton area in 1980 (Wibowo 1980: 15, 29 n. 2). The following year (1981), Kardono Darmoyuwono (1928-84), an Enschede ITC-trained geomorphologist and remote sensing scientist, headed up a large team of archaeologists and earth scientists. On the basis of Slamet Mulyana’s translation (1979: 276-8; 2006: 341-4) of the Nāgarakṛtāgama 8-10 into Indonesian, he identified the site of the Majapahit royal palace in the Kĕḍaton hamlet (Darmoyuwono et al. 1981: 2-5).7 On site, they identified the 700-metre long brick foundations of the western outer palace walls on the western side of the Kĕḍaton hamlet, marking them in explicit reference to the Nāgarakṛtāgama text (8.1b) on an aerial photograph which the Indonesian National Survey (Bakosurtanal) issued as an archaeological map in 1983 (nos. 6-7; cf. Darmoyuwono et al. 1981: 4).8 In 2008, another Indonesian archaeological Professor Aris Poniman, a member of Darmoyuwono’s scientific team in the early 1980s, informed us that although his team leader consulted archaeologists, Darmoyuwono himself was responsible for the final archaeological identifications on the 1983 Bakosurtanal map. (Personal communication, Cibinong, 8 April 2014.) 8 The 1983 Baksurtanal map also shows the presumed medieval ‘canals’ in the Trowulan landscape which lack scientific basis and the perspective of hydrological engineering (Gomperts, Haag and 7

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

73

team re-initiated the search for the Majapahit royal palace, concentrating their diggings within 30-80 metres of Vistarini’s 1930 excavations (Arifin and Permana 2011). The majority of the Chinese coins and Chinese ceramic sherds unearthed during this last excavation can be dated to the Yuan (1271-1368) and Ming (13681644) periods (Arifin and Permana 2011: 157, 179 Tables 7.3 and 8.2). We have now gathered sufficient archaeological evidence to make a positive identification of the site of the 14th-century royal palace of Majapahit without referring to the Nāgarakṛtāgama. First, the site is called Kĕḍaton which means ‘Royal Palace’ in Javanese (Figure 1). Second, local oral traditions also identify the excavated area as the site of the Majapahit royal palace (Domis 1834: 90; Verbeek 1890: 5). Third, the series of stone dies and brick blocks point to the earlier presence of pillared pavilions with wooden superstructures (Figures 2, 10-12). Fourth, the largest density of brick remains on Maclaine Pont’s 1926 map appears in the Kĕḍaton area (Figure 3). Fifth, Vistarini (1931) excavated substantial walls in Kĕḍaton in 1930 (Figure 4). Sixth, the 1983 Bakosurtanal map (nos. 6-7) identifies the western palace walls, as we would expect, on Kĕḍaton’s western side. Seventh, the locally excavated ceramics and coins date predominantly to the 14th and 15th centuries, precisely Majapahit’s zenith as the royal capital of an extensive empire (Bernet Kempers 1949: 45; Arifin and Permana 2011: 157, 179 Tables 7.3 and 8.2). Eighth, Ma Huan explicitly only refers to the Majapahit ‘palace walls’ in the early 15th century (Mills 1970: 86). Indeed, Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan unambiguously refers to ‘the 14th-century Majapahit palace walls’, instead of Maclaine Pont’s intentionally misleading reference to ‘city walls’ (Dutch, stadsmuur) (Figure 4). In the next section, we will describe our methodological approach as it relates to Prapañca’s account.

Using maps and Google Earth in text-based archaeology Sarah Parcak’s primer (2009) on satellite remote sensing for archaeology describes how satellite imagery has become available to archaeologists at Google Earth without the hurdle of remote sensing physics (Rees 2005). Vanished structures may reveal distinctive spectral signatures on satellite imagery which, however, may not be visible on the ground. When we projected Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan as a semi-transparent overlay onto high-resolution satellite imagery available at Google Earth (cf. Crowder 2007: 131-40), the footprint of Carey 2008b: 421 n. 9). Why later Indonesian archaeologists ignored Wibowo (1980: 15, 29 n. 2) and Darmoyuwono’s (et al. 1981: 4) careful surveying of the Majapahit royal palace site, as exemplified by the 1983 Bakosurtanal map (no. 1), in order to promote the unsustainable ‘canal theory’ as shown on the same map, is beyond the scope of the present article. But the reader will find some answers in N.C. Flemming’s 2006 article ‘The Attraction of Non-Rational Archaeological Hypotheses’ and Colin Renfrew’s introductory comments (2006: xii). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

74

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

the previously excavated, but now vanished, Majapahit palace walls became immediately apparent. Since our aim is to reconstruct the Majapahit royal palace on satellite imagery in combination with GPS positions collected on site and subsequently processed with GIS software (Eastmead 2012), accurate groundtruth georeferencing was essential (Figure 6). However, we need to emphasise that remote sensing can only be applied to a limited extent in Majapahit archaeology because the Trowulan site is covered by up to three‑metre thick layers of mudflow deposits (lahar), a situation confirmed by the onsite research of our assisting soil scientist, Adriaan van den Eelaart, and Sartono and Bandono’s earlier geological analysis (1995) as well as Maclaine Pont’s earlier references (1927a: 102-3, 1056, 111-2) to the work of Dutch engineers B. de Haan and J.M.L. Alberti.9 Since nearly all the remains have now vanished, great care is required to interpret the local terrain. Furthermore, the methodology of landscape archaeology remains virtually terra incognita in current archaeology in Java. Following the dictum (1985) of the landscape historian, William G. Hoskins’ (1908-92), that “The English landscape itself, to those who know how to read it aright, is the richest historical record we possess”, we started looking for topographic clues, however small and insignificant, in the Kĕḍaton landscape. We were assisted in our quest by the available topographic maps and the archaeological mappings of past and extant remains. Wardenaar’s 1815 Plan of Majapahit was our starting point here. As already indicated, it marks twenty-six bamboo houses suggesting a population of some 100-150 souls dwelling in the five-hectare residential area of Kĕḍaton. These people constituted the transmission chain for the oral tradition on which we rely so heavily today. The rest of the area was covered with forest and scrub (Domis 1834: 90). Following the end of the Java War (1825-30) and the annexation of the Central Javanese courts’ last remaining outlying territories (1830-1), the Dutch colonial exploitation of the area began in earnest. Major areas were deforested and converted into sugar cane fields. Layers of top soil were removed to depths of one to seven metres and used for the on-site baking of commercial bricks. However, the first Dutch ordnance map of 1879 shows that the site of the royal palace was still untouched in the 1870s. In fact, the 1879 map only depicts six bamboo houses in the Kĕḍaton hamlet suggesting that the majority of the original inhabitants had moved away since Wardenaar’s original 1815 mapping. Subsequent ordnance and topographic maps from 1892, 1915, 1925 and 1941, reveal how the Kĕḍaton hamlet underwent rapid change, as small plots were cadastrally redistributed to accommodate the influx of Javanese settlers seeking employment in the local sugar industry. As soils with lahar deposits were stripped off in massive layers, each map showed different The soil scientist Adriaan van den Eelaart, who was responsible for several lahar mappings in Bali, kindly performed extensive soil surveys for us at the Majapahit-Trowulan site on 14-16 June 2009, 30 July-3 August 2009 and 25-27 March 2010. 9

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

75

stages in the process of land clearance. Details of the early medieval landscape now began to emerge. Most salient here were alignments. In his 1926 Plan of the Majapahit Remains, Maclaine Pont was the first to include an easterly declination of 10°-11°. All structures in the vanished royal city of Majapahit in Trowulan indeed deviate from the four cardinal directions by about 10°-11° east. This is apparent from the alignments of remains as well as from terrain features marked on topographic maps, aerial photographs and satellite images, such as roads, paths, ditches, enclosures, and fields. Toponymy has always been a potent tool in landscape archaeology. In this regard, a paper by a leading Netherlands East Indies topographer and later Director of the Colonial Topographic Service, Colonel Lambertus F. van Gent (1876-1961, in office 1922-6), offers a useful perspective on Javanese place-name etymology (Van Gent 1916). Van Gent emphasises the importance of oral traditions in the context of Java’s historical topography. Inspired by his lead, we will show in the course of our analysis how a few locally known toponyms are key to the archaeological mapping of the descriptions in Prapañca’s 14th-century panegyric. Stutterheim’s expert translation and interpretation of Prapañca’s description of the royal palace offers the best starting point for further research. Since Stutterheim’s posthumously published 1948 monograph is only accessible in Dutch, we will provide a critical review of the Dutch archaeologist’s textual interpretation of Prapañca’s Old Javanese description of the Majapahit royal palace here.10 We also include a few other Sanskrit and Old Javanese texts not mentioned by Stutterheim. For example, the circa 6th-century Mānasāra and the circa 10th-century Mayamata are both familiar Sanskrit texts on Indian architecture, town planning and iconography. In 1899, Groningen-born Sanskritist Jan K. de Cock (1867-1941), obtained a cum laude award for his carefully reasoned doctoral thesis on descriptions of early Indian cities appearing in the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa epics, which was also based on Kālidāsa’s dramas Mālavikāgnimitra, Śakuntalā and Vikramorvaśī (5th century), Śūdraka’s play Mṛcchakaṭikā (circa 6th century), and Kalhaṇa’s Rājataraṅgiṇī historiography (circa 1150) under the supervision of the Sanskrit professor C.C. Uhlenbeck (1866-1951) at the University of Amsterdam. To this day, this has remained a curiously unknown work amongst Southeast Asian archaeologists. But this neglect is undeserved: in our view, it provides a rich and highly relevant textual perspective for the architectural landscape of Prapañca’s description. Among Old Javanese poems, the Arjunawijaya (circa 1379) and Sutasoma (circa 1385) add a 10

Since Maclaine Pont (1925: 72) never trained in Indonesian languages and Sanskrit, he failed to understand Prapañca’s Sanskrit-influenced metrical Old Javanese (Stutterheim 1948: 2-3, 5 n. 14, 25 n. 75). The Dutch architect’s 1925 commentary on the Nāgarakṛtāgama and accompanying pseudo-archaeological reconstructions of the city of Majapahit are thus irrelevant in the context of our present work. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

76

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

few crucial details which support the archaeological reconstruction of Prapañca’s description of the Trowulan landscape. The well-known scholar of Old Javanese, Suryo Supomo, convincingly argues that the urban descriptions of Lĕngkā in the Buddhist poet Tantular’s Arjunawijaya spatially refer to 14th-century Majapahit (Supomo 1977, 1: 49-56). The same holds true of Tantular’s other Old Javanese poem, the Sutasoma. However, both Old Javanese texts also show influences from the Sanskrit epics. For example, in his description of the royal city of Lĕngkā in Arjunawijaya 2.8-3.9, Tantular draws his inspiration from the account of the royal city of Laṅkā appearing in the Rāmāyaṇa (cf. Supomo 1977, 1: 97-8; De Cock 1899: 19-20, 23, 25, 36-7, 43, 45, 63-4, 69, 79).11 Finally, the Old Javanese Nawanāṭya, a 14th-century Majapahit text on court etiquette, gives a few significant details regarding the durbar (Pigeaud 1960, 1: 81-6). In the following section, we will look more closely at Prapañca’s description of the royal palace. For the Old Javanese text of the Nāgarakṛtāgama, we refer to Pigeaud’s transcription (1960, 1: 3-75).

The royal palace (pura) All versions of Ma Huan’s 1451 account consistently relate that the Majapahit palace walls were either three zhang or thirty Chinese feet (chi) high, both numbers converting into a height of some ten metres (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008b: 418 n.6; cf. Stutterheim 1948: 8; Mills 1970: xv, 87). From all available archaeological evidence, the outer palace walls formed an oblong footprint on the ground as marked by Darmoyuwono (1981: 2-5) on the 1983 Bakosurtanal map (no. 1). Maclaine Pont’s 1926 plan shows the tracks of the northern, western and a few northern parts of the eastern outer palace walls in the Kĕḍaton area (Figure 3) whereas the 1983 Bakosurtanal aerial photograph (no. 7) provides a more precise mapping of the location of the western outer palace walls. In 1929, Maclaine Pont and Vistarini (1930: 155) traced some 250 metres of east-west running walls on the eastern side of the Panggung shrine (Figure 4), which Stutterheim rightly identified as the northern outer palace walls (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008b: 417 Fig. 4). On site in December 2006-January 2007, we saw a few isolated collections of bricks along the track of the western outer palace walls. But by December 2008, when we again fieldwalked the site, they had all disappeared. Indeed, all the northern outer palace walls have now vanished. The farmer, who owned the agricultural plot, showed us a spot where the foundations of south-to-north and 11

Note that the court cities of Ayutthaya (founded in 1351) and Ngayogyakarta (Yogyakarta, founded in 1755) were named after Rāma’s court capital of Ayodhyā on the Sarayū river in the Rāmāyaṇa. Appropriately, there is a larger river, which bears the name Kali Sĕrayu, in the district of Bagĕlen just to the west of Yogyakarta. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

Figure 1. Detail of Wardenaar’s 1815 Plan of Majapahit, showing the area of the vanished 14th-century royal palace, original scale 1: 10,800, with added WGS84, UTM, zone 49M grids appearing at intervals of 500 m (georeferencing accuracy: 40 m). N. refers to the Siti Inggil earthwork which we identify with the Abode Beyond Compare (gṛhânopama) in Nāgarakṛtāgama 9.4c (see Figure 6, #3). The residential area of the Kĕḍaton hamlet in 1815 falls within the footprint of the palace walls of the 14th-century royal palace (compare with Figure 6). Copyright and courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

77

Figure 2 (left). Detail of Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 Map of the Majapahit Terrain, showing the area of the 14th-century royal palace, original scale 1: 25,000, with added WGS84, UTM, zone 49M grids appearing at intervals of 500 m (georeferencing accuracy: 50 m). The heights above mean sea level were taken from Dutch irrigation maps and are marked to a precision of 0.5 m. The thick Z-shaped line across the southern and southwestern part of the plan is to be ignored. The continuously dotted areas represent non-irrigated agricultural fields or tĕgalan. The loose double rows of larger dots designate stone dies. The solid black bars at Panggoeng [Panggung] and Kĕḍaton indicate brick structures. Reproduced from Maclaine Pont (1924: 6).

Figure 4 (opposite). Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan of the northern and western parts of the site of the now vanished royal palace of Majapahit (original scale approx. 1: 6,000) with added WGS84, UTM, zone 49M grids appearing at intervals of 200 m (georeferencing accuracy: 25 m). Dutch comments with our translations into English: Nog bestaand stuk van den stadsmuur, ‘Still extant remains of the city walls [i.e. the northern palace walls]’; Graf Panggoeng, ‘Panggung Graveyard’ [on its north-western corner, the Panggung Islamic shrine (black rectangle)]; Door Ir. Pont opengelegde muur, ‘Walls uncovered by Ir. [H. Maclaine] Pont’; Weg naar Sentonoredjo, ‘Road to Sĕntonorĕjo’; Hoek I, ‘Corner I’; Vyver, ‘Pond’; goot, ‘[subterranean brick-lined] drain’; Hoek V, ‘Corner V’; Hoek II, ‘Corner II’; muur met goot, ‘walls with [subterranean brick-lined] drain’; gilang, ‘stone slab’; Hoek IV, ‘Corner IV’; Hoek III, ‘Corner III’; gilang met jaartal, ‘stone slab with year number [Śaka 1200 = AD 1278/9]’); weg, ‘road’. Reproduced from Vistarini (1931: 31).

Figure 3. Detail of Maclaine Pont’s 1926 Map of Majapahit Archaeological Remains, showing the area of the 14thcentury royal palace, original scale 1: 50,000, with added WGS84, UTM, zone 49M grids appearing at intervals of 500 m (georeferencing accuracy: 75 m). The dotted lines with solid black circles are existing roads. The solid black bars/rectangles represent medieval brick remains. No. 11 refers to brick remains at the hedge depicted in the 1879 ordnance map (Figure 5). We identify these with the durbar. No. 26 refers to the Siti Inggil earthwork. Reproduced from Maclaine Pont (1926).

78

Figure 5. Detail of the 1879 military ordnance map (Surabaya regency, Topographisch Bureau van den Generalen Staf, sheet F.XIII, original scale 1: 20,000) with added WGS84, UTM, zone 49M grids appearing at intervals of 200 m (georeferencing accuracy: 30 m). In the Bonne projection, distances and areas are faithfully presented but the directions are distorted. This is apparent from the orientation of the UTM gridlines. In Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.5a-c, Prapañca situates the watchtower (panggung, #13) to the south of the durbar (wanguntur, #3) which respectively corresponds with the Oudheid Tangoong [Oudheid Panggoeng], ‘Medieval Ruins of Panggung’, and the hedge that measures some 130 metres east-west, marking what is called a punḍen (‘locally venerated spot’) in Modern Javanese. In all probability, the hedge demarcated the spot, where according to Wiselius in the early 1870s, the thirty stone dies of the Majapahit paseban or ‘audience hall’ originally stood, arranged in three rows at intervals of 4 meters (Veth 1878: 136 n. 1, 140; cf. Van Hoëvell 1849, 1: 181). Courtesy of Amsterdam University Library.

79

Figure 6. The Majapahit royal palace (brownish red) and the durbar (green) reconstructed on a QuickBird satellite image (scene: 101001000738F301, 2 October 2007, spatial resolution: 0.6 m) with added WGS84, UTM, zone 49M grids appearing at intervals of 500 m (georeferencing accuracy: 1.7 m). For the legend, see the Appendix. Copyright Amrit Gomperts.

80

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

81

Appendix: Legend of plan in Figure 6 Abbreviation Text AWj KHWj Nāg Naw Sut

Arjunawijaya (Supomo 1977, 1) Kidung Harṣawijaya (Berg 1931) Nāgarakṛtāgama (Pigeaud 1960, 1: 3-75; Stutterheim 1948). Nawanāṭya (Pigeaud 1960, 1: 81-6). Sutasoma (Santoso 1975)

No.

Explanation

Old Javanese key words appearing in the textual references

1

Central crossroads

Nāg 8.2d, Sut 103.13a catuṣpatha

2

Waringin tree (Ficus indica)

Sut 103.13a waringin; Nāg 8.1c buddhi

3

Durbar, four sentry posts enclosing its area

Nāg 8.3a, 8.5a, 63.4b, 83.6b, 84.7b, AWj 3.3a, Sut 103.10c wanguntur; Nāg 8.1d, 64.1a, 65.1a, 65.5d, 65.6d, 94.1b, Naw 4a sabhā; Nāg 66.4b pasabhān; Naw 3b-4b pangāstryan; Nāg 8.3a, 9.2a, AWj 3.3d watangan

4

Royal pavilion in the centre of the durbar

Nāg 8.3a, 64.1b, 66.4c, 91.5b witāna; AWj 3.3d bwat mantĕn

5

Open audience-awaiting pavilion in the durbar

Nāg 8.3b weśma panangkilan; AWj 3.3c yaśa panangkilan

6

Place of the seated Śivaite and Buddhist clergy in the durbar

Nāg 8.3c nggwan para śaiwa boddha

7

Shrine of the Brahmins

Nāg 8.1c brahmasthāna… jajar; Nāg 8.4a-b pahoman ajajar… wipra; KHWj 6.85b pangasthūlan

8

Shrine of the Śivaites

Nāg 8.1c brahmasthāna… jajar; Nāg 8.4a pahoman ajajar… kaśaiwan; KHWj 6.85b pangasthūlan

9

Shrine of the Buddhists with threetiered roof

Nāg 8.1c brahmasthāna… jajar; Nāg 8.4a-c pahoman ajajar… sogata… susun tiga; KHWj 6.85b pangasthūlan

10

Stone offering platform

Nāg 8.4b batur patawuran; KHWj 6.85b pangasthūlan

11

Palace gate

Nāg 8.2a, AWj 3.2c gopura; Sut 103.10d ghupura

12

Royal watchtower

Nāg 8.2b, 8.5c, Naw 11a panggung; Sut 103.10c papanggungan

13

Stone pillars to which the feet of the royal elephants were chained

AWj 3.4c pagajahan

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

82

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

14

Courtyard

Nāg 8.5a pasewan

15

West-oriented lane

Nāg 8.5b hawan angulwan

16

Doorway

Nāg 8.5a ahĕlĕt palawangan; 8.5c mahĕlĕt [palawangan]

17

Courtyard

Nāg 8.5a ngkānêng jro; Nāg 8.5c natar

18

Royal cock-fighting pavilion

Nāg 8.5d maṇḍapa pasatan

19

[Courtyard] guarded by the king’s troops

Nāg 8.6a ri jronya

20

Doorway through the dividing [wall]

Nāg 8.6b mahĕlĕt palawangan

21

‘Courtyard in the South’, guarded by the king’s troops

Nāg 8.6a pasewan [i] kidul

22

Stone slab (gilang) appearing on Vistarini’s 1931 plan (Figure 4)

–

23

Stone slab (gilang) with inscribed year Śaka 1200 (= AD 1278/9), appearing on Vistarini’s 1931 plan (Figure 4)

–

24

Two parallel rows of four stones each, probably foundations of an open pavilion, appearing on Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 map (Figure 2)

–

25

‘Second Gate’

Nāg 8.6a wijil kaping rwa; Nāg 8.6c, 9.4a wijil ping kalih

26

‘Levelled Courtyard’, enclosing wall reconstructed according to Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan (Figure 4) and Maclaine Pont’s 1926 map (Figure 3)

Nāg 9.3a ngkānêng; Nāg 9.4a ngkānê jro… natarnyârata

27

Doorway

Nāg 9.3c lawangan

28

[Courtyard] crowded with the attending servants of the Prince of Paguhan

Nāg 9.3a sar sök de bhṛtya sang śrī nṛpati ri paguhan

29

‘Amazing Pavilion’ identified with the site of Batu Umpak-Umpak (Figure 9), one of the three open pavilions

Nāg 9.4b witānâbhinawa; Nāg 10.1a, 10.3b, 63.1b witāna; Nāg 89.4b tri-witāna

30

‘Abode Beyond Compare’ at the Siti Inggil site with the Majapahit ruler’s ‘Immeasurable Pavilion’, the northeastern one of the three open pavilions, which is now called Caṇḍi Kĕḍaton, situated on the north-eastern corner of the site (Figure 10)

Nāg 9.4c-d gṛhânopama… witānâprameya; Nāg 11.1a witāna; Nāg 89.4a-b uttarapūrwwa wit[ā]na… tri-witāna

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

31

Aśoka tree (Jonesia asoka) under whose shadow the kṣatriya nobles, scholars, saints, Brahmins, the ministers of Śivaite and Buddhist religious affairs, and seven religious exegetists take their respective places

Nāg 9.2d nggwanya… para kṣatriya mwang bhujangga; Nāg 10.3a-b kṣatriya len bhujangga ṛṣi wipra… hĕb ning aśoka… dharmmādhyakṣa kalih lawan sang upapatti sapta

32

‘First Gate’, secluding access to the private royal compounds housing the royal family and the king’s secondary wives

Nāg 11.1b wijil pisan; Nāg 12.5a purī; Nāg 47.3c, 74.1a antaḥpura; Naw 10a strī ring purī

33

Private royal compound (pura) of the Prince of Paguhan, Singhawardhana, and his wife, the Princess of Pajang, Wardhanaduhitā, the sister of King Hayam Wuruk, and their sons and daughters

Nāg 11.1c śrī nṛpa singhawarddhana… tiga tang purâpupul

34

Private royal compound (pura) of the Prince of Singhasāri, Kṛtawardhana, the father of King Hayam Wuruk

Nāg 11.1c śrī kṛtawarddhana… tiga tang purâpupul

35

Private royal compound (pura) of King Hayam Wuruk, implied as a third royal compound in reference to the two preceding ones (#33-#34)

Nāg 11.1c tiga tang purâpupul

36

Two parallel rows of three stones each, probably foundations of an open pavilion, appearing on Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 map (Figure 2)

–

37

Site floored with hexagonal tiles (Figure 13)

–

38

Brick-walled pond/tank with a subterranean outlet inside the secluded area of the private royal compounds appearing on Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan (Figure 4), probably fed by a stream from the east

AWj 3.9a lwah ardha midĕr ing pura tĕka ri dalĕm

39

Two parallel rows of three stones each, probably foundations of an open pavilion, appearing on Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 map (Figure 2)

–

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

83

Figure 7. The Majapahit royal palace reconstructed on the 1941 topographic map Modjoagoeng (Topografische Dienst in Nederlandsch-Indië, no. 53/XLI-D, original scale 1: 50,000) with added WGS84, UTM, zone 49M grids appearing at intervals of 1000 m (georeferencing accuracy: 50 m). A. central crossroads (catuṣpatha), B. temple complex (brahmasthāna), C. durbar (sabhā), D. royal palace (pura). Courtesy of Amsterdam University Library.

84

Figure 8. Photograph of the now vanished palace walls. On Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan, these walls are marked at the easternmost position from Hoek I (see Figure 4). The approximately 2 metre wide inner palace walls apparently consisted of two parallel walls of 90 cm wide, the 30 cm wide void filled with earth and rubble. Reproduced from Vistarini (1931: Plate 24c, photograph collection Oudheidkundige Dienst no. 1005?).

Figure 9 (below). The site of Batu Umpak-Umpak. The octagonal dies measure 61-83 centimetres and 31-34 centimetres in diameter and height respectively. We identify this site with the Amazing Pavilion (witānâbhinawa) in Nāgarakṛtāgama 9.4b (Figure 6, #29). On the right side of the house at the rear, we envisage the spot where the aśoka tree in Nāgarakṛtāgama 10.3a-b (cf. 9.2d) once stood (Figure 6, #31). Copyright Arnoud Haag.

85

Figure 10. The site of Caṇḍi Kĕḍaton at the Siti Inggil remains. Willems took the photograph from the west towards the east. We identify these remains as the Abode Beyond Compare (gṛhânopama) in Nāgarakṛtāgama 9.4c-d (Figure 6, #30). King Hayam Wuruk granted audience seated in the Immeasurable Pavilion (witānâprameya) which we identify with the westfacing brick platform Caṇḍi Kĕḍaton, depicted on the left side to the rear. The walls seen on the right have now vanished. The brick structures in front were destroyed during the building work on the foundations for the Kĕḍaton canopy in July 2013. Copyright and courtesy of Erik Willems, Amsterdam. Figure 11. The site at the Siti Inggil remains in Kĕḍaton in 1941. Willems took this photograph from the centre of the site facing north. According to the Archaeological Service’s architectural engineer, Van Romondt, the ‘cross’ of brick structures possibly formed the foundations of an octagonal tower (Bernet Kempers 1949: 44). Copyright and courtesy of Erik Willems, Amsterdam.

86

Figure 12. Overview of the excavations of the Siti Inggil remains in Kĕḍaton in 1941. Willems took this photograph from the north-eastern corner of the site facing south-west. Copyright and courtesy of Erik Willems, Amsterdam.

Figure 13. Site floored with hexagonal tiles as seen from the west facing east. We would identify this site with the area of the royal compound of Singhawardhana, the Prince of Paguhan, his wife, King Hayam Wuruk’s sister Wardhanaduhitā, the Princess of Pajang, and their sons and daughters as in Prapañca’s Nāgarakṛtāgama 11.1c description. Note the brick drain/ water conduit in the centre on the right side of the photograph. Copyright Arnoud Haag.

87

Figure 14. A brick-walled medieval well located in the north-western corner of the yard (#17) inside the royal palace, its inner sides measuring 60 cm. Copyright Arnoud Haag. Figure 15. The western of the two pillars (#13) to which, according to oral tradition, the feet of the royal elephants were chained. In reference to Figure 16, we identify the stone post with the stable of the elephants (pagajahan) in Tantular’s Arjunawijaya 3.4c. Copyright Arnoud Haag.

88

Figure 16. The King of Tuban seated in royal council in his durbar facing north as the merchants of the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) approach for an audience on Sunday, 24 January 1599. Note that a mariner drew this plate as can be seen from the attention paid to the sun’s position and the shadows cast. Due to its importance for celestial navigation, 16th-century marine officers were particularly interested in such details. In this plate, the shadows correspond to the sun’s position around noon time. Drawing reproduced from Keuning’s edition (1942: 177) of Jacob Cornelisz. van Neck and Wybrant van Warwijck’s logbook of the Second Dutch Navigation to the Archipelago (1598-1602). Copyright and courtesy of the Linschoten Vereeniging.

Figure 17. The easternmost Pura Ulun shrine with its three-tiered palm-fibre roof at Lake Bratan, Bali. According to Prapañca’s description in Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.4c, the Buddhist shrine (pahoman… sogata) has a three-tiered roof (susun tiga). The 14th-century Majapahit Buddhist shrine possibly resembled this present-day Balinese one. Copyright and courtesy of Jordy Theiller.

89

90

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

east-to-west brick walls once met in a corner, which he had cleared some years previously.12 We identify this as the north-western corner of the outer palace walls. We found no traces of the southern and eastern outer palace walls. But, like Stutterheim, we infer their positions from the fact that they were almost certainly bounded by sizeable east-west and north-south running depressions. Measuring twenty to thirty metres wide and 0.5 to four metres deep, these are still visible in the present-day landscape. They constituted the medieval roads, possibly lined with ditches.13 Regarding the circumference of the outer palace walls, the various versions of Ma Huan’s celebrated account diverge. In Darmoyuwono’s reconstructive mapping, as marked on the 1983 Bakosurtanal map (no. 1) and in our own reconstruction, the circumference of the outer palace walls measures 2.6 (± 0.1) kilometres which corresponds to the listed Chinese measure of ‘three or four li’, converting into 1.7-2.2 kilometres (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008b: 418 n.6; cf. Stutterheim 1948: 7-8; Mills 1970: xv, 87 n.2). For the rest of our discussions, we recommend the reader to consult the satellite image in Figure 6 and the Appendix for the legend of details #1-#39. One of the main problems in the interpretation of both Sanskrit and Old Javanese texts concerns architectural terminology. For example, according to De Cock (1899: 14), the words pura, purī, nagara and nagarī all denote a court town. In the Sanskrit epics, the designation antaḥpura refers both to the royal palace and the private compounds within the palace (De Cock 1899: 87, 94-100). All this influenced Old Javanese. According to Supomo (1977, 1: 50), “judging by their apparently arbitrary distribution in [Old Javanese] kakawin [poems], words such as kaḍatwan, pura, puri, rājya and nagara seem to have the same lexical reference, namely either to the royal compound, [the royal palace] or to the whole town”. Although the semantics of these Sanskrit and Old Javanese terms may appear confusing to the modern reader, their precise spatial and/or architectural meaning often becomes apparent from the context (cf. Stutterheim 1948: 1 n.2, 12, 83-5, 92, 98, 106, 117). For example, Prapañca (8.1a-b) commences his description referring to the high red-bricked walls and the façade (waktra) of the pura before he enters it.14 Therefore, pura contextually translates as ‘royal palace’ (Stutterheim 1948: 12

Bp. Kadiman, personal communication, Trowulan, 13 December 2008. The central part of the east-west depression on the southern side of the palace walls has now vanished. An official of the local regency (kabupaten) government informed us that, a few years before 2008, the Mojokĕrto PEMDA government spent some 600 million Indonesian Rupiah (approximately US$50,000) on large quantities of sand and pebbles for the levelling of this area (Bp. Rachmat Basuki, personal communication, 18 December 2008). In Figure 6, the area referred to is bounded by the north-eastern and south-western corners at WGS84, UTM, zone 49M coordinates 652288 mE, 9162672 mN and 652012 mE, 9162685 mN respectively. 14 From the Mayamata and Mānasāra texts, the full spectrum of the architectural connotations of the Sanskrit word vaktra becomes apparent: ‘frieze, porch, entrance, façade, gable, fascia’ (Dagens 1994, 2: 387; Acharya 1934, 4: 163). 13

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

91

11). Prapañca employs the word gopura in its general meaning as given in the Amarakośa Sanskrit text: ‘a gopura is the gate of a pura’.15 His gopura (8.2a) thus contextually denotes the palace gate here.16 The Sanskrit epic Rāmāyaṇa speaks of palace doors which are closed with iron-reinforced (kālāyasa) bars (parigha) (De Cock 1899: 44). In Aśvaghoṣa’s 2nd-century Sanskrit poem Buddhacarita, the town gates of Kapilavastu are closed with ‘heavy iron beams’.17 In Prapañca’s description, the Majapahit palace gate also has doors of iron (wĕsi). The Sutasoma adds an important architectural detail regarding the Majapahit palace gate which also appears in the Arjunawijaya: “The palace gate (gupura) has a nine-tiered top”.18 The Sanskrit Mānasāra and Mayamata texts prescribe the number of tiers of the top of palace gates which, according to rank, range between one and eleven. For example, according to the Mānasāra 11.131, the top of a palace gopura of the māharāja class of kings is stated to have nine tiers (Acharya 1934, 4: 106). In the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa, descriptions of wall towers (aṭṭa, aṭṭāla, aṭṭālaka) often appear in combination with gopura (De Cock 1899: 31-3, 56). The Sanskrit epics also describe the walls of palaces, buildings and cities as white plastered (De Cock 1899: 27, 29 n. 1, 33, 56, 73-4). Regarding the Majapahit royal palace, Prapañca states that the palace gate (gopura) is situated to the north of the royal palace, the panggung (‘tower, raised platform’) adjoining it on its eastern side. Stutterheim (1948: 20, 25-6) emphasises the fact that, in Prapañca’s description (8.2a), the base of the panggung is stuccoed with white diamantine plaster (O.J. bajralepa < Skt. vajralepa).19 Since the author describes the white plaster of the panggung as seen from outside the royal palace, we must conclude that the panggung is situated in the palace walls themselves, exactly like the situation on the ground (Figure 4). Recalling Central Javanese and Balinese court architecture, Stutterheim (cf. 1948: 21-25) rightly argues that Prapañca’s contextual reference to panggung should be understood as the royal watchtower, which the king ascends to watch festivities taking place in the court town below. Regarding the siting of the Majapahit watchtower in the Kĕḍaton landscape, the local place-name Panggung appears on the 1879, 1892 and 1925 ordnance and topographic maps, all of which refer to the Islamic shrine (Figure 5). In 1887, Verbeek (1891: 230) noticed that the brick base of the Panggung Islamic shrine was covered with white plaster. When Stutterheim (1948: 26) inspected the brick Amarakośa 2.16 (Skt.): pura-dvāraṃ tu gopuram (Acharya 1946, 7: 157). In Old Javanese texts composed in post 15th-century Bali, Third Gate (wijil ping tĕlu, wijil ping tiga, wijil ping trini) appears as a designation for the palace gate (cf. Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 423, 2: 1730, 1768, 2201, 2271). 17 Aśvaghoṣa’s Buddhacarita 5.82 (Skt.): guru-parigha-kapāṭa (Olivelle 2009: 156). 18 Sutasoma 73.14b (O.J.): gupuranya tuṇḍa sanga (Santoso 1975: 349). Cf. Arjunawijaya 3.2c (O.J.): tuṇḍa sanga susun ika ring sagopura-sagopura tĕlas inukir (Supomo 1977, 1: 97). 19 The 14th-century Old Javanese text on court protocol, Nawanāṭya 11a, confirms the white (śweta) stucco of the panggung (Pigeaud 1960,1: 83). 15 16

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

92

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

remains, little of this original white diamantine stucco had survived. So, echoing Wibowo (1980: 29 n. 2), we conclude that the former royal watchtower (panggung, #12) lives on in the Trowulan landscape in the local toponym Panggung. Our local informant told us that wide and extensive brick remains are buried on the western side of the Panggung shrine which he had recently unearthed and then covered over again.20 Therefore, in accord with Stutterheim (cf. Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008b: 417, Fig. 4), we situate the position of the vanished palace gate (gopura, #11) just by the western side of the Islamic Panggung shrine (Figures 4, 5 and 6). We will proceed with the interior of the royal palace. In Indian court architecture, the area of a royal palace is organised in walled courtyards which, in the Sanskrit epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, are called kakṣā or kakṣyā (De Cock 1899: 88-90). The same architectural principle of arranging courtyards into four-squared spaces enclosed by walls, and filled with open pavilions, trees, shrubs and flowers, is found in modern Javanese and Balinese court architecture.21 A similar image emerges from the plan of the layout of the mid-14th to mid-18th century Ayutthaya royal palace (Baker 2013: 86). For the architectural division of spaces in the Balinese royal palace (puri) of Klungkung, the Balinese author of the Kidung Pamañcangah historiography (1.151) adopts the Old Javanese term khaṇḍa, literally, ‘section, division’ (Berg 1929: 19; Gomperts 2011: 62). In Prapañca’s description of the Majapahit royal palace interior, the Old Javanese designations natar and pasewan appear in the architectural connotation of ‘courtyard’ (Stutterheim 1948: 4, 18, 35, 55-7, 59-61). Having entered the royal palace, Prapañca (8.5.a-b) stands in the courtyard of entrance (#17) and describes a doorway (palawangan, #16) that leads on to another courtyard (pasewan, #14).22 He enters this courtyard (#14) heading east, makes a reverse turn and describes the west-running lane (hawan, #15). Flanked by shady tañjung (Mimusops elengi) trees, this west-running lane traverses the middle of the courtyard (#14) (see Figure 6). On Vistarini’s 1931 plan, the southern walls and the south-western corner of the courtyard’s western walls are clearly marked (see Figure 4, Hoek I). These inner palace walls were some two to 2.25 metres thick (Figure 8). Stutterheim erroneously reconstructs the lane on the western side of 20

Bp. Kadiman, personal communication, Trowulan, 13 December 2008. The spot adjoining the western side of the Panggung shrine is now used for Islamic graves which have been dug on top of the medieval brick remains. This will complicate future excavations there. 21 For example, see the three-dimensional artist renderings of the Surakarta kraton, the Yogyakarta kraton, and the Klungkung puri depicted in Tjahjono (1998: 91, 93) and Wijaya (2002: 32, Fig. 3.2 D). 22 The Sanskrit epics Māhabhārata and Rāmāyaṇa frequently refer to arched doorways (Skt. toraṇa) in descriptions of royal palaces (De Cock 1899: 39-43). In Prapañca’s account (8.5a, 8.6b, 9.3d), the Old Javanese palawangan and lawangan appear in courtyards which, although often swarming with soldiers and servants, are not guarded. Therefore, we translate palawangan and lawangan as ‘doorway’. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

93

the western outer palace walls. On the satellite image, the existing eastern track of this lane (#15) corresponds to a four-metre wide 170 metre-long path. The western track of the lane (#15) is no longer visible on the satellite image because the local upper soils have been removed to a depth of one to three metres (Figure 6). Having again exited the courtyard (#14) on its western side, Prapañca (8.5cd) returns to the courtyard of entrance (natar, #17), where he stands to the south of the watchtower (panggung, #12). Along the sides of this spacious courtyard (#17), there are various open pavilions (Figure 6). Elsewhere in the Nāgarakṛtāgama 17.4c, Prapañca informs us that King Hayam Wuruk was fond of attending cock fights (Robson 1995: 36). Indeed, in the centre of the courtyard of entrance (#17), we find the royal cock-fighting pavilion (maṇḍapa pasatan, #18) with its noisy cocks hanging in cages along its sides. Since the cock-fighting pavilion (#18) is located to the south of the panggung watchtower (#12), it must also be situated to the south of the palace gate (#11) (Figure 6). Stutterheim (1948: 58 n. 140) rightly argues that this aspect of Javanese court architecture has been preserved in the present-day Yogyakarta palace. We can now present even more convincing evidence. A detailed VOC map of the kraton of Yogyakarta dating from circa 1790, shows that the cock fighting-pavilion, which is now called Bangsal Pancaniti, was situated in the centre of the Kĕmandungan. This is the entrance courtyard, situated directly to the south of the northern palace gate, the Regol Brajanala (see Knaap et al. 2007: 391-2 “w”).23 All this refers back to the aforementioned Sanskrit texts. In the chapter on court architecture, the Mānasāra 40.140 describes the kukkuṭayuddha-maṇḍapa, literally, the ‘cock-fighting pavilion’ situated either in the northern or southern part of the royal palace (Acharya 1934, 3: 276; 4: 430). In our mapping (Figure 6), the southern and eastern walls of the entrance courtyard (#17) are reconstructed from the marked corner on Vistarini’s 1931 plan (see Figure 4, Hoek I). In the Sanskrit epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, there are several descriptions referring to terraced courtyards (vedikā, vitardi) and benches consisting of flat stones (śilāpaṭṭa, śilāpaṭṭaka, śilātala) (De Cock 1899: 42, 66-7, 123). Prapañca also refers to terraced courtyards. In the next stanza (Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.6), the author describes two courtyards as one, separated only by a doorway (palawangan). This is probably an open doorway (#20) through which he sees the Second Gate (#25) further to the south. Prapañca’s description (8.6) reads as follows: from the courtyard of entrance (#17), the author enters the next courtyard (#19) guarded by the king’s troops. Then, Prapañca goes through the doorway (palawangan, #20), leading onto the Southern Courtyard (pasewan i kidul, #21) The Bangsal Pancaniti lost its original function during the British Interregnum (1811-16) when the Yogyakarta Resident, John Crawfurd (1783-1868, in office 1811-14, 1816), a staunch Scots Presbyterian, prohibited cockfighting in July 1813 (Carey 2007: 391). Later, it was used as a court for the execution of capital punishments (Robson 2003: 22, 37-38, 40, Map 1). 23

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

94

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

which the king’s troops also guard. Both courtyards (#19, #21) are terraced (tumpa) (Figure 6): All the dwellings are well-constructed. Their stone foundations (watwan), posts (saka), timbers (balabag) and rafters (usuk) also are faultless. (after Robson: 1995: 30)24

In his reconstruction (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008b: 417, Fig. 4), Stutterheim overlooks the walled space enclosed by the four corners Hoek II, Hoek III, Hoek IV and Hoek V appearing in Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan (Figures 4 and 6, #21). On site, Vistarini excavated a subterranean brick-walled drain running from east to west along the brick walls which separated the two courtyards (#19, #21). It is worth noting here that Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 map shows contour lines at heights of 40 and 42.5 metres above mean sea level with a precision of 0.5 metre on the northern side of the courtyard (#19) and the southern side of the Southern Courtyard (#21) (Figure 2). On site, the terrain still shows elevation differences up to some two metres. All this may point to the existence of previous terracing here. In the north-western corner of the Southern Courtyard (#21), the Austrian architect found a stone slab (gilang, #22), while in the westerly adjoining courtyard, which Prapañca does not describe, Vistarini (1931: 31) maps another stone slab (gilang, #23) with the inscribed Śaka year number 1200, corresponding to AD 1278/9 (Figures 4 and 6). This may suggest that the terrain of the royal palace was inhabited before the first Majapahit king, Wijaya, established it there in 1292 (Krom 1931: 354-5). Such stone slabs functioned as holy sitting stones, called sela gilang (literally, ‘shining stone’), or more succinctly just plain gilang in Modern Javanese (cf. Carey 2007: 86 n. 60, 139 Pl. 14, 154, 564-5 n. 175, 573, 579; Miksic 2009). Unfortunately, even in the late 1970s, Wibowo (1980: 18) reported that the gilang with the Śaka year 1200 was missing in the collection of the Trowulan museum.25 A few metres to the Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.6c (O.J.): kapwā weśma subaddha watwan ika len saka balabag usuknya tanpa cacadan/… (Stutterheim 1948: 59). 25 Neither Maclaine Pont nor Vistarini was able to decipher the inscribed Śaka year number ‘1200’ in Old Javanese script. Van Stein Callenfels almost certainly read the inscription. But, rather strangely, his name is not mentioned in Vistarini’s report, which the Head of the Archaeological Service, Frederik D.K. Bosch (1887-1967, office 1915/6-1936/7), published in 1931. Accompanied by Vistarini and Maclaine Pont, Bosch inspected the site of the Kĕḍaton excavations in November 1930 (Vistarini 1931: 29). Given the scale and importance of the Kĕḍaton diggings, one might have expected Bosch to mention Vistarini’s primary discoveries —namely the 800-metre stretch of former palace walls and, thus, the confirmation of the traditional siting of the former Majapahit royal palace—in his official statement as published in the annual report of the Netherlands East Indies government. But he did nothing of the kind, confining himself to references to a few inconsequential terracotta objects, which were unearthed during the Kĕḍaton diggings, without even mentioning Vistarini’s name (cf. Bosch 1931/32: 318). Once again, Bosch’s involvement with 24

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

95

north-east of this stone slab, Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 map shows two parallel rows of four stone dies each, probably quite similar to those appearing as watwan (from O.J. watu, ‘stone’ + suffix -an ) in Prapañca’s description (Figures 2 and 6 #24). After a brief aside in which he describes the various royal bodyguard units and military regiments, Prapañca (9.2c-d) resumes his account of the interior of the royal palace describing the female corps Bhayangkarī (literally, ‘The Terrifiers’), which, on the southern side of the Southern Courtyard (#21), secure the Second Gate at its northern side. On site, the position of the vanished Second Gate (#25) can be accurately reconstructed in the centre of the southernmost inner palace walls mapped on Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan. Now, Prapañca takes us through the Second Gate (#25) entering the Levelled Courtyard (#26), which we will describe in detail shortly. On the southern side of the Levelled Courtyard (#26), Prapañca (9.3c-d) proceeds through another doorway (lawangan, #27) and enters a courtyard (#28), which is full of open pavilions (maṇḍapa) and houses (gṛha), guarded by the servants of the king’s brother-in-law, the Prince of Paguhan, Singhawardhana (see Figure 6). On site, we have to rely on Maclaine Pont’s much coarser 1926 mapping for the walls on the southern side of the Levelled Courtyard (#26), and infer the position of the doorway (#27) and the courtyard (#28) to which it leads (Figures 3 and 6).26 We will now return to the Second Gate (#25) in the Levelled Courtyard (#26). In the Sanskrit epic Mahābhārata, the space where the king holds royal council with his ministers is called mantragṛha which is situated on a slight elevation which the ministers ascend to gather in royal council (De Cock 1899: 80, 115). This space is located in the Levelled Courtyard (#26), which Prapañca describes at length over several stanzas (9.2b-9.3b, 9.4a-11.1a). The Buddhist author (9.2d) refers to the presence of kṣatriya nobles and scholars (bhujangga) on the southern side of the Second Gate (#25). Going from the north-western corner via the western side to the southern side of the courtyard, he (9.3a-b) describes many buildings crowded with respectfully waiting ministers (sumantri) and military commanders (pinituha ri wīrabhṛtya). He (9.4) then gives further details about the courtyard (natar, #26), which is level and full with buildings, including the Amazing Pavilion (witānâbhinawa) where those courtiers respectfully awaiting the arrival of their king take their places. Among these are senior officials, the ‘noble ones’ (ārya), and the five official members of the Majapahit royal council, which forms the kingdom’s civil and military government, consisting of the Majapahit prime Trowulan archaeology leaves many unanswered questions (cf. Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008b: 420 n. 8; 2011: 5; 2012b: 2, 4, 7, 10 n. 19, 18). 26 In our view, more evidence will be needed for the presumed identification of a seventy-metre long east-west oriented brick wall situated some forty metres to the south-west of Batu UmpakUmpak (cf. Arifin and Permana 2011: 199). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

96

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

minister (patih), the celebrated Gajah Mada, dĕmung, kanuruhan, rangga, and tumĕnggung (Nāgarakṛtāgama 10.1, 63.1). From the elaborate description of the Śaka New-Year festivities elsewhere in the Nāgarakṛtāgama 88.1a-92.1a, it is apparent that there are three open pavilions (tri-witāna) in this courtyard (#26). Drawing our focus to the eastern side of the courtyard, Prapañca continues (9.3c-d): … [as for] the Abode Beyond Compare (gṛhânopama), its structure is majestic, lofty and furnished with the royal insignia. [This is] the place where, seated in the Immeasurable Pavilion (witānâprameya), the King grants audience to those who have come into the royal presence. (after Stutterheim 1948: 74; Robson 1995: 31)27

According to Prapañca’s description (89.4a-b), the Immeasurable Pavilion was the north-eastern pavilion in the courtyard (#26). The author (10.3) then returns to the southern side of the Second Gate (#25), again making reference to the kṣatriya nobles, the scholars (bhujangga), sages (ṛṣi) and Brahmins (wipra), who, together with the two ministers for religious affairs – one Śivaite and the other Buddhist – with the seven religious exegetists of the State Council, stand in the shade of an aśoka tree (Jonesia asoka). So we possess two directions to the spot where the kṣatriya nobles and the scholars (bhujangga) are positioned (Nāgarakṛtāgama 9.2c-d, 10.3a-b), namely from the south of the Second Gate (#25) and from the side of one of the three pavilions (witāna) below the aśoka tree. All this is sufficient to reconstruct the entire layout of the Levelled Courtyard (#26). On site, Prapañca’s marvellous description brings everything to life. The enclosed area of the courtyard (#26) is still quite level in comparison to the rest of the landscape. On the east of the Levelled Courtyard (#26), the Abode Beyond Compare (#30) can be identified by the Siti Inggil site, which is an earthwork with excavated brick foundations, measuring some 66 metres north-south by 56 metres east-west and some two metres in height. This bore the name Siti Inggil until the beginning of the 20th century (Figures 1 N, 10-12). According to J. Knebel (1909: 66), a member of the Archaeological Service who interviewed Mangoen Amidjojo, the Trowulan villager guardian of these remains in 1907, a local tradition describes how the Majapahit kings used this platform as their royal seat while granting audiences to their senior officials. At the Central Javanese courts, kings ceremonially grant audience at the siti inggil (literally, ‘the high ground’). So the Siti Inggil place-name is the appropriate Modern Javanese analogue of Prapañca’s Abode Beyond Compare (#30). The pre-historian Willems unearthed major parts Nāgarakṛtāgama 9.4c-d (O.J.): … ikang gṛhânopama wangunan ikâśry āruhur sôpacāra/ nggwan śrī nātha n paweh sewa ring umarĕk umunggw ing witānâprameya (Stutterheim 1948: 74). 27

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

97

of the Siti Inggil earthwork in 1941 (see Figures 10-12), and, the ceramics expert, Van Orsoy de Flines, dated the excavated sherds to between the 13th and 17th centuries, some pieces going back to before the Majapahit era in the 9th and 10th centuries and the majority of the ceramics dating to the 14th and 15th centuries. This confirms the corresponding dating of this part of the royal palace. According to the architectural engineer Van Romondt (Bernet Kempers 1949: 44-5), the brick remains point to several layers, the brick blocks in the centre possibly forming the foundations of an octagonal tower (Figure 11). On the north-eastern corner of the excavated Siti Inggil, there is a brick platform which is now called Caṇḍi Kĕḍaton and measures some 12.60 metres north-south by 8.50 metres east-west with a height of 1.58 metres and stairs to the west. This was in all probability the Immeasurable or north-eastern Pavilion (#30), the spot where King Hayam took his seat facing due west (Figure 10). Located some fifty metres to the west of Caṇḍi Kĕḍaton, there are two parallel rows of seven octagonal stone foundations on a site now called Batu UmpakUmpak. These pediments measure 61-83 centimetres and 31-34 centimetres in diameter and height respectively (see Figures 9 and 6, #29). Contrary to Maclaine Pont’s absurd reference (1925: 42) to a ‘farmhouse’ (Malay-Dutch tani-woning, cf. Stutterheim 1948: 5 n. 14), the huge stone-hewn foundations were clearly designed to support an impressive wooden superstructure. According to Made Wijaya, a leading expert on traditional Balinese architecture, this would have had heavy wooden beams.28 So we identify the site of Batu Umpak-Umpak with the spot of the Amazing Pavilion (#29), namely the north-western one of the three open pavilions. In accordance with the striking precision of Prapañca’s description (9.2d, 10.3b), we spatially infer the position of the aśoka tree (#31) at a thirtymetre distance to the south of the Second Gate (#25) and to the west of the western side of the Amazing Pavilion (#29). In several nearby excavation pits, a team of archaeologists recently (2008-11) excavated twelve dated Chinese coins, one originating from the Tang Dynasty (AD 618-906), eight from the Southern Song Dynasty (AD 1127-1279), and four from the Ming Dynasty (AD 1368-1644) (Arifin and Permana 2011: 179, Table 8.2). The statistics of the pottery analysis of the excavated sherds, as we would expect, peak in the Yuan (1271-1368) and Ming (1368-1644) dynasties (Arifin and Permana 2011: 157, Table 7.3). In the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa epics, antaḥpura is a designation for the private royal compounds (De Cock 1899: 94-100). In the Nāgarakṛtāgama 11.1b-11.2d, Prapañca describes the First Gate that gives access to the private royal compounds. Access through this First Gate is strictly reserved for the royal family, their female servants and the king’s concubines. Stutterheim rightly identifies this

28

Made Wijaya (Michael White), personal communication, Trowulan, 12 December 2008. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

98

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

First Gate with Prapañca’s purī.29 So as regards the interior of the private royal compounds, the author’s description is based entirely on hearsay. To the east of the First Gate (#32), three royal compounds (pura) are situated. In the southern compound (#33), the Prince of Paguhan, Singhawardhana resides with his wife, King Hayam Wuruk’s sister, Wardhanaduhitā, the Princess of Pajang, and their sons and daughters. In the northern compound (#34), Prince Kṛtawardhana, who is the Prince of Singhasāri and the father of King Hayam Wuruk, dwells. Like Stutterheim (1948: 92, 124-5, Map III no. 22), we contextually surmise that King Hayam Wuruk’s compound (#35) is situated between the two aforementioned compounds. Elsewhere in the Nāgarakṛtāgama (47.3c, 74.1a), Prapañca tells us that the first king of Majapahit, Dyah Wijaya, who was consecrated as King Kṛtarājasa Jayawardhana (reigned 1294-1309), was established as a Buddhist Jina image in the royal sanctuary in this secluded part of the royal palace (antaḥpura). Although we possess little archaeological evidence from this area of the royal compound, Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 map shows two parallel rows, each of three stone dies (#36), in the area of King Hayam Wuruk’s compound (see Figures 2 and 6). In the early 1980s, archaeologists unearthed a site floored with hexagonal tiles (#37) which seem to be associated with the southern royal compound (#31) inhabited by Prince Singhawardhana of Paguhan (see Figure 13). A residential area now covers this area of the royal compounds (#33-#35), which will complicate future diggings there. In the next section, we will devote a few words to water management in the royal palace.

Water management in the royal palace Vistarini excavated a large pond on the north-western corner of the royal compounds, but Prapañca does not refer to it (see Figure 4). So we will compile the hydrological details from other texts.30 In the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa epics, palaces are constructed with moats (Skt. parikhā). Wells appear in the interior of these palaces. Inside the antaḥpura in the Sanskrit epics, there is a pleasure garden (pramadāvana) furnished with ponds, pavilions, trees and flowers (De Cock 1899: 22-28, 50, 65, 69-71, 88, 104, 123). A unique aspect of medieval Javanese court architecture concerns the design of a stream flowing through the Judging from the contexts in which the word purī appears in the Nāgarakṛtāgama 6.4a, 7.3a, 17.2d, 46.1d, 69.1a, 69.3b, and the reference to the ‘women in the purī’’ (strī ring purī), which occurs in the Majapahit text on state protocol Nawanāṭya 10a (Pigeaud 1960, 1: 83), we concur with Stutterheim (1948: 83-84) that Prapañca’s use of purī accentuates the feminine aspect of pura, contextually emphasising the area which women inhabit, namely the secluded area of the private royal quarters in the royal palace known in Modern Javanese as the kĕputren. 30 From the perspective of hydrological engineering, Maclaine Pont’s article (1927a) on presumed Majapahit waterworks and reservoirs (waduk) has little to recommend it. Since his study does not relate to the Kĕḍaton area (Maclaine Pont 1927a), it has no relevance for our work. 29

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

99

palace. The Old Javanese prose adaptation of the First Book of the Mahābhārata, the late 10th-century Ādiparwa, describes an in-flowing stream: “There was a river called Śuktimatī, its stream originating from Mount Kola, and its water flowed into the royal palace (kaḍatwan)”.31 The mid-12th century Kaḍiri-originated Old Javanese kakawin poem Bhomāntaka speaks of an out-flowing channel: “A swiftly flowing stream of clear water came tumbling out of the inner palace (kaḍatwan)” (Teeuw and Robson 2005: 75).32 In the context of the Majapahit royal palace, the Arjunawijaya tells of a moat which also flows through the interior of the royal palace: The rivulets branching off from the stream (lwah) entirely encircle the royal palace (pura) and enter it, further descending into the houses of the female attendants.33

In its description of the Majapahit royal palace, the Kidung Pamañcangah describes the stream flowing through the private royal compounds and the pleasure garden (taman) (Gomperts 2011: 64). Inside the private royal compounds, Prapañca (11.2d) provides us with a hearsay description of the blossoming tañjung (Mimusops elengi), kesara (a hairy type of tree) and campaka (Michelia campaka) trees which may refer to the royal pleasure garden. The author also describes the royal palace moat: Let us describe the layout of the marvellous royal palace (pura); … [it] is situated amidst deep water [flowing] along [its sides]. (after Robson 1995: 29)34

On site in Trowulan, we could not find any traces of the former palace moats, but the brick-walled pond or tank (#38), which Vistarini excavated, gives a distinct spectral signature on the satellite image, measuring some 100 metres north-south by forty metres east-west. Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 map also shows six stone dies, which may have once belonged to an open pavilion located some thirty metres to the east of this tank or pond (see Figures 2 and 6, #39). So we believe that the pleasure garden was situated in this north-western part of the private royal compound. We infer from the patterns of the heights in Ādiparwa (O.J.): hana ta nadī śuktimatī ngaranya, lwah ning kolagiri, lāwan ta wwainya umilī tĕkêng kaḍatwan (Zoetmulder 1983: 38). 32 Bhomāntaka 1.14a (O.J.): lwah sangkêng jro kaḍatwan hĕning i bañu nikâdrĕs hilīnyânggaluntang (Teeuw and Robson 2005: 74). 33 Arjunawijaya 3.9a-b (O.J.): tūsanya tumĕḍun irikang lwah ardha midĕr ing pura tĕka ri dalĕm/ len tang tumĕḍun ika ri weśma ning kaka-kakeña … (Supomo 1977, 1: 98). 34 Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.1a-b (O.J.): wārṇnan tingkah ikang purâdbhuta… i t[ĕ]ngah way êdran adalĕm/ (Pigeaud 1960, 1: 7). 31

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

100

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

the landscape that the subterranean brick-walled drain, which Vistarini excavated along the walls separating the two guarded courtyards (#19, #21), was the outlet of the pond (see Figure 6, #38, blue). In view of the stream drawn on the 1941 topographic map, the inlet probably originated from the east (Figure 7, blue). However, this water was not intended for drinking. On the site of the Majapahit royal palace and elsewhere in the court town, potable water was drawn from round and square brick or terracotta-walled wells. Directly adjacent on the northern side of Vistarini’s pond (#38), we noticed a medieval well with a round opening and a diameter of 64 centimetres and another one some 100 metres further to the east in the area of the royal compounds. On the south-eastern side of the courtyard (#14) with its west-running lane, there were two medieval wells. In the north-western corner of the courtyard of entrance (#17), there were four old brick-walled wells. In the courtyard (#19), we saw three wells, one at the north-eastern corner, and another at the south-eastern corner as well as a well in the centre at the southern side. In the hamlets around present-day Trowulan, not supplied by the main water supply system, villagers still draw ground water from shallow wells with buckets, and use mechanical and electrical pumps for the extraction of drinking water and for household purposes. On the Siti Inggil site of the excavated remains in Kĕḍaton, Van Romondt noticed a brick-lined drain (Bernet Kempers 1949: 45), while on the hexagonal tile-floored site, there was also a brick-lined drain (see Figure 13). Likewise, two other brick-lined drains were recently excavated on its western and southern sides (Arifin and Permana 2011: 101, 198-9). All this suggests that Majapahit architects separated polluting waste water from ground water by designing brick-lined conduits and drains to carry away grey water, effluent and sewage.

The central crossroads (catuṣpatha) Catuṣpatha is a Sanskrit word for ‘a place where four roads meet, a crossroads, or a quadrivium’. In the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa epic scenes, the catuṣpatha is a divine place (De Cock 1899: 61, 110). The Ninth Book of the Mahābhārata (9.45.25, 9.45.27 and 9.45.38), in particular, refers to the Mothers attending the God Skanda with the names Catuṣpatha-niketā (literally, ‘Abiding on the Crossroads’) and Catuṣpatha-ratā (literally, ‘Living on the Crossroads) (cf. Tokunaga 1996). In the Mṛcchakaṭikā, the main character is the impoverished Brahmin merchant Cārudatta who urges his Brahmin jester friend Maitreya: “You too ought to go to the crossroads (catuṣpatha) and offer to the [Divine] Mothers”.35 In a Buddhist list of names of the thirty-six hungry ghosts (Skt. preta), who appear Mṛcchakaṭikā 1.84 (Skt.): gaccha tvam api catuṣpathe mātṛbhyo balim upahara (Acharya 2009: 26). 35

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

101

in the Sanskrit sūtra text Saddharmasmṛtyupasthāna, the Catuṣpatha-preta is the ghost dwelling at the catuṣpatha (Wayman 1983: 75-76). Finally, a commentary on the Second Book of Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa, the Ayodhyākaṇḍa, explains: “prominent trees standing on the catuṣpatha [house] the ghosts and the abodes of deities”.36 These are recurring features in the two extant descriptions of the Majapahit catuṣpatha. In line with the Sanskrit texts, Prapañca (8.2d) accentuates the otherworldly aspect of the catuṣpatha, attributing the Old Javanese ahyang or ‘divine’ to the Majapahit central crossroads. Stutterheim (1948: 29 n.76, 124-5 no.8) situates the central crossroads on the north-eastern corner of the royal palace, but considers the siting uncertain. Textual evidence corroborates the correctness of his identification. In a tale appearing in Sutasoma 103.10-13, Queen Marmawatī walks at the palace gate (ghupura, #11) and the watchtower (papanggungan, #12) along the northern palace walls, Tantular giving poetic voice to her wanderings in Old Javanese (see Figure 6): To the east close to the crossroads (catuṣpatha, #1), there is a [sacred] figtree (waringin, #2).37

With reference to this sacred waringin tree, Prapañca (8.1b-c) employs buddhi as a synonym of the Sanskrit bodhi, ‘sacred fig tree’ or Ficus Religiosa, in his description of the front of the royal palace (Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 266; MonierWilliams 1899: 734). During our field walks, the villagers informed us that the spot where Stutterheim sites the Majapahit catuṣpatha crossroads forms the northern part of a punḍen, or locally venerated spot known as Wringin Puṭul or ‘Broken Off Waringin Tree’. Since no waringin trees were recently extant at this spot and none are marked on any of the 1879-1941 ordnance and topographic maps, the local toponym Wringin Puṭul may well go back to the 14th century. This may have an historical link to the sacred waringin tree which once stood near the Majapahit catuṣpatha.38 A commentary on the Bombay version of the Ayodhyākaṇḍa (Skt.): catuṣpatha-stha-mahāvṛkṣān devatâvāsa-bhūtān (De Cock 1899: 110). 37 Sutasoma 103.13a (O.J.): wetanyê harĕp ing catuṣpatha hanêka waringin (Santoso 1975: 447). 38 Whether there were two waringin trees, each surrounded by a low square brick wall, in front of the Majapahit royal palace, like the waringin kurung standing in the centre of alun-alun squares in Central Java, remains an unanswered question, but the idea of fencing sacred trees goes back to Indian court architecture. In the Mālavikāgnimitra, the Prākrit bhitti-vediā-bandha (Skt. bhittivedikā-bandha) refers to a flowering aśoka tree ‘furnished with a walled terrace’ (De Cock 1899: 66 n. 1). Based on Kālidāsa’s Sanskrit court poem Raghuvaṃśa, Monaguṇa’s Old Javanese Sumanasāntaka 22.5a and 124.1b gives patiga ning aśoka which literally translates ‘stone-walled terrace at the base of the aśoka tree’ (cf. Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 141, 2: 1323; Worsley et al. 2013: 122, 312). In the Mṛcchakaṭikā 5.38, the Prākrit pāāra-veṭṭidaṃ via kaïttham (Skt. prākāra-veṣṭitam iva kapittham) translates ‘like a wood-apple tree surrounded by a wall’ (Acharya 2009: 230-1, 570). 36

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

102

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

On the 1941 topographic map, the contours of the four vanished arterial roads intersecting at the crossroads – with an easterly rotation of 10°-11° – are clearly visible (see Figure 7, #A). On high-resolution satellite imagery, their tracks give distinct spectral signatures (Figure 6, #1). In the landscape, the cross sections along the tracks of the northern and southern axial roads reveal local depressions of some 0.5-4.0 metres with widths of twenty to thirty metres. These certainly indicate the previous presence of roads. Although we searched for traces of medieval pavements on site, we could find not a single spot with stone linings or other material (cf. Parcak 2009: 123). However, on the 1918 topographic map, the first 100 metres from the central crossroads to the south is marked as an unsurfaced two to four metre wide dirt road or pack trail. But by 1925, this had disappeared. As these lands are now under intensive agricultural use, we surmise that their top layers have been removed and the remaining soils cleared of previous stone structures, cobbles, rocks, pebbles, gravel and brick aggregate known locally as growol.39

The durbar (sabhā) In the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa epics, sabhā is the space or building which is part of the royal palace, where the throne (siṃhāsana, literally ‘lion’s seat’) is erected and where kings gather in counsel with their dignitaries and court priests. It is the vibrant centre of court life. The king’s subjects arrive in the sabhā, entering on foot, riding in carts, or mounted on horses or elephants depending on their status. The consecration of kings, royal audiences, royal judiciary hearings and state festivities take place in the sabhā, which may be furnished with wells and ponds (De Cock 1899: 101-107). Since the Moghul period (1526-1857), the Persian word darbār came into use, ultimately entering In the Old Javanese Sumanasāntaka 28.17b, roads (mārga) are lined with pebbles/gravel (karikil) (Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 808; Worsley et al. 2013: 146). Moreover, during his journey through Java between July and October 1861, the British naturalist and explorer, Alfred Russel Wallace (18231913), visited the Majapahit-Trowulan remains. In his famous work on the Malay Archipelago (1869), he devotes all of fifteen lines to this visit: “Traces of buildings exist for many miles in every direction, and almost every road and pathway shows a foundation of brickwork beneath it—the paved roads of the old city” (Wallace 1869: 111). The Dutch preachers, Wolter R. Baron van Hoëvell (1812-79) and Stephaan A. Buddingh (1811-69), also visited Trowulan in 1847 and 1853 respectively. The two clergymen witnessed the early demolition process of the extant Majapahit remains of the former royal city, their medieval bricks being re‑used for the construction of sugar factories and the paving of roads (Van Hoëvell 1849, 1: 173; Buddingh 1859, 1: 320). In his critical review of the naturalist’s travelogue some six decades later, Stutterheim (1927: 195), rightly notes that Wallace saw little more of Trowulan than the split gate of Wringin Lawang. The British explorer’s reference to ‘medieval brick-laid roads’ is a pure invention. What Wallace saw were not ‘the paved roads of the old city’, but the recently laid 19th-century roads that had been paved for convenience and economy with medieval bricks. 39

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

103

the English language as ‘durbar’.40 In the Old Javanese Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.3, 63.4b, 64.1, Prapañca’s references to the durbar show strong influences from Sanskrit texts. For the designation of durbar, the Buddhist author employs the Sanskrit word sabhā, its Old Javanese derivation pasabhān (literally, ‘the place of the sabhā’), and the Old Javanese word wanguntur, which, in later texts, is often rendered in its nasalized form as manguntur. Prapañca also informs us that “the king is blessed, appearing in the durbar (wanguntur)” (Stutterheim 1948: 31).41 This explains the etymology of two other Old Javanese designations for the durbar, pangastryan and pangastryanan, which literally translate as ‘the place where the blessing or consecration of the king takes place’.42 Regarding the design of the royal space in front of the palace, the 13th-century Old Javanese poem Sumanasāntaka (circa 1204) states: “The form of the durbar (pangastryanan) is a geometrical square”.43 Another Old Javanese designation for the durbar is watangan (literally, ‘sentry posts’) referring to the soldiers stationed with their pikes or lances (watang) along the perimeter of the external courtyard (cf. Stutterheim 1948: 35-6, 67). Stutterheim (1948: 30-47) rightly argues that the function and design of the present-day northern siti inggil in the Central Javanese courts of Yogyakarta and Surakarta evolved from the Majapahit durbar. From the West Javanese pilgrim Bujangga Manik’s account, we learn that the Majapahit durbar (manguntur) was still extant when he visited the royal city at the end of the 15th century (Noorduyn and Teeuw 2006: 258). The Balinese authors of the Kidung Pamañcangah were still able to site the Majapahit durbar (pangastryan) in the Trowulan landscape at the beginning of the 18th century (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2010: 13, Fig.3, no. 4; Gomperts 2011: 64-6, 69 no. 3). Even as late as the 1870s, Trowulan oral tradition continued to maintain this siting of the Majapahit paseban or ‘audience hall’, as can be seen in Dutch geographer, Pieter J. Veth’s, Java monograph (1878: 140; cf. 1896: 211-2). Veth’s source for this information appears to have been Jacob A.B. Wiselius (1844-88), a Javanese-speaking member of the Indies colonial administration, who visited the Trowulan remains and collected ‘a treasure of data’ about the site of the Majapahit

As the Modern Javanese siti inggil does not appeal to the proper architectural impression of the medieval Javanese exterior courtyard sabhā (Figure 14), we decided, following Pigeaud (1963, 5: 280), to use the English word ‘durbar’ in its original Indian meaning instead (cf. Yule and Burnell 1903: 331). 41 Nāgarakṛtāgama 84.7b (O.J.): nṛpati [h]inastryan mijil i wanguntur (Stutterheim 1948: 31; Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 147). 42 The Old Javanese angastryani denotes “to bless (strengthen a person’s śakti [spiritual power] by means of ritual acts, prayers, mantras, etc.)’ (Zoetmulder (1982,1: 147). 43 Sumanasāntaka 20.1b (O.J.): tingkah ikang pangastryanan amarpat… (Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 147; Worsley et al. 2013: 116, footnote Q). Compare Smaradahana (c. 1182-5) 1.20a (O.J.): parpāt ning watangan… (Zoetmulder 1982, 2: 1316). 40

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

104

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

court capital in the early 1870s (Veth 1896: 207).44 Prapañca’s references to the Majapahit durbar are so detailed that we can reconstruct the durbar site with great veracity. We will first discuss the siting of the durbar and then describe its layout. For several reasons, we envisage the Majapahit durbar some 100 metres further to the east - southeast of Stutterheim’s siting (Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008b: 415 Fig. 2 no. 10). In his description in Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.5a, Prapañca enters the royal palace. Before passing through the gate (#16) of the courtyard (#14) with the west-oriented lane (#15), the author states that he is situated to the south of the durbar (wanguntur). So, standing in the entrance courtyard (#17), the durbar is situated to the north of the watchtower (panggung, #12) (see Figure 6). On the 1879 ordnance map, a hedge appears some 200 metres to the north of the Panggung Islamic shrine, where the watchtower (panggung, #12) once stood (Figure 5). This was before the area became inhabited again at the end of the 19th century, as shown on the 1892 ordnance map. Measuring some 130 metres in length in an east-west axial direction, such a hedge points to the existence of – what in Javanese is called – a punḍen or sacred spot (Figure 5). At the time of the survey of the 1879 ordnance map in 1871-2, this hedge was the only significant topographic feature standing in the area where, according to Wiselius’ information, Trowulan oral tradition situated thirty stone dies at the spot of the Majapahit paseban or ‘audience hall’ in the early 1870s (Figure 5).45 At the same Despite Veth’s explicit references (1878: 136 n. 1; 1896: 196-7 n.1, 207 n. 1), we were unable to trace the ‘Wiselius MS’ in the 1875-88 Wiselius-Veth correspondence (BPL 1756) in the Leiden University Library western manuscript collection. 45 Based on a careful reading of Domis (1834: 90), Van Hoëvell (1849, 1: 181) and Verbeek (1890: 11 no. 10, Map), we interpret Veth’s understanding of Wiselius’ manuscript (1878: 136 n. 1, 140; 1896: 196-7 n.1, 207 n. 1, 211-2) as follows: In an open space somewhere between the southwestern end of the Balong Dowo pond (corresponding to WGS84, UTM, zone 49M coordinates 652341 ±10 mE, 9163857 ±10 mN) and the area to the east of the Panggung shrine (corresponding to coordinates 652238 ± 32 mE, 9163411 ± 5 mN) in 1847, thirty stone dies were arranged in three rows, spaced twelve feet apart. According to Wiselius’ testimony of local tradition in the early 1870s, the thirty stone dies once supported the pillars and the roof of the Majapahit paseban or ‘audience hall’, which were reused for the construction of the Dĕmak mosque. Note that the 3×10-pillared structure also is found in the traditional Balinese long-house (bale lantang) where it appears in temple yards and/or is used for communal gatherings (Wijaya 2002: 19 Pl. H, 135 Pl. F). At some point between 1847 and 1887, namely between the visits of Van Hoëvell and Verbeek, the thirty stone dies were relocated to the area to the east of Panggung along the path leading to this Islamic shrine, where Domis also saw stone dies in the early 1830s. This corresponds with the three-row situation shown on Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 map (Figure 2). Since this second site of the stone dies coincides exactly with the northern palace walls (Figure 4), it could not have been the place of the Majapahit durbar. At this selfsame spot, the Pĕndopo Agung was erected during the last months of 1966. Referring to the 1966 situation, Wibowo (1980: 6-7) believed that twenty-six stones were arranged in an area measuring seventy-five metres east-west by ten metres [north-south] with a[n easterly] deviation of 10°, each east-west row counting ten stones spaced at intervals of 7.5 m. However, the archaeologist himself was not convinced of the correctness of the survey of his fieldworkers and rightly so (cf. Wibowo 1980: 10, ‘Apabila… 44

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

105

place, Maclaine Pont mapped important brick remains on his 1926 map (Figure 3, no. 11). In our estimation, the hedge in all probability demarcated the site where the Majapahit paseban or ‘audience hall’ probably once stood, that is the area of the durbar (Figure 6, #3). This is corroborated by further relevant evidence relating to the presence of the nearby royal elephant pillars. In Indian culture and throughout Indianized Southeast Asia, elephants are important symbols of kingship. Elephant stables are thus an essential aspect of court architecture, as narrated in the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa epics (De Cock 1899: 113). The elephants were chained by their feet to a post or pillar, called ālāna. The Sanskrit term and its proper function is attested in the Old Javanese Rāmāyaṇa Kakawin 11.2c (Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 43), which can be dated to as early as circa AD 905-930. In Java, the importance of the royal elephants near the durbar becomes apparent from a drawing in Admiral Jacob Cornelisz. van Neck (1564–1638) and Rear Admiral Wybrant van Warwijck’s (1566/15701615) logbook of the Second Dutch Navigation to the Archipelago (1598-1602). This shows the King of Tuban seated in royal council in the durbar flanked by thirteen royal elephants with their feet chained to their posts, as the merchants of the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) appear in audience before him on Sunday, 24 January 1599 (Figure 16). In conjunction with the elephant stables, the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa epics also mention the horse stables (De Cock 1899: 113). Referring to the area in front of the Majapahit royal palace, the poet Tantular describes the stables of the elephants and the horses in proximity of the durbar (wanguntur) in the following passage from the Arjunawijaya: It is crowded with heroic troops [and] brave warriors. There are very vigorous ensigns (taṇḍa) in command [of them]. The high rising stables of elephants (pagajahan) and horses (paturagan) are also close by. (after Supomo 1977, 2: 187)46

Prapañca does not refer to the elephant stables, but we do possess tangible archaeological evidence which concords with Tantular’s poem. On site, there are benar’ [‘If… correct’]). If the total length of ten stones standing in a row amounts to seventy-five metres, they must be spaced at intervals of 75 m / (10-1) = 8.3 metres, not 7.5 meters. Correcting Wibowo (1980: 6-7), the guard of the Pĕndopo Agung complex declared to us that in 1966 most of the stone dies were irregularly scattered over an area of some twenty-five metres by twenty-five metres. (Personal communication, Bp. Muntholip, 4 April 2014) 46 In continuation of the stanza 3.3 —wanguntur… ngkānê dalĕm… yaśa panangkilan… watangan… which all refer to the space of the durbar (cf. Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.3a-b, Stutterheim 1948: 30-47, 124-5 Map III nos. 10-13)— the Arjunawijaya 3.4b-c verses (O.J.): sök dening aśura-bala wīrayodha hana taṇḍa subala pamukha/ mwang tang pagajahan aruhur wangunya juga len paturagan apĕḍĕk (Supomo 1977, 1: 97). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

106

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

two stone pillars, situated respectively some fifty-five and 115 metres to the east of the Panggung shrine (#13), to which, according to oral tradition, the feet of the royal elephants were tied (Verbeek 1890: 11-12). The western elephant’s pillar still exists (see Figure 15). A part of the eastern one is buried below the surface, its position pinpointed to us by the guardsman of the Pĕndopo Agung complex.47 So, with reference to the excavated brick remains of the northern palace walls marked on both Maclaine Pont’s 1926 map and Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan, and the positions of the two elephant’s chaining posts on site, we estimate that they were situated some three to five metres to the north of the northern palace walls and some eighty metres to the south of the southern side of the durbar (Figure 6, #13). Regarding the layout of the durbar, Prapañca (8.3) goes on: “The durbar (wanguntur) is wide and spacious, the sentry posts (watangan, #3) arranged at the four cardinal directions”.48 The open royal pavilion (witāna, #4) houses the throne (singhāsana) in the centre of the durbar.49 Located to the north of the royal pavilion, the religious officials (bhūjangga) and counsellors (mantri) are seated in assembly in the audience-waiting pavilion (weśma panangkilan, #5), respectfully waiting for the king. Situated to the east of the royal pavilion, the Śivaite and Buddhist clergy are seated (#6), probably on the ground, holding their disputations and purificatory ceremonies during solar and lunar eclipses (grahaṇa) which occurred in the month Phalguna (Robson 1995: 29) (see Figure 6). In the Arjunawijaya 3.3d-3.4a, the open royal pavilion is called bwat mantĕn and is roofed with palm fibres (hĕduk). Elsewhere in Nāgarakṛtāgama 63.1-64.2, Prapañca describes the Buddhist śrāddha ceremony commemorating the twelfth year of the decease of Rājapatnī, King Hayam Wuruk’s maternal grandmother. This took place at the auspicious moment of sunrise on the first day of the waxing fortnight in the month Bhādrapada in the Śaka year 1284 or Monday, 22 August 1362 (Robson 1995: 129-30). Here, the author gives a more detailed account of the royal pavilion: In the early 1830s, Domis (1834: 90) saw this area of the former elephant stables. In 1887, Verbeek (1890: 12, cf. Map) pointed out the existence of two elephant poles in this selfsame spot. The guard of the Pĕndopo Agung complex declared that there were two elephant pillars (Figure 6, #13). During the construction of the Pĕndopo Agung in 1966, they attempted to remove the eastern elephant pole, but the pillar snapped. The lower part was left buried in situ. The upper part of the elephant pole was moved together with ten stone dies to the south of the Pĕnḍopo Agung. (Personal communications, Bp. Muntholip, 19 May 2006, 26 December 2006, and 4 April 2014) In 1973, Wibowo reported the existence of two elephant poles (1973: 29), but his 1980 reference to the existence of ‘three’ elephant pillars and his forceful speculation to the existence of a fourth ‘south-western’ one amounts to fiction (cf. Wibowo 1980: 6). 48 Nāgarakṛtāgama 8.3a (O.J.): alwâgimbar ikang wanguntur a[ñ]atur-ddiś i watangan… (Stutterheim 1948: 30; Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 315). 49 Nāgarakṛtāgama (O.J.): 8.3a wanguntur… ika witāna ri tĕngah; 63.4b sthāna singhêng wanguntur (Pigeaud 1960, 1: 7, 48). 47

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

107

When the auspicious time arrived, the irreproachable durbar (sabhā) had already been put in good order. There, at the centre, the splendid open pavilion (witāna) was adorned like a lofty towering structure with stairs (prisaḍi). [Its] stone platform was unique, [furnished] with beautiful red-dyed pillars of stone and decorated with a roof. It was [a] majestic [scene] as the people took [their] places in front of the quite wonderful throne (singhāsana). (after Kern 1918, 8: 48; and Robson 1995: 70)50

For the śrāddha ceremony, temporary structures were set up in the durbar. Prapañca (64.2) relates that an open pavilion (maṇḍapa) was erected for the princes to the west of the royal pavilion (Stutterheim 1948: 32 n. 83). On the southern side of the durbar, bamboo awnings (taratag) were set up for the servants. Prapañca (64.2b) also tells us that, on the northern side of the durbar, there were rows of bamboo awnings (taratag), “going along [the side] to the east and rising [like] terraces at the rear” (after Robson 1995: 70). In this case, we envisage bamboo stands floored and roofed with woven bamboo, like tribunes, along the northern and north-eastern perimeter of the durbar. In a similar scene in Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa, Daśaratha sits on a throne in a prāsāda, which is a towering construction with stairs (De Cock 1899: 79-80). So Pigeaud (1960, 3: 73) rightly translates priṣadi as a towering structure. In this case, we imagine a mounted throne as in 19thcentury Bali (cf. Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 262, 2: 1424, 2314). We cannot concur with Stutterheim (1948: 32 n. 83), who states that King Hayam Wuruk sat on his throne in witāna (#4), oriented towards the west. Javanese kings always face north when they are seated in the northern siti inggil, just as in the illustration of the King of Tuban’s audience with the VOC merchants in 1599 (Figure 16). In our view, the Majapahit kings also faced north looking both towards those who were waiting for royal audience in the eponymous pavilion (weśma panangkilan, #5) and towards the stands on the durbar’s northern perimeter. In Prapañca’s text (66.4), the queen dances in the Royal Pavilion (witāna, #4) in spatial reference to the pasabhān. In the durbar, poetry is read (94.1a-b). The Majapahit text on state protocol, Nawanāṭya, mentions that the “prime minister… has the privilege of entering the durbar mounted on a chariot” (Pigeaud 1960, 3: 120-121).51 Hence, we conclude that the spatial function and the court protocols relating to the 14th-century Majapahit durbar were inspired by the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa epics (cf. De Cock 1899: 101-107). Finally, we Nāgarakṛtāgama 64.1 (O.J.): ndah prāptang śubha-k[ā]la sāmpun atitah têkang sabhânindita/ ngkāne madhya witāna śobhita rinĕngga lwir prisaḍy āruhur/ tunggal tang mabatur śilā-saka rinaktârjj[â]wuwung hinyasan/ sa-śry āpan paḍa munggwi sanmukha nikang singhāsanâtyâdbhutā// (Kern 1919: 151-2; Pigeaud 1960, 1: 48). 51 Nawanāṭya 3b-4b (O.J.) mantri mūkya… wĕnang wahāna munggwing pangāstryan (Pigeaud 1960, 1: 81-82). 50

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

108

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

noticed during our field walks in December 2008 that the soils in the southern area of the durbar had been removed to depths of four metres and a medieval brick-walled well in the south-western corner had vanished. Anticipating future archaeological excavations of the Majapahit durbar, we suggest that only the soils of its northern part might reveal structures and artefacts.

The temple complex (brahmasthāna) Prapañca (8.4) continues his description with an account of a separate external courtyard (natar) housing the temple complex situated adjacent to the east of the durbar. In opposition to Krom’s schematic plan (cf. Kern 1919: 254), Stutterheim (1948: 48, 124-5, Map III no. 14) erroneously sites it some 700 metres to the north-east of the durbar. In the entire corpus of Old Javanese literature, only the Kidung Harṣawijaya provides us with another spatial reference to this important religious space: According to the prescribed rites, the king’s consecration ceremony is held to the east of the durbar (pangastryan) at the shrine(s) (pangasthūlan).52

Prapañca (8.5) describes three shrines (pahoman, literally ‘offering places’) standing in a row (jajar) from south to north. The southern shrine belongs to the Brahmins (wipra, #7), who probably performed the coronation rituals of the Majapahit kings, as found elsewhere in Southeast Asia (Witzel 1976: 4). The central shrine is Śivaite (#8), the state religion of the Majapahit kings, while the northern shrine with its three-tiered roof (susun tiga) is Buddhist (#9), the faith to which several of the Majapahit queens adhered. On the western side of the temple complex, the author describes a raised stone platform for offerings (batur patawuran, #10) which the princes attend during ceremonies. All these four religious constructions were located in an external courtyard (natar), probably demarcated by a surrounding hedge or low brick wall (Figure 6, #7-#10). In accordance with Prapañca’s description (83.6), these are the places where the fire oblations (homa) and the Vedic offerings (brahmayajña) probably take place. In the early 12th-century Old Javanese poem Sumanasāntaka 111.7a and 111.11c, Monaguṇa’s references to the offering place (patawuran) and the shrine(s) (dewagṛha) probably correspond to the Majapahit stone offering platform (batur patawuran) and the three shrines (pahoman) respectively (cf. Worsely et al. 2013: 292). We know of no archaeological evidence of the siting of these shrines, but Kidung Harṣawijaya 6.85b (O.J.): … sawidi-widhāna krama ning homa ambiṣeka prabhu ri pūrwa ning pangastryan tang pangasthūlan (Berg 1931: 173). The Old Javanese pangasthulan literally translates ‘the place where the deity descends and is worshipped’ (Zoetmulder 1982, 2: 1825). 52

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

109

their position with respect to the durbar leads us to a spot near the north-eastern corner of the royal palace. Such shrines still exist in Bali where they are situated at the north-eastern corner of the outer walls of a residential compound (see Tjahjono 1998: 37 top; Davison et al. 2003: 13 bottom; Wijaya 2002: 30 Fig. 2.2B no. 2). The 13th-century East Javanese monument Caṇḍi Jawi shows two shrines with three-tiered roofs (Galestin 1936, 34, Plate I nos. 14-15). We include here a photograph of a shrine of the Pura Ulun temple on Lake Bratan in Bali, which has a three-tiered roof (Figure 17). Prapañca also gives another reference to this temple complex. Brahmasthāna, literally ‘Brahma’s place’, is a fundamental concept in Indian architecture and town planning. In the Mayamata text, brahmasthāna refers to the centre of a temple, where a foundation deposit is ritually placed, or the centre of a settlement, where a pavilion for public assembly or an altar dedicated to Brahma is erected (cf. Dagens 1994, 1: lxxxvi Fig. 34, lxxxviii Fig. 35, 50, 64, 246; 2: 596, 952). In the Sanskrit text Mānasāra 12.142, brahmasthāna is described as ‘the central part of a village or town, where a public hall is built for the assemblage of the inhabitants’ (Acharya 1946, 7: 376). Citing Acharya (1946, 7: 438) on Mānasāra 40.156-157, ‘the brahma-pīṭha or royal chapel is installed in the brahmasthāna or central part’. Since Monier-Williams’ Sanskrit dictionary (1899: 740) lists brahmasthāna as ‘the mulberry tree’, Stutterheim (1948: 12, 17) and all other scholars of Old Javanese studies have interpreted brahmasthāna in Prapañca’s description (8.1c) as a tree. However, Robson (1995: 101) keenly observes that “there is no clear indication that it is a tree here”. In Prapañca’s description (8.1c), the Sanskrit brahmasthāna appears in conjunction with the Old Javanese patani denoting “a small building, often a mushroom-shaped pavilion for sheltering under” (Robson 1995: 101; Zoetmulder 1982, 2: 1319). The art historian Theodoor P. Galestin (1907-80) devotes an elaborate discussion to such mushroom-shaped pavilions, concluding that they represent shrines dedicated to gods or spirits (cf. Galestin 1936: 7-35, Plate I). The only other Old Javanese text, where the Sanskritderived word brahmasthāna appears, is the poem Kṛṣṇakālāntaka, indisputably alluding to a shrine: “a brahmasthāna in the shape of a paryangan”.53 The Old Javanese word paryangan denotes a shrine or a sanctuary dedicated to a god or the spirits (cf. Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 659). Hence, in Prapañca’s description, the appearance of brahmasthāna in combination with patani unambiguously refers to a spiritual or religious edifice. Since these brahmasthāna shrines stand with the buddhi tree (#2) in a row (jajar), like the three Brahmin (#7), Śivaite (#8), and Buddhist (#9) pahoman shrines, and are also situated near the conceptual centre of the Majapahit court town – that is the catuṣpatha or central crossroads (#1) – we conclude that Prapañca employs brahmasthāna (8.1c) as a synonym of 53

Kṛṣṇakālāntaka 31.1 (O.J.): brahmasthāna winimba paryangan ika (Zoetmulder 1982, 1: 257). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

110

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

pahoman (‘offering place, shrine’). Finally, we consulted the online version of the Critical Edition of the Sanskrit epics and found that the word brahmasthāna does not appear as an architectural term for temple or shrine in either the Mahābhārata or Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa (cf. Tokunaga 1996). Hence, we conclude that Prapañca’s use of the technical term brahmasthāna points to the influence of Sanskrit texts such as the Mānasāra and the Mayamata on urban architecture and town planning.

Conclusion Prapañca’s account of the five courtyards (Figure 6, #14, #17, #19, #21 and #26) accords with the layout of the inner palace walls marked on Vistarini’s 1931 plan and Maclaine Pont’s 1926 map. Four toponyms – Panggung, Kĕḍaton, Siti Inggil and Wringin Puṭul – accord with Prapañca and Tantular’s descriptions. Five topographic features – the dirt road or trail (#15) in the north-eastern courtyard (#14), the terracing in two other courtyards (#19, #21), the levelness of Abode Beyond Compare’s courtyard (#26), the central crossroads (#1), and the hedge marking the area of the durbar (#3) – also accord with the author’s narrative. The three extant archaeological remains of Batu Umpak-Umpak, Siti Inggil/Caṇḍi Kĕḍaton and the two elephant-chaining pillars near the Panggung Islamic shrine are identified with the Amazing Pavilion (#29), the north-eastern pavilion in the Abode Beyond Compare (#30), and the two elephant stables (#13) respectively. The appearance of the tank in the north-western corner of the antaḥpura is in line with descriptions of the streams and pleasure gardens inside royal palaces in a number of Old Javanese texts. The excavated Chinese coins and ceramics predominantly date to the 14th and 15th centuries. Hence, Prapañca’s spatially related description matches precisely the site of the 14th-century Majapahit royal palace at Kĕḍaton. Since the Buddhist author’s description only covers some forty per cent of our reconstruction of the total area of the royal palace, we can surmise that the other sixty per cent must have been reserved for members of the Majapahit royal family and the ruler’s secondary wives and his close female retainers. In comparison with Stutterheim’s plan (1948: 124-5, Map III; Gomperts, Haag and Carey 2008b: 415, Fig. 2), our reconstruction reduces the total area of the royal palace by some forty per cent. In our mapping, the outer palace walls enclose an area of just 0.41 square kilometres, providing a living space for some 400-700 inhabitants. Three remarkable individuals played decisive roles in the identification of Prapañca’s description of the Majapahit royal palace site, namely the initiator Van Stein Callenfels, the excavator Vistarini and the exegetist Stutterheim. It was Van Stein Callenfels who, inspired by Krom’s schematic mapping (Kern 1919: 254; Krom 1920, 2: 111) and taking advantage of Bosch’s fortuitous furlough absence (May 1928-August 1929), pushed for Vistarini’s excavations in the face of Maclaine Pont’s pseudo-archaeological views. And it was Stutterheim Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

111

(1948) who added spatial and architectural context to Prapañca’s description. Without his contribution, the Buddhist author’s description would have remained an uncorrelated string of Old Javanese words in Dutch and English translation. Although we may have been able to improve on the chief archaeologist’s reconstructive mapping of the 14th- century Majapahit royal palace by projecting Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan onto satellite imagery, we still consider Stutterheim’s interpretation of Prapañca’s account a masterpiece of text-based archaeology. Of this remarkable trio, however, Bruno Nobile de Vistarini must take pride of place. His excavation plan is the most professional archaeological mapping of the Majapahit-Trowulan site surviving from the pre-1942 colonial period (Figure 6). This modest, and hitherto unknown, Austrian architectural engineer will go down in history as the gentleman Figure 18. A 1947 photograph of the Austrian archaeologist who excavated the Majapahit palace architectural engineer and gentleman archaeologist, Bruno A.G. Nobile de walls (Figure 18). Vistarini (1891-1971), taken after his postAfter a century of Nāgarakṛtāgama studies, war return to his native Austria. Copyright and courtesy of the Inneres Landesarchiv, we found that Prapañca’s text still contains a few Graz. surprises. The language of the architectural layout of the Majapahit royal palace is strongly reminiscent of the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa epics. The influence of the Sanskrit texts on Majapahit court architecture goes much further than the idea of an imported subcontinental blueprint for a royal palace. Prapañca’s account of the Majapahit pura testifies to a Javanese elite living in the court architecture of the Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa.

Selected cartographic sources J.W.B. Wardenaar’s 1815 Plan of Majapahit, scale 1: 10,800. Drake Collection, British Museum, London, registration number: 1939, 0311, 0.5.36. Viewable online at the website of the British Museum. 1879 Ordnance maps of the Surabaya regency (Kaart van de Residentie Soerabaja), surveyed in the Bonne projection in 1871-2, scale 1: 20,000, sheets F.XIII and F.XIV. Batavia: Topographisch Bureau van den Generalen Staf. Amsterdam University Library. R.D.M. Verbeek’s 1890 Map of the Majapahit Antiquities in the Mojokĕrto and Jombang Regencies (Dutch, Gedeelte der afdeelingen Madjakerta en DjomJournal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

112

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

bang, residentie Soerabaja, waar zich de oudheden van Madjapahit bevinden), scale 100,000. Published in Verbeek (1890). 1892 Ordnance maps (second edition of the 1879 ordnance maps). Collection Perpustakaan Nasional Republik Indonesia, Jakarta. 1918 TDNI topographic map Java, Res[identie] Soerabaja, no. LVIII D, Mercator projection, scale 1: 50,000. Batavia: Topographische Inrichting. Collection KIT, Leiden University Library. N.J. Krom’s 1919 reconstructive schematic plan. Published in Kern (1919: 254). Maclaine Pont and Kromodjojo Adinĕgoro’s 1924 Map of the Majapahit Terrain (Dutch, Emplacement van Majapahit), scale 1: 25,000. Published in Maclaine Pont (1924: 6; 1925). 1925 TDNI topographic map Java, Res[identie] Soerabaja, no. XLI-53 D, Mercator projection, scale 1: 50,000. Weltevreden: Topografische Dienst. Collection KIT, Leiden University Library. H. Maclaine Pont’s 1926 Map of Majapahit Archaeological Remains (Dutch, Majapahitsche restantenkaart), scale of approx. 1: 50,000. Published in Maclaine Pont (1926). B. Vistarini’s 1931 excavation plan of the northern and central part of the site of the vanished royal palace, scale of approx. 1: 6,000. Published in Vistarini (1931: 31). 1941 TDNI topographic map Modjoagoeng, no. 53/XLI-D, Mercator projection, scale 1: 50,000. Batavia: Topografische Dienst in Nederlandsch-Indië (TDNI). Collection KIT, Leiden University Library. W.F. Stutterheim’s July 1941 reconstructive mapping of Majapahit. Published in Stutterheim (1948: 124-5, Map III). Bakosurtanal 1983 plan, Trowulan: A Reconstruction of the Capital of the Majapahit Kingdom (Bahasa Indonesia, Trowulan: Rekonstruksi Ibukota Kerajaan Majapahit), consisting of an archaeological mapping projected onto a 1973 KLM Aerocarto aerial image (scale 1: 25,000) published by the Indonesian National Survey as a special map edition. Cibinong: Bakosurtanal.

References Acharya, Diwakar. 2009. The Little Clay Cart by Śūdraka. The Clay Sanskrit Library. New York University and JJC Foundation. Acharya, Prasanna Kumar. 1927-46. Mānasāra Series. Vol. 1: A Dictionary of Hindu Architecture (1927). Vol. 2: Indian Architecture according to Mānasāra Śilpāśāstra (1927). Vol. 3: Mānasāra, Sanskrit Text with Critical Notes (1934). Vol. 4: Architecture of Mānasāra, Translation in English (1934). Vol. 5: Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

113

Architecture of Mānasāra, Plates (1934). Vol. 6: Hindu Architecture in India and Abroad (1946). Vol. 7: An Encyclopaedia of Hindu Architecture (1946). London: Oxford University Press. Arifin, Karina, and R. Cecep Eka Permana (eds.). [2011]. Laporan Penelitian Arkeologi Terpadu Indonesia I (PATI-I 2008). Depok: Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya, Universitas Indonesia/Orchid Media Creasindo. Baker, Chris. 2013 ‘The Grand Palace in the Description of Ayutthaya: Translation and Commentary’, Journal of the Siam Society 101: 69-112. Berg, C.C. 1929. Kidung Pamañcangah: de geschiedenis van het rijk van Gelgel. Kirtya Lieferinck-van der Tuuk, Javaansch Balische Historische Geschriften 1. Santpoort: Mees. ____. 1931. ‘Een nieuwe redactie van den roman van Raden Wijaya/Kidung HarṣaWijaya: Middel‑Javaansche historische roman’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Landen Volkenkunde 88: 1-238. Bernet Kempers, A.J. 1949. [Summary of Willems’ excavations of the Siti Inggil earthwork/Caṇḍi Kĕḍaton in 1941], Oudheidkundig Verslag 1941-1947. ____. 1978. Herstel in eigen waarde: Monumentenzorg in Indonesië. Zutphen: Walburg Pers. [Borghart, M.]. 1929. Newspaper article ‘Modjokerto’, Soerabajasch Handelsblad, 13 May 1929, p. 13, cols. 5-6, http: //resources3.kb.nl/011105000/pdf/ DDD_011107969.pdf Bosch, F.D.K. 1930. ‘Onderzoek Majapahit en verzameling te Trawoelan’, Oudheidkundig Verslag 1929, 3-4: 133-4. ____. 1931/32. ‘De Oudheidkundige Dienst’, Indisch verslag 1931: I. Tekst van het verslag van bestuur en staat van Nederlandsch-Indië over het jaar 1930, pp.317-9. ‘s-Gravenhage: Algemeene Landsdrukkerij. Buddingh, S.A. 1859-1861. Neêrlands-Oost-Indië: Reizen over Java… gedurende het tijdvak van 1852-1857. 3 vols.. Rotterdam: Wijt. Carey, Peter B.R. 2007. The Power of Prophecy: Prince Dipanagara and the End of an Old Order in Java, 1755-1855. Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 249. 1st ed. Leiden: KITLV Press. Cock, Jan K. de. 1899. Eene Oudindische stad volgens het Epos. Groningen: Noordhoff. Crowder, David A. 2007. Google Earth for Dummies. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Dagens, Bruno. 1994. Mayamatam: Treatise of Housing, Architecture and Iconography. 2nd ed., 2 vols. Kalāmūlaśāstra series 14 & 15. 2007 reprint. New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts & Motilal Banarsidass. Darmoyuwono, Kardono et al. 1981. Penerapan Teknik Penginderaan Jauh untuk Inventarisasi dan Pemetaan Peninggalan Purbakala Daerah Trowulan KabuJournal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

114

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

paten Mojokerta, Jawa Timur. In collaboration with Badan Koordinasi Survey dan Pemetaan Nasional (Bakosurtanal), Direktorat Sejarah dan Purbakala, Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM), Institut Teknologi Bandung (ITB) and Lembaga Penerbangan dan Antariksa Nasional (LAPAN). Cibinong: Bakosurtanal. Davison, Julian, Bruce Granquist, Mubinas Hanafi, Nengah Enu, and Luca Invernizzi Tettoni. 2003. Introduction to Balinese Architecture. Singapore: Periplus. Domis, H.J. 1834. ‘Bijzonderheden betreffende Sourabaya en Madura’, De Oosterling (Tijdschrift bij uitsluiting toegewijd aan de verbreiding der kennis van Oost-Indië) 2: 88-126. Kampen: Van Hulst. Eastmead, Stephen. 2012. Landscape Surveying using Handheld GPS Receivers. Swaledale and Arkengarthdale Archaeology Group. Fagan, Garrett G. 2006. ‘Diagnosing Pseudoarchaeology’, in Archaeological Fantasies: How Pseudoarchaeology Misrepresents the Past and Misleads the Public. Edited by Garrett G. Fagan, pp. 23-46. Abingdon/New York: Routledge. Flemming, N.C. 2006. ‘The Attraction of Non-Rational Archaeological Hypotheses’, in Archaeological Fantasies: How Pseudoarchaeology Misrepresents the Past and Misleads the Public. Edited by Garrett G. Fagan, pp. 47-70. Abingdon/ New York: Routledge. Galestin, Theodoor Paul. 1936. Houtbouw op Oost-Javaansche tempelreliëfs. Doctorate thesis, University of Leiden. ‘s-Gravenhage: privately published. Gent, Lambertus F. van. 1916. ‘Aardrijkskundige benamingen in Midden- en OostJava’, Jaarverslag van den Topographischen Dienst in Nederlandsch-Indië 1915, 11: 176-212. Glowacki, Julius. 1909. Jahresbericht des k.k. Staats-Gymnasiums in Marburg a.D. veröffentlicht von der Direktion am Schlusse des Studienjahres 1909. Marburg a.D.: Mostböck. Available at www.archive.org. Gomperts, Amrit. 2011. ‘More on the Archaeological Mapping of the Fourteenthcentury Royal City of Majapahit based on a Balinese description in the Kidung Pamañcangah’, in: ManjuShree (ed.), From Beyond the Eastern Horizon: Essays in Honour of Professor Lokesh Chandra, pp. 63-73. Śata-piṭaka Series 638. New Delhi: Aditya Prakasahan. Gomperts, Amrit, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey. 2008a. ‘De veertiende-eeuwse Javaanse hofstad Majapahit alsnog op de kaart gezet’, Caert‑Thresoor 27, 3: 71-8. ____. 2008b. ‘Stutterheim’s Enigma: The Mystery of His Mapping of the Majapahit Kraton at Trowulan in 1941’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 164, 4: 411-30. ____. 2010. ‘Rediscovering the Royal Capital of Majapahit’, Newsletter of the International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS) 53: 12-13. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

115

____. 2011. ‘Maclaine Pont and the Discovery of Bharada’s Hermitage’, Newsletter of the International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS) 58: 4-5. ____. 2012a. ‘Mapping Majapahit: Wardenaar’s Archaeological Survey at Trowulan in 1815’, Indonesia 93: 177-196. ____. 2012b. ‘The Sage who Divided Java in 1052: Maclaine Pont’s Excavation of Mpu Bharaḍa’s Hermitage-Cemetery at Lĕmah Tulis in 1925’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 168, 1: 1-25. Hoëvell, W.R. van. 1849-1854. Reis over Java, Madura en Bali in het midden van 1847. 3 vols.. Amsterdam: Van Kampen. Hoskins, W.G. 1985. The Making of the English Landscape. Reprint of 1955 edition. London: Penguin. Kern, H. 1917-8. ‘De Nāgarakṛtāgama: Oudjavaansch lofdicht op Koning Hayam Wuruk van Majapahit’, in Verspreide Geschiften 1917, 7: 227-320; 1918, 8: 1-132. ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff. ____. 1919. Het Oud-Javaansche Lofdicht Nāgarakṛtāgama van Prapañca (1365 A.D.): Tekst, vertaling en bespreking. With explanatory notes by N.J. Krom. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff. Keuning, J. 1942. De Tweede Schipvaart der Nederlanders naar Oost-Indië onder Jacob Cornelisz. van Neck en Wybrant Warwijck 1598-1600. De LinschotenVereeniging, no. 46, vol. 3. The Hague: Nijhoff. Knaap, G.J., J.R. van Diessen, W. Leijnse, and M.P.B. Ziellemans. 2007. Grote Atlas van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie/Comprehensive Atlas of the Dutch United East India Company, Volume II: Java en Madoera/Java and Madura. Voorburg: Asia Maior. Knebel, J. 1909. Rapporten van de Commissie in Nederlandsch-Indië voor Oudheidkundig Onderzoek op Java en Madoera, 1907. Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen. Batavia/The Hague: Albrecht/Nijhoff. Kosso, Peter. 2006. ‘Introduction: The Epistemology of Archaeology’, in Archaeological Fantasies: How Pseudoarchaeology Misrepresents the Past and Misleads the Public. Edited by Garrett G. Fagan, pp. 3-22. Abingdon/New York: Routledge. Krom, N.J. 1920, 1923. Inleiding tot de Hindoe-Javaansche kunst. 1st ed., 2 vols. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. ‘s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff. ____. 1931. Hindoe-Javaansche geschiedenis. 2nd. ed. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. ‘s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff. Maclaine Pont, Henri. 1924. (Overzicht van de overwegingen welke geleid hebben tot de oprichting van de) Oudheidkundige Vereeniging “Majapahit” te Modjokerto. Weltevreden: Albrecht. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

116

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

____. 1925. ‘Madjapahit, Poging tot Reconstructie van het Stadsplan, nagezocht op het terrein aan de hand van den Middeleeuwschen dichter: Prapanca’, Oudheidkundig Verslag 1924, 1-2: 36-75 Appendix D, 3-4: 157-99 Appendix Q. ____. 1926. ‘De historische rol van Majapahit: Een hypothese’, Djåwå 6: 294-317. ____. 1927a. ‘Eenige oudheidkundige gegevens omtrent den Middeleeuwschen bevloeiïngstoestand van de zoogenaamde “woeste gronden van de lieden van Trik” voor zoover zij wellicht van belang zullen kunnen zijn voor eene herziening van den tegenwoordigen toestand’, Oudheidkundig Verslag 1926, 1-2: 100-29 App. G. ____. 1927b. ‘Inleiding tot het bezoek aan het emplacement en aan de bouwvallen van Majapahit’, Djåwå 7: 171-174. ____. 1968-70. De geschiedenis van Madjapahit: Deel II: Oudheidkundige verkenningen. Unpublished typescript kept in the archives of the Nederlands Architectuurinstituut in Rotterdam (catalogue number MACL 76). ____. 1968-9. De geschiedenis van Madjapahit: Deel III: Dewi Sri, twistappel der goden. Unpublished typescript kept in the library of the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde in Leiden (catalogue number: M 2007 B 1384). Maclaine Pont, Henri, and Bruno Nobile de Vistarini. 1930. ‘Oudheidkundige Vereeniging Majapahit’, Oudheidkundig Verslag 1929: 144-55. Miksic, John. 2009. ‘The King and the Ascetic in Indonesia’, in Lost Times and Untold Tales from the Malay World, edited by Jan van der Putten and Mary Kilcline Cody, pp. 22-32. Singapore: NUS Press. Mills, J.V.G. 1970. Ying-yai Sheng-lan. The Overall Survey of the Ocean Shores 1433 [by] Ma Huan. 1997 reprint. Bangkok: White Lotus. Monier-Williams, Monier. 1899. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Mulyana, Slamet. 1979. Tafsir Sejarah Nagara Kretagama. Jakarta: Bhratara Karya Aksara. (2nd edition, 2006, Yogyakarta: LKiS Pelangi Aksara). Noorduyn, J., and A. Teeuw. 2006. Three Old Sundanese Poems. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Bibliotheca Indonesica 29. Leiden: KITLV Press. Olivelle, Patrick. 2009. Life of the Buddha by Aśvaghoṣa. The Clay Sanskrit Library. New York University and JJC Foundation. Parcak, Sarah H. 2009. Satellite Remote Sensing for Archaeology. London and New York: Routledge. Pigeaud, Theodore G.Th. 1960-1963. Java in the 14th Century: A Study in Cultural History. The Nāgara-kĕrtāgama by Rakawi Prapañca of Majapahit, 1365 A.D.. 3rd ed. Illustrated with drawings by Professor Th. P. Galestin. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Translation Series 4, 1-5. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Archaeological Identification of the Majapahit Royal Palace

117

Rees, W.G. 2005. Physical Principles of Remote Sensing. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Renfrew, Colin. 2006. ‘Foreword’ to Archaeological Fantasies: How Pseudoarchaeology Misrepresents the Past and Misleads the Public. Edited by Garrett G. Fagan, pp. xii-xvi. Abingdon/New York: Routledge. Robson, Stuart O. 1995. Deśawarṇana (Nāgarakṛtāgama) by Mpu Prapañca. Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 169. Leiden: KITLV Press. ____. 2003. The Kraton: Selected Essays on Javanese Courts. Edited by Stuart Robson and translated by Rosemary Robson-McKillop. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Translation Series 28. Leiden: KITLV Press. Santoso, Soewito. 1975. Sutasoma: A study in Javanese Wajrayana. Śata-piṭaka Series 213. New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture. Sartono, S., and Bandono. 1995. ‘The Destruction of Majapahit from the Perspective of Geology’, in John N. Miksic and Endang Sri Hardiati (eds.), The Legacy of Majapahit, pp. 43-53. Singapore: National Heritage Board. Stutterheim, W.F. 1927. ‘Bericht over enkele oudheden in Oost-Java bij Wallace’. Oudheidkundig Verslag 1926: 195-7, Appendix L. ____. 1932. ‘Oudheidkundige Aanteekeningen XVII-XX’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 89, 1: 97-116. ____. 1948. De kraton van Majapahit. Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië 7. ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff. Subagio, Habib and Aris Poniman. 2010. ‘Pemanfaatan GIS untuk Rekonstruksi Kawasan Strategis Nasional Trowulan’, Globë Majalah Ilmiah 12, 2, December 2010: 101-113. Supomo, Suryo. 1977. Arjunawijaya: A Kakawin of Mpu Tantular. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Bibliotheca Indonesia 14. 2 vols.. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. Teeuw, A., and S.O. Robson. 2005. Bhomāntaka: The Death of Bhoma. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkunde, Bibliotheca Indonesica 32. Leiden: KITLV Press. Tjahjono, Gunawan (ed.). 1998. Indonesian Heritage. Volume 6: Architecture. Singapore: Archipelago Press. Tokunaga, Muneo. 1996. E-text versions of the Poona Critical Edition of the Sanskrit Mahābhārata and Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa. http: //www.cc.kyoto-su. ac.jp/~yanom/sanskrit/ Verbeek, Rogier D.M. 1890. ‘De oudheden van Madjapahit in 1815 en in 1887’, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

118

Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag, and Peter Carey

Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 33: 1-15. ____. 1891 Oudheden van Java: lijst der voornaamste overblijfselen uit den Hindoetijd op Java met eene oudheidkundige kaart. Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen 46. Batavia/’s[Graven]hage: Landsdrukkerij/Nijhoff. Veth, P.J. 1878. Java: Geographisch, Ethnologisch, Historisch. 1st ed., vol. 2. Haarlem: Bohn. ____. 1896. Java: Geographisch, Ethnologisch, Historisch. 2nd ed., vol. 1. Haarlem: Bohn. Vistarini, Bruno Nobile de. 1931. ‘Oudheidkundige Vereeniging Majapahit’, Oudheidkundig Verslag van de Oudheidkundige Dienst in Nederlandsch-Indië 1930: 29-34. Wallace, Alfred Russel. 1869. The Malay Archipelago: The Land of the OrangUtan, and the Bird of Paradise. A Narrative of Travel, with Sketches of Man and Nature. New York: Harper. Wayman, Alex. 1983. ‘Eschatology in Buddhism’, Studia Missionalia 32: 71-94. Wibowo, Abu Sidik. 1973. Petunjuk Singkat Peninggalan² Purbakala di Daerah Trowulan. Modjokerto: Damai. ____. 1980. ‘Kubur Panggung: Situs yang Memerlukan Penelitian Khusus’, Majalah Arkeologi 3, 1-2 (Sep.-Nov. 1980): 2-34. Wijaya, Made. 2002. Architecture of Bali: A Source Book of Traditional and Modern Forms. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Witzel, Michael. 1976. ‘On the History and the Present State of Vedic Tradition in Nepal’, Vasudha 15, 12: 17-24, 35-39. http: //www.people.fas.harvard. edu/~witzel/Veda.in.Nepal.pdf Worsley, Peter, S. Supomo, Thomas Hunter, and Margaret Fletcher. 2013. Mpu Monaguṇa’s Sumanasāntaka: An Old Javanese Epic Poem, its Indian Source and Balinese Illustrations. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land en Volkenkunde, Bibliotheca Indonesica 36. Leiden/Boston: Brill. Yule, Henry, and A.C. Burnell. 1903. Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive. Edited by William Crooke. London: Murray. Zoetmulder, P.J. 1982. Old Javanese-English Dictionary. With the collaboration of S. O. Robson. KITLV. The Hague: Nijhoff. ____. 1983. De taal van het Adiparwa: Een grammaticale studie van het Oudjavaans. 2nd ed. Koninklijk Instuut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Indonesische Herdrukken. Dordrecht: Foris Publications Holland/U.S.A.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li Translated from the original Standard Thai by Hilary Disch

Introduction The following translation of the tale of Phra Nang Chamaridewi tells the history of Li, a district (amphoe/อำ�เภอ) and small town by the same name in southern Lamphun province. The story celebrates the legacy of Chamari, the woman who led her people away from a war with the Han Chinese people, and eventually founded Li and the flourishing Theravada Buddhist culture that still exists there to this day. The story can be found in its original Thai language on the four-sided wall surrounding the chedi of Wat Phrathat Duang Diao, located just outside the town. There are ninety-one paintings in total and one to three sentences of text below each painting. The abbot of the temple, Phra Atikan Piyawat Titsilo, has stated that he personally undertook interviews with many of the elderly people in Li in order to piece together the legend of Chamari. He did this, he said, in an attempt to preserve the local history of Li that is largely unknown in northern Thailand, and certainly overshadowed in academic scholarship by that of its neighbor to the north, the city of Lamphun.1 As I have discussed at length elsewhere (see Disch 2012), Chamari is not synonymous with the ubiquitous chronicle of Lamphun’s Queen Chamadewi. The abbot and several other people from Li have stated that Chamari was actually the first incarnation of Chamadewi, a dimension of her story that is not discussed in the paintings or the corresponding text, nor in Chamadewi’s chronicle (Swearer and Sommai 1998). The abbot has stated that Phra Nang Chamari was a good example of Buddhist piety and leadership, but also that she was a “sao kae,” or an older, unmarried woman. She had accrued merit and prestige as Chamari, and therefore was reborn as a queen again but “ying yai kwa kao” or “greater than before,” as Queen Chamadewi of the ancient kingdom of Hariphunchai.2 Other residents in the town of Li have expressed the opinion that the two queens were different people altogether. While much research remains to be done to determine approximately how old and well-known this legend is, it is certain that Chamari’s story will contribute to the increasing body of work that supports arguments for women’s autonomy within Thai Buddhism. Chamari deviates from some of the standard ways in which 1 2

Personal communication with Phra Atikan Piyawat Titsilo, May 11, 2013 Ibid. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

120

Hilary Disch

women find power in Buddhism in that she amasses her status neither through motherhood nor through marriage and assuming the role of the “complement” to a great Buddhist king (Strong 2003). She led her people away from a war into peace, founded a kingdom, built up a prosperous local economy, and encouraged and supported the continuation of Buddhist construction and tradition. With the status of women in religion in constant debate in both academic circles and the popular media, this story makes a striking visual and textual addition to the discourse. This text could also prove useful for those interested in perceptions of local history in northern Thailand. The story contributes not only to the local history of Li but also to the history of the larger territories of Sipsongpanna and Yonok, as seen in some of the earlier paintings of this series. When possible, I have provided geographical and historical information on some of the places that Chamari and her retinue encountered in the story on their long journey south from Luang Phrabang. I have used the Royal Thai General System of Transcription to transcribe Thai names and titles using the Latin alphabet. The text, written primarily in Standard Thai, fluctuates aesthetically, at times moving from semi-formal language to informal and colloquial language. I have tried to maintain the author’s original style where possible, although I have made some stylistic changes to allow the text to flow more eloquently in English. The use of royal titles is pervasive throughout the text. The title “Phra Nang Chao” refers to Chamari’s royal status as a princess, and later, a queen, and at times she is referred to simply as “Phra Nang” in the original Thai. Phra Nang Chamari is alternately called “Chamaridewi,” which we can assume to be a more formal version of her name. I would like to thank the abbot of Wat Duang Diao for granting me permission to translate and publish the following chronicle, as well as the artist Chang Kasem Phongsri for sharing his knowledge of northern Thai history and supporting this ongoing project in good faith.

Translation 1. เมื่อ1600ปีก่อนพวกจีนฮ่อ(ฮั่น)ได้แผ่อณาเขตมาถึงโยนกซึ่งเป็นเผ่าไทในสมัยนั้นชาวโยนกถูกตี

เมืองแตกพวกทหารถูกฆ่าตายเป็นจำ�นวนมากพวกที่รอดก็ถูกจับไปเป็นทาส

Sixteen hundred years ago, the Han Chinese, or “Chin Ho”, migrated south to the land of the Yonok, which was a Tai tribe at that time. The Han destroyed the Yonok people’s city, and many, many soldiers were killed. Those who survived were caught and enslaved.3 3

Yonok was the earliest Tai region “of more than local extent,” and was concentrated in what is now Chiang Saen in the far north of Thailand (Wyatt 2003: 31). The time frame offered in the Chamari temple paintings is inaccurate according to the work of some historians of Thailand and Laos, such as David Wyatt and Martin Stuart-Fox, who state that the kingdom of Yonok came into being well after the 5th century A.D. Wyatt states that Yonok dates to sometime after the 7th Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

121

Panel 2: migration of the Yonok people (all photos of Wat Duang Diao by Katherine Bowie)

2. ชาวโยนกผูร้ กั อิสระรักความเป็นไทไม่ยอมรับใช้ชนเผ่าจีนฮ่อ(ฮัน่ ) จึงได้อพยพ ผูค้ นทีร่ กั อิสระถอย

ลงใต้ตามลำ�ดับและชาวโยนกก๊กนีม้ เี จ้าคำ�ภีระเป็นผูน้ �ำ

The Yonok people loved independence. They did not accept subjugation under the Han tribe, and so they migrated. The Yonok people withdrew south in stages under the leadership of Chao Khamphira.4 3. เจ้าคำ�ภีระทรงพักไพร่พลทีเ่ มืองสิบสองปันนาได้สร้างบ้านเรือนขึน้ บริเวณริมแม่น�ำ้ พวกทหารได้แบ่ง

หน้าทีก่ นั หุงหาอาหารและฝึกซ้อมการใช้อาวุธให้ช�ำ นาญ

Chao Khamphira and his army rested in Sipsongpanna,5 and built houses near the river. The soldiers shared their duties among themselves, cooking food and developing expertise with weapons.6 century A.D. (Wyatt 2003: 25), while Stuart-Fox says that Yonok rose no earlier than the 11th century (Stuart-Fox 1998: 31). The time frame becomes still more questionable later in the story when the leader of Sukhothai attacks Mueang Li. The kingdom known as Sukhothai did not exist until much later; a Khmer governor ruled the area that came to be known as Sukhothai until 1238, when two Tai chiefs defeated him (Simms 1999: 20). 4 The term “Chao” (เจ้า) is often used in reference to a person of authority, such as a royal figure, an owner or a proprietor. In this story, we might assume that “Chao Khamphira” translates approximately to “King” or “Lord Khamphira.” 5 Sipsongpanna was a Thai Lue kingdom established as a state at the end of the 12th century. It became a vassal state of China towards the end of the 14th century, and paid tribute to the rulers of Burma from the 16th to the 19th century (Cohen 1998: 59). Sipsongpanna (Xishuangbanna in Chinese) was in existence until 1950 and the onset of rule by the Chinese Communist Party. It is currently an autonomous prefecture in the southern Chinese province of Yunnan (Kato 1997: 1). 6 In the paintings, the Yonok men are depicted as having a variety of tattoos on their legs, chests, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

122

Hilary Disch

เจ้าคำ�ภีระทรงโปรดให้สร้างเมืองหลวงพระบางและทรงโปรดให้สร้างวัดวาอารามขึน้ ในบริเวณที่ เหมาะสมพวกทหารได้ชว่ ยกันก่อสร้างเมืองและวัดจนสำ�เร็จลุลว่ งด้วยดี 4.

Chao Khamphira ordered the construction of Luang Phrabang and also built many temples. The soldiers worked together to build the city and temples, achieving notable success.7

เจ้าคำ�ภีระมีลูกสาวแสนงามชื่อพระนางเจ้าจามรีเทวี ชอบทรงม้าเป็นพิเศษมีองครัษีและ มหาดเล็กคนสนิทชื่อเจ้าพันมหาดคอยติดตามไปอย่างใกล้ชิดไม่ว่าจะไปทางไหน 5.

Chao Khamphira had a beautiful daughter named Phra Nang Chao Chamaridewi. She was very fond of horseback riding. A man named Chao Phan Mahat was her attendant and royal page. He followed her closely everywhere they went. 6. เมืองหลวงพระบางเป็นเมืองทีเ่ จริญมาก พวกจีนฮ่อรูว้ า่ เมืองนีเ้ จริญ ก็ได้ยกกองทัพมาตี ในทีส่ ดุ เมืองนี้

ก็ถกู ตีแตกจนได้้

The city of Luang Phrabang flourished. The Han, who had become aware of the city’s prosperity, raised an army and attacked. In the end, the city fell. 7. เจ้าคำ�ภีระเจ้าเมืองหลวงพระบางจึงให้ธิดาจามรีพาบริวารและนำ�ของมีค่าเป็นทองคำ�และทหาร

เอกอิกจำ�นวนหนึ่งไปด้วย

Chao Khamphira, the Lord of Luang Phrabang, had his daughter Chamari lead the retainers and soldiers out of the city and take along any valuable materials, such as gold.

ชาวเมืองบริวารที่อยู่นอกเมืองก็ขอติดตามพระนางจามรีและมีทหารคนสนิทชื่อเจ้าพันมหาด ตามอารักขา พระนางจามรีได้พาบริวารชายหญิงถึงเชียงตุง, รุ้ง 8.

The subjects who lived in the countryside outside the city asked to accompany Phra Nang Chamari and the trusted soldier Chao Phan Mahat as they led the retainers, both men and women, to Chiang Tung, also known as Chiang Rung.8 and backs. Anthony Reid has stated that in 16th century Burma and 17th century Siam the “trouser” tattoo, which covered the hips and legs, seemed to be characteristic of the upper classes. Slaves and state bondsmen were also legally required to have specific types of tattoos (Reid 1988: 78). In addition to classifying social rank, tattoos also served as a form of magical protection against injury, illness, and attack (Bowie 2011: 131). 7 According to Martin Stuart-Fox, the “early formation of a principality in the region of Luang Phrabang is shrouded in myth” (1998: 19). However, in all the origin myths of the Lao, Khun Borum was the first Lao ruler, and his son Khun Lo founded Xiang Dong, which was renamed Luang Phrabang in the latter half of the 16th century (Stuart-Fox 1998: 25, 79). 8 Chiang Rung is currently a district (อำ�เภอ) in the northern Thai province of Chiang Rai. Additionally, beginning in the second half of the 16th century, a different city named Chiang Rung (also known as Cheng Hung) was the name of the capital of the kingdom of Sipsongpanna (Kato 1997: 1). It is puzzling as to why the painter wrote “Rung” and “Tung’ next to each other as though they are different names for the same place because they are in fact separate locations. Chiang Tung, or “Kengtung,” was another major center of the Sipsongpanna kingdom located in what is now the Shan State of Burma (Kyaw 1985: 237). According to Aye Kyaw, Kengtung was “situated Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

123

Panel 11: arriving at Doi Phiang Dao

9. ณ เมืองจำ�ปี(เมืองฝาง)หรือเมืองคามีระนคร ระหว่างทาง เจ้าแม่จามรีได้พบช้างในป่าจึงคล้อง

ช้างมาหนึ่งเชือกตั้งชื่อว่าพลายสุวรรณมงคล

In Mueang Champi (Mueang Fang), also known as Mueang Khamiranakhon, they met an elephant in the forest. They caught the elephant with a rope, and thereafter his name was Phlai Suwan Mongkhon (Auspicious Gold).

เจ้าพันมหาดทหารคนสนิทได้เป็นหัตถจารย์(ควาญช้าง) ได้นำ�ขบวนออกจากเมืองคามีระ นคร(หรืออำ�เภอฝางในปัจจุบัน)พระนางได้ตั้งสัจจะ... 10.

Chao Pan Mahat became a mahout (an elephant trainer) and led the people from Mueang Khamiranakhon (or present-day Amphoe Fang).9 Phra Nang Chamari made a pledge to the spirits… 11. ...อธิฐานว่าขอให้ไปโดยสวัสดิภาพ ขอให้พญาช้างมงคลนี้นำ�ทางไปตลอดฝั่ง ในที่สุดก็มาถึง

ดอยเพียงดาว(เชียงดาว) จึงได้พักพลบริวารที่บ้านแม่นะ

…and prayed that they would travel safely. They asked Phaya Chang Mongkhon, the auspicious elephant, to lead them along the riverbank. They finally arrived at Doi Phiang Dao (present-day Chiang Dao) and rested in the Ban Mae Na area. 12. ได้หนีล่องมาจนลุมาถึงดอยลูกหรือภูเขาสูงและใกล้แม่น้ำ�แม่ระมิงค์ พลายมงคลได้ไหลลื่นลง on the Kengtung plains in between two great rivers - the Salween and the Mekong,” and was located about halfway between Chiang Rung and Chiang Mai. Hence Kengtung “was important strategically to both Burma and China as Chiang Mai was to both Burma and Thailand” (239). 9 Fang is a district in northeastern Chiang Mai province. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

124

Hilary Disch

Panel 13: Crossing the river at Chom Thong

จากดอยลูกจึงมีนามว่าดอยหล่อ เดี๋ยวนี้เป็นอำ�เภอจอมทองจังหวัดเชียงใหม่ในปัจจุบัน

They fled until they reached Doi Luk, a tall mountain near the Mae Ra Ming River. Phaya Chang Mongkhon slipped down Doi Luk, so thereafter Doi Luk had the name Doi Lo (ดอยหล่อ or “Slippery Mountain”). Nowadays it is called Amphoe Chom Tong (อำ�เภอจอมทอง) in the present-day province of Chiang Mai.10 13. แล้วพากันข้ามไปอีกฟากหนึง่ ได้เดินลัดเลาะตามฝัง่ แม่น�ำ้ ไปทางทิศตะวันออกทัง้ ช้าง,ม้าและ บริวารของพระนางจามรีเดินทางกันไปเรือ่ ยๆด้วยความอดทน

Then they crossed to the other side of the river and moved eastward, following the riverbank. The elephant, horses and retainers of Phra Nang Chamari walked swiftly and steadfastly. 14. ผูห้ ญิงทีห่ าบสัมภาระขึน้ ดอยยาวต่างก็อดิ อ่อนระโหยโรยแรงบางคนถึงกับหายใจทางปากเสียงดัง

หุยหุยดอยยาวลูกนัน้ ต่อมาจึงมีชอ่ื ว่าดอยอีอยุ แต่นน้ั มา

The women, who were all carrying various provisions up Doi Yao, became exhausted and fatigued. They breathed heavily. Doi Yao Luk was later named Doi I-ui (ดอยอีอยุ ). 15. เนือ่ งจากการเดินทางมาเป็นระยะทางไกลจึงทำ�ให้เครือ่ งทรงช้างเกิดชำ�รุด พระนางทรงหยุดพัก Wat Chom Tong, a temple dating from the 15th century, is one of twelve temples deemed a holy pilgrimage site in the Yuan tradition of Theravada Buddhism. These centers are linked with the year of the “twelve-year” or “animal cycle” in which one is born, and they are all said to contain a relic of the Buddha. In most cases it is thought that King Asoka sent couriers to bring the relics to each of these temples. Wat Phra That Hariphunchai in modern-day Lamphun is also one of the twelve sites. For more information on pilgrimage in northern Thailand, see Keyes (1975). 10

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

125

ปลดลงซ่อมแซมทีต่ รงนีต้ อ่ มาเรียกบ้านแม่แสม

Due to so much travel and wear, the elephant carriage broke and they stopped to rest and repair it. This place was later called Ban Mae Saem (บ้านแม่แสม).11 16. เมือ่ ซ่อมเสร็จได้เดินทางต่อ และมาถึงยังทีแ่ ห่งหนึง่ เจ้าพันอยากจะพักช้างบ้างพอกดหัวช้าง แต่

ช้างไม่ยอมน้อมหัวลง ต่อมาทีต่ รงนัน้ เรียกว่า “ทุง่ หัวช้าง”

When they finished the repairs, they continued traveling. After some time, Chao Phan wanted to rest the elephant’s head, but the elephant did not allow his head to go down. Later, that place was called Thung Hua Chang (ทุง่ หัวช้าง or “Elephant Head Field”).12 17. และแล้วก็มาถึงทีแ่ ห่งหนึง่ พลายมงคลได้หยุดเดิน ควาญช้างจึงสัง่ ให้นอ้ มหัวลงตรงบริเวณนัน้ ต่อมามีชอ่ื เรียกใหม่วา่ แม่ปลง ปัจจุบนั เรียกบ้านปวง

Suddenly, Plai Mongkhon stopped walking. The mahout ordered the elephant to bow his head, and later this place was called Mae Plong. Nowadays it’s called Ban Puong.13

พระนางจามรีจึงหยุดพักบริเวณนั้นเป็นเวลาหลายเดือนจึงทำ�ให้เจ้าพันซึ่งเป็นทหารคนสนิท ที่รักในการล่าสัตว์พักที่ไหนก็จะออกล่าสัตว์ทุกครั้ง 18.

Phra Nang Chamari stopped in that area for many months. Chao Phan, the soldier, began to love hunting animals; wherever they camped, he would go out hunting. 19. วันนี้ก็เป็นหนึ่งวัน ที่เจ้าพันได้ออกล่าสัตว์ตามปกติแต่ครั้งนี้เจ้าพันไปล่าสัตว์คนเดียวขณะที่

เดินอยู่ตามองหาเยื่อ พลันก็ต้องสะดุ้งเจ็บที่ขาก้มดูจึงรู้ว่าถูกงูเห่ากัด

One day, Chao Phan went out to hunt as usual, but this time he went alone. He became distracted as he was walking and, all at once, he felt a sudden pain in his leg. He bent over to look and realized that he had been bitten by a cobra.

เมื่อถึงเวลาอาหารพระนางจามรีได้ถามหาเจ้าพันเพื่อให้มากินข้าวเพราะเลยเวลามาก็นาน แล้วจึงให้คนออกตามหาบริเวณที่เคยไป และแล้วคนทั้งสองก็รับคำ�สั่งออกไปหาเจ้าพันทันที 20.

When it was time for the community’s meal, Phra Nang Chamari asked her retainers to find Chao Phan and tell him to come and eat because it was already late. She then ordered two people to go out and look in the direction Chao Phan had gone. 21. แล้วคนทั้งสองก็ตามหาเจ้าพันจนเจอ จึงได้รู้ว่าเจ้าพันนั้นถูกงูกัดเข้าที่ขาและเป็นงูเห่า ชะด้วย 11

Ban Mae Saem is currently the name of a village and a school in Tung Hua Chang district in the province of Lamphun. 12 Tung Hua Chang is presently a district in Lamphun province that borders the northeast side of Li district. 13 “Plong” (ปลง) means “agreement” or “realization”, and “Puong” (ปวง) means “group.” Ban Puong is a village in Tung Hua Chang. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

126

Hilary Disch

เราจะช่วยเจ้าพันอย่างไรดี

Both of them searched for Chao Phan until they found him. They immediately realized that Chao Phan had been bitten in the leg by a cobra, and tried desperately to help him. 22. ดังนั้นคนทั้งสองจึงช่วยกันหามเข้าปีกรีบมุ่งกลับที่พักทันทีขณะที่เข้ามาถึงเขตที่พัก

บริวารเห็นเจ้าพันจึงริบวี่งมาช่วย

เหล่า

The two helped each other carry Chao Phan hastily back to their camp. As soon as they arrived, the community members saw Chao Phan and hurried to help him. 23. เมื่อถึงที่พัก พระนางจามรีจึงรีบให้หมอบดยาใส่แผลที่ถูกกัด บางคนขอให้เทพยดาอารักษ์ช่วย

แต่เจ้าพันก็หารู้สึกตัว ต่อมาเจ้าพันทหารคนสนิทก็สิ้นใจตาย ยังความโศกเศร้าแก่พระนางจามรีกับข้า บริวารยิ่งนัก

Phra Nang Chamari immediately asked a doctor to grind medicine and apply it to Chao Phan’s wound. The people asked the guardian spirit of the area to help Chao Phan regain consciousness, but in the end, Chao Phan took his last breath and passed away. An intense, dark sadness enveloped Phra Nang Chamari and the people of the community.

คิดได้

24. เมื่อเจ้าพันตายไปแล้ว พระนางจามรีได้นั่งคิดอยู่คนเดียวว่าไม่รู้ไปยังทิศไหนดีแล้วพระนางก็

After Chao Phan passed away, Phra Nang Chamari sat down alone to think. She did not know which direction to go. Sitting alone, she could think clearly. 25. เราจะให้ช้างนำ�ทาง จึงให้บริวารประดับพวงคำ� ให้กับช้างจนเสร็จสมบูรณ์ที่บ้านปวงคำ�ช้างจึง

ได้ชื่อใหม่ว่า“ช้างพวงคำ�”

After some time spent in quiet meditation, she decided that their elephant should lead the way. So, her retainers adorned the elephant’s neck with a garland of gold. The elephant once again received a new name, “Chang Phuang Kham” (Elephant Golden Garland). 26. พระนางจึงตัง้ สัตยาธิฐานพร้อมทัง้ บริวารได้วอนต่อเทพยดาอารักษ์ขอให้น�ำ ช้างไปสูส่ ถานที่ ๆ ควร ทีจ่ ะตัง้ บ้านตัง้ เมืองแก่ลกู หลาน

Phra Nang and her retainers then presented an offering and beseeched the local spirit to show the elephant the way to a place where they could build a home; a city for their children and grandchildren. 27. ช้างพวงคำ�ได้เดินล่องตามริมฝัง่ แม่น�ำ ลี้ พวงมาถึงดอยลูกหนึง่ ได้กลับคืนหลังโดยไม่รสู้ าเหตุ ตรง

นัน้ ได้เรียกชือ่ ว่า “ดอยช้างคืน”

Chang Phuang Kham walked down the bank and followed the shoreline of the River Li. Phuang arrived at a mountain and decided to go over it. From then on the Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

127

mountain was called “Doi Chang Khuen.” 28. ขณะทีช่ า้ งพวงคำ�เดินลัดเลาะมาถึงทีแ่ ห่งหนึง่

ช้างพวงคำ�สะดุง้ หยุดและตกใจถึงกับวิง่ หรือหก เหมือนเห็นอะไรบางอย่างทีต่ รงนัน้ จึงมีชอ่ื ว่าบ้านโป่งหลอกติดบ้านป่าหกทุกวันนี้

Later, Chang Phuang Kham suddenly stopped and acted surprised. He turned on end and began to run, as if frightened. That place was later called Ban Pong Lok (บ้านโป่งหลอก, the “Frightening Forest”).14 It borders Ban Pa Hok today. 29. ขณะทีช่ า้ งตกใจวิง่ ออกจากตรงนัน้ อย่างรวดเร็วไปได้ไม่ไกลนักพวงคำ�ได้หลุดออกจากคอช้างตก

บริเวณนัน้ ต่อมาจึงเรียกทีต่ รงนัน้ ว่าบ้านพวงคำ�

The elephant ran quickly but he did not go very far. The garland fell off of the elephant’s neck and was later found by Chamari’s retainers. From then on the area was called Ban Phuang Kham.15 30. พระนางจามรีเห็นช้างตกใจวิง่ หนี จึงสัง่ ให้บริวารไปสกัดหน้าช้างทีส่ บแวนพวกบริวารได้ลดั เลาะ

เข้าป่าเพือ่ ไปดักทีส่ บแวน เมือ่ เจอช้างแต่กจ็ บั ไม่ได้้

Phra Nang Chamari noticed that the elephant looked surprised; it was running as though something was chasing it. She told her retainers to run ahead and intercept the elephant’s path. The elephant ran into them, as they had taken a shortcut to enter the forest and trap him. Even though they had found the elephant, they could not catch it. 31. เมือ่ ช้างถูกสกัดได้หนีลดั เลาะขึน้ ไปเรือ่ ยๆ

พยายามติดดามไปทันช้างพวงคำ�และจับได้ทบ่ี า้ นอ่อมต้อ

จนสุดท้ายก็ได้ลงทางห้วยล่ายบริวารของพระนางก็

The people had found the elephant, but he escaped using a shortcut, running quickly along a meandering creek. Chamari’s retainers tried to follow the elephant and finally caught him at Ban Om To.

ั ช้างมาประดับตกแต่งพวงคำ�ใหม่ แล้วพระนางและบริวารได้ตง้ั สัจจะเป็นครัง้ ทีส่ าม 32. พระนางได้จบ

ว่าหากมีบญ ุ บารมีกข็ ออำ�นาจเทพยดานำ�ช้างหาทีต่ ง้ั เมืองด้วยเกิด

Phra Nang adorned the elephant once again. Despite the fact that Phra Nang Chamari and her followers already possessed a great deal of merit and prestige, they swore allegiance to the gods and asked them for strength and for the elephant to found a city. 33. สิ้นคำ�อธิฐานช้างได้เดินขึ้นจากห้วยแม่แต๊ะเดินผ่านป่ามาถึงยังห้วยแม่ไปและเดินข้ามห้วยแม่ ไป ขึ้นดอยมานิดหนึ่งมาทางทิศตะวันตกของแม่น้ำ�ลี้

At the conclusion of the prayers, the elephant walked up the riverbank and past

14

Ban Bong Lok is also a village close to Li city. Ban Phuang Kham is located just outside of Li city, not far from Wat Duang Diao and Wat Ha Duang. 15

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

128

Hilary Disch

the forest and arrived at a brook. He crossed this brook to yet another one, and then he began to climb a mountain, going westward of the Li River. 34. ช้างยังเดินขึ้นดอยไปเรื่อยๆ ส่วนพระนางจามรีและขบวนบริวารได้ติดตามช้างไปห่างๆ ใน ที่สุดตะวันได้คล้อยต่ำ�สาดส่องแนวไม้ไผ่อยู่บนดอยยาวลูกนี้ี

The elephant walked up the mountain quickly, and Phra Nang Chamari and her retainers followed him for a long time. At the end of the day the sun passed beyond the horizon and illuminated the rows of bamboo that lined the top of Doi Yao Luk. 35. แล้วช้างก็เดินมาถึงบริเวณที่มีเนินดินตรงกลางสูงพอสมควร และเรียกชื่อว่าจอมปลวกใหญ่

ข้างบนมีหินขาวคล้ายไข่นก และมีพญานาคเฝ้าอยู่หนึ่งตัว

Then, the elephant came to a clearing that had an earthen hill in the middle. It was impressively tall, so they named it Chom Pluak Yai (the Large White Termite Mound). On top of the hill was a white stone that looked like a bird egg and a phayanak (พญานาค, Great Naga or serpent god) guarding the stone.16 36. พญาช้างก็ร้องเสียงดังกึกก้องทั่วบริเวณนั้น แล้วเดินรอบจอมปลวกสามรอบได้เอางวงหักกิ่ง

ไม้ที่มีดอกพัดวีจอมปลวก และเอางวงยกขึ้น-ลงทำ�ความเคารพ

The elephant then trumpeted loudly; the noise resounded throughout the area. He walked around the termite mound three times, and broke off a tree branch to fan the naga, in accordance with respectful customs. 37. พระนางกับบริวารจึงหยุดพักบริเวณนั้น และในดืนนั้นเองพระนางได้ยินเสียงเอะอะของบริวาร

จึงลุกออกมาดูก็เห็นลูกแก้วลอยขึ้นส่องสว่างกลางจอมปลวก

Phra Nang and her retainers then stopped and stayed in that area. That night she heard the startled cries of her followers, so she quickly arose and went outside to see what was happening. She saw a transparent sphere floating in midair, illuminating the chief termite mound that was in the middle of the others. 38. รุง่ ขึน้ วันใหม่พระนางจามรีทรงให้บริวารถางเผาบริเวณจอมปลวกโดยรอบให้สะอาด เพือ่ เอาเป็น

แกนใจกลางเมือง และทรงทำ�พิธบี วงสรวงเทพยดา

At dawn, Phra Nang Chamari had her retainers start a fire in the area around the great termite mound to clear the land before designating it as the center of the city. They also conducted a ceremony to make an offering to the local spirits and gods.

39. พระนางจามรีจึงสั่งให้บริวารนำ�พญาช้างไปเดินให้รอบๆบริเวณที่พญา-ช้างจะเดินไปแล้วทำ� แนวปักเขตเพื่อทำ�กำ�แพงเมืองโดยรอบ

16

For observations and analyses of the role of the naga in the lives of relics, see Strong 2004 as well as Disch 2012, 47-49. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

129

Panel 42: Phra Nang Chamari names the temple

Phra Nang Chamari then ordered her followers to walk the elephant around the area so it could demarcate the boundary of the exterior city walls. 40. เมือ่ กำ�หนดเขตเมืองได้แล้ว

จึงบอกไพร่พลบริวารทัง้ ชาย-หญิงช่วยกันขุดล่องดูเมืองสองชัน้ บริวารทัง้ ชาย-หญิงได้ชว่ ยกันอย่างเต็มกำ�ลังเป็นเวลานาน

When the borders of the city were established, they told military troops and followers, both men and women, to help each other dig a ditch to make the city seem elevated. The followers worked together tirelessly for a long time. 41. เมือ่ กำ�แพงเมืองเสร็จให้ชว่ ยกันรักษาไม้ไผ่ทม่ี อี ยูบ ่ า้ งแล้ว และให้ชว่ ยกันปลูกต้นไผ่เพิม่ ให้รอบ

เมืองทำ�เป็นแนวกำ�แพงทีห่ นาทึบ มองจากด้านนอกจะมองไม่เห็น

Upon the completion of the city’s exterior walls, everyone helped each other collect bamboo and grow bamboo trees around the city to make another opaque wall. It was impossible to see the city from outside the bamboo barrier. 42. หลังจากสร้างเมืองและวัดเสร็จ พระนางได้ตง้ั ชือ่ วัดนีว้ า่ “วัดพระธาตดวงเดียว” จากนัน้ จึงได้เรียก

เมืองนีว้ า่ เมืองลี้ หรือ “เมืองลับลี”้ ปัจจุบนั จึงเรยกเมืองนีว้ า่ “เมืองลี”้ มาตลอด

After the city and the temple were finished, Phra Nang named this temple “Wat Phra That Duang Diao” (วัดพระธาตดวงเดียว, Temple of the Single Sphere). From then on this city was called “Li” or “Mueang Lab Li”. Nowadays the city is called Mueang Li. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

130

Hilary Disch

Panel 43: The farmers of Mueang Li

43. ต่อมาพวกชาวบ้านก็อยูก่ นั อย่างมีความสุข มีการค้ากับต่างเมืองอยูเ่ ป็นนิจส่วนชาวบ้านเมืองลี้

ส่วนใหญ่ยดื อาชีพการทำ�นา ทำ�สวน จนถึงปัจจุบนั

All the villagers lived together happily. They had constant business with places outside the city. The majority of the villagers in Mueang Li worked as farmers and gardeners, and they continue working in these jobs until the present day.

คืนหนึ่ง…พระนางได้นิมิตว่า มีลูกแก้วลูกหนึ่งลอยออกจากจอมปลวกไปทางทิศตะวันออก ของเวียงวัง และลอยไปมาห้าครั้ง จึงสร้างวัดขึ้นบริเวณเมือง และได้ชื่อวัดนี้ว่า... 44.

One night, Phra Nang dreamed that a translucent sphere was floating from the Great Termite Mound to the area east of Wiang Wang. It floated back and forth five times. Therefore they built a temple in the city area and the name of the temple was... 45. ...วัดพระธาตุห้าดวง ตั้งชื่อวัดตามนิมิต พระนางได้ทรงเสด็จมาดูการสร้างวัด และทรงพูดคุย

กับพระเณรเรื่องการสร้างวัดว่ามีอุปสรรคหรือเปล่า …Wat Phra That Ha Duang (วัดพระธาตุหา้ ดวง, Temple of Five Spheres). It was

named according to Chamari’s auspicious dream. Phra Nang Chamari oversaw the temple’s construction and spoke with the novices and monks about any obstacles they encountered during the building process. 46. ทรงสร้างเมือง วัดวาอารามเสร็จ ทำ�ให้ประชาชนได้ทำ�บุญทำ�ทานในพระพุทธศาสนา Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

131

ประชาชนจึงได้ทำ�การค้าขายภายในเมืองมีความสุขดี

When the temple complex was finished, the population made merit and brought alms to the monks, in accordance with Buddhist practices. The population of Li was able to conduct fruitful business in their city, and the people were very happy. 47. ต่อมาไม่นาน นอกเขตพระราชฐาน พระนางจามรีทรงสร้างวัดอีกหลายวัดด้วยกัน ที่คงทน

ถาวรมาถึงทุกวันนี้คือ วัดพระธาตุดวงเดียว,วัดพระธาตห้าดวง

Not long afterwards, Phra Nang Chamari built many more temples outside the royal borders that endure until now, including Wat Phra That Duang Diao and Wat Phra That Ha Duang. 48. ช้างคู่บุญบารมีที่เป็นทั้งพาหนะนำ�ทาง และพบที่สร้างเมืองแล้ว พญาช้างมงคลก็หมดอายุขัย ได้ตายหลังจากที่สร้างพระธาตุเสร็จ ก็ได้ทำ�การเผาศพพญาช้าง

The elephant was very meritorious; he was not simply a vehicle for transport, but also the guide who showed them the place to build their city. The auspicious elephant passed away after the temples were completed, and they built a funeral pyre for him. 49. จากนั้นนำ�กระดูกพญาช้างมงคลฝังและโรยรอบพระธาตุดวงเดียว และอนุสาวรีย์พญาช้างก็

ติดกับพระธาตุดวงเดียว มาจนถึงปัจจุบันนี้

After the funeral, they took the elephant’s bones and buried them in the earth around the chedi of Wat Phra That Duang Diao. At present, there is a monument to the elephant next to the stupa. 50. จากนั้นพระนางจามรีจึงได้ทำ�นุบำ�รุงบ้านเมืองให้เจริญรุ่งเรือง และได้ทำ�การค้าขายกับเมือง

แก่งสร้อย โดยการล่องเรือตามแม่น้ำ�ลี้สู่แม่น้ำ�ปิง และไปตามแม่น้ำ�ปิงเรื่อยๆ จนถึงเมืองแก่งสร้อยซึ่งเป็น เมืองที่เจริญรุ่งเรือง

Phra Nang Chamari continued to care for her kingdom, which succeeded and flourished. People conducted business with Mueang Kang Soi by rafting on the Li River to the Ping River, and then following the Ping River to reach Mueang Kang Soi, which was a very developed city at the time.17 51. ซึ่งมีพระเจ้าข้อมือเหล็กและพระแม่เจ้าบัวตูมเป็นผู้ครองเมืองพ่อค้า เมืองต่างๆที่มาค้าขายได้

นำ�ผ้าและแก้วแหวนมากวาย

Phra Chao Kho Mue Lek (“Lord Iron Wrist”) and Phra Mae Chao Bua Tum were the rulers of Kang Soi. Traders from many lands came to buy and sell their products, and offered the king and queen valuable goods such as crystals and rings. 52. กาลเวลาก็ล่วงเลยมาตามกฏแห่งอนิจจัง พระนางจามรีก็ได้สิ้นอายุุยังไม่ถึงหกสิบปี ยังความ At present, there is a temple named Wat Phrathat Kang Soi in Samngao district of Tak province. According to a Thai tourism website, the ancient city of Mueang Soi still exists (Travel Thaiza. n.d.). 17

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

132

Hilary Disch

เศร้าโศกแก่ข้าบริวารทั่วเมืองลี้

Some time lapsed, and following the laws of impermanence, Phra Nang Chamari passed away before she was sixty years old. Attendants and retainers throughout the city of Li were very sad. 53. เมื่อครบกำ�หนดสวดแล้ว เหล่าอำ�มาตผู้ใหญ่ ทหารมหาดเล็กและชาวบ้านร่วมกันถวายพระ

เพลิงแด่พระศพพระนางจามรีเทวีี

When all of the chanting was finished, groups of high-ranking officials, royal pages, soldiers, and villagers congregated to offer a funeral pyre and ceremony for Phra Nang Chamaridewi.

54. ลุมาถึงสมัย เจ้านิ้วมืองามปกครอง บ้านเมืองได้มีความเจริญรุ่งเรืองและการติดต่อค้าขายกับ หัวเมืองต่างๆ จนร่ำ�ลือทั่วสาระทิศ

After Phra Nang Chamari’s death, Chao Nio Mue Ngam (“Ruler with Attractive Fingers and Hands”) governed. The land was prosperous and successful, and the people had business communication with the leaders of many different lands. Rumors of Li’s success spread in all directions. 55. กิตติศัพท์ของเมืองลี้

ได้ไปเข้าหูพญาเมืองใต้เมืองสุโขทัยยุคต้นๆ จึงได้เรียกอำ�มาต, มหาดเล็ก, โหรหลวงประชุมวางแผนที่จะได้ยกทัพมาตีเมืองลี้ แล้วจึงให้โหรหลวงดูฤกษ์ยามเพื่อจะได้ยก ทัพเข้าตีเมืองลี้

News of Li’s prosperity and prestige soon reached the Lord of early Sukhothai. The Lord summoned his court officials, pages, and the royal astrologer to meet with him so they could plan to raise an army and conquer Li. He had the astrologers predict an auspicious time for when he should advance his army. 56. ครั้นแล้วพญาเมืองใต้จึงยกทัพช้าง ม้า, ทหารเป็นทัพใหญ่ออกจากเมืองสุโขทัยมุ่งสู่เมืองลี้

เพื่ออยากจะได้เป็นเมืองขึ้นต่อไป จึงสั่งให้เร่งฝีเท้า

After that, the Lord of Sukhothai advanced an army of elephants, horses, and soldiers. Sukhothai’s army was large, as they intended to fight Li and colonize it. The Lord ordered them to gallop quickly. 57. ไม่กี่วันก็มาถึงและพักทัพบริเวณเขตเมืองลี้เพื่อพักเหนื่อย หลังจากพักแล้วก็วางแผนเข้าตีใน

วันต่อไป เมื่อเตรียมทัพพร้อมแล้วจึงได้ยกทัพเข้าตีทันทีี

They arrived after only a few days of travel, and the army rested in an area near Li because they were exhausted. After they had rested, they planned to enter Li and conquer it. When they were prepared and all of the soldiers were ready, they advanced and attacked. 58. เมื่อเข้าตีได้ไม่นานนักได้สูญเสียทหารเป็นจำ�นวนมาก จึงได้สั่งให้ถอยทัพกลับที่พักก่อนเพื่อ Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

133

จะได้วางแผนกันใหม่ และได้สั่งให้ดูแลรักษาทหารบาดเจ็น

It did not take long before Sukhothai’s forces lost a large number of soldiers. The Lord ordered the forces to retreat and return to the place where they had rested earlier in order to re-strategize and look after the soldiers who were injured. 59. จากการที่เข้าตีไม่ได้ เพราะเมืองลี้ได้ปลูกต้นไผ่เป็นกำ�แพงหนาแน่นไม่สามารถตีได้ จึงได้คิด

กลยุทธตอนล่าถอยให้เอาเงินติดธนูยิงไปให้ต้นไผ่โดยรอบ

They could not enter Li because the bamboo trees had grown into a very dense exterior wall. They were not capable of defeating Li through direct attack, so they thought of a new strategy after they retreated. They would attach money to arrows and shoot them into the bamboo trees. 60. หลังจากที่เข้าตีเมืองลี้ไม่สำ�เร็จ กับต้องสูญเสียทหารจำ�นวนมาก พญาเมืองใต้สั่งให้ถอน

ทหารทั้งหมดกลับสู่เมืองสุโขทัย…เหนื่อยล้าไปตามๆกัน

Because the forces of Sukhothai had suffered crippling losses, the Lord of the Southern Land ordered all of his soldiers to retreat and return to Sukhothai. They were very exhausted and fatigued. 61. หลังจากนั้น ไม่นานพญาเมืองใต้ได้ส่งทหาร ปลอมตัวเป็นชาวบ้านเมืองลี้ปะปนผ้ามาอาศัยอยู่ ในเมืองนี้เป็นเวลานาน

It was not long before the Lord of the Southern Land ordered soldiers to disguise themselves as Li villagers. They planned to comingle and reside in Li for a long time. 62. หลังจากสงครามสงบลง เจ้าเมืองลี้สั่งให้ทหารและชาวบ้านลี้ช่วยกันซ่อมแซมสิ่งของที่เสียหาย

จากสงคราม เช่นรั้วไม้ไผ่ประตูู

After the war settled, the ruler of Li ordered soldiers and villagers to help each other repair things that had been damaged by the war, such as the bamboo hedge and the gate. 63. เนื่องจากรั้วหรือกำ�แพงเมืองเป็นไม้ไผ่นานวันเกิดชำ�รุด, ไม้ไผ่แห้งพวกทหารและชาวบ้านช่วย กันตัดไม้ไผ่ลงมาเห็นลูกธนูติดอยู่และมีถุงเงิน

The bamboo wall had been left broken and unattended to for many days, and as a result the bamboo dried out. All the soldiers and villagers were helping to cut down the bamboo when they noticed the arrows caught in the bamboo and the small pouches of money attached to them. 64. ถุงทองติดมาด้วย

จึงช่วยกันตัดต้นไผ่เพื่อหวังเงิน-ทองที่ติดมากับธนูโดยไม่รู้กลอุบายของ ข้าศึก ทำ�ให้เกิดการทะเลาะกันเพื่อเงินเท่านั้น ทำ�ให้แตกความสามัคคี Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

134

Hilary Disch

Panel 64: cutting down the bamboo trees

They helped each other cut down the bamboo trees because they desired the gold. They did not know about the enemy’s scheme, so fighting broke out over the money. This fighting shattered their unity. 65. สายลับที่เข้ามาสอดแนม ได้เข้าไปส่งข่าวให้เจ้าเมืองทางใต้ได้รับทราบก็หัวเราะชอบใจที่ ข้าศึกได้หลงกลอุบายที่ได้วางไว้สำ�เร็จ จึงสั่งให้ตระเตรียมทหาร

The spies who had sneaked in went to give news to the Lord of Sukhothai, who laughed when he received the news. He was pleased that the enemy was mentally weak and the scheme had proved successful. He then ordered the soldiers to prepare themselves for battle. 66. จากนั้นไม่นาน พญาเมืองใต้จึงได้ยกทัพออกจากเมืองใต้ มุ่งสู่เมืองลี้ทันที่เพื่อโจมตีเมืองลี้ให้

ได้ จึงเร่งเดินทางเมื่อเข้าเขตของเมืองลี้แล้วได้หยุดทัพ

The Lord of the South quickly led his army to fight Li and conquer it at once. They traveled hurriedly and just before they entered the borders of Li, he stopped his troops. 67. เมื่อได้พักเหนื่อยจากการเดินทาง เจ้าเมืองศรีสัชชนาลัย ได้สั่งให้ทหารออกเดิน. ทางบุกเข้า

โจมตีเมืองลี้ทันที ทหารเมืองลี้ได้ออกมาต่อสู้อย่างสุดความสามารถ

They stopped to rest because they were tired from traveling. The ruler of

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

135

Mueang Si Satchanalai18 ordered the soldiers to invade and conquer Li at once. The soldiers of Li came out to face the intruders with all their might. 68. ทหารเมืองลี้ต้านกำ�สังทหารของศรีสัชชนาลัยไม่ไหวจึงถอยเข้าประตูเมืองไป ดังนั้นเจ้าเมือง ศรีสัชฯจึงสังให้พลธนูยิงธนูไฟเข้าใส่หมู่บ้านเป็นการใหญ่เป็นการข่มขวัญ

The soldiers of Li resisted but Si Satchanalai did not waver, so Li retreated behind the city gates. Consequently, the leader of Si Satchanalai ordered his archers to shoot a storm of flaming arrows into the village to terrorize them. 69. ชาวบ้านเมืองลี้ถูกโจมตีด้วยธนูไฟถูกบ้านเรือน ชาวบ้านช่วยกันดับ-ไฟ ส่วนทหารได้ออกสู้รบ

ต้านศัตรูอย่างเข้มแข็งทั้งชาย-หญิง

The villagers helped each other put out the flames while groups of soldiers rushed out of their homes to fight the battle. Both the men and the women of Li resisted the enemy vigorously. 70. และในที่สุดก็ต้านกำ�ลังอันแข็งเกร่งของข้าศึกไม่ไหว จึงหอบลูกจูงหลาน วัว ควายหนีกัน อลหม่าน บ้านช่องถูกไฟไหม้หมด

Despite Li’s resistance, the enemy did not falter. The people of Li carried their children and grandchildren out of the city. The cows and buffalos stampeded chaotically. All of the windows of all of the homes were set on fire.

ดังนั้น..พระเจ้านิ้วมือทรงออกรบเข้าต่อสู้กับข้าศึกอย่างแข็งฆ่าฟันข้าศึกล้มตายเป็นจำ�นวน มาก จึงถูกพลธนูยิงยืนตายดังภาพ 71.

Phra Chao Nio Mue courageously went out to battle the enemy. He executed the leader of Si Satchanalai with one downward blow of his sword, while many people lay dying nearby. Phra Chao Nio Mue was shot by an arrow and died standing up, as shown in the picture. 72. เมื่อพระเจ้านิ้วมืองามสิ้นพระชนม์ ข้าศึกไล่ฆ่าฟันชาวบ้านทั้งชาย-หญิง ลูกเล็กเด็กแดงอย่าง

ทารุณและโหดเหี้ยมที่สุด

After Phra Chao Nio Mue Ngam passed away, the enemy pursued and killed villagers, both women and men. Small children were cruelly and brutally murdered.

The text at times refers to the enemy leader as the ruler of Sukhothai and in other instances as the ruler of Si Satchanalai or “Lord of the South”. The ancient remains of what is now called Si Satchanalai are located about fifty kilometers north of Sukhothai (Vickery 1990, 1). Inscriptions emphasize the importance of Si Satchanalai as a “twin city” to Sukhothai, but while Sukhothai grew as a political center, Si Satchanalai’s influence lessened, particularly in the 14th century (Vickery 1990, 26). See Vickery (1990) for an explanation based on epigraphic, textual, and architectural evidence as to why Si Satchanalai and Sukhothai were separate cities. 18

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

136

Hilary Disch

73. หลังจากชนะศึกสงคราม เจ้าเมืองศรีสัชชนาลัยจึงเลี้ยงเหล้าแก่ทหาร พวกทหารกินเหล้า

เข้าไปก็เกิดกำ�หนัดเห็นพวกสาวๆที่จับเป็นเชลยได้ช่วยกันฉุดไปข่มขืน ใครขัดขืนถูกฆ่าทิ้ง พวกที่เผาก็เผา บ้านเรือนจนวอดวาย พวกที่ขนสมบัติก็ขนไปจนหมด

After winning the war, the ruler of Si Satchanalai provided liquor for his soldiers. Groups of soldiers drank and then looked towards the groups of captive women, whom they seized and raped. Whoever resisted was killed, and their bodies were carelessly discarded. The soldiers then burned the homes until they were completely razed. They carried off everything of value. 74. เจ้าเมืองศรีสัชฯสั่งให้ทหารเผาวัดและเจดีย์ หลังจากสั่งให้ฆ่าตุเจ้าตัดหัวเสียบประจานอย่าง

โหดเหี้ยม และได้ยืนสั่งการให้ทหารช่วยกันหาฟืนมามากๆเผาเจดีย์เอาทองคำ�

The Lord of Si Satchanalai ordered his soldiers to ruthlessly kill and decapitate the local monks and then search for firewood so they could burn down the chedis and temples and take the gold that was left. 75. หลังจากเสร็จสิ้นสงคราม จึงได้เคลื่อนทัพกลับเมืองศรีสัชชนาลัยพร้อมกับต้อนเอาเชลยจาก เมืองลี้ที่ยอมจำ�นนกลับไปด้วยเป็นจำ�นวนมากเดินลัดเลาะตามไหล่ดอย

After the war, the soldiers were deployed back to Si Satchanalai along with prisoners from Li who had surrendered. There were many prisoners, and they took shortcuts through the mountains.

ขณะที่เดินตามขบวนโดยมีทหารคุ้มกันอย่างแน่นหนา และมีโอกาสอยู่หลายครั้งแล้วมีวัน หนึ่งจึงสบโอกาส จึงได้หลบหนีออกมาได้ประมาณ 9-10 คนอย่างลำ�บาก 76.

Soldiers were guarding the caravan carefully, but once in a while they were not watching their prisoners. One day about nine or ten people were able to escape the caravan.

77. เมื่อเสร็จสิ้นสงครามไปแล้วจึงเหลือแต่ซากศพทิ้งนอนตายทั้งคนและช้างบริเวณเวียงวังศพเน่า เฟ๊ะมีทั้งแร้งและการุมจิกกินซากศพทั้งช้าง-คน When the fighting was over, only the strewn corpses of humans and elephants remained in Wiang Wang, and vultures and crows swarmed to peck at the decomposing bodies.

78. หลังจากนั้นไพร่พลที่เหลือได้กลับมาดูว่าจะสามารถบูรณะปรับปรุงได้หรือไม่ ได้ลงความว่าไม่

เพราะว่ามีแต่กองกระดูกทั้งคนและสัตว์์

Later, some of the troops who had survived the war returned to see if they could restore Wiang Wang. They concluded that they could not revitalize their former home because all that remained were piles of human and animal bones. 79. จึงได้อพยพขึ้นไปทางทิศตะวันออกอีกฝั่งของแม่น้ำ�ลี้ และได้สร้างบ้านแปรงเมืองขึ้น ได้วัดวา อาราม ปัจจุบันนี้จึงเรียกว่า “บ้านวัดหลวง” Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

137

Panel 72: The Si Satchanalai troops slaughter the people of Li

They migrated back westward again along the shore of the Li River. They built a new city, and a temple and monastery. Nowadays, the land is called Ban Wat Luang. 80. [No text for number 80] 81. หลังจากนัน้ ทีบ ่ ริเวณนี้ จึงรกร้างเต็มไปด้วยสัตว์ปา่ นานาชนิดจึงทำ�ให้พวกนายพรานเข้ามาล่าสัตว์

ในบริเวณนีจ้ งึ โดนผีเจ้าหลอกวีง่ หนีหน้าตัง้

In subsequent years, wild brambles overtook Li and a diverse range of wild animals populated the area. Groups of hunters liked to come and hunt in this area, but they were always frightened away by the ghosts. 82. เนื่องจากเวลาผ่านมานาน 800 กว่าปีจึงเป็นป่ารก ได้มีคนเข้ามาขุดหาของเก่า จึงถูกผีเจ้าที่

หลอกหลอน บางคนเอาหมอผีมาปราบยังถูกบีบคอ

Eight hundred years passed and Li turned into a jungle. Once in a while, thieves came to plunder the area for ancient artifacts, but they too were scared off by ghosts. Some people brought a shaman in hopes of quelling the spirits, but the shaman was strangled by them. 83. 1. เจ้าปูเหลือง 2. เจ้าแม่จามรี 3. เจ้าข้อมือเหล็ก 4. เจ้าหลวงตะเมาะ 5. เจ้านิ้วมืองาม 6.

เจ้าจองสูง

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

138

Hilary Disch

Panel 84: Khruba Sriwichai directs the rebuilding of the chedi

Portraits of leaders of Li: 1. Chao Pu Lueang 2. Chao Mae Chamari 3. Chao Ko Mue Lek 4. Chao Luang Ta Moe 5. Chao Nio Mue Ngam 6. Chao Chong Sung. 84. สมัยครูบาศรีวิชัยได้พาลูกศิษย์พร้อมทั้งพระเณรบูรณะบริเวณพระวิหารเก็บอิฐที่พังตกเกลื่อน

ขึ้นเรียงเป็นฐานพระเจดีย์…ยังไม่เสร็จ

During Khruba Sriwichai’s19 time, he led his students and novices to reconstruct temples in northern Thailand. The monks gathered the bricks from the ruins of Wat Duang Diao, and rearranged them to be the base of a chedi. In this painting, the chedi is still not finished. 85. ต่อมา..สมัยครูบาขาวปี ได้มาจำ�พรรษาที่วัดพระธาตดวงเดียว๑พรรษาได้บูรณะวัดโดยสร้าง

ศาลา๑หลังบริเวณบนกำ�แพงมีปรากฏถึงปัจจุบัน

Born in Li in 1878, Khruba Sriwichai was, and remains, one of the most revered and wellknown monks in northern Thailand. The title khruba is still commonly used in Lanna regions and among the Buddhist Tai groups of Burma, Laos, and Sipsongpanna (Treesahakiat 2011: 9). Khruba Sriwichai was known for his magical powers, his charisma, his campaign to renovate the many dilapidated Buddhist temples of northern Thailand, and his resistance against the Buddhist establishment in Bangkok. Around 1899, Khruba Sriwichai became the abbot of a temple in Li called Wat Ban Pang, and soon after began building new monasteries outside of town so that he could focus on his meditation practice. Just as Queen Chamari had a vision of the five glowing orbs that prompted her to begin construction of Wat Ha Duang, Khruba Sriwichai also frequently claimed to have visions that he interpreted as auspicious signs, indicating that he should build new temples. For example, prior to building the new monasteries on the hilltops outside of Li, Khruba Sriwichai had a dream “where he saw a light moon emitting beautiful rays through the midst of clouds” (Swearer 1988: 78-79). 19

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

139

Years later, Khruba Khaopi20 came to Wat Duang Diao to stay during the rainy season following the holiday of Khao Phansa. He continued Khruba Sriwichai’s renovations by building a sala behind the area over the exterior city wall. It is still there today. 86. จนกระทั่งปี ๒๕๓๒ ครูบาชัยยะวงศาพัฒนา (หลวงปู่วงศ์) พร้อมคณะศิษย์บูรณะพระธาตุ

เจดีย์ดวงเดียว แล้วเสร็จปี ๒๕๓๘

Up until the year 2532 (1989), Khruba Chaiyawong Sapanna (Luang Pu Wong or “Khruba Wong”) along with his students renovated the chedi of Wat Duang Diao which they finished in the year 2538 (1995).21 87. พระอธิการปิยวัฒน์ ฐิตสีโล(บุญยืน)เจ้าอาวาสวัดดวงเดียว ทำ�การบูรณะพระธาตุหุ้มทองจังโก้ และมีญาติโยมทั่วสารทิศ มารับเป็นเจ้าภาพร่วม

Abbot Piyawat Titsilo (Bunyuen), the current abbot of Wat Duang Diao, has made renovations on the chedi, covering it in gold. People come from all over Thailand to visit the temple. 88. นี้คือบริเวณภายในวัดดวงเดียว(ในปัจจุบัน) ซึ่งบูรณะโดยพระอธิการปิยวัฒน์ ฐิตสีโล(บุญยืน)

โดยมีพระลูกวัด๑เณร๑และแม่ชี ๕

This painting depicts the grounds of Wat Duang Diao as it stands today. Abbot Piyawat Titsilo (Bunyuen) was assisted in the renovations by one temple resident (ลูกวัด), one novice and five nuns. 89. พระนางจามรี ได้ไปเกิดเป็นเทพธิดา มีชื่อใหม่ว่า… “เทพธิดาจามรีมหาเทวี” Phra Nang Chamari was reborn as an angel. Her full name is Goddess Chamarimahadewi. 90. ภาพจำ�ลองแผนที่ตามโฉนดวัดพระธาตดวงเดียว(กลางเวียง)และเคยเป็นเมืองลี้โบราณ: ห่าง จากอำ�เภอลี้-เกิน 2 กม

This picture is a reproduction of the temple complex according to the real estate title of Wat Phra That Duang Diao. It used to be the ancient city of Li: it is now just over two kilometers from Li. 20

Khruba Khaopi is another revered monk in northern Thailand. Khruba Sriwichai re-ordained him after he was de-frocked by the Sangha in Bangkok (Treesahakiat: 46). There is a large monument to Khruba Sriwichai, Khruba Khaopi, and Khruba Chaiyawong Sapanna located near the market in the center of the town of Li. 21 According to Thai websites dedicated to Buddhist and local history, Khruba Chaiyawongsapanna was born in 1913 to a poor family in Ko district of Amphoe Li. He is another respected monk who renovated and revitalized northern Thai temples, in the tradition of Khruba Sriwichai. Like Khruba Sriwichai, he had a strong following from the local Karen community (“ประวัติและปฏิปทาหลวงปู่ครู บา,” 2013; “ประวัติวัดพระพุทธบาทห้วยต้ม,” 2013). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

140

Hilary Disch

91. รูปพระธาตในอดีต สมัยเจ้าแม่จามรีได้สร้างไว้ และต่อมาได้มีครูบาศรีวิชัย, ครูบาขาวปี, ครูบา

วงศ์ บูรณะต่อๆกันมาจนถึงปัจจุบัน

This picture represents the various transformations of the chedi. It was built in the time of Chao Mae Chamari, and later, Khruba Sriwichai, Khruba Khaopi, and Khruba Wong continued restoring it until the present day.

Shrine to Phra Nang Chamari at Wat Duang Diao, Amphoe Li

The panels at Wat Duang Diao, Amphoe Li

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Chronicle of Phra Nang Chamaridewi of Amphoe Li

141

References ประวัตวิ ดั พระพุทธบาทห้วยต้ม (History of Wat Phra Phuthabat Huai Tom) . 2013 (April 18).

Retrieved February 23, 2014, from http://www.leeradio.com/index.php/201304-17-10-27-14/14-2013-05-10-16-49-16/2013-05-10-16-50-32/12-2013-0417-17-37-27 ประวัติและปฏิปทาหลวงปู่ครูบาชัยยะวงศาพัฒนา (History and Practices of Luang Pu Khruba Chaiyawong Sapatana). 2013. Retrieved February 23, 2014, from http://www.dhammajak.net/forums/viewtopic.php?t=44829 Bowie, K. A. 2011. Polluted Identities: Ethnic Diversity and the Constitution of Northern Thai Beliefs on Gender. In V. Grabowsky, Southeast Asian Historiography, Unravelling the Myths: Essays in Honour of Barend Jan Terweil. Bangkok: River Books, pp. 112-127. Cohen, P.T. 1998. Lue Ethnicity in National Context: A Comparative Study of Tai Lue Communities in Thailand and Laos. Journal of the Siam Society,86, 1&2: 49-61. Disch, H. 2012. A New Vision: Chamari, Chamadewi, and Female Sovereignty in Northern Thailand. Studies on Asia 4, 2: 1-60. Kato, K. 1997. Changes in Sipsongpanna in the Eighteenth Century: Focusing on 1720s-1730s. The Journal of the Faculty of Letters, Nagoya University, 43: 1-18. Keyes, C. 1975. Buddhist pilgrimage centers and the twelve-year cycle: Northern Thai moral orders in space and time. History of Religions 5, 1: 71-89. Kyaw, A. 1985. Burmese Sources for Lan Na Thai History. JSS 73: 235-249. Reid, A. 1988. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680: Volume One: The Lands below the Winds. New Haven: Yale University. Simms, P. A. 1999. The Kingdom of Laos. Richmond: Curzon. Strong, J. S. 2003. Toward a Theory of Buddhist Queenship: The Legend of Asandhimitta. In J. C. Holt, J. N. Kinnard, and J. S. Walters, Constituting Communities: Theravada Buddhism and the Religious Cultures of South and Southeast Asia (pp. 41-56). Albany: State University of New York. Strong, J. S. 2004. Relics of the Buddha. Princeton: Princeton University. Stuart-Fox, M. 1998. The Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang: Rise and Decline. Bangkok: White Lotus. Swearer, D. K. 1988. The Monk As Prophet and Priest. In P. Gaeffke and D. A. Utz, The Countries of South Asia: Boundaries, Extensions, and Interrelations. Philadelphia: Department of South Asia Regional Studies University of Pennsylvania, pp. 72-90. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

142

Hilary Disch

Swearer, D. K. and Sommai, P. 1998. The Legend of Queen Cama: Bodhiramsi’s Camadevivamsa, a Translation and Commentary. Albany: SUNY. Travel Thaiza. n.d.. Retrieved February 17, 2014, from http://travel.thaiza.com/ หลงเสน่ห์วัดพระธาตุแก่งสร้อย-อุทยานแห่งชาติแม่ปิง/260312 Treesahakiat, I. 2011, April 29. The Significance of Khruba Sriwichai’s Role in Northern Thai Buddhism: His Sacred Biography, Meditation Practice and Influence. Master’s thesis, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand. Vickery, Michael. 1990. The Old City of ‘Chaliang’ – ‘Sri Satchanalai’ – ‘Sawankhalok’: A Problem of History and Historiography. JSS 78, 2: 15-29. Withayu Chumchon Khon Mueang Li (Mueang Li Public Radio). 2013, April 18. Retrieved February 23, 2014, from ประวัติวัดพระพุทธบาทห้วยต้ม: http:// www.leeradio.com/index.php/2013-04-17-10-27-14/14-2013-05-10-16-4916/2013-05-10-16-50-32/12-2013-04-17-17-37-27 Wyatt, D. K. 2003. Thailand: A Short History, 2nd Edition. New Haven : Yale University.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand: A Research Resource on Southern Thailand in the 1890s Paul Michael Taylor

Abstract—This paper introduces an important group of archival materials deriving from two expeditions to southern Thailand by American naturalist William Louis Abbott (1860-1936) in the late 19th century. Beyond summarizing the localities he visited in Thailand, and the current organization and usefulness of his collections for research, the paper attempts to interpret Abbott’s unpublished archival correspondence to assess his collecting focus, biases, and purposes, as well as his perspectives on contemporaneous events in the Kingdom of Siam and in the surrounding, encroaching colonial regions. This also allows for an assessment of the important role these short expeditions to Thailand played in Abbott’s later, much longer period of collecting in insular Southeast Asia, as well as the role that he and other collectors of this period played within the history of anthropology and of museums.

William Louis Abbott, naturalist collector This paper introduces an important group of ethnographic, biological, and unpublished archival materials deriving from two expeditions to southern Thailand by American naturalist William Louis Abbott (1860-1936), the first from February 1896 to April 1897 (interrupted by a brief trip to Penang in June 1896), and the second from late December 1898 to March 1899. The ethnographic collections from Thailand that he assembled form a little known resource within a Thai collection at the Smithsonian Institution that is best known as the repository of a very different kind of collection, the Royal Gifts from Thai monarchs which were turned over to the Smithsonian as the country’s national museum (McQuail 1997), some of which constituted the earliest catalogued objects within our current records of ethnographic materials. Abbott was also by far the Smithsonian’s most prolific collector of Indonesian and Malaysian artifacts (see e.g. Taylor 1993; and examples in Taylor and Aragon 1991), and a major collector of biological specimens from the region. While Ong and the Asian Civilisations Museum (2009) have recently also published information on the Malaysian and Indonesian collections Abbott donated to museums in Singapore, his Thai ethnographic interests and collections are much less well known. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

144

Paul Michael Taylor

At the time of his death in 1936, Dr. William Louis Abbott had the distinction of being the largest single donor of collections to the United States National Museum (now the National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution). A shy, eccentric millionaire, this Philadelphia native, who learned but never had to practice medicine (M.D., U. Pennsylvania, 1884), was as allergic to publicity as he was to “civilization.” This paper1 is largely drawn from the author’s archival research and compilation of Abbott’s widely scattered fieldnotes and correspondence (see Taylor in press), primarily with his family and with Smithsonian officials, regarding his lifelong series of expeditions which began in East Africa, and continued in South and Central Asia before he first arrived in Southeast Asia and essentially began his explorations there in Thailand. William Louis Abbott’s life is one of collecting and donating; he very early dedicated himself to collecting for the Smithsonian, and he never stopped. His collecting was entirely self-financed, since at the age of twenty-six, Abbott received a large inheritance upon the death of his father (1886). His papers are now found in two of the Smithsonian’s major archives (National Anthropological Archives, and the separate Smithsonian Archives, which include early Registrar’s records for the National Museum of Natural History), and in field records stored in the Smithsonian’s Mammals Library and its Botany Library; all four of these repositories contain archival material relating to his travels in Thailand. These archives and the biological and ethnographic collections represent a relatively well-documented, under-utilized Figure 1. William Louis Abbott (1860-1936). National and little known research resource for the Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution. study of southern Thailand. The author gratefully acknowledges the support of the Smithsonian Scholarly Studies Program, the Seidell Endowment and the Walcott Endowment for the study of Abbott’s archival and ethnographic collections. Some of the information presented about Abbott’s background and his Smithsonian correspondence is drawn from material previously presented in a study of Abbott’s Indonesian collections (Taylor 2002); however, this study did not consider his work in Thailand, nor did it recognize the importance to Abbott of these Lower Siam expeditions in developing the collecting method he used later in Indonesia, with his schooner the Terrapin, as posited here.

1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

145

Abbott faced many practical difficulties as a collector, especially during his first expedition to Lower Siam, which was his first tropical Southeast Asian expedition. These included problems obtaining appropriate supplies (traps, rifles, proper packing material for shipment), logistics of keeping collections dry enough to preserve, pack, and send, and worries about safely leaving collections at a central location while he traveled to distant field sites, in addition to his long unproductive periods of waiting for the end of heavy rains in order to start collecting again. For example, Abbott wrote to his mother from Tyching, Trang, on June 29, 1896 saying: I have a quantity of fish baskets & traps for Prof. Mason’s dept. at the Smithsonian which I cant send away at present as I have no long enough packing cases & for the time being I cant buy any boards here that are sufficiently thin for boxes. The Siamese have expended a surprising amount of inventive genius over their fish traps & they have a large variety.

Between the two Thailand expeditions, he returned to northern India (Ladakh and Kashmir) while ordering supplies and equipment to be sent to him for his return to Southeast Asia. His return was delayed however by the outbreak of the Spanish-American War, for which he hastened back to the U.S.A., briefly visiting Washington and the Smithsonian in his rush to Tampa (Florida) to volunteer for the Cuban invasion in the “irregular” cavalry of his friend and fellow gentleman-scholar W.A. Chanler. Though proud to be a dutiful patriot, Abbott found his native country still impossible to live in, as he expected; he thought its weather unbearable and the masses of its people vile. Longing to return as soon as possible to distant jungles and unexplored places, he had decided by the time he returned to Singapore in December 1898, en route to his second trip to Thailand, to outfit a schooner in Singapore. In fact that schooner, which he named the Terrapin, would later become his moveable base of natural history collecting operations for the ten years following his return to Singapore from the second Lower Siam expedition (thus until 1909). The second Thailand trip took place while he waited for the schooner to be finished. It seems that, in addition to any other results from his first Thailand collecting expedition, Abbott had devised from this first extensive experience in the Southeast Asian tropics the method of collecting that would bring him so much success later in Indonesia, for the schooner seems to have provided a solution to the shortcomings of the expeditionary approach he had used in Lower Siam. It allowed him to bring vastly greater numbers of biological and ethnographic collections from the most remote islands of Indonesia directly to Singapore for packing and shipping, where he could also purchase the supplies needed for the next trip. During this subsequent ten-year, entirely self-financed, labor of love, Abbott sailed through the East Indies and along the Malay peninsula, collecting birds, mammals, reptiles, fish, mollusks, crustaceans, and insects – and over 6,000 well-documented artifacts from Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

146

Paul Michael Taylor

the peoples he visited, interviewed, and photographed -- until his collecting was interrupted due to the fact that he became afflicted with partial blindness in 1909. During his expeditions in Thailand and later, Abbott tried carefully to document each kind of collection in the way specialists of the time required. Otis T. Mason, Head Curator of the Department of Anthropology at the U.S. National Museum during Abbott’s Southeast Asian collecting period, wrote that “[t]he Abbott collections are of greatest scientific value as types, because after studying the wants of the Museum he labeled each specimen carefully according to the latest requirements” (Mason 1908: 1). From Abbott’s correspondence we see that his special interest in Siamese basketry, including fish traps and other forms (see Figure 2), came largely from the encouragement of Mason.

Figure 2. View of “Basket for catching shrimps and small fish,” in a storage unit at the Smithsonian’s Museum Support Center, Suitland, Maryland. Abbott collected this basket in “Trong” [Trang] in 1896. Ethnology catalog number E176045.

Mason (1838-1908) maintained an active and enthusiastic correspondence with Abbott regarding Abbott’s expeditions to Lower Siam, after which he encouraged more shipments of artifacts and notes from his later East Indian voyages. Mason Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

147

had spent his long career studying museum collections in order to establish artifact typologies and to posit from them evolutionary culture-historical sequences and culture areas (Hinsley 1981: 84-117). Thus the basketry and other artifacts sent back by Abbott, alongside material flowing into the Museum after 1898 from America’s new Philippine colonies, “seemed to fill gaping holes in Mason’s culture history,” (Hinsley 1981: 115) because these artifacts (in Mason’s view) represented a stage of industrial development midway between North American Indians and early civilizations of the West. Mason oversaw the careful accession of Abbott’s materials and notes, and prepared a detailed and well-illustrated booklet on the Vocabulary of Malaysian Basketwork: A Study in the W. L. Abbott Collections (Mason 1908), “with the view of having a lucid nomenclature in describing the Abbott specimens more at length in a larger work” (Mason 1908: 1). (“Malaysian” basketwork of the title referred to basketry and woven plant-fiber matting from what is now Indonesia as well as Malaysia and Lower Siam.) The booklet was issued on the day of Mason’s death, however, and the larger work never appeared. Mason’s influence on Abbott’s collections from Trang in fact have an interesting parallel in the most well-known component of the Smithsonian’s Thai collections, because as noted in McQuail’s (1997: 145) study of the Royal Gifts, King Chulalongkorn had also become aware that although the Royal Gifts displayed at the Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia (1876) were presented as a gift to President Ulysses S. Grant, the gifts themselves (including some examples of baskets) ended up in the Smithsonian. Furthermore the King later learned that the Smithsonian as ultimate recipient of such materials was primarily interested in the comparative study of basketry, consequently he chose to send additional baskets and fish traps as gifts in 1881 in conjunction with that year’s ratification of revisions to the 1856 Harris Treaty, and many more for the Louisiana Purchase Exposition in 1904 (see McQuail 1997: 144-160). Some of Abbott’s contemporaries critically noted that he never wrote up his expeditions and discoveries, though Abbott himself seems to have considered that the role of the “naturalist” (collector or expert in “natural history” which in America subsumes anthropology as well as earth and biological sciences) was separate from that of the curator and scientist. Just as he expected biologists to “write up” the descriptions of species of birds and mammals he sent back to the museum, he seems to have perceived that it was the job of the ethnologists to describe and study the ethnographic materials. In a 1911 essay (“The American Hunter-Naturalist,” published in the popular magazine The Outlook), President Theodore Roosevelt praised the typical unpaid volunteer spirit of America’s explorers and naturalists. Yet he compared Abbott unfavorably with naturalist and author Charles Sheldon, upbraiding Abbott for recording but not publishing his notes:

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

148

Paul Michael Taylor

It is exasperating to think of certain of our naturalists and hunter-naturalists the value of whose really extraordinary achievements will wholly or in part die with them unless they realize the need of putting them on paper in the proper form.... Dr. Abbott’s feats as a naturalist and explorer in Africa and in Asia have been extraordinary, but they have not been of more than the smallest fraction of the value that they should have been, simply because they have not been recorded. There are very few men alive whose experiences would be of more value than his, if they were written out. (Roosevelt 1911: 855)

During this period of Abbott’s travels in Thailand, his Smithsonian correspondents began trying to encourage him to formally publish accounts of his expeditions and their results, but though Abbott continued an extensive personal, handwritten correspondence, their efforts to encourage publication were to little avail. On March 2, 1896, mammalogist F.W. True sent Abbott a long letter following up on discussions with the Smithsonian’s Assistant Secretary Goode, about preparing “some account of the results of your explorations in Africa and Asia published in the Report of the Museum.” Offering Abbott an outline of potential chapters of such a narrative, True wrote: It occurred to me that possibly you might have an idea of producing such a narrative yourself, in which case you might not wish us to duplicate it. As I understand Dr. Goode’s idea, it was to have a non technical account of your work somewhat after the style of Rockhill’s Tibet, recently published by the Institution, a copy of which will go with this mail. Each separate expedition would be taken up in turn, and the scientific results in every connection dwelt on at sufficient length to bring out their importance. When we came to the zoological parts, we would put in lists of species, with annotations as far as possible, and dwell on the new forms discovered by you. It would probably be possible to get colored plates of the new birds and mammals, and other things. I have a notion that you have published something in the geographical line, but have not yet hunted it up.

Prior to responding, Abbott wrote about this to his mother, from Tyching (Trang) on May 6 of that year: I received a letter from Prof. True at the Smithsonian a couple of weeks ago. A copy of Rockhill’s Tibet, published by Smithsonian, was sent at same time. Prof. T[rue]. proposed that I should write a similar nar[r]ative of my travels. I have plenty of notes or had at one time but I have never been on ground that has not already been written about by some one else. Major Cumberland & Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

149

Lord Dunmore1 between them covered about all the ground I went over in Turkestan, & of course Kashmir & Baltistan are long since played out. The islands in the Indian ocean Aldabra etc. have all been visited by the surveying steamers so there is really nothing to write about.

Assistant Secretary Goode must also have written to him directly on this topic (original letter not located); Abbott responded to him on July 15, 1896: I must thank you very much for your kind letter of last January, in which you spoke of publishing some of my work in book form. I sent you from Penang a month ago, the notes of my Turkestan trip, they are the only notes of any of my trips that I had with me & have mislaid the others. The notes will need an awful lot of cutting & expurgation, as they were written on the spur of the moment. I shall be most deeply obliged to Mr. True if he acts as editor, am afraid he can never wade through the mass of notes of that one trip. Besides there really is nothing new about it, as almost the same ground was written about by Lord Dunmore & Major Cumberland the past two years.

Another reason for his refusal to “write up” his finds may lie in the perceived division of labor between the naturalist collector as assembler of objects with notes, and the museum scholar who takes the collected specimens and describes, studies, and publishes them. In fact the role of the field collector as separate from the scholar publishing his finds seems quaint today, but was commonly considered a kind of self-standing professionalism in the nineteenth century. In addition, we see in later, self-reflective documents within Abbott’s archival papers further reasons for this phenomenon. In March 1904, from his schooner off Lower Siam, en route between Malaya and the Mergui Archipelago, Abbott wrote to Otis Mason, “I am afraid I can’t write much myself for various reasons. I am a very bad observer, particularly of men. It is the new comer to the East who sees things. I have been out too long, and it is the West which seems strange to me.” Yet a review of his well-written correspondence reveals that he made no shortage of insightful observations, and also that Abbott was both at-home and out-of-place in every place, east or west. A more likely reason for Abbott’s inability to write formal studies, despite his voluminous and well-written correspondence, seems to be his concern for completeness. In this respect, a formal study, like a collected specimen, should fill in a gap in science; it should add new knowledge in a clearly identified system of knowledge. Unless a contribution were therefore systematic, well-defined, and adding new knowledge, it would be best not to start. The same demon of “completeness” Charles Adolphus Murray Dunmore, The Pamirs; being a Narrative of a Year’s Expedition on Horseback and on Foot through Kashmir, Western Tibet, Chinese Tartary, and Russian Central Asia (London: J. Murray, 1893).

1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

150

Paul Michael Taylor

that helped drive his collecting also stopped his collecting impulse when he felt that he (or indeed anyone) had already obtained “one of each.” That is, one example of each type of local technology. Before embarking for the Nicobars, Abbott wonders in a letter to Mason, “I wonder if the Nicobars ... ha[ve] been thoroughly worked; lots of collectors have been there.” Abbott collected for an American museum, but he considered an area “worked” if it had been collected for museums anywhere. He felt scientists should be international, as he was. Smithsonian biologists pleaded unsuccessfully for Abbott to collect in Java, so they could more easily compare Abbott’s other specimens with examples from the Javanese “type localities” of many Indonesian birds and mammals. Yet the existence of such specimens in other collections made Java uninteresting to Abbott himself. Lower Siam beckoned to him largely because other scientific collectors had not been there first.

The current organization of archival documents and ethnographic collections As mentioned above, the archival records of Abbott’s Thailand expeditions are spread among multiple locations including the National Anthropological Archives, the separate Smithsonian Archives (which stores the Registrar’s records for the National Museum of Natural History), the Mammals Library and Botany Library. To this we may add the handwritten labels, including many that can still be found that seem to be in Abbott’s original handwriting, tied to the ethnographic and biological specimens themselves. While some standardized information from those object labels (especially date of collection and locality) has been recorded within currently used digital databases of museum collections, other non-standard information, including local folk names for objects, birds, or mammals, has not been recorded and can only be found by seeking out the objects in collection storage. The Thai collections within the Anthropology department of the Smithsonian have been the subject of considerable attention and care since the start of the “Heritage of Thailand” project in 1982, when the first Royal Gifts from Thailand exhibition was held at the National Museum of Natural History, curated by the present author (see Review, Bekker 1983). The move of the collections from the main museum building in Washington, D.C. to a dedicated, spacious research and storage facility (the Museum Support Center) in Suitland, Maryland, involved extensive conservation work and re-housing of the collections as well, during a period in which the use of paper catalog cards was superseded by digital databases allowing for easier public search of collections. The digital databases for ethnographic collections are currently stored within a museum system known as “Emu”; this records information about each of 135 objects. However one catalog number is sometimes given to a set of similar objects or a set of objects thought to belong together. Therefore the total number of actual Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

151

objects exceeds the number of catalog entries. (Taylor 2006c discusses this in detail with reference to Smithsonian collections from a 1926 expedition to the Netherlands East Indies.) The labels on the objects themselves generally give the cultural or ethnic group of the people who made it, using contemporaneous terminology from Abbott’s day (e.g. “Siamese,” “Malay,” or either “Chow pah” or “Negrito” meaning the “forest people” of Trang), and sometimes locality or date along with other information. In this way, the handwritten labels Abbott tied to ethnographic objects are very comparable to the labels tied to the bird, mammal, or other biological specimens collected. However one reason for beginning any study of these collections with a study of Abbott’s archival correspondence and documents is that sometimes information there supplements or corrects information given on these labels. These points can briefly be illustrated by a few examples, such as the “Fish-trap” from “Trong [sic], Lower Siam” (Figure 3) that Abbott sent to the Museum in 1896 (Ethnology catalog # 176033); this meager information on catalog cards or in digital databases is supplemented by additional information on the handwritten label (Figure 4). Substantially more context to these collections is provided by considering the entirety of Abbott’s archival documents, which can indicate collecting biases and reasons for the selection of items he collected. Sometimes he wrote detailed information about individual objects, such as the object seen in Figure 5, an irrigation scoop about which he wrote within a long letter to Smithsonian Assistant Figure 3 (left). Fish trap, collected 1896, Ethnology catalog # E176033 (any bits of plant fiber that fell off during re-housing of the collections were saved in the plastic bag affixed to the trap).

Figure 4 (below). Original handwritten label, with later added label and currently used barcode label referencing the digital database of ethnographic objects, Ethnology catalog # E176033. “Trap for small fish. Siamese name Kóng cha plá. Trong, Lower Siam. The bait is put in the inner basket, then trap is stood upright in shallow water.”

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

152

Paul Michael Taylor

Secretary G. Browne Goode on August 9, 1896 about the boxes of materials he was then sending from “Trong, Lower Siam.” The second page of this letter is shown in Figure 6 and it has a small hand-drawn image of the object. (The difficult-to-read handwriting in this sample letter will also indicate the importance for our project of properly transcribing these documents as part of the study of this collection.) I made a mistake (in part) in one of the labels, upon one of the fishing implements or scoop it is the one shaped as [see Figure 5] in section, a basket open on top & at the larger end & with a stick running lengthwise above it. The label states it to be a fishing implement, but it is also an instrument for raising water. It is slung beneath a tripod of 3 sticks & the water scooped up & “chucked” into the paddy fields. It is only used when it is unusually dry, like the present time, & the paddy field stands a few inches above the water level. A few traps have been taken apart to make them pack closer, but I have tried to explain on the labels how to put them together again. If no one can understand the explanations, they had better remain until I can put them together myself. The cases are to be forwarded by T. L. Gosling & Co. Penang, who will send you the Bill of Lading.

Figure 5. Irrigation scoop, collected at “Trong [sic], Lower Siam”, 1896. Basketry with wooden frame. Length 80 cm.

There are many other such examples of new information about collection objects contained within the archival correspondence, but among the most important are the indicators of why Abbott chose to selectively collect, or was able to preserve and send, the kinds of material that now form the museum collections he assembled. This can perhaps best be summarized within the brief description of the chronology of his expeditions in southern Thailand. Of the 135 cataloged “objects” in the collection, 33 were listed in the registrarial Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

153

Figure 6. Extract of letter from Abbott to Smithsonian Assistant Secretary G. Browne Goode, dated August 9, 1896.

process as having more than one “specimen”. This can cause confusion when a single object contains more than one component. For example, the aforementioned “irrigation scoop” (one catalog number E176057) is listed as containing two specimens, but there is in fact only one scoop made up of two parts: the scoop and the wooden handle. Other examples of this confusion include the two sets of poisoned arrows: E202848 is listed as a single “specimen” as well as a single catalog entry (though described in documents as “Quiver Full of 33 Arrows, Poisoned”) while E202849 is listed as two “specimens” (described as “Quiver, Full of 22 Arrows, Poisoned”). So the object and specimen counts in these online records must be treated like a bad index in a good book – useful, but not to be relied upon. The collections include fourteen listings for baskets, including five described as “box basket for Betel and Siri” [sic] (all with individual entries), two fish-catching baskets (not to be confused with the nine “fish traps”), and two bird snares. The vast majority of the entries do not list a culture group in the database (often information contained in the catalog cards is not included), although six entries are listed as “Lao (Laotian)”, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

154

Paul Michael Taylor

two “Malay”, fifteen “Siamese”, and six “Negrito”. Further, five entries are listed as coming from the Province/State of “Trang” or “Trong”.

Abbott’s travels in Thailand After considerable traveling in Africa, Abbott had begun a series of expeditions in northern India and Central Asia in 1891, returning however to Madagascar in 1895 where he fought alongside the Hovas against French colonialists, before coming back to Kashmir in the Fall of 1895. By November of that year he was longing to return to the tropics, and to begin the visits to Southeast Asia where he later spent most of his time as a naturalist collector. In a letter written at Nagmarg, Kashmir in November 1895, he complained that he was tired of the place, and that he intended to: stick it out here until the first of the year & then I am off for the tropics again & I hope I may never be ass enough ever to leave them again. I might be down in the Malay archipelago in Borneo or Celebes […] where existence itself is paradise & here I am fool enough to waste time up here in this infernal northern climate. There is very little chance of my coming to America this spring. I am never going to leave the Tropics again. This is simply wasting time in Kashmir. Life is easy & pleasant & healthy, but shooting is done for as far as I am concerned. I have never had any decent sport here from some cause or other. Hot climate always suits me & makes me energetic while cold always sucks the life & energy right out of me.

He adds, “Most Europeans do not do well in the Tropics because they will not keep clear of alcohol & dont take sufficient exercise”; he recommends that his family should read the “new book just out,” Malay Sketches by F. Swettenham (1895), if they “want to know something of the land where I am going.” From many of his letters, it is clear that Abbott preferred the most unexplored localities for his collecting activity. In a letter to Smithsonian mammalogist True, dated February 18, 1896, he wrote: I left Kashmir in January & came down to the Malay Peninsula. My intention was to go into Perak & Selangor, but it is too much civilized there now, railways, roads, & planters, so I determined to come up here to Lower Siam. As far as I know, no naturalist or collector has been in the country lying between Kedah (near Penang) & the isthmus of Kra. Besides it is drier here, while lower down in the peninsula it rains every day in the year. […] Shall probably be able to shoot Rhinoceros sondaicus & Bos gaurus here, but how I can preserve the skins is another matter unless the weather is unusually dry. I have no casks with me, & cant get them in this place. There is a great tract of country lying to the Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

155

north all the way up to Siam proper that seems very little known, & shall be able to make good collections particularly in Ethnology.

Writing to his sister Gertrude Abbott, in a letter from sometime in January or February 1896, he is more specific about how he came to the decision to enter Siam: The Supt. [Superintendent] of the Penang botanic gardens advised me to go to Siamese Territory near the isthmus of Kra. Yesterday I called on Mr. Wray the curator of the Perak Museum in Thaiping. The collection of mammals & birds is ruined by bad taxidermy—but the collections of ethnology especially those of Malay Krises & other weapons is simply magnificent. It made my mouth water to get off among the wild tribes again in the jungles. The workmanship of the Malay Krises was wonderful, fully equal to that of any Damascus blades, a fine Kris is worth anywhere from 50 to 200 dollars. However nowadays since the British occupation, the carrying of arms is forbidden & the making of Krises & swords is becoming a lost art. I shall still find plenty up in Lower Siam. The old Malay embroidery & the ornamented mats & silk sarongs (petticoats) are very beautiful, but also becoming things of the past. I called upon the Siamese Consul in Penang & asked him about going into Siamese territory. The consul (a German or a Belgian I think) questioned me particularly as to my objects, & finding that I am an American & a naturalist & not a geologist he said there would be no difficulty at all. You see the Siamese are like other oriental races they dont want their country grabbed by foreigners. They are being squeezed by the French now in a most scandalous manner. Well a geologist finds mineral wealth in a place & there is no keeping foreigners out after that information gets abroad. The consul sent me to see the Governor (he was on a visit to Penang) of Trang—a Malay state lying north of Penang about 100 miles & belonging to Siam. I found the Governor to be a Chinaman, but a Siamese subject. He spoke a little English & was very decent—said I would find no difficulty—that I could easily get about on elephants & carry my baggage in the same way—that there were plenty of tigers & other game. So I have made up my mind to go there. I have a virgin land before me. Here in Perak until within a few years all travel was upon elephants, now there are roads pretty generally except in Upper Perak, which is still in statu quo [sic]. You see it is just as easy to work a new place as a well known one, & the results in a new place are far more valuable. […] Say nothing to anyone particularly in Germany about my plan of going into Siam. I dont want any other naturalist or collector coming near me. Another advantage of being further north is that the rainfall is less & it is comparatively dry at this season, partly due to the mountains being lower as one approaches the isthmus of Kra. Here it is so wet at all seasons, as to make the preservation of natural history specimens a matter of extreme difficulty. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

156

Paul Michael Taylor

Figure 7. This “sketch map of Trong [Trang], with my collecting stations marked” is likely the map referenced as being enclosed in Abbott’s June 5, 1897 letter to ornithologist Richmond.

We can piece together the sequence of Abbott’s travels on his two Lower Siam expeditions from the archival correspondence, from observing date and locality information (where available) on objects collected, and from his own summaries – especially, for his first expedition, the June 5, 1897 letter to ornithologist Richmond describing his travels in Trang, and enclosing what he referred to as his “sketch map of Trong, with my collecting stations marked.” He writes: “As is the case with the whole of the Siamese part of the Malay peninsula, the country is unsurveyed & unmapped. Although the country is populous and anything but a wilderness, it is terra incognita to Europeans.” Within Abbott’s archival correspondence, this sketch map (Figure 7), along with another map apparently made in part from it (Figure 8) have been located. Abbott arrived in Trang during a time when Siam had entered a period of dramatic change under the “Great Modernizer,” King Chulalongkorn. This was also a period of great westernization, from the creation of ministries mirroring European style government, to increasing influences of globalization visible even in Thailand’s Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

157

Figure 8. Ink-drawn map of “Trang, Peninsular Siam: Routes of Dr. W.L. Abbott, 1897” (Smithsonian archives.)

most remote localities. This was also a time of significant external pressure on Thailand from European powers. These were all influences that Abbott observed and wrote about in his correspondence with his family and with museum scientists. He was immediately impressed by Thailand’s western influences, from his first arrival from Penang, at Trang’s capital whose name he usually writes “Gantong” (as on the sketch map). For example, he writes in a letter of February 18, 1896 to his mother (whose dateline reads “Canton. Province of Trong” illustrating a few of his many spelling variations, e.g. “Trong” in the dateline but Trang in the letter’s text below): Passing a large island on our left (north), we then entered a large river, with mangrove swamps on both sides. A few miles up passed a small village & a rather trim looking gunboat, flying Siamese colors, was anchored opposite to it. She looked, externally at least, very neat & clean & a Marine stood sentry at the gangway. We had to anchor an hour or so for the tide, & then came on Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

158

Paul Michael Taylor

up to this small place. It is a brand new village, the residence of the Governor of Trang. It stands partly in a swamp, but has wide embankments, the future streets, running at right angles across the swamp. The governor has been in Hong Kong & India, & imbibed Western ideas. I found the Governor standing on the pier when we tied up. (I had called on him 2 weeks ago when he was in Penang). So he was very friendly. He is a Chinaman & speaks English. I gave him my letters from the Siamese consul, & told him my difficulties about servants. He said he would fix everything all right for me, & he has done so. […] All the low lands near the sea & rivers are thinly inhabited. I suppose because of the attacks of Malay pirates who until within the last 50 or 60 years used to ravage the coasts & even attack European ships throughout the Eastern archipelago. These low lands are very fertile, for that reason they have put this new capital here, to try & induce the people to settle in the lowlands. […] The Chinese Governor tells me that 5 years ago, everything was unsettled, robberies & murders of daily occurence [sic] & the place full of dacoits. Now crime is unheard of & property is absolutely safe. He is very proud of what he has done. I asked him if there was any fighting with the dacoits. He said no. Every village headman has to report the presence of any strangers, no man can go about, without giving an account of himself, so that it is simply impossible for a robber to hide in the country. It is practically the English system in Burmah. That is the advantage of the Governor having been a travelled man.

Regarding Siam’s pressure from encroaching European colonies that surrounded the country, Abbott’s anti-missionary and anti-colonial stance is clear from his writing, just as it had been when he joined the independent Hovas in Madagascar to fight the French colonialists, then left that country after France’s victory lest he be captured and shot for his aiding the enemy. His collecting on behalf of America’s national museum seems connected in his mind with increasing his nation’s prestige, not its imperialist expansion. In fact when America acquired the Philippines from Spain after the Spanish-American War of 1898, Abbott opposed America’s governance and never went there. From his collecting station at Tyching, where he received international news sent by his family, he wrote on May 6, 1896 to his mother, using an unacceptably derogatory slang word “Dagos” (meaning Italians or Spaniards): Was immensely pleased with the news of the defeat of the Dagos in Abyssinia. I wish every white man in the continent of Africa was butchered the same way–none of them have any business there–only to rob, plunder & steal–& what is more nearly every one who has been in Africa admits the truth of it when he is cornered up–unless it be some lying hypocrite like Stanley. […] Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

159

Every European power is looking for some weaker nation which it may bully & rob with impunity, & the Monroe doctrine2 is to prevent this same process being extended to America.

Similarly, he had earlier (March 16, 1896) written to his mother from Prahmon, opposite Telibon Island, Trang (underlining of the Anglo-Indian slang expression “puckro” meaning “seize” is in the original): There is no doubt but that the English will grab the rest of this peninsula in a few years, allowing the French to puckro the rest of Siam. It is a beastly shame & not a shadow of excuse. It is far pleasanter here under a native ruler than under British or any European government—& you see why I am such a believer in Monroe doctrine. I dont want to see any of this land grabbing which has been going on all over the East, applied to any part of America.

Abbott’s collecting method and his motivation Today it does not seem unusual to search the archival record for information on Abbott’s motivations for this extraordinary life of self-financed collecting and donating, partly because his life was so extraordinary and partly because understanding the collector then helps us interpret the collections now. Yet in Abbott’s time the unpaid volunteer spirit of naturalist collectors was considered an American ideal in itself, something worthy of great respect among the wealthy classes in this rapidly growing nation with a universal high regard for the sciences. Given that Abbott had the means to become a great collector and donor (especially since he never married and had no children to provide for), his contemporaries might have critiqued him or speculated on his “motivations” only if he failed to collect and to donate. Many of Abbott’s motivations, however, are replete with contradictions. Abbott was uncomfortable in his own country, and often caustic in his observations of his countrymen. Yet patriotic duty was certainly Abbott’s motive for adopting the U.S. National Museum as the recipient of his collections, and for Abbott’s lifelong efforts to help that museum compete with its European rivals such as the British Museum. Abbott (who had studied in England and lived in many European countries, and whose mother and sister annually made their summer home in Norway) could resoundingly denigrate his own government and people, but still insist on nationalism as a motive for action. For example, Abbott rushed to fight in the Spanish-American War, and tried (unsuccessfully, due to his age and health) to volunteer for the First World War. He stopped payments in wartime to military-aged American collectors Abbott refers to U.S. President Monroe’s 1823 address to Congress expounding a foreign policy in which European countries should not be allowed to colonize America or the western hemisphere, in return for which the U.S. would remain aloof from European quarrels.

2

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

160

Paul Michael Taylor

for the Smithsonian, insisting it was more proper that they volunteer their services for war. Abbott’s own beloved nephew Awley, to whom Abbott had always been the source of fatherly advice as well as financial support, was killed in battle when Abbott insisted he volunteer for combat at the outbreak of the First World War. No principles other than patriotism were involved. Abbott similarly expected the nationals of every other country to do their duty, and he respected all who did. Just as he expected them to build their own museum collections. While Abbott often seems to assess himself and his accomplishments harshly, he nowhere admits any failure to perform his duty to his country or to his family members. Other goals, though, were Abbott’s choice, not his duty. One of his chosen goals, for example, was obviously the development of science through collecting. Yet even here, one might argue that science would have been better served by placing collections where they could best be studied, which at that time would have meant a larger European museum. From Abbott’s choice of repository we can infer that national duty was a motivating factor of higher importance than his goal of helping science. Similarly, science would better have been served by writing more about the collections rather than leaving unpublished material for others. In 1903 he assured Mason he had “tried to give as full labels to objects as possible.” “The Malays,” he added, “are now much more communicative on the subject of their customs and superstitions than they formerly were when I first came.” Yet he adds, “At least 10 years steady work would be necessary for a decently thorough investigation of the first tribes of the Peninsula.” That steady work was not for Abbott. Other explanations for Abbott’s lifestyle of constant travel and collecting might be found in “push” factors rather than “pull” factors. On the one hand, in almost every place he visits he longs to be elsewhere. In Africa he cannot wait to get to India; in India he lusts for the Malay archipelago, and so on. This is the traveling counterpart to his unease in America and even Europe. He unfavorably compares distant places to America with the same thoroughness he uses to condemn aspects of his homeland. He alternates between the joy of his own camp in a new place, and being “sick of camping & traveling day after day.” By 1899, he found the solution to his dilemma by outfitting and “settling” in his own schooner in which he traveled through the Netherlands East Indies for the next ten years. Yet Abbott’s archival record is replete with evidence for his enthusiasm and sheer delight at travel, at new places, at hunting or searching for new trophies. The nature of those “trophies” changes in important ways as Abbott matures. In his early travels in East Africa and Central Asia, big-game trophy-hunting is the primary focus of his attention, the goal to which other activities are subordinated. He chooses the “nullahs” or valleys of the Himalayas for good “sport,” seeking charismatic species like rare mountain sheep or snow leopards. Trapping small game and collecting anthropological artifacts are secondary activities. Over time, though, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

161

he becomes more dissatisfied with the unnecessary killing of big game by hunters, writing that he has become “positively Buddhist” about that. His interest turns to discovering forms that are new to science. Such finds are of course more likely among the small mammals, indiscreet birds, and the manufactures of little-known peoples. As a mature scientist, then, Abbott saw his role as one of “filling in gaps” in the developing natural sciences, and found joy in being the first to find new species or indigenous manufactures. His transformation from the gentleman sportsman and hunter into the naturalist collector and donor was complete. As a naturalist collector, the biological model prevailed in his anthropological collecting (and in fact he simultaneously assembled biological and anthropological collections everywhere he traveled, though sometimes emphasizing one kind over another). This may partly explain his general failure to “write up” his finds, other than as expanded labels. Abbott clearly seems to have thought that it was the job of museum anthropologists to “describe” (meaning, by implication, “describe within a classificatory and interpretive system”) the basketry, carvings, shields, charms, weapons, musical instruments, personal ornaments, clothing, and other artifacts he sent them. This was, after all, the case with the vertebrate and invertebrate zoological specimens collected, from which extensive published discussions and many new, previously unrecorded species did result. He, by contrast, tried to “document” each kind of collection in the ways specialists of the time required.

The collector and his museum To what extent was Abbott influenced by the museum’s collection policies and research priorities? To what extent were the museum’s research and collection policies influenced by Abbott and his collections? We can examine these questions thanks to the extensive record of correspondence from the 1880s to the 1930s between Abbott and scientists in the museum’s various “departments.” Those who collect biological specimens, as Abbott did, have always been dependent on public museums as repositories. Unlike artworks, most zoological specimens require regular and careful attention to their physical preservation. A few exceptional forms (shells, some fossils, some easily dried and colorful specimens like butterflies) have extensive amateur collecting traditions outside the museum environment, but the physical storage and preservation requirements of most biological taxa make it difficult for amateurs permanently to store their own collections. Perhaps more importantly, collectors depended on museums because each specimen’s value to science derived largely from its placement within an evergrowing taxonomic system. “Identifying” each specimen (i.e., placing it in that system) required that the specimen be compared to those in other collections. The taxonomic status of specimens from little-known areas requires regular re-assessment by specialists as collections throughout the world acquire more and more specimens Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

162

Paul Michael Taylor

of any particular taxon. This same process of revising the taxonomy was used to identify new species, based upon “type specimens” in a collection. Each new species can only be described on the basis of a “holotype,” the defining individual used in describing that species. Holotypes make up the most valuable part of a biological collection, and large numbers of new species were indeed named at the Smithsonian using Abbott’s specimens as holotypes. The encouragement for ethnographic collecting was not only from Mason to Abbott; each encouraged the other. Mason, the elderly museum scholar in poor health, was very attracted to Abbott’s adventuresome travels in the tropics. This mutually satisfying relationship, carried out through regular correspondence between Mason in his office and Abbott in the field, undoubtedly contributed to the great increase in Abbott’s Indonesian ethnology collecting after 1903, as well as to Mason’s abandoment of American Indian for Southeast Asian studies. In 1907 he told a colleague that his heart was “now in Malaysia, with my proto-Americans” (Hinsley 1981: 114). Yet Mason’s individual change also reflected the internationalization of America’s interests, after a war in the Pacific and Caribbean, and the acquisition of the Philippine colony (1898). In a January 1905 memorandum urging that an appropriate Smithsonian honor be bestowed upon Abbott, Mason wrote that the value of Abbott’s Southeast Asian collections “cannot be overestimated. Since the United States Government has come into possession of the Philippine Islands, the Abbott material will serve for a comparison of the peoples living in different portions of the same great ethnic area.” In searching for the criteria Abbott used to form his collection, it is clear he considered that even the simplest technology could be either poorly made or well made, and he preferred only to collect the latter. It often seems that his goal of “completeness” in a series of manufactures requires only one of each type -- not an example of the range of quality nor even an example of the “median” or “most common” of a particular type. So, for example, he writes of his Nicobar collection: The Nicobars proved very interesting indeed. I obtained a pretty complete collection of their household goods, etc., at Kar Nicobar, but not models of their houses or canoes. Those which were made were so badly constructed as to be worthless. In some ways, the Kar Nicobarese are the least interesting of the group, inasmuch as they are not artists in wood carving which the natives of the central group are. In the central group, (Nankauri, Kamata, Trinkut, and Kachal), every house is a perfect ethnological museum. Figures of men, women, crocodiles, dogs, devils, birds, pictures, besides spears, fish trays, nets, baskets, cooking utensils. I have never seen anything like it. The figures are life size downwards. These figures are not idols. Every man and woman has one or more life sized human figures which he calls himself. These he watches over and takes care of, for he says should any harm come to the figure, he himself would die. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

163

Finally, Abbott seems to have been interested in the conceptual importance that Mason gave to man’s ingenuity in inventing objects to satisfy human wants, and his frequent search for examples of a kind of “convergent evolution” of human technology, in which like needs produce like inventions, without diffusion or borrowing. In 1902 he wrote from Singapore: I got some Jakun traps for catching squirrels, etc., but unfortunately they are too dry and broken to show anything. They were quite ingenious and very similar to some I observed amongst the Antanala in Madagascar. A case of a similar want producing a similar result. Still, their blowpipes were also similar. I expect to go among the Jakuns again this next trip and will get some better specimens.

Such examples of convergent evolution were important to evolutionary theories espoused by Mason, and used as the basis for exhibits of the time at the Smithsonian. They indicated that mankind passed through stages of evolution everywhere, and that the laws governing evolution could be sought apart from the particular historical circumstances of each people. Though such ideas can be recognized in passages such as the one quoted above, they are never developed in Abbott’s correspondence into any theoretical system. Yet they clearly provided the theoretical underpinning and justification of his vast collecting. More fundamentally, the fact that evolution could be studied through material culture reflects a basic presumption of Mason (and other Smithsonian ethnologists): material culture and ideational culture evolved together as one passed from savagery to barbarism to civilization. Both could be studied through the establishment of typologies, and the study of the cultural-historical sequences in which those types developed throughout the world. Information about material culture could predict ideational culture, and vice versa. Abbott realized that, if he could gather one representative example of every product of technology of every people, the data required to quite fully study the pressing ethnological scientific issues of the day (the regularities in the sequence of human evolution around the world) would be “complete.” Others (like Mason) could draw and argue over conclusions; Abbott would provide the data they needed. Yet Abbott himself (like his ethnologist correspondents at the Smithsonian, Otis Mason and Walter Hough) seems to have misunderstood the changing research priorities within contemporary anthropology, especially the strong movement away from the study of material culture that had begun by the turn of the century (as measured, for example, by the proportional decline in practicing museum anthropologists, and the rapid decline after 1900 of the percentage of American published papers on ethnology concerned at least in part with material culture—see Sturtevant 1969: 623-7). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

164

Paul Michael Taylor

The usefulness of Abbott’s information and collections for research today With regard to his collecting activities, and the collections he sent to the Smithsonian from Thailand, a very productive mode of recent scholarship places objects in historical and ethnographic context by taking images and information about legacy collections back to the descendants of those who produced them, engaging descendants of the peoples who created museum objects with their interpretation and presentation (e.g. Ames 1980, 1990, 2003, Dudding 2005, Rosoff 1998, Sagita 2008, Smith et al. 2010). “Re-visiting” historic expeditions now (Taylor 2006a) provides opportunities to ask the descendants of peoples such as those whom Abbott visited to help interpret objects, photographs, and archival narratives—a technique successfully used in many of the recent studies listed above. Studies of how indigenous technologies change through time can benefit from the comparison of collections Abbott made with technologies in use today. It is, of course, highly unlikely that any modern study of material culture would revive Mason’s typological methods or have as its goal the establishment of culture-historical sequences like those Mason posited. But many studies of Southeast Asian material culture (e.g. Adams 1969; Barbier 1977; Davenport 1988; Feldman 1985; Gittinger 1979, 1980; Hamilton 1994; Holmgren and Spertus 1989; Schefold 1980; Rodgers 1985; Taylor and Aragon 1991; Taylor 1995, 2006b) and other studies have illustrated the importance of relating historically documented museum specimens to locally obtained ethnographic information, or have emphasized the importance for this purpose of local museums such as those within Indonesia (Taylor 1994). Bringing together museum artifacts and the “missing” ethnographic information about them serves partly as a means of improving documentation of the old museum artifacts. It is also a rich source of data on indigenous systems of beliefs and symbols, on the history of indigenous technologies, and on intercultural contacts of all kinds. For this reason, the material Abbott collected for his own purposes can be reconsidered, in light of new information. The publication of Abbott’s collections (e.g. Taylor and Hamilton 1992) and his archival records (Taylor in press) should contribute toward these goals. It is my hope that contemporary ethnographers in Thailand, and descendants of the people Abbott visited and studied, will also use this information in the field.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

165

References Adams, Marie Jeanne. 1969. System and Meaning in East Sumba Textile Design: A Study in Traditional Indonesian Art. New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies Cultural Report Series No. 16. Alexander, Edward P. 1983. Museum Masters: Their Museums and Their Influence. Nashville: American Association for State and Local History. Ames, Michael. 1980. Museums, the Public, and Anthropology. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press (and) New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. ____. 1990. “Cultural Empowerment and Museums: Opening Up Anthropology through Collaboration.” In Susan Pearce (ed.), New Research in Museum Studies, vol. 1. Objects of Knowledge, London: Athlone. ____. 2003. “How to Decorate a House: The Renegotiation of Cultural Representations at the University of British Columbia Museum of Anthropology.” In Laura Peers and Alison Brown (eds.), Museums and Source Communities: A Routledge Reader, London: Routledge. Asian Civilisations Museum. 2009. “William Louis Abbott.” Pp. 25-37 in: Hunters & collectors : the origins of the Southeast Asian collection at the Asian Civilisations Museum. Singapore: Asian Civilisations Museum. Barbier, Jean Paul (ed.). 1977. Indonésie et Melanésie: art tribal et cultures archaïques des mers du sud. Geneva: Collection Barbier-Müller. Bekker, Sarah M. 1983. “Royal Gifts from Thailand.” [Review.] Oriental Art 29(2): 194-197. Brandt, John H. 1961. “The Negrito of Peninsular Thailand.” Journal of the Siam Society 49(2):123-160. Bronner, Simon J. 1989. Consuming Visions: Accumulation and Display of Goods in America, 1880-1920. New York: W.W. Norton, for the Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum. Davenport, William H. (ed.). 1988. (Special Issue on:) Borneo. Expedition [The University Museum Magazine of Archaeology/Anthropology, Univ. of Pennsylvania.], vol. 30, no. 1. Dudding, Joyce. 2005. “Visual Repatriation and Photo-Elicitation: Recommendations on Principles and Practices for the Museum Worker.” Journal of Museum Ethnography, 17: 218-231. Feldman, Jerome (ed.). 1985. The Eloquent Dead: Ancestral Sculpture of Indonesia and Southeast Asia. Los Angeles: UCLA Museum of Cultural History. Gittinger, Mattiebelle. 1979. Splendid Symbols: Textiles and Tradition in Indonesia. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

166

Paul Michael Taylor

Washington, D.C.: The Textile Museum. Gittinger, Mattiebelle (ed.). 1980. Indonesian Textiles. Washington, D.C.: The Textile Museum. Proceedings of the Irene Emery Roundtable on Museum Textiles, 1979. Hamilton, Roy W. (ed.). 1994. Gift of the Cotton Maiden: Textiles of Flores and the Solor Islands. Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California at Los Angeles. Hinsley, Curtis M. 1981. Savages and Scientists: The Smithsonian Institution and the Development of American Anthropology 1846-1910. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Hodgen, M. T. 1964. Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Holmgren, Robert J., and Anita Spertus. 1989. Early Indonesian Textiles from Three Island Cultures. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Keppel, Sylvia. 1984. Primaire textiele technieken van de Mentawai-eilanden: systematiek van het lus-en vlechtwerk. Amsterdam: VU Uitgeverij. Mason, Otis T. 1908. “Vocabulary of Malaysian Basketwork: A Study in the W.L. Abbott Collections.” Proceedings of the U.S. National Museum, vol. 35, no. 1631 (pp. 1-51 and pl. 1-17). McQuail, Lisa. 1997. Treasures of Two Nations: Thai Royal Gifts to the United States of America. Washington, D.C.: Asian Cultural History Program, Smithsonian Institution. ____. 1999. “Articles of peculiar excellence.” Journal of the Siam Society 79: 12-23. Newton, Douglas, and Jean-Paul Barbier. 1988. Islands and Ancestors: Indigenous Styles of Southeast Asia. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Porath, Nathan. 2002. Developing Indigenous Communities into Sakais: South Thailand and Riau. Pp. 97-118 in: Tribal Communities in the Malay World (ed. Geoffrey Benjamin and Cynthia Chou), Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Rodgers, Susan. 1985. Power and Gold: Jewelry from Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. Geneva: Musée Barbier-Müller (for The Asia Society, Inc.) Roosevelt, Theodore. 1911. The American Hunter-Naturalist. The Outlook, December 9, 1911, pages 854-856. Rosoff, Nancy. 1998. Integrating Native Views into Museum Procedures: Hope and Practice at the National Museum of the American Indian”. Museum Anthropology 22(1): 33-42. Sagita, Novia. 2008. Community-based Museum: Traditional Curation in Women’s Weaving Culture. In Voogt, Paul (ed.), Can We Make a Difference? Museums, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

William Louis Abbott in Thailand

167

Society, and Development in North and South, (Bulletin 387), Amsterdam: KIT (Royal Tropical Institute) Publishers. Schefold, Reimar. 1980. Speelgoed voor de sielen: kunst en cultuur van de Mentawaieilanden. Delft: Volkenkundig Museum Nusantara. Smith, L., M. Austin-Dennehy, and K. McHugh. 2010. “Collaborative Conservation of Alaska Native Objects at the Smithsonian”. In A. Crowell, R. Worl, P. Ongtookuk and D. Biddison (eds.), Living our Cultures, Sharing Our Heritage: The First Peoples of Alaska, Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution. Sturtevant, William C. 1969. “Does Anthropology Need Museums?” Proceedings of the Biological Society of Washington 82:619-650. Swettenham, Frank Athelstane. 1895. Malay Sketches. London: John Lane. Taylor, Paul Michael. 1985. The Indonesian Collections of William Louis Abbott (1860-1936): Invitation to a Research Resource at the Smithsonian Institution. Council for Museum Anthropology Newsletter 9(2):5-14. ____. 1995. “Collecting Icons of Power and Identity: Transformations of Indonesian Material Culture in the Museum Context.” Cultural Dynamics 7(1):101124. (Special issue of Cultural Dynamics, entitled Museums and Changing Perspectives of Culture, ed. by Anthony Shelton.) ____. 2002. “A Collector and His Museum: William Louis Abbott (1860-1936) and the Smithsonian.” In: Treasure Hunting? The Collectors and the Collecting of Indonesian Artefacts. (Reimar Schefold and Han Vermeulen, eds.) Leiden: Research School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies (CNWS), University of Leiden. Mededelingen van het Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, no. 30, pages 221-239. ____. 2006a. By Aeroplane to Pygmyland: Revisiting the 1926 Dutch and American Expedition to New Guinea. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Libraries, Digital Editions [New series: Sources and Critical Interpretations.] http://www.sil.si.edu/expeditions/1926/ ____. 2006b. “Introduction: Revisiting the Dutch and American New Guinea Expedition of 1926.” Essay 1: in By Aeroplane to Pygmyland: Revisiting the 1926 Dutch and American Expedition to New Guinea, by Paul Michael Taylor. (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Libraries, Digital Editions, 2006) http://www.sil.si.edu/expeditions/1926/essays ____. 2006c. “Assembling, Assessing and Annotating the Source Materials for the Study of the 1926 Expedition.” Essay 2: in By Aeroplane to Pygmyland: Revisiting the 1926 Dutch and American Expedition to New Guinea, by Paul Michael Taylor (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Libraries, Digital Editions, 2006): http://www.sil.si.edu/expeditions/1926/essays Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

168

Paul Michael Taylor

____. In press (4 volumes). William Louis Abbott (1860-1936): American Naturalist. To be published in: Smithsonian Institution Libraries, Digital Editions [New series: Sources and Critical Interpretations], http://www.sil.si.edu. [I] Spoils of the Merikani: William Louis Abbott and the Smithsonian in East Africa, Madagascar, and the Seychelles, 1887-1895. [II] An American Naturalist in the Himalayas: William Louis Abbott and his Smithsonian Expeditions to Central Asia, 1891-1915. [III] Travels of the Terrapin: William Louis Abbott and the Smithsonian in Southeast Asia, 1896-1909. [IV] Journey’s End: W.L. Abbott in the Caribbean and at Home. Taylor, Paul Michael and Lorraine V. Aragon. 1991. Beyond the Java Sea: Art of Indonesia’s Outer Islands. Washington: National Museum of Natural History; New York: Harry N. Abrams. Taylor, Paul Michael and Roy W. Hamilton. 1993. “The Borneo Collections of W. L. Abbott (1860-1936) at the Smithsonian.” Pp. 311-342 of: Change and Development in Borneo: Selected Papers from the First Extraordinary Conference of the Borneo Research Council, Kuching, Sarawak, Malaysia, August 4-9, 1990. (Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr., ed.). Williamsburg, Virginia: Borneo Research Council. Winegrad, Dilys Pegler Winegrad. 1993. Through Time, Across Continents: A Hundred Years of Archaeology and Anthropology at The University Museum. Philadelphia: The University Museum, Univ. of Pennsylvania.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Amsterdam: The VOC warehouse at the Mouth of the Chao Phraya River Patrick Dumon1

Abstract—This article is a compilation of information on the Dutch East India Company’s godown at the mouth of the Chao Phraya River near the Gulf of Thailand. This article suggests an amendment to an article regarding the warehouse published in the Siam Society newsletter of June 1987, and attempts to approximate the location of the warehouse.

In 1608, the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, VOC) installed a permanent resident at Ayutthaya. From English sources we know that the King of Siam assigned the Dutch a brick house within the city walls.2 In 1613, a VOC trading office was officially opened by Commander Hendrik Brouwer (circa 1581-1643) with the appointment of the merchant Cornelis van Nijenroode.3 Besides Ayutthaya and Pattani, factories were also established at Sangora4 and Ligor.5 In 1633, Joost Schouten (circa 1600-1644) obtained from King Prasat Thong (reigned 1629-1656) a stretch of land on the left bank of the Bangkok River, south of Wat Phanan Choeng and the harbour, on an island formed by the main river and the Suan Phlu Canal.6 Shortly after, in 1634, under the orders of Hendrik Brouwer, the 1

With thanks to Barend Jan Terwiel and Han ten Brummelhuis. Kerr and Edin, A general history and collection of voyages and travels, Vol 8, Section 14. 3 Blankwaardt, Notes upon the Relations between Holland and Siam, 246. 4 Now Songkhla (1607 until 1623). 5 Now Nakhon Si Thammarat (circa 1640–1756, with temporary closures). 6 Joost Schouten, who had been head of the factory in Ayutthaya for a year, went to Batavia in early 1634 to report on his duties. In the Dagh Register from Batavia of 14 May 1634, we read that Governor General Hendrik Brouwer ordered Schouten to ask King Prasat Thong for permission to build a brick godown on the land offered by the king. Thus Schouten must have obtained, prior to his visit to Batavia, a stretch of land along the river for loading and discharging, as the initial Dutch godown in Ayutthaya was far from the river and very impractical for trading and shipping. Schouten reported the offer of land from the King of Siam to Brouwer, who responded by ordering the construction of the lodge, For this purpose, Schouten arrived in Siam on 13 June 1634 with craftsmen and materials. Permission to build the lodge was given after the raid on Pattani as logged in the Dagh Register of 9 November 1634. François Valentyn’s work Oud en Nieuw Oost Indiën gives also 1633-1634 as the years of the establishment of the lodge.

2

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

170

Patrick Dumon

eighth Governor-General of the East Indies, the construction of a brick building for the new factory was started. Schouten reported that the Dutch lodge was completed in 1636. Warehouse Amsterdam was probably built around the same time, but more research of VOC documents will be needed to identify the timing.

The reason for constructing Warehouse Amsterdam Nicolas Gervaise (circa 1662-1729), a young French theological student of the Société des Missions Etrangères residing in Ayutthaya in the late 17th century, wrote that the VOC ships usually arrived at the Bar twice a year: in the month of May for trade with Japan and in the month of October for trade with Siam.7 Simon de La Loubère (1642-1729), a French diplomat heading the second French Embassy to Siam in 1687, noted “that the Ships can hardly arrive at the Bar of Siam during the Six Months of the North-winds, and that they can hardly depart thence during the Six Months of the South-winds.”8 The winds, currents and spring tides were key factors with which ships had to reckon when trading with Ayutthaya. The “Bar of Siam” was a shallow extension of land below sea level stretching about eight nautical miles into the Gulf before it reached a depth of three fathoms (see Figures 1 and 2).9 Today, the old bar has largely disappeared as was predicted by de La Loubère: “Before the mouth of the Menam, there is a Bank of Owse,10 which, in the Sea-phrase, is call’d the Bar, and which prohibits entrance to great Ships. ‘Tis probable that it will increase itself by little and little, and will in time make a new Shore to the firm Land.” The Bar consisted mainly of soft clay and hard sand, broken by inlets at the locations where the rivers ran into the sea. In front of the mouth of the Chao Phraya River was a flat sand bank formed by the sediment of the river, reducing the depth to less than one fathom11 at low tide, but increasing to 2.5 fathoms at high tide and reaching three fathoms or more in the flood period. Large ships had to anchor in the roads in front of the bar at a depth of four to six fathoms in accordance with their draught. The VOC anchorage is indicated on De Graaff’s map titled “The appearance of the Bay and the high land of Siam as seen from an anchorage at 5 fathoms of water”12 about four Dutch miles from the Gervaise, The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, 48. De La Loubère, Du Royaume De Siam, 54-5. 9 One standardized fathom is 1.8288 metres. The Amsterdam fathom used by the VOC was 1.698 metres or 6 Amsterdam feet. 10 “Bank of Owse” refers to shelves of sand at the estuary of the Great Ouse River at King’s Lynn, England. 11 Joost Schouten gives 5 or 6 feet (1.5 to 1.8 metres) at low tide and 15 to 16 feet (4.5 to 4.8 metres) at high tide. 12 Original title: “Het opdoen van de Bay en het hooge land van Siam, als men sig by het ancker op 5 vadem waters bevind.” 7 8

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Amsterdam: The VOC Warehouse at the Mouth of the Chao Phraya River

171

river entry. The roads provided good anchorage, said to be safe except in a southsouthwest wind.13 Ships which were able to cross the mud bank at high tide could enter the river up to Bangkok without problems. North of Bangkok the river became narrower and shallow; ships with a draught of 11-12 foot14 were able to reach the City of Ayutthaya, but were sometimes blocked near the city until the yearly flood period due to the restricted depth of the river. The Dutch constructed a warehouse near the mouth of the river for logistical purposes. It was more convenient and efficient for sea-going ships to remain at the bar, and transfer goods between the warehouse and the Dutch Lodge in Ayutthaya by barge, a trip which took two days each way.15 These transfers could be accomplished during the periods when no sea-going VOC East Indiamen could arrive or depart owing to the seasonal restrictions. Another advantage was that goods brought down from Ayutthaya to the warehouse could undergo customs procedures at the royal customs house in advance. In addition, more room for storage could be made available at the Dutch lodge. Fully-laden yachts and flutes could enter the Bang Pla Kot Canal and tie up at the pier of the warehouse; we read in the diary of Gijsbert Heecq (1619-1669), a ship’s surgeon in the service of the VOC, that the flute The King of Poland,16 with a displacement of 520 tons, moored at the pier of the warehouse from 19 August to 18 October 1655, while the East-Indiaman The Whale,17 with a displacement of 1,000 tons, remained in the roads.

The appearance and environs of the warehouse The warehouse was constructed from heavy beams and planks, and roofed with tiles. It was raised on posts about one metre off the ground to protect the building and its contents from the yearly flooding in the monsoon period, to guard against moisture, and to avoid the ingress of pests and animals. As the Dutch were excellent shipbuilders and robust wood was readily available, the warehouse must have been a building of good quality. Samuel Purchas (circa 1577–1626) in a side-note on Anthony Hippon’s Dag-register van Pieter Williamson Floris, na Patane en Siam commented that the road of Siam was safe, except in a S.S.W. wind. He referred to a four to five hour-long storm on 26 October 1612 in which the English ship The Globe very narrowly escaped shipwreck when it drifted with two anchors from 6 to 4 fathoms depth, and could only be secured by dropping a third anchor. In the incident five men drowned. 14 Approximately 4 metres; Nicolas Gervaise expresses it in displacement, being between 300 and 400 tons. 15 Heecq recorded that a barge called Barcq Houdt belonging to the Dutch factory was used to load and unload the ships. The barge had a displacement of 40 last (80 tons) and was commanded by a Dutch barge-master who remained on board to guard the vessel when it was empty. 16 De Coninck van Polen. 17 De Walvisch. 13

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

172

Patrick Dumon

The warehouse had a pier where ships with a displacement up to 500 tons could moor for convenience in transferring goods. Beams and other wood were stored next to the warehouse in the open, while animal skins and precious woods were kept in lofts. From Kaempfer’s work we can deduce that there was separate accommodation in houses on stilts, with a floor of split bamboo.18 The Religious Embassy from Sri Lanka, brought from Batavia by a Dutch ship in 1751, remained in this lodging for two days.19

Figure 1. Detail of “A Mapp of the Course of the River Menam from Siam to the Sea” from Simon de La Loubère, published in 1691, showing the position of the warehouse.

There must also have been a burial place in the vicinity. Heecq reported that a boatswain, Gerret Kaidraij, was buried in 1655 after being killed in a DutchPortuguese skirmish at the Bar, and two other boatswains, Ziets Lammerts and Jan Janszen van Hasseldt, were buried about one month and two months later respectively.20 Nicolas Gervaise mentioned that the warehouse was in close proximity to a forest, and that some drunken sailors had been devoured by tigers after falling asleep. The warehouse was next to an area for storage and ship building. According to Kaempfer, The History of Japan, 42. Pieris, Religious Intercourse, 11. 20 Terwiel, A Traveler in Siam, 32, 39, 69. 18 19

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Amsterdam: The VOC Warehouse at the Mouth of the Chao Phraya River

173

Heecq, King Ekathatsarot (reigned 1605-1610/11) asked the Dutch to build three of four yachts for him, and carpenters were especially sent from Batavia to Siam. Old ships were sent here to be repaired or given a completely new hull because the cost was cheaper and good timber was abundantly available. The yacht Worcum, built in the warehouse’s shipyard in 1654, had a displacement of 360 tons, a crew of 100 men, and thirty-four guns.21

Figure 2. Detail of “Carte Du Cours Du Menan, Depuis Siam Jusqu’a la Mer” from Jacques-Nicolas Bellin, published circa 1750, showing the bar and the position of the warehouse.

The warehouse on maps Warehouse Amsterdam is indicated on various maps from the 17th and 18th centuries showing the course of the Chao Phraya River, including those of Simon de La Loubère (1691, see Figure 1), Isaac de Graaff (circa 1705, see Figure 4), François Valentyn (1724, see Figure 3), Engelbert Kaempfer (1727, see Figure 5), and Jacques-Nicolas Bellin (circa 1750, see Figure 2). All the old maps show that the warehouse was situated on the north bank of the Bang Pla Kot Canal, but French and Dutch maps differ on the position; French maps position the warehouse close to the mouth of the canal, while the Dutch maps position the warehouse deeper into the canal. Valentyn’s map, “The Great Siamese River Me-Nam or Mother of Waters depicted in her course with its tributaries”,22 gives a hint of what the warehouse 21

The Worcum was sunk during a storm six years later near Macao. Original title: “Groote Siamse Rievier Me-Nam Of Te Moeder Der Wateren In haren loop met de vallende Spruyten Verbeeld”. 22

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

174

Patrick Dumon

looked like and mentions that it was situated near a temple with a “stump pyramid” (see Figure 3). Kaempfer shows the warehouse was opposite “Banbelkot” (Ban Pla Kot),23 situated on the south bank of the canal (see Figure 5). Isaac De Graaff, a VOC cartographer, who drew a more navigational map titled “The River of Siam”,24 indicated “Ban Becot” next to the VOC warehouse and the village (see Figure 4).

Figure 3. Detail of the map “Groote Siamse Rievier Me-Nam Of Te Moeder Der Wateren In haren loop met de vallende Spruyten Verbeeld” from François Valentyn, showing the warehouse

Locating the site of the warehouse In May 2013, I decided to drive down to Samut Prakan in search of the remains of Warehouse Amsterdam. I had just read Derrick Garnier’s book, Ayutthaya, Venice of the East, which refers to the location as follows (p. 87): It was known locally as ‘Baang Amsterdam’ which apparently means ‘made of wood’, but on western maps it is marked simply as ‘Amsterdam’. At any rate it was later rebuilt in brick, and we know this because we can still see the remains of it on the west bank of the Chao Phraya, near Samut Prakarn, at the village of Bang Plakot. One can make out the remains of stout brick walls, half submerged; also a pit that may have been a well, and part of a ‘gate’. 23

Ban Pla Kot can be translated as Village of the Catfish. The village is sometimes referred to as Bang Pla Kot, in which “Bang” means a village located near a waterway. 24 Original title: “De Rivier van Siam”. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Amsterdam: The VOC Warehouse at the Mouth of the Chao Phraya River

175

Garnier took this information from an article on the Dutch presence in Siam, published in the Siam Society Newsletter in 1987. The author, Elisabeth F.M. Bleyerveld-van’t Hooft, based her account on the findings of a Dutch group, which visited the area of Bang Pla Kot in April 1987 and stumbled upon brickwork near the mouth of the canal.25 Apparently, the group concluded that the brickwork must have been the remnants of Warehouse Amsterdam.26

Figure 4. Detail of the map “De Rivier van Siam” from Isaac De Graaff, showing the position of the warehouse.

Figure 5. Detail of the “Mappa Meinam Fluvij Ad Orig. Eng. Kempfer delin, I.G.S.” from Engelbert Kaempfer published in 1727 showing the warehouse opposite “Banbelkot”.

After having contacted a number of local authorities, I was finally guided to the site which the Dutch group explored about twenty-five years ago. Local officials 25

Bleyerveld-van ‘t Hooft was head of a volunteer team of surveyors from Shell in Bangkok, preparing an exposition for the Siam Society in 1987. 26 Siam (Thailand) - De VOC site - http://www.vocsite.nl/geschiedenis/handelsposten/siam.html; data retrieved 20 February 2014. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

176

Patrick Dumon

referred to the area as a fortress. I was surprised to find walls a metre thick, and some structures still in quite good condition for a warehouse dating back to the mid-18th century; but it was undoubtedly the site which Garnier described (see Figure 6). A local official related that guns and cannon balls had been found at this location. I recalled that the Dutch had installed two iron guns in front of the Dutch lodge at Ayutthaya, but King Prasat Thong had ordered them removed. In October 1655, Heecq logged in his dairy that the guns were taken from the warehouse and loaded on the ship The Whale. I concluded therefore that it was rather unlikely that there would still be guns on the site of the warehouse.

Figure 6. Remains of the Khongkraphan Fortress (photo: Patrick Dumon, 2013).

On the east bank of the Bang Pla Kot Canal, opposite the brickwork, is Wat Khae in Pak Bang Pla Kot sub-district. The abbot reported that the monastery was constructed with the surplus of bricks retrieved after the fortress opposite had been completed. He also claimed that the fortress, called Pom Khongkraphan (the invulnerable fortress), was built in 1834 during the reign of King Rama III as part of a series of defensive works protecting the approach to the capital, including the Narai Kangkon Fortress on the west bank of the Chao Phraya River.27 The remains at the mouth of the Bang Pla Kot Canal seen by the Dutch team in 1987 were a fortress, not Warehouse Amsterdam.

Tentative location of Warehouse Amsterdam From Valentyn’s map of the Chao Phraya River, we learn that there was a stupa nearby, to the south of the warehouse. The abbot of Wat Khae stated that an 28

27 28

A claim confirmed by a document on the Khongkraphan Fortress from the Fine Arts Department. Dutch: “Een Stompe Piramide”, presumably a prang, a corncob-like stupa. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Amsterdam: The VOC Warehouse at the Mouth of the Chao Phraya River

177

Ayutthaya era temple called Wat Yai Si had once stood on the west bank of the canal just north of the Suksawat Road and north of the bridge. There is now a factory on the site. The VOC cartographer De Graaff used the “Duijtsche Myl” as the reference scale for his maps. In the 17th century, the Dutch mile corresponded to 20,000 Amsterdam feet or 5,662 metres.29 On his map “The River of Siam”, the distance from the mouth of the canal up to the warehouse is about a quarter of a Dutch mile.

B

A C

Figure 7. A = Probable site of Warehouse Amsterdam; B = Khongkraphan Fortress; C = site of Wat Yai Si. (Images from Google Maps and Google Earth)

Today, the geographical features of the area, and especially the course of the canal, have changed since the 17th century, making it difficult to pinpoint an exact location. Most likely, Warehouse Amsterdam was just north of the former site of Wat Yai Si, now a factory, along Suksawat Road on the west bank of Bang Pla Kot Canal, north of the present bridge over the canal and about 1.4 kilometres from the mouth.

29

The “Amsterdam foot”, a VOC standard measurement from 1650, was 0.2831 metre. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

178

Patrick Dumon

References Blankwaardt, W. 1926-7. Notes upon the Relations between Holland and Siam. A paper read at a general meeting of the Society on 28 April 1926. Journal of the Siam Society 20, 3. Bleyerveld-van’t Hooft, Elisabeth. 1987. The Dutch Presence in Siam. Siam Society Newsletter 3, 2. Caron, François and Schouten, Joost. 1986. A True Description of the Mighty Kingdom of Japan and Siam. Introduction and notes by John Villiers. Bangkok: The Siam Society. De La Loubère, Simon. 1691. Du Royaume De Siam. Tome Premier. Suivant la Copie imprimée à Paris. A Amsterdam, Chez Abraham Wolfgang, prés de la Bourse. Dutch Papers Extracts from the Dagh Register 1624-1642. 1915. Printed by order of the Vajiranana National Library. Bangkok, Extracts from the daily journal kept in Batavia Castle, containing an account of events occurring over the Netherlands-Indias and more especially concerning Siam. Garnier, Derick. 2004. Ayutthaya: Venice of the East. Bangkok: River Books. Gervaise, Nicolas.1989 [Paris, 1688]. The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam. Translated and edited by John Villiers. Bangkok: White Lotus. Kaempfer, Engelbertus. 1727. The History of Japan. Translated by J.G. Scheuchzer. London, Imprimatur Hans Sloane. Kerr, Robert & Edin F.A.S. 1824. A general history and collection of voyages and travels, arranged in systematic order: forming a complete history of the origin and progress of navigation, discovery, and commerce, by sea and land, from the earliest ages to the present time - Volume 8. William Blackwood, Edinburgh and T. Cadell, London. Pieris, Paulus Edward. 1908. Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Siam in the Eighteenth Century. Bangkok: Siam Observer Office. Raingan kansamruat buengton pom khongkraphan. 2011 (Report on the preliminary survey of the Khongkraphan Fortress). Document retrieved on 1 December 2013 at http://www.finearts.go.th/archae. Terwiel, Barend Jan. 2008. A Traveler in Siam in the Year 1655: Extracts from the Journal of Gijsbert Heeck. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Valentyn, François. 1626. Oud en Nieuw Oost Indiën. Deel 3 Boek 6. Beschryvinge van Siam en onsen Handel aldaar.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya with Remarks on Defence, Policing, Infrastructure, and Sacred Sites Chris Baker1

The Description of Ayutthaya is a verbal description of the old capital, probably compiled from the memories of survivors after its destruction in 1767. I have published translations of two extracts from the document in JSS99 (2011) and JSS101 (2013). This article has a translation of the remaining portions. These deal with three subjects: the infrastructure of gates, roads, bridges, and ferries; security arrangements including customs and guard posts, checkpoints, jails, and a watch tower; and a listing of major royal and religious places inside and outside the city. This brief introduction draws attention to some implications of these sections of the text.

Gates and defence After the first sack of the city by the Burmese in 1568-9, the walls and moats were improved. In 1586, these defences held against another siege by the Burmese armies. For the next 173 years, until 1759, no army threatened Ayutthaya. The sheer number of gates betrays the city’s sense of security in this era. There are twenty-three gates listed in the section of the document translated here, plus another six in the northern wall of the palace, which also forms part of the city wall. In addition, there were over sixty “tunnel gates,” apertures big enough for people or pack animals to pass. All illustrations of the city show that the water gates were large and flamboyant. The most reliable representation is a sketch made in his notebook by Kaempfer while mapping the city in 1690 (Figure 1). The gate soars higher than the wall, which was six metres from ground level to the tip of the ramparts, making the gate possibly around ten metres tall. The design has the inward-sloping pillars and flared crosspiece still seen on the Great Swing (sao chingcha) outside Bangkok’s Wat Suthat. Other illustrations, such as on the Vingboons map (Figure 2), which have been redrawn by European draftsmen, who had never seen the original but worked from sketches made in situ, lack the distinctive design but confirm the shape and size. On Kaempfer’s sketched map of the city, there are at least twenty gates in this design. 1

With thanks to Winai Pongsripian, Barend Terwiel, Patrick Dumon, Thavatchai Tangsirivanich, and Pasuk Phongpaichit. All photographs are by Patrick Dumon. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

180

Chris Baker

Such gates were designed to impress, not to keep enemies out. In case of a siege they had to be barricaded. Phraya Boranratchathanin, who carried out the earliest excavations in Ayutthaya around the turn of the 20th century, reported as follows: When there was a war and an enemy laid siege to the capital, two rows of logs were inserted and filled with earth to close the canal between the walls on each side. Thirty years ago, some senior people told me that when they were young they had seen people dig out many logs of redwood and sal wood around four spans square and six cubits long from canals inside the line of the wall.2

Figure 1 (top left). Wall, watergate, and tunnel gate from Kaempfer’s notebook (Terwiel, Kaempfer Werke 4, 202) Figure 2 (centre left). Vingboons map: two watergates on the south side of the island (probably Thesami Gate and Chinese Gate). Figure 3 (below left). Vingboons map: two tunnel gates to the east of Pomphet. Figure 4 (below). Only remains of a tunnel gate, near the southeast corner of the island, beside Wat Rattanachai

A very large part of the population lived off the island. European maps dating from the early to mid-17th century onwards mostly show off-island settlements to the south and east. But that is because those were the areas that the European observers knew best. The twenty or so “public” ferries listed in the Description are ranged rather evenly around the island,3 suggesting that the population spread rather evenly in all directions. The large number of ferries and gates shows that the convenience of getting in and out of the walled city outweighed considerations of defence. APA, 55-6, n. 33. A slightly higher number on the west may be because the “government house” was located on the western side of the Palace from the Narai reign onwards.

2 3

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

181

Policing While external defence seems to have been a low priority, the arrangements for internal policing were elaborate and suggest concern over crime and revolt. There was a guard-cum-customs post on the waterway approaches in all four directions. Each was relatively heavily manned by two officers and twenty men, with “post horses and fast boats for reporting incidents to the city.” These posts were charged to “carry out inspections for goods forbidden by law, unusual weapons, and suspicious people entering and leaving.” The only bridge into the city, across the causeway at the northeast corner, was guarded by officers of the Ministry of the Capital. Apart from royal officials, others needed a written permit to use this bridge. Possibly this stricture was imposed to control the amount of traffic, but also had a guard function. There were probably guards at the ferry landings. The Description mentions a sala trawen, or guard post, only by the ferry landing close to the palace, but other landings were probably guarded too. The Palace Law has three clauses dividing the city into zones under different units of the guard. These clauses come very early in the law, preceded only by clauses about the regalia of royal family members and about arrangements for royal audience. This early position in the law suggests the importance of this topic. The first of these clauses specifies seven zones: Authority: from Ten Cowries Landing to the White Elephant Gate, from Ten Cowries Landing to the residence of the king’s-guard archers, authority of Phitak Thiwa and Raksa Ratri; from the White Elephant Gate to the jetty, authority of the major guard; from the jetty of the water olive,1 authority of Muen Thepthawan; from the conduit past the Gate of Dispelling Misfortune to Chikun Peak Market, authority of Ja Pram; from the head of the parade ground to the Gate Showing Ram, authority of Bamrue Phakdi; from the head of the parade ground to the polo ground, authority of sword officers of the left; from the polo ground to the casting foundry, authority of sword officers of the right.2

Phitak Thiwa, Raksa Ratri, and Bamrue Phakdi were all titles of officials in the Ministry of the Palace; the major guard was a unit in Kalahom, including the two sword officers (khun dap). The zones are difficult to identify because several of the locations are unknown, but they seem to form a circle around the Grand Palace, extending perhaps half a kilometre. There should be a “to” phrase here, probably lost in copying. This text has many such errors. The “water olive” (มะกอกน้ำ�, makok nam, Elaeocarpus hygrophilus) appears elsewhere in the Palace Law and seems to refer to an area in or outside the northwest corner of the Grand Palace. 2 Clause 14 of the Palace Law, Kotmai tra sam duang, I, 74-5. 1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

182

Chris Baker

The second clause appears to divide the whole island into four segments extending out from the drum tower at the crossroads close to the centre of the island. The officials are all from the patrol department of the Ministry of the Capital. From the drum tower to Jao Sai and Peak Market, district of Khun Thoraniban; from the drum tower to the Gate of Victory and Jao Sai, district of Khun Thoraban; from the drum tower to Coconut Quarter and Chi Landing to the end of Bang Ian, district of Khun Lokaban; from the drum tower to Bang Ian on to the palace residence, district of Khun Noraban.3

The third clause4 divides the perimeter of the palace into four segments, roughly equivalent to the four sides. In each segment, a different unit of the palace guard has the ไอยการอายัด, aiyakan ayat, meaning the authority. There were checkpoints or roadblocks along the major roads. These checkpoints were rows of stakes driven into the ground to force passers-by to walk through an S-bend. Guards were present, and the checkpoints could be closed after curfew at night.5 The Description lists two sets. The first set of eight is ranged around the palace (and possibly overseen by the guards in the third clause of the Palace Law cited above). The other set of sixteen cannot all be located, but seem to be along the main roads that lead to and from the palace. On the Vingboons map, three of these roadblocks can be clearly seen along the Maharathaya road leading southwards from the palace (Figure 5 shows one of these). As this map was redrawn in Europe using sketches made Figure 5. Vingboons map: checkpoint on Maharathaya road in front of Wat Phraram. The wall and gate at the top of the on the spot, the representation of the picture are on the south side of the Grand Palace. roadblock may not be accurate, but the locations seem to match the list in the Description. To complete the apparatus of policing, there were eight jails. The main jail was just south of the Grand Palace on the spot now occupied by the Khum Khun Phaen. In a well-known discourse on the Ayutthaya laws, MR Seni Pramoj argued that jail was very little used as a form of punishment, only as temporary Clause 16, Kotmai tra sam duang, I, 76. Clause 17, Kotmai tra sam duang, I, 76-7. 5 APA, 102, n. 133. Phraya Boran quotes a song in which a lovelorn youth hoping to visit his lover is stopped by a closed checkpoint. 3 4

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

183

detention.6 This was not correct. The Description states that these jails are used “to hold criminals, robbers, villains, and bandits.” Several ministries had their own jail used for punishing offences that did not figure in the laws collected in the Three Seals code. Besides, many laws in the code specify that a convict be “sent to” this ministry or that, usually the Ministry of the Capital. This meant being sent to that ministry’s jail. These sentences never specify the length of imprisonment. Probably it was arbitrary, ended only by buying or begging a release.

Infrastructure Late Ayutthaya had a considerable stock of infrastructure, including roads, bridges, walls, watchtowers, checkpoints, jails, and the causeway. Phraya Boran counted many brick bridges, and the remains of several have survived until today. Phraya Boran also reported, “In the city, there were many roads, wide and narrow, set on raised embankments like the railway, raised three cubits where the land is high and four cubits of more where it is low. The roads are two or three fathoms wide, paved with brick in the middle.”7

Figure 6. The drum tower on Kaempfer’s original sketch (above left); on a later fair copy of this map (above right; it does not figure on the published version of the map); and on the Vingboons map (right), where it seems to be positioned almost on the western edge of the city, but that is because the southwestern portion of the island is completely missing from the map; the tower is correctly placed on the west of the road leading south from the Grand Palace.

How was the construction and maintenance of this infrastructure financed? The Description gives us two hints. First, jail inmates were used for labour on public works, and maybe their wives and children too. However, the inmates of four of these jails were dedicated to shipbuilding, especially constructing docks and junks for the tribute trade to Beijing—an indication of the importance of this trade in late Ayutthaya. 6 7

Seni, Pathakatha, 8. APA, 99-100, n. 132. See Figire 8. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

184

Chris Baker

Second, the infrastructure was financed from levies on trade. The Description mentions the drum tower, which stood near the centre of the city. Rising sixty metres high, it was a major landmark, featuring in European maps of the city (Figure 6). Its drums were used to signal the approach of enemies, warn of fires, and summon people to public meetings. The Description relates that the staff of the drum tower kept cats to guard against mice gnawing the drums, and fed the cats by levying a tax on the nearby market. Possibly, other infrastructure was financed in this way. The use of jail convicts on public works was underwritten by a similar tax. Government did not provide convicts with food. Mostly families had to provide meals, but in addition the jailers took convicts into the markets on a regular basis so they could beg or steal food and other necessities.

Major sacred sites The last part of the Description is a list of “the major, presiding things of the capital that celebrate the standing of the city of Ayutthaya.” The list includes: fourteen palace buildings, including some at Lopburi, Bang Pa-in, and Nakhon Luang; five relic stupas (phra mahathat); five other great stupas (jedi); eight Buddha images at wat in the city; and seven sacred locations outside the city. The list of stupas and relic stupas has one surprise: Wat Somonkot, now known as Wat Samanakottharam, off the island about one kilometre to the east, on the west bank of Khlong Ayodhya. The ruins include a large bell-shaped stupa that probably dates to early Ayutthaya or even before. The site now attracts little attention but, perhaps in late Ayutthaya and early Bangkok, it was revered as a very ancient site. Of the eight listed Buddha images, four are from Wat Phra Si Sanphet inside the palace, two are in wat adjacent to the palace (Mongkhon Bophit, Thammikarat), and one is the massive image at Wat Jao Phananchoeng. The eighth is another surprise and a mystery: “Phra Phuttha Borom Trailokanat Satsadayan, seated in meditation, six cubits across the lap, cast in brass, in Wat Khok”. As โคก khok means “mound” and wat were often sited on elevated ground, there are several wat with khok as part of their name. Although the image measuring “six cubits across the lap” is not as large as those at Wat Jao Phananchoeng (ten cubits) or Mongkhon Bophit (sixteen cubits), it is still sizeable, but none can be identified in a wat with khok in the name. One possibility is Wat Khok on the east bank of the Bangkok (Chaophraya) River, immediately south of Wat Jao Phananchoeng. The wat appears on early maps (“54. Wat Kuuk” on the Valentyn map), but its history is obscure, except for the fact that it is probably the Wat Khok that was renovated by King Thaisa and where a massive anchor was cast.8 However, today there is almost nothing left on the site other than a mound. Another possibility is Wat Khok Phraya, 8

Cushman, Royal Chronicles, 404, 406. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

185

off the island to the north behind Wat na Phramen. This location was used several times as the site for executing royalty. However, the ruins suggest the wihan was rather small for such a large image. Another site, Wat Khok Saeng (โคกแสง), is mentioned in the royal chronicles as the residence of one of the royal kin during the dynastic disputes in 1735, but the site cannot be identified today.9 A recent publication of the Fine Arts Department speculated that this might be the site more usually known as Wat Chumsaeng, since the location just east of the palace as well as the size and antiquity attested by the remains would be fitting as a royal residence.10 There was also a Wat Khok Khamin to the south of the island where there remains a plinth for a large image, but little else is left at the site and there is no record in the chronicles.11 The seven sites listed outside the city seem to reflect the growing practice in late Ayutthaya of kings making pilgrimages to sacred sites and sometimes sponsoring renovations. The list includes four large reclining Buddha images, including one at Pa Mok visited by King Thaisa and King Borommakot, another at Singburi also visited by King Borommakot,12 and a third at Ang Thong. All these are along the Chaophraya River. The fourth site, called Wat Pho Aranyik in the Description, is unknown today, but may be Wat Phranon in Figure 7. Wihan once housing a reclining Buddha, at Wat Phranon, Tambon Aranyik. The reclining Tambon Aranyik. Buddha image no longer exists but there remains a hall of roughly the right size believed to have housed such an image in the past.13 This wat would have been on the way to the Buddha’s Footprint on Suwannabanphot Hill, which also appears in the list of seven sites in the Description, along with the Buddha’s “shadow”, a discoloration on the wall of a cave on the opposite site of the same hill. Royal pilgrimages to this site are recorded from the early 17th century onwards. The last item in this list are the two sites known as Phra Phrathom and Phra Prathon in Nakhon Pathom, believed to be among the earliest and most important structures of the Dvaravati era. Although, there is no record of royal pilgrimages Cushman translates it as Monastery of the Knoll of Light (Royal Chronicles, 428). The wat is marked on the mid-19th century map of Ayutthaya along Chinese Gate Canal to the north of Wat Khun Mueang Jai, but no other source confirms this site and no ruins remain. 10 Boranasathan, II:431-2. 11 Boranasathan, II:77-9. 12 Cushman, Royal Chronicles, 457. 13 Patrick Dumon found this. 9

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

ai Cl t Ch Wa anaram tt Wa

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

g11

Lao Rd

x29

x27

x24

g10

x23

d4

Pot Village Cl

x22

drum tower

d1

b10

x21

j15

Nakhonban Cl

j21

Grand Palace

x25 j13 Four Ways Rd

j12

j22

x28

Chakrai Yai Cl

b11

f7

y Cl

Mahachai Granar

Cl Fang

j23 Na Rong Mai Rd

b18

b19 g22

x17 x16

d5 j16 g9

g8

f6

Rd

Net Village Rd

x19

Nak Bridge Rd

Whiteclay Qr

x18

j20

j19 Jao Phrom Market Rd

Rong Ma Rd

j18

g19 g20 g21 Wat Tra Rd j2 j17 j1

Chakrai Noi Cl

d1

Ricehusk Cl

g15 f8

b16 f9

g16

g18 g17 j24 x30 x26

Earth Gate Rd

b17

Banana Leaf Qr Rd

b12

b13a

b13b g12

b14

g13

g14

l

kC

na

b15

ha

Ma

Maharathaya

Cl

j14

j3

x20

Fire Rd

b20

x6

x8

x7

b9

b7

Rd

The rivers and walls in this map follow Sumet Jumsai. The canals are mainly based on Kaempfer’s map sketched while walking around the city in 1690. As only a few roads were marked on early maps, and as almost all roads and road names have disappeared, here they are mainly derived from the Description.

g5

Nai G ai

g2

x3

x2

Chinese Street

Drum Qr Rd

x1

b1 g1

causeway

Canals, Roads, Bridges, Ferries, Gates, Checkpoints, and Jails in Late Ayutthaya

d2

b8

f5

f11

b22

Charcoal Qr Rd

x10

j4 x9 x15

b21

Coconut Qr Rd

f10 g23

x13 Great Khaek Village Rd x12 x11 x14 g6 g7

te Cl

a Ch

ood

Pak Tho

Thetsami Ga

m

Ironw

Cl Mattress Qr Rd

x5

x4

f4

g3

b2

f2

g4

b3

b6

Three Horses Rd f3

Jao Jan Gate Rd

ai Cl

Ho Ra ttanac h

f1

Cl

Pond

Pak Sa Cl

lu

Lead Qr Rd

Chinese Gate Cl

Ph

Lotus Chikun Rd

Dy

an

Phla Lai Cl

Paddy Gate Cl Nai Kai Cl

Su

b4

b5

l

osan Cl

Cl Tan nom Kha

Pak Kha

C Ban Bat

Wat Pradu Cl

186 Chris Baker

ke Cl

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

187

to these places in late Ayutthaya, their appearance in this list suggests that their importance was appreciated and such pilgrimages may have taken place.

Translation The Description of Ayutthaya exists in three versions, each slightly different. The history of the document is described in “Note on the Testimonies and the Description of Ayutthaya” in JSS99 (2011). The subheadings do not appear in the original texts, but were inserted when the texts were printed. The bracketed numbers like (b7) are inserted for keying to the map. Text [in square brackets] appears only in KLHW/KWPS (see bibliography for abbreviations). Text {in curly brackets} appears only in APA. Differences between KLHW and KWPS are described in the notes. Notes marked (B) are based on those by Phraya Boranratchathanin in APA, and those marked (W) on those by Winai Pongsripian in Phanna phumisathan. The beginning of the document is rather different between APA and KLHW/KWPS so the two versions are presented separately.

{Here14 will be told of the city of Si Ayutthaya. The San lake (well)15 came from the past. It has the shape (like) of a junk (ship), surrounded by water [as a moat]. The city’s long sides are on the north and south [meaning the prow of the junk is at the edge of the lake]. The bow of the junk, a short side16 [excellent], is to the east. Another short side (the stern of the junk) [the stern of the ship] is to the west [สาทร]. There is a wall (made) of brick and stone around the outskirts of the city [set on the bank of the river of the city of Si Ayutthaya]. The ramparts at the highest are three fathoms17 (from ground level), with a raised earthwork18 [with passageways19] six cubits20 high and ten cubits wide. In front are gates, large and small, and forts. The fortification all round the city of Si Ayutthaya is one hundred sen long and fifty sen wide.21 The description follows documents in the palace library which state as follows.} [Here will be told of the geography of Krungthep Mahanakhon Bowon Phraya Boranratchathanin explains that, in this paragraph in the original document, some words [here in square brackets] are circled for deletion, and others (here in round brackets) are written between the lines for insertion. 15 ท่านสาบสัน, with ซ่าง inserted. Probably this part of the document was damaged. 16 KLHW/KWPS use “cross” and “long” to describe the short (N-S) and long (E-W) sides of the city. APA uses ขื่อ, khuea, and แป, pae, terms for the lengthwise and crosswise beams in house construction. 17 วา, wa, equivalent to around 2 metres. 18 ชานเชิงเทิน, chan choeng thoen. A raised earthwork for patrolling inside the walls. 19 ช่องเนินบรรพต, chong noen banphot, literally passageways between hills. 20 ศอก, sok, the length from elbow to finger tips, usually calculated as 50 to 60 centimetres, so 4 to 4.8 metres. 21 เส็น, sen, 20 fathoms or 40 metres, so 4 kilometres by 2 kilometres. 14

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

188

Chris Baker

Thawarawathi Si Ayutthaya Thani.22 The holy city is situated on Sano Marsh Island23 in the country of Siam. There are rivers encircling the island, which has a shape like a junk. The name of the city appears as Krungthep Mahanakhon Bowon Thawarawadi Si Ayutthaya Mahadilokphop Nopharatana Ratchathani Buriram Udomphrarachaniwet Mahasathan.24 The King of Siam rules over the royal wealth in the capital as the great ruler in the country of Siam with extensive dominion—on the north up to the Lao territory, on the south to the Malay Khaek25 territory, on the east to the territory of the Khmer city, on the west to the Mon territory. Tributary states of the white-bellied Lao, black-bellied Lao, Khmer, and Malay Khaek are forever coming to offer gold and silver flowers without fail. His miraculous royal power and might are excellent and perfect. He protects the phrai, slaves, and subjects with the Ten Royal Virtues.26 He nourishes the Buddhist religion, Brahman teachers, and the ordinary people so they are incomparably cool and content. Traders of various countries, who know that Ayutthaya is happy and abundant with goods, hasten to come, present tribute, and beg to depend on the royal bo-tree shelter.27 Commerce in the city is great, beyond estimation. The city is immense, perfect, a jewelled royal abode, a haven of auspiciousness for the people of Siam, who are prosperous throughout the capital. The28 island is shaped like a junk. The long sides are on the north and south. The short side at the head of the junk shape is to the east, and that at the stern is to the west. There are walls built around the city, some of brick, some of laterite, and some of red stone. The wall from ground level to the top of the parapet is three fathoms.29 Phra Poramanuchit Chinorot wrote that at the foundation of the city, U Thong, King Ramathibodi I, gave this name which combined: the prior name of the place, Thepnakhon; Thawarawathi (Dvaravati), in remembrance of the prior era; and Si Ayutthaya, a Thai distortion of Ayodhya, the capital of Rama in the Indian epic, Ramayana. (W) 23 เกาะหนองโสน, ko nong sano, perhaps the marsh of the sano tree, Sesbania javanica, a plant in the pea family that can live in watery ground. Possibly this refers to one of the many foundation stories of Ayutthaya, told in two slightly differing versions by Van Vliet, where U Thong comes upon a stinking marsh and gets rid of its resident dragon (Van Vliet’s Siam, 104–5, 200–1). 24 Meaning: Krungthep Thawarawadi Si Ayutthaya the magnificent, great city which is a city of angels, is a great royal seat happy with the nine jewels of excellence, is a great capital abundant with royal palaces. A similar but shorter version of the name appears in the Phrakat phraratchaphrarot (royal announcement) about the foundation of the city in the Three Seals Law (see Kotmai tra sam duang, I: 1). (W) 25 แขกมลายู, khaek malayu. 26 ทศพิธราชธรรม, thotsaphit ratchatham, a code of conduct for kings, based on Buddhist principles. The ten virtues are: munificence, moral living, generosity, justice, compassion, absence of bad ambition, suppression of anger, non-oppressiveness, and upholding the thamma or Buddhist teachings. According to the legend, a royal minister who had become an ascetic found a thammasat, law code, inscribed on a hillside which enjoined the king to follow these ten virtues and to practice the Buddhist precepts (Ishii, State, Sangha and Society, 44–45). 27 A conventional phrase comparing the king’s authority to the shelter provided by a bo tree. 28 In KLHW/KWPS this paragraph appears later, at the start of the section on city gates. 29 วา, wa, 2 metres. 22

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

189

Inside there is a raised earthwork eight cubits high with passageways. There are forts, camps, a moat and gates, big and small, around the city. The long side is over one hundred sen and the short side over fifty sen. Here it is described according to documents in the palace which state as follows.] [Customs posts] [Ayutthaya has] {There are} guard [and customs]30 posts on lookout for [various] incidents [, sited around the city] in all four directions [on the principal waterways for] entering the city: [to the east the post is located at] Khao Mao Village;31 to the south at Bang Tanaosi Village;32 to the west at Pak Khu Village;33 and to the north at Bang Luang34 Village. [The four are collectively called the royal custom posts of the four directions. Each has two officers, a captain of the guard and chief of customs,35 and twenty royal phrai, rotated every fifteen days. They carry out inspections for goods forbidden by law, unusual weapons, and suspicious people entering and leaving. They must challenge and question according to the circumstances. At each of the four locations, there are post horses and fast boats for reporting incidents to the city.] [Ferries around the city]36 [Ayutthaya is surrounded by]{On the surrounding} waterways [outside the walls. There] is a causeway37 [across the river from the bank on the northeast side to the outskirts of the city at the Janbowon palace] beside Mahachai Fort [near the Front Palace granary. The causeway is] three fathoms wide [with a channel at the centre for the passage of boats, large and small. On both sides, the causeway is paved with planks. There are steps one cubit apart for descending the slope down to the bank on both sides. In the middle, planks are laid like an elephant bridge.38 This causeway, which is the only way] for [monks, Brahmans, teachers, all sorts of] 30 31

ด่านขนอน, dan khanon, meaning a guard post and customs post respectively.

Six kilometres due east of the city along Ban Bat Canal. It was sited here “because this was the junction of the Lopburi and Pasak Rivers in the past” (APA, 89, note 85). 32 6 kilometres south down the Bangkok (now Chaophraya) River beside Wat Phrot Sat, now called Ban Khanon Luang, referred to by European visitors as the Tabanque. 33 3 kilometres northwest of the city along what is now the Chaophraya River. 34 Usually called Bang Lang, 6 kilometres north of the city along the old course of the Lopburi River, now Khlong Khuat. 35 ขุนด่าน หมื่นขนอน, khun dan muen khanon. 36 Many of the ferry landings are marked on a map believed to have been drawn (from memory, obviously) in the reign of King Rama III. See a copy of the map at www.ayutthaya-history.com/ Temples_Ruins_IAM_1850.html. 37 ทำ�นบรอ, thamnop ro; thamnop is a weir and ro is a row of stakes planted in the river to slow the current. 38 An “elephant bridge” means a bridge made of stone or similar durable materials, strong enough to bear the weight of an elephant. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

190

Chris Baker

people, [as well as] elephants, horses[, and carts] to pass [in and out of the city, is known as] the Head Weir (hua ro) {and ferries for monks and Brahmans to cross}. [At the slope down to the bridge-causeway, there are officers of the Ministry of the Capital standing guard at a sala beside the causeway, strictly not allowing any elephants, horses, carts, buffaloes, or cattle to pass except for officers of the king, unless an official order has informed them in advance. This causeway was made in CS 918 (CE 1556–57), Year of the Snake, eighth of the decade,39 in the reign of King Jakkaphat Rachathirat, the sixteenth monarch of Ayutthaya. At that time, the King of Hongsawadi40 brought an army to besiege and attack the city, and the Mon drove in stakes of sugar palm trunks to make a weir, filled it in with earth, and made a bamboo bridge across the river into the city. Subsequently, this was not destroyed but kept for the convenience of having a large bridge to cross the river into the city. When that old Mon causeway rotted and collapsed, the Thai repaired it and gradually converted it into a great bridge.41] On the east cross-side [of Ayutthaya, there are five landings where people can hire ferries to cross in and out of the city], starting from the Head Weir guard post: (b1) [from the Elephant Landing at the Front Palace to the Dutch Landing;]42 (b2) a ferry at Wat Saphan Kluea [crossing to the city at the Eight Guards Landing at the end of the Front Palace; (b3) from the city] across to Wat Nang Chi; (b4) [from the city] across to Wat Phichai; (b5) [from the city] to Wat Ko Kaeo; 43 ปีมะโรงอัฐศก, pi marong attha sok, meaning the Year of the Snake, which has a final digit of 7 in the Chula Sakkarat calendar. This is a form of counting using the intersection of a 12-base system, the animal years, and a 10-base system, the universal decimal system, to create a 60-year cycle. The year should be 1568–69. 40 Bayinnaung of Pegu. The Ayutthaya chronicles state that the Pegu forces built three causeways, all in the northeast corner (Cushman, Royal Chronicles, 65–66, 73–74). 41 This account is doubtful. At the time of the Burmese attack in 1569, the eastern moat ran along what is now Nai Kai Canal. Soon after, the western defences were improved by digging a channel to bring in the flow of the Lopburi River, and move the eastern moat out to its current site. According to Phraya Boran, the weir was constructed at this time in order to divert some of the flow of the Lopburi River around the north side of the city. Possibly, it was built on some remains from the Burmese attack, but this account omits what seems to have been the weir’s primary purpose (APA, 44–6, note 2; Boranratchathanin, “Tamnan krung kao,” 77–8, 127–8). 42 The “Dutch Landing” is mysterious. There is no Dutch settlement in this part of the city. Perhaps the name recalls an event. APA does not have this ferry at all. In KLHW/KWPS it appears in the wrong order, after b2. 43 On the south side of the mouth of Khaosan Canal, opposite the wharf in front of Wat Suwan; the ordination hall has almost totally collapsed into the river (B). The “Wat Suwan” in Phraya Boran’s account may be another name for Wat Jin, which appears on his map but has now disappeared, and the site is occupied by Wat Rattanachai. 39

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

191

—five ferries [for hire by people entering or leaving the city] on the eastern side {and the causeway}. On the south side [of Ayutthaya there are six landings with ferries for hire to enter and leave the city: (b6) from the tunnel gate44 at the head of the Iron Workshop45 Market in the city] across to [the front of] Wat Jao Phanangchoeng; (b7) from Shell Landing46 across to [Wat] Pa Jak; (b8) [from Phraya Ratchawangsan Landing] across to Wat Khun Phrom; (b9) from Dan Chi [Landing] across to Wat Surin[tharam]; (b10) from Chakrai Noi [Landing] in the city across to Wat Tha {Rap} [Ram];47 (b11) from Victory Palace [Landing] in the city across to Wat Nak at the mouth of Lakhonchai Canal;48 —a total of six ferries on the long southern side. On the western cross-side of Ayutthaya [there are four landings with ferries]: (b12) from Ban Chi [Landing in the city] across to Wat Chaiyaram {(Chai Wathanaram)};49 (b13) from the Rear Palace [Landing in the city] across to Wat [Long] {Lod} chong;50 (b14) [from Dan Lom Landing in the city] across to Wat Kasat; (b15) [from Chaophraya Phonlathep’s House Landing in the city] across to Wat Thamma; —a total of four ferries on the short western side. On the long northern side [of the city of Ayutthaya, there are seven ferry landings]: ประตูช่องกุต, pratu chong kut, an aperture in the wall large enough for someone to walk through. The only surviving example at the southwest corner beside Wat Jin opposite Wat Phananchoeng is 4 cubits and 1 fist wide, and over 5 cubits tall. (B) The dimensions work out as roughly 2.1 x 2.5 metres. See Figures 3, 4. 45 โรงเหล็ก, rong lek. 46 ท่าหอย, tha hoi, sometimes called ท่ามู่บ้านจีน, tha muban jin, Chinese Village Landing. 47 ทาราบ, tha rap, “flat landing,” is correct. 48 KLHW has only “Wat Nak Lakhonchai,” while APA/KWPS has extra words which seem correct. Wat Nak was on the upper [western] side of the mouth of Khun Lakhonchai Canal, also known as Takhian (Ironwood) Canal. (B) 49 The phrase “in the city” appears only in KWPS and may be wrong. “Wat Chai Wathanaram” appears (in brackets) only in APA and may also be wrong. Ban Chi was off the island, south of Wat Chai Wathanaram, while Wat Chaiyaram was opposite, on the city side, and later known as Wat Pho Phueak. 50 ลอดช่อง, lodchong, the name of a sweet, is correct. Probably this entry muddles two ferries. The ferry from Wat Lodchong probably went to a landing just south of the mouth of Ricehusk (klaep) Canal, while the ferry from the Rear Palace probably went to a landing at Wat Rachaphli. 44

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

192

Chris Baker

(b16) from Sattakop Gate [Landing in the city] across to Wat Khun Yuan; (b17) [from Horse Bathing Landing51 in the city] across to Wat Tin [Tha];52 (b18) a regular night-and-day ferry for officials [from the Royal Palace Nobles Landing in the city] across to the Patrol Post Landing53 beside Lotus Pond Canal; (b19) from the [Royal Palace54 Elephant Landing, that is] Ten Cowries Landing,55 in the city across to Wat [Si] Pho {Canal}; (b20) from {beside Wat} Sand Landing in the city across to Wat Rong Khong [beside the house of Chaophraya Jakri; at this landing there is a pair of salas for travellers to take rest and for distributing alms]; (b21) from Wat Song [on Front Palace Elephant Stable Road in the city] across to Wat Pa Khonthi [on Potters’ Village Road]; (b22) a regular [night-and-day] ferry for officials from [the Front Palace Nobles Landing] beside Mahachai Fort in front of Jan[bowon] Palace [in the city] across to Wat {Mae} Nang Pluem and Herd Landing;56 —[a total of seven ferries] on the long northern side including] five normal ferries and two official ferries. The river around all four sides of the city has [one large bridge at] the causeway, two landings for official ferries, and twenty ferries for hire making a total of twentythree [ways for people to enter and leave the city]. [City gates] [184] [As described in the documents from the palace, they say that the city of] Ayutthaya starting from the east by Mahachai Fort at the end of the causeway and turning [to the right]:57 (g1) a great gate called the Elephant Landing Gate of Janbowon Palace, that is, the Front Palace; {two tunnel gates;} 51

ทาม้าอาบน้ำ�, tha ma ap nam.

Usually called Wat Choeng Tha. This became the landing for officials crossing to the palace when the palace was remodelled in the Phetracha reign. Before that, ferry b19 had this role. (B) 53 ศาลาตระเวน, sala trawen. This is the central of three guard posts to watch the river by the palace; an upper one mentioned in the Palace Law, was probably on the opposite bank between Kalahom Landing and Ten Cowries Landing; and the lower one was near Salapun, perhaps beside Wat Salapun. (B, APA, 92-3, n. 99) 54 KLHW has วัด wat here but KWPS has วัง palace. 55 A colloquial name coined because the fare each way was 5 cowries. In fact, this name seems to have applied to the ferry at Royal Palace Nobles Landing (see b18). More likely the city-side landing for this ferry was not here but at Kalahom Landing, further east, directly opposite Wat Si Pho. 56 โขลง, khlong, term for a herd of elephants. KWPS has โขลน, khlon, female guards in the inner palace. 57 I.e., clockwise from the northeast corner. 52

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

193

(g2) a great gate called the Water Cloister58 Gate for the regular landing of the Janbowon Palace [, that is the cloister gate of the Front Palace]; three tunnel gates; (f1) Wat Fang Fort;59 one tunnel gate; (g3) a great gate at a canal called the Tower of the Jewels of Victory Gate; three tunnel gates; (g4) a great gate called Jao Jan Gate where it is forbidden to take out corpses; two tunnel gates; (f2) a fort opposite Crystal Island; one tunnel gate; the southeast corner of the city [of Ayutthaya], known by people as Hua Sarapha,60 close to where junks cast anchor. This is the end of the eastern side. The long south side of Ayutthaya from the corner at Hua Sarapha: one tunnel gate; (f3) a [large] fort; one tunnel gate; (f4) a large fort built of laterite, [secure and strong, three fathoms and two cubits high,] two cubits higher than the palace wall, with a walkway three fathoms wide [around the fort, and a crystal wall around the walkway]; there is one tunnel gate to the left of the fort, and one to the right, both leading out onto a platform around the fort; [this platform has a crystal wall around;] there are eight guns placed at apertures; [and on the storey below there is a cannon mounted on a carriage in all sixteen apertures; this great fort called] Diamond Fort61 is sited on the river opposite Kaja Village market. (g5) the gate at a canal called Nai Kai; five tunnel gates; (f5) Ok Kai Fort; two tunnel gates; (g6) a great gate at a canal called Chinese Gate; two tunnel gates; (g7) a great watergate called Thesami Gate;62 the area of Dan Chi Landing with two tunnel gates; ฉนวน, chanuan, a shielded passageway for royalty. All version give ฟาง, fang, but this fort is usually named ขวาง, khwang. 60 This name may come from สรรพ, meaning “together;” or from samphao, junk; or, as Prince Damrong suggested, from samphakorn, customs (W). Or perhaps from the cries of สาระพา, sarapha (shouted to coordinate a group effort, similar to “Heave Ho!”) of crews maneuvering ships to anchor. 61 ป้อมเพชร, Pomphet. 62 Variously given as เทสมี, thesami (KLHW), เขาสมี, khao sami (APA), เทพหมี, thepmi (KLHW). 58 59

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

194

Chris Baker

(f6) a fort opposite the entrance to Cham Dyke Canal; one tunnel gate in the area of Chi Landing; (g8) a large watergate called Chakrai Noi Gate;63 two tunnel gates; (g9) a great watergate called Victory Gate;64 three tunnel gates; (g10) a great watergate called Chakrai Yai Gate; two tunnel gates; (f7) a fort opposite the mouth of Lakhonchai Canal;65 one tunnel gate; the end of the long south side.66 [On the western cross-side of the city of Ayutthaya, from the corner at the Victory Palace67 and Chi Village: three tunnel gates; (g11) a great gate called Ricehusk Canal68 Gate; two tunnel gates; (g12) a great gate called Rear Palace Landing Gate; two tunnel gates; (g13) a great gate called Mahachai Granary Canal Gate; three tunnel gates; (g14) a great gate called Fang Canal Gate; (f8) a fort at the sharp corner of the river called Sattakop Fort;69 end of the short western side. The long northern side of the city of Ayutthaya, from Sattakop Fort: one tunnel gate; (g15) a great gate called Sattakop Gate out to the fresh fish market; one tunnel gate; (f9) a great fort newly built called Supharat Fort; 63

In all versions, Victory Gate and Chakrai Noi Gate are listed in the wrong order, here corrected according to Phraya Boran (APA, 49, notes 17 and 18). 64 Phraya Boran doubted this was a watergate (APA, 105–6, n.143), and omitted the canal from his map. Other maps suggest there may have been a short canal into an open square just inside the wall. As this was the gate for ceremonial entry (e.g., for embassies), this square would have been for disembarking from boats. 65 Called ป้อมวังชัย, pom wang chai, Victory Palace Fort. 66 APA is missing a large section here, restarting in mid-sentence before g22. 67 The residence of Phra Thianracha before he became King Jakkaphat in 1548 and converted the site into a wat. (B) 68 Known colloquially as Monk Landing Canal. (B) 69 ท้ายกบ, thai kop, rear of the frog, in the chronicles (B; see Cushman, Royal Chronicles, 483). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

195

one tunnel gate; (g16) a great gate called Goose Gate; one tunnel gate; (g17) a great gate called Mu Taluang Gate,70 for corpses of children and grandchildren of the royal family to embark by boat in procession to cremations at the pyre of Wat Chai Wattanaram; one tunnel gate; (g18) a great watergate at the corner of the Grand Palace called Pak Tho Gate; (g19) moving across from the western corner of the palace wall to the eastern corner there is a great gate called Boundary Landing Gate; one tunnel gate; (g20) a great gate called Laundry Landing Gate; three tunnel gates; (g21) a great gate called Ten Cowries Landing Gate where elephants come down to bathe; beside the landing outside the city walls by the river there are stables for certified71 elephants with four stalls, each with one bull elephant; beyond is one tunnel gate; by the walls going out to the plain, the Mahathera Mai Sae72 tunnel gate; at this spot, water is diverted to flow under] the main road, along the Pak Sa ditch, [through earthenware pipes buried] under Nak Bridge Road [, and through buried pipes] to join the Khao Sami Gate Canal; beyond are two tunnel gates; (g22) a great gate called Kalahom Landing Gate; two tunnel gates; (g23) a great gate at a canal called Paddy Gate; one tunnel gate; (f10) a fort [called Jampaphon Fort];73 two tunnel gates; (f11) a great fort called Mahachai Fort, at the corner of the city [wall on the north]; the end of the long northern side. Along the wall round the city of Ayutthaya there are {twelve} [twenty-two]74 forts, large and small, twenty-three great gates [with red-painted peaks], and sixtyone tunnel gates.75 หมูทะลวง, perhaps “pierced pig.” ระหว่าง, probably ระวาง, rawang, register, meaning elephants trained and certified as royal mounts. (W) 72 มหาเถรไม้แซ, “great-elder wood war-boat,” possibly the name of a senior monk. 73 ป้อมจำ�ปาพล; Phraya Boran’s map does not show this fort but depicts an unnamed defensive 70 71

structure at the mouth of Khao Pluak Canal, which still stands. Only eleven are mentioned. This counting probably includes forts that are part of the palace, described elsewhere in the text (see Baker “The Grand Palace”). 75 In the listing there are 63 in KLHW and APA, and 61 in KWPS. 74

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

196

Chris Baker

[Inside the city walls] In[side the walls of] the city of Ayutthaya there is a main road [called Maharathaya76 in the centre of the city], {five}[six] fathoms wide, [paved smooth with laterite,] for big events such as {royal kathin and royal ordination} processions; military parades, and sasanan royal bathing rites,77 with various royal horses and elephants[; land kathin processions, sometimes with horses and elephants, sometimes with palanquins, including the regular annual royal kathin processions with triple robes lasting seven days, then followed by the royal presentation of kathin robes at the royal wat both by land and by boat. This main road is used for the royal ordination procession, and royal funeral procession, and other funerals. Processions start from the Victory Gate in the south of the city].78 There are checkpoints79 [to safeguard the city as follows] from the head of Tra Palace Road: (j1) at the head of Tra Palace Road; (j2) at the end of Tra Palace Road at Ten Cowries Landing Gate; (j3) at the head of Lead Quarter Road; (j4) at the corner of Drum Quarter Road; (j5) at the head of Salver Quarter80 Road at Prathiap Landing; (j6) at the end of Salver Quarter Road; (j7) at the head of Silver Bowl Road; (j8) at the end of Medicine Quarter Road; (j9) at the head of Pink Quarter Road; (j10) at the head of both Wood Quarter Road and Iron Quarter Road; (j11) at the head of Mattress Quarter Road; 76

A large road from the front of the palace southwards, making a dog-leg right-to-left at the southeast corner, then proceeding south to the Victory Gate on the river. The French missive was brought to the palace along this route in 1685. (B) On many European maps, such as that of Bellin, this is called the Barcalon (phrakhlang) Street. Kaempfer (Description, 26-8) visited the Phrakhlang’s house, and on his sketch map of the city there is a large house drawn on the west side of the road which may represent this house. This map is reproduced in Engelbert Kaempfer, Werke I/1: Heutiges Japan (München: Iudicium, 2001), 507-8. 77 KLHW สระสนาน; APA สระขนาน; KWPS สะฃนาน; from สระ, sa and สนาน, sanan, two Sanskrit-derived words for bathing. Probably this means the various phisek ceremonies in the annual cycle of royal ceremonies (Kotmai tra sam duang, I: 139-52). 78 APA is missing most of this paragraph, having only a fragment, probably from a damaged manuscript, ปตูไชย ชักจะเข้ใสศภพระราชาขณะอธิการ, perhaps: Victory Gate, draw crocodile, carrying corpse of a senior monk. 79 ค่ายผนบบ้านหล่อ, khai phanop ban lo; khai means camp; phanop comes from a Khmer word for device; ban lo is distorted from chalo, a Khmer-derived word meaning slow down. This was a guarded barrier across the road, forcing people to walk an S-bend. In KLHW, this sentence appears before the prior paragraph. See Figure 5. 80 APA has เตียบ tiap, KLHW เกรียบ kriap. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

Figures 8. Remains of old paved road between the Grand Palace and Wat Thammikarat

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

197

198

Chris Baker

Figure 9 (top left). Monkey (wanon) Bridge (x13). Figure 10 (top right). The sign claims these are remains of Chikun Bridge (x9), but more likely they are Wat Chat-than Bridge (x15). Figure 11 (centre). Chinese Market Bridge (x11) Figure 12 (below). Reconstructed and now called Sing Bridge, but probably on the site of Whiteclay Village Bridge (x17)

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

199

(j12) {at the head}[in the middle] of Green Cloth Road; (j13) at the head of Four Ways Road; (j14) at the end of Four Ways Road; (j15) at the head of Banana Leaf Quarter Road by the residence of Chaophraya Phrakhlang;81 (j16) at the end of Banana Leaf Quarter Road at the {Elephant}[Granary] Victory Gate Landing. Checkpoints around the royal palace: (j17) at the head of Rong Ma Chairoek82 [Road] at Jakkara Mahima Gate; (j18) at the corner of Wat Thammikarat by the wall bordering the parade ground in front of Jakkrawat;83 (j19) at the head of Jao Phrom Market Road; (j20) at the {fort by the} Registration Hall84 [beside the tattooing hall]; (j21) at the central fort by Wat Si Chiang; (j22) at the corner of the fort turning towards Wat Rakhang;85 (j23) at the corner of the fort where there is an entry to the end86 of the Crystal Pond [in the palace]; (j24) at the corner of Pak Tho Fort where Earth Gate Road turns to terminate at the cloister by the regular landing;87 —a total of eight checkpoints around the palace, and at sixteen places along main roads [inside the city walls], making [a grand total of] twenty-four. [Bridges in the city] Within the walls of the city [of Ayutthaya], there are [fifteen] brick bridges and [fifteen] wooden bridges across [major] canals [, making a total of thirty on the main roads alone]. (x1) a wooden bridge across the Tower of the Jewels of Victory88 Canal; APA จวนคลัง, juan khlang, a shorter form with the same meaning. โรงม้าไชยฤกษ์, chairoek horse stables, where chairoek means “excellent time.” 83 Meaning the Jakkrawat Phichaiyon audience hall. 84 สาลาสารบัญชี, sala sarabanchi, overseeing the registration of people for corvée duty; at the southeast corner of the Grand Palace. 85 Also known as Wat Worapho (excellent bo tree) since the reign of King Boromakot, probably as one of the bo trees brought from Sri Lanka was planted there. (B) 86 KLHW has the wat of Crystal Pond, clearly a mistake. 87 Meaning at the northwest corner of the palace, suggesting that Earth Road turns and runs eastward outside the palace walls as far as Wasukri Landing, where the cloister or covered way that runs across the palace emerges onto the river. 88 หอรัตนชัย, ho rattanachai. A fort is mentioned in this position and with the same name in the chronicles in the mid-16th century and the tower is mentioned at the start of King Narai’s reign (Cushman, Royal Chronicles, 60, 236), but nothing seems to be known about the tower. Probably it was a watchtower, named to celebrate a victory, long disappeared, and remembered in the name 81 82

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

200

Chris Baker

(x2) a brick bridge across the Nai Kai Gate Canal to turn to the Tower of the Jewels of Victory; (x3) a wooden bridge called Si Saek Bridge; (x4) a large bridge called Hua Jaka Bridge; (x5) a brick bridge at Nai Kai Gate called Nai Kai Bridge; along Paddy Gate Canal all the way to Chinese Gate: (x6) a laterite bridge called Elephant Bridge89 [across the canal]; (x7) a brick bridge called Charcoal Quarter [Road] Bridge; (x8) a wooden bridge called Wat Lat Bridge; (x9) a brick bridge called Chikun Bridge;90 (x10) a wooden bridge called Wat Khun Mueang Jai Bridge; (x11) a brick bridge called Chinese Market Bridge; (x12) a brick bridge called Firework Village91 Bridge across a small canal cut from Nai Kai Canal out to Chinese Gate; the Thetsami Gate Canal comes in to Pak Samut ditch; water from [canals in] the city centre is diverted to flow out [along]{beside} Nak Bridge [Canal] to join with Thet Gate Canal; (x13) a brick bridge called Monkey92 Bridge from Great Khaek Village [Road] across to Net Village Road; (x14) on the small canal cut from the large Chinese Gate Canal through to Thet Bridge Canal a brick bridge called [Grass]{Medicine}93 Bridge from [Great] Khaek Village Road to the resthouse94 on [Grass]{Medicine} Quarter [Road]; (x15) a brick bridge [called Wat Chat-than95 Bridge leading] from the {the road in} front of Wat Am Mae96 [at the end of Great Khaek Village Jaosen] on to the main road at [the front of] Wat Chat-than; of the canal and gate. 89 The laterite was taken to Bangkok to build an artificial mountain at Wat Saket (the Golden Mount) in the Third Reign. (B) 90 On Chikun Road today there are remains labelled as Chikun Bridge (Figure 10), but these are too far south and probably were the Wat Chat-than bridge (x15). 91 บ้านดอกไมเพลิง, ban dok mai phloeng. 92 วานร, wanon, a Sanskrit-derived word. This bridge has been partially restored, behind the Ayutthaya Historical Centre. See Figure 9. 93 KLHW/KWPS have หญ้า, ya, grass but APA has ยา, ya, medicine. 94 ศาลาอาไศร, KLHW: อาศรัย, perhaps อาศัย, asai, hence the “resthouse.” 95 KWPS ฉัตรทันต KLHW ฉัททันตร์ APA ฉัดทัน, from Pali Chaddantha, the name of a lake in Himaphan; a lineage of elephants with silvery white skin and red mouths and feet; and a Jataka, where the Bodhisatta is born as king of the Chaddanta elephants and saws off his own tusks for a vengeful queen. 96 Possibly this was not a wat but a mosque, as the name is difficult to interpret as Thai, but may have been distorted from “Ahmed.” On Kaempfer’s sketch map, there is a symbol surmounted by a crescent, possibly representing this building. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

201

on Victory Gate Canal97 up to where it meets Four Ways Road at the corner of Wat Pa Nai: (x16) a wooden bridge [called Wat Jakkarawat Bridge across the canal] beside the Royal Goods Storehouse98 [far from Banana Leaf Quarter,] across into Wat Borom Jakkarawat;99 (x17) a brick bridge [called Whiteclay Village Bridge across the canal] in front of Wat Borom Phuttharam100 to Whiteclay Quarter [Road] and Wat Phra Ngam Road;101 (x18) a wooden bridge [called Silversmith Village Bridge] across Silversmith Village {Road}[Canal] to Wat Pa Nai; (x19) where Victory Gate Canal turns to the east, a wooden bridge [called Brahman Temple Village Bridge] across the canal from Green Cloth Quarter to Brahmin Village in front of Wat Pa Nai [and near the Brahmin Temple]; (x20) a wooden bridge called Nak Bridge at the head of Mattress Quarter Road across to the road in front of Wat Sak;102 on a small canal, which leads {west}[east]103 from Victory Gate Canal through to Chakrai Yai Canal: (x21) a wooden bridge [called Snake Bridge] across to Banana Leaf Quarter Road; (x22) a wooden bridge [called Potters Village Bridge] at Chakrai Noi104 across to Wat Thong Road in Pot Village; on Pak Tho Gate Canal which leads out through Chakrai Yai Gate: (x23) a wooden bridge called Khun Lok Bridge; (x24) a {wooden} bridge [called Lady Swan Bridge] at Wat Khwit105 Road across [the canal] to Wat Kuti Salak;106 The text seems to confuse Victory Gate and Chakrai Noi Canals (see note on gate g8 above). Bridges x16 to x20 seem to be along Chakrai Noi Canal. 98 พระคลังสินค้า, prakhlang sinkha, for storing trade goods. 99 KWPS omits a passage here, calling this bridge the Whiteclay Village Bridge, and omitting the details of x17. Maps by Sumet Jumsai and the Fine Arts Department locate Wat Borom Jakkarawat immediately north of Wat Borom Phuttharam, but there is no evidence and no remains. If these bridges are in fact along Chakrai Noi Canal, then this wat should be east of the canal, possibly the site now known as Wat Singharam. 100 Built by King Phetracha on the site of his former residence between Victory Gate and the Chakrai Noi Canal, and known colloquially as the Wat of Glazed Tiles. (B) 101 This is probably the bridge across Wat Chakrai Noi restored (i.e., reconstructed) by the Fine Arts Department and now known as Sing Bridge (Figure 12). 102 Probably Wat Pa Sak. 103 KWPS has west (which is correct). 104 Same in both APA and KLHW, but clearly should be Chakrai Yai. Pot Village (ป่าหมอ, pa mo) Canal links Victory Gate Canal and Chakrai Yai Canal. Phraya Boran’s map shows Wat Thong and Wat Pa Mo as two adjacent wat, but other maps show them as one called Wat Thong Pa Mo. 105 Wat Khwit has disappeared, but may have been close to Wat Thong in Pot Village. 106 This is probably a wat at the junction of Chakrai Yai and Ricehusk canals, labelled as Wat Salak 97

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

202

Chris Baker

(x25) a brick bridge called Lamhei Bridge on Four Ways Road across [the canal] to Lao Road; (x26) a brick107 bridge called Chain108 Bridge at Mahaphokharat {Gate} across to Na Rong Mai Road [where nobles enter for audience at Song Buen Audience Hall]; from Pak Tho Canal a small canal branches into the Crystal Pond and Inner Treasury; (x27) a wooden bridge [called Krailat Bridge] at the road in front of Wat Rakhang [crosses the small canal] into the Grape Garden [inside the palace]; (x28) a brick bridge called [the Phra Uthayan Bridge or sometimes] the Grape Garden Bridge on the road behind Wat Rakhang across [the small canal which branches] into Thai Sa; from the Pak Tho Canal a small canal branches west out through the great Mahachai Granary Gate at Wat Suan Luang Sopsawan; (x29) a brick bridge called Crystal Bridge beside the Thang Hua Phai Canal; (x30) [a bridge called Gold Bridge across the mouth of the Pak Tho Canal into the palace grounds at the twin salas by Khuha Chonglom Gate109 across to the main road in front of the Almsgiving Sala at the centre of the quarter;110 people are forbidden to use this bridge except when there are royal rites and processions; the bridge is closed with elephant-ear gates at both ends;] —fifteen brick bridges and {fourteen}[fifteen] wooden bridges making a total of {twenty-nine}[thirty] bridges [across canals on main roads] in the capital [, all with names]. [Jails, drum tower] There are eight jails to hold criminals, robbers, villains, and bandits. In front of each jail, there are cells to house the wives and children of the criminals. Those jailed for petty offences are chained together by the neck in groups of ten, and taken to do government work all over the city. Those jailed for serious offences are chained together by the neck in groups of twenty or thirty, and taken out [on holy days—the fifth, eighth, eleventh, and fifteenth—ten111 times per month] to beg alms of food or Wat Kao on old maps. 107 Brick appears in APA and KWPS, not KLHW. 108 สายโซ่, sai so. 109 This gate does not appear in the list of gates in the Description, but several gates seem to have had both official and colloquial names. 110 ศาลาฉ้อทานกลางย่าน, sala cho than klang yan. 111 Perhaps a mistake for four (สิบ สี่). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

203

in the markets, with the criminals’ wives and children {attached to the back of the group}[put in two-level chains with ropes around the waist and taken out to work]. At Four Ways Road there is a drum tower, thirty fathoms high in three stories with an arched roof painted red.112 The top storey is used to keep watch for an army [approaching, when they beat a drum] called Phra Maharuek.113 At the middle storey is a drum called Phra Maharangap-phloeng114 to beat in case of fire. If there is fire on the opposite bank of the river outside the city, the drum is beaten three times; if there is a fire at the foot of the walls or in the city, the drum is beaten [continuously] until the fire is extinguished. On the first storey, there is a large drum beaten to mark midday, and to summon people to meetings when the sun weakens at dusk according to the custom of [Ayutthaya] city {from the past}[. The first-storey drum is] called Phra Thiwaratri.115 Officials of the Ministry of the City take care [of these three drums]. The keepers [must] raise cats to guard against mice gnawing the drums. Morning and evening, city officials collect fees of five cowries per shop in the market in front of the jail between the checkpoint and the drum tower for buying grilled fish to feed the cats. [In front of the hap-phoei gate116 there is a patrol unit with overseers in charge to guard against incidents in both the city and the jail.] There are jails for holding criminals to build junks and various war ships and to dig dry docks outside the [city] walls for the junks which take royal missives [and tribute117 to Beijing every year]. One jail in the Attap Quarter (d2) is for those building junks, another at Victory Palace (d3) for those making war ships [, another at Banana Leaf Quarter (d4) for those making docks for junks, and another at the end of Banana Leaf Quarter (d5) for those sawing timber planks. These four jails are for various uses in the city]. [Royal residences outside the city]118 There are five palaces outside the city. 112

On the northwest of the crossroads. “Dug and found base of old pillars, as large as those used in cremation pavilions in the city centre, only three remaining, and the remains of a brick wall around” (B, APA, 100, n. 132). 113 พระมหาฤกษ์, “great time,” especially in the sense of a moment in astrological reckoning; title of a piece of music played at opening ceremonies; probably distorted from มโหระทึก mahorathuek, the ancient bronze drums of mainland Southeast Asia, sometimes called Dong Son drums. 114 “Great Fire Queller.” 115 “Day-night.” 116 หับเพย, derived from Khmer words meaning “open-shut”; the main gate of the principal jail (d1). 117 จิ้มก้อง, jim kong, technical term for tribute to China, based on Chinese words meaning “give a present.” 118 This section is only in KLHW/KWPS. APA has only a fragment of the description of the elephant enclosure, as follows: Wang Jan has a throne hall with four wings but no peak. Phra Maha Uparat, the Front Palace, resides close to the Grand Palace, 50 sen to the east. There is an open palace outside the city to the northeast for the king to view the capture of wild elephants and elephant herds leading in wild elephants, hence called the elephant enclosure (phaniat). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

204

Chris Baker

The Khochaprawet119 Mahaprasat has a single mondop spire, four-level roofs, wings extending from the main building in two directions like the Jakkrawat Phachaiyon on the wall of the capital.120 This Khochaprawet palace is open, with no walls, on two storeys. It is sited on a mound at the elephant enclosure for the king to watch the capture of wild elephants and elephant herds leading in wild elephants. There is a crow’s wing fence of posts behind this palace, and two large brick salas for royal victuallers to provide victuals. This palace is outside the city in the northeast. The Aisuriyathipat Mahaprasat121 has a single mondop spire, four-level roofs, walls on four sides, an entrance porch122 extending as a wing from the main building on the east, a crystal wall five cubits high all around, a large pond the length of the palace, a private garden for the royal pleasure, many buildings large and small for royalty to stay, and a wall around the palace area. The Bang Pa-in Island123 has been a residence and retreat for several reigns. Sometimes in the eleventh or twelfth month the king travels to float a lantern at this island.124 The Phranakhon Luang Prasat125 has a single prang tower, and several mondop peaks in rows in the palace grounds. It is for day and overnight stays when the king travels to pay respect at the Buddha’s Footprint. Also, sometimes in the dry season the king visits there for the gun-firing rite.126 Sometimes in the tenth month the king travels there to offer khao yakhu127 to the chapter of monks and abbot of the wat, and to conduct the royal ceremony of mathupayat,128 mixing celestial rice in the Nakhon Luang palace. In the tenth month, the king travels by water because people plant paddy on the road. In the fourth month, the king travels by land because the land is perfect with no obstacle to the king’s progress. “Entry of Elephants.” This is a pavilion at the elephant enclosure 1 kilometre north up the Lopburi River on the west bank. The enclosure was moved from the northeast corner of the island to this location in the Chakkraphat reign when the line of the eastern wall was moved. This building was burnt down in 1767 and restored in the Bangkok Third Reign. (B) 120 In fact on an inner wall of the Grand Palace. See Baker, “The Grand Palace,” 100-1. 121 The Holy Residence of the Divine Royal Seat, built by King Prasat Thong at Bang Pa-in early in his reign (r. 1629–36; see Cushman, Royal Chronicles, 217), and restored by King Rama V in keeping with the description here. 122 มุขเด่น probably an error for มุขเด่จ, mukdet. 123 12 kilometres south of the city down the river towards Bangkok. 124 This timing matches loi kratong. The term translated here as lantern is ประทีป, prathip. 125 Built by King Prasat Thong in 1631, on a design copied from Angkor, to serve as an overnight stop on journeys to the Buddha’s Footprint in Saraburi. Known now as Nakhon Luang, around 12 kilometres northeast from the city along the Pasak River. 126 พิธียิงบืน, phithi ying buen, part of a rite of chanting the Atthanathiyasut on festival days to drive away spirits. 127 เขายาคู, a drink made by boiling rice and sugar. 128 มาธุปายาศ, rice pudding. In stories of the life of the Buddha, Suchada gave him this dish when he broke his fast, and again straight after he attained enlightenment. In the royal ceremony of ภัทรบท, phatrabot in the tenth month, young rice was prepared and presented to Brahmans, probably as part of the annual cycle of fertility rites (Woraphon, Sathaban kasat nai kot monthianban, 111). 119

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

205

In Lopburi, there is a large and splendid palace similar to that in the capital. This Lopburi palace has two audience halls and many other buildings large and small without peaks. The two are: Sutthaisawan Mahaprasat129 and Dusit Sawan Thanya Mahaprasat.130 Both have a single mondop spire, four-level roofs, and walls on all four sides. There are many lodges, large and small, a surrounding wall, a treasury hall, and brick buildings with markets and shops where everything is available. This was the residence for King Narai in the hot season and cool season for six months regularly until the end of his reign, and afterwards was visited by the king occasionally. [Front Palace]131 [211] The old Front Palace, was sited in a cramped space near the royal palace. Later, this Janchaloem Palace was given to become the residence of the Maha Uparat132 while the Front Palace King went to reside in Janbowon Palace, fifty sen133 away from the Royal Palace. Janbowon Palace is sited in the east of the city of Ayutthaya below the causeway. Inside there is an audience hall with four wings but no peak. There are many other buildings, large and small, in front and behind, with swan-tail finials and multi-level roofs, but none has a peak. There are many lodges, large and small, for the inside and front. There are several treasuries, a full complement of attendants, an arsenal for guns, big and small, an arsenal for other weapons, stables for elephants and horses, stores for carriages, halls for various craftsmen, and a court sala for deciding lawsuits for all departments. There is a big sala, known as the official sala of the front palace, for nobles waiting to attend audience. There are duty salas for Mahatthai, Kalahom, Port Department, Palace Department, Land Department, City Department, all six used for judging cases under each of the six departments in the Front Palace. There is also a Registration Hall in the Front Palace, two jails under the prison governor for holding criminals, an elephant landing, water cloister landing, patrol salas at the corners, and boathouses for royal barges and for various procession boats at Wat Thong Pu134 and Wat Prasat. A residence set among gardens and fountains, where King Narai died in 1688. The best preserved audience hall of this era. 131 This section is only in KLHW/KWPS. APA has only: Wang Jan has a throne hall with four wings but no peak. Phra Maha Uparat, the Front Palace, resides close to the Grand Palace, 50 sen to the east. 132 An office that appears during the reign of King Prasat Thong, described by Van Vliet as “first mandarin and stadholder of the king” and “head of all the nobility,” apparently a sort of standing regent, able to deputize for the king during absences (Van Vliet’s Siam, 145, 278). This move happened during the Thammaracha reign (1569–90). The location of this former palace is unknown. 133 Equivalent to 2 kilometres. 134 Given as ทองปุ but rightly ตองปุ, tongpu, possibly a Mon name. The wat was repaired by Prince Naresuan to be a residence for a Mon monk who returned with him from fighting with Pegu in 1584. 129 130

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

206

Chris Baker

There is no gunpowder store, no tattooing hall,135 no mint. Inside the Janbowon Palace is one wat called Wat Khun Saen, complete with ordination hall, preaching hall, teaching hall, relic stupa, and other stupas, but no monks because it is inside a palace. [The major, presiding things of the capital]136 The major, presiding things in the capital that celebrate the standing of the city of Ayutthaya are: Three audience halls with prang towers and eleven with mondop spires making a total of fourteen, which have been the palaces of every king from the past. The three palaces with prang towers are: Mangkhlaphisek Mahaprasat,137 which formerly had five prang towers, and later was rebuilt and renamed Wihan Somdet after a fire; Phaithun Mahaprasat138 with a single prang tower; these two are in the royal palace; Phra Nakhon Luang with a single prang tower, a royal residence for staying outside the capital to the east on the way to the Buddha’s Footprint. The eleven palaces with mondop spires are: Sanphet Mahaprasat139 with a nine-fold spire; Benjarat Mahaprasat140 with a five-fold spire; Suriyamarin Mahaprasat with a five-fold spire; Jakrawat Phaichayon141 with a single spire; Banyong Rattanat Mahaprasat142 with a single spire; Phaichaiyon Mahaprasat with a single spire; Aisawan Mahaprasat with a single spire; Khotchaprawet Mahaprasat with a single spire, outside the capital at the elephant enclosure; Aisawan Thipphat Mahaprasat143 with a single spire, a royal residence on Bang 135

โรงศัก, rong sak, place where men are tattooed for corvée.

This section is only in KLHW. APA has a much shorter list, as follows: The principal places of the capital city of Ayutthaya are: three audience halls; the relic stupas of Wat Phraram, Wat na Phrathat, and Wat Ratbuna; the stupas of Wat Suan Luang Sopsawan and Wat Khun Mueang Jai; the Buddha images of Wat Phra Si Sanphet and Wat Mongkhon Bophit; and outside the capital, the stupa of Wat Chaophya Thai, 2 sen 6 fathoms high; Wat Phukhaothong, 2 sen 5 fathoms high; the presiding image at Wat Jao Phananchoeng of Phra Jao Sam Botianchang covered with a lustrous jewel peak; the stupa of Wat Chaophya Thai Pa Kaeo Tok, this village is outside the capital. 137 Built by King Ramathibodi I. (W) 138 According to the later and lengthier chronicles, built by King Ramathibodi I. (W) 139 Built by King Trailokanath in 1448. (W) 140 Built by King Trailokanath. (W) 141 Built by King Prasat Thong in 1631. (W) 142 Built by King Phetracha according to the chronicles, but actually at the start of the Narai reign. 143 Built by King Prasat Thong in 1632. (W) 136

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

207

Pa-in Island outside the capital to the south; Sutthaisawan Mahaprasat144 with a single spire; Dusitsawan Thanya Mahaprasat with a single spire. The latter two are royal residences outside the capital in the palace at the city of Lopburi. Nine in the city and five outside for a total of fourteen residences for all kings. The five relic stupas, which are major places in Ayutthaya, are at: Wat Phraram; Wat Mahathat; Wat Ratchaburana; Wat Somonkot;145 Wat Phutthaisawan. The five great stupas, which are major places in Ayutthaya, are at: Wat Suan Luang Sopsawan;146 Wat Khun Mueang Jai;147 Wat Chaophraya Thai;148 Wat Phukhaothong, one sen five fathoms tall; Wat Yai Chaimongkhon, one sen five fathoms tall. The eight great and powerful Buddha images, which are major places of the city, are: Phra Phuttha Si Sanphetdayan, in standing pose, eight fathoms tall, completely covered in gold, in the great preaching hall of Wat Phra Si Sanphet;149 Phra Phuttha Sihing, seated in meditation, four cubits across the lap, cast from nak and pure gold, in the great preaching hall with a prang tower in Wat Phra Si Sanphet;150 Phra Phuttha Borom Traiphopphanat, seated in meditation, one cubit one span across the lap, cast completely from gold, in royal attire,151 in the great preaching hall Built by King Narai in 1662. (W) วัดสมรโกฎ, now called Wat Samanakottharam, off the island about 1 kilometre to the east, on Khlong Ayodhya, with ruins of a large bell-shaped stupa that probably dates to early Ayutthaya or even before. 146 To the west of the city, beside the moat, close to the Jedi Suriyothai. The remains were levelled to create an army camp. 147 A large wat on the island to the southeast of the palace. Little is known about the wat as it makes almost no appearance in the historical record. However, the architecture suggests the original stupa may pre-date the foundation of Ayutthaya, and archaeological finds, including images and pottery, confirm its early date and importance. See: www.icomosthai.org/m_news/santi/watKhun_.pdf 148 This is the old name of Wat Yai Chaimongkhon, which also appears in the list. 149 Now in the east wihan of Wat Pho in Bangkok and known as Phra Phuttha Lokanat Satsadayan. 150 Now in the National Museum. 151 ทรงเครื่องต้น, song khrueang ton, with a crown, chest ornament, and other royal decorations. 144 145

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

208

Chris Baker

of Wat Phra Si Sanphet; Phra Phuttha Sayam Phuwayanmoli, seated in meditation, sixteen cubits across the lap, cast in brass, in the great preaching hall with a mondop spire of Wat Sumongkhon Bophit;152 Phra Phuttha Borom Trailokanat Satsadayan, seated in meditation, six cubits across the lap, cast in brass, in Wat Khok;153 Phra Phuttha Jao Phra Nang Choeng, seated in meditation, ten cubits across the lap, in the preaching hall of Wat Phra Nangchoeng; Phra Phuttha Khanthanrat, seated in meditation, one cubit across the lap, cast in bronze, brought by water from the south, in the preaching hall of Wat Thammikarat, with great Buddhist potency including the ability to summon rain; Phra Phuttha Janthondaeng in the preaching hall of Wat Phra Si Sanphet. A total of eight images. [outside the city] The reclining Buddha at Wat Pa Mok,154 one sen five fathoms long. The reclining Buddha at Wat Phranon Jaksri,155 sixteen fathoms long. The reclining Buddha at Wat Khun In Phramun,156 seventeen fathoms long. The reclining Buddha at Wat Pho Aranyik,157 fifteen fathoms long. Phra Prathom and Phra Prathon, major relic stupas in Nakhon Chaisi. Buddha’s Footprint on Suwannabanphot Hill. Phra Pathawi, a shadow of the Buddha,158 in a small rock shelter in the forest in Saraburi district. These things have been the glory of the capital of Ayutthaya from ancient times. In situ, restored in the 1920s. See the discussion of Wat Khok in the introduction above. 154 At Wat Pa Mok Worawihan,12 kilometres northwest of the city on the Chaophraya River. The length of the reclining Buddha is 22.5 metres, roughly half the length given here. 155 About 2 kilometres west of the Chaophraya River just south of Singburi town; believed to be a very old image, restored by King Boromakot in the 1750s. 156 4 kilometres west of the Chaophraya River, just to the north of Ang Thong town. 157 There is no wat of this name today, and Winai reported this site as unidentified. In the Aranyik area, around 20 kilometres northeast of Ayutthaya, there is a Wat Phra Non on the left bank of the Pasak River. According to the abbot, the ruined wihan once housed a reclining Buddha that was destroyed in 1767. The wihan is around 15–17 metres long. Most likely this is the site mentioned here. Patrick Dumon made this discovery. See Figure 7. 158 พุทธฉาย, phutthachai, an image of the Buddha on a rock face, believed (like Buddha footprints) to be a trace of the Buddha’s journey to the region. King Sua visited the site in 1709, and fell mortally ill on the return journey (Phraratchaphongsawadan krung si Ayutthaya chabab mo Bratle, 385; Cushman misunderstood the passage and thought the object was a Buddha image, see Royal Chronicles, 396, line 4). This location, now known as Wat Phraphutthachai, 5 kilometres southeast of Saraburi town on the opposite side of the hill with the famous Buddha’s Footprint, had become a popular place of pilgrimage in the mid-19th century, and was visited by Henri Mouhot, who reported that it was particularly revered by the Lao (Mouhot, Travels, 75–83). 152 153

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Final Part of the Description of Ayutthaya

209

References APA

Boranaratchathanin, Phraya. Athibai phaen thi phranakhon Si Ayutthaya [Description of Ayutthaya]. Bangkok: Ton chabap, 2007 [1929]. A facsimile of the 1929 edition of the short version of the Description, including extensive commentary by Phraya Boranratchathanin and a preface by Prince Damrong, with the addition of a facsimile of Phumisathan krung Si Ayutthaya [Geography of Ayutthaya], extra material from the same original document, added in 1939.

KCKK Khamhaikan chao krung kao [Testimony of the inhabitants of the old capital]. Bangkok: Chotmaihet, 2001 [1925]. KLHW Khamhaikan khun luang ha wat [Testimony of the king who entered a wat]. Bangkok: Sukhothai Thammathirat University, 2004. KWPS Khamhaikan khun luang wat pradu songtham: ekkasan jak ho luang [Testimony of the king at Wat Pradu Songtham: documents from the palace]. Edited by Winai Pongsripian. Bangkok: Committee to Edit and Print Thai Historical Documents, Office of the Cabinet, 1991. Baker, Chris. 2011a. “Markets and Production in the City of Ayutthaya before 1767: Translation and Analysis of part of the Description of Ayutthaya.” Journal of the Siam Society, 99, pp. 38-71. ____. 2011b. “Note on the Testimonies and the Description of Ayutthaya.” Journal of the Siam Society, 99, pp. 72-80. ____. 2013. “The Grand Palace in the Description of Ayutthaya: Translation and Commentary.” Journal of the Siam Society, 101, pp. 69-112. Boranratchathanin, Phraya. 2010 [1908]. “Tamnan krung kao” [History of the old city]. In Krung kao lao rueang [Relating about the old city], edited by Wansiri Dechakhup and Pridi Phitphumwithi. Bangkok: Sinlapa Watthanatham. Boranasathan nai jangwat phranakhon Si Ayutthaya [Monuments in Ayutthaya Province]. 2 vols. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department and James H. W. Thompson Foundation. Cushman, Richard D. 2000. The Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya. A synoptic translation by Richard D. Cushman. Edited by David K. Wyatt. Bangkok: Siam Society. Ishii, Yoneo. 1986. Sangha, State and Society: Thai Buddhism in History. Translated by Peter Hawkes. Monographs of the Center of Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

210

Chris Baker

University, 16. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1986. Kotmai tra sam duang [Three Seals Law]. 1994. 5 vols. Bangkok: Khurusapha. Mouhot, Henri. 2000 [1863]. Travels in Siam, Cambodia, Laos, and Annam. Bangkok: White Lotus. Phraratchaphongsawadan krung si Ayutthaya chabab mo bratle [Bradley edition of the Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya]. 2006 [1864]. Bangkok: Kosit. Seni Pramoj, MR. Pathakatha rueang kotmai samai Si Ayutthaya [A lecture on law in the Ayutthaya era], delivered 8 April 1957. Bangkok: Committee for the Ayutthaya Memorial, 1957. Terwiel, Barend J. ed. Kaempfer Werke IV: Engelbert Kaempfer in Siam. München: Iudicium Verlag, 2003. Van Vliet’s Siam, ed. Chris Baker et al. 2005. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Winai Pongsripian. 2005. “Kot monthianban chabap chaloemprakiat” [Palace Law, royal anniversary version], in Kot monthianban chabap chaloemprakiat. 2 vols. Bangkok: Thailand Research Fund. Winai Pongsripian, ed. 2007. Phanna phumisathan phrakhon si ayutthaya: ekkasan jak ho luang [Geographical description of Ayutthaya: Documents from the palace library]. Bangkok: Usakane. Woraphon Phuphongphun. 2012. Sathaban kasat nai kot monthianban [Kingship in the Palace Law]. Nakhon Pathom: Silpakorn University.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Report on a Symposium: Weaving Royal Traditions Through Time: Textiles and Dress at the Thai Court and Beyond Paul Bromberg

The first international multi-disciplinary symposium arranged by the Queen Sirikit Museum of Textiles (QSMT) was held over 6-9 November 2013 at the Dusit Thani Hotel in Bangkok under the title Weaving Royal Traditions Through Time: Textiles and Dress at the Thai Court and Beyond. The symposium was the third such event in Bangkok focusing on textiles in recent memory, following those organised by the James H.W. Thompson Foundation in 1999 and 2005 respectively. It was also a landmark event for the QSMT’s young, but highly enthusiastic, staff to engage with colleagues in the world of textile academia, and to ensure that participants found the symposium a relevant and interesting experience. Given the breadth of material covered in the symposium, this report will focus on Southeast Asian aspects. Located within the grounds of the Grand Palace, the QSMT opened in May 2012, and has since become a major visitor attraction. The museum collects, displays, and preserves textiles from Southeast, East, and South Asia, focusing on the textile heritage of Thailand and the couture wardrobe of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit. The symposium, attended by some two hundred visitors from Thailand and around the world, offered a unique opportunity to see behind the scenes at the Grand Palace and the QSMT. The first day of the symposium was devoted to visits to four outstanding private collections of regional textiles not accessible to the general public. The logistics of ferrying such a large number of people around Bangkok were far from easy, given the ongoing political protests that closed some major roads, but were quite successfully handled, as attendees were divided into four groups, with each tour bus enjoying a police escort to help navigate the Bangkok traffic. On display at the Dusit Thani was the collection of Dr. Michael Martin, a retired Dean of the Faculty of Arts at The University of Hong Kong, who began collecting textiles primarily from mainland and island Southeast Asia some twenty years ago. The Tilleke & Gibbins corporate collection, maintained at their office premises, includes more than two thousand mainland Southeast Asian textiles. Well-known local textile expert, collector and dealer, Udom Riantrakool, displayed his private collection of South and Southeast Asian textiles in a traditional wooden Thai Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

212

Paul Bromberg

house at the Ruen Urai restaurant located just off Surawong Road. A selection of mainly northern Thai and Lao textiles from the personal collection of Siam Society president Bilaibhan Sampatisiri, as well as pieces from the Siam Society’s own holdings, were displayed in the main Siam Society auditorium where renowned historian Professor Vithi Phanichphant provided an introduction to textile history and usage in northern Thailand. Back at the Dusit Thani, Suttirat Kaewaporn, Curator at the QSMT, briefly gave A Tribute to Professor Smitthi Siribhadra, the advisor on artistic affairs to Queen Sirikit who had been a driving force in the planning and creation of the QSMT prior to his untimely death in 2008. Chiang Mai-based textile author and scholar Patricia Cheesman then gave a fascinating talk, A Legacy of Excellence: Tai Textiles of Mainland Southeast Asia. Cheesman explained that textiles were an art form dominated by women that for centuries had been the main method of documenting Tai cosmological beliefs and community identity. She expertly discussed the background of the patterns used by various Tai communities. Although today it is often believed that lavish designs appeared only on ceremonial textiles, Cheesman argued that household textiles were also once decorated with exceptional care, especially blankets made for baby wraps. In traditional Tai societies, dresscodes expressed community identity, not ethnicity. Different ethnic groups living in the same community wore the same clothes while the same ethnic group living in other communities might wear completely different clothing. Consequently, the major role geography and history have played in the development of Tai textiles has not been previously recognised. Finally, she noted that these textiles are now from a bygone era and thus treasured for their excellence. The second day was devoted to a morning tour of the QSMT, which included visits to the small, but well equipped, library and education studio, as well as the conservation laboratory, registration and storage facilities and all four galleries. Although the museum is compact, considerable thought and effort has clearly been expended on each well-displayed and clearly captioned exhibit. That afternoon, Piyavara Teekara Natenoi, Head Officer of the QSMT, welcomed symposium attendees before Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn officially opened the symposium and gave a touching thirty-minute talk about her mother’s love of traditional Thai textiles and her desire to resurrect the art of weaving to provide a livelihood for Thai villagers while sustaining their cultural heritage. Her Royal Highness then attended the keynote address given by John Guy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art on Southeast Asian Court Regalia: Siamese Court Dress in a Regional Context. Guy discussed the changes in ceremonial and civil dress from the mid-19th to the early 20th century, pointing out that court photography allowed for a record of these changes but, even more importantly, allowed the court to project a certain image to different audiences. By donning Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Figure 1 (top). HRH Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn with the symposium speakers and panel chairs Figure 2 (above). Piyavara Teekara Natenoi, Head Officer of the QSMT, welcoming symposium attendees Figure 3 (below). A specially designed display case at the QSMT (All photos courtesy of the Queen Sirikit Museum of Textiles)

213

Figure 4 (above). Professor Vithi Phanichphant with visitors in the Siam Society auditorium Figure 5 (below). Udom Riantrakool (at right) showing his private collection of Asian textiles

214

Figure 6 (top). Wipawee Tiyawes introducing the Tilleke & Gibbins corporate collection Figure 7 (above) Examples of sumptuous brocades made in Nakhon Si Thammarat province for Khon costumes displayed by QSMT staff to the symposium audience. Figure 8 (below). The Q&A panel session co-chaired by Kullawit Laosuksri and Dr. Joanna Marschner, with panellists Piyavara Teekara Natenoi, Couturier Tirapan Wannarat, Michael Pick and Bernard Chandran.

215

Figure 9 (above). Dressing of a lead male Khon performer Figure 10 (below). The superb Khon performance at the Dusit Thani Hotel was the finale of the symposium

216

Report on a Symposim: Weaving Royal Traditions Through Time

217

Western dress, Thai royalty demonstrated its modernisation efforts to the outside world while still appearing in Thai traditional court dress along with many gold accoutrements for the domestic audience. He then compared the critical role played by dress in the image of regional royal courts, including the Court at Mandalay and the Sultanates of Indonesia. Discussing the importance of trade to all of these kingdoms, Guy concluded that the monarchies of the region dealt with the challenges of modernisation partly through their dress and through the important textile trade. Distinguished local textile expert Paothong Tongchua provided a fascinating presentation on Chinese Silks: Importation and Usage at the Thai Court in which he explained that the Thai royal court had imported mainly Chinese silks in the late 18th and early 19th centuries for use in the lining of royal costumes and accoutrements, before the development of the Thai domestic silk industry. A highly entertaining Q&A session chaired by Jane Puranananda of the James H.W. Thompson Foundation brought this long day to a late conclusion. The third day of the conference was busy with many interesting presentations, several of which reported groundbreaking research. Several presentations in the morning sessions over-ran their allotted time slots, meaning that some of the later presentations had to be shortened. The first hour of the day was a very entertaining session entitled King Rama V’s Travels, Textile Purchases and Collections, chaired by ML Pattaratorn Chirapravati of California State University. Contributors examined where and when the king purchased his clothes and footwear, and how his dress style evolved during his long reign. Melissa Leventon, Senior Consultant, and Alisa Saisavetvaree, Curator of the QSMT, jointly presented Western Fashion at the Court of King Rama V: Sources and Suppliers in Asia and Europe in which they discussed the king’s overseas shopping trips and the establishment of stores in Bangkok by foreign tailors and outfitters in response to demand from the royal family and members of the royal court. Dale Carolyn Gluckman, Senior Consultant, and Sarttarat Muddin, Curator of the QSMT, then presented A Royal Fascination Revealed: King Rama V’s Visits to Java and His Batik Collection, which unveiled new information about this remarkable and little known collection of over 300 pieces, acquired during the king’s three visits to Java in 1871, 1896 and 1901, that will be the subject of a major exhibition at the museum in 2016. The next session, entitled Imported Textiles for the Court, was jointly chaired by Dr. Zhao Feng of the China National Silk Museum and Jane Puranananda. In her captivating talk on Possible Sources of Royal Imagery on Thai Court Textiles: Architectural Medallion Patterns at Two Early 12th Century Sites, Gillian Green of Sydney University discussed some “enigmatic, small scale, bas relief medallion panels” at Angkor Wat, scattered apparently at random on walls of the first three enclosures of the temple, possibly depicting textile designs from the 11th to 12th Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

218

Paul Bromberg

centuries that might ultimately be the source for royal imagery on Thai court textiles from the Ayutthaya period through the reign of King Rama V. Prapassorn Posrithong, Assistant Director of the Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Anthropology Centre, then gave a particularly compelling, though lengthy, presentation on Saudagiri: Indian Trade Textiles for the Thai Market, ca. 1850-1950 based on her empirical research in India and Thailand where a large number of Indian textiles can still be found in museums and private collections. She briefly explored the several centuries of trade between India and Thailand before specifically looking at the period 1850-1950. She examined the various uses of Indian textiles in Thailand: by the royal court as salary to courtiers; by ordinary people as a barter product for rice; by monks to wrap religious manuscripts used in temples. Even the style of the Thai phaa nung (hip wrapper) is similar to the Indian sari and the chong kraben (a silk hip wrapper draped and wrapped to form trousers) is based on the dhoti, while Thai court uniform also evolved from Indian models. Drawing on official statistics, she then described the large size of the textile trade between the two countries, with over two million textiles being imported from India in 1887-8 for a population of less than 500,000. She finally examined the business empire of one Indian trading family operating in Bangkok that ordered textiles from India until business declined after the Second World War as a result of the government-enforced change in fashion from traditional to Western dress. This session concluded with a condensed discussion of Cambodian Textiles for the Court of King Rama V by Weeradhamma Tragoonngoenthai and Dr. Anucha Thirakanont, Consultants to the QMST. The morning concluded with a session on Other Courts, Other Worlds: The Textile Heritage of Mainland Southeast Asia, chaired by Professor Vithi Phanichphant of the University of Phayao. The first presentation, by Dr. Yuzuruha Oyama of the Tokyo National Museum, described The Popularity of Sarasa for the Thai Market in Japan During the 17th and 18th Centuries, investigating the Indian chintz (sarasa) made for Siam and exported from Ayutthaya to Japan. For many years, the Japanese mistakenly believed that this textile was made in Siam. The second, and unfortunately greatly rushed, presentation entitled Unintended Consequences: Thai Influence on Burmese Kon-baung Dynasty (1752-1885) Royal Costume by well-known author Sylvia Fraser-Lu examined the close, but hitherto little known, influence by Thailand on Burmese royal costume. Although relations between these two neighbours were often adversarial, Fraser-Lu noted that the sack of Ayutthaya by the Burmese had the unintended consequence of increasing Thai cultural influence. Examples include the contributions made by Thai master weavers and embroiderers among the prisoners-of-war who were seconded to the palace tailoring department at Ava where they were set to work alongside Indian, Burmese and Shan artisans on ceremonial robes for the Burmese king and his court. The final, alas also abbreviated, presentation on Court Dress, Tribute and Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Report on a Symposim: Weaving Royal Traditions Through Time

219

Sumptuary Law in the 19th Century by Dr. Susan Conway of the School of Oriental and African Studies examined the tribute system of relations that existed between regional courts and China, and the dress codes required for officials during lavish tribute ceremonies. The afternoon session chaired by Julia Brennan, a QSMT Senior Consultant, and Dr. Patcharawee Tunprawat of SEAMEO-SPAFA, focused on Preserving Royal Collections. Three of the five presentations focused on Asian subjects. Brennan and her staff provided a fascinating insight into how she had stabilised and then painstakingly restored a royal robe in her presentation History and Manufacture of Thai Official Rank Robes “Sua Krui”: A Case Study of Admiral du Plessis de Richelieu’s 19th-Century Robe. Miki Komatsu of the Heritage Conservation Centre of Singapore provided a technical conservation report on Wedding Joys and Woes: Conservation of a Peranakan Trousseau and Wedding Chamber. Tshering Uden Penjor of the Textile Museum, Bhutan, spoke on Preserving the Wangchuk Dynasty’s Royal Textiles: Treatments, Display Parameters, and Anoxic Storage. At the conclusion of this long day, symposium participants were treated to a highly enjoyable reception and private tour of the Jim Thompson House and a special exhibition of contemporary textiles curated by fibre artist Yoshiko Wada of the World Shibori Network. The fourth day programme began with a very lively session titled Dressing Royalty in the Modern World, chaired by Dr. Joanna Marschner of Kensington Palace and Kullawit Laosuksri, Editor-in-Chief of Vogue Thailand, that concentrated on the importance of formal and daily dress for serving monarchs, with focus on Queen Sirikit, Queen Elizabeth II, the former Sultanah of Brunei and various Queens of Malaysia. The first of three presentations was given by Piyavara Teekara Natenoi who, in her talk Her Majesty Queen Sirikit and Pierre Balmain, explained that in the early 1960s, Pierre Balmain, who had previously made only Western clothes for Queen Sirikit, also began to create highly acclaimed dresses for Her Majesty in a re-interpreted historic style that used traditional-style Thai brocades commissioned and supplied by Her Majesty. Balmain thus brought to Thai national dress his deep expertise in Western dressmaking. This was followed by an excellent presentation by Independent Scholar Michael Pick titled HM Queen Elizabeth II: Refashioning a Royal Style that explored the evolution of Queen Elizabeth’s dress style throughout her lengthy reign. Of particular amusement was Pick’s description of the competition between Norman Hartnell, the favourite couturier of the Queen Mother, and Hardy Amies, the favoured designer of Queen Elizabeth. Lastly, a loud and effervescent presentation by Malaysian designer Bernard Chandran entitled From Rock Concerts to Royal Thrones: Designing for the Royal Families of Malaysia and Brunei, sandwiched between two highly entertaining fashion videos, certainly brought the audience to attention. The morning session ended with a stimulating Q&A panel session co-chaired by Kullawit Laosuksri and Dr. Joanna Marschner, with panellists Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

220

Paul Bromberg

Piyavara Teekara Natenoi, Couturier Tirapan Wannarat, Michael Pick and Bernard Chandran. The last formal event of the symposium was a lecture on the History of Khon Performance and its Modern Revival by Dr. Anucha Thirakanont followed by a rare chance to view a demonstration of dressing Khon performers, a process that usually takes four hours for a lead performer, and a superb, twenty-minute performance of Khon, the traditional royal court dance-drama. Dr. Anucha explained that along with shadow puppetry, Khon was originally performed during the cremation ceremony, but almost became an extinct art form, although it has been revived several times in the past and is now protected by the Fine Arts Department. He said that many people used to think that Khon was “boring” and it was very rare for a full-scale performance to take place. The present revival of this art began in 2007, at the direction of Queen Sirikit, with a focus on Khon costumes. Research was undertaken in pictorial archives, identifying the proper colours from mural paintings. The team under Dr. Anucha and Weeradhamma Tragoonngoenthai then had to adapt the costumes to take account of the growth in Thai body size in recent years. They decided to use only domestically produced materials, and had to revive the production of a special silk in Nakhon Si Thammarat. Examples of these sumptuous brocades were displayed by QSMT staff to the audience, to great applause. Dr. Anucha expained that a Khon performance now requires fifty performers on stage, fifty people working behind the stage and another five hundred support staff behind the scenes. Yet, the annual Khon shows are completely sold out, so the revival of this long lost art form can be said to have been truly successful. To end this gala four-day event in appropriate style, symposium participants enjoyed a superb farewell dinner on the riverside terrace at the Mandarin Oriental Hotel hosted in absentia by Her Majesty Queen Sirikit. The somewhat hectic pace of this conference left some participants feeling that too much had been packed into the four days. However, the symposium can certainly be judged a success if the main criteria are that the participants enjoyed themselves and felt that the conference topics were stimulating. This reporter certainly felt that way on both counts.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom: A Re-orientation Grant Evans1

Abstract—Debates concerning the origins of the Thai or the Lao have not yet laid to rest the notion that the Ai-lao of west Yunnan and the peoples of the Nan Chao kingdoms are their ancestors. Such ideas are common-place in Laos, for example. This is partly because refutations have been presented in a fragmentary way. The following essay attempts a definitive refutation. This, however, is simply a prelude to presenting a strong case for the inclusion of the Nan Chao kingdom among the ancient states of Southeast Asia. In doing so the essay also shows how Nan Chao played an important role in the spread of Tai peoples across mainland Southeast Asia.

The following essay takes up an old debate about the origins of the Thai and the Lao, namely assertions that their ancestors were the Ai-Lao from Southwestern China and the people of the Nan Chao/Tali kingdom. These notions are still actively propagated by Lao historians, but less so by Thai historians. Yet as Winai Pongsripian writes in his survey of historiography on the Tai: There is no problem in the history of South East Asia that has attracted such continuous interest from the international research community as that of the ‘Nan Chao problem’, …yet we know that this issue has still not been definitively settled. (2002: 50-51)2

It remains alive in popular culture in both Thailand and in Laos. Sanya Polprasid’s The Edge of Empire (1988), published in Thai in 1973, gives a fictional account of the Thai battles with the Chinese as they were forced south from Sichuan to Nan Chao and finally to Thailand. It was a best seller. Documentaries on Thai television (beamed into Laos) still tell the ‘out of Nan Chao’ story. And, the Internet has given the issue a new forum. A recent history of the Shan repeats the tale (Sai Aung Tun, 2009: 7-12), and James C. Scott in his celebrated The Art of Not Being I would like to thank the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University for giving me time and resources to draft the following paper. For their comments I would also like to thank John Thorne, Pheuiphanh Ngaosyvathn and an anonymous reviewer for the JSS. 2 Among Lao historians only Pheuiphanh and Mayoury Ngaosyvathn (1994) show an awareness of the conflicting arguments around this issue. But they do not resolve them. 1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

222

Grant Evans

Governed maintains that Nan Chao was Tai: “Their greatest state-making endeavour was the kingdom of Nan Chao and its successor Dali.” (2009: 141) I argue that this view is wrong, but one reason why the argument has remained inconclusive is that there has not been a dedicated refutation of the claims, and so in the opening section of the following essay I attempt to lay this issue definitively to rest. But the second aim of this essay is to place the Nan Chao/Tali kingdom firmly within the history of ancient mainland Southeast Asia, ensuring that it is no longer a footnote in the Tai origins debate. The Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom was one of the first Buddhist kingdoms of ancient Southeast Asia, preceded only by the Pyu Kingdom. The Buddhism that emerged there was its own synthesis of early Buddhism, but was also strongly influenced by developments in Tibet and China. The state revolved around a universal chakravartin king and was not a Chinese model manqué, as suggested by some writers who refer to it as ‘pre-Chinese’. This essay traces its initial contacts with the Tai and its role in their expansion. It is important to stress, however, that the following pages do not aim to explain the origins of the Tai.3 In an introduction entitled ‘The Cradle of the Shan Race’ to Archibald Ross Colquhoun’s Amongst the Shans (1885), a remarkable but idiosyncratic scholar, Albert Terrien de Lacouperie, argued that the modern Thai/Tai/Lao ancestors originated from “the Kiulung mountains, north of Setchuen and south of Shensi, in China proper.” (1985: lv) Furthermore, he argued that the modern Thai/Lao were refugees from the vanquished Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom in southern China. He elaborated on this argument in The Languages of China Before the Chinese (1887) where he provided the following lineage of this state: In the south-west: The Tsen state in central Yunnan and the S.W., an offshoot of the state of Ts’u from 390 B.C., followed by the Ngai-Lao who, coming from the North, developed into the Luh tchao, or six principalities which became the powerful state of Nan-tchao, A.D. 629-860, afterwards the smaller one of Ta-li, until 1275 A.D., when it was subdued by the Mongol conquest. (1887: 111)4

For a recent overview, see Baker (2002). I should signal here that Tai primarily refers to a linguistic family, more broadly Tai-Kadai. Many people also use Tai, and even Tai-Kadai, to refer to an ethno-linguistic group. This usage is avoided here. Lao and Thai speakers are part of the Tai language family. Tai, un-aspirated, is also used as a pre-fix for many smaller groups. For example, Tai Dam (Black Tai). 4 Actually, the Mongol conquest was in 1253. Readers will have to bear with these older transcriptions of Chinese. Today, for example, Ts’u would be written as Chu, and Tchau as Chao or Zhao. I have not, however, attempted to standardise these in the quotations. Chinese invariably use the Pinyin spelling Nan Zhao or Nanzhao, as do some foreign authors. In the context of this essay, I will use Nan Chao. In Pinyin, Tali is Dali. 3

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

223

The kingdom of Nan Chao was formed out of six pre-existing smaller principalities, “five of them consisted of Lao or Laocian tribes, the sixth being Moso” (1887: 60), which were welded into a powerful central kingdom by Mong5 She, which as the southern-most principality was also called Nan Chao (Nan = south, Chao = principality/kingdom), a name then applied to the unified kingdom. An equally idiosyncratic contemporary of De Lacouperie was the British colonial official and sinologist, E.H. Parker, who was an important contributor to the discussion about the origins of the Tai. He relates that: “In speaking five years ago [i.e. in 1887] to a Siamese of high rank at Bangkok, I found that they were totally ignorant of the history of the Shan Empire. Doubtless the Siamese migrated or were driven south when the Shan Empire broke up.” (Parker 1892: 346) He added: “The Chinese too are ignorant that the Nan-chao were Shans.”6 In fact, De Lacouperie was mainly interested in ‘deconstructing’ (as one would now say) Chinese claims to being the oldest ‘race’ in the region (race being the favoured concept at the time), and in demonstrating that many ‘aboriginal’ groups preceded them and indeed later became a constituent part of the ‘Chinese’ population. The Shan, or the Thai, or the Lao, were presumed to be historically prior to the Chinese, and this was their main interest for De Lacouperie. It did not stop him, however, from fabricating a sketch of their history that has remained influential ever since. He drew attention to a group in western Yunnan called the Ngai-Lao or Ai-Lao (哀牢),7 which he claimed was a Tai group, and this was because the Nan Chao rulers claimed them as ancestors. Thus, if one believed that the Nan Chao kingdom was Tai, then the assumption that the Ngai-Lao were Tai also was easy. But as one of the historians of the Nan Chao, Charles Backus, writes: It is more likely that the Nan-chao founders simply adopted the Ai-Lao as illustrious ancestors and took over Ai-Lao myths and legends as their own. Some early Chinese sources themselves indicate scepticism of this link by stating carefully that the Nan-chao founders originally inhabited Ai-Lao territory or that “they themselves say” (tzu-yen) that they were Ai-Lao descendants. (1981: 50)

Other kingdoms did much the same: the kings of Luang Prabang incorporated the Mon-Khmer kings of Muang Swa into their lineage, and the early Pagan king, Here I use Mong, but in the various texts dealing with Nan Chao one also finds Meng and Muong. Once again, I will not alter such spellings in quotations. 6 In an earlier article it seems that he too was ignorant of this when he wrote that the Nan Chao was a state “probably representing the modern Lolos,’ and that in ‘their language shao means ‘King’.” (Parker, 1886: 123) In fact, his earlier opinion was closer to the mark. 7 In Chinese, 哀 ‘ai’ means sorrow or pity, and 牢 ‘lao’ means fold or prison. It is clear that these characters were used to approximate phonetically in Chinese the name of these people in their own language. 5

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

224

Grant Evans

Kalancacsā, who “provided a sense of continuity to the older traditions of the society by linking his genealogy to the real and mythical ancestors of Śrī Ksetra, the symbol of the Pyu past.” (Aung-Thwin 1985: 23) All countries go in search of illustrious ancestors! There is only a small amount of information on the Ngai-Lao/Ai-Lao in Han texts8 and De Lacouperie draws on them liberally in his ‘Cradle of the Shan Race’: In the year 69, Liu Mao, their general king, submitted to the empire with seventy-seven chiefs of communities, 51,890 families, comprising 553,711 persons… In A.D. 78, having rebelled against the Chinese officials… their king, Lei-lao, was defeated in a great battle, which caused many of their tribes to migrate into the present country of the northern Shan states. (1885: liii)

He adds in his longer treatise that after this, “We hear no more of them in Chinese records and they entered largely into the formation of the Nan-tchao state of Yunnan.” (1887: 57) In fact, like many other ‘ethnic groups’ enumerated in Chinese classical texts, they simply disappear. The Ngai-Lao, he writes, “owe their existence to an intermingling of races told in a legend which contains the two words, and two words only, that we know of their language.” (1887: 57) Despite there being allegedly only two words extant from their language (transcribed in Chinese), De Lacouperie asserts that the “parentage of the Ngai-Lao is pretty well shown by all their particulars to be Täic.” (1887: 59) But, the two words, kiu long, the name of a legendary ancestor, only appear to be Tai because that is what De Lacouperie wishes them to be. Kiu supposedly means one’s back, and long to sit down, yet only the latter word approximates to Tai, and only if one deliberately discards all other possibilities. It is a fantastically thin thread on which to build a story of ethno-genesis. As for ‘all their particulars’, he does not elaborate. However, later Chinese chronicles do: The Ngai-Lao barbarians all pierce their noses and their ear lobes hang down to their shoulders. Their chiefs who take the title of king have ear lobes so long that they extend even three inches lower. (Ma 1883: 177)

None of this is typically ‘Täic’. It must be remembered that Chinese chroniclers viewed the different peoples they saw, or had described to them, with a mixture of fascination and disdain not untypical of most colonial observers. Many of the peoples they encountered in Yunnan, for example, were considered semi-human, certainly uncivilised, and they were often cavalier in their descriptions of them. A bilingual Chinese-Lao text appeared in 1997 containing the small amount that is known about them. Indeed, in a footnote the translator warns, “The problem of what ethnicity were the Ai-lao really in the Chinese texts remains confused.” (Thongkhian, 1997: 35) The warning has been ignored.

8

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

225

Even in Ma-Touan-Lin’s extraordinary compilation in the 13th century of what was then known about minorities in China, his chapter on the Ngai-Lao suddenly spins off into a long discussion about the alleged existence of an animal called a ‘singsing,’ which supposedly could talk and whose social relations were just like those of humans (1883: 178-82). As Richard Strassberg suggests in A Chinese Bestiary (2002: 51), these descriptions are one of the ways the Chinese constructed the ‘ethnological other’. There is one description, perhaps, that looks Tai: “The people know how to dye silk in several colours, manufacture very fine taffeta and other material stitched or embroidered in a very delicate manner” (Ma 1883: 177), except, as a single cultural artefact, it is shared with many different groups across the region, and by itself provides little guidance concerning ethnicity. This, then, is broadly all we know about the Ngai-Lao/Ai-Lao. They were deemed to be Tai because they were claimed as ancestors by the Nan Chao Kingdom. Researchers like De Lacouperie argued that Nan Chao was Tai, therefore the NgaiLao/Ai-Lao had to be Tai too. But, as we will see, if Nan Chao is not Tai then we can be certain that the Ngai-Lao/Ai-Lao were not either. De Lacouperie’s theories about the Ngai-Lao and the Nan Chao kingdom were first adopted by other European writers, most notably the missionary William Clifton Dodd in The Tai Race: Elder Brother of the Chinese (1996, [1923]) and W.A.R. Wood in A History of Siam (1926). These texts had a direct impact on the Thai’s understanding of their history. The grandiose claims made by Dodd’s book could not help but stoke nationalist fantasies. “The Tai-speaking race called themselves Lao from the earliest times” (1996 [1923]: 7), and “the Ai-Lao is the Chinese’s older brother” (1996 [1923]: 4) and occupied the “whole width of modern China.” (1996 [1923]: 9) Indeed, “As a race, the Ai-Lao were in at the beginning of history” (1996 [1923]: 6), and therefore are one of the oldest races in the world.9 The Lao have been especially enamoured by Dodd’s claims and insist that Ai-Lao is the proper pronunciation. For any speaker of Lao, the attractions are obvious; transliterated from Chinese into Lao the meaning emerges as ‘older Lao brother.’ (Dodd’s book immortalises this idea in its sub-title, Elder Brother of the Chinese.) That it has no such connotations in Chinese is simply ignored in a discourse thirsty for evidence concerning the ancient provenance of the Lao.10 And yet, the only evidence we have about the Ngai/Ai-Lao is in Chinese. On top of this, De Lacouperie and Dodd had developed an ancient migration story for the Ai-Lao too, but we will not be diverted by this speculation -- although migration stories are important across the region. One of these theories had the ancient Tai migrating from the Altai mountains in Mongolia. That such a theory is not entirely forgotten is illustrated by the fact that in July 2012, in honour of HM Queen Sirikit’s 80th birthday, the Tourist Authority of Thailand organised a trip for a group of Thais to drive from Altai city to Thailand. (Prachatai 8/8/2012) 10 In many different contexts one will hear Lao assert that they are a very ancient race. 9

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

226

Grant Evans

Wood is less interested in such historical speculation as it lies outside his story of Siam, but he concurs that the Ai-Lao were Tai, and claims that their defeat by the Chinese caused them to emigrate south and form the Shan States. “The inhabitants of Siam are not descended from these Western Tai, but from the Eastern Tai, sometimes called Tai Noi.” (1926: 86) The latter had been infiltrating Siam “for hundreds of years before any Tai rulers appeared… forming Tai communities, and intermarrying with the Lawa and Mohn-Khmer inhabitants.” (1926: 49) Then, with the fall of Nan Chao, Siam received “a tremendous wave of immigrants, who fled Yunnan… providing a constant supply of Tai recruits from the north.” (1926: 52)11 Khun Wichitmatra’s book, Lak Thai, or Roots of the Thai People, which first appeared in 1928, was influenced by Dodd,12 and because it was published in Thai his book provided the framework for many subsequent Thai history books, as well as Lao ones.13 In it the Nan Chao and all its kings are Thai (just as in Lao texts they would all become Lao). The most important innovation from the Lao point of view was his use of the royal chronicles of Luang Prabang to identify the Nan Chao king P’i-lo-ko (r.728-48) with the legendary founder of Luang Prabang, Khun Borom (P’i-lo-ko being the name given him by the Chinese, according to Wichitmatra). He argues that this chronicle says that Khun Borom came from ‘above’, which in the old Thai chronicles could mean China. “In the Lan Xang chronicle it is called ‘Thaen’. This word ‘Thaen’ in Lao is translated ‘Sawan’ [heaven] and is the same word as ‘Tien’, which is the old name for the Thai kingdom of Nan Chao in the past.” (Wichitmatra 1975: 100-101)14 The connection of Nan Chao with this older kingdom in the region is pure Liang Yongjia (2010) claims that Wood’s book was translated into Thai, but I can find no evidence of this. Chen (1990: 209) says it was translated into Chinese in 1947. 12 “I had written according to what Dodd has said about the issue,” he is quoted as saying by Chen Lufan (1990: 141). But the latter conveniently overstates Dodd’s influence. Dodd was simply a starting point for Wichitmatra, who combed through the available chronicles, and was acutely aware of the problems of using the chronicles when trying to construct a modern historiography. In particular, the problems of dating events enumerated in the chronicles. He attempted to compare them and invented some imaginative, but wrong, correlations between them because of the distorting lens of the Dodd thesis. His book, it should be noted, went through seven editions, and was continually updated and expanded until the final edition in 1975, which is the text I have used. For the early period, there is no difference between the 1928 edition and the 1975 one. 13 Excerpts from Dodd were first published in Thai in 1940 by Chulalongkorn University, and reprinted again in 1969 in response to an awareness that Chinese texts claimed Nan Chao was not Thai. The re-publication was in the interest of contributing to the debate. The 1940 introduction and the 1969 introduction, plus the translated texts, are available on the following websites: http: //www.baanmaha.com/community/thread44752.html, http: //www.baanjomyut.com/library/tai/main.html. It should be said that the Internet has given Dodd’s claims a new lease of life, at least among amateur historians. Chen Lufan (1990: 139) refers to a “Thai translation of Dodd’s book… by the Printing House of the Teacher’s Association of Bangkok in 1977.” 14 The Dian or Tien kingdom existed around the modern Kunming lake area from approximately 400 to 100 BCE and was Tibeto-Burman. 11

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

227

conjecture, and then once the Lao chronicle was mapped onto the Nan Chao kingdom, all kinds of other connections were facilitated. “Kwaen Sip Song Chu Tai was absorbed into the Thai Kingdom (Nan Chao) in 737 CE and King P’i-lo-ko or Khun Borom founded Nakorn Thaeng. Later, he placed his sons in charge of Muang Thaeng and other subordinate muang in the south of Nan Chao” (1975: 107), namely Hua Phan Thang Hok, Kaochi [Vietnam], Luang Prabang, Lan Na, and so on. Thus, legend became history. Paul Le Boulanger’s Histoire du Laos Français (1931), the first modern history of Laos, repeats the Nan Chao exodus story. But the most important text on Lao history, which incorporates both the Ai-Lao and the Nan Chao story as foundation stones, is Maha Sila Viravong’s Phongsawadan Lao (Lao Chronicle), published in 1957 and from 1958 used as the main history textbook by the Royal Lao Government (1946-1975); and it was translated into English in 1959 as The History of Laos. It is probably the most influential text ever written on Lao history. In it Reverend Dodd is referred to as ‘An American professor’ (2001, [1957]: 9), and Maha Sila repeats Dodd’s claims about the ancient provenance of the Lao. He also draws liberally on Thai scholars, as Chalong Soontravanich points out, “the history of the pre-Lan Xang Kingdom as presented in Sila Viravong’s Phongsawadan Lao is essentially the same as the pre-Sukhothai Thai history as given in the works of Prince Damrong, Wichitmatra, Wichit Wathakan and Sathiankoset. The only difference was the substitution of ‘Lao’ for ‘Thai’.” (2003: 123) So the Nan Chao kingdom becomes an Ai-Lao, or simply Lao, kingdom in Sila’s book. He repeats Wichitmatra’s assertion that “Khun Borom Rasathirath was called in the Chinese chronicles, P’i-lo-ko.” (2001[1957]: 15) The mapping of a central Lao legend onto history made it a particularly potent and memorable story. This conceptualisation has been repeated in a recent and ambitious three-volume history of Laos by Bounmi Thepsimuang, The Origins of the Lao Race (2006).15 This book adds a manoeuvre that maps the descendants of Khun Bulom onto all of the kings of Nan Chao. (2006: 166-175) He proclaims the ancient presence of Lao in peninsula Southeast Asia by asserting that ancient kingdoms like Dvaravati are Lao, and rather extraordinarily says that there was an ancient migration out of Laos to the north, south, east and west (see map, 2006: 107). Subsequently, he argues, the Lao who moved north and founded the Nan Chao/ Tali kingdom, were driven back by the Chinese. The argument is far from coherent or properly documented, but it does attempt to combine an in situ genesis for the Lao, with a migration story from the north. By including the latter, it departs from It is worth noting that volume one of Bounmi’s book has been translated into Thai and published in 2012 by Supapchai Printers and Tapada Publications, Bangkok. Given that so much of the book’s ancient history of the region is derived from Thai texts, one can observe a distorting feedback effect here. Thai readers will assume that this is based on original Lao research about Laos, when in fact it is largely Thai work filtered through a Lao lens. 15

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

228

Grant Evans

the main official history of Laos produced by the People’s Democratic Republic of Laos (LPDR) since 1975, History of Laos: From the Earliest Times to the Present (Ministry of Information and Culture, 2000), which ignores the Nan Chao/Tali story in order to produce an in situ account of Lao origins.16 The appearance of Bounmi’s text, however, suggests that many people found the Ministry’s account unsatisfactory, preferring instead the framework first set out by Maha Sila in which fable becomes fact.17

Early critiques The Tai-ness of the Nan Chao/Tali kingdom, however, was challenged early on. A somewhat contradictory account of the kingdom’s composition is given by Wilhelm Credner in his report on an expedition to Yunnan in 1930. He argues that there is no evidence that the Tai inhabited the Tali region, and that the “greater part of the original population of Yunnan… belongs to the Tibeto-Burman group, represented by the Lolo, Lissu (Lissaw), Nashi (Musseu) and Lahu…” (1935: 4) One of the most important groups in the Tali lake region are the Minchia. He says that they have not “replaced a departed Tai population but have always, also during the period of Tai power, constituted the bulk of the population.” (1935: 8) And he notes, the Minchia language “shows absolutely no relation with Tai.” (1935: 9) Essentially, Credner argues that Tai from the southern principality of Mong She captured the other principalities and ruled as a small Tai elite, while the bulk of the population remained non-Tai. Yet he provides no evidence that Mong She was ever Tai either, and only seems to uphold this argument because he remains impressed by the work of Dodd and H.R. Davies (Credner 1935: 2). In 1945, the Chinese linguist, Lo Ch’ang P’ei, analysed the patronymic linking system distinctive of the Tibeto-Burman peoples who constituted this kingdom, and remarked, “evidence of the genealogy itself, let alone other objections, is enough A key architect of this text was Souneth Phothisane, whose PhD (Souneth 1996) had examined the various versions and historical significance of the Khun Borom legend. In that study, he ignored Sila Viravong’s argument and suggested an in situ location for the Lao. One suspects that he was persuaded to ignore convention by his supervisor Martin Stuart-Fox, and this perspective found its way into the official Lao history. Not long after, however, Souneth was dismissed from his position as director of the National Museum and left the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party. He took up a university position in Thailand. 17 History and archaeology operate in two registers in the LPDR. The dominant one is a Lao discourse highlighting the growth and development of ethnic Lao culture. The subordinate discourse is one of the ‘multi-ethnic’ Lao people, which asserts the equality of all cultures inside Laos and their contribution to ‘Lao national culture,’ and usually favours an in situ account of Lao origins. Texts tend to code-switch between these two discourses, more or less according to convenience. Thus 60,000-year old human fossils can be claimed as Lao, or any ancient human activity. But the dominant discourse remains one of Lao kingdoms, in which the Nan Chao is an assumed precursor. 16

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

229

to refute” claims about Nan Chao being Tai (1945: 361).18 As for language, Backus writes: Most of the Nan-chao words that have survived in Chinese transcription from that era reveal no similarity at all to the Thai language. Moreover, the three or four terms that do resemble the sounds of words which have the same meaning in modern Thai are all political in nature, like chao, terms such as are readily borrowed from one language to another. (1981: 49)

But it was on such thin threads that the original Tai thesis was first hung.19 Chinese historical sources generally remark that ‘chao’ is a local word for ‘prince’ (or in Lo Ch’ang-p’ei’s translation, ‘kingdom’), but they never suggest that it is a Tai word. Nan Chao is written in Chinese 南韶 (in modern Chinese chao is written 诏), but the earliest Chinese reference to a Tai use of the term chao that I can find is in the Tien Hi of 1807 (Che Fan 1908: 161) where it is written as 刁猛, i.e. Chao Mong (in the text it has the French transliteration tiao-mong; in pinyin it would be diao) – in other words, a completely different character. Furthermore, no-one seems to have recognised that at the time of the formation of the Nan Chao kingdom in the 8th century there were no Tai kingdoms in existence, and if there were any Tai in the vicinity of the Nan Chao, their political organisation would have been no more substantial than a chieftainship. It is highly unlikely that even a moderately sized kingdom is going to borrow a central term of its political vocabulary from a marginal tribal group. On the other hand, migrating warrior chiefs, as the Tai were at that time, are more likely to borrow the political language of the most powerful kingdom in the vicinity.20 It is significant that all the Tai speakers who remain in the ‘homeland’ region, in Guangxi, Guizhou or Guangdong, borrowed their key political terms from Chinese, and the term chao is absent.21 Those who migrated into the political sphere of Nan Chao mostly have the term chao or a cognate of it, which was and remains primarily an element of elite and polite In 1950, a Japanese linguist, Matsumoto Nobuhiro, also argued that the language of the Nan Chao was Tibeto-Burman, (See Stott 1963: 192). 19 This speculation even included the meaning of the name of the city of Tali, where some suggested that its etymology approximated the Thai term for sea or lake – perhaps not surprising given the proximity of the Er Hai lake. Rock (1947: 32) cites the results of his enquiries with George Coedes, who informed him: “The Siamese word for ‘lake’ is da-lé, pronounced t’a-lé, but is probably a loan word from Khmer danlé pronounced tonlé (Tonlé Sap, Cambodia’s Great Lake). The use of Cambodian loan-words is usually restricted to South Siam, and I do not think that da lé or ta lé exists in any northern t’ai dialect. The etymology of Ta-li from da lé appears to me as extremely doubtful.” 20 A similar interpretation is advanced by Winai (2002: 44), where he also remarks that “perhaps [the Tai] were influenced by [Nan Chao’s] political culture, including inheriting words like ‘Chao’ and ‘Meng’ [i.e. Muang].” 21 A dictionary of northern Zhuang (2007) has no such word. 18

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

230

Grant Evans

forms of language. It is, in fact, plausible that the borrowing ran in the opposite direction, from the Nan Chao to the Tai, thus turning the traditional argument on its head. This claim is probably unprovable in any definitive way, but there is supporting evidence from another direction, in that the title was adopted by the Pyu in Burma. “The historical Caw Rahan, the saint-king with the Nan-chao title,” writes Luce of the first Pagan king in the 10th century (Luce: 1969: 9). In the 9th century, Chinese chronicles refer to the Mang tribes (a typically broad category that probably included the ancestors of the Burmese), who styled their kings as ‘mang-chao’ (Luce and Pe, 1935: 273). There is no solid evidence from any of the Chinese chronicles, or any other chronicles, that Tai peoples occupied territory as far west as today’s Shan States before the 10th century, although they may have. Luce (1958: 7) seems to suggest that they were in that general area around the 9th century, but his claim is based on an equation of Pai-yi (白夷) in the Chinese chronicles with Shan. However, this term is used broadly and inconsistently, and is just as commonly rendered Pai-Man (白 蠻).22 Both Yi and Man were used to signify barbarians, and in this context, white barbarians. This is a common problem with the Chinese chronicles where ethnic designations are inconsistent; broad in one instance narrow in another, to the point that even later Chinese chroniclers such as Che Fan in his Tien Hi of 1807 in the chapter Chou Yi, or on the submission of the barbarians of Yunnan, complains: Yet the barbarian races are very numerous and difficult to categorise. Moreover, previously and still today, they are continuously transformed and split up; what has been written about them is really erroneous, and to repeat (the words of the ancient authors) would have the result of multiplying the confusions. (1908: 333)

Nevertheless, people determined to find Tai, or Shan or Lao, or any other ‘ethnicity’, will happily select one or other characteristic – tattooing, drinking through the nose, weaving, golden teeth, houses on stilts, and so on to support a particular group’s ancestral claims. But singular features are no guide to a social structure or culture. The names of two of the original smaller kingdoms that formed the Nan Chao were Mong Sui and Mong She, and Parker claimed, “The two Méng are the SiameseShan word muang, ‘a State’.” (1890: 72) As for Camille Sainson, the translator of the Nan-Tchao Ye-Che, who also held the view that the Nan Chao was Tai, he thought that Mong was in fact a family name given by the Chinese as a kind of Sainson writes, Pai-yi “白夷 is the name applied by the Chinese especially for the Thai in lower Yunnan and upper Laos” (1904: 25), but as we have indicated already, ethnic signifiers had no stable signifieds. Such terms may have narrowed their referents in a much later period, but if so, they cannot be read back into the past as Sainson appears to do here.

22

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

231

misrecognition of the term muang (1904: 25).23 Muang is indeed a quintessential Tai political concept that involves ritual/political union at multiple levels, from a group of villages to a chiefdom, a kingdom, or in its modern sense a nation-state. It is, however, fairly clear that Mong was the family/clan name of the dominant Wu Man (black barbarian) family in two of these small states. This family would go on to control the Nan Chao too, whereupon their surname encompassed these small precursor kingdoms; the Chinese character is the same in both cases (蒙),24 and indeed they would also refer to their kingdom as the Great Mong (大蒙). Later on, of course, after the Tai had established their presence in Southwest China, Mong/ Meng (i.e. Muang) is used to designate minority districts, but the character in this case is 猛, with the radical for animals and barbarians, which only disappears in the late 20th century following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and is written 勐;25 so Mengla, for example, today in Sip Song Panna is written 勐腊. In the early 1960s Frederick Mote, a scholar of classical China, was on assignment in Thailand with the Ministry of Education and decided to use his knowledge of Chinese texts to contribute to the debate on ‘Thai Prehistory’. He confirms that the Nan Chao people were Pai or Lolo, and more importantly adds that “We know little or nothing of the languages of any of the non-Chinese peoples of the South and Southwest until the 7th or 8th centuries A.D. or later,” (Mote 1966: 26). Evidence for the existence for Tai languages in the region only begins in the 11th century. He concludes: “Thus, for the time being the Chinese historian can make a largely negative contribution to Thai prehistory, identifying peoples who were not Thais, and regions that were not Thai dominated,” (Mote 1966: 27). In an earlier essay he remarks, “Whatever Thais there were in Nan-chao were only incidentally there, and had nothing to do with the establishment of the Nan-chao Kingdom,” (Mote 1964: 105).26 Mote’s essay was taken note of by some Thai and foreign Sainson opens another can of worms when he writes: “Still today, many pa-yi [pai-yi] chiefs have the Chinese surname Tao 刀 because chief is “tao” in pa-yi. The Chinese have made a family name out of a title.” (1904: 25) Thao is an honorific in Lao, and other Tai languages. The issue of the Chinese granting surnames to ‘barbarian’ groups that then become ethnonyms cannot be pursued here, but adds a major complication to any historical discussion of ‘ethnicity’. 24 See in particular Chavannes’ (1901: 18) translation of the stele which is the main document left by the Nan Chao where the ‘Mong Kingdom’ is used. Chavannes, who also subscribed to the idea that Nan Chao was Thai, commented, “mong is the name of the family of the king which became the name of the kingdom. It therefore seems impossible here to use a transcription of the thaï mong or muong…” Prior to this, in an examination of steles from the years 405 and 458, Chavannes points out that the family name Ts’ouan [Tuan] of an aspiring family was applied mistakenly by the Chinese to a whole “group that we call today the Lolos.” (1909: 6) Later, the Tuan would be identified with the Kingdom of Tali. In Pinyin, Tuan is written Duan. In footnote 19 above we have seen that Winai interprets ‘Meng’ as ‘Muang’, but in his case he is saying that the Thai borrowed the word ‘Meng’ to construct the word ‘Muang’. It would be difficult to sustain this contrary reading. 25 勐 is a rising tone, while 蒙 is a high tone. 26 Blackmore’s (1961) essay contains similar points, but its publication as part of a symposium in Hong Kong meant that it fell below the radar of Thai scholars 23

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

232

Grant Evans

intellectuals, but it was in some ways too Sinocentric in orientation to have a real impact. But in the late 1960s, some debate had begun in Thailand about the Nan Chao and its alleged Thai origins, leading to the re-publication of Dodd by Chulalongkorn University. But the debate really only took off in the 1980s following the collapse of the Cultural Revolution and the opening up of China to outside researchers, and the renewed activity of Chinese academics. The interest initially focussed on the Dai in the Sipsong Panna, but the Chinese side was primarily interested in refuting the widely-held view that the Thai had been forced south into Thailand by Chinese aggression. At this time, partly due to advances in archaeology that showed that humans had lived in Thailand for a very long time, some Thai researchers were ready to abandon the Nan Chao origins claim, epitomised by Sujit Wongthes’s article in Sinlipa Watthanatham, “The Thai were always here” (1986), while others remained unconvinced. At the Thai Studies Conference in Kunming in 1990, the Chinese side launched a full-scale attack on the Nan Chao origins thesis, publishing a bilingual edition of Chen Lufan’s articles in Whence Came the Thai Race? – an Inquiry (1990). While the Chinese researchers had a better grasp of the long mis-used Chinese chronicles and a better understanding of the history of Yunnan than their Thai counterparts, their conspiratorial attacks on ‘western imperialist’ scholars like De Lacouperie, their forced Marxist interpretations of Nan Chao, and their desire to exonerate the Chinese from any charges of aggression, as well as their assertion that Yunnan had always been inalienable Chinese territory, vitiated their claims in the eyes of sceptics.27 The Franco-Lao scholar, Amphay Doré (1990: 208-9), for instance, remained unconvinced of the Chinese arguments, although he acknowledged that his own argument for the Tai-ness of Nan Chao was not without problems.28 To date, the Lao have simply ignored the Chinese arguments.29 There is one last twist to the Ngai/Ai-Lao story that needs to be considered. De Lacouperie again: At a certain period of the disintegration of this kingdom, some of them moved southwards, and during more than four centuries (A.D. 1048-1427) they proved most obnoxious neighbours to the Annamites. Their name and probably a Liang (2010) highlights the political agenda of the Chinese scholars, in particular how it was framed by the concept of ‘minzu’ and Chinese nationalism. 28 Unfortunately I was unable to consult Amphay Doré’s PhD thesis (1987) until after this article had been accepted for publication. It is an inventive attempt to sustain the thesis that the Nan Chao elite was Tai, but it involves considerable historical speculation in order to get the Tai in the right place at the right time. In short, he furnishes no hard evidence. He also makes another speculative leap when he asserts a migration of ‘Tai’ from the kingdom of Yelang in Guichou to the territory of the Ai Lao, but later research on Yelang disproves such assertions (Herman, 2009). 29 A recent article by the director for historical research at the Lao Academy for Social Sciences (Chanthaphilit 2012: 31) repeats the old Ai-Lao/Nan Chao argument. 27

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

233

portion of this population are still in existence west of the Annamese province of Thanh Hoa. (1887: 58-9)

The sources for his claims are a Vietnamese history textbook from 1875,30 and an official geography from 1829 in which the Ai-Lao are mentioned. Parker too uses similar modern sources to vouch for the ongoing existence of the Ai-Lao: It may be mentioned that in the modern Annamese History… modern Tonquin and Hué, the ancient Champa, are both said to have the Ailau on the west, so that the ancient name is conserved to this day. (1890: 93)

This self-serving cross-referencing, however, fails to enquire into how the ‘Ai-Lao’ ever got into these 19th century histories of Vietnam. Contemporaries of De Lacouperie and Parker were more circumspect. Sainson warned: “哀牢. These are not to be confused with the Ai-Lao spoken about in a general way by the Annamites, and found in the backward areas of Thanh-hoa, of Nghê-an and Quang-tri” (1904: 25), and Luce added: “For the Lao (獠) of upper Tonkin, Keui-chou and Sse Ch’uan,… They must not I think be confused with 哀牢 Lao (=Ngai-Lao).” (1924: 117)31 The eminent Vietnamese historian Nguyễn Thế Anh informs me: The term ‘Ai Lao’ was borrowed from Chinese texts, beginning with the Hou Han Shu [398-445]… A note of  Kham dinh Viet su thong giam cuong muc (Complete mirror of Viet history) says that the term Ai Lao designated many different tribes dispersed in the mountainous area on the Vietnamese border, as well as in the countries of Lao-qua (hence Laos) and Van-tuong (Ten thousand elephants).32

In other words, it was a term introduced into Vietnamese when the courts excavated Chinese texts in order to construct their own imperial history. Ai-Lao in this context not only fitted the Lao and Tai groups, but almost any minority group

If one looks at the Cours d’Histoire Annamite by Truờng-Vinh-Ky (1875), it is very clear that the various references to the ‘Ai-lao’ are to the Lao. 31 It should be noted that both Sainson and Luce held the then common view that Nan Chao was Tai. But in lectures given in France in 1966, Luce (1985: 100) made it clear that he had changed his mind and that he had been convinced that the Nan Chao people were essentially Lolo. 32 Personal communication on 6 January 2012. Nguyễn Thế Anh adds: “Khâm dinh Viêt su thông giam cuong muc was commissioned by imperial order in 1856 and was re-edited in 1871, 1872, 1876, 1878 before being engraved on wood to be printed in 1884. This is not the first general history of Viet-Nam. Previously, there was Dai Viet su ky (Historical memories of the Great Viet) composed by Le Van Huu in 1272, and Dai Viet su ky toàn thu (Complete historical memories of the Great Viet) composed by Ngo Si Lien in 1479.” 30

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

234

Grant Evans

on its western border. 33 Gasparadone investigates a stele dated 1336 that records a campaign against the ‘miserable Ai-Lao’ in Thanh Hoa. While noting some of the confusions relating to ethnic nomenclature, he concludes that at this time “entered into history Muong Xua (Java)-Luang Prabang-Muong Lao: our Ai-Lao.” (Gasparadone 1971: 12) Research by Vietnamese ethnographer Nguyễn Vān Huyên in the late 1930s on a group of ‘Ai-Lao’ performers at a Vietnamese ritual reveals clearly that this term is used primarily for the Lao. Throughout the festival a troupe of Ai-Lao dance and intone chants in honour of the spirit. Following tradition, this troupe is of Lao origin. The Lao each year sent as tribute to the sovereign of Annam a troupe of singers… When Laos ceased being a tributary of Annam the king gave the responsibility to the village of Hoi-xa, situated along the Canal of Rapids (Gia-lam phu, Bac-ninh province) to raise a troupe of singers who could offer the Ai-Lao rhythm to the spirit. (1939: 157-58)

This festival, which is considered to be hundreds of years old, perhaps at one time did include Lao performers, but, if so, there is no longer any trace of this in the songs performed.

The Nan Chao in Southeast Asia. Up until the 13th century, mainland Southeast Asia included most of present day Yunnan province in China. This northern region of Southeast Asia was populated by diverse ethnic groups, many of them Sino-Tibetan, and a few Han stragglers and settlers, and it was governed by non-Sinitic institutions. In 1253, Mongol cavalry, coming from another culture area altogether in the north, overwhelmed the governing institutions of these societies and paved the way for their irreversible incorporation into the Chinese empire by the Yuan (1271-1368) and the Ming Dynasties (13681644). On the other hand, heavily Sinicised northern Vietnam seceded from the Chinese Empire in the 10th century and resisted Ming attempts to re-incorporate them. Truncated in the north by the loss of Yunnan, mainland Southeast Asia still stretched as far as central Vietnam until the 15th century with the kingdom of Champa. What we now refer to as mainland Southeast Asia came into being from the 6th to 9th centuries as substantial states began to form across the region and interact with one another: Dvaravati in the 6th century, Pyu and Champa in the 7th century, Nan Chao and Angkor in the 8th century and Pagan in the 9th century. These developments It is worth noting that if one consults the Historical Atlas of Southeast Asia by Jan Pluvier (1995) for the period of the Nan Chao, the northern areas of Laos today and into Vietnam are marked as ‘Ai-lao,’ giving it a concreteness that only the magical power of maps can impart. 33

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

235

registered the diffusion of Indian influence spreading Hindu and Buddhist ideas of statecraft and social organisation. The Nan Chao/Tali kingdom’s part in this, however, has been obscured by China’s expansion and the seeming naturalness of the boundaries it established between itself and nations to the south following the Ming ascension. Tatsuo Hoshino’s (1986) study of medieval Laos highlighted this area, and he criticised Georges Coedès, the doyen of historical studies of traditional states in the region, for neglecting it: “In his books of synthesis, G. Coedès underestimated the importance of northern Indochina: Yunnan and the vast valley of the middle Mekong.” (1986: 41-2) Strangely, given the importance of the region and Nan Chao for early Burmese history, the latter is not included in Michael Aung-Thwin’s list of classical Southeast Asian states at the beginning of his history of Pagan (1985: 1). In the latest grand overview of the region by Victor Lieberman, only a brief reference is made to Nan Chao’s fall, and then simply as a prelude to Tai expansion: “By collapsing or weakening the great empires of Nanzhao (1253) and Pagan, Mongols removed the chief military barriers to the southward movement of Tai warriors and settlers.” (2003: 241) A map that accompanies Chris Baker’s (2002: 6) exploration of the origins of the Tai shows the dispersal of Tai speakers out of their ‘homeland’ in Guangxi, wherein they travel west and south.34 In fact, their route west more-orless traces the southern boundary of the Nan Chao/Tali kingdom. So, contrary to Lieberman, the Nan Chao was more likely an obstacle to the Tai moving north rather than south. When significant numbers of Tai began their journey west and southwest, partly in response to Chinese pressure around the 9th century, the major kingdom that they encountered, or whose influence they felt at a distance, was the Nan Chao. Michael Aung-Thwin’s failure to include the Nan Chao among the classical Southeast Asian states is surprising given the importance of Nan Chao for the evolution of the Pyu state and of Pagan. The grand kingdom of Nan Chao was created during the 8th century as the leaders of the southernmost Chao, Mongshe, conquered other similar, but weaker, kingdoms to its north, all of which had emerged in the previous century. It was P’i-lo-ko (728-48) who began this process of aggrandisement, with the support of the Tang rulers, who were in search of allies in the region. His son, Ko-lo-feng (748-79), who continued his father’s work with zeal, was the first to establish tributary relations with the kingdom of Pyu. From 808 onwards, the Nan Chao King added the Pyu title P’iao-hsin (Lord of the Pyu) to his Baker (2002: 6) explains: “The arrows show Chamberlain’s [linguistic] ‘family tree’ overlain on the map. The arrows do not show migration routes (which were much more complex).” Of course, the map is a simplified representation, but the migration ‘complexities’ that Baker explores in his essay are vitiated by his sources, such as Leeshan Tan’s sino-centric readings of the Chinese texts, and Baker uncharacteristically accepts an uncritical reading of the Shan chronicles by a Shan author. In fact, the map can be considered a reasonable approximation of the dispersal of Tai speakers. 34

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

236

Grant Evans

titles to show Nan Chao’s growing control of northern Burma.35 The Man Shu written in the 9th century by Fan Ch’o, a text hostile to the Nan Chao, writes almost lyrically about the kingdom of Pyu: In front of the gate of the palace where the king of (this) kingdom dwells, there is a great image seated in the open air, over a hundred feet high, and white as snow. It is their wont to esteem honesty and decency. The people’s nature is friendly and good. They are men of few words. They reverence the Law of the Buddha. Within the city there is absolutely no taking of life. The men mostly wear white tieh. The women on top of their heads make a high coiffure, adorned with gold, silver, and real pearls. They wear for show blue skirts… and throw about them pieces of gauze silk. When walking, they always hold fans. (1961: 90-1).

But then in A.D. 832, “the Man rebels [Nan Chao] looted and plundered P’iao [Pyu] kingdom. They took prisoner over three thousand of their people.” (ibid) In this context, one can understand the eminent historian of Burma, G.H. Luce’s hostility to the Nan Chao too, where he speaks of the kingdom’s ‘terror’ and ‘tyranny’. But both Luce and Aung-Thwin recognise that Nan Chao’s destruction of the northern Pyu Kingdom provided the space into which the proto-Burmese could flow from the north, perhaps propelled along as troops in the Nan Chao army. Luce writes, “the Mranmā longed to escape the Nan-chao yoke; and took their first opportunity to do so after A.D. 835, by descending to the hot malarious plains of central Burma…” (1985: 103) But the Tibeto-Burman cultural features they shared with the peoples of Nan Chao went with them, and as Aung-Thwin notes, the kinship reckoning of the founders of Pagan (A.D. 849) “follow the typical Nanchao nomenclature.” (1985: 20)36 Luce, however, was fair enough to recognise the complex position of a ‘Lolo’ kingdom caught between the expanding empires of the Tang Chinese and the Tibetans, and Nan Chao’s need, at times, to appease and, at times, resist both: “Nan-chao did just this in Western Yünnan, for three centuries, but needed all its resources of Lolo man-power to do so.” (1985: 103)37 Bakken’s is an excellent Ecsedy (1984: 182) writes, “from 808 on, Nanchao’s kings were mentioned in Chinese records with this title alone.” We can note that this is yet another example of portmanteau political titles. See also Bakken (1981: 102). 36 Serious early researchers, like Pelliot (1904: 165-6), were so influenced by the Nan Chao as Tai hypothesis that he, for instance, argued ‘remarkable Burmese influences’ ran in the opposite direction. He knew that the patronymic system in Nan Chao was not Tai, therefore it could only have come north from Burma. Among other things, the historical sequence makes this impossible. 37 ‘Lolo’ is an old ethnic category used infrequently today, as they are classified under the modern category of Yi. 35

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

237

study of Nan Chao’s high-wire diplomacy; it was through skilful diplomacy and warfare that Nan Chao grew into one of the largest classical kingdoms in mainland Southeast Asia. Wilfred Stott presents a compelling picture of Nan Chao as a militarised state – perhaps not unlike ancient Sparta: In their way of life the Nan-chao people made no difference between civilians and army. All were liable for military service, and in fact the spare time of the country people was largely spent in competitions of a military type. And this gave the people a zest for military skill. (1963: 219)

They had inflicted terrible defeats on the Tang armies sent against them and, as Stott argues, this must have created a great deal of pride in their military prowess. Military strength, and the fact that the Tang dynasty was wracked by internal divisions, provided the conditions for Nan Chao’s expansion. Later, the secession of Vietnam from the Chinese empire closed the route from Sichuan through Yunnan to the sea ports of Annam, and so the next great Chinese dynasty, the Song, paid little attention to the successor to the Nan Chao, the Tali Kingdom (Backus 1981: 1623).38 Stott also summarises the meteoric rise of Nan Chao: The extraordinary development of Nan-chao, in a matter of some thirty years, from a very small principality to the south of the Ta-li lake to a strong kingdom with frontiers which extended some thousand miles from east to west and six or seven hundred from north to south, is a remarkable phenomenon... Not only so, but this wide dominion was maintained for a long period of some five hundred years. The weakness of the latter part of the T’ang Dynasty would account partly for this... There was no further interference from the Chinese side until the Mongols had gained control of China. But this does not explain how a kingdom composed of such heterogeneous types as Nan-chao held together for so long. (Stott, 1963: 206)

It ruled over all of Yunnan, upper Burma, and western Guizhou, an ethnically diverse domain. How did they do it? asks Stott. Alongside this domain, we should place Nan Chao’s extraordinary military expeditions down as far as Cambodia and through pre-Tai Chiang Mai, and their expulsion of the Chinese from Annam in the mid-9th century. Taylor (2013: 49-50) makes the point that the military had been weakened by the rise of Confucian influence during the Song, and thus any desires to re-take northern Vietnam were restrained. Furthermore, he suggests that this Song Confucianism had an inward looking dynamic which redefined the Viets as lying outside the Chinese realm. This attitude was at work in relation to the Nan Chao/Tali kingdom too. 38

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

238

Grant Evans

Stott argues that expansion and cohesion was due to the military and political genius of Ko-lo-feng, his ability to incorporate both captured and disaffected Chinese officials who provided him with a language of government, and his ability to make strategic alliances through marriage. Stott says that the system of government was drawn from the Tang model, but, in fact, if one looks closely at the Nan Chao control of land and grain, its willingness to relocate dissident peoples en masse, such as the Tuan, then the model is strikingly similar to the short-lived Chin (Qin) empire (221-201 BC). In fact, however, it was its own amalgam in which Buddhism played a central role. Strangely, Stott’s otherwise excellent article makes no mention of the fundamental role of Buddhism in the Nan Chao/Tali kingdom, which not only provided a theory and ideology of kingship, and a resource for uniting diverse peoples, but also an ideology of expansion.

Buddhism and Nan Chao/Tali Buddhism began its entry into China from India during the Han period along the northern Silk Road, the southern Silk Road by sea, and the southwestern Silk Road through Yunnan. The Han command post established at Yung Chang on Yunnan’s western frontier (from which we have our earliest information about the Ngai/Ai-Lao), was an important staging point along this southwestern route. “Buddhism entered the region of Southwest China by several different routes, and the three leading schools of Buddhist thought, Theravada, Mahayana, and Tibetan Buddhism all made their presence felt along different spurs of the Southwest Silk Road. The kingdoms of Nanzhao and Dali in turn absorbed elements of all three traditions.” (Anderson, 2009) This route was a conduit for Indian Buddhist missionaries and scriptures, and indeed, a foundation myth of the Kingdom of Nan Chao is linked with a peripatetic, miracle performing Indian Buddhist monk who heralded its formation under its leading family. But Buddhist missionaries had been active in the south for hundreds of years, and the Pyu had effectively been Buddhists since the 4th century, absorbing and transforming the various forms of ancient Buddhism. A kind of Hinayana-Theravada type of Buddhism became dominant there, but other sects were represented too, and both Pali and Sanskrit were used (See Stargardt 1990; also Glover, 1996: 80). The reception of Buddhism in Nan Chao was typical of mainland Southeast Asia, in that it was absorbed in a syncretic and even eclectic way.39 Unlike China, it Some writers have stressed, on the other hand, Buddhism’s own flexibility; it “was already a complex adaptive system that had developed in response to the needs of South and Central Asian communities. It brought with it a sophisticated repertoire of multiple cosmologies and notions of authority.” (Orzech,1998: 132) Coedes stresses the continued presence of what he calls the “preAryan elements and many survivals of a basic culture common to the monsoon area of Asia,” to 39

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

239

faced no strong opposition from indigenous religious and philosophical systems, such as Confucianism and Taoism, which denounced Buddhism as foreign. For example, as Buddhism’s influence grew in China, Wang Tu, a scholar in the mid4th century, wrote: Buddha, having been born in the Western Regions, is a foreign god…. Institutions for Chinese and barbarians differ, and spheres of men and gods are different. What is alien differs from what is Chinese, and sacrifices are different in ceremonial procedures. As to the clothing and rituals of the Chinese, it is not proper to intermingle them. (Ch’en, 1952: 169)

This sentiment would culminate in the massive backlash against Buddhism in the late Tang. In Nan Chao, on the other hand, there is no evidence of similar opposition to the spread of Buddhism. Indeed, the Nan Chao became a refuge for Ch’an (Zen) and other esoteric Buddhist sects fleeing the late Tang repression (IMEC, 2009: 79); and by this time, the large Chongsheng Temple in Tali had become a major site of Buddhist practise in the region and an important pilgrimage site. Chinese influence on Buddhism in Nan Chao was important, and Henrik Sørensen claims that Buddhist texts used there were ‘exclusively’ written in Chinese. Yet, one should consider first that these are the main texts preserved following the collapse of the kingdom, and second, as he recognises, Sanskrit played an important role as a ‘magic language’ that many monks knew, which indicates the presence at one time of many Sanskrit texts.40 And from an anthropological point of view, the explain the ‘ease’ and ‘rapidity’ of the spread of Indian culture. Referring to Paul Mus, he writes: “The Indochinese do not seem to have reacted towards Indian influence as if they were being confronted with an alien culture,” and they “may not always have been aware of changing their religion when adopting that of India.” (1962: 52) This applies to Yunnan too. 40 As for other scripts and languages of Nan Chao, we only have the tantalising observation in the Man Shu: “the Man barbarian script was originally not fixed in one pattern: there are (different) sorts of writing.” (1961: 115) Devièra (1886: 104) claims that ‘Pa-y’ (Pai-yi 白夷), a category that he assumes is unambiguously Tai, was the everyday lingua franca of Nan Chao, and that it was written using Tibetan script. He reproduces a Tibetan communication from the Qing period that he claims is ‘Pa-y’, although the French translation he provides is by a French missionary taken from a Chinese translation of the Tibetan, and which the latter claims is ‘Pa-y’. There is no serious evidence that I know of concerning any Tai use of Tibetan script (C.f. Sai Kam Mong 2004). One suspects that this is yet one more case of early researchers being misled by their assumption that Nan Chao was a Tai polity. One thing is certain, however; that as a multi-ethnic polity, Nan Chao was also a multi-lingual one. Chavannes (1909) examines a stèle from the year 971 which although written in Chinese characters is “very difficult to understand;… and hardly intelligible to Chinese,” all of which shows that it was “created by a non-Chinese race.” (1909: 44) This stele recorded an agreement between Nan Chao generals and representatives of ‘the 37 tribes’; “Thus we conclude,” writes Chavannes, “that Chinese writing was, in that époque, the only means of communication between those who made up the tribes of southern China.” (1909: 44) A Lolo script from 1533 had been discovered, “But nothing permits us up to now to say that Nan-tchao had [such] a writing.” (1909: 44-5) Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

240

Grant Evans

separation of ‘magic’ from everyday Buddhist practise, which he suggests, is a dubious scholastic exercise. Buddhism and magic were no doubt intertwined back then as they are today. It is apparent that both languages played an important role in Nan Chao/Tali’s religion, and Sørensen does recognise that Buddhism there “was a hybrid,” and that “a highly local form of Buddhism came into being.” (2011: 379; see also Li 2009) Esoteric Buddhism emerged as the dominant form in Nan Chao/Tali, with the cult of Avalokiteśvara (the compassionate saviour of Mahayana Buddhism) one of its defining features. This “flourishing local form of Esoteric Buddhism… was only partly under the influence of Chinese culture” (Sørensen, 2011: 386), and John Guy’s study of the iconography of Avalokiteśvara shows “the degree to which they fail to emulate Chinese models of the period.” (1995: 64) Situated at the intersection of important trade routes, the Nan Chao/Tali rulers were inclined to see themselves as part of a larger Hindu-Buddhist world, and transmitted and absorbed influences from it.41 In its iconography, Guy discerns influences from Mon-Dvaravati traditions, from the Chams and, not surprisingly, the Pyu. Moreover, in a remarkable handscroll from A.D. 947 known as ‘The illustrated history of Nanzhou’, which gives an essentially Buddhist account of the kingdom, Guy notes the various elements designed to signal the kingdom’s separation from China. Referring to the royal household he writes: “they wear only a dhotistyle lower garment tied in the manner which bears close comparison with the [Avalokiteśvara] image itself… The Nanzhou subjects depicted in this painting were clearly concerned to assert their Yunnanese ethnicity and their attire contrasts sharply with those dressed in the Chinese manner.” (1995: 71) Guy’s observations place Nan Chao/Tali culturally within the Southeast Asian mainland. We have no information on the early insinuation of Buddhism into the practises of the Nan Chao rulers, and little information on their pre-Buddhist beliefs.42 But based on their kinship system and on some remarks in the Man Shu, we can deduce some kind of ancestor worship, and no doubt shamanistic practises. It is not quite clear what is meant by the term ‘Great Devil Lord’ in the Man Shu (1961: 12), although it suggests a shaman, and they were said to preside over the tribes of Pai (White) Man and Wu (Black) Man. The Man Shu says of the Wu (Black) Man: Whenever a person dies, three days after the death they burn the corpse. The remaining ashes they cover with earth and soil, reserving only the two ears.43 Pelliot’s (1904) study is a pioneering statement of this, and Yang (2009) revises and updates this view, adding a ‘global’ perspective. 42 Studies of the native ‘gods’ Benzhu, among the Bai certainly provide some idea of what these practices and beliefs may have been (See Fitzgerald 1941, and Schmitt 2007). 43 This is puzzling, for the ears could not have survived cremation unless they were removed first. 41

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

241

If (the dead person) belongs to the family of the Nan-chao, they store them in a golden vase, adding a layer of silver as a box to contain it. They store this deep in a separate room. At the four seasons they bring it out and sacrifice to it. (Fan Ch’o, 1961: 79)

The Man Shu contrasts this with the Pai (White) Man who bury their dead “in accordance with Chinese rule.” We can probably deduce several things from this information, namely that cremation is indicative of Buddhist influence on the Wu Man, or if this was an indigenous practise of theirs it would have segued easily with Buddhism. And John Guy seems to suggest that a Buddhism that was a kind of shamanism writ large would have been attractive. The supremacy of the bodhisattva cult may be the result of resonance that the worship of a compassionate, all-caring, healing deity struck with indigenous beliefs. The magical/supernatural aspects of boddhisatva behaviour and their interventionist role in ensuring personal welfare and salvation may have all contributed to the success of the cult. (1995: 76)

It is certain, however, that once a larger kingdom had been created out of a number of smaller chao, the ruling dynasty would have been receptive to religious and philosophical views offering a grander vision, and Buddhism was on hand to supply it. By the end of the 8th century it was supreme, and “The entire ninth century was a great era for the building of Buddhist temples all over Yunnan.” (Backus, 1981: 128) King Lung-Shan (877-97) adopted the title of Maharaja (mo-ho-lo-ts’o) and it was after this that Buddhism can be seen as a ‘state religion’, something that was manifest in the Tali kingdom when during the 10th and 11th centuries six kings abdicated in order to become Buddhist monks (Rocher,1899: 139-45). 44 Greater penetration of religion and state is hard to imagine; and moreover it underlines the difference in both conceptualisation and structure of the Nan Chao/Tali state compared with the state in imperial China, and its affinities with the Buddhist kingdoms of Southeast Asia. Drawing on these regional resources for a philosophy of kingship, the Nan Chao/Tali rulers ritually seated themselves at the centre of mandalas, which also appropriated Chinese imperial rituals of “enfeoffing five mountains and four rivers” around the centre (Liang 2011: 245), to bolster their own claims to imperial status. After all, the Nan Chao/Tali rulers had acquired titles, such as emperor’s brother, King of Yunnan, or Prince of Piao, among others, from the adjacent states of Tibet, One can only wonder whether the Chinese author mistook ‘ears’ for ashes or bones. 44 See the splendid catalogue of Buddhist relics and artefacts from the Nan Chao/Tali kingdom gathered together in a largely bi-lingual Chinese-English catalogue by Zhong Yangshen (2008). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

242

Grant Evans

China and Burma. While they conducted careful diplomacy with China, the Nan Chao saw themselves as equal to the states surrounding them. Internally, of course, the kings presented themselves as the centre of the universe and adopted titles such as Maharaja to reflect this. As with the other states to the south, this was a Cakravartin kingship charged with the task of the defence and spread of Buddhism. Michael Aung-Thwin (1985: 57) presents the purpose of such kingship clearly: The dhammarāja was more than a provider of political order, however; he, like the Indian Buddhist king Aśoka, the dhammrāja exemplified, must secure moral order as well. Force could be used to subdue rebellious subjects instead of moral suasion only if no other recourse was available. Because kingship, like the kingdom itself, was a political institution that had to be justified by certain Buddhist precepts concerning unavoidable war and killing, wars of unification became efforts ‘to seek holy relics’, proselytize Buddhism, and acquire the ‘pure scriptures.’ These were dhammavijaya, ‘righteous conquests’.

And Janice Stargardt, also writing about Pagan, notes that: “Campaigns which were clearly military in character, and probably economic in purpose, were recorded as religious missions… to carry back in triumph the relics and sacred treasures of a conquered land was to justify a costly campaign whose other benefits might remain obscure to the people of the kingdom.” (1971: 52) Indeed, Pagan king Anawratha led an unsuccessful campaign against Nan Chao to secure a sacred tooth relic. While we have no specific evidence of the motivations for the extensive forays and military expeditions by the Nan Chao across the region, it is reasonable to surmise that, like other similar kingdoms, dhammavijaya was an important part of it. As we saw earlier, the Nan Chao rulers propagated a Buddhist foundation myth based around a wandering Indian monk who was allegedly an incarnation of Avalokiteśvara. There is a further myth (with variations) in which one of the sons of King Aśoka is sent to found Nan Chao/Tali. This son’s wife is an indigenous woman who also has several sons who, in turn, become the founders of the states that surround Nan Chao – itself an important insight into Nan Chao’s view of its place in the world (see Pelliot 1904: 167). It was, however, a combination of stories derived from the Buddhist archive along with a local Ngai/Ai-Lao myth that produced, according to Liang Yongchia, the potent ideological resin that seeped through the various cultures and bound them to the Nan Chao kingship. Buddhist kingship is centralising, he argues, and the king should be from the same ancestry as his subjects, a consanguine. In the above myth, the son of Aśoka is an outsider and an affine, but in the second generation this affinal identity is conjured away, and the king’s ancestry includes both Aśoka and his subjects. Thus, outsiders become insiders. In the Ai-Lao myth, a woman called Shayi becomes pregnant after an encounter with a dragon in a stream. She gave birth to nine sons, the youngest of which would later mount Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

243

the dragon’s back.45 This boy, Kiu Long, is the legendary founder of Nan Chao.46 The dragon as an outsider is no ordinary affine (just as the king as an outsider is no ordinary affine), and Liang argues: “The ways to incorporate the dominated people were either through marrying the indigenous women or claiming to be descendants of a marital alliance between an extraordinary outsider and an autochthonous woman.” (2011: 244) As we have seen, it was the ‘outsider’ southernmost chao, Mong She, that overwhelmed the other chao to form the kingdom. Therefore, there were stories about its main architect, P’i-lo-ko, as being fratricidal as well as hideous, but these are also the marks of an extraordinary being who ruptures the moral fabric and re-orients history. Consequently, he is still remembered in a Yunnanese folk festival today. While it is questionable whether a “king should be of the same ancestry as his subjects,” Liang’s argument is an interesting take on how Buddhist themes were inter-laced with local mythology. The Mong clan, who had ruled Nan Chao from its beginning, were overthrown in a coup by Pai (White) Man at the beginning of the 10th century, and annihilated. Instability followed, with several declarations of short-lived new kingdoms. But finally a Pai Man official, Tuan Ssu-p’ing, took the throne in 937 and founded a dynasty called the Tali Kingdom that would last for three centuries, until overwhelmed by the Mongol onslaught. But, it was the heir of Nan Chao: “All of these successor states governed the same basic population as had the Nan-chao kingdom. Their institutions, economy, and culture also seem to have remained basically the same…” (Backus 1981: 161) Backus stresses this continuity because of a tendency amongst Chinese authors to argue that Tali was a separate entity, thereby diminishing both the kingdom’s longevity and importance. Why was Nan Chao overtaken by a major political crisis in the early 10th century? Fitzgerald argues that it was a result of discord between “conquered Chinese populations, or populations more wholly assimilated into Chinese culture, and the more national non-Chinese elements of the old western parts of the kingdom.” (1972: 57) This remark, which he makes in the context of comparing the different fates of Vietnam and Yunnan, is not very plausible given that such Chinese elements were much more significant in Vietnam,47 yet the latter broke with the empire. Furthermore, in the three centuries of the Tali Kingdom, there was no significant shift towards a ‘Chinese model’. A more plausible explanation for the crisis was the exhaustion of the dhammavijaya kingship. Throughout the century before the Mong clan’s downfall, they had made strenuous efforts to expand the economic base of the kingdom. While agriculture In other versions the dragon licks his back, perhaps thereby anointing him – but we will have occasion to return to this myth in a later study. 46 Recall, his name is the alleged two extant Ai-Lao words of De Lacouperie’s thesis. 47 See the discussion in Chapter One of Taylor (2013). 45

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

244

Grant Evans

was well managed and had taken advantage of new rice varieties from Southeast Asia, the trade in salt, gold, silver, tin and amber was also very important to the Nan Chao economy. Early in the 9th century, trade between China and India began to decline (Sen 2003: 150), and then the sacking of Pyu in 832 by the Nan Chao further disrupted this trade. Thus, they attempted unsuccessfully to conquer Annam (north Vietnam) between 861 and 866, and gain unimpeded access to sea trade. Taylor seems to imagine that Nan Chao was a kingdom of pastoralists “not capable of governing the agriculturalists of An Nam” (2013: 42), but in fact they faced two main problems – one was the Sinitic structure of Annamese society by then which would need to be transformed into something more compatible with a Nan Chao state structure, and second, the Tang armies were determined to re-take Annam, ensuring that Nan Chao would not have time to complete this transformation.48 Also, in 879, after several earlier attempts, they failed to conquer the rice bowl of Sichuan. The Tang were determined to hold onto Sichuan which, since the Chin (Qin) dynasty, had been a vital power base for any northern Chinese dynasty. The Nan Chao had profited from the trade routes that crossed its territory and fed into the southwestern Silk Road. But to expand, they needed more than this. Fitzgerald states Nan Chao’s dilemma clearly: “To gain real strength beyond the narrow rice plains and valleys of Yunnan, separated as they are by great tracts of empty mountain country, Nanchao must occupy permanently and then fully colonise and assimilate a truly rich region of heavy population,” such as Sichuan (1972: 58). They failed to do so, and I suggest that this precipitated the Mong clan’s end. The Tali Kingdom thereafter turned inward, not unlike its Buddhist kings, and became quiescent. The edges of the kingdom, made up of many different ethnic groups brought under control by Ko-lo-feng, gradually slipped out of its grip, and by this time the Tai were on the move.

The Tai: first contacts The Han Dynasty (221 B.C. to A.D. 220) presence in the Southwest (Yunnan) was superficial, but in the south its forces drove down through Guangdong into Guangxi and occupied Annam (northern Vietnam). They established the prefecture of Giao-chi,49 which covered part of Guangxi and Annam, and placed it under a Taylor shows how it took the Chinese centuries to transform the original structures they found in Annam. To reverse engineer this would have also taken a long time. 49 The spelling is variable, but this is the origin of the term ‘Kaew’ still colloquially used by Lao to refer to the Vietnamese, that has pejorative overtones. (In a similar way, China is derived from the ancient Chin (Qin) dynasty). However, Kaew no longer appears in official publications as it did under the Royal Lao Government (1947-75) because the Vietnamese are ‘comrades’ of the LPDR. People in Thailand use the ancient Cham term Yuon when similarly referring to Vietnamese. 48

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

245

governor. “The traditional date of 111 B.C. as the beginning of Chinese rule does not accurately reflect the continuing authority of the [Viet] Lac ruling class up to A.D. 42, a date that more properly represents the arrival of direct Chinese rule,” writes Keith Taylor (1983: 30). The fall of the Han in A.D. 220 ushered in a long period of instability on which the Nan Chao would capitalise in the 9th century. Any weakening of Chinese rule through infighting led quickly to their loss of control, not only of predominantly Viet areas, but especially the outlying areas occupied by other ethnic groups, in particular Tai groups. Schafer (1967, 61-9) documents the disturbances and insurrections, and indicates that as early as 827, tribes from the ‘Nung Grottoes’ (i.e. Tai) had sought assistance from the Nan Chao. Or, in Ma’s account: “The Nong tribe,50 restless and numerous, tried to engage the Nan Chao in a league against the empire, but the Emperor Y-tsong frustrated these ill-intentioned designs and himself made an alliance with the prince of Nan Chao…” (1883: 245) By this account we know that there were at least Tai emissaries in Nan Chao at this time. Control of the trade that passed through Giao-chi must have been tempting for this inland kingdom (see Yang 2008, Ch. 2), and they kept themselves well informed of developments there, and of discontent among the minorities. In 858, preparations for the invasion of Annam began,51 part of which involved the capture of Po-chou in Guizhou in 859. In the following year, the governor of Annam led a fameseeking expedition to recapture Po-chou. In his absence, the Nan Chao attacked and captured his capital, and by all accounts were welcomed by the indigenous peoples. No doubt, this was partly a result of having allied themselves with discontented Vietnamese in the south of Annam who marched on the capital with them (Taylor 2013: 42-3). They were driven back in 861, but they took many people with them, some presumably as slaves. In 862, they returned with a 50,000-strong army to attack Annam and parts of Guangxi, holding the region for several years until they were crushed by the famous Chinese General, Kao P’ien, at the end of 866. Fan Ch’o, author of the Man Shu, was one of the Han administrators in Hanoi when it was attacked by the Nan Chao, and was wounded, just managing to escape. In fact, his report was written to inform the emperor about this barbarian kingdom. The Man Shu (1961: 45-6) makes it clear that exploitative Chinese administration on the frontier with the Nan Chao led to disaffection among the minorities there. The Nan Chao leaders of Che-tung (Kunming today) quickly took advantage of this by offering a daughter in marriage to a local chieftain to cement an alliance. The groups are identified only as Ch’ung Mo Man, and T’ao-hua (Peach flower) people, categories no longer recognisable, but it is clear that many of the people from that Written variably as Nong or Nung, it is in Chinese 儂人. “The people of Nan-chao, whose aid had been sought by the mountain tribes of Viet-nam who had grievances against the Chinese governors to settle, came to attack Vietnamese strongholds in 858.” (Coedes, 1962: 79) 50 51

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

246

Grant Evans

region would have been the early Tai. Backen (1981: 136) speaks of the Nan Chao army being ‘a confederation of forces,’ and Luce (1985: 102) observed: “During most of this grim period the proto-Burmans had been forced to enlist in Nan-chao armies and fight in battles, not of their own, from Ch’eng-tu to Hanoi.” As late as 862-3, from the roof of the Hanoi citadel, Fan Ch’o observed regiments of P’ao, P’u, Wang-chü and ‘two or three thousand Mang’ among the forces besieging the Chinese. There was even a regiment of the Lo-hsing ‘Naked Man’ from the P’ut’ao region: “If any of them failed to advance or charge, the officer commanding the battle front would at once cut them down from behind. ” No doubt, many Tai at this time were recruited into the Nan Chao army too, and some of them would have eventually travelled back into the Nan Chao heartland or found themselves dispersed around its frontiers. But as far as we know, it is only with these 9th century contacts that an on-going interaction between Tai and the Nan Chao begins. Indeed, fortuitously, it was a relatively peaceful period because Taizu, the emperor of the new Song Dynasty (960–1279), declared that the Nan Chao was beyond the empire’s sphere of influence. “From then on,” writes Ma-Touan-lin, “communications became very rare and official relations with Nan-tchao were broken off.” (1883: 223) It is, therefore, fair to argue that it was probably under the umbrella of the Nan Chao kingdom that individuals, families, and indeed whole Tai villages began their movements west and southwest from Guizhou and Guangxi. The peace, however, was broken by one major rebellion by the Tai of Guangxi against the Song Dynasty, which was led by the Tai chieftain Nùng Trí Cao in 1053. This rebellion has been documented thoroughly by Anderson, who says that the Nùng clan had close contacts with Nan Chao for at least a century beforehand (2007: 75). Indeed, when Nùng Trí Cao’s forces were crushed, he sought refuge in the Tali Kingdom – although there is some controversy about his fate there.52 The wide-scale fighting associated with the rebellion would have caused many Tai to leave as refugees, and undoubtedly, Song reprisals would have caused people to flee to what appeared safer and more promising territory. But the rebellion simply added impetus to the Tai migrations that had probably begun a century or more before. In writing about the expansion of the Tai into mainland Southeast Asia, Izikowitz was clearly struck by the parallels between the Mongol cavalry and the canoes of the Tai: The piroque is therefore a remarkable instrument for the expansion of a people, and one can be sure that the Thaïs used it in this way… It is indeed probable that the piroque helped to facilitate a kind of grand invasion that took place in the 13th century at the time of the Mongol invasion of Southeast Asia by Ma-Touan-Lin says simply that he took refuge in Tali (1883: 253), but Rocher argues, using other Chinese sources, that “Later Noung Tchi-kao offered his submission, but the king of Yunnan refused him, executed him and sent his head to the emperor.” (1899: 139) 52

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

247

the General Kublai Khan. The Thaïs joined with him and were recruited as mercenaries. (1981: 172)

Mercenaries is the wrong term, but clearly the Tai profited from the Mongol presence, learning techniques of warfare from them as they had probably also done from the Nan Chao armies in the past. It now seems indisputable that the Mongol destruction of the Pagan kingdom in 1287 facilitated the rise of Tai/Shan principalities in northern Burma and Thailand, and Tatsuo Hoshino argues that some eighty years later the rise of the Lao Kingdom, Lane Xang in Luang Prabang, was a direct outcome of Mongol strategy. It is an argument worth considering, writes Martin Stuart-Fox (1998: 36), although he rightly insists that other factors were at work to ensure the rise of Tai kingdoms in the region.53

Nan Chao’s shadow The ill-fated French researcher, Henri Deydier,54 during his travels in northern Laos and southwestern China in the early 1950s researching versions of Indian epics, such as the Ramayana, discovered to his surprise that among the Tai Lue their versions had no relationship with the versions he found further south in Laos and Cambodia. He asked: “How do these northern Tay countries know about these texts, and above all what are their sources of inspiration?” (1954: 97) It was, he thought, Bengal, “the end point of the Chinese itineraries that began in Sichuan, crossing Yunnan, Upper Burma and Assam… If the Tay Lu populations have reminiscences of India and Indian texts that have no relationship with those of the Mekong valley, it is because they received them directly from Assam, Upper Burma, or the state of Manipour, a country with which the ancient kingdom of Sip Song Pan Na shared a common frontier.” (1954: 97) Deydier acknowledged the importance of Nan Chao as a transit point between India and China, but its role as a transmission point for ideas from India for the populations of Yunnan and northern Laos remains out of focus. Earlier in this essay, I remarked on the importance of Sanskrit in the Nan Chao, and had Deydier been aware of this he may not have been so “absolutely surprised by the excellent pronunciation of Sanskrit” (1954: 89) that he found in these northern regions, compared with further south. The importance of Buddhism in Nan Chao for the influence of Buddhism or Buddhist ideas in these northern areas has probably been underestimated. Some writers have hinted that Buddhism was mainly an elite activity in Nan Chao/ Tali, perhaps because of the role of esoteric versions of Buddhism there. But the 53 54

See also, Chapter 4 of Stuart-Fox, 2003. He died in a plane crash in Luang Prabang in December 1954 at the age of 32 years. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

248

Grant Evans

practise of a peculiarly Nan Chao form of Buddhism was widespread. It is worth noting that after the Tuan aristocracy in Tali accommodated to their new rulers, popular revolts against Mongol control were instigated and led by Buddhist monks (Rocher 1899: 151-3). Under the Ming, however, with its policy of mass Chinese migration and Sinicisation, Nan Chao Buddhism began its demise. Yet, as some Chinese authors recognise, it only “began to decline in the Qing Dynasty after a span of over a 1000 years.” (IMEC 2009: 69) By the time Fitzgerald (1941, Ch.5) studied the Minchia55 of Tali in the 1930s, their religious practise bore a strong Chinese imprint, yet remained distinctive. This distinctiveness was underwritten by indigenous territorial spirits, the Benzhu, of which one the most widespread and popular is the Great Black God, apparently of Indian origin (IMEC 2009: 175). A later colleague of Deydier from the Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, François Bizot, found himself confronted with pre-Theravada ‘archaisms’ during research among the Tai Lue in northern Laos, and which he recognised were relevant to Burma and southwestern China too. “In this large country… survive [Buddhist] followers who speak Mon-Khmer (Plang, Ta-ang, smaller groups like Wa, etc), whose adherence to Buddhism was perhaps earlier than that of the Taïs who now surround them (Leu, Kheun, Taïs Neua, etc.), that is before the 14th century. The contribution of these long-lost communities resides above all in the type of ordination that they continue up to now. This retains numerous archaisms that clearly precede Sinhalisation…” (Bizot 2000: 512) Bizot does not consider the possible anterior influence of Nan Chao/Tali Buddhism, but we know that the Buddhist adherents of this kingdom were not Tai, and we can speculate that they most likely did perpetuate many practises at a local level long after Nan Chao/Tali Buddhism had been overwhelmed by Chinese practises. J. George Scott many years ago remarked upon the fact that there was evidence that the Lahu of northern Burma had once been Buddhists, “but the Lahu are now broken up into small settlements and their ideas may have shrunk with their surroundings.” (1911: 926)56 It suggests that there is no reason to accept at face value the claims of Theravada Buddhist states that they introduced Buddhism among groups found in the highlands. As Leslie Milne’s (2004[1924]) study of the Palaung shows, the Burmese claimed to have introduced Buddhism to them in 1782, but as she points out, it is plausible that they encountered Buddhism one or two centuries beforehand (2004: 312), and I would suggest perhaps even well before that. Jim Scott’s thesis about upland people fleeing lowland Buddhist Known under the PRC as the Bai ethnic group, 白族, and not to be confused with what we have referred to as the Pai Man, although their ancestors clearly made up a part of that ancient general category. 56 Michael Blackmore’s (1961) interesting early article on the ‘ethnology’ of Nan Chao points to continuing contemporary traditions among the Lolo dating from the Nan Chao period. 55

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

249

states which despise them is probably misleading in many cases, as these peoples may in fact be the remnants of the Buddhist Kingdoms of Nan Chao/Tali. Indeed, Melford Spiro has pointed out how “Esoteric Buddhism… is deeply involved in the indigenous Burmese spirit (nat) religion. Nat images are as prominent as Buddha images in the shrines of esoteric sects.” (1970: 186)57 Esoteric Buddhism, as we have noted, was pre-eminent in Nan Chao/Tali. Finally, we can see the influence of Nan Chao/Tali in legends and their transformation across Yunnan and northern Indochina. Not only did they adopt and propagate an Ai-Lao legend, to which we have referred above, but as Pelliot (1904: 167-9) noticed, this also was soon given a Buddhist gloss. The legend, or variants of it, can be found across this region – and perhaps even provides the mytho-logic that animates the Lao legend of Khun Borom. To investigate these possible long durée influences of the Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom may seem like chasing shadows, but ghosts have been known to become gods.

Conclusion These days, the origins of the Thai/Tai/Lao appear to excite relatively little interest among foreign researchers who blithely consider the question closed, but it remains an issue of lively interest in the region, especially among the Lao; and I have pointed out the obvious attractions of the Ai-Lao thesis for them. The by-passing of the origins debate by foreigners, especially since the 1990s, has simply left the field wide open for further speculation. So, in the opening pages I have tried to make clear at greater length than others what is wrong with the thesis that the Ai-Lao and the Nan Chao were Tai. Along the way, it has allowed us not only to view some problems with traditional historiography of the region, but also to note some possible real effects of the Nan Chao/Tali kingdom on the peoples around them. Many years ago, Edmund Leach observed that “Nanchao, despite its remote position, was unquestionably a state of Indian rather than Chinese type” (2000 [1961]: 230), placing it clearly within the ancient states of mainland Southeast Asia.58 David Wyatt, introducing his history of Thailand, writes: “For several centuries, Nan Zhao was a major power in the affairs of northern Southeast Asia… it was the first major regime to become involved in the interior uplands of mainland Southeast Asia, that is, the regions that are now the Shan states of Burma, northern Thailand and Laos, and northwestern Vietnam,’ (2003: 12-13). But Wyatt’s short, perceptive section on the Nan Chao has been easily skipped over. He adds, without seeming to realise its implications, that some of these beliefs “would seem to be much more at home on the Himalayan slopes than in the Irrawaddy valley.” (Spiro 1970: 187) 58 Perhaps one should also note that Leach at this time still held the common opinion that Nan Chao was Tai. 57

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

250

Grant Evans

The Nan Chao/Tali kingdom was a variant of the ancient states of mainland Southeast Asia, yet it has never been properly accorded that status because of the cognitive barrier that was thrown up by the political barrier of Yunnan’s absorption into the Chinese empire after the 13th century. It is not, for example, recognised as an ancient state of Southeast Asia in The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia (Tarling, 1992), although Sinitic Vietnam is. There are, in my view, several good reasons for recognising the historical importance of Nan Chao for mainland Southeast Asia, and not just because it facilitated Tai expansion. It was a major Buddhist Kingdom, although not a Theravada Buddhist one, and one might suggest that the consolidation of the latter in lower mainland Southeast Asia from the 15th century onwards also helped to screen off Nan Chao’s significance for the region as a whole. It was an important player in regional trade and exchange, its destruction of the Pyu Kingdom paved the way for the rise of Pagan, and its invasion of Annam weakened the hold of the northern dynasties there. Because most modern researchers of the Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom have been Sinologists they have been inclined to compare developments in the Kingdom with those in China proper even when they see, as with Yang (2008) for example, that Yunnan at the time had much in common with Southeast Asia. On the other hand, Thai and Lao researchers have remained largely ignorant of the Chinese sources. Winai (2002: 52) at the end of his paper emphasises the importance of these sources and encourages greater scholarly collaboration.59 One aim of this essay has been to emphasise the Southeast Asian features of the Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom, while recognising the important influences from both China and Tibet. Hopefully researchers familiar with the early kingdoms of Southeast Asia will in the future cast a careful eye over these northern kingdoms and, either singly or in collaboration, further contribute to re-orienting our perspective.

References Anderson, James A. 2007. The Rebel Den of Nùng Trí Cao: Loyalty and Identity Along the Sino-Vietnamese Frontier, Seattle: University of Washington Press in association with NUS Press, Singapore. Anderson, James A. 2009. ‘China’s Southwestern Silk Road in World History,’ World History Connected 6.1 (2009): 14 pars. 28 Sept. . Aung-Thwin, Michael. 1985. Pagan: The Origins of Modern Burma, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. The exemplary collaboration between Foon Ming Liew-Herres, Volker Grabowsky and Renoo Wichasin (2012) should be noted here. 59

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

251

Backus, Charles. 1981. The Nan-chao Kingdom and T’ang China’s Southwestern Frontier, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. Baker, Chris. 2002. ‘From Yue to Thai,’ Journal of the Siam Society, 90, 1&2. Bizot, François. 2000. ‘La place des communautés du Nord-Laos dans l’histoire de boudhisme d’Asie du Sud-Est,’ Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’ExtrêmeOrient, Tome 87, pp. 511-528. Blackmore, Michael. 1961. ‘The Ethnological Problems Connected With Nanchao,’ in Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on Southern China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong Region, Edited by F.S. Drake, Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong. Bounmi Thepsimuang. 2006. The Origins of the Lao Race, Vol. 1, Vientiane: Education Printer. ບຸນມີ ເທບສີເມືອງ. 2012. ຄວ່າມເປັນມາ ຂອງ ຊົນຊາດລາວ, ເຫຼມ ັ 1, ວຽງຈັນ: ໂຮງພິມສືກສາ. Chalong Soontravanich. 2003. ‘Sila Viravong’s Phongsawadan Lao: A Reappraisal,’ Contesting Visions of the Lao Past, Edited by Christopher E. Goscha and Søren Ivarsson, Copenhagen: NIAS Press. Chanthaphilit Chiemsysourath. 2012. ‘Lao Ancestry,’ Social Sciences, Vol, 14, Vientiane. Chen, Lufan. 1990. Whence Came the Thai Race? An Inquiry. Text in Chinese and English. Kunming: Guoji Wenhua Publishing Company. Ch’en, Kenneth. 1952. ‘Anti-Buddhist Propaganda During the Nan-ch’ao,’ Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol.15, no. 1/2, pp. 166-92. Chavannes, Édouard. 1901. ‘Une inscription du royaume de, Nan-tchao,’ Journal Asiatique, Paris: Imprimerie National. Chavannes, Édouard. 1909. ‘Quatre Inscriptions du Yun-nan,’ Journal Asiatique, Juillet-Août. Che Fan. 1908. ‘Les Barbares Soumis du Yunnan,’ Chapitre du Tien Hi, Traduit par MM. G. Soulié et Tchang Yi-Tch’ou, BEFEO, Vol. VIII, No. 1. Coedès, G. 1962. The Making of Southeast Asia, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Credner, Wilhelm. 1935. ‘Cultural and geographical observations made in the Tali (Yunnan) Region with special regard to the Nan-Chao problem,’ translated from German into English by Erik Seidenfaden, Journal of the Siam Society. De Lacouperie, Albert, Terrien. 1885. ‘Cradle of the Shan Race,’ Introduction to Archibald, Ross, Colquhuon, Amongst the Shans, London: Field & Tuer; Simpkin, Marshall & Co. De Lacouperie, Albert, Terrien. 1887. The Languages of China before the Chinese researches on the languages spoken by the pre-Chinese races of China proper previously to the Chinese occupation, London: D. Nutt. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

252

Grant Evans

Devéria, G. 1886. La Frontière Sino-Annamite: Description Géographique et Ethnographique, Paris: Ernest Leroux. Dictionary of Northern Zhuang: Chinese-Thai-English, Joint Project of the Institute of Language and Culture, Mahidol University, Thailand, and the Thai Institute, of the Central Minorities University, PRC, 2007. Deydier, Henri. 1954. Lokapâla: Génies, totems et sorciers du Nord Laos, Paris: Librairie Plon. Dodd, William, Clifton. 1996 [1923]. The Tai Race: Elder Brother of the Chinese, Bangkok: White Lotus Press. Dore, Amphay. 1987. ‘Aux sources de la civilisation Lao (Contribution ethno-historique à la connaissance de la culture Louang-Phrabanaise.)’ Doctorat d’Etat, Ethnologie, Paris 5. Paris: Cercle de culture et de recherches laotiennes, 1987. Mimeographed. Doré, Amphay. 1990. ‘Did the Tai People Contribute to the Foundation of the Nan Zhao Kingdom?: Some Chronological Elements,’ Proceedings of the 4th International Conference of Thai Studies, 11-13 May. Volume IV. Kunming: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Ecsedy, Ildikó. 1984. ‘Nanchao : An Archaic State Between China and Tibet,’ Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, Edited by Louis Ligeti, Vol.1, Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. Fan Ch’o. 1961. The Man Shu (Book of the Southern Barbarians), Translated by Gordon H. Luce, Edited by G.P. Oey, Data Paper No.4, Southeast Asia program, Ithaca: Cornell University. Fitzgerald, C.P. 1941. The Tower of Five Glories: A Study of the Minchia of Tali, Yunnan, London: Cresset Press. Fitzgerald, C.P. 1972. The Southern Expansion of the Chinese People, New York: Praeger Publishers. Foon Ming Liew-Herres, Volker Grabowsky, and Renoo Wichasin. 2012. Chronicle of Sipsong Panna: History and Society of a Tai Lue Kingdom, Twelfth to Twentieth Century. Chiang Mai: Mekong Press. Gasparadone, Émile. 1971. ‘L’Inscription du Ma-Nhai,’ Bulletin de la Societé des Etudes indochinoises, XLVI. Glover, Ian C. 1996. ‘The Southern Silk Road: Archaeological Evidence for Early Trade Between India and Southeast Asia,’ Ancient Trades and Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Edited by Amara Srisuchat, Bangkok, Thailand: The Office of the National Culture commission. Guy, John. 1995. ‘The Avalokiteśvara of Yunnan and Some Southeast Asian Connections,’ South East Asia & China: Art, Interaction & Commerce, University of London: Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

253

Herman, John. 2009. ‘The Kingdom of Nanzhong. China’s Southwest Border Region Prior to the Eighth Century,’ T’oung Pao 95. IMEC (Institute of Minority and Ethnic Culture). 2009. Dali: A History of 4000 years, Kunming: Yunnan University Press. Izikowitz, Karl, Gustav. 1981. ‘Propos sur les Thaïs,’ Jacques Dournes (Ed.), Orients. Pour Georges Condominas, Paris, Sudestasie/Toulouse. Le Boulanger, Paul. 1931. Histoire du Laos Francois: Essai d ‘une etude chronologique des principautes laotiennes, Paris: Plon. Leach, Edmund. 2000 [1961]. ‘The Frontiers of “Burma”,’ in The Essential Edmund Leach, Volume 1: Anthropology and Society, edited by Stephen Hugh-Jones and James Laidlaw, New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Li Dong Hong. 2009. ‘The influence of Indian Buddhism on Bai identification and understanding of their origins as a people: a research note,’ Asian Ethnicity, Vol.10, No.1. Liang Yongjia. 2010. ‘Inalienable Narration: The Nanzhao History between Thailand and China,’ Working Paper Series, Singapore: Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore. Liang Yongjia. 2011. ‘Stranger Kingship and Cosmocracy; or, Sahlins in Southwest China,’ The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, 12: 3, 236-254. Lieberman, Victor. 2004. Strange Parallels: Volume 1, Integration on the Mainland: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c.800-1830, (Studies in Comparative World History). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lo Ch’ang-p’ei. 1945. ‘The Genealogical Patronymic Linkage System of the TibetoBurman Speaking Tribes’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol.8, No.3/4, pp. 349-363. Luce, G. H. 1924. ‘The Tan and the Ngai Lao,’ Journal of the Burma Research Society, Vol. XIV, Part II, pp. 100-137. Luce, G.H. 1958. ‘The Early Syam in Burmese History,’ Journal of the Siam Society, XLVI, 2. Luce, G.H. 1985. Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma : Languages and History, Vol.1. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Luce, G.H. and Pe Maung Tin. 1935. ‘Burma Down to the Fall of Pagan. An Outline’, Part 1. Journal of the Burma Research Society, 29, pp. 264-82. Luce, Gordon H. 1969. Old Burma-Early Pagan, Vol.1, New York : J.J. Augustin Publisher, Locust Valley. Ma-Touan-Lin. 1883. Ethnographie des Peuples Étrangers a la Chine. Ouvrage composé au XIIIe siècle de notre ère. Traduit par Le Marquis d’Hervey de Saint Denys, Genève: H. Georg-Th. Muller, Paris, Ernest Leroux. London, Trubner and Co. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

254

Grant Evans

Milne, Leslie. 2004 [1924]. The Home of the Eastern Clan: A Study of the Palaungs of the Shan States, Bangkok : White Lotus. Ministry of Information and Culture. 2000. History of Laos: From Earliest Times to the Present, Vientiane: State Printing House. ກະຊວງຖະແລງຂ່າວ ແລະ ວັດທະນາທຳ, ປະວັດສາດລາວ: ດຶກດຳບັນ-ປະຈຸບນ ັ , ວຽງຈັນ: ໂຮງພິມແຫ່ງຊາດ. Mote, Frederick. 1966. ‘Symposium on the Prehistory of the Thai People: The View From the Discipline of Chinese History,’ สังคมศาสตร์ปริทศั น์ ฉบับพิเศษ ๓ ว่าด้วย

ประวัตศิ าสตร์ไทยตามทัศนคติสมัยปัจจุบนั เดือนมิถนุ ายน ๒๕๐๙

Mote, Frederick. 1964. ‘Problems of Thai Prehistory,’ The Social Science Review, 2.2. สังคมศาสตร์ปริทศั น์ 2.2. Nguyễn Vān Huyên. 1939. ‘Les chants et les danses d’Ai-lao aux fêtes de Phù-Đông (Bẵc-ninh),’ Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, Tome 39, pp. 153-196. Orzech, Charles D. 1998. Politics and Transcendent Wisdom: The Scripture for Humane Kings in the Creation of National Protection Buddhism, State College, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press. Parker, E.H. 1886. ‘China’s Relations With Foreign Tribes,’ The China Review, Vol. 14, No. 1. Parker, E.H. 1890. ‘The Early Laos and China,’ The China Review, Vol. XIX, No. 2. Parker, E.H. 1892. ‘The Old Thai or Shan Empire of Western Yunnan,’ The China Review, Vol. XX. Pelliot, Paul. 1904. ‘Deux itinéraires de Chine en Inde à la fin di VIIe siècle,’ Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, Tome 4, pp. 131-413. Pheuiphanh and Mayoury Ngaosyvathn. (1994). Kith and Kin Politics: The Relationship Between Laos and Thailand, Philippines & Australia: Journal of Contemporary Asia Publishers. Pluvier, Jan. 1995. Historical Atlas of Southeast Asia, Leiden: E.J. Brill. Rocher, Emile. 1899. ‘Histoire des princes du Yun-nan: Et Leurs Relations Avec la Chine d’Apres des Documents Historiques Chinois.’ Traduit pour le premier fois (Continué), T’oung Pao, Vol.10, No.2, pp. 115-154. Rock, Joseph F. 1947. The Ancient Na-khi Kingdom of Southwest China, Cambridge, Massachussets: Harvard University Press. Sai Aung Tun. 2009. History of the Shan States Up to 1962, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Sainson, C. 1904. Nan-Tchao Ye-Che, Histoire Particulière du Nan-Tchao, Traduction d’Une Histoire de L’Ancien Yun-Nan, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, Ernest Leroux, Éditeur. Sai Kam Mong. 2004. The History and Development of Shan Scripts, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

The Ai-Lao and Nan Chao/Tali Kingdom

255

Sanya Polprasid. 1988. The Edge of Empire, Edited by Denis Segaller, Bangkok: Allied Printers. Schafer, Edward, H. 1967. The Vermillion Bird, Berkeley: University of California Press. Schmitt, Jeffrey, Howard. 2007. ‘Uprooted Referents: An Ethnography of Historical Consciousness among the Bai Nationality of the Dali Plain, Yunnan Province, the People’s Republic of China,’ PhD, Department of Anthropology, University of Virginia. Scott, James, C. 2009. The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia, (Yale Agrarian Studies Series) New Haven: Yale University Press. Scott, J. George. 1911. ‘Buddhism in the Shan States,’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XXIV, pp. 917-934. Sen, Tansen. 2003. Buddhism, Diplomacy and Trade: The Realignment of SinoIndian Relations, 600-1400, Honolulu : Association for Asian Studies and University of Hawai’i Press. Sila Viravong. 2001 [1957]. PhonÀsawadan Lao from Ancient Times to 1946, Vientiane: National Library Printer. ມະຫາສີລາ ວີຣະວົງ. 2001 (1957). ພົງສາວະດານລາວ: ແຕ່ບຫ ູ ານ ເຖິງ 1946, ວຽງຈັນ: ຈັດພິມໂດຍຫໍສະມຸດແຫ່ງຊາດ. Sila Viravong. 1964. History of Laos, New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp. Sørensen, Henrik, H. 2011. ‘Esoteric Buddhism in the Nanzhao and Dali Kingdoms (CA. 800-1253),’ Esoteric Buddhism and Tantras in East Asia, Edited by Charles D. Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, Leiden: Brill. Souneth Phothisane. 1996. The Nidān Khun Borom: Annotated Translation and Analysis, Department of History, University of Queensland, Australia. Stargardt, Janice. 1971. ‘Burma’s Economic and Diplomatic Relations with India and China from Early Medieval Sources,’ Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol.14, No.1. Stargardt, Janice. 1990. The Ancient Pyu of Burma: Early Pyu Cities in a Man-Made Landscape, Volume One, Singapore: PACSEA Cambridge in association with The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Stott, Wilfred. 1963. ‘The Expansion of the Nan-chao Kingdom Between the Years A.D. 750-860 and the Causes That Lay behind It as Shewn in the T’ai-ho Inscription and the Man Shu,’ T’oung Pao, Second Series, Vol. 50, Livr. 1/3, pp. 190-220. Strassberg, Richard E. (ed.). 2002. A Chinese Bestiary: Strange Creatures from the Guideways through Mountains and Seas, Berkeley: University of California Press. Stuart-Fox, Martin. 1998. The Lao Kingdom of Lān Xāng: Rise and Decline, Bangkok: White Lotus Books. Stuart-Fox, Martin. 2003. A Short History of China and Southeast Asia: Tribute, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

256

Grant Evans

Trade and Influence, Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Sujit Wongthes. 1986. The Thais were always here: A Social and Cultural History of the Siamese people in Thailand. Special Issue. Bangkok: Sinlapa wattanatham.

คนไทยได้เสมอทีน่ :่ี ประวัตศิ าสตร์สงั คมและวัฒนธรรมของชาวสยามในประเทศไทย ฉบับพิเศษ กรุงเทพฯ: ศิลปวัฒนธรรม.

Tarling, Nicholas (ed.). 1992. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Volume One, From Early Times to c.1800, Cambridge: The Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge Press. Tatsuo Hoshino. 1986. Pour Une Histoire Médiévale du Moyen Mékong, Bangkok: Éditions Duang Kamol. Taylor, Keith, Weller. 1983. The Birth of Vietnam, Berkeley: The University of California Press. Taylor, K.W. 2013. A History of the Vietnamese People, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thongkhian Khamtakun. 1997. Editor and Translator. Collection of Information About Laos From Ancient Chinese Texts, Vol.1, Institute of Culture, Ministry of Information and Culture, Vientiane. (bilingual Lao and Chinese). ທອງຂຽນ ຂຳຕະກຸນ (ຜູແປ). 1997. ຮິບໂຮມຂໍມ ້ ນ ູ ກຽ່ວກັບລາວ ຈາກຫນັງສືບຮ ູ ານຂອງຈີນ (ເຫຼ້ັ ມ 1)/中国古籍有关老挝资料汇编,ສະຖາບັ ນ ຄົ້ ນ ຄ້ ວ າວັ ດ ທະນາທຳ, ກະຊວງຖະແຫຼງຂ່າວ ແລະ ວັດທະນາທຳ, ວຽງຈັນ. Truờng-Vinh-Ky. 1875. Cours d’Histoire Annamite, Saigon: Imprimerie du Gouvernement. Wichitmatra. 1975 [1928, first ed.]. Roots of the Thai People, Bangkok: Banthit Printer, Phetchaburi Teachers College. หลักไทย พิมพ์ทบ ี ณ ั ฑตการพิมพ์ หลังวิทยาลัยครู เพชรบุรี กรุงเทพมหานคร 2519. Winai Pongsripian. 2002. ‘History of the Tai Peoples: A Critical Review’ in Studies of History and Literature of Tai Ethnic Groups, edited by Saratsawadi Ongsakun and Yoshiyuki Masuhara. วินยั พงศ์ศสรีเพียร, สภานภาพ การศึกษาประวัตี

ศาสตร์ไท, บรรณาธิการ สรัสวดี อ๋องกุล โยซิยกุ ิ มาซูฮารา, การศึกษาประวัตศิ าสตร์และวรรณกรรม ของกลุม่ ชาติพนั ธุไ์ ท, ภาควิชาประวัตศิ าสตร์, คณะมนุษยศาสตร์, มหาวิทยาลัยเชียงใหม่, 2002.

Wood, W.A.R. 1926. A History of Siam From the Earliest Times to the Year A.D. 1781, With a Supplement Dealing With More Recent Events, Bangkok. Wyatt, David, K. 2003. Thailand: A Short History, Second Edition, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Yang Bin, 2008. Between Winds and Clouds, New York: Columbia University Press. Zhang Yongkang. 2008. The Nanzhao-Dali Kingdom: Paradise of Buddhism; 佛国 遗珍 南诏大理国的佛陀世界.2008. 作者=张永康，陈浩撰文.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle: The Era of Burmese Rule in Lan Na Ken Kirigaya

Abstract—The account of the era of Burmese rule in Lan Na in The Chiang Mai Chronicle includes many flaws and fictions, especially during the Nyaungyan period. As the original text is primarily a duplicate of another chronicle from Chiang Sæn, its 19th century author inserted or fabricated some episodes in order to shift the center of its narrative from Chiang Sæn to Chiang Mai, thereby distorting some historical facts. As a result, The Chiang Mai Chronicle’s account of this era needs to be read with the utmost caution, and scholars should always compare its narrative with other sources from Lan Na and Burma.

Introduction As Lan Na was endowed with a “long and rich tradition of history-writing”, there are more than a hundred extant versions of the chronicles of Chiang Mai, which, according to the late David K. Wyatt’s classification, can be largely divided into three groups: short-abbreviated, middle-length, and longer-detailed versions (CMC, xxxi-ii).1 Several of the long-detailed versions have been translated into Thai, and have become an indispensable source for the study of Lan Na history by those without knowledge of the Northern Thai alphabet, locally known as tua tham (tham or dhamma script).2 For a long time, the only translation into a Western language available to those unable to read Thai, was the work of Camille Notton, the French Consul in Chiang Mai in the 1920s and 1930s. Notton’s scrupulous text was a valuable reference work for scholarship outside Thailand for over sixty years until Abbreviations of chronicle titles are explained at the foot of this article. These include: Phongsawadan Yonok (a secondary work of the late 19th century by Phraya Prachakitkorachak, a high-ranking Siamese official in charge of the administration of Northern Thailand), edited by Sanguan Chotisukkharat in 1971; Tamnan Sipha Ratchawong [Chronicle of the 15 Dynasties] published by the Social Research Institute of Chiang Mai University in 1981-90, and later revised by Sommai Premchit in 1997; and Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai, chabap Chiang Mai 700 Pi [The 700th Anniversary Volume of the Chiang Mai Chronicle] compiled by Udom Rungruangsri, et al. in 1995. For a concise account on the tradition of translating various texts of the Chiang Mai chronicle, see CMC, pp. xxxii-xv, and LNCH, pp. 9-10. 1 2

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

258

Ken Kirigaya

the publication in 1995 of The Chiang Mai Chronicle (CMC), meticulously translated by the late David K. Wyatt and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo. With this publication, one of the most important historiographical works of Lan Na became accessible to a wider readership without access to indigenous primary materials or knowledge of Thai. The CMC, however, contains errors and flaws because of mistakes in the Northern Thai manuscript known as the Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai (TPMCM), which was the source of the original text (here abbreviated as CMC/1288), on which the translation is based.3 Like other classical works of history-writing found throughout the region, the TPMCM includes many later additions and revisions as well as faulty accounts of dates and events, especially during the era of Burmese rule in Lan Na which is mostly “centered on Chiang Sæn rather than Chiang Mai.” (CMC, p. xxxix) As Wyatt correctly detected, the first five folios of the sixth fascicle of the CMC/1288 are a virtual duplicate of a certain chronicle from Chiang Sæn. The unknown author of the TPMCM had not simply copied these passages but had “clearly edited them to suit his own understanding of history,” or more correctly, garbled some of the sentences to make the account centered on Chiang Mai. As a result, some references in the text during the Burmese years are irreconcilable with the context. Furthermore, these folios have only a series of simple headings, without detailed narratives of each event, thus providing only a sketchy account of Lan Na with many lacunae during the Nyaungyan era. Following Wyatt’s wish that future scholarship would improve the “imperfect” text (CMC: xliii), this article offers a fuller account of the era of Burmese rule in Lan Na by consulting a wider range of sources, principally Burmese and Lan Na, occasionally Chinese, Siamese, as well as European, thereby setting some of the hitherto debatable and uncertain records straight, and bringing a few unknown factual matters to light. Burmese domination of Lan Na lasted intermittently for more than two centuries, from Bayinnaung’s conquest of the region in 1558 until the final liberation of Chiang Mai in 1775 by the allied forces of local leaders and the new Siamese king, Taksin.4 The two hundred-year period, despite its length and significance in the history of Lan Na and, to some extent, of Burma, has been a subject largely neglected by scholars,5 in part because the Burmese era, especially the Nyaungyan period, is “only The late-1820s archetype of the CMC/1288 and of another transcription dated 1854 is the Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai [Chronicle of Chiang Mai], abbreviated as TPMCM. The 1854 version is abbreviated as CMC/1216. It is not clear whether the CMC/1216 is the master copy of the CMC/1288. There are a few minor differences in the spelling, perhaps due to scribal errors. 4 The Burmese, however, would keep a hold on Chiang Sæn until 1804. 5 Two notable exceptions to this academic trend are Latdawal Sænsiao’s 200 Years, a book-length study of the Burmese presence in Lan Na, and Sarassawadee Ongsakul’s History of Lan Na, with a whole chapter on the same topic. Meanwhile there seem to be few Burmese scholars whose research focus is on Lan Na, the territory once under Burmese monarchy but currently in a neighboring country. U Kala, a celebrated historian of the early 18th century, was also indifferent to affairs in 3

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

259

cursorily reflected” in the CMC and other indigenous sources. In addition, the image of a “dark age” in Lan Na under ruthless Burmese oppression, particularly when compared to the preceding “golden age” under the Mangrai Dynasty, has further deterred scholarly attention. For example, the TPMCM has very thin coverage of the Nyaungyan period compared to its rich detail on the succeeding Konbaung Dynasty, especially the anti-Burmese resistance by Kawila and his younger brothers.6 This article focuses on the years of Nyaungyan rule, the period with the most fragmentary and insufficient coverage in the CMC.

A note on Lan Na sources for the Burmese period The TPMCM seems to have been written as an eulogy to King Kawila and his younger brothers, whose anti-Burmese struggles and close alliance with the ThonburiBangkok leaders are the dominant subjects in the sixth and seventh fascicles. The chronicle thus reflects the view from Chiang Mai with anti-Burmese and pro-Siamese biases. The author of the TPMCM showed far less enthusiasm about the Nyaungyan years, drawing on a single source and spending only a few pages on a period of more than a century. For the period of Burmese rule, the historian must consult records from other Lan Na domains to neutralize this Chiang Mai-centric perspective. The Burmese chronicles, renowned for their factual accuracy, are also useful to crosscheck and supplement the accounts of the CMC. Chinese and Siamese records and European observations are also useful, but to a much smaller extent. The account in the CMC up to 1706, including the era of Nyaungyan rule, is virtually a verbatim copy from a Chiang Sæn chronicle, written according to Wyatt by “a certain Suriyavamsa Bhikku of Chiang Sæn in 1741.”7 Although I have so far had no access to this chronicle, known as MS1741, it was probably part of a long tradition with both earlier and later versions. Accordingly, I came across a manuscript titled Phün Müang Chiang Rai Chiang Sæn, abbreviated as CSC/1251, which has an account of Burmese rule that is identical to that in the CMC, and hence to that in MS1741.8 The CSC/1251 was transcribed into Thai by Sarassawadee Ongsakul, a prominent historian of Lan Na, who also transcribed a chronicle entitled Phün Müang Chiang Sæn that provides a longer, more detailed, and somewhat different the imperial periphery, and has little in his magnum opus on Burmese administration in Lan Na. 6 The sixth and seventh fascicles of the chronicle that vividly depict the princely brothers’ heroic battles against the Burmese were probably compiled under their auspices (LNCH, p. 11). Wyatt was “inclined to think that fascicles 7 and 8 were written together in 1827 or 1828 by a single author.” (CMC, p. xxxvi) 7 CMC, p. xxxviii. The manuscript is titled History of the Lineage of the Kings of Lan Na Thai, abbreviated as MS1741. 8 The accounts in the CSC/1251 and CMC respectively begin to converge in the year 1564/65 and diverge in the mid-1710s. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

260

Ken Kirigaya

account.9 Since it is generally unlikely that the longer version was expanded from a shorter original, CSC/1251 may be an abridged version of CSC/065.10 In any case, both chronicles of Chiang Sæn are valuable for deconstructing the Chiang Maicentric perspective prevalent in the CMC.11 The chronicles of other Lan Na domains and neighboring Tai polities provide only supplemental information, as their accounts of the Nyaungyan era are minimal and very brief, but include some information not found in either the CMC or PMCS.12 Other than the local chronicles, a travel poem called Khlong Mangthra Rop Chiang Mai is a valuable reference, as it has uniquely rich detail on the events from Bayinnaung’s annexation of Lan Na in 1558 to its reconquest by Anauk-hpetlun in 1614-15, including the succession dispute in the ruling house of Chiang Mai in the late 1600s and the associated court intrigue that would eventually invite Siamese interference and ultimately the Burmese invasion. This unique source is a first-hand account by a “high-ranking” military or civil officer, who was taken to Pegu when Chiang Mai fell to the Burmese army led by Anauk-hpetlun, and was later appointed by Anauk-hpetlun as governor of Thœn on the southern frontier of Lan Na (Udom 2006: 394). As the unknown poet was an eyewitness to these events, his piece should be reliable.

Annotations and supplements to the text 1) On the twelfth waxing of the seventh month, the day of the New Year beginning the pœk sanga year, s. 920 (31 March 1558), the king of Pegu moved his army to encamp on the Chang Phap, and he besieged the city for three days and three nights, until Saturday, the full-moon day of the seventh The Thai translation of Phün Müang Chiang Rai Chiang Sæn is abbreviated as CRCS, and that of Phün Müang Chiang Sæn as PMCS. The original manuscript of the latter chronicle is currently kept at the National Library, Thailand, under code number 951/3, which has so far been inaccessible to me. However, in the microfilm collection of the Social Research Institute, I found an undated manuscript titled Tamnan Phün Müang Ngœnyang Chiang Sæn, more or less identical to the 951/3 manuscript. This microfilmed version is numbered 81.066.05.065 by the Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University, thus abbreviated CSC/065. 10 Indeed, as we shall see below, there occasionally are traces of hasty copying of the CSC/065 in the CMC and CSC/1251. 11 I basically cite the published Thai versions, PMCS and CRCS, rather than the microfilmed CSC/065 and CSC/1251, for the sake of accessibility. When necessary to check the spelling, I look into the original Northern Thai manuscripts. 12 These include: Tamnan Lamphun [Chronicle of Lamphun] (TLP), dated cs 1174 (1812/13), providing slightly different accounts on the events in the 1550s and 1560s, before and after Bayinnaung’s annexation of Lan Na; The Nan Chronicle (NC), also translated by David Wyatt, with a more detailed passage corresponding to the Burmese one on the Nyaungyan expedition against Nan in the early 1700s; The Chronicle of Chiang Khæng (CCK), with its observation from afar on the affairs in the Ping River Basin, offering information which all the Lan Na texts seem to overlook. 9

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

261

month, a Thai tao set day (2 April 1558), in the morning, when he took the city of Chiang Mai (CMC: 123).

Bayinnaung left Pegu in October 1557 and went to Chiang Mai, pacifying Müang Nai, and other Shan principalities along the way (UK II: 307-12). There seems to be no difference between Burmese and Lan Na sources on the route Bayinnaung took and the dating of his conquest of Chiang Mai. The Burmese U Kala chronicle (UK) basically agrees with the CMC on these issues (UK II: 315-6). Although UK has no date for the conquest, it records that Bayinnaung left Pegu in October 1557 and arrived back in Ava in July 1558, consistent with CMC’s dating of the fall of Chiang Mai to 2 April 1558 (UK II: 307; 318). 2) King Pœng Phawa Min Taya then handed over rule of all the country of Chiang Mai to King Mæ Ku to be king in Lan Na as before (CMC: 124).

The name of the Lan Na king confirmed by Bayinnaung differs in Lan Na and Burmese sources. While the former refers to him as “Mæ Ku,” the latter uses “Bra Than (Phra Sam)” (UK II: 315). In Lan Na sources, Mæ Ku is described as a remote descendant of King Mangrai, and as a prince of Müang Nai across the Salween River. The Burmese source describes Phra Sam as a son of Baña Kyan, supposedly Phraya Kæo, who reigned in Chiang Mai from 1495 to 1526. One Lan Na chronicle, Tamnan Chiang Mai, seems to endorse the parentage between Kæo and Mæ Ku, although it has no reference to Phra Sam and Baña Kyan (TCM: 1/2). 3) On the fourth waning of the eighth month (6 May 1558), the King Min Taya took his army and returned to Pegu (CMC: 124).

According to a local chronicle, Bayinnaung went down to Lamphun to pay reverence to the Great Reliquary there on 3 May, and then left Chiang Mai on 8 May (TLP: 43/3-4). According to UK, he returned to Ava, not Pegu, in July 1558, after some military conflicts in the Shan Highlands to the west of the Salween River (UK II: 318). According to the Burmese source, Bayinnaung left behind a garrison of ten thousand at Chiang Mai, the same figure as in the CMC. 4) In the pœk sanga, the same year, sixth waxing of the fifth month, a Mon Friday, Thai pœk san (13 January 1559), King Mæ Ku, the Holy, went in procession to fight the Chawa enemy and those provincial lords who were Chawa (CMC: 125).13

13

Chawa here means the Lao of Luang Prabang. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

262

Ken Kirigaya

The CMC has no mention of Burmese involvement in this campaign. According to UK, Bayinnaung heard that the rulers of Phræ, Nan, Lampang, Thœng, Phayao, and Chiang Khòng were threatening Chiang Mai. Bayinnaung thus appointed the bayin (lord) of Ava as commander, who left Ava in November 1558, and led Burmese and Chiang Mai forces against these rulers (UK II: 319-321). The Burmese account is somehow supported by at least one local chronicle, Tamnan Lamphun (TLP), which mentions the Lord of Ava and Mae Kue jointly commanding the northern campaign. Furthermore, UK and this Lamphun chronicle agree on the names of the Burmese generals, Baña Dala and Baña Sek (Phraya Tala and Phraya Cak in TLP), in charge of a garrison at Chiang Mai, and the name of the Lan Na minister, Baña Thenlon (Phraya Sænluang), who was assigned to govern Nan (UK II: 320-1; TLP: 43/4-44/1). 5) In the kap cai year, s. 926 (1564/65), King Mæ Ku rebelled against the Cao Pœng Phawa Min Taya, king of Pegu. The king of Pegu brought up an army and took Chiang Mai, and captured Cao Thao Mæ Ku and brought him back to Pegu, leaving Lady Wisutthathewi to rule the domain in his place (CMC: 127).

Bayinnaung left Pegu in November 1564. After pacifying Lan Na and reorganizing the administration, he left Chiang Mai in April 1565 and arrived in Pegu in the following month (UK II: 356-62). The Burmese chronicle claims that Mæ Ku had neglected a Burmese order to join an expedition to Ayutthaya the previous year, resulting in the Burmese punitive expedition against Chiang Mai (UK II: 353). The TLP has a somewhat different story: first the ruler of Müang Fang disobeyed the order of some lord (Bayinnaung or Mæ Ku) to take part in an expedition against Ayutthaya in s. 925 (1563/64); escaping from the southern campaign and returning to Lamphun, the Müang Fang lord advanced on Chiang Mai where he was killed in battle; then, the next year, rulers of Chiang Sæn and Lampang rebelled against Bayinnaung, who in anger took Mæ Ku and the ruler of Chiang Sæn down to Pegu (TLP: 44/2-3). The UK and TLP agree that Mæ Ku and the ruler of Chiang Sæn were taken into custody at Pegu, while the CMC only refers to the capture of Mæ Ku.14 Both the Burmese and Chiang Sæn chronicles also refer to the appointment of Lady Wisutthathewi, but she is called “Maha Dewi” in the UK, “Ratcha Thewi” in the PMCS, and “Nang Thewi” in the CRCS (UK II: 362; PMCS: 109).

PMCS (p. 108) notes that Mæ Ku, Phraya Kamphon (ruler of Chiang Sæn), and the ruler of Lampang together rebelled against Bayinnaung, who then came to take Chiang Mai and sent Mæ Ku and, not the ruler of Chiang Sæn, but his family down to Pegu. PY (p. 401) refers to Mæ Ku and Phraya Kramon (must be Kamphon of the PMCS) as the rebels and captives. 14

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

263

6) In s. 940, a pœk yi year (1578/79), Lady Wisutthithewi15 died…. In this same year, the Prince Min Taya had his son, named Prince Tharrawaddy Nòratha Min Khoi, come to rule the domain of Chiang Mai (CMC: 127).

According to the Burmese account, news of the death was brought to Pegu in January 1579 (UK III: 50).16 In their notes to CMC (p. 127), Wyatt and Aroonrut cite the suggestion by a local scholar that Wisutthathewi “may have been a queen of Bayinnaung, and a younger daughter of King Ket,” based on an account from the near-contemporary poem, Khlong Mangthra Rop Chiang Mai, that describes the queen as Mæ Mangthra Sri.17 If this were true, when did King Ket, who reigned intermittently from circa1526 to 1545, marry his daughter to Bayinnaung who only came to the Peguan throne in 1553?18 While Ket was on the Lan Na throne, it was not Bayinnaung but Tabin-shwei-hti who was the king of Pegu and a more likely candidate to be the groom of a princess from a country of equal status. Meanwhile, according to Burmese sources, whose factual accuracy on dates, events, and genealogies is “generally reliable,”19 no Chiang Mai princess is mentioned among Bayinnaung’s queens and concubines,20 and the mother of Prince Tharrawaddy is described as Bayinnaung’s second (or third) queen, daughter of the Tabayin lord. Since no records in Burmese or Lan Na, except the said poem, confirm the marriage tie between Chiang Mai and Pegu, and the circumstantial evidence is fairly unfavorable to the argument, it is very unlikely that she was a queen of Bayinnaung. Nòratha Min Khoi, called Naw-rahta-min-saw in Burmese and also known as Prince Tharrawaddy after his former appanage in Lower Burma, left Pegu in April 1579 and arrived in Chiang Mai around July 1579 (UK III: 54).21

This lady’s name is transliterated in two ways, “Wisutthathewi” and “Wisutthithewi” in the text, while the original CMC/1288 consistently writes “Wisutthathewi.” The CMC/1216 spells the same. In the PY, however, she is called “Wisutthithewi.” 16 The PY states that Lady Wisutthithewi died in October 1578 and Tharrawaddy came to Chiang Mai in s. 941 (1579/80), both of which basically correspond to the Burmese account. 17 KMRC, p. 11. Mæ Mangthra Sri shall be rendered as Mother of the Burmese monarch (Prince Tharrawaddy in this case). This is the origin of the assumption that she was a queen of Bayinnaung. The problem with this assumption is that it rests on the single account in the KMRC, Mæ Mangthra Sri. No Lan Na or Burmese records available to the author, however, describe Wisutthathewi as Queen or Mother of the Burmese monarch. 18 He had been crowned two years earlier at Toungoo, but had been occupied with subduing the whole of Lower Burma until the second coronation in 1553 at Pegu. 19 On the accuracy and reliability of the UK, see Lieberman, Burmese Administrative Cycles, p. 298. 20 A certain lady of Chiang Mai origin is listed among Bayinnaung’s concubines, although she was not of royal blood, as far as the Burmese text says. 21 Tharrawaddy’s queen, on her way to Chiang Mai, gave birth to a son, Tulaung, named after the mountain where he was born. 15

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

264

Ken Kirigaya

7) The Min Taya had Phraya Hua Khian rule Chiang Mai, while he returned Pegu (CMC: 129).

There is no mention of Bayinnaung appointing Phraya Hua Khian in the Burmese literature. According to the chronicles of Chiang Sæn, Hua Khian was appointed to govern Chiang Sæn, not Chiang Mai (PMCS: 110; CRCS: 160).22 Furthermore, the ZY asserts “Hua Khian was conferred Chiang Sæn” (ZY: 62). 8) In s. 943, a luang sai year, on the second waning of the second month (12 November 1581), the Min Taya died. His son, the Nòng Phak Wun Min Taya, ascended the throne in his stead in Pegu (CMC: 129).

According to the Burmese record, Bayinnaung died on 10 October 1581 (HMY III: 61; ROB II: xiv). His son, the next king, is usually known as Nandabayin; Nòng Phak Wun Min Taya must be Anauk-hpet-lun, the second king of Nyaungyan Burma, as the CMC below records that Nòng Phak Wun died in the late 1620s to be succeeded by Min Ræ Thippa, which corresponds to the biography of Anauk-hpetlun described in Burmese chronicles. 9) In s. 947, a dap rao year (1585/86), the Chiang Mai army was sent to fight the South, unsuccessfully, and Nantha Kòi Tò was lost (CMC: 129).

Among regimental leaders in the Burmese expedition against Ayutthaya in this year, the Burmese chronicle lists several Lan Na nobles, namely Phraya Sænluang, Phraya Samlan, Phraya Nan, Phraya Phræ, Phraya Lampang, and Phraya Thœng.23 The PMCS notes that the lord of Chiang Mai himself commanded the troops (YT II: 216; PMCS: 110).24 As for Nantha Kòi Tò, records currently available do not identify him. 10) In s. 954, a tao si year (1592/93), the Uparaja took an armed force to the South to fight King Nare with 700,000 men (CMC: 129). 22

It is not clear who issued the order. The PMCS omits the subject term, although the context may suggest Bayinnaung, while the CRCS says, “Chiang Mai had Phraya Hua Khian come [ma] to rule (Chiang Sæn).” The CMC/1216 version is identical to the CRCS, except that the former inserts Caofa Mangthra (i.e. Burmese king) after “Chiang Mai,” thus skillfully changing the sentence, “As for Chiang Mai, Caofa Mangthra had Phraya Hua Khian rule.” Further research on the MS1741 would reveal whether the author of the TPMCM intentionally changed the text, thereby effectively shifting the focus of the sentence from Chiang Sæn to Chiang Mai. 23 Names of some Lan Na leaders differ in the Burmese chronicles, of which the YT seems to offer more reasonable ones. 24 The Siamese source has a somewhat different and detailed story of this campaign, while a nearcontemporary European account offers yet another version (Cœm, pp. 108-21; Nicolas Pimenta, “Jesuit Observations,” p. 212). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

265

A force of 700,000 men is an obvious exaggeration, even surpassing the inflated Burmese estimate of 240,000. The Uparaja is a Burmese heir apparent, son of Nandabayin, while Nare is King Naresuan of Ayutthaya. Chronicles of Burma and Lan Na basically agree here. Although the CMC has no reference to the result of this campaign and the fate of the Uparaja, the Burmese literature states that the heir apparent died in the battle with Ayutthaya (UK III: 91).25 As in s. 947 (see no. 9 above), Phraya Sænluang, Phraya Samlan, Phraya Nan, Phraya Phræ, and Phraya Thœng again served the Burmese army that on this occasion also included the lord of Chiang Mai, Prince Tharrawaddy (YT II: 226). 11) In this reign {around 1592/93}, the Tha[rra]waddy Prince went to rule Chiang Sæn (CMC: 129).

According to the PMCS, it was not Tharrawaddy himself but his son who “came up” (khün ma) to rule Chiang Sæn (PMCS: 110).26 Burmese chronicles state that Tharrawaddy had three sons by the queen, and another son by a concubine, whereas local sources have different numbers, including an adopted son who was appointed governor of Nan by Tharrawaddy. In any case, it is not clear which son was the new ruler of Chiang Sæn. 12) In s. 960, a pœk set year (1598/99), the Lao retreated from Pegu to Chiang Mai, and [then] fled back to Lan Chang (CMC: 129).

Burmese records also report a large contingent of Lao soldiers leaving Pegu, but differ on the number and the date. In the UK and HMY a little over 1,000 left in 1596, whereas the YT reports more than 10,000 leaving in 1595 (UK III: 95; HMY III: 98; YT II: 230).27 13) The people of the South attacked Chiang Mai in that year {1598/99} (CMC: 129).

This Ayutthaya attack on Chiang Mai is not found in any Burmese source.28 The death of the Uparaja is also recorded by the chronicle of Ayutthaya (LPS, p. 18). CSC/065, f˚ 89/5, writes, luk Phra Caofa Tharrawaddy, “son of King Tharrawaddy,” while CSC/1251, f˚ 12/4, and CMC/1216, f˚ 6.01/3 (and of course CMC/1288) omit luk, “son.” This should be due to careless transcription by “a certain Suriyavamsa Bhikku of Chiang Sæn,” the author of the MS1741, or other related scribes. 27 The journey from Pegu to Chiang Mai, according to Ralph Fitch who visited the old Lan Na capital in the mid-1580s, took twenty-five days (Ralph Fitch, “The Voyage,” p. 194). Therefore, the Lao who left Pegu in the mid-1590s according to the Burmese annals and those who arrived in Chiang Mai a few years later may not be the same people. 28 This is probably due to the disorderliness in the Burmese homeland during these years, which 25 26

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

266

Ken Kirigaya

The Siamese chronicle describes a northern expedition against Lan Na led by Ekathotsarot, the younger brother of King Naresuan.29 Both chronicles of Chiang Sæn agree with the CMC (PMCS: 111; CRCS: 161-2). 14) In s. 962, a kot cai year (1600/01), Chiang Rai rebelled against the Burmese, and the Burmese came to Chiang Rai (CMC: 129).

As might be expected, there is no Burmese account of this rebellion. Neither does the PMCS offer any reference. CRCS (p. 162) has an account that is basically the same as that of the CMC. Without finding new information in other sources, therefore, further exploration into this issue cannot be made. 15) In s. 963, a luang pao year (1601/02), Òkya Ram Techo went as governor of Chiang Sæn….Òkya Ram Techo fled Chiang Sæn in that year (CMC: 129).

The chronicle of Ayutthaya mentions that Phra Ram Decho, a Chiang Mai native, was sent by Naresuan to rule Chiang Sæn, though not in s. 963, but soon after the disastrous defeat of the Burmese army in s. 954 (Cœm: 142; see no.10 above for the failed Burmese campaign). Meanwhile, the PMCS offers yet another year, s. 962, for the appointment of Ram Techo, who fled Chiang Sæn in s. 965, not s. 963 as described in the CMC (PMCS: 111).30 16) In s. 965, a ka mao year (1603/04), M. Sat rebelled against the Burmese, and the Burmese came and swept up many captives (CMC: 130).31

The “Burmese” in the sentence must be from Chiang Mai, not Ava or Toungoo,32 as the PMCS recounts that: “Müang Sat rebelled against the Mons and made the correspondence between the center and outlying areas of the empire virtually impossible. Furthermore, by 1596 at the latest, Tharrawaddy severed diplomatic ties with his half-brother, Nandabayin, the successor to Bayinnaung, and established himself as a fully autonomous power (UK, III, 96). Soon after his declaration of independence, he seems to have accepted vassalage of, or alliance with, Ayutthaya. 29 Cœm, p. 182. Before the northern campaign, Ekathotsarot and his royal brother were engaged in siege warfare at Toungoo. According to the Burmese record, the Siamese siege of Toungoo lasted for two months, from the end of February to the end of April 1600, and was lifted due to the disruption of supply lines by the Arakan king (UK, III, 101-2). The Burmese and Siamese accounts agree, suggesting that the year of the Ayutthaya attack on Chiang Mai should be s. 962, rather than s. 960 as described in the CMC. 30 The CRCS basically corresponds to the CMC. Following No. 11 above, is this another hasty copying of the PMCS? 31 Müang Sat was a trans-Salween Shan domain close to the modern Burma-Thai border. 32 Both Ava and Toungoo were independent powers at the time, the former under Nyaungyan Min, the founder of the dynasty, whose eldest son would conquer Toungoo in 1610. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

267

Burmese, soliciting Lan Sang to come and take Lan Na, unsuccessfully; waging war on Phayao, Chiang Sæn, Müang Fang, and Chiang Mai, unsuccessfully.” (PMCS: 111) According to the Burmese record, Bayinnaung had a son named Minyè-kyawdin, who was appointed governor of Müang Sat, probably by Tharrawaddy (HMY III: 71). This son, whose mother was of Lao origin, could have played a main role in the rebellion by resorting to his Lao connections.33 In early 1605, King Naresuan of Ayutthaya died in Müang Hang, a transSalween Shan domain about 150 kilometers north of Chiang Mai.34 Curiously, the major Lan Na chronicles of Chiang Mai, Chiang Sæn, and Nan do not mention this event,35 although the chronicle of Chiang Tung and even that of Burma do.36 From Siamese accounts, the story of Naresuan’s death can be summarized as follows: In either July or August 1604 when informed that King Nyaungyan, the founder of the new Burmese dynasty then centered at Ava, had pacified Müang Nai and would next advance on Hsenwi, both of which Ayutthaya considered under its suzerainty, Naresuan entertained a grand plan to march through Lan Na, across the Salween River, through the Shan Highlands, and down to Ava; after staying at Chiang Mai for a month, the royal army moved up to Müang Hang, where he died.37 Had Naresuan not died at Müang Hang, his troops would have been headed for Müang Nai, whose ruler, according to a Burmese report, seems to have been in alliance with the Siamese monarch.38 Furthermore, the lord of Hsenwi was Naresuan’s protégé,39 who would have surely followed a Siamese order to march down to the Irrawaddy Basin and attempt a pincer attack on the new Burmese capital.40 In any case, after He might have been allied to King Nyaungyan of Ava at the time, as, after the failed attempt, he seems to have made his way down to the Burmese homeland where he was later appointed governor of Toungoo by Anauk-hpet-lun in 1613. Yet later, in 1629, he was executed by Thalun, as he was the main supporter of Minyè-deikba, who killed his own father, Anauk-hpet-lun, to seize the throne for himself. 34 Cœm, p. 193. VV (pp. 232-33) also confirms that Naresuan died at Müang Hang, but states that the Siamese target was Toungoo, not Ava. 35 The KMRC states that Naresuan died on his way to Ava (KMRC, p. 14). 36 PMCT, p. 22; UK, III, 138. The PMCT notes that Naresuan died in Wiang Dao, probably modern Chiang Dao, eighty kilometers north of Chiang Mai, in s. 963 (1601/02), whereas the UK remarks that he died in Maing Hin, i.e. Müang Hang, in s. 966 (1604/05). 37 Chronologically, the Siamese account seems correct, as the Burmese conquest of Müang Nai is supposed to have taken place in either late 1603 or early 1604. 38 Soon after the death of Naresuan, the Müang Nai lord himself attempted to attack Ava, without success (UK, III, 138). Close relations between Ayutthaya and Müang Nai seem to have been even known to the Chinese, as a Yunnan official proposed that Beijing should send capable envoys to Ayutthaya and Müang Nai in order to persuade them to attack Ava together (MSL, vol. 113, pp. 7424-25, Shenzong Shilu, j. 394, ff˚ 3-4). As this proposal was made in 1604, the Chinese plan could not have affected Naresuan’s decision to march to Ava via Müang Nai. 39 Cœm, p. 181. The Siamese claim seems to be supported by the chronicle of Hsenwi itself (PMSW, p. 46; PMSW-MY, p. 383). 40 King Nyaungyan pacified Hsenwi in late 1605 or early 1606, after Naresuan’s death. UK, III, 134-6. The fall of Hsenwi to the Burmese even shocked the Ming. Some Yunnan officials, who did 33

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

268

Ken Kirigaya

the death of their celebrated warrior-king, the Siamese army swiftly returned to Ayutthaya, and Ekathotsarot, who immediately succeeded his brother, would never venture to “retake” the Shan domains now under Nyaungyan suzerainty, let alone attack the Burmese capital. 17) In s. 969, a müang met year (1607/08), Prince Tharrawaddy Nòratha Min Khòi died…. His son, Thado Khòi, ruled in his stead for a year and a month and died. His middle son then ruled in his stead for five years. In the ka pao year, s. 975 (1613/14), he died. His youngest brother ruled in his stead for thirteen years, to the rwai yi year, s. 988 (1616/17), when he died (CMC: 130).

Burmese sources do not specify the year this prince died, while those of Lan Na agree that it was in s. 969 (PMCS: 111; CRCS: 162).41 This year is generally supported by a Dutch document dated 7 May 1608, which has a reference to the death of the Chiang Mai lord (EH: 7). The CMC’s story of events after Tharrawaddy’s death is fairly confusing as shown above,42 and somewhat different from those of the UK and KMRC. According to the Burmese account, Tharrawaddy had three sons and a daughter by his queen. The eldest son named Tulaung married a daughter of Naresuan, and became heir-apparent in Ayutthaya, while the daughter married Naresuan, and enjoyed the status of queen.43 When Tharrawaddy died, certain Chiang Mai nobles asked the Siamese king (Ekathotsarot) to return Tulaung to be crowned in his father’s stead. While Tulaung was leading a Siamese army to the north, the Chiang Mai nobles changed their mind and installed the second son, Minyè-deik-ba, on the throne. While camped outside the Chiang Mai city wall, Tulaung unexpectedly died and the Ayutthaya troops left for the south.44 Not long afterwards, the nobles changed their mind again, dethroning Min-yè-deik-ba and crowning the third son, Thado-kyaw (UK III: 172).45 not help the strategically important Shan polity, were dismissed from office and sentenced to life in confinement (MSL, vol. 115, p. 7984, Shenzong Shilu, j. 422, f˚ 2). 41 The NC has no reference to Tharrawaddy’s death, whereas CCK, p. 91, dates it to s. 968. 42 The text has “s. 988 (1616/17)”; if it is s. 988, the year should be 1626/27. The original sentence, CMC/1288, f˚ 6.02/1 writes, “the rwai yi year, s. 988,” not s. 978. 43 UK, III, 171. The author of the KMRC, who might have known Naresuan at the court of Chiang Mai, also confirms that the Ayutthaya monarch took the son as a groom for his princess and the daughter as his queen (KMRC, p. 14). Tulaung is also identified by the chronicle of Ayutthaya (Cœm, p. 196). 44 Dutch records refer to the Siamese expedition to Chiang Mai in 1607-8 to intervene in the succession dispute (EH, p. 7). 45 The KMRC version can be summarized as follows: When Tharrawaddy fell gravely ill, Chiang Mai officials asked the Siamese monarch to return the eldest son (KMRC offers no personal names for Tharrawaddy’s three sons) to be crowned; while he was leading a large Siamese army northward, his father died, followed by a rebellion in the Chiang Mai court by a man of Shan origin with his brother-in-law (not identified), who then crowned the third son (hereafter no reference to the eldest Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

269

18) In s. 976, a kap yi year (1614/15), Nakhòn rebelled against King Nòng Phak Wun Min Taya, the son. The Burmese came to take him (CMC: 130).46

According to the UK, King Anauk-hpet-lun himself commanded a Burmese army, which, as the CMC describes, advanced on Nakhòn (UK III: 173).47 While the Burmese were laying siege to Nakhòn, the lord of Nan came to make obeisance to Anauk-hpet-lun.48 Upon receiving the news that Thado-kyaw, the ruler of Chiang Mai, had died, Nakhòn surrendered to Anauk-hpet-lun,49 who then “rounded up” the courtiers Tharrawaddy had brought from the Burmese homeland and their descendents, along with soldiers, horses, and elephants, to send to Pegu.50 19) In s. 977, a dap mao year (1615/16), the youngest adopted son of the king of Chiang Mai had Phraya Nan come up to be governor of Chiang Mai (CMC: 130).

As stated above (no.11), Tharrawaddy had an adopted son who was appointed governor of Nan. The corresponding sentence in the CMC/1216 reads, “the youngest adopted son of the king of Chiang Mai, that is [khü] Phraya Nan, came up to be governor of Chiang Mai” (CMC/1216: 6.02/5).51 This is supported by the Burmese account that Anauk-hpet-lun conferred Chiang Mai upon the Nan lord (UK III: 175).52 and the Ayutthaya troops); not long afterwards, another conspirator of Lao origin dethroned the third son and put the second son on the throne; probably several years later, Sænluang and Caban, two of the highest officials in the Chiang Mai court, were frustrated with the second son, who favored Burmans and Mons, and who promoted Samlan higher than Sænluang, an unprecedented and humiliating act to the latter, thus ousted him from the throne with the help of Lampang troops, thereby crowning the third son again (KMRC, pp. 15-22). 46 The original sentence, without a direct object, simply reads, “The Burmese came and took, successfully.” CMC/1216, f˚ 6.02/3; CMC/1288, f˚ 6.02/1. It is more likely that the object was Nakhòn (Lampang), rather than a person. As described by the KMRC, the Lampang troops played a crucial role in ousting Tharrawaddy’s second son and crowning the third in Chiang Mai, provoking the Burmese expedition. 47 Anauk-hpet-lun left Martaban, which he had just pacified, in April 1614 and arrived in Nakhòn (Lampang) in July. The Burmese battle with (or siege of) Nakhòn is also mentioned by the KMRC, NC, and CCK. The CCK tells basically the same story as the Burmese one (KMRC, p. 22; NC, p. 70; CCK, pp. 91-2). 48 The submission of the Nan lord is also recorded by the CCK, although the chronicle of Nan itself has no reference. According to the KMRC, it was the Nan lord who, when informed of the succession conflict at the Chiang Mai court, asked for the Burmese expedition against Lan Na (KMRC, p. 22). 49 KMRC, p. 27, also refers to the death of the Chiang Mai lord during the siege at Lampang. 50 The author of the KMRC was one of these captives. Anauk-hpet-lun left Chiang Mai in May 1615 and arrived in Pegu in June, as attested by KMRC, pp. 30-2. 51 CMC/1288, f˚ 6.02/3, uses the word hü, “to have or make,” whereas the CMC/1216 writes khü, “i.e.” Both CSC/065, f˚ 91/1, and CSC/1251, f˚ 14/1, also use khü. The scribe of the CMC/1288 must have mistaken hü for khü. 52 As stated above, the Nyaungyan monarch had reason to reward the ruler of Nan who must have Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

270

Ken Kirigaya

20) In s. 986, a kap cai year (1624/25), Chiang Khòng rebelled, and King Nòng Phak Wun Min Taya had King Suddhodhammaraja Min Ræ Cò Swa bring an army up to Chiang Mai, which then took Chiang Khòng on the ninth waxing of the twelfth month (22 August 1624) (CMC: 130).

Suddhodhammaraja was the future King Thalun, whereas Min Ræ Cò Swa (Min-yè-kyaw-swa) was his younger brother. Anauk-hpet-lun, the eldest of these brothers, sent both of them to Chiang Khòng, which fell in November 1624 (UK III: 186-7).53 21) In s. 987, a dap pao year (1625/26), Nan rebelled, and King Suddho went and took Nan (CMC: 130).

As stated above, the brothers had pacified Nan before marching to Chiang Khòng in s. 986, hence Suddho’s action in s. 987 was a second suppression of Nan. Indeed, the original manuscript, CMC/1288 says, “King Suddho again [sam] went and took Nan.”54 Furthermore, chronicles of Nan refer to at least two battles in Nan involving Burmese forces in s. 985 and 986, although accounts of the NC and PTMN are somewhat different from each other.55 22) In s. 988, a rwai yi year (1626/27), King Suddho went and took Chiang Rung (CMC: 130).

According to Burmese records, this is the second Burmese expedition against the Lü principality, following the previous one in s. 984, when the future Thalun even advanced on Simao, a Chinese frontier station more than one hundred kilometers north from Chiang Rung (UK III: 186).56 On the second expedition in s. 987-88, the royal brothers again pacified both Simao and Chiang Rung, and executed their rulers this time.57 cooperated with the Burmese forces in the pacification of Lan Na. NC (p. 70) confirms that the ruler of Nan assumed the governorship at Chiang Mai, although it says nothing about the parentage between the ruler and Tharrawaddy. 53 According to the Burmese account, before advancing on Chiang Khòng, they first attacked Nan, which was successfully subdued. 54 CMC/1288, f˚ 6.02/4. CMC/1216, f˚ 6.03/1, only writes, “King Suddho took.” Meanwhile, PMCS (p. 112) and CRCS (p. 163) also use the word “sam,” thus indicating that Nan rebelled twice. 55 NC, p. 71; PTMN, ff˚ 143/4-144/4. Both agree that as a result of the battle of s. 986, a great many people of Nan were taken to Pegu. 56 The date of Thalun’s campaign in the Lü region differs in Burmese chronicles. Both UK and HMY offer s. 985, while YT dates it one year earlier, which seems more probable from the context. All agree that Thalun successfully secured allegiance from Simao and Chiang Rung. 57 This campaign is also attested by a Chinese report dated 1627, which states that the ruler of Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

271

23) King Nòng Phak Wun Min Taya died in Pegu in that same year {s. 988; 1626/27}, and Min Ræ Thippha[net] ascended to rule in his stead in that year (CMC: 130).

Anauk-hpet-lun was killed by the heir-apparent, his own son, Min-yè-deik-ba, in s. 990 (1628/29), more exactly in May 1628 (UK III: 188).58 The patricide and succession of Min-yè-deik-ba in Pegu are also recorded by the CCK under the year s. 990, while the PMCS dates Anauk-hpet-lun’s death to s. 988 and the ascension of Min-yè-deik-ba to s. 989.59 24) In s. 990, a pœk si year (1628/29), [he] returned to establish [himself] in Chiang Sæn. The two brother kings did not get along with each other, and the elder brother entered into the city and dwelt in the palace of the White Crow Prince and had the Nò Kham Fa, the son of Phraya Thipphanet, rule Chiang Sæn, and then he made a royal progress back to Pegu. The ruler of Chiang Sæn went with him to send him off, as far as Fang. The governor of Chiang Mai then went up and took Chiang Sæn, and imprisoned the two, father and son, in the city of Chiang Mai (CMC: 131).

It was more than “not get along with each other”; Thalun and Min-yè-kyawswa, soon after learning of their elder brother’s death and ascension of their nephew to the Peguan throne, fought each other in Chiang Sæn, with Thalun the victor (UK III: 192). At least two chronicles from Lan Na, the PY and NSML, mention the battle between the royal brothers, and offer the additional information that the local Sangha played a decisive role in halting the armed conflict and reconciling the two.60 The two brother kings made a royal progress back, not to Pegu but to Ava,

Chiang Rung and his son were unable to repulse the Burmese attack and sought refuge in Simao; the Chinese frontier station fell to the Burmese, who then took away the father and son (Ming Shi, p. 8158). Meanwhile, chronicles of Chiang Tung and Müang Yòng share the reference to Suddho’s campaign to Chiang Rung around s. 988 (PMCT, p. 23; TMY, pp. 46-7). 58 Not to be confused with the other Min-yè-deik-ba, who was the second son of Tharrawaddy. According to the Burmese source, Min-yè-deik-ba made one of his father’s concubines, the daughter of the Chiang Tung lord, pregnant, which surely infuriated Anauk-hpet-lun to the extent that he threatened to execute the son. 59 CCK, p. 92; PMCS p. 113. The account of the PMCS includes some misunderstandings concerning the relationship between Anauk-hpet-lun and Min-yè-deik-ba, referring to the latter as the younger brother of the former, whereas the CRCS version is, as always, identical to that of the CMC. This is a rare occasion where the CMC and CRCS are more reliable than the PMCS. 60 PY, p. 408; NSMR, f˚ 41/4-5. Furthermore, the PY states that a certain Sæn Luang Rüa Dòn, along with the ecclesiastics, persuaded the princely brothers into accepting a truce, for which he was conferred a new, seemingly Burmese epithet, Thipphanet, by Thalun. The source of the PY’s account cannot be identified. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

272

Ken Kirigaya

their traditional power base, arriving in January 1629 (UK III: 194).61 The Burmese source has no reference to the Chiang Sæn ruler’s send-off at Fang, while it remarks that the ruler of Chiang Mai, whom Thalun assigned the vanguard of the Burmese march on its way back from Chiang Sæn to Ava, fled into a fortress called Maing Khwin.62 It must have been this restive Chiang Mai ruler who played a central role in the capture of Chiang Sæn mentioned in this passage.63 25) When King Suddho had reached Pegu, he took and deposed Min Ræ Thip, and King Suddho then ascended the jeweled throne in his stead (CMC: 131).

While Thalun and his brother were engaging the Peguan forces in Upper Burma, Min Ræ Thip (Min-yè-deik-ba) was toppled from the throne in October 1629 by courtiers, who then invited Thalun to assume the kingship (UK III: 197).64 The new monarch rejected his nephew’s plea to enter the monkhood and had him executed instead. 26) Three years later, in the luang met year, s. 993 (1631/32), Prince Phawa Min Taya Suddhodhammaraja again {sam} took Chiang Mai, capturing the king of Chiang Mai to imprison in Pegu, and appointed Phraya Thipphanet, the father of Phraya Chiang Sæn, to eat the three million rice-fields of Chiang Mai, and appointed Phraya Chiang Sæn to rule Chiang Sæn as before (CMC: 131).

Thalun left Pegu in October 1630 and took Chiang Mai in s. 993, more precisely April 1631 (UK III: 206). Meanwhile, a Dutch document reports that in 1632, King Prasat Thong of Ayutthaya led an expedition against Lampang, during which Thalun must have been quartered at Chiang Mai, although Siamese, Burmese, and Lan Na sources, very curiously, bear no reference to this expedition (vV: 307-09).65 Thalun’s appointment of local lords as governors of Chiang Mai and Chiang Sæn is not mentioned by the UK, which only states that after pacifying the Lan Na region, The CRCS does not specify where Thalun (and his brother) went back to, while PY (p. 408) and PMCS (p. 113) note that he headed for Ava. That Thalun went back to Pegu might have been a guess by the author of the TPMCM. 62 Maing Khwin is supposed to be Fang, as explained in due course. As the royal brothers gave priority to hurrying back to Ava, they took no offense at Fang. PMCS (p. 113) says that the ruler of Chiang Sæn went to send Thalun off at the bank of the Salween River. 63 In a few lines below, the CMC restates, “The governor of Lampang volunteered to the king of Chiang Mai to take Chiang Sæn,” which corresponds to the account of the PMCS. 64 CCK (p. 92) follows the Burmese account. 65 The CCK (pp. 93, 189) notes that Lampang, upon learning of the coming Burmese, turned to Ayutthaya for help, although the chronicle does not specify whether the Siamese army actually came or not. A relevant sentence states that Thalun, even before going back to Pegu in early 1633, ordered the ruler of Phræ to take care of Lampang. 61

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

273

Thalun left a garrison at Chiang Mai and returned to Pegu (UK III: 209).66 Unlike the CMC, CRCS, NC, PY and CCK, all of which agree that Thalun appointed Phraya Thipphanet as ruler of Chiang Mai and Thipphanet’s son as ruler of Chiang Sæn, the PMCS claims that Thalun ordered Thipphanet and his son, Müang Fang, to govern Chiang Sæn, while Chiang Mai was administered by Phraya Sænluang and the sam lan [three million].67 27) In s. 994, a tao san year (1632/33), King Suddhodhammaraja came to take Fang, and after three years he took it (CMC: 131).

According to the Burmese record, it was not Thalun but his younger brother, Minyèkyaw-swa, who took Fang after an eight-month siege (UK III: 209).68 Given that Thalun pacified Chiang Mai within a few months, it is very unlikely that Fang could withstand the Burmese siege for three years. A Burmese edict dated 1 March 1633 states that Thalun was supposed to visit a monastery in Upper Burma on 12 April 1633, which indicates that Thalun had successfully completed his Lan Na campaign by 1 March (ROB I: 35). Meanwhile, the UK notes that Thalun left Chiang Mai in February and arrived in Pegu in April 1633 (UK III: 209). In any case, Thalun spent approximately two years in Lan Na to pacify the region and reorganize local administration. 28) In s. 998, a rwai cai year (1636/37), King Suddhodhammaraja Min Taya had three thousand novices ordained and moved to establish [the city of] Ava. He issued an order to build Wat Chetawan at Chiang Sæn (CMC: 131).

While no Lan Na records mention Thalun’s order of a garrison at Chiang Mai, the chronicle of Chiang Khæng states, “He [Thalun] ordered Phaya Aphaiyalintamitta, the cekkai (sitkè) to safeguard Chiang Mai” (CCK, p. 93). This sitkè (a police and military commander who assisted the governor) cannot be identified by the Burmese source. 67 CRCS, p. 164; NC, p. 70; PY, p. 408; CCK, p. 93; PMCS, pp. 114-5. Sam lan, literally meaning “three million,” was traditionally the second highest-ranking official, next to sænluang, in the administrative system of Chiang Mai. Meanwhile, CMC’s phrase, “three million rice-fields (na sam lan) of Chiang Mai,” also recorded in the CRCS, PY, and CCK, is a “curious reference,” as Wyatt once found, and indeed a puzzling expression, appearing in the text only on this particular occasion. This might have been due to a misunderstanding or miscopying of the sam lan by the author of the MS1741 or other related scribes. In any case, as it will turn out in due course, chronological evidence favors the account of the PMCS that Phraya Thipphanet, rather than his son, ruled Chiang Sæn, and the sænluang with the sam lan took over the administration of Chiang Mai. Furthermore, a Burmese edict issued in 1643, “concerning the traditions of customary insignia and accoutrements of Chiang Mai,” was addressed not to the ruler of Chiang Mai but to the sænluang, sam lan and other local leaders, which seems to indicate that the dignitaries, rather than a governor, were in charge of the governance of the city (ZY, p. 58). 68 Actually, it was not Fang but Maing Khwin to which the royal brother laid siege for eight months. As already seen above (no. 24), Fang seems to coincide with Maing Khwin from the context. 66

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

274

Ken Kirigaya

Thalun moved to Ava in s. 996, more exactly January 1635, and entered the newly established “golden palace” in s. 997, or May 1635 (UK III: 226-37).69 Concerning the ordination of novices by Thalun, a contemporary Burmese inscription partially confirms the CMC’s account, saying that Thalun had one thousand novices ordained in s. 1000 (SMK V: 146).70 The inscription also mentions that Thalun founded a temple in Chiang Sæn, had temples and rest-houses built in Chiang Sæn and Chiang Mai, and had the Lamphun Reliquary gilded (SMK V: 146). 29) In s. 1010, a pœk cai year (1648/49), King Min Taya Suddhodhammaraja died in Ava, and Phra Wanañjeyya ascended the Emerald Throne in Ava in his stead in that year (CMC: 131).

King Thalun died in Ava in s. 1010, more precisely on 17 October 1648 (UK III: 249). His son and successor, called Thakin Kyo during his youth, was later titled Min-yè-yanda-meik, and posthumously nicknamed Pindale, from which Wanañjeyya is apparently derived.71 30) In s. 1012, a kot si year (1650/51), the ruler of Chiang Sæn died (CMC: 131). In s. 1017, a dap met year (1655/56), Phra Sæn Müang was appointed the ruler of Chiang Sæn in his stead for three years and then was sent to confinement in Ava (CMC: 132).

As seen above (no. 26), the CMC identifies this ruler of Chiang Sæn who died in s. 1012 as the son of Phraya Thipphanet, the ruler of Chiang Mai. The PMCS states that Phraya Thipphanet was the ruler of Chiang Sæn, who was succeeded in s. 1012 by his son, who in turn died in s. 1017 and was succeeded by his son, Phra Sæn Müang (PMCS: 121). The chronology of the PMCS makes more logical sense than that of the CMC, whose account, probably due to a scribal error, omits the ascension and death of Phraya Thipphanet’s son, thereby failing to identify Phra Sæn Müang’s The YT says Thalun moved to Ava in s. 995, while the HMY follows the UK. A Burmese inscription dated 1636/37 states that Thalun had the “golden palace” established within five months, which neatly corresponds to the account of the UK and HMY (SMK, V, 142). 70 The number in the UK and HMY is 1,018 (UK, III, 251; HMY, III, 249). Meanwhile, in major Lan Na sources, namely, PMCS, CRCS, CMC/1216, and even CMC/1288, the original of the English text, the number of the novices ordained is one, rather than three, thousand (PMCS, p. 116; CRCS, p. 165; CMC/1216, f˚ 6.04/3; CMC/1288, f˚ 6.03/5). The three thousand in the text is thus somewhat doubtful. The year of the ordination differs between the PMCS and the other Lan Na sources, the former with s. 999, the latter s. 998. 71 The CMC/1216 spells him “Dhanañjeyya.” As “dha” and “wa” of the tham script are almost identical, with a circular shape, this could be a scribal error. In either case, however, the origin of this title is untraceable. Meanwhile, both chronicles of Chiang Sæn spell him “Nañcha(ja).” (CSC/065, f˚ 99/5; CSC/1251, f˚ 16/1). 69

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

275

parentage, and leaving a five-year interregnum between s. 1012 and 1017.72 31) In s. 1021, a kat khai year (1659/60), the Lord ruler of Phræ ascended the emerald throne of Chiang Mai (CMC: 132).

The CRCS simply remarks, “The Lord ruler of Phæ (sic) was ordered to ascend (the throne) in his stead,” with no information on which throne and whose stead (CRCS: 165). The PMCS has a more detailed account that King Nañcha of Ava (i.e. Pindale) died and the Lord ruler of Be (sic) ascended the emerald throne of Ava in s. 1021 (PMCS: 122).73 Though spelt differently, Phræ, Phæ, and Be all refer to Pyè, Prome of Burma, not Phræ of Lan Na, as often believed. As noticed below, the text here talks about the ascension of King Pyè in Ava, not in Chiang Mai. Therefore, the CMC’s sentence should be corrected as follows: the Lord ruler of Phræ (i.e., Pyè ) ascended the emerald throne of Ava.74 32) In s. 1022, a kot cai year (1660/61), the Southerners brought an army up to attack Chiang Mai, but failed: Chiang Sæn fell to the Southerners in that year (CMC: 132).75

The background of this Siamese attack should be described first. In the late 1650s and early 1660s, the nuclear zone of Nyaungyan Burma was severely devastated by a series of battles with Chinese marauders, Ming loyalists who were forced by the Qing imperial army to flee into Burma from Yunnan.76 The triumphant Chinese finally laid siege to the Burmese capital and almost took it in 1659. Upon receiving the news that Ava was besieged and about to fall, the Chiang Mai sænluang grew fearful that the Chinese would eventually attack the Lan Na region, and thus asked The CRCS shares the same incompleteness with the CMC. According to the Burmese record, Pyè usurped the throne in s. 1023, not in s. 1021. PY follows PMCS, although it later states that the Lord of Phræ (of Lan Na) ruled Chiang Mai in the early 1660s (PY, pp. 410, 412). 74 This is another example where the author of the TPMCM tried to connect the context with Chiang Mai. 75 The version of this sentence in the CRCS is, “In s. 1022 (Chiang Sæn) fell to the Southerners,” without mentioning the Siamese attack on Chiang Mai. Here again, the author of the CMC seems to have modified the original text so as to shift the focus of the sentence from Chiang Sæn to Chiang Mai. 76 According to the UK, the Ming remnants were already active in Yunnan in 1649, demanding, in the name of the Yongli Emperor, that the Tai lords in the boundary zone between the Ava kingdom and Yunnan pay tax (UK, III, 296-7). Yongli was enthroned in 1647. At that time he was still quartered in Guangdong, fighting the Qing forces from the north. Thus, it is rather surprising that the self-claimed emperor had already envisaged the southwestern development of his realm, giving up retaking the Northern Capital and restoring the old dynasty at such an early stage of his “imperial” career. 72 73

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

276

Ken Kirigaya

for Siamese military aid in s. 1022 (1660/61).77 King Narai of Ayutthaya quickly responded by sending an expeditionary force, which, contrary to Chiang Mai’s request, attacked and seized Thœn and Lampang, and then failed to take Chiang Mai. Within a year, Narai himself led another expedition that overran Chiang Mai and rounded up the sænluang, his family, courtiers, elephants, horses, and firearms.78 The CMC’s assertion that Chiang Mai did not fall to the Southerners in s. 1022 accords with this account, but the CMC does not mention the second and successful Siamese attack a year or so later. 33) In s. 1025, a ka mao year (1663/64), Fa Sang Kung came to Chiang Sæn (CMC: 132).

Fa Sang Kung was probably a high-ranking officer in the Burmese military, but nothing certain is known about him. Neither the CMC, other Lan Na sources, nor the Burmese chronicles offer any more information.79 Moreover, the year of the appointment, s. 1025, is somewhat problematic. The PMCS records that Fa Sang Kung came to Chiang Sæn as bogyok, generalissimo, in s. 1034 (PMCS: 122). Given that Ava was at war with Ayutthaya along the southern littoral and seems to have abandoned renewed military attempts to retake Chiang Mai from the Siamese after Cœm, p. 244. Note that the Thai account has no reference to the cao, or lord, of Chiang Mai, and describes the sænluang as taking administrative charge of the city. Meanwhile, the Chinese threat was no fiction to Lan Na. UK (III, 263) states that while one force was terrifying Ava and its environs, another band of the Chinese troops made their way up to Müang Nai, the gateway to the trans-Salween Tai world. According to a Chinese report, Li Dingguo, one of the trusted generals of Yongli, fled to the area around Chiang Sæn where he perished (QSL, vol. 4, pp. 106-7, 126, Shengzu shilu, j. 6, ff˚ 9-10, j. 7, f˚ 17). The PY mentions that the Chinese troops, escorted by the prince of Chiang Tung, came to attack Chiang Sæn in s.1020 (1658/59), while the NSML notes that Chiang Tung fell to the Chinese in s. 1022 (1660/61) (PY, p. 410; NSML, f˚ 29/1). PMCS (p. 122) remarks that the Chinese troops came down again [sam] in s. 1024 (1662/63), although it does not specify where the Chinese were headed. Probably as a precaution or counteraction against any Chinese expedition across the Salween River, two Burmese forces, one of which was led by a general called Min-yè-nara, were sent to Chiang Mai in 1659 (UK, III, 266). The PY, rather surprisingly, confirms this account by stating that Man-ræ-nara commanded a force to Chiang Mai in 1659, where he died in less than a month, and the Burmese troops returned to Ava (PY, p. 411). Unfortunately, what source the PY relied on for this account is not known. 78 PPPH, II, 100. A Dutch record dated 31 March 1663 confirms that the Siamese king successfully pacified Chiang Mai (EH, p. 154). According to the Burmese chronicle, by the time Burmese rescue forces arrived at Chiang Mai in March 1663, the city was already occupied by the Siamese troops (UK, III, 280). The Nan chronicle says that in November 1662, the Ayutthaya king captured Nan, whose ruler was taken to the South, i.e. Ayutthaya (NC, p. 73). The seizure of Nan by Narai is also recorded by the Dutch, although other sources, either Lan Na, Burmese, or Thai, are silent on the event (Dijk, Seventeenth-century Burma, p. 104). 79 Fa in Tai means “lord” or “prince,” usually (but not always) followed by a toponym. Therefore he must be a lord or ruler whose fief was “Sang Kung.” The only Burmese candidate I can think of for “Sang Kung” is Sagaing, which, however, is not very likely. 77

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

277

1663,80 the appointment of Fa Sang Kung as commander stationed at Chiang Sæn is unlikely in s. 1025. 34) In s. 1034, a tao cai year (1672/73), King Ing Sæ Min died in Ava. The son of King Cephutrai Müang was appointed ruler of Chiang Sæn in that year. He remained for five years and died. Phra Salœm Müang ruled Chiang Sæn in his place. The Lord ruler of Phræ who ruled Chiang Mai died, and King Ingsæ ascended the emerald throne in his stead in Chiang Mai in that year. In s. 1037, a dap mao year (1675/76), King Ingsæ died, and the son of King Phutrai ascended to sit in his stead in that year (CMC: 132).

This is the most confusing and puzzling passage of the CMC during the Burmese years, as it contains figures with almost identical names dying and ascending the throne at different places and times.81 However, some sentences in this passage are actually redundant. The death of King Ingsæ and the ascension of the son of King Cephutrai are not part of the history of Chiang Mai or Chiang Sæn, but of Ava. King Cephutrai’s82 son is Min-yè-kyaw-din, who reigned in Burma from 1673 to 1698.83 King Ingsæ is Nayawaya, who succeeded King Pyè (or Lord ruler of Phræ in the text) in s. 1034 (see CMC, p. 132n). The information in this paragraph should really appear as follows: In s. 1034 the Lord ruler of Phræ (Pyè) who ruled Ava died, and King Ingsæ (Naya-waya) ascended the emerald throne in his stead in Ava in that year; King Ingsæ died, and the son of King Cephutra (Min-yè-kyaw-din) ascended to sit in his stead in that same year. Ava reestablished its suzerainty over the city at the end of 1664. However, it was not the retaliatory forces from Ava but the people of Chiang Mai themselves who drove out the Siamese, and welcomed back their old masters (UK, III, 282-3). 81 The CRCS, with no reference to the Chiang Mai throne, only records: “In s. 1034...the Lord ruler of Phræ died, and King Ingsæ was appointed to ascend the emerald throne in that year. In s. 1037 King Ingsæ died, and the son of King Cephutra was appointed to ascend the emerald throne in that year.” (CRCS, p. 166) Supposedly, the MS1741 corresponds to the CRCS. The addition of Chiang Mai to the sentence essentially represents the series of efforts by the TPMCM’s author to shift the focus of the text from Chiang Sæn to Chiang Mai. 82 Cephutrai, without “Müang,” should be the correct name, as CMC/1216, f˚ 6.05/2, writes, “Luk Phracao Cephutrai müa [to go] pen phracao Chiang Sæn (The son of King Cephutrai went as king to Chiang Sæn).” And as seen above, the CRCS spells “Cephutra.” The scribe of the CMC/1288 mistakenly added a letter ng to müa, making it müang. Cephutrai, or Siputtya in Burmese, is a town near Shwebo in the Mu River valley, which King Pindale conferred upon one of his half-brothers called Nei-myo-yè-kyaw. Thus, Cephutrai is not really a king but a prince. 83 LBHK, p. 281; YWG, p. 112. For some reason, UK and HMY are not specific about the parentage of Min-yè-kyaw-din. In Lan Na sources, he is called “Mahadhamma Phukam,” King Pagan. However, no Burmese records mention that Pagan was ever conferred upon Min-yè-kyaw-din, whose only appanage in the record was Yamethin. 80

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

278

Ken Kirigaya

Regarding Phra Salœm Müang as the ruler of Chiang Sæn, the PMCS relates that in s. 1040 (1678/79), rather than s. 1034, he succeeded his father, Caofa In Müang, who had succeeded his father, Caofa Sæn Müang (Phra Sæn Müang of no. 30 above), in s. 1034 (PMCS: 122-23). Again, the account of the PMCS seems to make more logical and chronological sense. 35) In s. 1040, a pœk sanga year (1678/79), Phra Salœm Müang died, and Rot Sang Lam was made Wun in his stead to rule Chiang Sæn (CMC: 132).

According to the PMCS, the ruler who died in this year was not Phra Salœm (Chalœm in the PMCS) Müang, but his father, Caofa In Müang, whom Phra Salœm Müang replaced as ruler of Chiang Sæn (PMCS: 123). Neither the Burmese chronicles nor the PMCS refer to Rot Sang Lam. 36) In s. 1044, a tao set year (1682/83), Rot Sang Lam oppressed, and Min Sa came to arrest him and sent him to Ava (CMC: 132).

Again, there is no reference to the arrest of Rot Sang Lam in the Burmese literature or PMCS.84 The CMC offers no information on his successor as the ruler of Chiang Sæn. Min Sa is spelt “Mang Sam” in the CMC/1288, and might be derived from a Burmese word, min than, meaning “royal envoy” (CMC/1288: 6.04/5).85 37) In s. 1054, a tao san year (1692/93), the Prince of M. Luang came to rule Chiang Sæn. In s. 1057, a dap khai year (1695/96), the ruler of Chiang Sæn died (CMC: 132).

The CMC offers no information on who ruled Chiang Sæn before this succession. The PMCS remarks that Phra Chalœm Müang, who had ascended the throne in s. 1040, died in s. 1054 and Fa Sang Kung, Burmese generalissimo, had the Prince of Müang Luang come to rule Chiang Sæn (PMCS: 124).86 The CMC does The only relatively similar account found in the PMCS is that in s. 1055 (1693/94), Fa Sang Kung (who came to Chiang Sæn as generalissimo in s. 1034) went to Ava for good (PMCS, p. 124). 85 CMC/1216, f˚ 6.05/5, and CSC/1251, f˚ 17/1, spell the same. Thus, the CMC’s “Min Sa” is probably a misspelling or printing error. 86 There are at least three Müang Luang in the interior Tai-speaking world: in the Shan Highlands, in Sipsong Panna and in Northern Laos. It is entirely unclear which one, if any, is mentioned in the CMC. The Prince of M. Luang is also mentioned by the NSML, though in a different context when an epidemic spread in Lan Na in s. 1045 (1683/84), he, along with Mangræ-nòratha (Minyè-naw-rahta in Burmese; myo-wun of Chiang Mai), and Phraya Dekchai, one of the four highestranking local officials, invited monks to chant the scriptures (NSML, f˚ 29/2-3). This account suggests that the prince had already been assigned a civil or military post in Chiang Mai, before 84

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

279

not name the ruler who died in s. 1057 or his successor, but the PMCS relates that the Prince of M. Luang died, and the eldest son of Phra Chalœm Müang was selected as successor by the native nobility (PMCS: 124). 38) In s. 1061, a kat mao year (1699/1700), Mahadhamma Phukam died (CMC: 132).

Mahadhamma Phukam is King Min-yè-kyaw-din, who died, according to the Burmese record, early in s. 1060, more precisely in April 1698. The PMCS says that he was replaced by his younger brother, the heir-apparent, while the UK describes a peaceful transition of power to his son, Maha Thi-hathu-ra, later known as King Sanei (PMCS: 124; UK III: 345). 39) In s. 1062, a kot si year (1700/01), Nò Sai became Wun of Chiang Sæn, and Rammasen became sitkè (CMC: 132).

The PMCS dates this promotion to s. 1057, when the Prince of Müang Luang, the ruler of Chiang Sæn, died, and remarks that in s. 1062, the Ava monarch had Nò Müang (Nò Sai of the CMC) go to rule Chiang Rai, while Nò Müang’s younger brother, Rammasen, ascended the throne of Chiang Sæn in his stead (PMCS: 124).87 Among the Lan Na figures in the CMC, Rammasen is probably the only individual of this era whose personal name, rather than an official title, can be confirmed by the Burmese record. Along with Burmese nobles and generals, as well as Shan princes from Mogaung, Hsipaw, and Yònghui, Rammasen attended a royal ceremony at the byè-daik (Hall of the Privy Council) in Ava in February 1698, where King Min-yèkyaw-din conferred on him a golden sword (UK III: 344).88 40) In s. 1063, a ruang sai year (1701/02), Mahadhamma freed Chiang Sæn from dependence on Chiang Mai (CMC: 133). taking over the governance of Chiang Sæn. Min-yè-naw-rahta, grandson of King Nyaungyan, was appointed myo-wun a year before (LBHK, p. 293). At that time, however, he was probably called Min-yè-yannaung, as the epithet, Min-yè-naw-rahta, was conferred upon him during Sanei’s reign (1698-1714) (UK, III, 140). 87 Actually, the CMC calls him Nò Müang under the year s. 1069, when he was transferred from Chiang Rai to Nan, although, unlike the PMCS, it has no account of his appointment as ruler of Chiang Rai. 88 The HMY and YT, as well as Lan Na documents, skip the account of this conferment. That the gift conferred on Rammasen was meager compared to those for the Shan princes probably indicates that at the time he had yet to become lord, but was only representing the lord, his elder brother, as the account of the PMCS suggests. In any case, his attendance at the court ceremony in Ava might have made the authors of Lan Na chronicles choose Burmese titles, wun and sitkè, to describe the Chiang Sæn brothers. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

280

Ken Kirigaya

The Burmese monarch mentioned here as Mahadhammamust must be King Sanei. This order to separate Chiang Sæn from Chiang Mai, despite its potential significance to local as well as imperial administration as a whole, is not recorded in any of the Burmese documents. The PMCS dates the administrative division to s. 1066 (PMCS: 126). 41) In s. 1065, a ka met year (1703/04), the Lao attacked Lan Na, setting themselves up at Chiang Khòng, and then fled [back] by [way of] Nan in that year (CMC: 133).

Both PMCS and CRCS mention the same date and places, only adding that the Lao fled back via Phræ. No Burmese records refer to this Lao attack. The chronicle of Nan mentions that the ruler of Nan was incited by a “Lao marauder” to rise up against the Burmese, as a result of which the city was completely devastated by the Nyaungyan forces in March 1704 (NC: 73-4; PTMN: 147/3-4).89 The UK provides partial confirmation by noting that a Burmese army was dispatched from Ava to Nan via Chiang Mai in December 1703 (UK III: 376),90 but provides no further explanation for the cause and consequence of this campaign. 42) In s. 1066, a kap san year (1704/05), the Ni Wun who ruled Chiang Sæn was brought to Chiang Mai and executed. Rak Phaya Cesu became Wun in his stead, and Phala E became sitkè (CMC: 133).

Ni Wun is spelt “mani ngwan” in the CSC/065 and “moi wan” in the CSC/1251. The word probably derives from myo-wun, Burmese for viceroy (CSC/065: 104/2; CSC/1251: 17/4).91 Rak Phaya Cesu is spelt by the CMC/1216 as “Lak Ya Cesu,” and presumably derives from the Burmese epithet “Lek-ya-zeithu,”92 while Phala E may be another Burmese title, È Bra Yè.93 Unfortunately, however, the execution of the Chiang Sæn ruler in Chiang Mai and the resultant appointments cannot be found in any of the Burmese documents. The Burmese attack on Nan is not mentioned at all in other Lan Na sources. Given the rank of Burmese officers in charge of this campaign, its size seems to have been modest. According to the NC, the Burmese had already been advancing on the city when the ruler of Nan made the risky choice in September 1703, while the PTMN has no reference to the approach of the Burmese prior to his making the final decision. The departure of the Burmese force from Ava in December 1703 and the fall of Nan in March 1704, as described in the UK, make the NC’s account less convincing. 91 Both CMC/1216 and CMC/1288 write “ni wan (not wun),” which may suggest that either the author of the MS1741 or TPMCM missed an “m” in “mani ngwan,” when he copied the original manuscript(s). 92 He is spelt “Mæng Læk Ya Cesung” in the CSC/065, and “Lak Ya Cesu” in the CSC/1251. 93 Both CSC/065 and CSC/1251 spell him “Æ Phala Æ.” È Bra Yè is not an uncommon Burmese title. 89 90

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

281

43) In s. 1069, a müang kai year (1707/08), the Min Ræ Nara who ruled M. Leng came to take charge of Chiang Mai. On the sixth waning of the eighth month (22 May 1707) he appointed the man who ruled M. Rai to come to Chiang Rai, and Cao Nò Müang to go as Wun of Nan (CMC: 133).

Min Ræ Nara is an enigmatic figure. He might be Min-yè-naw-rahta, Burmese myo-wun of Chiang Mai, whose tenure lasted from s. 1044 (1682/83) until his death in s. 1080 (1718/19), although he had never governed, or “eaten,” a territory called M. Leng.94 Neither the PMCS nor CRCS refers to the coming of Min Ræ Nara to Chiang Mai in this year, but the PMCS, CRCS, and NC all record the transfers to Chiang Rai and to Nan.95 44) In s. 1070, a pœk cai year (1708/09), the Khœn [named] Ai Sam Pi rebelled. King Min Sala came up by way of Chiang Mai, and Ai Sam Pi went off to the Hò. The Hò captured him and sent him back to be imprisoned and [then] incinerated, together with his whole family (CMC: 133).96

The chronicle of Chiang Tung does not mention the execution of its ruler by the Burmese, only stating, “This lord (Sam Pi) possessed supernatural power…(and) in s. 1017 (actually s. 1070) rebelled against and defeated the Burmese thrice.” (PMCT: 25) Meanwhile, accounts from Burma, Chiang Sæn, and Müang Yòng correspond to that of the CMC, even on where he escaped and how he was executed (YT III: 130; PMCS: 126; CRCS: 167; TMY: 49).97 Both chronicles of Chiang Sæn credit the successful pacification of the Chiang Tung rebellion not to Min Sala but to his son.98 45) In s. 1077, a dap met year (1715/16), Sang Kòi La Khya Saphæk of Chiang Sæn went to consult with the King of Ava and brought back a royal order (amein-daw) stating that, since Cao In Müang who had been appointed to rule The only known appanage he ever had was Pan-tein, near Minbu along the Irrawaddy, granted by King Pyè. 95 The PMCS and CRCS basically concur with the CMC, whereas the NC and PTMN offer more detailed accounts of Nò Müang, the new ruler of Nan, although they are somewhat different from each other (NC, p. 74; PTMN, f˚ 148/3-4). 96 Compared to the Nan campaign just seen above, the scale of this one was far larger with thirtynine contingents mobilized from all over the Burmese empire. The expedition was commanded by a son of King Sanei. 97 No Chinese records, however, mention this incident that partially involved the Qing authorities in Yunnan. 98 Min Sala (or Mæng Sara in the PMCS) is another mysterious figure of possible Burmese origin. Is he Min Ræ Nara of no. 43 above? According to the PMCS (p. 123), Mæng Sara, after subduing Müang Yòng, came to take charge of Chiang Mai in s. 1049 (1687/88). UK (p. 323) records the execution of a Müang Yòng lord in Chiang Mai in s. 1051, without providing details about its cause and consequence. It is still unclear whether the two incidents were related or not. 94

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

282

Ken Kirigaya

Nan had died, Chiang Mai and Chiang Sæn concurred in sending Phraya Tün to go and rule Nan (CMC: 133).99

“Sang Kòi La Khya Saphæk” should be two names, Sang Kòi La and Khya Saphæk. The former could be Thin-kyaw-hla, while the latter must be Bra-tha-paik, two common Burmese terms. Both CSC/065 and CSC/1251 spell the latter Phala Saphæk, who came to Chiang Sæn as myo-wun in either s. 1074 or 1072 (CSC/065: 106/2; CSC/1251: 18/2).100 Furthermore, two Lan Na inscriptions dated s. 1088 and s. 1089 describe “Phala Saphæk” as the myo-wun of Chiang Sæn and also the lord of Chiang Rai (LI, pt. I, vol. II: 14-17). As always, no Burmese records mention the royal audience and appointment of the new Nan ruler. Neither does the PMCS. The CRCS dates the appointment of Cao In Müang as ruler of Nan to s. 1074, and that of Phraya Tün to s. 1077 (CRCS: 169).101 46) In s. 1089, a müang met year (1727/28), Thepphasing appeared in M. Yuam (Mæ Sariang). Min Ræ Nara, the ruler of Chiang Mai, appointed people to go and summon him…. Thepphasing brought up a force to enter the city (CMC: 134).

The HMY and chronicles of Chiang Sæn concur with the CMC on the year of the uprising (HMY III: 362; PMCS: 128; CRCS: 170).102 However, several pages later, the CMC offers yet another year, s. 1091 (CMC: 142).103 According to the Burmese accounts, Nyaungyan officials in Chiang Mai “severely oppressed the people and ground them down,” and, due to “heavy taxes and levies,” the locals rose up and eliminated them (LBHK: 293; HMY III: 362).104 The Burmese materials, however, do not refer to Thepphasing or Min Ræ Nara.105 This is the last episode the CMC and CRCS share. Hereafter their accounts widely diverge from each other. 100 As “kh” and “ph” in the Lan Na alphabet share a circular form, sometimes undistinguishable in handwriting, the author of the MS1741 or TPMCM might have made a scribal error, which the scribe of the CMC/1288 followed. 101 Chronicles of Nan have similar yet distinguishable stories, dating the ascension of Phraya Tün to s. 1088 (NC, p. 76; PTMN, ff˚ 149/4-150/1). 102 PMCS (p. 128) has the precise date of the rebellion, s. 1089, on the fifth waxing of the fourth month, roughly in January 1728. 103 Since the original manuscripts, CMC/1216, f˚ 6.19/2, and CMC/1288, f˚ 6.16/4, also refer to s. 1091 as the year when the revolt broke out, this is not due to a simple printing error by the CMC. It is totally unclear why the CMC has the two dates, s. 1089 and 1091. Worse yet, another Burmese chronicle says it was in s. 1092 (YT, III, 142). 104 Cf. Lieberman, Burmese Administrative Cycles, p. 204. According to the PMCS, Min Ræ Nara was killed by the rebels, which is supported by CMC/1216, f˚ 6.08/4, and CMC/1288, f˚ 6.07/2. However, the English text of the CMC does not mention his tragic end. The translation seems to skip certain passages here. 105 Thepphasing does not figure in the chronicles of Chiang Sæn either. 99

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

283

47) In s. 1090, a pœk san year, on the fifth waxing of the fourth month (4 January 1729), Sakhæng Phaya led an army from Ava (CMC: 135).106

There is no reference to this Burmese campaign in the chronicles of Chiang Sæn. However, the most contemporary Burmese record, submitted to the Konbaung monarch by the former Ava ministers in the mid-1750s, refers to Thakin Pyè (Sakhæng Phaya in the text) as the commander of a Burmese punitive expedition against Chiang Mai, although with a different date of s. 1092 (ROB III: 117).107 48) In s. 1094, a tao cai year, on the eighth waning of the fourth month (8 January 1733), Cao Ong Kham followed up the Burmese force of Sakhæng Phaya to Phayao. The Burmese general, Sakhæng Phaya, then fled to Chiang Sæn…. As for Chiang Sæn, the King of Ava issued a royal order appointing Sakhæng Phia as the Myo Wun named Phia Saphæk (CMC: 135-36).

Cao Ong Kham was also known to the contemporary Burmese, who correctly described him as a son of the Lao king (LBHK: 293).108 Meanwhile, this Burmese campaign seems unlikely, as the CMC itself has just remarked that the Burmese force led by Sakhæng Phaya came to Chiang Mai in s. 1090, and Burmese records report that in s. 1094, Thakin Pyè (Sakhæng Phaya) was already in Ava where King Tanin-ga-nuwei conferred a princely title upon him (ROB III: 184; LBHK: 297). This Burmese evidence also makes the appointment of Sakhæng Phia (i.e. Sakhæng Phaya) as myo-wun of Chiang Sæn very unlikely.109 Furthermore, as seen above (no. 45), the epigraphic record clearly suggests that Phaya Saphæk (Bra-tha-paik in Burmese) was already in office in the mid-1720s (LI, pt. I, vol. II: 14-17). That Sakhæng Phaya and Phaya Saphæk were the same person is not confirmed by any other sources, either Burmese or Lan Na. 49) In s. 1095, a ka pao year (1733/34), the Mon sitkè Nòi Phung was the head The date, “the fifth waxing of the fourth month,” is rather problematic, as it coincides with that of the PMCS just seen above (no. 46) when the Chiang Mai uprising broke out (the year is one year earlier, though). It is less likely that this is a mere coincidence: it is probably due to a misreading or scribal error by either side. 107 HMY (III, 362) mentions an Ava retaliatory expedition dispatched in s. 1089, more precisely November 1727, while YT (III, 143) agrees with the ROB on the year, adding the more exact date, September 1730. Although differing in the date of the expedition, both chronicles at least concur that a Burmese commander named Min-yè-yanda-thu led the Burmese forces, as explained in CMC (p. 135n). Thakin Pyè, also known as Shwei-pyè, son of King Tanin-ga-nwei, was conferred a princely epithet, Min-yè-yanda-thu, in s. 1094 (1732/33), after returning from the Chiang Mai campaign (ROB, III, 184; LBHK, p. 297). 108 Ong Kham’s Lao origin is pointed out in CMC, p. 134. 109 As there is no spelling shift from Sakhæng Phaya to Sakhæng Phia in the original manuscript, “Phia” should be written “Phaya.” 106

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

284

Ken Kirigaya

of an army of ten thousand men who came to take charge of Chiang Mai and tried to scale the walls at the Hua Rin and Ku Rüang [corners], but failed, and withdrew in defeat (CMC: 136).

While most Burmese records, including the HMY, LBHK, ROB, and YT, neglect this failed military attempt, the Mahayazawin-gyaw, written by one of the scribes that compiled the HMY, refers to it, without mentioning the Mon sitkè Nòi Phung (MYG: 102).110 The third and final Burmese expedition against Chiang Mai was dispatched immediately after the enthronement of Maha-dama-yaza-di-pati, the last king of the Nyaungyan dynasty, whose reign began in November 1733. After the astonishing and humiliating triple defeat, Ava could not afford to launch another punitive expedition to the highland periphery of the kingdom, due to the intensifying Manipuri raids on the Burmese heartland and the revolt of Lower Burma that would eventually lead to the fall of Ava in 1752.111

Conclusion The original text of The Chiang Mai Chronicle, presumably written in the late 1820s, is no doubt a “valid and respectable work of Lan Na history-writing,” demanding “the reader’s respect and, indeed, admiration,” but is also “by no means perfect or beyond reproach.” (CMC: xl) This article has attempted to identify and correct some of the “mistakes and imperfections” in the text by mainly looking into Burmese documents and Lan Na chronicles, especially those of Chiang Sæn, because the CMC “cannot be understood until its sources have been fully explored.” (CMC: xxxix) While many sources still remain unexplored and unidentified, this article has at least revealed that the portion of the chronicle on Burmese rule is copied from the chronicle of Chiang Sæn, and that 19th century authors inserted, or fabricated, some information in order to shift the focus of the narrative from Chiang Sæn to Chiang Mai. Therefore, certain parts of the CMC during the Burmese era are misleading, including the ascension of fictitious rulers to the Chiang Mai throne during the second half of the 17th century.112 The CMC reveals little about Burmese administration, local economic life, or religious developments, the main concern of the people at that time and place. Cf. Lieberman, Administrative Cycles, p. 205n. It is rather interesting that the MYG keeps the record of the unsuccessful expedition, while the HMY, to which the author of the MYG was a leading contributor, omits it. 111 While losing Chiang Mai to the rebels, Ava still kept Chiang Sæn, another stronghold in Lan Na, where a garrison of one thousand men was sent in 1737, and newly appointed officials took office in 1740 (MYG, pp. 119, 140). 112 Besides the CMC, p. 96, Wyatt’s Thailand and Sarassawadee’s History show a list of Chiang Mai rulers reconstructed from the CMC (Wyatt, Thailand, pp. 310-11; HLN, p. 253). As some of the rulers during the Burmese period were non-existent, the list needs to be rewritten. 110

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

285

In short, it offers no picture of Lan Na society under Nyaungyan rule. As a result, research on the Burmese era in Lan Na has been largely neglected by local and foreign scholars.113 The era of Burmese domination coincides with the “early modern” period, a time of intense change, during which emerged the forces that would shape the modern world (Reid 1993: 7). While study of early modern Southeast Asia has focused on the major coastal powers open to maritime commerce, the upland regions such as Lan Na were by no means immune to world trends, and were also “involved in the same sorts of global transformations.” (Wyatt 1999: 265) The study of Lan Na under Burmese rule has the potential to present a new picture of early modern Southeast Asia seen from the interior. Scholars will need to venture beyond the CMC and examine the manuscripts of Lan Na and other Tai domains for this era. And it is genuinely hoped that these scholars will make future corrections and suggestions on this “imperfect” article.

Abbreviations Volker Grabowsky and Renoo Wichasin, eds. and trans., Chronicles of Chiang Khæng. CMC David K. Wyatt and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo, trans. and eds. The Chiang Mai Chronicle CMC/1216 Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai. Transcribed in cs 1216 (1854). Reproduced in Udom Rungruangsri, et al., comp., Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai, chabap Chiang Mai 700 Pi, pp. 256-320. CMC/1288 Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai. Transcribed in cs 1288 (1926). Prepared by Hans Penth. CSC/065 Tamnan Phün Müang Ngœnyang Chiang Sæn. MS. Wat Sri Khomkham, tambon Wiang, amphœ Müang, Chiang Mai; SRI 81.066.05.065, 109 ff˚. CSC/1251 Phün Müang Chiang Rai Chiang Sæn. Transcribed in cs 1251 (1889). MS. Wat Methangkrawat, tambon Naiwiang, amphœ Müang, Phræ; SRI 81.088.05.082, 82 ff˚. Cœm Phraratchaphongsawadan Krung Si Ayutthaya chabap Phan Chanthanumat. CRCS Sarassawadee Ongsakul, tr., Phün Müang Chiang Rai Chiang Sæn. CCK

I have already mentioned the two notable exceptions to this academic trend above in the Introduction. 113

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

286

Ken Kirigaya

CS EH f˚, ff˚ HMY KMRC LBHK LI List

Chulasakarat, the “Lesser Era;” + 638/39 = AD Nantha Sutkul, tr., Eksan khong Holanda samai Krung Si Ayutthaya. folio, folios (page, pages) Hmannan Mahayazawindawgyi. Singkha Wannasai, tr., Khlong Rüang Mangthra Rop Chiang Mai. Thiriuzana, Lawkabyuhakyan. Prasert Na Nagara et al., eds., Lan Na Inscriptions. List of Microfilms Deposited in the Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies. Part 8. Burma. LPS Phraratchaphongsawadan Krung Kao chabap Luang Prasœtaksonnit. MSL Ming Shilu. MS1741 Suriyavamsa Bhikkhu, Tamnan Ratchawong Phraya Lan Na Thai. MYG Mon-ywe Hsaya-daw, Mahayazawingyaw. NC David K. Wyatt, tr. and ed., The Nan Chronicle. NSML Nangsü Phün Müang Chiang Mai Nangsü Suttho Mangtha Luang. MS. Wat Sri Phumma, tambon Thungfai, amphœ Müang, Lampang; SRI 81.065.05.023, 52 ff˚. PMCT Phraya Kanglong, Phap Nangsü Phün Müang læ Carit Ratcha Paweni Khemaratta Tungga Puri. PMCS Sarassawadee Ongsakul, tr., Phün Müang Chiang Sæn. PMSW U Camyi, Phün Müang Sænwi. PMSW-MY Renoo Wichasin, ed. and trans. Phün Müang Sænwi: Chabap Hòkham Müang Yai. PPPH Phraratcha Phongsawadan chabap Phraratcha Hatlekha. PTMN Prawat Tang Müang Nan. MS. Wat Phra Kœt, tambon Wiangnüa, amphœ Müang, Nan; SRI 82.107.05.045, 182 ff˚. PY Phraya Prachakitkorachak, Phongsawadan Yonok. QSL Qing Shilu. ROB Than Tun, ed., The Royal Orders of Burma. s. Sakkarat, “year of the [Lesser] Era” (CS) SMK Burma, Department of Archaeology, Sheihaung Myanma Kyauksamya. SRI Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University TCM Tamnan Chiang Mai. MS. Wat Chai Sri Phum, tambon Chang Mòi, amphœ Müang, Chiang Mai; SRI 78.021.05.066, 27 ff˚. TLP Tamnan Lamphun. MS. Wat Münlan, tambon Sri Phum, amphœ Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

TMY UK vV YT YWG ZY

287

Müang, Chiang Mai; SRI 78.012.05.014, 53 ff˚. Tawee Swangpanyangkoon, ed., Tamnan Müang Yòng. U Kala, Mahayazawingyi. Chris Baker et al., Van Vliet’s Siam. Twinthintaikwun Mahasitu, Mahayazawinthit. U Kala, Yazawingyok. Sithu Gamani Thingyan, Zinmè Yazawin.

References Manuscripts and Typescripts Mon-ywe Hsaya-daw. Mahayazawingyaw [Celebrated Royal Chronicle]. TS. Prepared by Dr. Than Tun. List 24-25. Nangsü Phün Müang Chiang Mai Nangsü Suttho Mangtha Luang [History of Chiang Mai and Suttho Mangtha Luang]. MS. Wat Sri Phumma, tambon Thungfai, amphœ Müang, Lampang; SRI 81.065.05.023, 52 ff˚. Penth, Hans, ed. 1996. Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai [The Chiang Mai Chronicle]. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Phraya Kanglong. Phap Nangsü Phün Müang læ Carit Ratcha Paweni Khemaratta Tungga Puri [History and Royal Customs of Chiang Tung]. MS. Reproduced in Phongsawadan Müang Chiang Tung, pp. 7-32. Chiang Mai: Crem. Cao Mæ Thipwan Na Chiang Tung. Phün Müang Chiang Rai Chiang Sæn [Chronicles of Chiang Rai and Chiang Sæn]. MS. Wat Methangkrawat, tambon Naiwiang, amphœ Müang, Phræ; SRI 81.088.05.082, 82 ff˚. Prawat Tang Müang Nan [History of the Founding of Nan]. MS. Wat Phra Kœt, tambon Wiangnüa, amphœ Müang, Nan; SRI 82.107.05.045, 182 ff˚. Tamnan Chiang Mai [History of Chiang Mai]. MS. Wat Chai Si Phum, tambon Chang Mòi, amphœ Müang, Chiang Mai; SRI 78.021.05.066, 27 ff˚. Tamnan Lamphun [History of Lamphun]. MS. Wat Münlan, tambon Si Phum, amphœ Müang, Chiang Mai; SRI 78.012.05.014, 53 ff˚. Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai [Chronicle of Chiang Mai]. MS. Reproduced in Udom Rungruangsri, et al. comp., Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai, chabap Chiang Mai 700 Pi, pp. 256-320. Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai Culture Center. Tamnan Phün Müang Ngœnyang Chiang Sæn [Chronicle of Chiang Sæn]. MS. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

288

Ken Kirigaya

Wat Sri Khomkham, tambon Wiang amphœ Müang, Chiang Mai; SRI 81.066.05.065, 109 ff˚. U Camyi. 1959. Phün Müang Sænwi [Chronicle of Hsenwi]. MS. In the Possession of Prof. Tadahiko Shintani of the Institute for the Study of the Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo. Books and Articles Baker, Chris, et al. 2005. Van Vliet’s Siam. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Burma, Department of Archaeology. 1972-87. Shehaung Myanma Kyauksamya [Ancient Burmese inscriptions]. 5 vols. Rangoon: Department of Archaeology. Dijk, Wil O. 2006. Seventeenth-century Burma and the Dutch East India Company, 1634-1680. Singapore: Singapore University Press. Fitch, Ralph. 1905. “The Voyage of Master Ralph Fitch Merchant of London...Begun in the Yeere of Our Lord 1583 and Ended 1591.” In Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. X, pp. 165-204. Glasgow: Hakluyt Society. Grabowsky, Volker and Renoo Wichasin, eds. and trans. 2008. Chronicles of Chiang Khæng: A Tai Lü Principality of the Upper Mekong. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Center for Southeast Asian Studies. Hmannan Mahayazawindawgyi [The Glass Palace Great Royal Chronicle]. 1967. 3 vols. Rangoon: Pyigyi Mandaing Press. Kala, U. 1960. Mahayazawingyi [Great Royal Chronicle]. 3 vols. Rangoon: Hanthawaddy Press. ____. 1965. Yazawingyok [Concise Royal Chronicle]. Rangoon: Hanthawaddy Press. Latdawal Sænsiao. 2002. 200 Pi: Phama nai Lan Na [200 Years: Burmese in Lan Na]. Bangkok: Ten May Production. Lieberman, Victor B. 1984. Burmese Administrative Cycles: Anarchy and Conquest, c. 1580-1760. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Liew-Harres, Foon Ming, and Volker Grabowsky, in collaboration with Aroonrut Wichienkeeo. 2008. Lan Na in Chinese Historiography: Sino-Tai Relations as Reflected in the Yuan and Ming Sources (13th to 17th Centuries). Bangkok: Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University. List of Microfilms Deposited in the Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies. Part 8. Burma. 1976. Tokyo: Toyo Bunko. Ming Shi [Official History of the Ming]. 1974. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju. Ming Shilu [Veritable Records of the Ming]. 1964. Taipei: Guoli Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Lishi Yuyuan Yanjiusuo. Nantha Sutkul, tr. 1970. Eksan khong Holanda samai Krung Si Ayutthaya [Dutch Records in the Ayutthaya Period]. Bangkok: Department of Fine Arts. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Some Annotations to The Chiang Mai Chronicle

289

Phraratcha Phongsawadan chabap Phraratcha Hatlekha [Royal Chronicle: Royal Autographic Edition]. 1912 (1973). 7th ed. Bangkok: Khlangwitthaya. Phraratcha Phongsawadan Krung Kao chabap Luang Prasœtaksonnit [Royal Chronicle of Ayutthaya: Luang Prasœt Edition]. 1971. Bangkok: Crem. Nainat Krataitong. Phraratcha Phongsawadan Krung Si Ayutthaya chabap Phan Chanthanumat [Royal Chronicle of Ayutthaya: Phan Chanthanumat Edition]. 1971. Bangkok: Crem. Nainat Krataitong. Phraya Prachakitkorachak. 1898(1972). Phongsawadan Yonok [Yonok Chronicle]. 6th ed. Bangkok: Phræphittaya. Pimenta, Nicolas, et al. 1905. “Indian Observations Gathered out of the Letters of Nicolas Pimenta...” In Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. X, pp. 205-222. Glasgow: Hakluyt Society Prasert Na Nagara et al., eds. 1991-2008. Lan Na Inscriptions. 4 vols. Bangkok: Amarin. Qing Shilu [Veritable Records of the Qing]. 1985-86. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju. Reid, Anthony. 1993. “Introduction: A Time and a Place.” In Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power, and Belief, pp. 1-19. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Renoo Wichasin, ed. and tr. 2007. Phün Müang Sænwi: Chabap Hòkham Müang Yai [Chronicle of Hsenwi: Golden Palace of Müang Yai Edition]. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Sarassawadee Ongsakul. 2003. Phün Müang Chiang Sæn [Chronicles of Chiang Sæn]. Bangkok: Amarin. ____., tr. 2003. “Phün Müang Chiang Rai Chiang Sæn [Chronicles of Chiang Rai and Chiang Sæn].” In Phün Müang Chiang Sæn, pp. 149-224. ____., tr. 2003. “Phün Müang Chiang Sæn [Chronicle of Chiang Sæn].” In Phün Müang Chiang Sæn, pp. 23-148. ____. 2005. History of Lan Na. Chitraporn Tanratanakul, tr. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. Singkha Wannasai, tr. 1979. Khlong Rüang Mangthra Rop Chiang Mai [Verse of the Burmese Monarch Waging War on Chiang Mai]. Chiang Mai: Nang Kimhò Nimmanhemin. Sithu Gamani Thingyan. 2003. Zinme Yazawin [Chronicle of Chiang Mai]. Thaw Kaung and Ni Ni Myint, trans. Yangon: Universities Historical Research Center. Sunait Chutintharanon. 2000. “Historical Writings, Historical Novels and Period Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

290

Ken Kirigaya

Movies and Dramas: An Observation Concerning Burma in Thai Perception and Understanding.” Journal of the Siam Society 88, 1 & 2: 53-57. Tawee Swangpanyangkoon, tr. and ed. 1984. Tamnan Müang Yòng [Chronicle of Müang Yòng]. Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai University. Than Tun, tr. and ed. 1983-1990. The Royal Orders of Burma, A.D. 1598-1885. 10 vols. Kyoto: Kyoto University Center for Southeast Asian Studies. Thiriuzana. 1958(2001). Lawkabyuhakyan [Treatise on Customary Terms]. 3rd ed. Rangoon: Tekkathomya Press. Twinthintaikwun Mahasitu. 1968-98. Mahayazawinthit [Great New Chronicle]. 3 vols. Rangoon: Mingala Press, et al. Udom Rungruangsri. 2003. Wannakam Lan Na [Literature of Lan Na]. 5th ed. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Book Center. ____., et al., comp. 1995. Tamnan Phün Müang Chiang Mai, chabap Chiang Mai 700 Pi [The 700th Anniversary Volume of the Chiang Mai Chronicle]. Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai Culture Center. Wyatt, David K. 1982 (2003). Thailand: A Short History. 2nd ed. New Haven: Yale University Press. ____. 1999. “Southeast Asia ‘Inside Out,’ 1300-1800: A Perspective from the Interior.” In Beyond Binary Histories: Re-imagining Eurasia to c. 1830, pp. 245-65. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. ____., tr. and ed. 1994. The Nan Chronicle. Ithaca: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program. Wyatt, David K., and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo, trans. and eds. 1995 (1998). The Chiang Mai Chronicle. 2nd ed. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

Gambling, The State and Society in Thailand, c. 1800-1945 by James A. Warren (London and New York: Routledge, 2013). ISBN 978-0-415-53634-9 (hard). ISBN 978-0-203-55210-0 (e-book). The subtitle of this excellent book by Dr. James A. Warren, which is an expansion of his PhD dissertation completed at the School of Oriental Studies, University of London, could have been “The more things change, the more they stay the same,” as Dr. Warren lucidly outlines the attitude towards gambling of various Thai governments and society in general during the period under examination, but more tellingly details how little has really changed in regards certain key aspects of Thai society over the last hundred or so years. Gambling today is broadly prohibited in Thailand, with some exceptions. The only legal forms of gambling are the bi-monthly lottery run by the Government Lottery Office, horseracing run every week by the Royal Turf Club in Bangkok and gambling on Muaythai boxing matches sanctioned by the Army Welfare Department of the Royal Thai Army at New Lumpini Boxing Stadium (although this stadium is scheduled to be relocated to the Ramindra area of Bangkok). Even the manufacture and distribution of playing cards is subject to strict control. Under the Playing Cards Act of 1943, the Ministry of Finance-owned Thai Playing Card Manufacturing Factory has a monopoly on the production of playing cards in Thailand. Yet, despite the general prohibition, many forms of gambling are extremely widespread; indeed, illegal gambling continues to flourish throughout the country, especially the enormous underground lottery and betting on the English Premier League and major international football championships. A government sponsored study entitled The Role of Thai Frontier Casinos in Thai Society, conducted by Chulalongkorn University and released in January 2003, found that the amount of gambling taking place in Thailand had increased significantly since the economic Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

292

Reviews

crisis of 1997. The study stated that gambling was thought to account for some forty per cent of the local economy, with approximately forty million Thais spending, on average, more than US$220 per person annually on one or more of fifteen different forms of gambling. The study found that gambling businesses in Thailand generated between US$12-20 billion per annum, and that Thai gamblers spent around US$2 billion in one of the thirty or more casinos located just across the border in the neighbouring countries of Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. Although the Thaksin 1 government mooted the possibility of legalizing casino gaming, that liberalisation never materialised. Given the entrenched and vested interests of various politicians and men in uniform and the fact that many people still object to gambling on moral and social grounds, there is little likelihood of any change in the legal status of gaming in Thailand in the foreseeable future. As evidenced by recent, but short-lived, police crackdowns on the proliferating number of illegal casinos operating in Bangkok—now said to number more than one hundred—illegal gambling is only likely to have increased over the last few years, thus making the author’s examination of the history of gambling in Thailand particularly timely and pertinent. The book comprises an Introduction, nine chapters and a Conclusion. In his Introduction, Dr. Warren provides general definitions of gambling, examines the issue of why certain forms of gambling have been criminalised, and then discusses gambling in the wider Thai historiography before providing an overview of his study. Each chapter examines certain aspects of gambling or prevailing social issues during the period under study. He provides fresh research on the important role that gambling revenues played in the construction of the modern Thai state. Moreover, he provides interesting insights into the law enforcement, legal and judicial processes and penalties, as well as how the Thai elite, the emerging middle class in Bangkok, the press and the Buddhist clergy all viewed gambling. In an interesting, although perhaps unintended, juxtaposition of the situation in today’s politically divided nation, Dr. Warren explains how many Bangkokians resented the influx of people they perceived as country bumpkins in order to gamble and avail themselves of the delights of the big city. He also discusses how the Bangkok elite dominated policy in regards to gambling, as they knew best regardless of the wishes of the rest of population (the silent majority). As part of the overall process of demonstrating to the outside world that Thailand was a civilized country, certain traditional Thai gambling games, such as cock fighting, were designated as being uncivilized whereas games popular in the West, such as playing bridge, horse racing and billiards, were seen not only as civilized, but also as being desirable. During the 19th century, there was a large increase in the level and types of gambling in Thailand. Dr. Warren examines the reasons behind this increase and determines that the causal factors lay not in any cultural disposition on behalf of Thais towards gambling, but rather was due to the country’s economic transition that Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

293

led to increased prosperity and more disposable income; even more importantly, for many Thais, gambling was one of, if not the only, form of entertainment available at that time. As an important adjunct to the subject matter, this book provides a fascinating look at the development and role of the Thai police force, especially in terms of their enforcement, or somewhat more pertinently failure to enforce, existing laws prohibiting gambling, and the subsequent criminalisation of gambling. There is also a very interesting comparison between Thai government policy on gambling with those on opium use and prostitution. Whereas, the government was more concerned in the early 20th century with suppressing vice activities that attracted Thais, they apparently were more than happy to encourage Chinese labourers to spend their earnings on these very same vices, thus accruing several benefits to the state: their money would be retained in Thailand; the labourers then had insufficient funds to return home; and, they would therefore have to continue to work on important infrastructure projects. If history has taught us anything, it is that government-enacted prohibition— whether of alcohol, narcotics or gambling—simply does not work from a financial or social perspective. The Thai government opened and licensed gambling farms in the 19th century, and taxes on gambling became a major source of state revenue that underpinned many of the reforms carried out by King Rama V. Later, casinos and state-run lotteries were opened in the first half of the 20th century, yet ultimately the Thai elite sought to regulate gambling through a series of increasingly restrictive and punitive laws until government decided that gambling was a social evil that should be wholly prohibited, the same situation that exists today. Consequently, Dr. Warren’s erudite analysis on page 144 of the prevailing attitudes to gambling remains as pertinent today as during the period under review: Clearly, people continued to gamble even when it was in contravention of the law, though this was probably due not so much to ignorance or outright defiance as indifference. Indeed, if the aim of the government’s gambling policy was to change people’s behaviour by getting them to forego particular games, then it is fair to say that for the period covered by this study it failed.

Dr. Warren’s highly readable study is based on his research of a variety of Thai and English language archival sources, including government reports, interesting legal cases, journals and newspapers. Despite its hefty price tag, this book should become essential reading for anyone interested in the history of 19th century and early 20th century Thailand. Paul Bromberg

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

294

Reviews

The Memoirs and Memorials of Jacques de Coutre: Security, Trade and Society in 16th- and 17th-century Southeast Asia translated by Roopanjali Roy, edited with an introduction by Peter Borschberg (Singapore: NUS Press, 2014). ISBN: 978-997169-528-6 (soft) This fine book is a major addition to the early accounts of European visitors to Siam. It has relevance also for the history of Singapore, Asian trade, and many other topics, but in this review I shall concentrate on the passages concerning Siam. Jacques de Coutre (1572?-1640) was an adventurer, born in Bruges in presentday Belgium, who spent most of the years between 1593 and 1623 in Asia, including eight months in Siam from May to December 1695 as well as visits to Ligor, Pattani, and Tenasserim. His memoirs contain the earliest eye-witness account of Siam other than Pinto’s problematic work, and the only known first-person description of King Naresuan. The book contains English translations of De Coutre’s memoirs along with four memorials he wrote to the King of Spain and Portugal and some ancillary documents. The memoirs appear to have been written for publication, but were never printed and lay in the National Library of Spain in Madrid until discovered by scholars in the 1960s. An edition in the original Spanish was printed in 1991. Soon after, an English translation of the chapters on Siam, done by the late Philippe Annez, circulated among some Thai historians. It is infinitely better now to have a more polished translation by Roopanjali Roy along with copious notes and glossaries by Peter Borschberg of the University of Singapore, who also contributes a long introduction on the man, the manuscripts, their historical context, and their significance. In Asia, De Coutre made his living as a gem trader and eventually settled in Goa. He travelled to Ayutthaya from Melaka in the company of a Portuguese friar, Jorge de Mota, who was officially sent by the Portuguese governor of Melaka to promote trade with the Siamese capital and to find out about some Portuguese nationals who King Naresuan had hauled away from Cambodia. In De Coutre’s account, however, De Mota is a rogue. He manufactures a false translation of his diplomatic missive, turning himself into a relative of and envoy from the King of Spain and Portugal. King Naresuan is suitably flattered and is preparing to send De Mota off to Lisbon in a ship groaning with presents for the king when De Coutre, fearing that this could all Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

295

end very badly, exposes the hoax to a Siamese royal consort. Soon after, De Coutre leaves Siam. The tale does not quite add up as King Naresuan does not visit his wrath on De Mota, and De Mota does not take revenge on De Coutre. Whatever the exact truth of this caper, it keeps De Coutre in Siam for eight months and gives him several fascinating experiences to recount. He attends three audiences with King Naresuan. The second, with the presentation of the fake letter, is a full-dress affair with many similarities to the famous French embassy seventy years later. At the third, there is a tiger tethered at the foot of the throne to make sure De Coutre is suitably terrified. De Coutre trails after the king on an elephanthunting expedition in the western hills, allowing him to describe Suphanburi and the fierceness of its mosquitoes. After the narrative he adds two chapters on the striking things he has seen: floating rice, penis bells, cremations, elephants, the royal audience halls, some temples, the funeral of an important royal elephant, and the king’s cruel punishment of offenders. His visit to Pattani is brief, but he confirms other accounts that the Pattani queen is a great merchant, and describes the port as a concentration point for pepper from the archipelago. One of the appendices mentions a massacre of the entire thousandstrong Portuguese community at the port. The memorials to the Iberian king present an overview of Asian trade, including descriptions of the main exports from Ayutthaya, Pattani and Tenasserim. De Coutre eventually married and settled in Goa, but with growing rivalry between European states in Asia, he was accused of spying for the Dutch and repatriated to Europe in 1623. Both the memoirs and the memorials were probably written to refute these accusations by showing himself a loyal friend of Spain and its king. He was exonerated in 1632 and died eight years later in Trinidad. As Borschberg notes, De Coutre wrote his memoirs in the style of the picaresque tales popular in his day. Time after time, he gets into unlikely scrapes (like his experience in Siam), but escapes on each occasion like a matinee hero. Time and time again, he makes and loses a fortune, shrugging off the experience with nonchalance. Herein lies the difficulty of assessing his memoirs. They were probably written around thirty years after his time in Siam. There is little chance that he kept any sort of journal that would have survived his escapades, so he was composing from memory. He was a gem-trader, not a profession that requires skill in recording and writing. He was writing to please an audience. He is a storyteller in the style of Elmore Leonard, who does not like to pause the plot too long while describing the scenery. Some of his descriptions (e.g., of audience halls and temples) make sense up to a point, but then become difficult to imagine or to reconcile with other information – perhaps a result of De Coutre’s faulty memory or his clumsy expression. For example, the Buddha statues in temple cloisters include sitting and standing figures but also “others ... mounted on horseback with little flags in their hands”. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

296

Reviews

These factors make it especially difficult to evaluate his fascinating passages on King Naresuan. He claims to have witnessed the king ordering punishments for some Siamese nobles involved in De Mota’s deception, for some young palace women accused of robbery, and for a woman accused of adultery. He also claims to have seen convicts executed by wild buffaloes, gladiator-style, and elephant keepers disfigured for dereliction of duty. He recounts other examples of “barbarity” which he presumably heard from others. Some of these stories are not so surprising. Punishments of their sort are detailed in the Ayutthaya laws, and were not very different from punishments enforced in parts of Europe at the time. But some examples, such as the animal-assisted execution of the adulterous woman, have no support in the Ayutthaya laws. Was De Coutre pandering to a taste for exotic sadism? This publication makes available a fascinating early European source on Southeast Asia. The editor provides a long introduction, detailed annotations, very full glossaries of places and things, a timeline, and many old maps and prints. What historians ought to make of De Coutre’s memories is another matter, but it is great to have this source in clear sight. Chris Baker

The Ideal Man: The Tragedy of Jim Thompson and the American Way of War by Joshua Kurlantzick (New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2011). ISBN 978-0-47008621-6 (hard) Ask anyone, in Thailand at random, “What do you remember of Jim Thompson?” Typical answers will doubtless include: “He disappeared”; “He is an American”; “He was the Silk King of Thailand”; “He was a CIA agent”. Each one of these answers alone is not particularly relevant to the make-up of the man. Jim Thompson disappeared in the Cameron Highlands of Malaysia in 1967. This was a shocking event, but many white men have disappeared in Asia. They did not become famous. Jim Thompson was indeed an American. So what? Americans are everywhere, often in places they should not be. Still, America being the most powerful country in the world, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

297

the disappearance of an American citizen could, and in this case did, create a lot of media attention. Jim Thompson also made a great fortune in Thailand. He became “The Silk King” and left behind a lasting commercial legacy in the form of his Jim Thompson Company. This company still has its beautiful flagship store at the corner of Surawong Road and Rama IV Road in central Bangkok and operates the Jim Thompson Thai House museum. The latter is undoubtedly one of the landmark tourist attractions in Bangkok. There have actually been many “Built To Last” companies in Thailand founded by Occidentals, including B. Grimm, T. Leonowens, East Asiatic Co., etc. None of the founders of these enterprises became a “legend” like Jim Thompson. So, Jim Thompson was a CIA agent. Really! There were so many CIA agents in Thailand and Southeast Asia, especially in the wake of the Vietnam War. Most of them are not famous. Actually, they try hard not to attract too much attention. Moreover, Thompson was certainly not a distinguished spy like Philby, Burgess or even Matahari. So why should he be famous? Yet Jim Thompson is famous! Could it be that he owed his fame not to any one particular reason or event? Rather, each of these individual innocuous responses, lumped together, has created a cacophony of sound that greatly magnified the Jim Thompson myth. The Ideal Man is actually a book about a famous man. The misplaced title suggests that the glamorous life of Jim Thompson embodies the humanist ideal of “the life well-lived”, worthy of emulation wherever possible. The author appears to stand in awe of the fame achieved by his subject. Indeed, any biographer would be immediately confronted by the enormous legacy of Jim Thompson, for better or for worse. The aura of fame - like a pleasant mist - colours the author’s perception of Jim Thompson throughout. Wearing tinted spectacles can assist a biographer in certain ways by casting light on key aspects of their subject’s life. But they can also obscure other areas of interest. Nevertheless, Joshua Kurlantzick has written a very informative book on the life and times of Jim Thompson, which is clear, readable and interesting. The book portrays a very human, but sad, story of a man engaged in an unrequited love affair with Thailand, caught between two cultures. As might be expected of a writer who usually focuses on politics, Kurlantzick provides a vivid background of the political context of the Vietnam War and its impact on Thailand. For readers who are interested in a clear snapshot account of Thailand’s modern history and the country’s role prior to and during the Vietnam War, the book serves as a welcome primer. The author also makes Jim Thompson’s house come alive with a constant parade of celebrity guests, including members of the Kennedy and Eisenhower families, Barbara Hutton, Doris Duke, Truman Capote, Benny Goodman, and nearly every prominent European royal or heiress passing through its cultured corridors and dining rooms. If they did not exactly eat out of his hand, they all basked in his Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

298

Reviews

hospitality and hung on his words, as Thompson pontificated about Thai culture, the Vietnam War and world geopolitics. As a result, Kurlantzick’s book is likely to become the definitive work on Jim Thompson. Only U.S. Government files that have not yet been declassified might shed more light on this topic. Otherwise, one would be hard put to find more information in one volume about Thompson’s background and career. Having praised the author for doing a thorough job in documenting the life of Jim Thompson, let me venture to offer some reservations. It seems that the author started writing a book based on the assumption that Thompson is an important historical figure. Since he is so famous, he must be historically important. Moreover, many important historical political figures - like the Kennedys - appear to be his friends. The author did not assess the basis of Thompson’s fame. He did not set out to exorcise Thompson’s ghost. He wholeheartedly accepted Thompson’s fame at face value. But is that fame justified? Is there much substance to Jim Thompson’s famous political ambiguity? I think the book fails to determine whether Thompson is historically an important figure. The author cannot even establish whether Thompson was spying for the CIA. He merely reports that Thompson used to work in the OSS (the CIA’s precursor). His definitive claim comprises the fact that Thompson’s CIA file has not yet been declassified. Moreover, despite the author’s best efforts to cast new light on Thompson’s disappearance in the Cameron Highlands, his attempt to prove a conspiracy behind the disappearance also meets a dead end. After reading this book, we are no wiser as to why Thompson disappeared, who might have killed him or whether he arranged his own disappearance. There have been so many hypotheses over the years, but American historian Dr. Edward van Roy is probably spot on when he said, “The attempt to prove a conspiracy theory behind the disappearance of Jim Thompson is just a storm in a teacup. Jim Thompson probably fell into a hole in the jungle floor at the Cameron Highlands and was eaten by wild animals.” Yet, the legend that has become Jim Thompson remains an entrepreneurial success story. Thanks to his famed house-cum-museum, and the enormous success of the silk company he founded, there is considerably more substance to Thompson the creative entrepreneur than to Thompson the ambiguous political man and glamorous spy. He discovered the beautiful Thai silk produced by the Muslim Cham weavers of Baan Krua by Bangkok’s Khlong Saen Sap. He started a silk production company and got the Cham weavers and dyers at Baan Krua to supply him with silk textiles. He began to promote internationally Thai silk with novel patterns, bright pigments and exotic designs. By the end of the 1950s, Thompson had made Thai silk globally popular and he fully deserved the title of Thailand’s “Silk King.” His career as an entrepreneur and founder of a “Built to Last” company, which has become a global brand, is highly commendable. Joshua Kurlantzick is a serious political writer whose analysis of contemporary Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

299

events in Southeast Asia is well written and thought provoking. In this case, these events overshadow the book’s subject. Unfortunately, the author’s search for Jim Thompson the political, or “ideal” man, turns out to be a chase after a mirage. Jeffery Sng Isan Writers, Thai Literature: Writing and Regionalism in Modern Thailand by Martin B. Platt (Singapore: National University of Singapore Press; and Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2013). ISBN: 978-9971-69-697-9. In Thailand today everyone knows that Isan refers to northeastern Thailand, but the term is understood by urban people differently from those who live, or have their roots, in the region. For most urban middle and upper class people, Isan is assumed to mean a place of uneducated and unsophisticated country people who speak an unrefined language (primarily Lao). In the political rhetoric of the 21st century, the khon isan (คนอิสาณ), the northeastern people, are often symbolized as stupid water buffaloes. What Platt succeeds in doing in this pioneering work is demonstrating that for at least half a century there have been a number of men and a few women who write from their own experience of a mainly rural world where most people speak as their native language a dialect of Lao or, in some cases, of Khmer, but who write in the national language and whose contributions are to the national literature of Thailand. What makes a writer an “Isan” writer? This is a question that Platt pursues throughout his book in which he examines some two dozen writers whose published work appeared in the second half of the 20th century. First, a modern Isan writer is not one whose education was gained as it was traditionally, in a monastic school, and who learned to write in Lao, Khmer or what is called tuatham (ตัวธรรม) (literally ‘dhammic script’), an orthography once used for Buddhist texts not only in northeastern and northern Thailand, but also in Laos. Rather, a modern Isan writer writes in standard Thai, the language he or she learned in a government school. Secondly, although a modern Isan writer may draw on the traditional literature of the region – legends incorporated into sermons given by monks or used as the basis for performances of Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

300

Reviews

folk opera, môlam mu (หมอลำ�หมู)่ – the modern Isan writer situates himself or herself with reference to novels, short stories, and poetry that has been composed by other writers in standard Thai. Finally, in contrast to traditional or modern môlam whose audiences have always been primarily people from northeastern Thailand, “few Isan writers, especially those working at the end of the 20th century, saw themselves as writing specifically for other Isan people….Isan writers recognized that their audience was the Thai reading public in general, and thus their goals were primarily to educate outsiders, to bring about social and political change (and thereby to improve the conditions of Isan) or simply to assert the presence and significance of Isan.” (230) An Isan writer, Platt concludes, is typically one born in, and who usually grew up in, northeastern Thailand and whose “writing is related to Isan,” (226)1 Some writers who originally came from northeastern Thailand, like the highly published Kanchana Nakkhanan (กาญจนา นาคนันท์) (b. 1921), have not been identified as khon isan and have written only a little about northeastern themes. Platt includes her as one of the first Isan writers, because in some of her stories her portrayal of rural people – based on those in the Northeast – shows these people “worthy of sympathy and respect.” (48) Two other writers who are a little younger than Kanchana – Khamsing Srinawk (penname, Lao Khamhawm) (คำ�สิงห์ ศรีนอก / ลาว คำ�หอม) (b. 1930) and Khamphun Bunthawi (คำ�พูน บุณทวี) (1928-2003) – whose work has been based much more on their own Isan experience are recognized as foundational Isan writers. Khamphun’s work, and notably Luk Isan (ลูกอีสาน), his most famous work, is at once autobiographical and what I would also term ethnographic in its detailed depiction of rural Isan life; “in its humorous, reduplicative non-linear characteristics [Luk Isan] recalls the techniques of Isan/Lao oral arts.” (126) In contrast, Khamsing, who was influenced by Western scholars associated with the Cornell project of the 1950s for whom he worked, is more analytical in his approach, wanting as he said “people with power in the cities to understand and sympathize with people like Nai Nak Na-ngam,” a northeastern villager who is the main character in one of his stories (quoted at p. 57). He influenced the Isan and other writers who came to be associated with leftist movements in the 1960s and 1970s. By the mid to late 1960s, Thai society had undergone a radical socioeconomic transformation. In the post-Second World War period, the Thai economy boomed as a result of the marked increase in Thai exports – mainly of rice and other primary products, the extremely large transfers of aid from the United States, and the sideeffects of the American war in Vietnam, including the establishment of American military bases in Thailand and the servicing of hundreds of thousands of GIs on ‘rest and recreation’. An increasingly larger percentage of rural northeasterners – first male, and then also female – found temporary and sometimes, more rarely, The volume published by the Isan Writers Association, สาบอีสาน: รวมเรืองสั้นของนักเขียนภาคอีสาน (‘Scent of the Northeast: Collected stories by Isan Writers’) [พระนคร]: เคล็ดไทย, 2551, might well be read as a companion volume to Platt’s book. 1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

301

permanent work in Bangkok. During this period when Thailand was under a military dictatorship, there was marked corruption and no political will to institute policies that would have ameliorated the growing inequalities in wealth between Bangkok and rural Thailand. These inequalities became the concern not only of a growing student movement, but also of writers who took as their responsibility producing stories to promote attention primarily to the plight of rural people. These writers took inspiration from Jit Phumisak, the Thai philologist, historian, and Marxist, who was killed in 1966 while fighting alongside the Communist Party of Thailand. Jit had argued that literature and art should serve the people, a proposition that was taken up by writers under the banner of “Literature for Life” (wannakam pheua chiwit / วรรณกรรมเพือ่ ชีวติ ). In the 1960s and 1970s, most well-known Isan writers became identified with this movement. Platt discusses several of these writers, including Surachai Janthimathorn ​(สุรชัย จัรทิมธร) (b. 1948) and Prasert Jandam (ประเสริฐ จันดำ�) (1945-1995). Surachai, who came from the minority Khmer-speaking people of Isan, had acquired an impressive ability as a writer in Thai of short stories, poems and songs, and used his ability “to speak forcefully against injustice and the suffering it causes.” (86) After the coup of 1976 when the student movement and its supporters were forcefully repressed, Surachai “went to the jungle”, that is, he joined the revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party of Thailand. He, like many others who joined the ill-fated communist-led revolution, became disillusioned with the party and, after an amnesty in 1980, returned to society. His subsequent writings evolved from revolutionary themes to manifestations of the “growing regionalism in Thai literature.” Prasert, a Sisaket native, in his numerous books and poems made himself “almost synonymous with Isan writing, political struggle, and Literature for Life” (86) in the 1970s. Although his life was short, since his death he has become a legend as people have “rediscovered his writing and associated him somewhat nostalgically with the golden age of political activism and literary presence on the national stage.” (105) The shift away from seeking the revolutionary overthrow of the Thai political system to the quest by Isan people to become recognized as full citizens of Thailand, with the right to help choose the leaders who govern them, was foreshadowed in the writing of Khamman Khonkhai (คำ�หมาน คนไค) (b. 1937). Platt notes that Khamman’s primary interest “is education and teaching,” (127) as is manifest in his well-known Khru Ban Nơk (ครูบา้ นนอก), “Village School Teacher,” a book made into a film and translated into English by Gehan Wijewardene and published as The Teachers of Mad Dog Swamp. The teacher in a Thai government school in rural Isan holds a very critical position serving, as I have shown elsewhere, to reshape Isan villagers’ identity so that they come to see themselves as Thai citizens, but with a distinctive

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

302

Reviews

regional character.2 Khamman’s writing dramatically pursues this theme. Platt shows how Isan writers such as Yong Yasothorn (ยงค์ ยโสธร) (penname of Prayong Mulsan) and Fon Fafang (ฟอน ฝาฟาง) (penname of Wira Sudsang), who both emerged from the late 1970s on, embraced a regionalism (thơngthin niyom / ท้องถิน่ นิยม) that seeks to identify, discuss, and assert the value of Isan artistic, historical, linguistic, and local cultural products as significant components of the cultural heritage of Thailand. By the end of the 20th century, the fact that newer Isan writers such as Phaiwarin Khaongam (ไพวรินทร์ ขาวงาม), the winner of the prestigious SEAWrite Award, Prachakhom Lunachai (ประชาคม ลุนาชัย), winner “of all the major Thai literary awards except the SEAWrite Award,” (192) Manote Phromsingh (มาโนช พรหทมสิงห์), “among the most promising of the new generation of Isan writers,” (197) see themselves as contributing more generally to Thai literature, and not only to a regional literature, has made the category of Isan writers less clearly demarcated than it was in the 1970s. Platt’s book, with its exceptional combination of critical readings of a large body of Thai literature by Isan writers, interviews with many writers, and insightful reflections on how these writers have developed in the turbulent decades of late 20th century Thailand, has made a unique contribution to the understanding of writers with roots in the distinctive region of northeastern Thailand. One looks forward to Platt writing a new chapter that examines Isan writers in the era that began early in the 21st century with the rise of the populist politics most associated with Thaksin Shinawatra. As support for these politics is very marked among northeasterners, one would expect that a newer generation of Isan writers would be shaped not only by general trends in Thai literature, but also by the experiences of the Red Shirt movement and the conflict with those of the Thai middle and upper classes. Charles Keyes

See “The Proposed World of the School: Thai Villagers Entry into a Bureaucratic State System,” in Reshaping Local Worlds: Rural Education and Cultural Change in Southeast Asia, ed. by Charles F. Keyes. (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asian Studies), 1991, pp. 87-138.

2

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

303

Illuminating the Life of the Buddha by Naomi Appleton, Sarah Shaw, and Toshiya Unebe (Oxford: Bodleian Library Publishing, 2013). ISBN 978 1 85124 283 2. With few publications in English about Thai painting, the arrival of a new one that helps to shed light on any variety of information about paintings (dating, function, purpose, etc.) is cause for celebration. In this case, Illuminating the Life of the Buddha does not disappoint. The book is an in-depth examination of an 18th century samut khoi manuscript in the collection of the Bodleian Library in England. Scholarship presented in the book is shared equally and successfully by its three authors whose specialties lie in the field of religious studies. The book is rich with color images of the manuscript and related objects throughout. Samut khoi are accordion-folded mulberry paper manuscripts that were carefully and finely created with written text and, often, illustrated with beautiful depictions of popular Buddhist narratives. Dating back to the 16th century, samut khoi were particularly popular in Thailand in the 18th and 19th centuries before their production waned, replaced by printed versions. From the start it is clear that the manuscript will be presented by the authors with great care in relation to its detail. On the first pages the illustrated folios of the manuscript are reproduced with color photographs and on the following two pages, a map of the manuscript is offered that is helpful for gaining a better understanding of how the paintings and text are laid out. Focusing the book on a single manuscript is an excellent approach to expand our understanding of the structure, function, and life of a samut khoi. Each chapter of Illuminating the Life of the Buddha explores different aspects of the Bodleian’s samut khoi, referred to in the book by its accession number: MS. Pali a. 27 (R). Chapter 1 introduces the book and its Thai Buddhist context, exploring samut khoi manuscripts, their structure, function, and composition. This chapter compares the Bodleian manuscript with the presentation of Buddhist images at Buddhist monasteries in the region as “principal ways that Southern Buddhists, lay and monastic, have come to appreciate the teaching.” (p. 1) It also provides insight into the role of text and image in samut khoi in general, and specifically in MS. Pali a. 27 (R). Because samut khoi are often a collection of the visual and the verbal, both aspects should be explored in order to give a complete picture of a painted Thai Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

304

Reviews

manuscript. The reader is also reminded, following Peter Skilling’s insightful work, that the paintings in the manuscript are illustrative, yet not specifically illustrations, since they function outside of the written text as a reminder of the Buddha’s perfections. The samut khoi manuscript that is the focus of this book presents paintings of the final ten jātakas and the Buddha’s life story in its folded pages. These stories and their significance are explored in Chapters 2 and 3 of Illuminating the Life of the Buddha. We learn that the order of the painted narratives and their specific locations throughout the manuscript have significance. Chapter 2 introduces the Pāli text from which the manuscript comes, known as the Jātakatthavaṇṇanā or “Commentary on the jātaka” (p. 10), and outlines the importance of the last ten births or great stories. The stories are recounted, explained, and illustrated generously with depictions from the manuscript MS. Pali a. 27 (R) and supplemented with other Thai manuscripts and various works of art. The strength of the chapter is the sequence of information, its accessibility, and the illustrations. I found the discussion of the history of depicting the ten final lives in art and the situation of manuscript MS.Pali a. 27 (R) within Thai manuscript history particularly interesting. Chapter 3 details the final life of the Buddha, echoing the order of its presentation in manuscript MS. Pali a. 27 (R). His life as a prince and then as the enlightened one is the subject of the manuscript following the jātakas. The incorporation of forty illustrations of the final life of the Buddha in the manuscript is unusual for a samut khoi, and this fact together with an analysis of their placement is highlighted throughout Illuminating the Life of the Buddha. This chapter identifies the Paṭhamasambodhi, “an extra-canonical biography of the Buddha composed in Pāli,” (p. 56) as the textual source of the life story paintings. Its history and importance are examined as are discrepancies between the samut khoi paintings and the Paṭhamasambodhi. Chapter 3 stresses that seeing the Buddha in painted images is an important way of seeing the Buddha and being in the presence of the Buddha and his teachings. Chapter 4 explores “The lifestory of a manuscript” and gives a great deal of background in the process. Readers learn how the authors dated the manuscript and its possible inclusion in the gifts from Siam to Ceylon in the mid-18th century. The chapter also details the written content of the Bodleian manuscript and, importantly and typical of samut khoi, the fact that the written content does not match the subject of the paintings. Of course a manuscript’s life continues after its creation – especially one now residing in a British collection – and Chapter 4 does a wonderful job of discussing the provenance and “travels” of the manuscript. I found this chapter to be compelling because of the analysis involved and the overall discussion of the manuscript, and its particulars were details I found myself missing in the previous chapters. The authors’ affection for their subject comes through in Illuminating the Life of the Buddha. This book is a delightful contribution to the field of Thai and Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

305

Buddhist studies and I am thrilled to have it as part of my library. It offers a variety of perspectives and insight for researchers, teachers, or students. I hope its publication is an inspiration to others and that it is just the start of an increased interest of scholars and publishers in the field of Thai manuscripts and painting in general. Rebecca Hall

In Royal Fashion: The Style of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit of Thailand by Melissa Leventon and Dale Carolyn Gluckman (Bangkok: Queen Sirikit Museum of Textiles, 2013). ISBN 978-616-91379-0-0 (hard). When the Queen Sirikit Museum of Textiles opened to the public on 26 April 2012, the first exhibitions in the grandly renovated former offices of the Ministry of Finance were created in honor of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit. After nine years of study, planning, renovation and assembling collections, the new museum located in the compound of Bangkok’s Grand Palace was created to serve as a center for those who wish to study and learn about Southeast Asian and Asian textiles. For the inaugural exhibitions the new museum focused on the exemplary role that Queen Sirikit has played in supporting Thai textiles and included themes on fashion and Thai national dress. An impressive Thai language catalogue ราชศิลป์พสั ตราภรณ์ พิพธิ ภัณฑ์ ผ้าในสมเด็จพระนางเจ้าสิรกิ ติ ์ พระบรมราชินนี าถ that featured a forward by the museum’s Patron, HRH Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, was produced. An English language edition In Royal Fashion: The Style of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit of Thailand appeared a year later. Both catalogues cover the displays in two of the museum’s principal halls. In the first gallery, the exhibition is entitled “Artistry in Silk: The Royal Style of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit” and a second gallery houses “Fashioning Tradition: Queen Sirikit Creates a National Dress for Thailand”. The original catalogue that appeared in Thai in 2012 was written by a committee of museum staff and scholars. Although the photographs and most information in the two editions are similar, the text for the English version was completely rewritten by the authors Melissa Leventon and Dale Carolyn Gluckman. In comparing the Thai edition and the English version, the changes and additions Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

306

Reviews

were clearly intended to assist an international audience to better understand the topic by providing additional historical and cultural background. As the work was first written in Thai, a direct translation would have been complicated for a foreign readership to follow. This is because, when writing about royalty, rajasap ราชาศัพท์, the royal Thai language, must be used. This honorific language makes the text extremely formal and repetitive. Additionally, the titles of personages in the royal family are long and complex, and are often not the same as those commonly used in English. As a result, a direct translation of the original Thai edition would pose problems for an English language reader unfamiliar with Thai court etiquette and succession. The authors, who have both served as consultants since the outset of the museum’s creation, have carefully focused on providing supplementary and complimentary information to the original text. Following the Forward by HRH Princess Sirindhorn, the catalogue’s Introduction provides readers with a brief biographic background of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit and stresses the important role she played in creating a modern Thai national dress. As the authors point out, “Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, the dress of members of the Thai court had gradually Westernized to the point where there was no ‘traditional’ Thai dress suitable for Her Majesty”. This fact is pivotal as the raison d’etre for the exhibition and the major role that Her Majesty played in reshaping a national Thai fashion identity. The other essential point is that the Queen focused a great deal of attention on rural women and, through this concern, became very interested in supporting traditional textiles. The book’s first chapter is entitled “Women’s Fashion at the Thai Court and Beyond, 1860 to 1960”. This differs from the Thai edition that has a first chapter entitled “The Evolution of Women’s Attire during the Rattanakosin Period” and is divided into three sections starting with a brief one covering the period from 1782 to 1851. The second section of the Thai edition covers the period of the Westernization of Thai dress and the third section deals with the period starting at the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932. The English edition touches on the early Bangkok period as well, and then moves on to the reign of King Rama IV. The authors note that an early photograph of King Rama IV and his Queen Debsirindra was sent to US President Franklin Pierce, and was probably taken in the 1850s. As a result, the introduction of photography is clearly a crucial development in the study of royal Siamese attire, because for the first time it is possible to know exactly what a personage is wearing. Thus, it is unclear why the English edition uses the starting date for the first chapter as 1860, which is in the middle of the reign of King Rama IV (1851-1863). It would seem more suitable to have chosen the 1850s, the decade that Rama IV’s reign began and photography was introduced, unless the authors chose the date 1860 because around this time women in the court reportedly began to appear in Western style dress when greeting visitors. Aside from this minor point, the first chapter is filled with useful explanations of how fashion evolved over the decades. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

307

Of note is the fact that in both the Thai and English editions the year 1932 is highlighted as a turning point in the history of Thai fashion. This is because the Prime Minister at the time issued a Cultural Mandate that discouraged the wearing of some types of traditional Thai attire. He considered that the local population would appear more “civilized” if they used Western dress. While this did not have as much effect in rural Thailand as in the cities, following the Second World War Western fashion took hold even in remote rural areas. The second chapter in the book covers the story of how Her Majesty prepared for state visits by developing a new type of national dress. In total, eight different styles of women’s attire were created, each named after an important royal place. As the authors point out, most visitors and younger Thais assume that these styles are part of a continuous tradition, when in fact, they are not. The main feature of these new fashion creations is that although they appear to be hip-wrapped and draped like traditional attire, in fact, they are constructed in the same manner as Western style dress. The third and final chapter focuses on how the Queen encouraged the use of locally woven textiles. Initially her wardrobe was made from silk produced by the company started by locally based American Jim Thompson. However, in 1976 Her Majesty established the Foundation for Promotion of Supplementary Occupations and Related Techniques (SUPPORT) which encouraged many types of crafts. As a result, the Queen began to wear clothing made from locally woven cottons and silks, thus starting a fashion trend followed by many Thai women. The catalogue’s sixty-two page text is followed by well over one hundred pages of outstanding images that document the ensembles worn by Her Majesty juxtaposed with photographs showing the historic event where a particular outfit was worn. In addition, there are design sketches and close-up photographs that highlight the superb craftsmanship that went into creating many of the fashions. The selection and order of the photographs in the 216-page tome follows the same order in both Thai and English editions. One would assume that while the text could be revised, changing the order of the illustrations from the original format would be more difficult. While the photography of the Queen’s attire is outstanding, the concept behind the layout of illustrations is unclear. It would have been more helpful if the photographs had followed a historic timeline or that the Thai-inspired fashions and foreign designs were grouped separately. Since the reign of Rama IV, when the King sent photographs of himself to European royals, the Thai nobility has astutely recognized that making an international fashion statement can greatly contribute to the Kingdom’s standing and image as a modern nation. Fashionable King Chulalongkorn (1868-1910), the first Siamese sovereign to visit Europe, greatly impressed continentals with his sophisticated taste and elegant style. The beautiful and impeccably attired Queen Sirikit upheld this tradition by gaining international fame for her elegant sense of fashion. Beyond this achievement, Her Majesty contributed even more to the national image by designing Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

308

Reviews

and implementing a new fashion identity for Thai women that also encouraged and supported rural development. Through an informative text and hundreds of beautiful illustrations this achievement has been carefully recorded for posterity in In Royal Fashion: The Style of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit of Thailand. Jane Puranananda

How Theravāda is Theravāda? Exploring Buddhist Identities edited by Peter Skilling, Jason A. Carbine, Claudio Cicuzza, and Santi Pakdeekham (Bangkok: Silkworm Books, 2012). ISBN 978-616-215-044-9. How Theravāda is Theravāda? is a set of essays that question one of the most important ideas we have about Buddhism in the region: the concept of Theravāda, usually understood as a coherent “school” of Buddhism based upon a community that is aware of themselves in contradistinction to the Mahāyāna Buddhism of Tibet and much of East Asia. It turns out, however, that the term “Theravāda”, in the sense of denoting a set of practices and a community, surfaced only in the 19th century through the writings of foreign scholars. Local scholars and monks took up the term with alacrity, culminating in its use at the World Fellowship of Buddhists in Sri Lanka in the early 1950s. What is also remarkable is the extent to which the concept of “Theravāda Buddhism” has become central both to scholarship and the so-called Theravadin societies of Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia themselves. National histories from the region often project a sense of always having been a Theravāda nation. Taken as a whole, this volume asks in effect, what do we do with the term “Theravāda”? Despite the fact that it is a recent intellectual construct, what are the historical forerunners of it, and what did earlier terms denote? Even if there were no terms that meant exactly what Theravāda does today, can we find evidence of a shared sense of identity, community, practice, or thought world? How did practitioners in the region understand themselves, and what were their connections between each Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

309

other? The contributors, ranging from the fields of religious studies and art history, with some leanings towards philology, ponder these questions. Readers who are not specialists in those fields may find some chapters more accessible than others. Where does the term “Theravāda” then come from, and what did it, or its predecessors, mean in the past? In the Introduction, Peter Skilling observes that the Pāli chronicles speak of the transmission of the theravaṁsa or “lineage of the elders through simas (spaces where ordinations into the monkhood take place) at Anurādhapura in what is now Sri Lanka. Through this lineage have circulated the teachings of Buddhism throughout Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, together with bodhi trees, relics, and more recently, images. On more than one occasion, the actual lineages themselves have been “planted” and replanted in various places where an ordination lineage was either broken through attrition among the monks, or through perceptions of degeneracy. Aside from this one predecessor of the concept, when we do find the term theravāda in pre-modern records, it refers simply to the idea of “what the elders said.” With this emphasis on precedence, the term does not imply a set of practices, much less an entire school of religion. An early mention in a Burmese text is in reference to monks not wearing their robes correctly. The idea of lineages, practices, and a sense of community between the Theravadin civilizations is a theme several contributors take up. In Chapter 1, Rupert Gethin focuses on the figure of Buddhaghosa, who wrote many of the defining texts of what has become Theravāda Buddhism. In looking into some of those texts—Lankan works composed up to the 12th century—for signs of religious identity, Gethin finds lineages of the theras or elders, a set of missions between the Theravadin countries, the vibhajjavādin analytical tradition, and a connection to the Mahāvihāra “Great Temple” in Anurādhapura. Together, these references build a sense of a shared religious community of the time. Jason Carbine, in his chapter, looks at a specific instance of the formation and continuation of a community. Through an examination of the Kalyāṇī Inscriptions of late 15th century Thaton, a Mon polity in what is today Lower Burma, Carbine finds connections between simas, practices, lineages, and the creation of a sense of community. The Inscriptions are the earliest roots of a lineage and practice, based on a site and on the Inscriptions themselves, through which a monastic community has maintained and reproduced itself. While the Kalyāṇī Inscriptions have become a text central to how Burmese and Mons understand their religious identities today, I would also note the hand of British colonial scholarship in positioning the Inscriptions in Burmese historiography. Similarly, Anne Blackburn finds evidence of a shared sense of community and lineage in three monastic histories of Lanka. Peter Skilling introduces a useful concept, that of the Pāli imaginaire, to describe the possibility of a community having a shared “thought world,” or set of ideas, practices, lineages, and places. From a modern perspective, Wat Phra Chetuphon, a late 18th-century Thai temple built in the early Bangkok period, is thoroughly Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

310

Reviews

“Theravadin” in its architecture, art, and inscriptions, without seemingly being selfconsciously so. The interaction between Pāli-language and vernacular traditions in cosmopolitan early Bangkok resulted in the temple, a visual and intellectual instantiation of an unnamed thought world that we would identify as Theravadin. Turning to the contemporary notion of Theravāda, we learn that it has evolved out of a century and a half of western and Japanese engagement, largely textual, with South and Southeast Asia. In his contribution—what is in effect a monograph—Todd LeRoy Perreira traces the genealogy of the term Theravāda back from the pivotal moment on 25 May 1950, when during the World Fellowship of Buddhists in Kandy, the Venerable Mahā Nāyaka Thera of Malwatta was the first of many participants at the conference to speak of Theravāda Buddhism and its pristine state of purity in Sri Lanka at the time. This event, with its use of the term “Theravāda Buddhism” and connotations of purity, was the culmination of several developments coming together. Foreign scholars had studied the religious practices of colonial India and Ceylon, including early Pāli expert Rhys Davids, who was one of the first scholars to bring a textual bias to the current study of Buddhism, especially in the West. Many Japanese scholar-monks, such as D.T. Suzuki, were interested in representing their religious practices to the outside world and participated in debates about the various forms of Buddhism. Sri Lankan and Thai scholar-monks also sought to study and promote their own religious practices during the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. These many streams fed into a conversation that came to establish the current meaning of the term Theravāda. Perreira also alludes to the role of politics: the British presence in the region enabled scholars to study Buddhism systematically in the first place. Behind the speeches on 25 May 1950 also stood the interests of Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism to assert domination over the newlyindependent country. At the same time, Ambedkar, leader of the Dalits in India, was keenly interested in establishing a “pure” form of Buddhism to which the Dalits could convert as a form of liberation from the oppression of the Hindu caste system. The role of foreign scholarship in fostering local understanding is one that Arthid Sheravanichkul continues in his contribution. Looking through the correspondence of King Chulalongkorn (reigned 1868-1910) of Siam with Prince Narisranuvattiwong, the author finds evidence that the king’s ideas of a division between Hīnayāna (a now disused term, which “Theravāda” has come to replace) and Mahāyāna Buddhism, were influenced by contact with Japanese and Western scholarship in English. Although the king was not overly concerned with imparting great meaning to a division, Arthid argues that the very idea of a division arose through contact with outside scholars and scholarship. Some contributors raise the question of using a more appropriate, indigenous term to talk about Buddhist practices, lineages, and communities in the past. Carbine, for example, offers the term sāsana, a Pāli term commonly understood simply as “religion.” Perhaps this is close to how some people in the past may have articulated Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

311

their own sense of community and practice. However, I would argue that it is risky to try to find a term for something that did not yet exist, however strong some of its antecedents may be. To take a nod from the world of American celebrity, can we speak of the “Religion/Practice/Lineage Latterly Known as Theravāda” before it was so christened? The Western academic tradition arranges the world into discrete categories and piles them into ever higher superordinate structures. While notions of ethnicity, identity, religion – just a few of the big categories of modern thought – all have their roots “out there” in the observable world, the very act of bringing together disparate phenomena under a delineated rubric and giving it a name is in itself an act of creation and birth. How Theravāda is Theravāda? features rich illustrations of the art, personalities, artifacts, and architecture of the Theravāda world. While some of these plates support the text, others are rather more examples of cultural riches, with a decided emphasis on the art of Thailand. Readers who are not specialists of Thailand would no doubt have appreciated the use of dates in preference to the exclusive use of reign names in some of the contributions. The essays in this volume together offer a highly useful reminder that many of the categories of thought that we use to understand the past are of very recent provenance, and that the solidity that we attribute to the past may disappear under closer investigation. Patrick McCormick Enlightened Ways: The Many Streams of Buddhist Art in Thailand edited by Heidi Tan (Singapore: Asian Civilisations Museum, 2012). ISBN: 978-981-07-4628-5. I was indeed fortunate in 2013 to have been able to visit the fascinating exhibition at the Asian Civilisations Museum (ACM) in Singapore for which this book served as the accompanying catalogue. I was overcome not only by the quality of the exhibits that Principal Curator Heidi Tan and her team had managed to assemble from the ACM’s own collection, the Thai National Library and several National Museums around Thailand, but the superb way they had been arranged and thoughtfully displayed. The lighting and the clear signage were excellent. Fortunately for those who could not travel to Singapore, there is still an opportunity to examine Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

312

Reviews

carefully the more than 160 exhibits illustrated in this beautiful 267-page publication that demonstrate the extraordinary range and beauty of Buddhist art in Thailand over 1,500 years. The catalogue comprises a Foreword and six short chapters written by leading Buddhist and Thai art historians, followed by the catalogue of exhibits. Interspersed throughout are short one-page summaries describing the standard “Periods of Thai Art” – divided into eight periods: Early confluences, Dvaravati culture, Srivijaya empire, Lopburi with Khmer influence, Sukhothai kingdom, Lan Na kingdom, Ayutthaya kingdom and Rattanakosin period – then the role of “Brahmanism in Thailand” and various aspects of “Merit Making”. In his Foreword, Alan Chong, Director of the ACM, explains the background and aims of the exhibition, and why the organisers covered such considerable ground; they have not tried to define “genuine Siamese or Thai culture ….. or what true, doctrinal Buddhism encompasses.” Rather, the aim of the exhibition was to examine “art related to the evolving practice of Buddhism” in the geographic area that now constitutes Thailand. In the opening chapter, The Many Streams of Buddhist Art in Thailand, Heidi Tan provides a concise, yet highly readable, survey of Buddhist art in Thailand chronologically and by region, and notes that “the very eclecticism of the artistic styles in Thailand shows how Buddhism has taken on multiple meanings.” She then takes the reader on a journey through the various periods of Thai art history, highlighting the cultural exchange that took place, before showcasing the wide variety of styles found in the production of assorted devotional and utilitarian objects. Lay practitioners commissioning the manufacture of such articles likely wished to demonstrate their religious devotion, and thus make merit. For artisans involved in their production, merit would have been continuously accumulating. Tan finally examines the “syncretism, hybridity and globalization” that are now taking place, and their impact. She concludes that the ways in which merit making can be expanded appear limitless, and have even taken on a global dimension thanks to ease of communication and the Internet. Peter Skilling structures his chapter, The Aesthetics of Devotion: Buddhist Arts of Thailand, around the two “bodies” of the Buddha, namely rupakaya, his “form body” or representatations of the Buddha in the form of relics, images and statues, and dharmakaya, his “dharma body” that comprises his body of teachings. Skilling quickly covers plenty of ground, providing an overview of Buddhism in Thailand in the Dvaravati and early period before looking at the mass production of moulded images, better, but incorrectly according to Skilling, known as votive tablets. He then reviews the production and types of various images of the Buddha before examining Buddhist painting, the Ten Jātaka tales and stories of the miracle-working monk Phra Malai, who is frequently depicted in folding manuscripts. Skilling reminds us that ‘Buddhist art was not made to be viewed in a museum”, and that the objects he has reviewed “are produced by spirituality and inspire spirituality.” Yet, the Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

313

Buddhist art objects illustrated in this catalogue clearly demonstrate the level of artistic achievement that has been attained, to the degree that some can certainly be considered “among the masterpieces of world art”. John Listopad’s chapter, The Walking Buddha in Thailand, concisely explores the history of this famous figure “striding fluidly through time and space,” that gained in popularity from around 1400 as a visual aid for “meditation and ascetic devotion”. He then provides examples of different types of Walking Buddhas, focusing in particular on those now more commonly referred to as Sukhothai Buddhas, before connecting the role of these figures to the creation of images of the Buddha’s footprint. Although popular in the northern regions throughout the 15th century, this type of Buddha image declined in popularity in the Ayutthaya kingdom. Listopad speculates that its decline perhaps occurred due to “fundamental changes in the practice of Buddhism”. The chapter titled Naming the Buddha: Thai Terms for Images of the Buddha by Amara Srisuchat, a former director of the National Museum in Bangkok, is quite revealing in detailing how names given to various Buddha images “shed light on popular perceptions and expressions of faith”. After providing information about epithets for the Buddha that appear in the Pāli Cannon and Sanskrit scriptures, Amara examines many popular terms for the Buddha, and how the type, material, posture, weight or height might lead to a particular nomenclature. The chapter ends quite suddenly after a review of names given to the Sinhal Image of the Buddha and the etymology of the name of the revered Emerald Buddha in the Grand Palace. The standout chapter is Justin McDaniel’s essay on amulets titled A Buddha in the Palm of Your Hand: Amulets in Buddhism. Although there is abundant material available in Thai – magazines, newspapers, books, TV shows, Internet sites, etc. – there has to date been little written in English about the history and role of amulets in Thai society. Amulets come in many forms in Thailand and continue to be hugely popular due to their supposed protective powers. McDaniel examines the materials, the categories and types of amulets produced before looking at the social and economic roles played by these small devotional objects in Thai Buddhism. He argues that the trade in amulets is not a commercialisation of Buddhism, but a legitimate means of benefiting monasteries and creating communities. There is room for further research, and perhaps even another exhibition could be held, on this fascinating topic. Alexandra Denes provides an interesting insight into more recent and current roles of Buddhist faith and art in the lives of ordinary people in her chapter, Trees of Offering: The Salak Yom Festival in Lamphun Province. After a short preamble about popular Buddhism in Thailand, Denes explains why The Salak Yom (literally “lottery trees”) festival of the minority Yong people of Lamphun in northern Thailand is a good example of the reconstruction of rituals associated with merit making. Traditionally, a young, unmarried woman prepared and offered the tree to show that Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

314

Reviews

she was ready for marriage, but also to demonstrate the importance of making merit in return for happiness and prosperity. This tradition has now disappeared, as groups of villagers produce trees decorated with gifts that are disbursed to monks through a lottery system. With the revival some ten years ago of this annual festival between September and October, the trees appear to grow taller and more ostentatious each year. Despite criticism that sees “competitions and monetary prizes for the best Salak Yom tree as a distortion of the original Buddhist values of merit making”, the festival now attracts large numbers of domestic tourists and wealthy donors. If it seems churlish to offer criticism of the catalogue of exhibits – actually this is more mild disappointment - I would like to have seen an even broader range of artefacts displayed, including Bencharong utensils or tiles (such as those used to decorate Wat Phra Kaeo and the charming Wat Rajabophit), mother-ofpearl decorative objects or furniture, enamelled copperwares, betel sets and other paraphernalia, such as fans, used by monks during religious ceremonies. Although rarely used now, all of these objects have played an ubiquitous role in Thai Buddhist ritual, and fine examples can still be found at the royal Buddhist temples of Bangkok and in museums. In summation, this is a “must-have” book for anyone interested in learning about Thai Buddhist art history, and provides a suitable legacy to the original Exhibition while the photos certainly do justice to the many rare and important exhibits. We should be grateful to the ACM for assembling one of the finest exhibitions ever on this subject matter. Paul Bromberg The Philosophical Constructs of Wat Arun by Chatri Prakitnonthakan (Bangkok: South East Insurance Pcl, 2013). ISBN 978-974-289-781-9. Over the past few years, the Fine Arts Department and the Royal Institute have published high-quality versions of some of the oldest and most important Thai texts, particularly from the early Rattanakosin era. This represented a significant and very welcome change from the parsimonious policy of these bodies in the past. The result is a new wave of scholarship, based in part on these texts, which is substantially revising the history of the late Ayutthaya and early Bangkok eras. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

315

This book could serve as a coffee-table ornament. Its stunning illustrations include a complete reconstruction of the Thonburi Illustrated Traiphum, old photos and engravings, countless maps from the 16th century to the present, computer reconstructions of Wat Arun at various points in the past, and some very high quality contemporary photography of both interiors and exteriors. But it is the text that makes this book especially valuable. Chatri Prakitnonthakan, who teaches at Silpakorn University, is one of a small group who are making architectural history one of the most exciting areas of Thai historiography at present. His interests include the politics of architecture in the 20th century and conservation issues today, but also stretch back to the linked roles of religious philosophy and architectural design in early Bangkok. The book has three parts. The first traces the history of Wat Arun. The monastery was probably founded (as Wat Makok) in the late 16th century on the bank of Khlong Lat, one of the canals cut to shorten the route down the Chao Phraya River from Ayutthaya to the sea. After 1767, it became the palace temple of King Taksin of Thonburi, was renamed as Wat Chaeng (dawn), and briefly housed the Emerald Buddha brought from Vientiane. King Rama II renamed it as Wat Arun and resolved to transform it into the principal relic stupa of the new capital of Bangkok by raising the prang from 16 to 67 metres, ensuring that it has continued to dominate the skyline of the old city centre until the present day. Subsequently, there have been many renovations and repairs, but the layout today was more or less fixed at the end of the big renovation of the Second and Third Reigns in 1842. Chatri traces the changing layout by detailed research of old maps and documents, and displays the results in neat computer reconstructions of the complex’s various phases. In the second part of the book, Chatri turns from the fabric to the texts. Many studies have concluded that the prang symbolises Mount Meru, the mountain at the centre of the Buddhist cosmology of the Three Worlds, and have assumed the symbolism is based on the version of this cosmology attributed to the Sukhothai era and known as Traiphum Phra Ruang. But Chatri shows that this text seems to have been unknown in the early Bangkok era, and argues that a new and subtly different version of the cosmology under the title Traiphum Lokawinichai was much more important. He also argues that this different version of the cosmology is represented in the several Traiphum Illustrated Manuscripts of the same era, especially the one known as Thonburi 10. In this new version, the cosmology of the universe, the history of Buddhism, and the present-day world are much more closely interrelated. The sacred geography of Jambudvipa, the sites of events in the Buddha’s life, and the modern geography of Southeast Asia are not separate conceptual realms but layers of a single map. Siam is at the centre of the world of Buddhism, and Siam’s monarch is a thamma racha, a “Buddha of the world”. Indra is recast from his role as a Hindu warrior god to become a divinity, who facilitates the emergence of Buddhism and serves as a model Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

316

Reviews

and symbol of kingship. At the centre of this discussion is a magnificent layout of the whole Thonburi Traiphum manuscript on one single extended spread. Chatri’s argument is essentially the same as in his article on Wat Pho in this issue of JSS, but presented in much greater detail. The third part of the book shows how Wat Arun was “designed as a perfect replica of the worlds and the universe according to Buddhist belief during the Early Rattanakosin period.” Chatri notes that the renovation begun in the Second Reign did not only include the enlarged prang, as generally presented, but also a complete remodelling of the complex including some thirty new or modified buildings. This new ground plan was divided into three areas with distinct symbolism. The complex around the prang represents the Traiphum cosmology in great detail, and Chatri nails down the significance of each statue, image and mural. The second area to the north around the ubosot represents Jambudvipa, and the third area to the west around the Footprint Mondop represents Lankadvipa. The argument is presented with elaborate diagrams matching the material fabric with the imagery in the Traiphum Illustrated Manuscripts. The text appears in both Thai and English. The translation by Bancha Suvannanonda and Steve Van Beek reads very well, although some more thought could have been given to making the technical terms in the cosmology easier for English-language readers to understand. The book’s title also tries a little too hard; the Thai is more simply, The Symbolism and Design of Wat Arun Ratchawararam. The layout and proofing of the English text is a bit shoddy, which is a pity given the size of the overall investment in production. The book has proper annotations, bibliography, a good glossary and index in both languages. The retail price (2,500 Baht) is expensive, but is justified by the contents, and is almost certainly subsidized by the publication’s sponsors, the Southeast Insurance and Finance Group, which has Wat Arun in its logo. Part of the proceeds will go towards maintenance of the wat. Anyone who is intrigued by Chatri’s article in this issue should move on to this book for an extended and more heavily illustrated version of the argument. It is a major contribution to the historiography of early Bangkok, and a model for the use of images and illustrations in academic argument. Chris Baker

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

317

Modern Thai Buddhism and Buddhadāsa Bhikkhu: A Social History by Tomomi Ito (Singapore: NUS Press, 2012). ISBN: 978-9971-69-572-9. This superb work by Tomomi Ito – Associate Professor in the Graduate School and Faculty of Intercultural Studies at Kobe University, Japan – can undoubtedly be considered one of the best books on Buddhadāsa Bhikkhu, after the pioneering and still essential research done by Donald Swearer, Louis Gabaude and Peter Jackson. I believe that this study should be considered a fundamental reference book not only by those who want to know Buddhadāsa Bhikkhu better, but also by scholars of Thai history and people interested in Southeast Asia. The numerous and very accurate references to the primary literature, translated by the author from Thai into English, and the meticulous quotes from studies in European languages as well as​​ works in Japanese, give this work of Tomomi Ito a unique status among the various studies dealing with the life and work of Buddhadāsa Bhikkhu. The layout of the volume is elegant and precise (I have spotted only one venial typo on page 45), the text is readable and the maps and figures – all printed in black and white – are clear. The final exhaustive bibliography adds a useful tool for further studies and research. Buddhadāsa Bhikkhu was born Nguam Panitch (เงือ่ ม พานิช) in Phumriang (พุมเรียง) in 1906. His monastic name was Phra Nguam Indapanno (พระธรรมโกศาจารย์ เงื่ อม อินทปัญโญ), and later he assumed the name “Buddhadāsa” (พุทธทาสภิกขุ), or “slave of the Buddha.” Until the day of his death in 1993, he earned the reputation of being one of the most important figures of Thai Buddhism, not only in his homeland, but also in many Western countries. During his life and after his death, his speeches were translated into English and other languages, and have often been reprinted. Wat Suan Mokkh, the forest hermitage he founded, still hosts many scholars and people devoted to meditation. The author broaches every facet of the complex personality and thought of Buddhadāsa. His biographical notes appear to be extremely deep and well organized. For example, a particular emphasis is given to the description of his relationship with his younger brother, Dhammadāsa, who was a very important figure for him. Through his brother, Buddhadāsa had his first contact with western Buddhist Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

318

Reviews

scholars and with studies and translations of Buddhist texts in English. The formal preparation of Buddhadāsa in the study of Pali did not reach the highest academic levels, although he later studied Pali on his own. Nevertheless, he was always respected as a pariyatti scholar, a monk who excels in the theory of Dharma and Buddhist scriptures, although the emphasis he placed on interpretation of the Buddhist texts was always balanced by his attention to meditative practice (the designation paṭipatti is given to a monk who excels in the practice of meditation). An example of this equilibrium has been visible at Wat Suan Mokkh since its establishment in May 1932: there they focused on combining the more theoretical parts of Buddhism with the practice of vipassanā meditation. During the earliest years of his monastic life, from 1933 until the end of the Second World War, Buddhadāsa was also involved in various editorial projects. The magazine Buddhism, published by his Dhammadāna Group, joined the already established Thammachaksu, published by the Mahamakut Buddhist Academy, and Phuttha-tham, published by the Buddhist Association of Thailand. In the magazine Buddhism, there were not only many sections containing translations from Pali texts, but also chapters with comments and teachings focused on vipassanā meditation. The author provides a very interesting and accurate comparison of these magazines. One remarkable section of this publication deals with the first lecture that Buddhadāsa gave at the Buddhist Association of Thailand. In this speech, Buddhadāsa analyzed the Dhamma of the Buddha. He began by saying that pariyatti, or “the teachings of the Buddha”, and paṭipatti, or “the Dhamma that makes us become a Buddha”, could have been considered the prerogative of few selected and learned persons. However, the third aspect, paṭivedha, or “the normality of the Buddha”, was in his words “available to everyone, everywhere it exists, and is ready to touch every person in every moment” (p. 68). This is one of the focal points of Buddhadāsa’s thought and in this volume it is rightly emphasized. The book is very well structured. It begins with an overview of Thai Buddhism in the 20th century when Buddhadāsa was active. This introduction clearly shows that the solid historical approach of the author to the study of Buddhadāsa is far from a hagiographic simplification. The following chapter examines all the Buddhist movements and publishing activities that arose in those years, and the active role played by Buddhadāsa in many of them. The third chapter deals with the dissemination of his teachings in the north of the country and among the “urban masses” with the help of many disciples, monks and also laymen. It is worth mentioning that one of these laymen, Pun Chongprasoet (1915–1980), was among the first Thai intellectuals to disclose publicly the deterioration of the Buddhist Sangha. He also edited A Handbook of Humankind, one of the most famous works of Buddhadāsa. Another important figure among his first disciples was Sawai Kaewsom (born 1928), who enthusiastically devoted himself Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

319

to spreading among Buddhist devotees an attitude not blindly linked to superstition, but committed to a serious interpretation of Buddhist principles. In the fourth chapter, the author examines Buddhadāsa’s explanations and exegesis of suttas and passages of Buddhist texts, especially those which concern the difficult concept of ​​suññatā, emptiness. Buddhadāsa explained that the human mind should be free from defilements, becoming an “empty mind” (chit wang in Thai), as it is naturally pure, even if often tainted by transient defilements. We should empty our mind of all the hindrances and restore it to its original purity. This basic immaculateness is clearly announced in the famous passage from the Aṅguttaranikāya: “Luminous, monks, is this mind, and it is freed from adventitious defilements” pabhassaraṃ idaṃ bhikkhave, tañca kho āgantukehi upakkilesehi upakkiliṭṭhaṃ, Aṅguttaranikāya, PTS I, 10. (On this complex assertion, an enlightening note by Bhikkhu Bodhi should be read. See Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, Somerville, 2012, pp. 1597–1598). These ideas were strongly opposed by members of the Abhidhamma groups. They refused the postulation of an original purity of human mind using the argument that there is a presence of underlying tendencies (Pali: anusaya), which contradicts what is said in the sutta. This controversy is not confined to a merely scholastic debate. It also touches the delicate conception of the Buddha-vacana (the Buddha’s words) in which the sutta flatly states “this mind is luminous”. Bhikkhu Bodhi masterfully notes that this is an undeniable fact. The idea of the ​​empty mind was used by Buddhadāsa to indicate the opportunity for a person to have a less self-centred mind. This produces a valuable form of selflessness that makes social commitments for the common good easier to accomplish. Although his approach was much less inclined to play an active role in society compared to, for example, that of Ambedkar, Buddhadāsa was certainly aware that his attempt to emphasize the real Buddha-vacana could not fail to have a strong social impact. This position was rejected by Kukrit Pramoj, who could not even imagine any commitment to work not motivated by a form of attachment. Strong desire and lust seemed to him the real dynamic element of any human activity. This debate was based on the eternal division between lokuttara Dhamma (teachings indicating supermundane states) and lokiya Dhamma (teachings indicating mundane states). Buddhadāsa and Kukrit interpreted these two aspects of reality differently. In Buddhadāsa’s thought, supermundane teachings are useful for society and we should not interpret them as “abandonment of the world”. Kukrit thought that the only possible method to teach the Dhamma to lay people was to use the Buddha’s worldly teachings. In Kukrit’s ideology, these mundane teachings also have the advantage of contradicting Marxist theories and forming a sort of protection against communist principles. In fact, the idea of ​​“empty mind” was even accused of being problematic for National Security during the escalation of the Vietnam War. Pun Chongprasoet defended Buddhadāsa’s position, and the discussion between Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

320

Reviews

these great Thai intellectuals during this complicated historical period in Southeast Asia became very lively and interesting. Another great opponent of Buddhadāsa Bhikkhu was Kittivuḍḍho, who had studied Buddhist textual tradition and was well qualified in Abhidhamma. He attacked Buddhadāsa on several occasions, and one of his refutations was based on Buddhadāsa’s interpretation of the Dhammadinnasutta (Saṃyuttanikāya, PTS V, 406–408). Kittivuḍḍho showed that it was incomplete and misleading. He claimed that Buddhadāsa confined himself to mentioning only selected parts of the text to demonstrate that the Buddha himself had advised lay people to study more complex concepts, such as the idea of emptiness. “From time to time we will enter and dwell upon those discourses spoken by the Tathāgata that are deep, deep in meaning, supramundane, dealing with emptiness”. (translated by Bhikkhu Bodhi, The Connected Discourses of the Buddha, Somerville, 2000). Kittivuḍḍho argued that Buddhadāsa forgot to mention the section just following the quoted passage, in which Dhammadinna eventually realized that for a householder living as a lay person, it is almost impossible to follow such complex teachings. When the Buddha saw that Dhammadinna preferred a different approach to his Dhamma, he changed his teaching style to a simpler one and told him, “Thus train yourselves: ‘We will possess confirmed confidence in the Buddha (reciting itipi so ...), in the Dhamma, in the Sangha [...]”. Kittivuḍḍho’s objection could appear philologically correct, since Buddhadāsa did not quote the entire passage, but the second part of the sutta does not necessarily mean that upāsakas and upāsikās cannot understand difficult concepts. It may even appear disrespectful towards Thai lay people, implying that they deserve only simple, effortless, and basic teachings. We should also remember that there are different legitimate approaches to the Buddha’s teachings, and also different methods of teaching them (upāya-kosalla). The attack on Buddhadāsa became even more explicit when Khamhuno (Chamrat Duangthisan) charged that Buddhadāsa was spreading communism in Thailand and that he had to be restrained from teaching the Dhamma. In this chapter, the author offers several interesting details about the discussions that were carried on among Thai intellectuals during those difficult years. This section is particularly interesting to those studying Thai and Southeast Asian history. The fifth chapter discusses the disputes over Abhidhamma studies in Thailand. A detailed and necessary introduction to the history of the Abhidhamma study groups in Thailand precedes the analysis of Buddhadāsa’s involvement in this discussion. A large part of this chapter is devoted to the description of the fruitful arrival of monks from Burma, who had a tradition of profound study of the Abhidhamma and were also well versed in vipassanā meditation. Phra Thammatrailokachan (1903–1989), better known as Phra Phimolatham, strongly supported this exchange of competences and knowledge, and requested also a complete corpus of Pali Canonical texts, including commentaries and sub-commentaries. In those years, there were three Abhidhamma Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

321

groups: one had been founded by Phra Phimolatham, the second was a group of lay teachers belonging to the Buddhist Association, and the third was the group founded by Kittivuḍḍho. The main point upon which these groups and Buddhadāsa disagreed, and maintained different positions, was the authenticity ​​ of the Buddha’s words. Buddhadāsa stated that the designation “buddha-vacana” given to the Abhidhamma could be accepted only if interpreted as pure meaning (attha) and not interpreted literally (vyañjana) because that might indicate that the Abhidhamma texts were not the words of the Buddha himself. This triggered a vast outcry among supporters of Abhidhamma studies, but also, unfortunately, a decrease of interest in Abhidhamma within the Buddhist Association. The sixth chapter deals with the encounter between Buddhadāsa and some Marxist thinkers. Marxism was already present in Thailand, imported directly from China and merged in the Communist Party of Siam. But it did not perfectly coincide with Marxist thought introduced by Thai intellectuals, who had had contact with political ideas and movements in Europe prior to the Second World War. The most influential and famous among them was certainly Pridi Phanomyong (1900–1983), but very important positions were also occupied by Prasoet Sapsunthon (1913–1994) and Kulap Saipradit (1905–1974). Buddhadāsa had discussions and correspondence with them that allowed him to know the political and philosophical aspects of Marxism. He developed the idea that the negative opinion of “religion” in the theoretical texts of Marxism does not refer to Buddhism. According to Buddhadāsa, Marx did not know Buddhism in depth. The negative opinion is based on religions intended as supernatural beliefs (saiyasat). Unfortunately, Buddhadāsa suffered slanderous and defamatory attacks following dissemination of these ideas and was accused, without any evidence, of being a communist. This dimmed the vitality of the philosophical debate in Thailand and turned the natural, sometimes argumentative, but always beneficial exchange of ideas and opinions into an unfair fight. This theme is treated by the author, with constant references to texts and documents, so that even a sensitive argument like this one can be understood without partiality in the political context of those years. The seventh chapter concludes the examination of this theme and explains in detail the idea of Dhammic Socialism developed by Buddhadāsa. The author places it within the context of the time in which it was elaborated, when various similar movements also appeared. For example, the “Buddhist Socialism” movement was promoted in Burma and Cambodia, and social engagement Buddhism developed in the 1960s. A basic intuition was shared among all of these: a reduction of selfishness can only lead to a more just society. In the final part, the author writes extensively about Buddhadāsa’s efforts to promote a discussion of the presence of a female Buddhist Sangha, and in general the role of women in modern society. Since his early years as a monk, he and other members of the Dhammadāna group always supported the plan to revive the Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

322

Reviews

bhikkhunī order. One of the Pali verses that Buddhadāsa used to recite is particularly meaningful: Na hi sabbesu ṭhānesu, puriso hoti paṇḍito Itthīpi paṇḍitā hoti, tattha tattha vicakkhaṇā

In the transcription of the Pali text given in the book, there are wrong diacritics and a regrettable lack of reference to the Pali canon. The stanza appears in Apadāna (PTS II, 562), in Manorathapūraṇī (Aṅguttaranikāya-aṭṭhakathā, PTS I, 372), in Dhammapada-aṭṭhakathā (PTS II, 221), in Therīgāthā-aṭṭhakathā (PTS 100, 104), and in Jātaka (PTS, III, 438). It is worth mentioning the old translation of the verse by Eugene Watson Burlingame: “Wisdom is not always confined to men. A woman, too, is wise, and shows it now and then”. (Buddhist Legends, reprinted Delhi, 2005, vol. II, p. 229). The second verse is also very interesting, and I translate it here to offer a better understanding of what these words meant: Na hi sabbesu ṭhānesu, puriso hoti paṇḍito; Itthīpi paṇḍitā hoti, lahuṃ atthaṃ vicintikā “A man is not wise on all occasions. A woman, too, is wise, quickly pondering over motives and utility”.

This book is not only a unique and meticulous description of the thought of Buddhadāsa, but also an extraordinary chance to penetrate the history of Thailand and to understand Southeast Asia and its position in the political events of the 20th century. Nowadays, Buddhadāsa Bhikkhu’s message appears more relevant than ever: “We all have a natural right to take as much as we need, but not more. If we were each to exercise this natural right to the extent allowed by Nature, this world would be filled with a contentment such as we attribute to heaven, the realm of God, or the Buddha Maitreya, where there is no dukkha, no unsatisfactoriness”. Dhammic Socialism, Bangkok, 1986, p. 63. Claudio Cicuzza

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

323

What’s What in a Wat. Thai Buddhist Temples: Their Purpose and Design by Carol Stratton (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2010). ISBN: 978-974-9511-99-2. First-time visitors to a Thai Buddhist temple can be so overwhelmed by the many structures, statues, and decorative motifs they encounter that they fail to notice or understand much of what is around them. In this handy little handbook, art historian Carol Stratton leads a visitor through a wat compound and explains its sometimes seemingly disparate components and their function as integral elements of the Buddhist cosmos. Ms. Stratton, who co-authored a pioneering study of Sukhothai and wrote a comprehensive analysis of Northern Thai Buddhist sculpture, began her education about Thai art on the ground as a National Museum volunteer. She later led small informal tours around Chiang Mai’s landmark wats for many years. This book is a kind of postscript to those earlier experiences. What’s What in a Wat takes an on-the-ground approach and guides the reader though a monastery compound, entering by passing under a gateway decorated with vegetal and animal motifs, as if “entering the sacred Himaphan Forest of Buddhist cosmology that is inhabited by myriad mythical beings”. (p. 18) With this cosmology as the basic premise of wat symbolism, the seemingly disparate structures and figures found in a monastery compound can be understood as related parts of a unified landscape within which the Buddha dwells. Moving on to a wat’s structures, the reader is shown how architectural elements such as eave brackets, roof finials, and barge boards are inhabited by the beings of this mythical forest, including both mythical and real fauna and flora. Others include hybrid creatures composed of two different species, like the khotchasi (part elephant and part lion), Hindu deities, door guardians and the ever-present naga. While general readers will probably not remember all the terms, they will surely notice them, perhaps for the first time, and recognize them at their next encounter. The book skillfully addresses the fact that wat buildings and compounds vary greatly from region to region by including ground plans of northern and central compounds to illustrate similarities and differences. Progressing from exterior to interior, the reader is alerted to both the obvious elements such as the pulpit and manuscript chests, and those that are less obvious, like ceiling decorations and Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

324

Reviews

internal beam structures. The book also reveals the existence of important wat elements that are not visible, including the nine luk nimit (sacred stone balls) that lie buried beneath an ordination hall’s boundary markers and the sacred remains (relics, bones, etc.) contained in stupas. There are also pages on other buildings, such as the library, living quarters for monks and nuns, spirit houses, and shrines for revered deceased monks and semi-mythical monks like Upagutta and Sankachai. What’s What in a Wat begins with the most basic question: What is a wat? The answer, that it is not only a Buddhist center but also a community center, provides insight into how laity and monks interact. Importantly, the book includes a page on wat etiquette and clarifies the fact that when monks accept alms, they are not begging, but providing laypeople the opportunity to make merit. The book ends with a brief chapter on the Buddha and his representation in sculpture, including the Southeast Asian idea of eight different Buddha images representing the eight planets and days of the week. Fittingly, the final picture is that of the Buddha in the most prevalent pose, seated cross-legged with his right hand on his knee, pointing down to the earth as he attains enlightenment. The book is small enough (13 x 20 cm) to fit in a handbag or shoulder bag, and can easily be taken along on a wat excursion. Embedded in the text are 125 figures, consisting of ground plans, diagrams, and high-quality photographs primarily in color, from wats in every region. A brief glossary of terms is also included. Remarkably comprehensive for a 98-page volume, What’s What in a Wat does everything a handbook is supposed to do and more. While aimed at a general audience, even an art historian or Buddhist studies specialist will find this book useful as a quick reference, and might well assign it as supplementary reading for a university course on Thai or Southeast Asian art. Bonnie Brereton

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

325

Art of Southeast Asian Textiles: The Tilleke & Gibbins Collection by Linda S. McIntosh (Bangkok: Tilleke & Gibbins International Ltd. in association with Serindia Publications, Inc., 2012). ISBN: 978-1-932476-59-0 This superbly illustrated, but heavy 312page publication, provides an excellent introduction to the diversity of Southeast Asian textiles through an examination of the well-known collection of Mainland Southeast Asian textiles from various cultures of the region, accumulated by the Bangkok-based law firm, Tilleke & Gibbins, over a period of nearly thirty years. Originally planned to adorn a new office premises, David Lyman, Chairman and Chief Values Officer of Tilleke & Gibbins, explains in his Foreword that the law firm actually had two key objectives behind its Collection: ‘preservation and appreciation’. Over time, the role and nature of the Collection evolved from providing decoration in a law firm to establishing a museum-quality textile collection (currently of some 1,900 examples) that would be located in an on-site state-of-the-art storage facility and be widely accessible. It is hard not to concur with Lyman when he notes that the original aims have been achieved, indeed surpassed, with the publication of this book, and that “textile aficionados and novices alike will surely come to appreciate textiles as true works of art created by masterful weavers” (p. 7). Author Linda McIntosh, a Lao American textile expert who spends her time between Bangkok and Laos, has written the concise, yet highly informative, text outlining the background to, and rationale of, the Collection, as well as the descriptive captions for each of the approximately 200 illustrated textiles chosen for publication. After the Foreword and a chapter on Collecting Southeast Asian Textiles, the book is divided into seven chapters describing the textiles in the Collection: Tai; Khmer and Charm; Malay; Burmese; Kachin, Chin, and Naga; Highland Minority Groups of Laos and Vietnam; and Mien and Hmong. The author explains the rationale for these headings, noting that “handwoven textiles of the various ethnic groups living in Thailand, especially cloth from Tai cultures, dominate the Tilleke & Gibbins Textile Collection” (p. 14). However, close social, political and economic ties linking the cultures of Mainland Southeast Asia to ones in others areas, such as the island cultures of the region, have resulted in the exchange of cloth. In addition, some textiles produced outside Southeast Asia, in particular in India, have had a major impact on local textile production. Hence, textiles from further afield are also Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

326

Reviews

included in the Collection, which McIntosh thus describes as “a multifaceted and comprehensive collection”. Beyond the discrete geographical division of the textiles, McIntosh also delineates the materials, types and ages of textiles chosen for the Collection, while also examining briefly the creativity and technical ability of regional weavers, who are primarily women. Materials in the Collection range from ‘high-status court textiles to household items”, with most being produced twenty to 120 years ago. The oldest textiles in the Collection are approximately 200 years old. Although the textiles of Southeast Asia are often viewed as ethnographic objects, McIntosh makes clear in this book that hand-woven textiles function not only as clothing, household accessories (such as blankets or sleeping mats) and religious objects (such as temple banners or manuscript wrappers), but play a crucial role in important social occasions. A key theme running throughout the book is that many of these textiles, now appreciated by a wider audience as “sophisticated works of art”, would not exist without the imagination and skill of their manufacturers. In the author’s words, “The producer’s mathematical and technical skills in applying various techniques to form motifs, her creativity in arranging the designs and her ability to blend colors and textures are important factors in a cloth’s assessment as a high quality or fine artwork” (p. 23). At the end of the book are several helpful Appendices, including a Map of Ethno-linguistic Groups of Mainland Southeast Asia that illustrates the distribution of the main ethnic groups mentioned in the text, Technical Details about each textile illustrated in the Collection section, a Glossary that will be a welcome reference aid for those unfamiliar with textile jargon, a well-researched Bibliography and a detailed Index that one would expect of this type of publication. Of course, the textiles are the real stars of this publication and photographer Pattana Decha has done a superb job. The publishers are also to be congratulated for not stinting in providing high-resolution colour photographs, including many close-up or detailed shots, that supply the requisite level of detail to allow the reader to appreciate fully the diverse techniques, materials, colours and designs utilised in the production of these hand-woven textile gems. Thus, Linda McIntosh can feel proud that she has manifestly achieved her stated goal in providing ‘a beautiful reflection of the great textile wealth’ of this outstanding collection. Paul Bromberg

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

327

Royal Porcelain from Siam: Unpacking the Ring Collection edited by Anne Håbu and Dawn F. Rooney (Oslo: Hermes Academic Publishing and Bookshop A/S, 2013). ISBN: 978-82-8034-200-3 This major publication accompanies the exhibition of the Ring Collection of Bencharong at the Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo, which runs until August 2014. The collection was brought back from Thailand by the Norwegian naval officer, Captain Theodore Ring (1866–1932), who served in the Royal Siamese Navy from 1897–1906, during the reign of HM King Chulalongkorn (Rama V). In 1904, Ring donated the majority of his collection, totalling some 250 pieces, to the Ethnographic Museum, now subsumed under the Museum of Cultural History, and the Museum of Applied Art, now part of the National Museum of Art, Design and Architecture. From around the mid-20th century, the collection remained in store for half a century. Martin Hager-Saltnes attributes its rediscovery to Rose Kerr’s report of 2006 that hailed the collection as outstanding in size and quality. He unravels the biography of Bencharong and the reasons for its historical neglect, including cultural puritanism on the part of scholars, who considered them as de-contextualised, of a hybrid nature, and historically associated with “disreputable collecting activities”. The publication is laudably ambitious in its contribution to both the history of Bencharong porcelain, the museological aspects of collecting during the 19th century and exhibition making within the context of Norwegian museums today. A more extensive discussion of all thirteen scholarly contributions is unfortunately beyond the scope of this review. However, the following chapter summaries demonstrate the importance of integrating different perspectives in the study of a largely undocumented tradition. The congruities across cultures and different types of materials contribute greatly to the vexing questions of origin and historical developments. As expected for a publication with so many contributors, there were editorial challenges regarding the balance of content and sufficient cross-referencing. Also, one misses a catalogue section that would have highlighted each piece and provided a record of the whole collection. However, the essays are generously illustrated and the appendix of line drawings provides a useful quick reference of the various vessel forms that are frequently referred to throughout the book.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

328

Reviews

Part One: Bencharong - Its History and Characteristics Dawn Rooney’s concise overview of Bencharong, or ‘five colours’, porcelain and its related counterpart Lai Nam Thong, literally ‘gold-wash pattern’, is a useful way to understand their uniqueness within the wide repertoire of Chinese export porcelain. Made initially for the Thai court, they are ornately decorated with painted enamels in black, red, green, yellow and white. The addition of gold enamel distinguishes Lai Nam Thong wares. Rooney traces the significance of the pallet of five colours back through Thai and Chinese chronicles, Chinese five colour, or wucai, porcelain of the mid-15th century and the symbolism of five colours in Chinese as well as Thai Buddhist traditions. The significance of this becomes abundantly clear as Rooney outlines a strong Hindu Buddhist theme in the repertoire of Bencharong design motifs. Most significantly, Rooney reports that sherds found in 2011 at the Yanhe kiln site at Jingdezhen in China, confirm production took place there around the second quarter of the 19th century. Pariwat Thammapreechakorn looks further into the origins, development, dating and use of Bencharong. The earliest evidence is sherds from the site of a royal household in Lopburi. Wares were ordered for the first time by King Thai Sa during the early 18th century, although a lack of records remains a challenge for constructing a history of Bencharong. The author’s proposed seven-phase chronology offers new scope for dating other categories of export art discussed elsewhere in this publication. The phases correlate with the reigns of Thai monarchs from King Thai Sa of Ayutthaya in 1709 to King Chulalongkorn in 1910. The designs develop progressively from the earliest coarsely painted wares with limited pallet and a yellow ground to the incorporation of signature pink tones of famille rose on an increasingly wide range of vessel shapes. Designs feature the deity (thep panom) motif amongst the predominant vegetal and floral motifs until the introduction of a covered bowl form, with Hindu Buddhist imagery such as the mythical norasingh and garuda during the reign of King Rama I. An example with the mark of the Chinese emperor Jiaqing and another with an unknown factory mark associated with Chinese export wares of this period, provides intriguing additional evidence. Illustrations of these marks would have been beneficial. Royalty, ministers and provincial governors ordered Bencharong although royal orders probably ceased by the mid-19th century, with the Taiping Rebellion (1855) and the destruction of Jingdezhen. Chinese merchants brokered orders by the late 19th century. Pariwat raises the interesting possibility that kilns at Dehua in Fujian province and at Guangzhou in Guangdong province also produced wares at this time. He ends with a useful list of vessel types and their known uses, which reflect the varying preferences of consumers. Rose Kerr looks at porcelain production at Jingdezhen through the records of Jesuit priest Père François Xavier d’Entrecolles, written in 1712 and 1722 respectively; Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

329

the detailed works on porcelain production by Tang Ying, the superintendent of the imperial kilns between 1728-1756; and the observations of Lan Pu during the Qianlong reign, eventually published in 1815. This centre for mass production of export porcelain to worldwide markets also produced blank vessels that could be sent south for decorating. Between 1730 and 1750, the customization of designs was undertaken in this way. Although evidence is lacking, some Bencharong and Lai Nam Thong wares may also have been decorated in this way. Correlations can be made in terms of form as well as finely painted enamel designs with imperial wares of the Jiaqing and Daoguang reigns. Interesting comparisons are also made with mid to late 19th century Nonyaware, a colourful export porcelain with similar forms and dense designs made for the Straits Chinese communities living around the British Straits Settlements of Singapore and Malaya. Finally, the enamel wares that were typically decorated in Guangzhou have similarities to Lai Nam Thong wares. These were favoured in the Middle East and North America where they were known as Rose Medallion wares. The additional use of gilding made them expensive and hence, just as in Thailand, they were keenly sought by the aristocracy and the wealthy. Part Two: Collections and Collectors Anne Håbu’s survey of the Ring collection draws on correspondence by the donor for insights into his collecting interests, which were significantly influenced by his relationships with Thai royalty and members of the newly formed Siam Society. Members who viewed the collection before it was sent to Oslo in 1904 included Prince Damrong Rajanuphab and Gerolamo Gerini, whose scholarly works would have had significant influence on Ring. Of note are Ring’s written records of local opinions, such as a monk who said that a particular jar would have been an heirloom piece, more likely lost due to a gambling debt than stolen. There is also important museological data about an incomplete set of wares that was split between the two museums but never united despite Ring’s requests to the museum director. Luisa Mengoni’s examination of the twenty-three enamelled copperwares in the collection provides interesting comparisons with Bencharong. The copperware tradition first developed in Beijing for imperial use during the late 17th century, and subsequently flourished in Guangzhou where wares were made for Europe, the Middle East and Southeast Asia. The chapter also looks at how particular vessel types might have been used. The distinctive yellow-ground wares were a special type of royal gift to confirm the attainment of rank by senior monks – the colour is associated both with their robes as well as with the monarch, as it was in the Chinese imperial tradition. Interestingly, King Chulalongkorn also sent a group of copperwares in 1876 to the Siam Exhibit at the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia. Inscribed with dates equivalent to 1868, these wares must have raised considerable interest overseas, as European collectors began to take an interest during the late 19th century. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

330

Reviews

Anne Håbu also looks at Ring’s collecting interests against the political background of the Royal Siamese Navy and its role in Thailand during the turn of the century under the patronage of King Chulalongkorn. We learn that his love of collecting had started in childhood, but that he probably only started to collect seriously when he married and settled down in Bangkok over a period of nine years. His interest in Bencharong and motivation for donating are due to many reasons - fellow Norwegian Carl Bock had sold Siamese Bencharong to the Ethnographic Museum in 1883, and Prince Damrong, whom he knew well from time spent together at sea, would have been a great influence. In 1904, the new museum building programme to celebrate independence from Sweden probably appealed to Ring’s sense of national duty, resulting in the gift of the best Thai art in the country. Arild Engelsen Ruud reveals the ethos of 19th century collecting and offers a counterpoint to Ring’s approach through the work of Norwegian explorerethnographer Carl Bock. Collections made during his travels through northern Thailand (1880-81) included Bencharong which he sold not only in Oslo, but also to the British Museum and the Victoria and Albert Museum. Bock is very much a product of the colonial enterprise, with an Orientalist outlook that essentializes Thai culture. In his travelogue Temples and Elephants: The Narrative of a Journey of Exploration through Upper Siam and Lao, it is clear that Bock did not take well to local culture and his scathing criticisms reflect an attitude of ‘dismissive superiority’, an attitude of the times applied as much to the lower classes within the home country as to foreigners. Conflicts with local people and a lack of scholarly integrity further characterise his Euro-imperialist role. Unusually, however, he had high praise for Thai royalty and the king’s policies of modernisation. Moreover, he supported the independence of the kingdom despite the rapid encroachment of colonial rule in the surrounding regions. Ruud concludes that despite his shortcomings, Bock’s support of the king and Thai independence, whilst surprising, appears all the more sincere. Johanne Huitfeldt discusses other Norwegian collecting interests from the 18th century onwards. Chinoiserie was popular by the time the Danish-Norwegian Far East Asian Trade Company was established in 1732. But interest in collecting only really took off in the mid-19th century, particularly among Norwegians who were employed with the Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs Service. Two notable donations are the group of 207 Chinese porcelain wares from the Daae collection given to the Museum of Applied Art, and 2,500 pieces of Chinese art given in 1910 by General Munthe to the West Norway Museum of Decorative Art in Bergen. However, numerous other Norwegians, including women who were posted overseas with their husbands, made donations. Huitfeldt mentions the establishment of the Oriental Ceramic Society in 1993, and considers the challenges of museum collecting today in the face of a strong art market and problems of authenticity. Paul Bromberg draws on his experience as a collector of Bencharong in explaining their appeal as ‘funky’ and ‘exotic’ porcelain. Their use as sherds for Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

331

the decoration of temple architecture would have been appreciated by Ring. Most notable of the temples adorned in this way are Wat Phra Kaew (Temple of the Emerald Buddha) and Wat Rajabopit, also known locally as the ‘Bencharong Temple’. He surmises that Ring would have bought what he could afford, but that the prices of Bencharong had risen considerably even some sixteen years after Ring left Bangkok. Bromberg also retraces the historical progression of Bencharong, highlighting certain aspects that other contributors appear to have excluded. For example, the earliest Bencharong has the reign mark of the Ming Dynasty Emperor Wanli, which others claim is apocryphal. The hypothesis originally raised by Natalie Robinson in 1985 is that export ware of little interest to the Chinese would not have been made to deceive at that early time. He also describes contemporary Bencharong production in Thailand. Proclaimed a national treasure in 1980, the wares are now symbols of Thainess. Although local production is generally targeted at the tourist market, quality reproductions of old wares and contemporary designs signal a healthy future for Bencharong. Peter Skilling’s contribution on clay tablets dating to the 8th to 10th centuries might seem somewhat misplaced in a publication on Bencharong. However, Ring’s travels took him to the limestone caves of Trang, along the west coast of southern Thailand, where he collected a group of these tablets. Known in Thai as phra phim or “stamped or impressed holy image”, they were made in large numbers as part of the Buddhist tradition of merit-making. The impressed images in this case include Buddha and the Bodhisattvas, notably Avalokiteshvara, the Bodhisattva of Compassion. Many are also stamped on the reverse with the core Buddhist teaching, the stanza of causation, in Sanskrit. These types were collected in the 19th century and deposited in museum collections in the region as well as in Europe. Part Three: Motifs and Influences Prapassorn Posrithong’s comparative analysis of Indian trade cloths made for the Thai market provides another early reference to the notion of ‘five colours’. French records of 1678 of printed cottons from the west coast of India describe them as pancheranguis. However, in the early 16th century, the Portuguese Tome Pires had already written about fine textiles being imported from India into Ayutthaya as part of the extensive maritime trade that took place across the Bay of Bengal. By the late 17th century, the trade was expanded when the Thais actively participated as an entrepôt for the re-exportation of textiles bound for China and Japan. Like Bencharong, the imported textiles were reserved only for royal use, and similar motifs such as the floral trellis were used on block-printed textiles, porcelain and enamelled copperwares. Textile designs are found in pattern books supplied by Muslim Indian traders, who placed orders with the woodblock makers of Gujarat. A comparable repertoire of deity motifs include devaraja, or the god-king, mythical beasts and floral motifs. The addition of gold leaf parallels Lai Nam Thong wares, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

332

Reviews

and similarly reflects their royal status. Likewise, by the early 19th century, the quality of imported textiles declined as they became more widely available and their use included offerings to temples. Arthid Sheravanichkul focuses on an unusual white-ground covered bowl with narrative design based on the literary work Phra Aphai Mani by the historically famous court poet Sunthorn Phu (1786-1855). This fascinating account of the epic is illustrated on the bowl. The author raises the issue of the painter’s identity – some say it was the nephew of King Rama IV, others say it might be the work of the Bangkok-based merchant Phraya Choduek Ratcha Setthi. During the mid-19th century, imports were increasingly handled by such agents. Whilst Thai, Chinese and Persian sources of inspiration underpinning this literary masterpiece reflect a cosmopolitan Bangkok, the author concludes the work ultimately reflects growing Western influence during the reign of King Rama III. This is seen in the character Laweng Wanla, the Queen of Lanka, who was apparently inspired by Queen Victoria and is wooed by the hero, Phra Aphai Mani. Jens Braarvig discusses how Thai identity uniquely incorporated and adapted Indian influences, in particular from the Hindu Buddhist traditions. His interpretation of the individual motifs found in Bencharong designs is a useful reference, particularly where stylistic variations from Indian prototypes and local adaptations are highlighted. For example, the variation of the thep phanom holding the ritual vajra, when rendered in soft enamels, appears to hold sprigs of foliage rather than conventional thunderbolts. The thumbnail illustrations provide a useful visual glossary. Part Four: Exhibiting Bencharong Martin Hager-Saltnes discusses the exhibition’s objective to look at Bencharong from different perspectives in order to better understand this hybrid art. One perspective is the cultural biography of the collection, starting with the production of Bencharong and their eventual role as symbols of royal power and national identity. In the late 19th century, they became collectors’ items, which resulted in the donation of the Ring collection. The new museum’s display was, according to Ring, cramped and did not emphasise the beauty of the wares. The author suggests that their original function was probably downplayed in favour of presenting them as objects from the exotic East. Sometime around the mid-20th century, shifts in anthropological interests led to the neglect of the collection. In 1932, thirteen of the Bencharong pieces donated to the Museum of Applied Arts were sold, as they did not fit the aims of the museum. The other perspective is to engage visitors in the tactile qualities of the wares, with pieces made available for handling. But beyond the aesthetic quality of the wares, the author asks how an appreciation of their production, use and hybrid nature should be conveyed. He also identifies potential audiences and their interests, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

333

and concludes with a detailed exhibition design concept that accommodates these different perspectives. This colourful publication is a fitting tribute to the Ring collection and a longneeded contribution to the study of this exhuberant ceramic tradition. The Museum is to be congratulated for dedicating resources to this project and for drawing together an international group of scholars, without whom this unique multi-perspective approach would not have been possible. The result is a publication that appeals to both scholars and general readers. Heidi Tan

Buddhist Storytelling in Thailand and Laos: The Vessantara Jataka Scroll at the Asian Civilisations Museum by Leedom Lefferts and Sandra Cate with Wajuppa Tossa (Singapore: Asian Civilisations Museum, 2012). ISBN: 978-981-07-2478-8 (hard). The study of the art of Thailand and other Southeast Asian countries has long been confined primarily to the stone and bronze works of kingdoms, dynasties, and monarchs. Generally neglected have been the ephemeral works in cloth and wood, created and used by religious devotees far from centers of political power. In recent decades, however, the aesthetic and socio-religious value of textiles and their role in religious practice have been recognized by art historians and ethnographers. Among these scholars are Leedom Lefferts and Sandra Cate, who have co-authored several articles on ritual and artistic aspects of Vesssantara Jataka scrolls (pha yao phra wet) in northeast Thailand and Laos. Buddhist Storytelling in Thailand and Laos grows from, extends, and integrates that work with a close examination of one such scroll and comparisons of others. Vessantara Jataka scrolls play a central role in annual merit-making festivals, known as Bun Phra Wet, which reenact the story of Prince Vessantara as he perfects the virtue of generosity. The scroll featured in the book is extraordinary in many ways, from the meticulous rendering of human figures, animals, and landscape elements, to the masterful flow of the composition which moves seamlessly from one chapter to the next. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

334

Reviews

The book begins with a brief introductory chapter situating the scroll in its geographic and cultural context and the unique place it holds in annual Buddhist merit-making festivals of the ethnic Lao people. Through information on the dedicatory panel the authors were able to learn the name of the artist, Sopha Pangchat, who completed painting it in 1960, as well as the wat which received the scroll as a donation. Chapter 1 examines the scroll closely, as if unrolling it, starting with the dedication panel and moving through each of the Jataka’s thirteen chapters. The story unfolds not only through the artist’s rich visual imagination and attention to detail, but also through his story-telling ability as manifested in his captions. The book’s large-size format (9.5 x 12 inches) allows details to be noticed and savored. Particularly delightful is the Mahaphon (Great Forest) chapter, with its forest creatures, especially four flocks of birds that sing to lift the spirits of Phra Wet and his family. Chapter 2 situates the scroll – and Vessantara scrolls, in general – in the ritual, religious, and social setting of Bun Phra Wet, the most important merit-making occasion among the Thai-Lao and Lao. Descriptions of aspects of the festival alternate with the authors’ analyses and interpretation in the light of local beliefs. Here they argue that the scroll – and not the written text – is the center of the festival and that it, along with the procession and the community, coalesce to ‘actively become’ the story (p. 51). In their analysis, Lefferts and Cate emphasize that it is the procession, and not the recitation, which attracts the most participants. The Bun Phra Wet festival, they maintain, has an important performative aspect, in that members of the laity–and sometimes monks as well–play the roles of the Jataka’s characters. It should be noted, however, that processions with music, dancing, and offerings of gifts to the Sangha are a main component of many other merit-making occasions as well, including thod kathin, ordinations, and even traditional village weddings. Ordination processions could also be said to be performative, in that the young men being ordained dress in royal costume and ride to the wat on the shoulders of other men as if on horseback, replicating the Bodhisattva who left his palace on horseback to become an ascetic. Merit-making processions for all occasions usually involve drumming, dancing, and consumption of varying amounts of alcohol. Complementing this chapter’s description and analysis are the authors’ photographs of various aspects of the festival, all of exceptional quality, some absolutely stunning. Chapter 3, “Artists tell the story”, examines some of the spatial and organizational issues artists consider when planning the painting of a mural or a scroll. Vessantara Jataka scrolls–at least the older ones, like older Isan murals–differ greatly from each other in virtually every way – composition, narrative imagination, artistic skill. This point is illustrated with examples from more than ten other scrolls. Older scrolls have more details and took a long time to complete, as did Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Reviews

335

the one by Sopha, which took nearly a year, “suggesting a major investment of time and care.” Contemporary scrolls, however, have few details and are produced in assembly-line fashion with stock scenes, some of which are achieved by using time-saving techniques like stencils. Moreover, some contemporary scrolls exhibit strong compositional influence from prints mass-produced by the Bangkok firm, So. Dhammapakdi & Sons, in the placement and posture of figures. Most of the scrolls in northeast Thailand are now made at two villages, and the final products are standardized and simplified. Scenes from the Phra Malai story, the tale of the arhat who travels to the hells and then to Tavatimsa Heaven, are found on almost all scrolls. In heaven he meets the future Buddha Maitreya, who exhorts him to tell those people in the human realm to observe the Buddhist precepts and to participate in the Bun Phra Wet. Hell scenes, vary from one scroll to another and are generally gory and include the thorn tree which adulterers are forced to climb. Lefferts and Cate describe some of these as they appear on scrolls, but claim that descriptions of specific offenses and consequences “are not present in published Phra Malai texts” (p. 85). This is incorrect. Such descriptions are, in fact, found in numerous texts from various periods and in various Thai languages, including works in both poetry and prose.1 This minor slip-up, however, does not detract from the authors’ well-considered analysis and comparison of visual strategies employed by different artists. Chapter 4, “The writing on the scroll” examines, scene-by-scene, the scroll itself and points out the location of each line of text in the scroll. It also includes comments and notes by the authors and translator. One is able to compare Wajuppa Tossa’s transcription of Thai-Lao words (written in Thai characters), translation into standard Thai, and translation into English. The transcription is keyed to caption numbers on each scene. It is interesting that the artist, who apparently knew the Dhamma and Khmer scripts, as he included a few statements in them in the scroll, did not use the old local Thai-Lao script known as Thai Noi (or Lao Buhan), possibly because it was not known to most local people. Moreover, many of the “Thai-Lao words” are actually the same as central Thai and use the Thai letter for the sound “r” even though it is not found in Lao. Much of the difference lies in the fact that Lao has few words of ratchasap, the royal words used in reference to the Buddha and These texts include Phra Malai Klon Suat, Dika Malai Thewa Sut, the southern Thai Kap Malai, the northern Thai Malai Prot Lok, and the modern novel Phra Mali Phu Poet Narok-Sawan. I pointed this out in my book Thai Tellings of Phra Malai: Texts and Rituals Concerning a Popular Buddhist Saint (Tempe, 1995), which discusses the relationship between Phra Malai tellings and the Vessantara Jataka. In the Phra Malai Klon Suat approximately twenty-five per cent of the text is devoted to hell scenes. (pp. 110-112). The authors also erroneously claim that my study was limited to Central and northern Thai texts and rituals, while, in fact, it included material on the northeastern Bun Phra Wet as well. When I brought this to the attention of Leedom Leffferts in an email, he explained that when writing Buddhist Storytelling in Singapore, he did not have with him the copy of my book which I gave him. 1

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

336

Reviews

royalty, and fewer honorific phrases. The lack of ratchasap also results in shorter captions, thus saving space. The book’s final section, “Notes on the artist and the scroll in Singapore,” provides background information about artist Sopha Panchat’s life, education, and work. These are welcome details, as most Southeast Asian art is anonymous. We learn that in addition to painting scrolls and murals, Sopha also produced palm leaf manuscripts and ornate funeral pyres in the shape of the bird known as nok hatsadiling for cremations of important monks and local royalty. We also learn how he went about painting a scroll. This section tells us a little about the scroll’s life as well, including where the bolt of cotton on which it was painted came from (Japan), its size and the measurements of each chapter and details about wear and tear that reveal how it was held while being carried in procession and how it was folded while being stored. In sum, Buddhist Storytelling is a delight to the eye as well as a rich source of information about Vessantara Jataka scrolls as works of art and mainstays for merit-making through enactment of the Phra Wet story. The book accords these scrolls and the artists who created them their rightful place in the world of Southeast Asian art. Moreover, it highlights the continuing vitality of complex practices and Buddhist beliefs among Thai-Lao and Lao people under changing social, political, and economic conditions. Both stunning and scholarly, it is a book that the reader will want to return to again and again. Bonnie Brereton

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Contributors

Chatri Prakitnonthakan is Associate Professor and Head of Department of Related Art, Faculty of Architecture, Silpakorn University. He has been involved in researching architectural history, with a particular emphasis on politics in art and architecture. His recent publications include The Philosophical Constructs of Wat Arun. He is also involved heritage conservation. Chris Baker has a PhD in history from Cambridge University and taught Asian history and politics there before moving to Thailand where he has lived for over 30 years. With Pasuk Phongpaichit he has written Thailand’s Boom and Bust (1998), A History of Thailand (2005, 2009), Thaksin (2004, 2009), and translated works by Pridi Banomyong, Chatthip Nartsupha, King Rama V, Nidhi Eoseewong, and the Communist Party of Thailand. Most recently they published a translation of the great folk epic, The Tale of Khun Chang Khun Phaen (2010). Bonnie Pacala Brereton is based in Chiang Mai but travels frequently to Isan to conduct research on various aspects of local culture. She is affiliated with the Center for Research on Plurality in the Mekong Region, Khon Kaen University. She holds a doctorate in Buddhist studies and master’s degrees in Southeast Asian studies and Asian art history from the University of Michigan. She is the co-author, along with Somroay Yencheuy, of Buddhist Murals of Northeast Thailand: Reflections of the Isan Heartland, published by Silkworm Books. Paul Bromberg is the serving editor of the Journal of the Siam Society and a contributing editor to Arts of Asia magazine, and writes regularly about Thai art and antiques. He has been living in Asia since 1985, and resident in Bangkok since 1997. He read Modern Chinese Studies at the University of Leeds, and also studied at Fudan University, Shanghai and Xiamen University. He has been quoted, or had articles published, in various gaming industry publications and is a contributing author to Casino Industry in Asia Pacific, published by The Haworth Hospitality Press in 2006. Peter Carey is Fellow Emeritus of Trinity College in Oxford and Adjunct (Visiting) Professor in History at the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Indonesia in Jakarta. He contributed to the article in this issue á titre personnel.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

338

Contributors

Claudio Cicuzza studied Indology at the University “La Sapienza” in Rome, where he attained a PhD in Indian studies. His current research focuses on the Pāli literature of Central Siam and the Pāla period scholasticism of Northern India. He has published critical editions and translations from Sanskrit (The Laghutantraṭīkā by Vajrapāṇi, Rome 2001) and Pali texts (A mirror reflecting the entire world: the Buddhapādamaṅgala, Bangkok 2011, Paramatthamaṅgala, Chiang Mai 2012). He is a faculty member of Webster University, Thailand. Hilary Disch earned her MA in Southeast Asian Studies from the University of Wisconsin Madison. She currently conducts independent research in southern Lamphun province and teaches fourth grade English in Chiang Mai. She previously taught English in Lampang for two years. Her research interests include women’s roles in Theravada Buddhism, reaffirmations of cultural identity in Northern Thailand, and how small communities discuss and remember their past. Patrick Dumon is a retired army officer with a career as a Chief Communication and Information Systems Manager in the former Belgian Parachute and Commando Brigade. In this function he participated in different armed humanitarian operations on the African continent. From 1996 onwards he worked as a United Nations Military Observer and Staff Officer in conflict zones such as the Golan Heights, Kashmir and Central Africa. He retired in 2006 and took up research on Ayutthaya’s history as recreation, managing the ayutthaya-history.com website. Grant Evans was a professor of anthropology at the University of Hong Kong for many years. Today he is a senior research fellow in anthropology with the École française d’Extrême-Orient at Vientiane, Laos. Amrit Gomperts is a physicist who studied Old Javanese and Sanskrit. He is an independent scholar of Old Javanese and Javano-Sanskrit studies and Javanese archaeology. His publications include Old Javanese Traditions of Sanskrit Grammar (2009). Arnoud Haag is an agricultural engineer who works as a consultant in hydrology and irrigation on projects in Thailand, Vietnam and Indonesia. He is specifically interested in the hydrological aspects of Southeast Asian archaeology. Rebecca Hall is currently a Visiting Assistant Professor at Virginia Commonwealth University. She received her PhD in Southeast Asian art history from UCLA in 2008, and was a Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow at the Walters Art Museum in Baltimore where she focused on the Duke collection and cataloging and exhibiting the Walters’ collection of Thai paintings. Her research interests include explorations of the Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Contributors

339

relationship between art and Buddhist practice and the visual expressions of belief related to the Buddhist cosmology. Charles F. Keyes is Professor Emeritus of Anthropology and International Studies at the University of Washington, where he has mentored forty doctoral students, one quarter of whom are Thai. He has long been affiliated with the Faculty of Social Science at Chiang Mai University and has received an honorary doctorate from Maha Sarakham University. Having authored or edited 14 publications and over eighty articles, he has just completed work on a book, tentatively entitled, Finding Their Voice: Northeastern Villagers and the Thai State to be published by Silkworm Books. Ken Kirigaya has a BA in Sociology from Meiji-gakuin University, Tokyo, and a MA in Asian Studies from the University of Hawaii at Manoa. He is currently a PhD candidate at Sophia University, Tokyo, conducting archival research in Burma and Thailand on the history of various Tai-speaking peoples living in the northern highlands of mainland Southeast Asia. Patrick McCormick has a PhD in history from the University of Washington in Seattle. He is director of the École française d’Extrême-Orient centers in Chiang Mai and Rangoon. He is currently working on a book examining the British influence on Burmese historiography, and a joint project on the history of contact between languages within Burma. Recent publications include “Ethnic Histories: Reflections from the Field,” in the Journal of Burma Studies (2014) and “Writing a Singular Past: Mon History and ‘Modern’ Historiography in Burma,” Sojourn Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia (July 2014). Jane Puranananda serves as a consultant to The James H. W. Thompson Foundation, for whom she has organized textile conferences and assisted with special exhibitions. She is the editor of two publications on textiles: Through the Thread of Time (2004) and The Secrets of Southeast Asian Textiles (2007). She has lived in Asia since 1983 and worked as a museum consultant, editor and journalist in Singapore and Hong Kong before moving to Thailand in 1990. She frequently lectures or writes about Thai art and culture. Originally from the US, she is a graduate of Barnard College, Columbia University. Jeffrey Sng graduated from Singapore University and went on to Cornell University for his postgraduate studies. As a freelance writer, he has contributed numerous articles, book reviews and stories to regional newspapers and magazines, including the Far Eastern Economic Review, Christian Science Monitor, Straits Times (Singapore), The Nation (Bangkok), Bangkok Post and The Star (Malaysia). Journal of the Siam Society, Vol 102, 2014

340

Contributors

Heidi Tan has since 1996 been a curator at the Asian Civilisations Museum in Singapore where she has steadily developed the Southeast Asian collection and overseen the work of the curatorial department. She curated “Enlightened Ways. The Many Streams of Buddhist Art in Thailand” in 2012, and is currently engaged in research in Myanmar. Paul Michael Taylor, a research anthropologist at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Natural History, is Director of that museum’s Asian Cultural History Program, and serves as Curator of Asian, European, and Middle Eastern Ethnology. He is the author of numerous books, scholarly articles, and online works about the ethnobiology, ethnography, art and material culture of Asia, especially Indonesia and more recently on Central Asia and the Caucasus region. Barend J. Terwiel retired in 2007 from the Chair of Thai and Lao Languages and Literatures, Hamburg University, and recently taught on Buddhism at the University of Pennsylvania. He has written extensively on Thai history and the Tai of Assam. His most recent publications were “Siam”, Ten Ways to Look at Thailand’s Past (2012), and “The Burden of Owning Land: Habitat in Pre-Modern and Early-Modern Thailand”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (2011). Djoko Umbaran is retired Head of field operations of the Indonesian Archaeological Service (Dinas Purbakala) at Trowulan. His paternal grandfather assisted Henri Maclaine Pont during his archaeological excavations in Trowulan in the late 1920s. He worked under Wibowo and is a resident of that historic town.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

Notes for Contributors The Journal of the Siam Society welcomes original articles and notes of a scholarly nature in conformity with the principles and objectives of the Siam Society, of investigating the arts and sciences of Thailand and neighbouring countries. Articles—Articles should be primarily in English, and must be accompanied by an abstract in English (of fewer than 200 words) and a brief biographical note about the author(s). The word length of the manuscript contribution must be given in a covering letter, with full postal and e-mail addresses. The author(s) must confirm that the article has not been published elsewhere in any form, nor is currently under consideration for publication elsewhere. Articles submitted to JSS are subject to review by external referees. Articles should not normally exceed 10,000 words (including footnotes and references). They may be sent by email or mailed on a CD to the Society, preferably as an MSWord® document, with an accompanying pdf of the same content. Contributors using special fonts, such as for various Asian languages, should be prepared to supply the apropriate font files. Citations in the text should, where possible, follow the author-date system (e. g., Jones 1970: 82) and full details should appear in the list of references at the end of the article. These references must be complete bibliographical entries and include the full name of the author(s), title, and publication data, including the place of publication, publisher and date of publication (including the original date of publication, if the item is a reprint). Titles of the books and periodicals should, of course, be italicized. N.B. Thai authors are to be cited and listed according to their first name (not their surname, as most non-Thai authors are). Follow these examples: Dodd, William, Clifton. 1996 [1923]. The Tai Race: Elder Brother of the Chinese. Bangkok: White Lotus Press. Ames, Michael. 1990. “Cultural Empowerment and Museums: Opening Up Anthropology through Collaboration.” In Susan Pearce (ed.), New Research in Museum Studies, vol. 1. Objects of Knowledge, pp. 158-73. London: Athlone. Liang Yongjia. 2011. “Stranger Kingship and Cosmocracy; or, Sahlins in Southwest China.” The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, 12, 3: 236-254. Suda Pariwattitram. 1991. “Sapha kachat Thai: kamnoet lae phattanakan phutthasakkarat 2436-2485” [Thai Red Cross, origin and development 1893–1942]. MA thesis, Chulalongkorn University. Stamatopoulou, Elsa. 2004. “Why Cultural Rights Now?” Presentation in Carnegie Council on Ethical and International Affairs. At http://www.carnegiecouncil. org/resources/transcripts/5006.html (accessed 8 March 2012). Footnotes are to appear as such, not as endnotes, and should be numbered consecutively. References to articles or books written in Thai should include the title in Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

342

Notes for Contributors

romanized Thai followed by a translation into English in parentheses. Romanization in general follows the system of the Royal Institute. If in doubt concerning form or how to reference non-standard sources, please consult the Chicago Manual of Style (most recent edition), or Hart’s Rules for Compositors and Readers at OUP (most recent edition). If in doubt over spelling, use the Concise Oxford Dictionary (most recent edition), taking the first entry where variants are allowed. Style—Each paper should follow a consistent form of dating, capitalization (to be kept to a minimum), and other aspects. Numbers below 100 are to be written out, i.e. ninety-nine, whereas centuries are to be listed in numerical form, i.e. 19th century. Date forms should be day–month–year, without contractions, e.g. 13 April 2007. Acronyms must always be spelt out when first used, e.g., National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB). Measurements should be metric, not imperial. Non-native speakers of English are strongly advised to have their contributions checked by a native speaker before submission. Both British and American English variants are admitted, but an article must be internally consistent in the use of whichever is selected. Illustrations—Do not embed any graphics in the text, but send them separately as image files (jpg, tif, gif, etc.). Scans should be at least 400 dpi. A list of captions to the illustrations must be provided separately. Authors must obtain approval, before submission, for the reproduction in JSS of illustrations or other material not their own. Redrawing or lettering of maps or figures cannot be undertaken by the Siam Society or the editor, who may omit or return substandard work for re-presentation. Proofs and Copies—Proofs will be sent to authors if time allows. Authors are reminded that proofs are intended for checking, not rewriting: substantial changes to the text at this stage will result in the contribution being rejected. Failure to respond about corrections by the required date may lead to substitution of the editor’s corrected proofs. One copy of the Journal and a pdf of the article or review will be supplied free to authors on publication of the issue in which their contribution is included. Reviews—Unsolicited book reviews are not normally accepted. Offers to write reviews should be directed to the Editor, JSS. Reviews should normally be 1,000–3,000 words in length, written in English and supplied in the same form as for articles. Full bibliographic details about the book under review must be supplied, including ISBN, number of pages and price, if known. Disclaimer—The opinions expressed in the JSS are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Siam Society. The editor’s decision is final in all disputed issues.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 102, 2014

General Information

The Siam Society, under Royal Patronage, is one of Thailand’s oldest and most active learned organizations. The object of the Society is to investigate and to encourage the arts and sciences in Thailand and neighbouring countries. Established in 1904, the Journal of the Siam Society has become one of the leading scholarly publications in SouthEast Asia. JSS is international in outlook, publishing original articles of enduring value in English. All articles are subject to peer review. The Society also publishes the Natural History Bulletin. Since its inception, the Society has collected monographs, journals and material of scholarly interest on Thailand and its neighbours. The Society’s library, open to members, has one of the best research collections in the region. Correspondence—-Typescripts, books for review and all correspondence should be sent to: The Editor, Journal of the Siam Society 131 Sukhumwit Soi 21 (Asoke-Montri Road) Bangkok 10110, Thailand Tel. (662) 661 6470-7 Fax. (662) 258 3491 E-mail: [email protected] Subscription requests, membership enquiries and orders for publications should be addressed to Membership Services, at the address given above. Information about exchange copies of Siam Society periodicals may be obtained from the Honorary Librarian, at the same address.

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol 102, 2014

343

344

General Information

For those interested in the Society’s library, lectures, study trips, publications and other benefits, please see the Society’s website at www.siam-society.org and the Society’s Facebook page at www.facebook.com/TheSiamSocietyUnderRoyalPatronage To join the Siam Society, see www.siam-society.org/about/join.html Back issues of the Journal of the Siam Society from 1904 onwards can be downloaded from www.siam-society.org/pub_JSS/jss_index.html

Journal of the Siam Society, Vol 102, 2014