Islamicate Textiles: Fashion, Fabric, and Ritual 9781350291232, 9781350291294, 9781350291249

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ISLAMICATE TEXTILES

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Frontispiece Faegheh Shirazi, Dancing Paisleys, patchwork combined with embroidery stiches inspired by traditional paisley (booteh jeghe- Persian= ‫ )ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﺟﻐﻪ‬patterns of Iran, 18 x 17.5 inches, 2021, Austin, Texas.

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ISLAMICATE TEXTILES FASHION, FABRIC, AND RITUAL

Faegheh Shirazi

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BLOOMSBURY VISUAL ARTS Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA 29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY VISUAL ARTS and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2023 Copyright © Faegheh Shirazi, 2023 Faegheh Shirazi has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. The University of Texas at Austin Subvention Grants program for financial assistance For legal purposes the Acknowledgments on p. xi constitute an extension of this copyright page. Cover design by Adriana Brioso Cover image © Faegheh Shirazi All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Shirazi, Faegheh, 1952– author. Title: The history and significance of Islamicate textiles / Faegheh Shirazi. Description: [New York] : [Bloomsbury Visual Arts], [2023] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2022054111 | ISBN 9781350291232 (hardback) | ISBN 9781350291263 (paperback) | ISBN 9781350291249 (adobe pdf) | ISBN 9781350291256 (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Islamic textile fabrics–Social aspects. | Material culture–Islamic countries. Classification: LCC NK8808.9 .S55 2023 | DDC 746.091767—dc23/eng/20221115 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022054111 ISBN:

HB: 978-1-3502-9123-2 ePDF: 978-1-3502-9124-9 eBook: 978-1-3502-9125-6

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This book is dedicated to the memory of my parents Dr. Mahmood Shirazi, and Aghdas Simafar. To my children; Ramin Shirazi-Mahajan, and Geeti Shirazi-Mahajan. And to Ken T. Barnett.

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CONTENTS

List of Illustrations Acknowledgments Introduction

viii x 1

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Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers Kanga: Cloth with a message Lion of Persia: From pre-Islamic to contemporary Iran Felt and fabrics under domination: Central Asia Ram’s horn: Central Asia and Iran

13 13 20 26 30

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Talismanic Textiles: Gender, Status, and the Supernatural Protecting fiber and livelihood: The Ladakh Blessed looms, blessed fibers Sacred colors: Red, white, and light blue Beyond the loom Amulets: Protection against the unseen Inscribed talismanic shirts Gendered looms

43 48 51 54 60 62 66 68

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The Politicization of Textiles: Colonialism to the Present India and cotton: Rejecting colonial rule United we stand: India’s Muslim weavers West African wax cloth Calico: The forbidden African cotton Indian cloth in Southeast Asia Keffiyeh: From functional to symbolic The effect of Russian colonization on Central Asian politics Tajikistan: Textiles and national branding Soviet symbols on woven carpets

77 80 82 86 89 91 94 100 106 109

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Contents

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Refugees and Displaced Persons: Textile Signatures The Siddis of India Afghan refugee women: Embroidered lives Weaving and war: Carpets depicting a nation under siege Iraqi refugees: Textile arts of the past Syrian and Iraqi refugees: Embroidered quilts and the charuga Syrian refugees: The Ana collection Weaving timeless symbols: War’s impact on non-Muslim communities

111 116 122 123 126 128 130 135

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Textiles and Death Rituals in Islamicate Societies The burial garment for Muslims: The kafan Piecing together the past Tomb covers for the Prophet Muhammed: Kiswah Tomb covers: Signifiers or status Indian and South Asian tomb covers Egyptian funeral tents: The art of Khayamiya

141 143 150 152 157 162 167

Conclusion

171

Glossary Bibliography Index

176 181 189

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ILLUSTRATIONS

Frontispiece Faegheh Shirazi, Dancing Paisleys, patchwork combined with embroidery stiches inspired by traditional paisley (booteh jeghePersian= ‫ )ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﺟﻐﻪ‬patterns of Iran, 18 × 17.5 inches, 2021, Austin, Texas. ii 1.1 Kanga/Khanga cloth fabric is made of brightly colored cotton. 14 1.2 Women’s veil, early twentieth century. 16 1.3 Bantu Swahili language written in Arabic script on the clothes of a Tanzanian woman (early 1900s). 17 1.4 Kanga example featuring the words “salala” and “warad,” a red rose. 18 1.5 Tanzanian Kanga featuring the image of President Obama, celebrating his election in 2008. 19 1.6 Lion gabbeh carpet with red background. 23 1.7a The lion and sword depicted on a tile. 24 1.7b A triangular banner with zoomorphic forms in the shape of a lion and a sun. 24 1.8 A popular poster of Imam Ali with his famous double-edged sword (known as Zolfaghar) and his tame lion. 25 1.9 Chinese Muslim flag with the Zulfiqar, and Ali represented as a lion. 26 1.10 A shyrdaq [felt carpet] on the floor of a Kyrgyz home in Kyzyl-Jar. Jalalabat. 29 1.11 Handwoven khorjin / double saddlebag. 31 1.12 An example of the ram’s horn motif from Uzbekistan. 32 1.13 Central medallion of a fine silk and wool carpet showing the image of a black ram in non-tribal carpet context. 32 1.14a A crown showing a ram’s horn worn by a Sassanian Iranian king. 34 1.14b Two cast-iron locks, replicas of original examples from the Museum of Ancient Iran. 34 1.15 Ram’s horns transformed into the shape of heart, Khaled Nabi cemetery, located near the border of Iran’s Golestan province. 37 1.16a and 1.16b A cemetery in the village of Nokhur, in Turkmenistan. 38–39 2.1a and 2.1b White gowns worn by members of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church (C&S Church), Lagos. 44–45 2.2 Ikaki motif (tortoise), Nigeria. 47 2.3 and 2.4 Examples of the important ram motif. 50–51 2.5 Handwoven Moroccan carpet. 53 2.6 Red Bedouin face veil. 55 2.7a and 2.7b In Nigerian culture, white cloth is significant in many aspects of daily ritual practices, joyful and sad. 57 2.8 A group performing gnawa in Zagora, southeastern Morocco, near the Algerian border 59 viii

Illustrations

2.9 An Uzbek Afghan boy wearing a variety of protective amulets around his neck. 63 2.10 A triangular pouch filled with wild rue as a device against the evil eye. The fabric of the pouch embroidered with ram’s horn symbolism. 63 2.11 A green pouch with Persian writing stating bad nazar dour / ‫ = ﺑﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ‬evil eye away. 64 2.12 and 2.13 Covid masks sold on websites catering to Muslims. 67–68 2.14a and 2.14b Silk termeh fabric from Yazd, 72 2.15 Daraei /Ikat fabric from Yazd, Iran. 75 3.1a and 3.1b High-quality designer textiles from the Italian firm, Rubelli. 79 3.2 Sherwani example. 81 3.3 and 3.4 Dutch wax textiles from Ghana (West Africa). 87–88 3.5 Yasser Arafat wearing his keffiyeh. 95 3.6 T-shirt featuring the word “Palestine” and a black-and-white keffiyeh shaped into a map of the contested territory. 96 3.7 Chafiya worn by Iran’s Ayatollah Khamenei. 97 3.8a and 3.8b Contemporary chafiye.. 98–99 3.9 An example of Tajiki abr/ikat silk fabric. 103 3.10 Antique handmade suzani. 104 3.11 Turkmen silk embroidered tie. 108 4.1 Cloth hand-embroidered by an Afghan refugee. 113 4.2 A Palestinian keffiyeh is put to creative use in an art project used as a wall hanging. 113 4.3 Quilt made by two sisters in Karnataka, India. 120 4.4 A group of Siddi women quilters, Karnataka, India. 121 4.5 Afghan war rug. 124 4.6a and 4.6b Charuga used by Iraqi Christians. 129 4.7 Embroidered cloth dolls, telling the stories and expressing the hardships and dreams of Syrian women and children. 132 4.8 Ikat fabric showing images of a bomber, West Timor, Indonesia. 136 4.9 and 4.10 Hmong story cloths. 137–1380 4.11 Machine-made prayer rug converted into a piece of visual propaganda. 139 5.1 The entrance board at Yazd Cemetery, Iran. 141 5.2 Repentance letter. 148 5.3 A section of an inscribed kafan/shroud. 148 5.4 Halaqa. 153 5.5 Tomb cover. 156 5.6 Cover on the tomb of Shaykh Safi al Din Ardibili, Iran. 160 5.7 A Safavid silk tomb cover signed Muhammed Husayn Bin Hajji Muhammad Kashani. 161 5.8 Inside the tomb of Pir Haji Ali Shah Bukhari, Mumbai, India. 163 5.9 Pakistani movie actress Veena Malik visiting Hazrat Khawaja Moinuddin Hasan Chishti Dargah to offer a chadar (tomb cover). 164 5.10 Sonia Gandhi holds a chadar before sending it to Ajmar Sharif Dargah, 2016. 165 ix

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Many people helped me in different ways at different times in the writing of this volume. I am blessed to have a group of academic and non-academic friends and colleagues who were always ready to share their knowledge and support in helping me achieve my mission in the writing of this book, including: Dr. Ghadeer Okayli (Austin, Texas, USA); Ms. Folasade Ogunro London (UK); Dr. Fehintoal Mosadomi (Austin, Texas, USA); Professor Leila Belhaj (Rabat, Morocco); Ms. Mokarama Kayumoa, Dushanbe, Tajikistan (Organizer of the Union of Artisans, Tajikistan); Dr. Zulaikho Usmonova, Dushanbe, Tajikistan (Academy of Sciences, Tajikistan), Dr. Mansoureh Delarami (Zahedan, Iran), and Ms. Mitra Sabet Esfahan, Iran). Members of several textile groups and others whom I have not met in person helped me when I requested the use of specific images posted on social media, including: Mr. Hamid Tavakoli of Art of Persepolis, Inc., New York; Mr. Rahmonov (Tajikistan); Professor Adeniyi, (Lagos, Nigeria); Ms. Rebecca Akeredolu, (Lagos, Nigeria); Ms. Darleen Karpowicz (USA); Ms. Anitha Reddy (India); Dr. Gillian Vogelsang-Eastwood, Textile Research Centre, (Leiden, Netherlands); Mr. James Izacc Bill Key Kase (Indonesia); Ms. Lisa Burkhil (USA); Ms. Sally Foltz (USA). I am also indebted to my brother, Kamel Shirazi (Tehran, Iran), for his love and kindness. He has supported me throughout my life whenever I needed assistance in locating research material not accessible to me on this side of the world. I have always been able to rely on him—thank you, my brother. I greatly appreciate the exceptional editorial skills of Ms. Anya Grossman, with whom I have developed a close friendship over the years. I have always enjoyed our editorial sessions, discussions, and most of all, the productivity—along with many laughs! Anya, I thank you again. And lastly, but not least, I am thankful for having my husband Ken Barnett in my life. I am blessed by his sharp editorial skills, intelligence, endless support and companionship. Thank you, Ken. I am surrounded with supportive friends and a loving family, Alhamdulillah ( ‫)ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪ‬. July 8, 2022, Austin, Texas.

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INTRODUCTION

The idea for this book began fifteen years ago when, as part of an Islamic Studies program at the University of Texas, I created a course titled “Ritual Textiles and Rites of Passages in Muslim Societies.” Over the years, a significant number of relevant materials and associated topics have been published and archived, allowing for new approaches to the curriculum. Like the course itself, my intention in writing this book is to educate and encourage further inquiry. Having published academic articles on this wide-ranging subject, I remain ever curious about the intricacies of ritual textiles and, most especially, am interested in the symbolism and panoply of roles that textiles play in diverse cultural settings. The Muslim-dominant regions described in this book represent a significant portion, though certainly not all, of the Islamic world. By the term “Islamicate,” I refer to the importance of Islam as a cultural force influencing artistic traditions. Some of the Muslim-majority nations discussed here acknowledge Islam as their official religion but also incorporate practices associated with pre-Islamic cultures, and therefore enjoy unique identities. In many instances, the textiles and clothing produced in such locales embody multifarious traditions. Chapters in this book include examples of handiwork originating in pre-Islamic lands where generations of skilled artisans developed and designed textiles reflecting local resources, norms, and cultural beliefs quite separate from, though frequently integrated with, the Islamic religion. Woven textiles from “Islamicate” regions have traditionally met a wide range of needs, from the luxurious to the mundane. From “. . . exquisite silk and gold velvets, to nomad wool and animal-hair bags, to sheer embroidered muslin, [these are] . . . not only an indication of the diversity of the loom ’s production—a sign of how the loom served various groups within Islamic societies—but . . . also evidence of how central the art and craft of weaving has always been in the civilization of Islam.”1

Description of the project This book is devoted to the importance of textiles, clothing, and other material objects, many of which are used in ritual ceremonies practiced among various groups—and, in particular, Muslim groups—around the world. In addition to woven textiles, I have cited other examples of decorative handiwork in this book—including patchwork, embroidery, beadwork, and quilting. The chapters in this book are arranged by specific textile topics

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Muslim Journeys | Item #270: ‘Textiles’ from Oxford Islamic Studies Online. Available online: https://bridgingcultures-muslimjourneys.org/items/show/270 (accessed December 10, 2016).

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Islamicate Textiles

rather than by specific regions or time periods. In this way, the reader can glance quickly through the table of contents to see topics associated with different regions and peoples, linked together by chapter theme. This book references data from various fields of study, while also drawing on archival sources and my personal textile collections from the past forty years—the outcome of research travels to Iran, Morocco, Jordan, Palestine, India, Pakistan, and Tajikistan. I have benefited greatly from visits to textile and clothingrelated museums such as the Calico Museum of Textiles in Ahmedabad, India, the Salar Jung Museum in Hyderabad, India, the Carpet Museum in Tehran, Iran, The National Museum of Tajikistan in Dushanbe, The Old Synagogue History Museum and The Orientalist Museum of Marrakech, both in Morocco, The George Washington University Museum, the Textile Museum, and Smithsonian Museum in Washington, DC, and many more handicraft exhibitions, private galleries, and museums dedicated to local weaving and textile collections. I have also learned a great deal from personal interviews and information shared by university colleagues, as well as other textile enthusiasts.

Material culture: History and function Across history advanced civilizations have produced elaborate textiles with dynamic designs, colors, and finely spun threads; this, in the absence of industrial electronic looms, sewing machines, and other more recent technological innovations. Quite predictably, because ancient textiles were fashioned from natural rather than synthetic materials, only a limited number survive—in museums or in the hands of private collectors. At auction venues such as Christie’s in London or New York, collectors are ever seeking fine handmade ancient textiles. Publications such as HALI Magazine: Antique carpets, rugs, textiles, & Islamic arts cater to enthusiastic aficionados who sell, buy, or study antique textiles and costume collections. Various other contemporary resources and multilingual publications abound—dedicated to the art, research, and exhibition of antique carpets, textiles, and Islamic art. Given that fashion changes continually, contemporary styles generally suggest rather than replicate what was worn in past centuries.2 Shifts in taste, as well as the emergence of new technologies and resources, contribute to the evolution of textiles, even as core cloth traditions are maintained. Thus, in this book, I try to establish connections between past and present fashion production and usage—and, whenever possible, situate these relationships along historic timelines. Interestingly, textile patterns may document important moments in a community’s history. Much like words inscribed in the pages of a book, patterns can be used to reference and preserve memorable events—a repository of information, as it were, for future generations. New materials, patterns, and innovations contribute to dynamic

2 Fahmida Suleman, Textiles of the Middle East and Central Asia: The Fabric of Life (London: Thames & Hudson/ The British Museum, 2017), 9–15.

2

Introduction

material cultures, just as language evolves within a continually expanding framework of vocabulary, syntax, and grammatical structure. The term “material culture” evolved in the late nineteenth century and I especially appreciate the sociological definition of the term “. . . [referring] to the relationship between artifacts and social relations.”3 Material culture draws upon multiple disciplines, including design, anthropology, archaeology, history, geography, and museum study. Furthermore, material culture focuses upon objects, their properties and relationship to society.4 In short, through close scrutiny of material culture, one may gain a more thorough understanding of a given ethnic group, tribe, or clan. The objects made or modified by human beings reflect the beliefs of those individuals who made, commissioned, purchased, or used them and, by extension, reveal keys to understanding the larger society to which they belong. A material culture embodies history and truth about a community, its people, and their beliefs. This book attempts to shed light on the emotional, spiritual, and physical aspects of such cultures. Among the Buddhist Tamang clans of Nepal, for example, mastery of weaving (an activity exclusive to Tamang women) signifies that the individual is clever, hardworking, and admirable.5 In this way, a skillful female weaver may attain respect and enhanced status within her peer group and among the larger social group. In this Nepalese culture—as in many others across the globe—women are directly associated with the production, use, and preservation of textile heritage. In their book Clothing as Material Culture, Küchler and Miller note that “cloth and clothing are living, vibrant parts of culture and the body . . . [F]rom the recycling of cloth in Africa and India and the use of pattern in the Pacific, to the history of wash and wear.”6 Commemorating important family events, recording or displaying a beloved poem, capturing the destruction of war in their native lands, or fabricating simply for the pleasure of it, women have created quilts and embroidered tableaux, handkerchiefs, and other cloth items as legacies of inspiration and survival, often to pass to their daughters as heirlooms. For women, then, textiles have offered a canvas on which to record tradition and culture and to use “woven, knitted, embroidered, and painted” fabric as pieces of history. Leora Auslander notes that historians are drawn to the material culture of textiles from a gender and sexuality perspective. Both the type of material used as well as the quality of the final product provide metaphorical descriptions of socioeconomic and gender status:

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http://oer2go.org/mods/en-boundless/www.boundless.com/sociology/textbooks/boundless-sociology-textbook/culture-3/culture-and-society-29/material-culture-187-1321/index.html (accessed October 26, 2021). 4 Jules David Prown, “Mind in Matter: An Introduction to Material Culture Theory and Method,” Winterthur Portfolio, Spring (1982): 1–2. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1180761?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents 5 Kathryn S. March, “Weaving, Writing and Gender,” Man New Series, 18, no. 4 (December 1983). 6 Susanne Küchler and Daniel Miller, Clothing as Material Culture (New York: Berg Publisher, 2005), 176 https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/clothing-as-material-culture-9781845200671/

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Islamicate Textiles

It is no accident that historians of gender and sexuality have been drawn to spinning, weaving, embroidery, knitting, quilting, and tailoring. All of these are not only generally highly feminized forms of labor, but the products themselves have been systematically used to construct gender.7 By studying highly feminized forms of labor such as spinning, weaving, sewing, and embroidery, scholars are able to see through the veils of a gendered hierarchy in which young girls are taught such skills from an early age, with the expectation that they will then pass the knowledge to the next generation of daughters as their mothers did before them. “By contrast, a man’s choice to embroider or knit could, in certain contexts, be a sign of resistance to normative masculinity, suggesting how textiles and clothing are intimately linked with sexuality as well as gender identity.”8 Joseph McBrinn asserts that, particularly during the interwar period (1920–30) in Great Britain, men were involved with lace making and embroidery. Indeed, during the 1930s, men’s needlework was included in the Royal Amateur Art Society exhibitions at Portman House in London. While male embroiderers did not regard their interest in embroidery as effeminizing, the British media certainly made note of it: “Shall we regard this as a sign of degeneracy in our male stock?”9 Although historically Englishmen have participated in embroidery and knitting groups, McBrinn speaks of gendered art and “. . . the history of needlework [as seeming] to oppress women further by its omission of men.”10

Trauma, activism, and economic benefit Regardless of gender, the number of refugees, displaced persons, and incarcerated individuals experiencing trauma continues to expand worldwide. When given the opportunity to express painful emotions through art therapy, these same individuals often find at least temporary relief. Because the physicality and tactile quality of cloth offers quick connection to emotional life experiences, textile art is being acknowledged as a viable healing modality. The success of art therapies within prison environments— including weaving and sewing—is well documented: Fine Cell Work is a charity which makes beautiful handmade products in British prisons. Teaching prisoners high-quality needlework boosts their self-worth,

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Leora Auslander, “Deploying Material Culture to Write the History of Gender and Sexuality: The Example of Clothing and Textiles,” Clio Women, Gender, History 40 (2014). URL: http://journals.openedition.org/cliowgh/716 8 Ibid. 158. 9 Joseph McBrinn, “Queer Hobbies: Ernest Theiler and Interwar Embroidery,” Textile: The Journal of Cloth and Culture 15, no. 3 (2017): 295. 10 Joseph McBrinn, “ ‘Only Sissies and Women Sew’: An Introduction,” in Queering the Subversive Stitch: Men and the Culture of Needlework (New York: Bloomsbury: New York 2021), 2.

4

Introduction

instills self-discipline, fosters hope and encourages them to lead independent, crime-free lives.11 In the United States, similar projects have been made available to incarcerated males, such as a program at the South Central Correctional Center in Licking, Missouri, where inmates design and sew personalized quilts for foster children.12 Even in some of Iran’s prisons, the art of carpet-weaving has long been offered to interested inmates. Evidence suggests that the process of weaving, like that of embroidery, stimulates one’s thoughts and emotions and is an expressive tool as well as a form of meditation.13 Furthermore, it is not unusual for refugee women to use the embroidery needle or weaving loom to tell stories of journey and displacement, political oppression, and other prominent life events. A stellar (though heartbreaking) example of this is the embroidery art of Holocaust survivor Esther Krinitz (1927–2001). She was fifteen in October 1942 when Nazis began deporting the Jews in her Polish village to death camps. In desperation, Esther’s mother gave meager provisions to her and a younger sister, along with permission for them to run for their lives. As the sisters disappeared into nearby woods, it would be the last time Esther saw her parents and three siblings, who ultimately perished in concentration camps. After the war, Esther emigrated from Europe to New York. In 1977, at the age of fifty, Esther began telling her story, ultimately creating thirty-six superb works of folk art embroidery and fabric collage. “She used the skills she had—her powerful memory and eye and her remarkable sewing technique to tell her own story in her own way.”14 Irrefutably, cloth is a powerful medium, imbued with potential to bring groups of people together in remembrance, as well as to support their social activism. For example, Walking With Our Sisters is a commemorative art installation using almost 2,000 moccasin vamps, or tops, many with intricate stitching, to symbolize missing or murdered indigenous women and girls of Canada and the United States. A 2016 article by Stephanie Anderson in the publication Textile: The Journal of Cloth and Culture underscores the

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“Fine Cell Work Handmade in Person.” Available online: https://finecellwork.co.uk/ (accessed September 13, 2021). The webpage also states: “Fine Cell Work’s unique products have been designed in collaboration with some of the country’s leading contemporary designers and are all handmade in limited editions.” Fine Cell Work was founded in 1997 by Lady Anne Tree, a British philanthropist, prison visitor, and prisoner rights activist. 12 Shahla Faran, “Missouri Inmates Sew Custom Quilts For Foster Children: ‘It Kind Of Breaks Your Heart’.” Available online: https://news.stlpublicradio.org/culture-history/2021-07-09/missouri-inmates-sew-customquilts-for-foster-children-it-kind-of-breaks-your-heart, July 9, 2021 (accessed September 13, 2021). 13 Shiva Jumar Thekkepat, “Weaving Her Magic: Mady Soltani Is Keeping Iranian Traditions Alive.” Available online: https://fridaymagazine.ae/life-culture/weaving-her-magic-mady-soltani-is-keeping-iraniantraditions-alive-1.1410756, November 11, 2014 (accessed September 13, 2021). 14 Esther Nisenthal Krintiz and Bernice Steinhardt, Memories of Survival (New York: Hyperion Books for Children, 2005), 5. To see Esther’s artwork, see: www.artandremembrance.org, “A Story of Survival, a Legacy of Inspiration.”

5

Islamicate Textiles

importance of this large textile installation in raising awareness and acknowledging the grief of these women’s families.15 Cloth serves a variety of functions in our daily lives beyond its multiple utilitarian purposes. Meaningful social markers and numerous metaphors may be communicated through cloth. Moreover, textiles and clothing are flexible mediums that can express different meanings at different times among different groups. For example, the wearing of the hijab may be perceived either as “empowering” or “oppressive”—depending on cultural, political, and religious contexts. Cloth may conceal and reveal simultaneously. For example, a Muslim woman’s veil conceals and covers her body but may at the same time reveal her religious and moral commitment, geographic and ethnic origin, or even her political or fashion preference. Furthermore, wearing a certain color or style of clothing often serves as a form of protest against, or support for, a political policy or regime. For example, from 2009 to early 2010 Iranians took to the streets wearing green, protesting the controversial results of Iran’s presidential election (i.e., the disputed victory of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad). After the 2009 election, which many considered fraudulent, the Green Movement continued, led by both opposition candidates, Mr. Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi. Many claim that these Green Movement protests signaled a major shift in Iran’s modern political history. Colors are displayed and worn across the globe to identify political ideologies, movements, and parties. In the United States, for example, blue states indicate a majority of Democratic voters, generally perceived as liberal; red states connote a majority of Republicans, who tend to align with conservative causes. Beyond color, material choices may indicate a type of socio-cultural awareness or identity, as noted by Renne Elisha: “Literate Christian converts who were freed slaves chose to wear costly European dress, enhancing their new position as political élites in southern Nigerian and Sierra Leonean societies.”16 Furthermore, history records the design and wearing of uniforms as a visual cue for the wielding of power over the powerless, and a foundational aspect of hierarchical organizations with rules and regulations. A cursory glance at the British colonization of India underscores this fact. Clothing availability and choices also reflect economic status and benefit. The Russian domination of Central Asian nations, for example, resulted in long-term economic benefit for the Soviet hierarchy. “Russia’s main exports to Central Asian countries [were] primarily manufactured goods: namely, foodstuffs, machinery, textiles, and transportation equipment.”17 This genre of exported goods influenced widespread changes, even in the

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Stephanie G. Anderson, “Stitching through Silence: Walking With our Sisters, Honoring the Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women in Canada,” Textile: The Journal of Cloth and Culture 14, no. 1 (2016): 84. 16 Elisha P. Renne, Cloth That Does Not Die: The Meaning of Cloth in Bunu Social Life (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1995), 7. 17 Craig Oliphant, “Russia’s role and interests in Central Asia,” Saferworld: Preventing Violent Conflict. Building Safer Lives. October 2013, p.7. Available online: https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:rKjaMh0zC8J:https://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/russias-role-and-interests-in-central-asia.pdf+&cd=1 5&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&client=firefox-b-1-d (accessed February 5, 2019).

6

Introduction

patterns, colors, and types of fabrics available and consumed. During the Communist era, daily life for individuals under Soviet domination was rife with propaganda. Indeed, propaganda appeared in every aspect of Central Asian culture and, as Irina Bogoslovskaya writes, the dissemination . . . was much wider than Socialist Realism in painting – much wider than fine arts altogether. It extended to textiles, book covers, porcelain (so called “agitation china”), theater sets, decorations on public holidays, and even carpets woven with the faces of Communist leaders. Communist ideology was reflected in all spheres of life, including decorative and applied arts.18 As previously mentioned, one need look no further than British occupation of India to discover the intermingling of politics and textiles. In India, renowned for its ancient history and material culture, cloth and textiles have always played a key role in daily life and therefore it is not surprising that India’s textile art greatly influenced British taste and cloth production. Perhaps the best example of this is Indian chintz,19 hand-blocked/ wood-blocked textiles printed using natural dyes. Beyond Great Britain, Indian chintz also greatly influenced worldwide textile aesthetics. Even as the West was drawn to Indian spices, precious stones, silver, and gold, “. . . it [was] her exquisite textile textures, weaves and prints that made trade merchants rich over many centuries. Even today, India’s textile artisans are an integral part of fashion from both the East and West.”20 Another Indian textile of lasting influence in the West is the Kashmiri shawl, spun from two types of wool fiber: shahtoosh and pashmina. The reader must note that while both these terms refer to Kashmiri shawls, the items can vary widely.21 Shawls referred to as Kani are considered the finest of pashmina shawls and are made using wooden needles on a traditional handloom. Originating in the village of Kanihama (formerly known as

18

Irina Bogoslovskaya, “The Soviet ‘Invasion’ of Central Asian Applied Arts: How Artisans Incorporated Communist Political Messages and Symbols,” Textile Society of America. 13th Biennial Symposium, September 19–22, 2012. p.2. Available online: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1659&context= tsaconf (accessed February 5, 2019). 19 Chintz is a British-assigned term. The fabric was originally known as chitra after the Indian village of the same name where it was manufactured. 20 Simran Lal, “Indian Chintz – A Legacy of Luxury,” Victoria and Albert Museum. Available online: https://www. vam.ac.uk/blog/fabric-of-india/guest-post-indian-chintz-a-legacy-of-luxury, November 30, 2015 (accessed February 7, 2019). 21 “What are Shahtoosh and Pashmina?” Available online: https://www.peta.org/about-peta/faq/what-areshahtoosh-and-pashmina/ (accessed December 7, 2021). The following is excerpted from the above-cited link: “Shahtoosh is the name given to the wool of the Tibetan chiru antelopes. Members of this endangered species are trapped, killed, and skinned for their short, fine fleece. Shahtoosh shawls are illegal in the United States [though, given high demand in the West, the weaving of Shahtoosh shawls secretly continues in Kashmir]. Pashmina comes from Tibetan mountain goats. While the makers of pashmina claim that the animals aren’t killed outright, the Tibetan mountain goats farmed for their fleece are exploited constantly and eventually killed.” Animal rights groups are committed to the belief that shahtoosh and pashmina products should be banned universally.

7

Islamicate Textiles

Gund Kawarhama) in the Indian state of Kashmir, they are considered one of the oldest handicrafts of the Kashmir region, dating from the Mughal Empire (1526–1857). According to The Hindu, an English language newspaper, the state government of Jammu and Kashmir assigned the Kani shawl legal protection; that is, a “Geographical Indication (GI) status that would legally prohibit people from selling the drapes made at other places under the same name [Kani shawl].”22 This exclusivity reflects regional pride in craftsmanship as well as a type of economic property right rooted in ancient heritage and culture. A single Kani shawl may take three to thirty-six months to complete. The exclusivity of Kashmir’s Kani shawls, which were taxed heavily,23 stimulated demand for less expensive shawls. Thus, the Kashmiri shawls—including the pashmina shawl known as Amlikar which is almost entirely embroidered—emerged as a combination of woven and hand embroidery and became an affordable alternative to the Kani shawl. They were decidedly more cost effective, and some of the pashmina fabric patterns also became faster to produce as new weaving technologies emerged. As might be expected, machine-woven copies are now widely available, selling for one-twentieth the price of an original handwoven Kani shawl. China especially has capitalized on manufacturing faux products; that is, marketing synthetic pashmina shawls made from a viscose blend.

Preservation of national heritage As evidenced by the state government of Jammu and Kashmir assigning legal protection to the Kani shawl, it is becoming increasingly necessary for governments to protect their traditional textile products as national treasures and, by extension, protecting the livelihoods of workers and artisans engaged in shawl-making and embroidery. Mexico has yet to follow suit in this respect, and therefore faces the inevitability of cheaper textiles imitating and replacing once highly prized heritage textiles. Given an increased demand for handwoven Mexican textiles, marketplace competition has erupted among the “. . . contract weavers who struggle to gain access to tourists, exporters, and market information.”24 Such is the scene in Oaxaca City where fierce competition exists among villagers, independent weavers and artisans, merchants, and middlemen. The continual influx of tourists means that souvenir Oaxacan textiles of questionable quality are available at extremely reasonable prices. It is no exaggeration to say that highly

22

No author,“Kashmir’s Famous Kani Shawls Get GI Status.” The Hindu, March 22, 2010. Available online: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/Kashmirrsquos-famous-Kani-shawls-get-GI-status/ article16583623.ece# (accessed February 7, 2019). 23 Anamika Pathak. Pashmina (New Delhi: Lustre Press Roli & Janssen BV, 2003). Based on Pathak’s research: “. . . the skill of a seamster named Ali Baba, who was a Persian [Iranian] expert from Kirman [Kerman] [who] taught embroidery to Kashmiris.” Ibid, p. 101. 24 Jeffrey H. Cohen,“Textiles, Tourism, and Community Development,” Annals of Tourism Research 28, no. 2 (2001): 380.

8

Introduction

commercialized tourist sites like Oaxaca hold the potential to undermine future production and successful marketing of traditionally designed and crafted handwoven textiles. Facing similar challenges, and in an effort to preserve its national identity and textile heritage, the Republic of Tajikistan has “. . . established regularity and legal framework for the development of the national culture” which includes its rich tradition of silk-woven fabrics (atlas) and various types of surface embroideries uniquely identifiable as Tajik. A national project supported by the office of the President of Tajikistan titled “The Intangible Cultural Heritage of Tajik People” is dedicated to collecting and updating the material culture of the people of Tajikistan.25 Whether used for mundane or ritual purposes, clothing and textiles generally reflect a nation’s cultural heritage and therefore are the repositories of national pride and value. Embedded within fabrics and designs are key pieces of historical, political, religious, and totemic information, all of which can be analyzed to better understand identity construction within a global context. This book comprises five main chapters of varying but closely related topics addressing textiles in Islamicate societies. Below are the topics covered in, and a brief description of, each chapter. Chapter 1. Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers Chapter 1 presents textile and totemic items used as cultural signifiers: kanga from Tanzania, lion carpets from Iran, Central Asian felt, and the ram’s horn from Turkic Central Asia. Although people living in these diverse geographic areas speak different languages and adhere to unique cultural traditions, a common thread unites them. That is, they all reside in Muslim-majority communities and each Muslim group maintains its own cultural identity. As emblems of identity, textiles reflect embedded beliefs and practices, unifying or segregating specific groups and communities. This chapter describes how values, messages, and behaviors may be assigned to material products (such as the kanga) or to symbols used individually or in combination, as exemplified by the ram’s horn, lion, and sword. Chapter 2. Talismanic Textiles: Gender, Status, and the Supernatural Chapter 2 highlights the historic and contemporary use of fabrics as powerful markers of cultural belief systems. While much has been written about the mystical aspects of objects and architecture within Islam, I have narrowed my focus in this chapter to the

25 Shamsuddin Orumbekzoda, Minister of Culture of the Republic of Tajikistan and Director-General of the Tajikistan National Commission for UNESCO. Intangible Cultural Heritage in Tajikistan (Dushanbe: R-Graph, 2017).

9

Islamicate Textiles

supernatural aspects of Islamic textiles.26 An almost universal belief is the power of protective talismans against a plethora of misfortunes, such as bodily injury or the evil eye. These talismans may be textiles or objects wrapped in textiles that are worn or carried for protection. Many Muslims still believe that talismans in the form of wearable objects such as jewelry or clothing—particularly clothing inscribed with Qur’anic verses—function as protective mechanisms against sickness, injury, the evil eye, and death. Such is the power of talismans to safeguard the wearer against harm. An excellent example is the talismanic shirt inscribed with Qur’anic verses which, according to tradition, was imbued with protective powers and worn under armor on battlefields. This shirt may have also been worn on a ritually cleansed body for only a brief time, and then removed prior to the warrior departing for combat. The belief was that holy Qur’anic verses inscribed on the shirt and directly touching the purified body of the wearer would surely provide protection. Talismanic shirts and jackets are still found among Muslimdominant populations in certain regions of Central Asia. They are produced and used in many households, each unique in its decorative design. These talismanic garments are not mass-produced and not for sale in the marketplace; they are exchanged only among family and relatives. Among the most highly prized talismanic jackets are those made for children, since it is believed that an innocent child, if not protected, is most vulnerable to harm or evil. Chapter 3. The Politicization of Textiles: Colonialism to the Present Chapter 3 delves into the colonial era during which most of the Muslim world submitted to European colonial domination. Clothing and textiles—such as the Palestinian keffiyeh—have played key roles in all levels of society, particularly between rulers and the ruled, in politics, and as symbol of wealth and authority. In vast areas of Africa, Asia, and the Arab world, British and French governments ruled over Muslim territories. The Dutch established control over what is now Indonesia and Malaysia, while the Germans, Spanish, Portuguese, and Russians held Muslim territories in East Africa, the Philippines, Malaya (now Malaysia first colonized by Portuguese, then by Dutch )27, and the Caucasus. These colonial powers naturally sought to exploit native populations as well as to extract natural resources. Colonization resulted in the transfer of an impressive number of textiles from East to West where they were housed in world-renowned museums. The 26 For example, see the following: Venetia Porter, Liana Saif, and Emilie Savage-Smith, “Medieval Islamic Amulets, Talismans, and Magic”, in A Companion to Islamic Art and Architecture, ed. Finbarr Barry Flood and Gülru Necipoğlu (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. 2017), 521–57. Michael Muhammad Knight, Magic In Islam (New York: Penguin Random House LLC, 2016). Ahmed al-Boni, Shams al-Ma’arif (‫)ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬, “The Book of the Sun of Gnosis,” World Heritage Encyclopedia. Available online: http://self.gutenberg.org/articles/shams_al-ma%27arif. Francesca Leoni, Christian Gruber, Venetia Porter, and Farouk Yahya, Power and Protection: Islamic Art and the Supernatural (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum. 2016). Markus Schaefer, Enigmatic Charms: Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1 The Near and Middle East, Volume 82. 2006 27 In 1511, Malacca fell into the hands of the Portuguese and that was the beginning of the colonial era in Malaya. After that, Malaya fell into the hands of the Dutch in 1641 and British in 1824 through the Anglo– Dutch Treaty.

10

Introduction

chapter focuses on how colonialism affected India, Indonesia, Central Asia, Palestine, and (Soviet) Russia, and addresses the impact of colonization on the production of indigenous textiles.

Chapter 4. Refugees and Displaced Persons: Textile Signatures Chapter 4 examines textile works created by refugees and displaced persons from a variety of Muslim groups: Siddi, Afghan, Iraqi, and Syrian. How has cloth become an emotionally evocative and historically significant material cultural element, and how does it serve as a storytelling vehicle about the events and journeys of migrants and displaced people? Refugees and displaced persons who, for a variety of reasons, feel uncomfortable expressing very private, extreme emotions, may find respite in drawing or stitching a record of their experiences, guided by trained psychologists and art therapists. The textiles they create often reveal highly personal and painful events, such as those experienced by the Siddis, taken as slaves from Southeastern Africa to the subcontinent of India. In addition to Muslim groups discussed in this chapter, some non-Muslim refugees who have documented their painful journeys of forced migration in cloth are also included. Refugees’ artwork and embroidery demonstrate tragic universality shared by displaced people, regardless of their ethnic or religious backgrounds. Chapter 5. Textiles and Death Rituals in Islamicate Societies Chapter 5 of this manuscript addresses the importance of textiles in mortuary aspects of Muslim practices. Part of this chapter focuses on how textiles, clothing, and other cultural material objects are used, blessed, and venerated as an appropriate form of remembrance and respect for the departed. For example, in Iran when deceased individuals are transported for burial after the Islamic ritual cleansing, or qosol / ghosl (Arabic: ‫)ﻏﺴﻞ‬, they are covered with a finely woven small rug, a wonderful shawl such as a Kani, or a beautiful piece of handwoven termeh fabric.28 Rituals related to death often involve cloth and the exchange of highly prized cloth items between family members, thus binding generations together. The quality of tomb covers and/or covers draping the body en route to the gravesite also plays an important role in communicating the social status and wealth of the deceased’s family. Talismanic inscriptions, such as Naad-e-Ali (a prayer to Ali) are found on expensive Shi’a shrouds—and echo the focus of Chapter 2, addressing textiles as talismans. Chapter 5 also includes a discussion of innovations in the production of ritual textiles, such as martyrdom banners and wall coverings (in public and private spaces).

28 Termeh (Persian: ‫ )ﺗﺮﻣﻪ‬is a type of Persian (Iranian) handwoven cloth, produced primarily in the city of Yazd. The Yazd termeh is among the most beautiful and famous cloth in the world. Yazd is considered the epicenter for the design, production, and marketing of termeh. Weaving it requires good-quality wool and silk with long fibers. Producing even a few inches of this fabric takes many hours.

11

Islamicate Textiles

Audience and readership The readership for this book includes individuals in academia and curators of museums with textile collections that include historical, contemporary, and folk content—as well as laypersons and artists interested in Islamic related textiles and material cultures. To provide the reader easy access to textile-related terminology in foreign languages, I have included a Glossary as part of the end matter. This book contributes to global studies across a diversity of fields including Islamic, Middle Eastern, cultural, anthropological, and gender or women’s studies. In some small part, this manuscript preserves textile-related information that would otherwise fade from cultural and historical memory. In a wide array of communities and regions, indigenous artists have been acknowledged as exceptionally gifted, not only because of their technical skills but also because of the belief that they are blessed with spiritual power—power that enables them to continue their magnificent work and remain caretakers of a material heritage. However, indigenous textile weavers and other material artists using labor-intensive methods are quickly losing ground to time-efficient technologies driven by rising consumer demands. In this book I have presented a select number of Islamicate/Muslim communities where these rare artisans and their handiwork have been highly valued. It is to be hoped that other studies will be made in future, expanding awareness of rich artisanal traditions and furthering insight into our nuanced and often complex relationship to cloth.

12

CHAPTER 1 TEXTILES AND SYMBOLS: A M É LANGE OF CULTURAL SIGNIFIERS

From the traditional Eurocentric point of view, non-Western fashion has always occupied a lower rung of importance. Textiles, clothing, and symbols created in Islamicate regions appear in Western ethnographic research primarily because of their function as socioeconomic markers. Embedded in this narrow window of interest is the implied message that only Western, and most especially European, fashion and design merit significant attention. Although Western-style attire has been adopted by non-Western populations and perceived as “foreign” in origin, its gendered, social, and political meanings have been constructed locally, under local circumstances, in local fields of power: “. . . fashion may be a language spoken everywhere, but it is never a universal language. It was, and remains, profoundly local, [and] deeply vernacular.”1 A current example is the blazer (jacket) adopted by Iraqi and other Arabic-speaking men from the Persian Gulf. One sees these individuals wearing blazers in combination with their traditional dishdasha.2 Whether used for mundane or ritual purposes, clothing, textiles, and emblems generally reflect a nation’s cultural heritage and are therefore a source of national pride and value to indigenous peoples. Within fabrics and designs are key pieces of historical, political, religious, and totemic information—all of which can be used to better understand identity construction within a global context. In the following pages I present textile and totemic items: kanga from Tanzania, lion carpets from Iran, Central Asian felt, and the ram’s horn from Turkic Central Asia. Although people living in these diverse geographic areas claim different languages and cultures, one common thread unites them: they all reside in Muslim-majority communities. Kanga: Cloth with A Message In the early twentieth century among the Zanzibari people 3 of the United Republic of Tanzania, women were constructing new individual and collective identities, particularly in 1

Jean Marie Allman, “Fashioning Africa Power and the Politics of Dress,” in Fashioning Africa: Power and the Politics of Dress, ed. Jean Allman (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 6. 2 Also known as thawb or thobe, or kandoora. The dishdasha is an ankle-length garment for men, made of plain fabric and usually with long sleeves, similar to a tunic or kaftan commonly worn in the Arabian Peninsula, Iraq, neighboring Arab nations, the southern ports and islands of Iran, as well as in parts of East and West Africa. Trousers, a shalwar or a lungi, are worn underneath this garment. 3 Today, the majority of Zanzibaris are Sunni Muslims of the Shaf ’i branch. Zanzibar is considered a semi-autonomous region of Tanzania with Zanzibar City, located on the island of Unguja, as its capital.

13

Islamicate Textiles

Figure 1.1 Kanga/Khanga cloth fabric is made of 100 percent cotton. Worn by men and women, these brightly colored fabrics usually have a proverb or riddle written on them. Source: https:// www.aramcoworld.com/Articles/November-2017/Kanga-s-Woven-Voices urban environments. Dress played a crucial role in this process and, in fact, became responsible for the “. . . creation of new forms of ritual--particularly [those] associated with women’s puberty initiation ceremonies in which new forms of dress were worn as public articulation of women’s new definitions of self.”4 In short, innovative fashions worn in public spaces embodied symbolic value for a woman’s self-image and coming of age. (See Figure 1.1.) In Tanzania, the historical identity of Arab and African races, enslaved and free, was transformed when slavery ended in 1897 and a new set of principles was established.5 Prior to that time, Muslim slave men and women in Tanzania were required to wear plain white cotton cloth known as merikani, an inexpensive fabric manufactured in the United States and traded by the Portuguese. Men wrapped merikani cloth around the waist to cover their lower bodies, similar to wearing a lungi (sarong), while women wrapped the cloth under the arms and around their chests as a dress. Neither gender was allowed head coverings such as a turban or veil, since covering the head symbolized respect and dignity, qualities not afforded to slaves. When slavery ended, free Zanzibari men and women began to dress in ways that signaled their new social identities. “Often what allowed people to be perceived as members of the Arab aristocracy, rather than as slaves, was not their skin tone or language, but the cloth and cultural fabrics in which they wrapped their bodies while in public.”6 A child born to a (former) black slave mother and a free Arab father was socially equal to a child born to a free mother and Arab father, because social identity was measured along patriarchal lineage. 4

Laura Fair, “Remaking Fashion in the Paris of the Indian Ocean: Dress Performance and the Cultural Construction of a Cosmopolitan Zanzibari Identity,” in Fashioning Africa: Power and the Politics of Dress, ed. Jean Allman (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 13. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. p.20.

14

Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

Former slave women who married Arab élites created rituals involving fabric, as did other Zanzibari women of mixed ethnicities and social classes. In doing so, these women forged new identities to promote their unique cultural heritage, all of which they passed to their children. The Sultans of Oman ruled Zanzibar for almost 300 years, from 1698 to the late nineteenth century. Over the centuries, native African peoples intermarried with indigenous Omanis, creating a hybrid culture. Therefore, it is not unusual to see Zanzibari men wearing the kanzu, a long robe identical to the Arabic thobe. A contemporary dress code is integral to religious and cultural identity among both men and women in Zanzibar. While maintaining Islamic practices—that is, men and women dressing modestly—it is important to note that traditional kanga fabrics from East Africa are still in use by Muslim Zanzibari women. These kanga cotton fabrics have been used by East African women since the nineteenth century and have been adapted to accommodate Islamic modesty codes. The origins of this cloth may be traced to the same plain white, unbleached cotton merikani fabric imported from America. To imbue the cloth with femininity, slave women would sometimes dye their kangas in dark blue or black hues obtained from local indigo dye. This fabric was then called kaniki.7 However, kaniki signaled the status of slave, and for this reason many women eschewed its use. Today, kangas are printed on traditional merikani fabric and are worn by men and women alike. Prior to 1900, kangas were manufactured in India, Britain, and the Far East. By the 1950s, however, Tanzanian manufacture of the fabric took off, and it is now also produced in Kenya. African manufacturers—whether Rivatex in Kenya or Thika Cloth M or MeTL Group Textile Company in Tanzania—bring a contemporary blend of cultural awareness, linguistic familiarity, and local aesthetics to their kangas, especially when compared to fabric imported from the Far East and elsewhere.8 Far more than a piece of fabric, kanga cloth documents and reflects the struggle of Swahili women, many of slave descent, who continue to assert their rightful identity and power. “Women masterfully take advantage of proverbs and euphemisms as gentle yet powerful means to admonish others—while earning respect from peers as competent, intelligent speakers of Kiswahili.”9 Early kanga cloths bore no messages. However, a 1930s Kenyan cloth merchant came up with the printed message concept, which made the cloth even more appealing to women. Originally, Arabic script was used while the messages themselves only held meaning in Swahili (Kiswahili). That is, the borrowed Arabic script was used in an entirely new, original way. For example, a native Arabic speaker who did not speak Swahili would be unable to understand the meaning of the

7

Laura Fair, Pastimes and Politics: Culture, Community, and Identity in Post-Abolition Urban Zanzibar, 1890– 1945 (Athens, GA: Ohio University Press, 2001). 8 See the following links for the MeTL Textile Company in Tanzania and Rivatex and Thika Cloth in Kenya: http://www.metl.net/en/textiles/textiles http://www.thikaclothmills.com/ 9 “Wearing What Cannot Be Spoken.” Available online: https://www.astate.edu/a/museum/exhibits/wearingwhat-cannot-be-spoken/index.dot (accessed May 19, 2019) Note: This online exhibition features the research of Rose Ong’oa, an Arkansas State University Heritage Studies PhD student. It was originally mounted at Arkansas State University Museum in honor of Black History Month (February 2008).

15

Islamicate Textiles

message, whereas a native Swahili speaker who could read and write in Arabic would understand the meaning right away. Later, the Roman alphabet (introduced by Christian missionaries) supplanted Arabic script on kangas. Kangas are multifunctional; their vibrant messages serve every occasion and virtually every purpose. “. . . [W]omen and girls do more than merely wear the kanga: They weave it into daily life, from birth to death and in between, as East Africa’s original “social media,” worn and traded both for the dazzle of the designs and for the surprise of the messages.”10 The written text is usually of central importance. Thus, Kiswahili-speaking peoples purchase kanga textiles not only for dress or aesthetic purposes but, equally as important, for the messages they carry: Kiswahili proverbs, popular sayings, familiar poems, political messages, “riddles, children’s songs and quotes from the Qur’an as well as popular culture.”11 (See Figures 1.2 and 1.3.)

Figure 1.2 Women’s veil, early twentieth century; a rectangular piece of off-white cotton cloth, with a black and burgundy pattern. Early kangas were printed solely in red and/or black on a white background; the inclusion of a Kiswahili proverb or saying written in Arabic script was a slightly later addition. The Arabic inscription shown above translates roughly as: “My husband, I want a kanga which is my heart’s desire.” Source: https://digitalwaxprint.com/project/digital-wax-print-digital-fabrication/ 10

Amanda Lichtenstein,“Kanga’s Woven Voices,” Aramco World 68, no. 6 (November / December 2017). Available online: https://www.aramcoworld.com/en-US/Articles/November-2017/Kanga-s-Woven-Voices (accessed May 19, 2019). 11 Ibid., 7.

16

Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

Figure 1.3 The caption on this image from its source states: “The Bantu Swahili language written in Arabic script on the clothes of a Tanzanian woman (early 1900s).” Source: https://www. wikiwand.com/en/Languages_of_Tanzania In researching kangas, I could not find Qur’anic quotes but did discover a fabric that featured the interesting juxtaposition of two Arabic words. An admirer may have gifted this to a young woman and, wanting to express his feelings, selected a kanga printed with the words “salala” and “warad,” a red rose. These words possibly allude to the lovely city of Salala, capital of Oman, where one finds gated rose gardens—a subtle way for the admirer to convey the message that he finds the young woman beautiful as a rose (see Figure 1.4.) Another example, on display at the British Museum in London, contained Arabic script (but again, in the Kiswahili not Arabic language) Contemporary kangas are also printed with images of local and foreign politicians (such as American presidents), pop artists, famous athletes, historical figures, maps, important dates, 17

Islamicate Textiles

Figure 1.4 Kanga example featuring the words “salala” and “warad,” a red rose. The words may allude to the gated rose gardens in the city of Salala—a subtle way for the admirer to compliment the wearer’s beauty. (Internet search unidentified source).

etc. Kangas literally serve as a social, cultural, and political fabric reflecting daily life. (See Figure 1.5.) Each kanga usually has three design sections; a wide border, a central motif, and a narrow strip section containing messages in Kiswahili (Swahili). The message also may appear in Malagasy (spoken in Madagascar).12 When used as women’s attire, kangas come in two pieces, one piece each for the upper and lower body. Depending on the way they are worn, kanga fabrics convey messages even when used as clothing.13 Indeed, as previously mentioned, the uses of kanga are amazingly varied. For example, “A new-born baby may be wrapped in an uncut and unstitched pair of kanga to confer prosperity,

12

Research British Museum, Social Fabric, African Textiles Today. Available online: http://digitalwaxprint.com/ iterations/african-textiles-today/ (accessed May 21, 2019). 13 See this link for examples of appropriate draping of kangas for specific ceremonies and occasions. https:// www.astate.edu/a/museum/exhibits/wearing-what-cannot-be-spoken/index.dot (accessed May 21, 2019).

18

Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

Figure 1.5 Kanga featuring the image of President Obama, celebrating his election in 2008. The item was made in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Nida Textile Mills, Ltd. The Swahili text reads: “Hongera Barack Obama; Upendo na amani ametujalia mungu” (“Congratulations, Barack Obama. God has blessed us with peace and love.”) Source: https://search.library.wisc.edu/digital/AI5TK5KNVJ4RNO9B (University of Wisconsin, Madison Libraries Search.)

strength and beauty to the child and as a symbol of the parents’ love for their offspring.”14 Kanga fabric can also be cut to create baby slings, freeing the mother’s hands to complete daily tasks. Girls beginning to menstruate are provided a kanga of red and black; brides wear a unique kanga of red, black, and white. Kangas are even used to wrap a deceased woman when her body is being washed. The fabric is then cleaned and sent to the mosque where female worshippers use it to bless the deceased individual. When a kanga is presented as a gift, one must be mindful of the inscription on the fabric since these messages often convey social, religious, personal, or political information to be taken seriously. Direct statements about women’s rights and equality are especially popular. Gifted kangas may contain a message that is difficult or uncomfortable, even inappropriate socially, for the giver to verbalize but perfectly acceptable to send via kanga. Traditional textiles such as the kanga cloth of Africa connect extraordinarily diverse geographic regions while reflecting centuries of a rich intermingling between two cultures. In the case of the kanga, one finds that Oman and Zanzibar, though incredibly different culturally, have ultimately been bound by their shared history of Islam. An equally intriguing story may be told with regard to the Persian lion motif. Both the unique African kanga and the ubiquitous lion of Persia, still widely used and deeply

14 “How to Wear a Kanga Without Causing Offence.” Interview, Chris Spring with Peter Moore (April 18, 2013). Available online: https://www.wanderlust.co.uk/content/chris-spring-kangas-british-museum (accessed June 25, 2019).

19

Islamicate Textiles

appreciated within their respective cultures, convey embedded semiotic messages, merely in different forms. Let us explore how the Lion of Persia design has been manipulated over time, shifting from a symbol of ancient royalty to a contemporary icon signaling the power of Shi’a Islam.

Lion of Persia: From pre-Islamic to contemporary Iran When one refers to indigenous textiles, whether speaking of brightly colored fabric or of a specific symbol (alphabetic or otherwise), it is important to note the various transitional stages from the original patterns, motifs, or fabrics to their contemporary versions. This section focuses on the enduring symbol of the lion in Persian/Iranian culture. How was this symbol used in early Persian culture? How did its use in the pre-Islamic era differ from its use across history? My intention is to provide a historic and social backdrop, along with specific visual evidence, highlighting why the lion has repeatedly surfaced as a powerful design choice. One need only attend to the ancient lion tombstones, lion columns or reliefs on the city palace and gates of Persepolis (in the Fars province of southwestern Iran) to begin to understand the important historic role of the lion. Kaveh Farrokjh points out the following: The lion and lioness . . . consistently appear in the arts of ancient Iran. The Lion/ Lioness has a close connection with the Persian royalty and state authority of the time. Examples include rows of lions decorating Achaemenid garments and the covers of thrones.15 Native to southern Iran, lions are believed to be indigenous to the Fars (Pars) province in the Zagros Mountains. Interestingly, this province is also considered as the original homeland of the Persian people. Lying west of Fars is the Khuzestan province, another area where lions originally roamed. Unfortunately, no sightings of lions have been recorded in either province in eighty years. However, a six-year-old male Persian lion, born at Bristol Zoo in England and named Kamran, was sent to Tehran’s Zoological Garden in May 2019 as part of a program to save endangered species. The hope is that by mating Kamran with a Persian female lion already ensconced at the Zoological Garden, future generations of healthy lions will once again find a home in their ancestral land.16

15

Kaveh Farrokh, “The Lion and Sun motif of Iran: a brief analysis.” Available online: https://kavehfarrokh.com/ iranica/firdowsi-2/the-lion-and-sun-motif-of-iran-a-brief-analysis/ (accessed June 30, 2019). 16 IFP Editorial Staff,,“Persian Lion Returns to Iran After 80 Years.” Available online: https://ifpnews.com/ exclusive/persian-lion-returns-to-iran-after-80-years/, May 2, 2019 (accessed May 21, 2019). Under a program sponsored by the European Association of Zoos and Aquaria (EAZA), a Persian lion was sent from Britain’s Bristol Zoo to save the rare cat from extinction. The male lion—named Kamran, son of Kamal—arrived at Tehran’s Imam Khomeini Airport on May 1, 2019, and was transported to the city’s Zoological Garden.

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The Persian word for lion is shir ‫ ﺷﻴﺮ‬and is often used in reference to a hero, or to a public or literary figure considered honest or brave. Parents name their newborn son Shir in hopes that he will develop courage and strength. Among the Shi’as of Iran, the terms Shir-e K –hoda (Persian ‫ )ﺷﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ‬or Asad-Allah (Arabic ‫ )ﺃﺳﺪ ﷲ‬both translate as lion of God, which may refer to the first Shi’a Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib, or simply Ali, cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad. The lion motif in combination with the sun has been used on textiles and objects since the twelfth century; the sun’s rays frequently represent a lion’s mane. Given that ancient Persians chose the lion as their primary totem or symbol, it is hardly surprising to find references from antiquity to Iran as “the Land of the Lion.” George Posener, scholar of Egyptian civilization, . . . concluded in his work on 117 Egyptian hieroglyphic texts that the names of the [Persian] Achaemenid kings and the Aryan countries that comprised their empire were written using hieroglyphs in the shape of a recumbent lion.17 Over the centuries the lion symbol and (male-gendered) sun (Persian shir va khorshid) ‫ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬were used on the flag of Iran, serving as the nation’s official emblem.18 The design underwent several modifications until its removal when the Islamic Republic of Iran was established on April 1, 1979. The long history of lion and sun motifs may be traced to the polytheistic religion of Mithraism. “Mithra [was] the Iranian god of the sun, justice, contract, and war in preZoroastrian Iran. Mithraism was widely practice[d] . . . during the 6th century [bc ] . . . and Mithra was the most important of [the Iranian people’s] gods.”19 The Persian word Mitra (‫ )ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ‬and Sanskrit Mithra may be traced to “the Indo-Iranian word mitra, meaning contract / agreement / covenant.”20 The word Mitra (Mehr in modern Farsi/Persian) still maintains its ancient meanings of kindness, friendship, covenant, and sun. In Mithraism, an inextricable relationship exists between Mithra and the sun and, “in truth they are united as one.”21 Apparently the god Mithra tamed all creatures and elements yet found taming the sun especially challenging; however, ultimately he did just that and made the lion responsible for watching over the sun.22 Evidence of the juxtaposition of lion and sun symbols has been clearly demonstrated from the Sasanian Empire (224–651 ad ), the 17

Parviz Tanavali, Lion Rugs/the Lion in the Art and Culture of Iran (Basel, Switzerland: Wept and Co. AG Publisher, 1985), 9. 18 The zodiac sign Leo (lion) is in the “house” of the sun. Since ancient times the zodiac has suggested a close connection between sun gods and the lion. At its maximum strength between July 20 and August 20, the sun is in the “house” of Leo. Though historically used as a secular motif in astrology, the sun became increasingly associated with Shi’a Islam under the Safavid and first Qajar kings. For more information, see: https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lion_and_Sun#Zodiacal_and_Semitic_roots 19 Reinhold Merkelbach, “Mithraism Persian Religion.” Available online: https://www.britannica.com/topic/ Mithraism (accessed May 22, 2019). 20 For an overview on Mithraism, see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mithraism 21 Tanavali, Lion Rugs/the Lion in the Art and Culture of Iran, 36. 22 Ibid.

21

Islamicate Textiles

last kingdom of the Persian Empire prior to the rise of Islam. However, the Canadian scholar Kaveh Farrokh calls attention to the following: . . . the Lion-Sun motif first appeared together at least as early as the Achaemenid era [550 bc –330 bc ] [and] there is evidence that their simultaneous appearance occurred even earlier. Khorasani (2006, p. 320) and Nayenuri (1965, p. 78) note that the oldest evidence for the simultaneous representation of the Lion and the Sun date to a cylinder of King Sausetar dated to 1450 bc . The image is that of a sun-disc resting on a base flanked by two wings, with two lions guarding at the base.23 The powerful ancient symbol of the lion (featured with or without sun) may also be found on Iran’s handwoven carpets and rugs. These “lion” rugs are known as (gabba) gabbeh-ye-shiri ‫ ))ﮔﺒﻪ ﺷﻴﺮی‬or the Lion gabbeh). When merchants and carpet connoisseurs hear the word gabbeh, they immediately associate this term with thick piles of weave, weight, and geography. Traditionally made by Ghashghaei nomads in southwestern Iran, gabbeh rugs are heavy, not easily pliable, and much thicker and coarser than other types of Persian carpets. These carpets, originally made for domestic use by Ghashghaei nomads, served a very practical function in their tents as floor coverings. The carpets were never intended for urban dwellings and, in fact, prior to becoming a desirable commodity, most people living in cities refused to purchase tribal carpets due to their weight and unusual abstract motifs, which were considered unsophisticated. (See Figures 1.6, 1.7a, and 1.7b). The pile on gabbeh rugs can be as thick as one inch (2.5 cm). The Persian (Farsi) word gabbeh generally refers to something raw, natural, and uncut. This perfectly describes the piles on these carpets. Characterized by unique patterns and color combinations, gabbeh rugs often feature stylized versions of the lion, as well as other large cats such as tigers or leopards. An upsurge in the popularity of gabbeh rugs is due primarily to Parviz Tanavoli, a twentieth-century Iranian artist whose interest in tribal carpets led him to invest huge amounts of time and money in purchasing and displaying them. The first U.S. exhibition was arranged by the Textile Museum in Washington, DC in 1974.24 In 1978, Tanavoli mounted another impressive exhibition of Iranian carpets, all from his personal collection, featuring the lion rugs of Fars.25 Following this public exhibition, demand for gabbehs soared immediately, as did their purchase price. However, most collectors and textile experts agree that the most desirable lion carpets are those that were woven on a smaller scale, prior to this time period.

23

Kaveh Farrokh,“The Lion and Sun Motif of Iran: A Brief Analysis.” Available online: https://kavehfarrokh. com/iranica/firdowsi-2/the-lion-and-sun-motif-of-iran-a-brief-analysis/ (accessed June 30, 2019). 24 Tanavali, Lion Rugs/the Lion in the Art and Culture of Iran, 36. 25 I attended Tanavoli’s “Lion Carpets of Fars” exhibition held in Bagh e Ferdos, Tehran, Iran in 1978. In fact, the first book I purchased on this subject was a single volume in Persian and English that I bought at the exhibition. The book is published in Iran.

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Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

Figure 1.6 Lion gabbeh carpet (handwoven thick pile) with red background. The central image is of a lion; a ram—with a black head but white body—is depicted on each corner of the carpet. Source: author’s private collection; purchased in Shiraz, Iran 1991.

In the 1980s, after the Iranian artist Parviz Tanavoli [Tanaveli] had experimented with vegetally dyed gabbehs, Gholamreza Zollanvari began producing the rugs in larger quantities, employing Qashgayi and Luri weavers. Increased production by the Zollanvari family, including their introduction of new patterns, exerted considerable influence on European rug markets.26 According to Tanavoli, lion rugs, as symbols of power, were used in the tents of Ghashghaei khans (tribal chiefs). In Iranian culture, the lion is also considered a protector so that one assumes these carpets were meant to guard the tent’s inhabitants. Another interesting juxtaposition of symbols is the lion of Persia and the sword. These two design features often, though not always, appear in combination with the sun. Lions featured with the sun and a sword (usually held in the lion’s right front paw) became another popular carpet motif.27 Later, the lion came to symbolize Shi’ism itself— starting with the Safavid Empire in the sixteenth century and continuing to the

26 Emmett Eiland, Oriental Rugs Today: A Guide to the best new carpets from the East (Berkeley: Berkeley Hills Books, 2003), 179. 27 Nazmiya Collection, “History of The Iranian Lion with Sword and Sun Symbol.” Available online: https:// nazmiyalantiquerugs.com/resources/guide/motifs-symbols/iranian-lion-sword-sun-symbol-meaninghistory/ (accessed May 25, 2019)

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Figure 1.7a The lion and sword depicted on a tile. Source: https://www.pinterest.com/ pin/376191375119507212/

Figure 1.7b A triangular banner with zoomorphic forms in the shape of a lion and a sun behind the lion’s image. The borders are filled with Persian poems. This textile dates to the early part of the twentieth century. Source: author’s private collection; purchased from an antique shop early 1970s in the city of Esfahan, Iran.

eighteenth-century Qajar dynasty (1789–1925). Reinforcing the association of Ali with the lion were images of Imam Ali and his double-edged sword called a zulfaqar ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭ‬, along with a seated lion at his feet. In both traditional and contemporary Shi’a cultures, images and objects reproduced with Ali, a zulfaghar, and a lion seated at Ali’s feet have always been popular. (See Figure 1.8.) Within these images or objects, one often finds the 24

Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

Figure 1.8 A popular poster of Imam Ali with his famous double-edged sword (known as Zolfaghar) and his tame lion. Source: author’s private collection; purchased in Tehran, Iran, in the late 1980s.

following phrase: “There is no hero like Ali; there is no sword like Dhu-l-Fiqar/ Zulfaghar,” in Arabic: lā fatā ʾillā ʿAlī; lā sayf ʾillā D _ ū l-Fiqār ‫ﻻ ﻓﺘﻰ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺇﻻ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭ‬ Another male name associated with both Ali and the lion is Haydar (Persian and Arabic: ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭ‬, also spelled heidar), meaning “brave”. Contemporary Iranian posters with reproductions of Ali often depict him with a nimbus or halo of the sun’s rays; that is, with a radiant circular disk around his head. This halo, or aureole, signifying spiritual ascendancy, is a common feature of Hellenistic and Roman art representing sun gods. As previously mentioned, in Muslim Shi’a culture, numerous textiles are produced to honor Ali featured with his sword (zulfaghar) and the lion in various combinations. (See Figure 1.9) Over millennia, textiles, objects, and architecture incorporating the lion of Persia have signified kingdom and nation, strength and courage. Textile design gives way to functionality when one turns attention to the nomads of Central Asia. Their source material, felt, used for living spaces, clothing, and other functional objects, has always assumed highest priority. 25

Islamicate Textiles

Figure 1.9 A Chinese Muslim flag with the Zulfiqar, and Ali represented as a lion (dated to the late eighteenth or nineteenth century). The Arabic inscription style is called sini (Arabic: ‫ﺻﻴﻨﻲ‬, meaning Chinese), and is a calligraphic style used in China for Arabic script. Source: https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zulfiqar Felt and fabrics under domination: Central Asia Because of their nomadic way of life, Central Asians developed a variety of textiles adaptable for different purposes—such as heavy-duty serviceable fabrics sturdy enough for floor coverings, or waterproof bags to carry loads of goods. Central Asian populations especially depended on felt as an interior furnishing and exterior covering for their yurts (and the more portable ger). Yurts are round tents traditionally covered with animal skins or wool felt, such as goat or sheep fleece. Yurts provide shelter to several nomadic groups living on the Central Asian steppes today, and to Turkic nomads in Iran as well. These nomadic tribes may still be identified by the designs on their textiles. Central Asia consists of several nations once considered satellites of the former Soviet Union: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The Soviet Union also tried to annex Afghanistan, resulting in a war that lasted from December 1979 to February 1989, when the Soviets retreated. Linguistically, Afghanistan is a melting pot of languages—including Persian (Dari), Uzbek, Turkmen, Pashtun, and Balochi.28 From approximately 1850 to 1991, the Russian Empire (whether under czarist or communist control) encompassed most of Central Asia. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Qing Dynasty tried to capture the Dzungar (Zungar) Mongols known also as Zunghar Khanate, or kingdom, on the Eurasian steppe. In their attempt to capture the Mongols, the Qing Dynasty also captured a portion of Central Asia. The

28 In addition to the languages mentioned, other regional languages such as Pashayi and Nuristani are spoken by minority groups across the country.

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Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

history and culture of Central Asia, therefore, is one of populations suffering under Chinese and Russian domination. Islam, as previously pointed out in this chapter, had arrived in the eighth century, with this Central Asian region boasting the largest number of followers. Moreover, the ongoing movement of nomads across Central Asia created unfettered opportunity for tribes to meet and exchange commodities, including fabrics and woven goods. These tribal groups traveled across vast territory, for example, within Turkestan. Situated between Siberia in the north and Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Tibet to the south, Turkestan was officially labeled a Socialist Federative Republic from April 30, 1918 to October 27, 1924. In 1924 Turkestan was divided into Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Karakalpakstan—with Uzbekistan being the most populated (32.39 million as of 2017), including Tajiks, Turkomans, and Kazaks. If one observes the weaving and clothing of these various Central Asian groups, it becomes apparent that the cut of garments worn by both men and women is basically the same, regardless of the region of origin. Similarities are found not only in weaving techniques but also in some of the patterns. The long dress with slits on the sides, known as kurta (the same term is used in both Hindi and Urdu for a long garment, typically knee- or calf-length) is worn with matching drawstring pants narrow at the ankle and constructed of a matching fabric known as shalwar (salwar).29 Garments made for riding horses include the chapan (outerwear coat),30 comprised of cotton or silk material; some chapan are padded for warmth in the winter while others are sold without padding for warmer seasons. Patterns on these handwoven materials are traditionally the ikat (Persian: ‫ﺍﺑﺮ‬, abr, meaning “cloud”) ; that is, some variation of the ram’s horn. More elaborate silk chapans are lined with printed cotton fabrics to support the fine silk. Embroidery is used to decorate the coats made of sheepskin, commonly worn in very cold environments. Another equally elaborate coat is the khalat, made of striped silk or cotton ikats and reserved for special occasions.31 Tehrani and Collard studied data on the craft of carpet-weaving in Iranian tribal populations. Their studies led to the conclusion that “parent-to-child transmission dominates learning during childhood.” Another interesting finding is that

29 Both kurta and shalwar are garments typically worn by South Asians in Pakistan and India, with the same cut for male and female. However, differences may be seen in choice of fabrics (men wear plain fabrics for daily use and elaborate brocades for weddings) while women opt for embellishments such as embroidery, trim, sequins, or tiny mirrors. 30 Chapan in Persian is the same word for shepherd (choopan), or it may refer to an old, worn out garment. Chapan can also mean to stuff (chapondan) or to fill an object in order to carry a maximum load. I believe this is a shared word between Persian and Turkic-language speakers. 31 According to Dehkhoda Lexicon of Persian (Farsi) language, the term khalat is used by Central Asians in a different way than the original term in Arabic. In older traditions, gifts of beautiful outer coats made of the finest and most expensive textiles available were given to honor individuals in the courts of Persia, Moghuls in India, the Turkish Ottomans, and Arab dignitaries. Khalat has a connotation of “Robes of Honor”; however, it was a gift that came with strings attached. The recipient of the khalat was obliged to submit to kings or leaders from whom they received the gift. The khalat implied a powerful political commitment, the literal meaning of which has likely been lost in ordinary Central Asian usage.

27

Islamicate Textiles

. . . most of the variation among the tribes’ craft assemblages can be explained by descent with modification. This can be accounted for by the fact that weavers (who are women among the Iranian tribal groups) usually only share their knowledge with members of their own tribe and are prevented from interacting with women from other groups by social norms.32 Hence, tribal weavers create specific textile patterns to signify their own unique tribe— and ancient indigenous motifs would be handed down from mother to daughter. This is why a connoisseur of textiles is able to distinguish the origin of certain tribal patterns based on small differences.33 A number of recognizable motifs incorporated in the textiles of tribal nomads echo a pre-Islamic past. These motifs are designed to protect the family against sickness and severe weather (drought or harsh winters), or perhaps they are meant to diminish the power of malevolent spirits such as the “evil eye.” Without question, Central Asians have depended on wool since pre-recorded history. Whether used in various unprocessed forms (such as felt) for making yurts, carpets, shoes, caps, and coats or as a spun product for knitting and weaving, wool has been key to their survival. Felt making is known as namadrezi (in Tajiki) or namadmali (‫ ﻧﻤﺪﻣﺎﻟﯽ‬in Persian in Iran). The traditional hand technique and use of traditional motifs are still followed today in Central Asia for making kalpak hats and other goods. Similar motifs and some stylized variations are used in making felt objects. (Figure 1.10.) Evidence of similarities of such motifs belonging to nomadic pastoralist tombs has been identified.34 Felt making for various purposes may also command some ritualistic regimen. For example, in the Ishkoshim district in Tajikistan “. . . when a felt carpet is made for the wedding usually an elderly woman [women] who has healthy marriage and children is invited to decorate the felt carpet.”35 In this way, the happily married woman is transferring her luck and success in her marriage to the bride-to-be. Remarkably, the art of felting36 dates to Neolithic times (the New Stone Age, beginning 10,000 bce and ending 4500–2000 bce ). Extraordinary textiles produced by Neolithic 32

Jamshid J. Tehrani and Mark Collard, “On the Relationship Between Interindividual Cultural Transmission and Population-level Cultural Diversity: A Case Study of Weaving in Iranian Tribal Populations,” Evolution and Human Behavior 30, no. 4 (July 2009): 286. 33 Ibid. 34 Stephanie Bunn, “Moving People and the Fabric of Society: The Power of Felt Through Time and Space,” Central Asian Survey 30, Nos. 3–4 (September–December 2011): 503–20. 35 Ministry of Culture of Republic of Tajikistan, Intangible Cultural Heritage in Tajikistan (Dushanbe: R-Graph, 2017), 142. 36 Felt is a non-woven fabric created when a sheep’s fleece (or that of a goat or other animal) is subjected to heat, moisture, and pressure. This website explains: “Soap, or an alkaline environment, facilitates the felting process. Heat and moisture cause the outer scales along the fiber to open, and the soap allows the fibers to slide easily over one another, thereby causing them to become entangled. The wool fibers are made up of a protein called keratin. The keratin in the fibers becomes chemically bound to the protein of the other fibers, thereby resulting in a permanent bond between the fibers, making the felting process irreversible.” The oldest archaeological finds suggesting the use of felt have been discovered in Turkey. Wall paintings dating from 6500 to 3000 bce have the motif of felt appliqué. See: http://www.feltcrafts.com/history.html

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Figure 1.10 A shyrdaq [felt carpet] on the floor of a Kyrgyz home in Kyzyl-Jar, Aqsy, Jalalabat. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Shyrdak_on_floor.jpg - /media/File:Shyrdak_ on_floor.jpg people have been discovered. These include unique patterns made with felt, textiles suggesting complex weaving techniques, carpets with beautiful design weave, and fine embroidered silks—all indicating high levels of artistic sophistication. Ironically, the cultures and peoples of this region are often described as barbaric.37 Central Asia fell under Soviet domination following the 1917 Russian Revolution. After this invasion, native cultures and languages were suppressed. Russian became the language of education and, eventually, the language that all peoples in the Soviet satellite system were required to speak and write. For example, the script of the Uyghur PersoArabic alphabet (Uyghur: ‫ ﺋﯘﻳﻐﯘﺭ‬Uyghur Ereb Yëziqi or UEY)38 was replaced by Cyrillic. In addition to suppressing indigenous languages and tradition, the Soviets closed borders, effectively eliminating the free flow of goods and information. For the first time in history, the open borders that had facilitated the exchange of commodities and ideas— and had fostered tolerance among diverse cultures—were closed, or at the very least

37

The term “barbaric” may be traced to Greek: βάρβαρος (barbaros pl. βάρβαροι barbaroi). In Ancient Greece, the Greeks used the term as an antonym for “citizen.” In other words, a barbarian neither spoke Greek nor followed classical Greek customs. In Ancient Rome, the Romans used the term to describe tribal non-Romans such as the Germanic tribes, Celts, Gauls, Iberians, Thracians, Illyrians, Berbers, Parthians, and Sarmatians. In the early modern periods, and sometimes later, the Byzantine Greeks used the term to describe Turks in a pejorative, insulting manner. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barbarian Author’s note: Based on this definition, a consistent synonym for “barbaric” may simply be “the other.” It seems that the entire global population (at some point in history) might be regarded as barbaric, depending on whose history one is reading. 38 It is one of several Uyghur alphabets and has been the official alphabet of the Uyghur language since 1982.

29

Islamicate Textiles

closely monitored by Soviet guards. Although the Soviet industrialization of Central Asia significantly improved infrastructure and promoted literacy, Russian domination threatened traditional cultural practices, resulting in a seemingly irreparable schism among ethnic groups. Russians discouraged gatherings at mosques and other holy places, including the shrines of various local saints. The Russian influx also affected production of textiles and certain patterns on textiles. Tsarist and Soviet rule in Central Asia impacted greatly on local craft production, as Russian factory-produced goods flooded the bazaars, and cotton was planted over huge areas to supply Russian textile factories. Periodically however traditional crafts were greatly encouraged.39 Indeed, during Soviet rule the demand for handmade textiles, meticulous needlework, exquisite outer gowns or chapons, beautiful felt floor coverings and other utilitarian felt objects skyrocketed. Russian clients demanded a new category of weaving; that is, the portraiture of political figures such as Vladimir Lenin (d. 1924) and Nariman Narimanov (d. 1925). While Central Asian artisans accommodated these requests, they maintained traditional weaving techniques and adhered to traditional motifs in the carpets’ border designs.

Ram’s horn: Central Asia and Iran A design motif that has survived centuries of war, invasion, nomadic migration, and shifting power structures is the ram, or argali (Ovis ammon). The word argali, from the Mongolian, refers to the largest species of non-domesticated sheep, found roaming Central Asian highlands and distinguishable by massive curling horns that grow up to six feet in length. In most of Kyrgyzstan, and among Kazak artifacts, a four-ram’s horn pattern is visible in stylized forms, with the horn pattern appearing on yurts. Horn motifs protect those living inside the rounded tent. Bunn notes that: The heart transforming into ram’s horn motif is almost identical to the jurok (heart) pattern used in today’s Kyrgyz, Kazakh and Caucasian felts. The [figure of] umai (mother goddess) pattern . . . [are commonly still used] on Kyrgyz ad Kazakh felts. Such patterns have been noted on Turkic felts since the late nineteenth century but are also illustrated in eighth-century AD Uyghur manuscript paintings, in later Persian miniatures and on Ottoman felts.40

39 Exhibition, “Beyond the Silk Road: Arts of Central Asia.” Available online: https://maas.museum/event/ beyond-the-silk-road-arts-of-central-asia/, August 27, 1999–June 27, 2000 (accessed July 9, 2019). 40 Ibid., 505–06.

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Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

The iconic ram’s horn is a commonly shared motif among the Turkic people of Central Asia and communities in Turkey and the Turkic tribes of Iran. The ram’s horn pattern is evident in shyrdaks (stitched-together pieces of felt handcrafted into colorful floor coverings) produced in Central Asia by both Kazakh and Kyrgyz women. Dynamic variations in pattern and color are apparent, with the horns assuming various forms, often stylized. In Kyrgyzstan, shyrdaks are produced on a large scale for the tourist market. In Uzbekistan, as in most of the Central Asian nations, the ram’s horn (kuch korak) dates from ancient times and has been “. . . found on many textiles including leather cutouts and felts from the Pazyryk burials of the Iron Age Scythian Horsemen.”41 Historical evidence indicates that during the Bronze age (3000 bc –1200 bc ), the Central Asians and Iranian nomadic tribes were already using the ram’s horn symbol in their art and craft work, as described by the Greeks and Scythians (Eurasian nomads) and by Persians known as Sakas.42 This horn pattern was ubiquitous—on woodwork, metal, leather, textiles, and stone. (See Figures 1.11, 1.12, and 1.13.) Early evidence of the ram’s horn as a protective motif has been found in the TeshaTash, or Teshik-Tash, cave (Bajsuntau mountain range, Uzbek SSR, Central Asia). Here a Neanderthal child is buried, surrounded by the horns of a Siberian Mountain goat.43 This

Figure 1.11 Handwoven khorjin / double saddlebag. The iconic ram’s horn is a commonly shared motif among the Turkic people of Central Asia, communities in Turkey, and the Turkic tribes of Iran. Source: author’s private collection; purchased in Shiraz, Iran, 1988.

41 Robert Cobcroft, “Ram’s Horn Motif Uzbek Julkhirs Samarkand Circa 1870,” Primitive Rugs. Available online: https://primitiverug.com/journal/uzbek-julkhirs-samarkand, October 6, 2019 (accessed June 9, 2019). 42 Tarim Basin, located in Northern China. “Sakasis” is the term used by Persians in reference to people who inhabited the northern and eastern regions of the Eurasian Steppe and Tarim Basin. 43 See: https://www.britannica.com/event/Stone-Age/Asia Also, a search in The Great Soviet Encyclopedia (1979) reveals the following: “Teshik-Tash is a cave in the Baystate Mountains in Surkhandar’ia Oblast, Uzbek SSR [no longer applicable because Uzbekistan is now an independent nation]. In 1938–39 the Soviet archaeologist A. P. Okladnikov discovered a habitation site of the Mousterian culture in this cave and excavated the skull and several bones of a Neanderthal child eight or nine years old. The burial was surrounded by ibex horns embedded in the ground.”

31

Islamicate Textiles

Figure 1.12 An example of the ram’s horn motif from Uzbekistan. Source: author’s private collection; purchased in 1970s.

Figure 1.13 This image focuses on the central medallion of this very fine silk and wool carpet to show the expertly depicted image of a black ram in non-tribal carpet context. According to Mr. Rahmonov, this carpet was made in Turkey. Source: image taken by the author in a gallery of carpets and handwoven textiles in Dushanbe, Tajikistan.

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Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

discovery further confirms the central role of the mountain goat/ibex/ram in the life cycle of Central Asian people. Koch or kosh (qošqar) means “ram” in all Turkic languages. The Persian word ghooch ‫ ﻗﻮچ‬translates to “ram” and its etymology may be traced to the Turkish koch.44 The ram’s horn significance is unquestionably pre-Islamic, as indicated by aforementioned artifacts in the Teshik-Tash cave (mentioned earlier). The ram’s horn apparently served as a totemic, sacred object for tribes or clans. From earliest times, in the region now known as Iran, the ram was highly prized as a food source and a valuable source of wool fleece used in weaving and the production of textiles. Appearing on pottery, textiles and jewelry, images of horned animals figured significantly in ancient belief systems and religious iconography. In the Zoroastrian religion, for example, one reads that Bahram I (Middle Persian Wahrām; New Persia: ‫ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﮑﻢ‬Bahrām yekom) was the fourth king (or shah) of the Sassanid Empire, ruling from 271 ce to 274 ce , and that ram’s horns are clearly visible on Bahram’s crown.45 (See images 1.14a and 1.14b.) Even the crowns themselves worn by Sassanid kings closely resembled ram’s horns. In ancient Iran (and Central Asian cultures), the ram was associated with creation and with rays of light. In the ancient Iranian mythology ram is the protector . . . among domesticated herds of animals it is the ram that acts as the protector and the leader of the herds . . . also every spring the ram is mating with the sheep and it is a significant time of the year that marks the rebirth and regenerations.46 A number of other objects belonging to the Sasanian era also incorporate the symbolic ram. Among these, and conveying paramount authority, is the ornamental staff or mace—a type of club or weapon with a heavy “head” on the end of a handle. This object is closely associated with pre-Islamic religions and traditional cultures of Iran and Central Asia. Mace [Persian gorz ‫ ]ﮔﺮﺯ‬heads in the form of multiple anthropomorphic or zoomorphic [such as goats and ram] heads appear to have been an important item of regalia used by the individuals of high status in Iran and Central Asia. Mace

44

I am aware of the significance of the ram’s horn in other religious contexts. For example, according to Jewish tradition, the shofar (Hebrew for ram’s horn,) is sounded in the synagogue at Rosh Hashanah (the Jewish New Year) and on Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement). The shofar is mentioned frequently in the Old Testament, the Talmud, and in rabbinic literature. In this current study, however, I am interested in the ram’s horn exclusively as a design motif in Central Asian environments. 45 Jayne Yantz, “Bahram Gur Fights the Karg (Horned Wolf),.” Khan Academy. Available online: https://www. khanacademy.org/humanities/ap-art-history/west-and-central-asia/a/bahram-gur-fights-the-karg (accessed June 11, 2019). 46 Atifeh Ghorbani Ghahafarkhi, Ali Yazdani, and Tahereh Barati Ardaji,“‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﻮچ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫( ”ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻗﻮچ ﻫﺎی ﺳﻨﮕﯽ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭی‬An examination of the ram’s horn motif in the ancient Iranian era: the ram’s stone figures in Chahar Mahal Bakhtiyari region.) In Persian. Portal of Humanity Research and Cultural Studies, http://ensani.ir/file/download/article/1536639421-10116-10-5.pdf, June 5, 2019.

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Figure 1.14a A crown showing a ram’s horn worn by a Sassanian Iranian king. Source: resketched by the author after an image from the following source: ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬: ۱۸۶ ۱۳۸۶ ‫ ﺳﺎﻝ‬.‫ ﭘﻮﺷﺎک ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬:‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﺭ‬ Fereydoun Pourbahman, Clothing in Ancient Iran (Tehran: Amir Kabir Publishers, 2007), 184.

Figure 1.14b Two cast-iron locks, replicas of original examples from the Museum of Ancient Iran / ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‬. These examples are from collection of the author – purchased in Tehran, Iran. 2003 These locks represent two horned animals: the ram and the goat. These objects further emphasize the importance of ram as a symbol of power, and of majesty when used in crowns. The images are also depicted on textiles or in other everyday items, as these locks attest. The locks are large and heavy, but still work well (I could open and close them using the large keys visible in the image). They may have been intended for use as an outdoor lock for a gate. Credit: author’s collection; purchased in 2002 from an emporium, in Tehran, Iran.

34

Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

heads with multiple zoomorphic heads were also well known in Assyria and Luristan [Iran] in the 1st Millennium bc, with a strong symbolic and mythological connection.47 Kubik and Ahmad further explain: The ram itself is also strongly associated with the farr [Persian ‫ ﻓﺮ‬or xwarrnah, khvarenah or khwarenah meaning glory] in Sasanian symbolism. The Ashmolean mace has two other important symbolic features – the triple dot motif, common in Sasanian Iran on textiles and metalwork, and the pearl necklace motif, a common symbol for the royal farr. Overall, the mace itself highlights several important new ideas and motifs regarding animal symbolism in Asia.48 In Turkmenistan’s Karakalpak region (Qaraqalpaq in Turkic languages), carpets are woven today with stylized images of the ram’s horn. Large, long, box-shaped woven storage bags known as qarshin may also be adorned with similar horn designs. Smaller bags, referred to khorjin, (Persian: ‫ ) ﺧﻮﺭﺟﻴﻦ‬are either a single bag or double bags placed on a pack animal’s back for transport. Usually the smaller, single khorjin resembles a handbag and is used for carrying personal items. The qarshin may be placed on top of a sandoq (wooden chest of drawers) for later use, including storage and moving. These storage bags are in current use by Iran’s Qashghaei and Shahsavan Turkic tribes. Subtelny writes about the practices of Muslim Central Asians that include numerous pre-Islamic belief systems. While self-identifying as Muslims, they also incorporate their own folk belief systems into religious observances. For example: . . . in keeping with the peculiar character of Central Asian Islam, they frequently incorporate elements from former Shamanistic practices, such as the adornment of the gravesite with traditional talismans in the form of ram’s horns or white standards of camel or sheepskin (frequently substituted by pieces of white cloth).49 Shamanism in the ethnography of Central Asians beliefs has shown “. . . a remarkable ability to persist alongside major religious traditions, not only Islamic, but also Buddhist.”50 It is not only Shamanism that has persisted long after being officially replaced by Islam. In virtually any global region with enduring traditions of religious or cultural

47

Adam Lech Kubik and Shah Nadeem Ahmad, “Bronze Mace with Three Rams’ Heads from Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford,” Historia I Swaiat 4 (2014): 158. 48 Ibid., 170. *For further explanation of the word farr, see: http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/farrah 49 Maria Eval Subtelny, “The Cult of Holy Places: Religious Practices Among Soviet Muslims,” The Middle East Journal 43, no. 4. (1989): 597. 50 M. H. Sidky, “ ‘Malang’, Sufis, and Mystics: An Ethnographic and Historical Study of Shamanism in Afghanistan,” Asian Folklore Studies 49, no. 2 (1990): 275. Available online: asianethnology.org/downloads/ae/ pdf/a802.pdf

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Islamicate Textiles

practices pre-dating Islam, one finds remnants of the older practices adopted to the new religion (Islam or otherwise). A good example of this is use of the ram’s horn in funerary practices, a pre-Islamic tradition of the Turkmens of Iran, Turkmenistan, and Afghanistan as well as the Muslim Turkic people in the western part of China in the Xinjiang region. The Golestan province of northeastern Iran borders Turkmenistan. Two main languages are spoken in Golestan: Persian Mazandarani and Turkmen. Thus, Turkmenistan shares a key language with Iranian Turkmens, and they also share specific cultural aspects. Near the border of Iran’s Golestan province, south of the Caspian Sea, one may visit a cemetery of approximately 600 stones—some in the shape of ram’s horns (or, more precisely, ram’s horns transforming into the shape of hearts). These particular stones intermingle with larger, more vertical stones in the shape of large phalluses (see footnote 43 for more detail). This site is named for a pre-Islamic Christian prophet who lived several centuries after Jesus and brought his teachings to the people of that region. Limited biographical information is carved in Khalid Nabi’s tomb, indicating that he lived during the era of King Khosro Anushirvan of Iran (531–79 ce , i.e., just prior to the arrival of Islam) and was born in Yemen. Both tourists and religious pilgrims visit this site to pray for Khalid Nabi’s soul and offer supplications. On occasion, women who hope to fulfill a personal wish tie ribbons in nearby trees.51 Religious pilgrimages to shrines or tombs of saints and other religiously respected individuals are known in the Farsi/Persian of Iran and Dari of Afghanistan as ziarat 52.‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ David Stronach and William R. Royce suggest their own interpretation of the phallic- and ram’s horn-shaped stones at Khalid Nabi cemetery: “As far as it is possible to interpret these monuments, it seems probable that we are dealing with highly stylized representations of people.”53 Stronach, an archeologist, posits that the tall cylindrical stones signify male gravesites, and sees no indication that the smaller stones, with their rounded shapes, are female grave markers, much less stylized ram’s horns. However, controversy swirls around this particular assessment and, as a result, the cemetery draws numerous visitors annually. (See Figure 1.15.) The graveyard’s close proximity to Turkmenistan where the practice of using the ram’s horn as a funerary object has been solidly documented leads one to question Stronach’s anthropomorphic interpretation.

51

See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khalid_Nabi_Cemetery In Islam, ziyara(h) (Arabic: ‫ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ‬ziyārah, “visit”) or ziyarat (Persian: ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬, ziyārat, “pilgrimage”) is a form of pilgrimage to sites associated with Muhammad, his family members and descendants (including the Shī‘ī Imāms), his companions, and other venerated figures in Islam such as the prophets, Sufi auliya, and Islamic scholars. Sites of pilgrimage include mosques, maqams, tombs, battlefields, mountains, and caves. Ziyārat can also refer to a form of supplication made by the Shia in which they send salutations and greetings to Muhammad and his family. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ziyara 53 David Stronach and William R. Royce, “Standing Stones in the Atrek Region: The H · ālat Nabī Cemetery,” Iran 19 (1981): 147. 52

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Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

Figure 1.15 Ram’s horns transformed into the shape of heart. This image comes from the Khaled Nabi cemetery, located near the border of Iran’s Golestan province, south of the Caspian Sea. This cemetery has approximately 600 headstones—some in the shape of ram’s horns. Source: online information from the following websites in Persian (Farsi). ‫ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬:‫ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻧﺒﯽ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺒﺪﮐﺎﻭﻭﺱ‬ https://www.alibaba.ir/mag/khalid-nabi-cemetery/ ‫ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬-‫ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻧﺒﯽ‬ https://blog.rahbal.com/khalid-nabi-cemetery/

According to M.S. Sidky, evidence suggests that goat horns served as funerary objects in Afghanistan: In Bamiyan [Afghanistan] fissure the American archaeologist-ethnographer Dupree (1976, 5) reports the remains of thousands of goat horns and bones, apparently deliberately placed in the fissure; he interprets these as evidence of the pre-Islamic religious significance of goats for the Afghan people.54 Sidkey then discusses the decorative use of goat horns on stone cairns: Ziarat consist of a stone cairn, decorated with togh, or cloth flags hung from long poles. These flags are placed there so that the shrine can be visible from a distance. Most Afghan ziarat are decorated with goat horns, which are placed atop the long flagpoles, or on separate poles of their own, or, alternatively, they are embedded in the earth around the stone cairn. Unlike the shrine flags, the significance of these goat horns is more difficult to determine. In present-day Nuristan (northeastern 54

Sidky, “ ‘Malang’, Sufis, and Mystics,” 284.

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Islamicate Textiles

Afghanistan) goat horns appear as an emblem of prestige, signifying the number of feasts given by a particular individual, and so signifying his rank.55 The Iranian concept of ziarat points to the effort and action of making pilgrimage to a saint or holy person’s tomb or mausoleum, while for Afghans and other Central Asian cultures, it is not the trip itself but rather those objects placed at the gravesite that are of greatest importance. As noted above, goat horns are associated with prestige; that is, an individual’s place in society and level of generosity. Another cemetery where ram’s horns are apparent is the isolated village of Nukhor in Turkmenistan. Here almost all the graves are marked by wooden posts with a ram’s horn attached with a white cloth wrapped around the wooden post. (See Figures 1.16a and 1.16b.) According to local belief, the horns divert evil spirits away from the departed

Figures 1.16a and 1.16b A cemetery in the village of Nokhur, in Turkmenistan. The “. . . graves, marked by the horns of mountain goats, point to burial rites steeped in animism . . . The goat [Ram] horns are there to fight off evil spirits, while the stones are marked with steps, to help the deceased ascend to heaven.” Note the white fabrics tied around the wooden base of the graves. Turkmens are 89 percent Muslim, but their older religious beliefs in animism (that is, in countless evil or benevolent spirits) have been mixed with Islam and are still practiced today. Source: https://caravanistan.com/ turkmenistan/nokhur/ 55

Ibid., 285.

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Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

Figure 1.16b soul, securing an easy passage to Islamic heaven. Here again, Shamanism directly merges with contemporary Islam: The Nokhuris, the mountain tribe of the region, have always considered mountain goats sacred animals for their strength and endurance. The reverence of mountain goats clearly predates Islamic traditions, and though today the Nokhuris are devout Muslims, this part of their ancient belief system has continued to survive. . . . in Central Asia certain parts of pre-Islamic belief systems have been incorporated into the younger religion, creating a syncretism often symbolized in the burial rites of local tribes.56 Uyghur Muslims in China also use the ram’s horn in funerary practices. The Islamic saints of western China who converted this population to Islam were favored by the élites 56

“Timeless people, off-beat customs.” Available online: https://caravanistan.com/turkmenistan/nokhur/ (accessed June 10, 2019).

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Islamicate Textiles

who bestowed good will upon them. These saints, known as friends of Allah (awalia, plural), were considered intermediaries between God and the pious faithful. The awalia were respected individuals not only during their lifetimes but also after death. Uyghur Muslims continue to honor them, believing that these saints can heal sickness and foretell events, given their proximity to Allah. The shrine (Arabic: mazar) (Arabic: ‫)ﻣﺰﺍﺭ‬, or darīh (‫ﺿ ِﺮﻳْﺢ‬ َ ) of these saints also plays an important sociopolitical role in the lives of devotees and historically extends back to medieval Eastern Turkestan.57 Devotees make pilgrimage to these sites, a recommended (though not required) meritorious deed that can take place at any time during the year. However, most of these ziarats (pilgrimages) occur on special occasions, such as the Muslim New Year or at the end of Ramadhan, when fasting is completed. Offerings and vows are made at these sites, as well as requests for wishes to be granted. A wide array of objects and foods are offered; colorful fabrics are tied to poles or to trees and bushes nearby. “One may find many other ritual offerings near a saint’s tomb: goat horns or bones, horse tails, sheepskins, hand-sewn talismans, metal crescents, incense sticks, brick, pebbles, etc.”58 As remnants of a sacrifice, it is common to see a ram’s horn left at the shrine (mazar). The ram’s body is ritually cooked and consumed; its horns, serving as a talisman, are wrapped in a piece of white muslin and left at the site. Again, this ceremony echoes the Shamanic practice of wrapping white cloth around the ram’s horn at Nokhur cemetery in Turkmenistan, as mentioned earlier. Given that the Chinese government regulates these Uyghur mazars, the sites often reflect the struggle between Uyghur Muslims and the government—and therefore may be shut down and/or exploited. One mazar described by Alexandre Papas “. . . with a long and important history has become illegal for pilgrimage: a ‘new’ version has been set up by a Chinese company for tourists at the bottom of the mountain, where an entrance fee is charged, and the related history is altered.”59 The fabric of Islam may at times be frayed by dominant power structures. However, there is no denying that Islam’s unifying influence has connected incredibly diverse regions and cultures; its very fabric has been and continues to be embroidered with, and complemented by, unique traditions reflecting each region’s indigenous heritage. As emblems of identity, textiles reflect embedded beliefs and practices, unifying or segregating specific groups and communities. This chapter has demonstrated that values, messages, and behaviors may be assigned to material products such as the kanga and keffiyeh, or to symbols used individually or in combination, as exemplified by the ram’s horn, lion, and sword. Through the lens of textiles, one begins to see more clearly, and perhaps appreciate more fully, the rich history of civilization and the unique aesthetic contributions made by people belonging to Islamicate societies. Even if one were not familiar with the historic background of these fabrics, rugs, clothing, and coverings—

57

Alexandre Papas, “Pilgrimages to Muslim Shrines in Western China,” in Living Shrines of Uyghur China (New York: The Monacelli Press, 2012). 58 Ibid., 14. 59 Ibid., 117.

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Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers

and even if one did not acknowledge the powerful and often beautiful symbolism inherent in their motifs, one might still take aesthetic pleasure merely in the viewing. Here is an opportunity for the Western world to rethink dismissive attitudes towards Islamicate textile artistry. One need only take time to learn more about the unique and often intriguing cultures reflected therein.‫ﺭﻭپ ﻥﻭﺩیﺭﻑ ﻥﻡﻩﺏ‬: ‫ﻥﺍﺕﺱﺍﺏ ﻥﺍﺭیﺍ ﺭﺩ کﺍﺵﻭپ‬. ‫ ﻝﺍﺱ‬۱۳۸۶ ۱۸۶ :‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬: ۱۸۶ ۱۳۸۶ ‫ ﺳﺎﻝ‬.‫ ﭘﻮﺷﺎک ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬:‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﺭ‬

۱۳۸۶ ‫ ﺳﺎﻝ‬۱۸۴- ‫ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬.‫ ﭘﻮﺷﺎک ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬.‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬

41

42

CHAPTER 2 TALISMANIC TEXTILES: GENDER, STATUS, AND THE SUPERNATURAL

In Islamic societies textiles have long been imbued with mystical power and, therefore, cloth design and function have played significant roles in religious, curative, and protective settings. “Imbuing textiles with supernatural power is an important aspect of Islamic material culture,” asserts Susan Conway.1 Throughout the Muslim world, fabrics have been emblazoned with magical designs, symbolic figures, and talismanic scripts. This chapter highlights the historic and contemporary use of fabrics as powerful markers of cultural belief systems. While much has been written about the mystical aspects of objects and architecture within Islam, my focus is specific to the supernatural aspects of Islamic textiles.2 Divinatory and talismanic textiles from the past convey abundant cultural information that our twenty-first-century world tends to overlook or dismiss. Woven cloth predating the Abrahamic religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, for example, reveals much about pre-colonial kingdoms and offers windows into ancient thought and belief systems. Textiles also tell the story of more recent religious practices, absent any ties to Islam, such as those used in the Cherubim and Seraphim Church,3 a Christian denomination in southwestern Nigeria. (See Figures 2.1a and 2.1b.) In this particular church, cloth itself is used to record dreams and visions of worshippers, as well as reflect their beliefs regarding humanity’s connection to God. These dream images are woven into the cloth, then tailor-made to fit church leaders,

1

Susan Conway,“Textiles and Supernatural Power: A Tai Belief System,” The Journal of Burma Studies 21, no. 2 (2017): 366. 2 See, for example, the following: Venetia Porter, Liana Saif, and Emilie Savage-Smith, “Medieval Islamic Amulets, Talismans, and Magic,” in A Companion to Islamic Art and Architecture, ed. Finbarr Barry Flood and Gülru Necipoğlu (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2017), 521–57. Michael Muhammad Knight, Magic In Islam (New York: Penguin Random House LLC, 2016). Ahmed al-Boni, Shams al-Ma’arif (‫)ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺷﻤﺲ‬: The Book of the Sun of Gnosis, World Heritage Encyclopedia. See: http://self. gutenberg.org/articles/shams_al-ma%27arif Francesca Leoni, Christian Gruber, Venetia Porter, Farouk Yahya, Power and Protection: Islamic Art and the Supernatural (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2016). Markus Schaefer, Enigmatic Charms: Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1 The Near and Middle East, Volume 82. 2006 3 The Cherubim and Seraphim Church, also known as the ESOCS (Eternal Sacred Order of Cherubim and Seraphim), is a Christian denomination in Nigeria, and was founded in 1925 by Moses Orimolade Tunolase.

43

Islamicate Textiles

Figure 2.1a The following information was obtained by private chat using WhatsApp on March 14, 2022. This image shows the white gown worn by members of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church (C&S Church). It features Professor Harrison Adeniyi, Department of Linguistics and African Languages at Lagos State University, Lagos, Nigeria. Currently, he is Deputy Shepherd of the English Service Dr. Harrison Adeniyi provided me with this image, which was taken during a service at the church discussed above in 2021. Professor Adeniyi stated the following: “The ‘forefathers’ of the Church are of the view, based on the vision, that white garments be worn generally by all members so as to be like angels in heaven who are always in white. However, there are various shades of the gown as directed by the spirit. The titles (ordination of each member also dictates the type of gown to be worn . . . there are various shades of white garments depending on the sects. for instance, in my sect the gown is not complete without the girdle, white, red or yellow depending on the occasion.” The author (Shirazi) asked: Professor Adeniyi, does this mean the vision is captured on the gown—by that I mean is it actually drawn on the gown? Professor Adeniyi: “Absolutely right.” Shirazi: Who draws the images/ visions in the dreams on the gown? The priest himself? Professor Adeniyi: “It may not necessarily be the Priest, and not mainly dreams, but we have Visioners in the Church who go into trances and who also prophesy on [sic] what type of white garment to have.” Shirazi: Is it possible [to] access such image [sic] drawn on the gown to add to the photos you shared with me? Professor Adeniyi: “Not really.”

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Talismanic Textiles: Gender, Status, and the Supernatural

Figure 2.1b In this image, Ms. Rebecca Akeredolu from Lagos is wearing her white gown for a regular Sunday church day (in this case March 20, 2022; she kindly provided me with this photo). Rebecca told me “I hold the position of a prophetess,” which is a position equal to preacher. She also generously responded to several of my questions via WhatsApp, and recorded messages. Shirazi: I have read that image of heavenly beings are captured and then the white gowns are sewn, based on the images Rebecca: “When they are in spirit [trance], they see what’s going to happen and how to conquer it so it won’t come to pass if it is bad. They only think of a better cloth that suit the priest [sic]. . . . the members can sew any style they want but it must not be the same as the priest, choir, prophet and prophetess. Shirazi: So no one in reality [is] drawing any images? To paint or draw on the gown? Am I correct? Rebecca: No. Once again, I was able to confirm that the style/design of white clothes are the significant part of gowns, and there is a hagiarchy of status that must be observed in terms of patterns for white garments worn in the church.

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Islamicate Textiles

signifying their special spiritual status. Worshippers wear garments of white, an honorific reference to biblical angels: By wearing a dream or visionary garment – a souvenir of sorts from another world – church leaders materially emphasized their otherworldly connections and, indirectly, their supernatural gifts . . . .[thus] the distinctive garments of the church leaders came to represent the extraordinary spirituality of individuals [wearing them] . . . whose robes were believed by some to be imbued with special healing power.4 Historically, textiles have played key roles in a wide spectrum of social exchanges— between rulers and those being ruled, within hierarchical communities of men and women, and among mortals and their immortal counterparts. Across millennia, textiles have been incorporated into daily rituals, ceremonies, and traditions. As such, they may be regarded as record-keepers, documenting practices and beliefs specific to a given culture. Furthermore, the various ways in which they have been used reflect everchanging social, economic, and cultural attitudes—including attitudes towards the textiles themselves and the extent of their symbolic power. In rituals performed for healing purposes, textiles are implemented (often in a complementary sense to other objects) to facilitate specific outcomes. They have been (and continue to be) created for singularly designated purposes: to protect against illness, to cure disease, to guard against curse. Curative and restorative fabrics may be worn on afflicted parts of the body; other types of cloth may be imbued with protection against the evil eye. The healing applications are as various as the textiles themselves, ranging from headache to fertility aid.5 Ritual fabrics are required not only in rites of passage (such as birth, coming of age, marriage, and death), but also at sacrificial events and, in general, as sacred objects to promote the efficacy of prayer. In Islamic and non-Islamic cultures alike, textile production and adornment serve as markers of social status. In patriarchal Nigeria, for example, female weavers who create certain types of cloth may enjoy unusual honor and prestige. Indeed, the art of weaving can afford Nigerian women a significantly more equal status with their male counterparts. In a traditional coming of age ceremony, for example, women attain heightened status by simply wearing fabric that incorporates the symbolic tortoise or ikaki motif (see Figure 2.2), which is symbolic of sociopolitical unity among the Ijo people of Nigeria.6 . . . women wear the [Ikakibite cloth] at the “iria” or the coming of age ceremony. The implication in the usage of the cloth for this ceremony in the Ijo culture is

4

Elisha P. Renne,“Dressing in the Stuff of Dreams: Sacred Dress and Religious Authority in Southwestern Nigeria,” Dreaming 14, no. 2–3 (2004), 121. 5 Faegheh Shirazi, Velvet Jihad: Muslim Women’s Quite Resistance to Islamic Fundamentalism (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2009). See: Chapter 2,“Sterility, Childbirth, Taboos, and Popular Religious Practices,” 56–103. 6 The Ijo people inhabit the Niger Delta in Nigeria, including regions of Ondo, Bayelsa, Delta, Edo, Akwa Ibom, and Rivers states. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ijaw_people#Lifestyle

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Talismanic Textiles: Gender, Status, and the Supernatural

Figure 2.2 Ikaki motif (tortoise), Nigeria. Fowler Museum at UCLA. Museum purchase via the Manus Fund. Source: https://africanstories.tumblr.com/post/136061572815/ukpuru-cloth-coveredwith- designs-nigeria-ikaki/amp (accessed March 6, 2022).

quite symbolic. When the women use this cloth . . . [during] such a status-achieving ritual, they are actually being appropriated male status symbol [traditionally enjoyed by males].7 Another ethnic group of western Africa, the Yoruba, use the word agbada to refer to a flowing gown. Its counterpart, the riga, is used by the Hausa people living in southern Niger and northern Nigeria. Originally, this handwoven outerwear garment was embroidered by hand, and was traditionally reserved for kings, chiefs, and other male elites. The riga, with its long, loose-fitting robes and full sleeves, is still worn today by North African Arabs and Berbers (Arabic: jillaba ‫ ;ﺟﻼﺑﺔ‬Berber: aselham). The spread of Islam played a major role in diffusing the technology of textile production in West Africa at an early stage. After all, the wearing of clothes was a custom adopted by converts that marked their membership of the ummah (Muslim communities) and distinguished them from pants. From the seventeenth 7

Bridget O. J. Omatseye and Kingsley O. Emeriewen,“ An Appraisal of the Aesthetic Dimension to the African Philosophy of Cloth,” Journal of Language, Technology & Entrepreneurship in Africa 3. no. 2 (2012): 63.

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century onward, on the occasions of important Islamic ceremonies and burials, the people in Hausaland wore white clothes because of their association with Islam.8 While the cuts of jillaba /aselham and riga robes are very similar, only the riga includes elaborate embroidery patterns around the neck and chest. These prized robes are kept as family treasures, passed down from father to son. By the fourteenth century, Hausa traders had spread Islam across vast territories of West Africa. Today the Hausa-Fulani of northern Nigeria are practicing Muslims, as are the majority of Nupe people of west-central Nigeria. In tandem with the Yoruba, these ethnic groups lay claim historically to a vast, productive network of tailoring and weaving activities.9 An elaborate trade network developed, with both Nupe and Yoruba weavers and embroiderers, along with specialist tailors, cloth beaters, and dyers, serving the main emirates. Rulers of other courts such as Yoruba kings beyond the reach of Fulani power adopted the same style of dress, and in the twentieth century the gowns became the accepted dress of important men across a large area of Nigeria and into neighbouring countries.10 Indeed, the present-day Yoruba people are well known for, and take great pride in, their hand-loomed cotton cloth. Elaborate patterns, along with vibrant colors and embroidery, signify both the social status and personality of the wearer.

Protecting fiber and livelihood: The Ladakh Across generations and in diverse regions, the livelihoods of countless families have depended on the wool and hair shorn from goats, sheep, yaks, rams, and camels. When well-tended flocks are nurtured—and protected from evil spirits, according to traditional practices—they produce high-quality fibers and therefore contribute significantly to successful textile production. Not surprisingly, ritual blessings and/or “thanksgiving” ceremonies are held to acknowledge the animals’ invaluable contributions. For most nomads around the world, animal husbandry is an age-old practice. Indeed, nomadic cultures have long engaged in weaving for economic gain beyond their own domestic needs. Monisha Ahmed examines the role of domesticated animals in sustaining family livelihoods, specifically among the nomads of the Ladakh Himalaya,11 while Diana K. 8

Kazuo Kobayashi, “Indian Textiles and Gum Arabic in the Lower Senegal River: Global Significance of Local Trade and Consumers in the Early Nineteenth Century,” African Economic History 45, no. 2 (2017): 30. 9 Hausa–Fulani are a mixed ethnic group originally from Sudan. Most of the Hausa-Fulani people presently living in northern Nigeria speak a form of Hausa, as well as the Fula language. 10 No author, “Nigerian Men’s Robes.” https://www.adireafricantextiles.com/textiles-resources-sub-saharanafrica/some-major-west-african-textile-traditions/nigerian-mens-robes/ (accessed March 26, 2021). 11 Monisha Ahmed, Living Fabric: Weaving Among the Nomads of Ladakh Himalaya (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2002).

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Myers observes that in Ladakh “. . . spinning and weaving are done in virtually every household.”12 Ahmed, who notes that both Ladakh men and women weave, underscores the importance of ritualistic practices during the collection of source fiber and its conversion into yarn. Ahmed describes Rupshu, a Ladakh region where fiber production and heritage textiles (so vital to the local economy) began to be negatively impacted in 1994. At this time, the Indian government started allowing tourists into this restricted area. As a result, textile products became increasingly commercialized and artistic originality suffered. Not only has global tourism upended traditional nomadic life, but climate change has also had alarmingly adverse effects on the density and quality of wool fiber. While the introduction of commercialism to Rupshu translates to opportunities for the younger generation to garner an education and to attain job security in urban areas, it also means a critical reduction in nomadic lifestyle, population, and textile production. Both Buddhists and Muslims populate the main Ladakh districts of Leh and Kargil. A document prepared by Jammu and Kashmir Official State Portal states that in Ladakh, Buddhists constitute about 46 percent of the population (mainly in Leh district) and Muslims (54 percent)13 in the Kargil district. This official government document also indicates that, in this part of the world, Muslims comprise the majority of animal herders and fiber producers. Monisha Ahmed notes how these people juxtapose shepherding practices with ancient creation myths: . . . Sheep are intrinsically sacred animals bestowed upon Rupshu by the gods through Pulon Rigpachen [who created the first man and woman from mud]. They remain a link between Rupshu and the gods, and are a means through which the Rupshupa [people from Rupshu] receive divine blessings.14 The shearing of sheep follows a more intricate and symbolic pattern than the shearing of goats and yaks. The Rupshu people view specific symbols associated with sheep as closely related to the gods btsan (female deities) and klu (spirits). After shearing a sheep, “. . . a length of wool will be left uncut on their backs between the forelegs, and this is known as don-bal. This is [done] so that they can easily be distinguished from the rest of the flock.”15

12

Diana K. Myers, “Traditional Weaving and Dyeing in Ladakh,” HALI 6, no. 1 (1983): 42. Jammu & Kashmir Official State Portal: https://jk.gov.in/jammukashmir/?q=demographics (accessed January 10, 2020). Statistics calculated from the 2001 Census India District Profiles. I also accessed other statistics and sources numbering the Hindu population at about 12.5 percent. However, based on this source, Muslims still remain in the majority (primarily from Shia backgrounds) at 46.6 percent. For more information about Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir, refer to: “Status divides Leh and Kargil,” The Telegraph. Available online: https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/status-divides-leh-and-kargil/ cid/1696067, July 8, 2019 (accessed January 20, 2020). 14 Ahmed, Living Fabric, 39. According to this belief system, Pulon Rigpachen (the Creator) established the entire world, including the Rupshu land, sheep, goats, horses, and yaks. He is also credited with teaching the Rupshu people how to build a loom. In short, Pulon Rigpachen provides all material goods, blessings, and bounty. (Ahmed, Living Fabric, 31.) 13

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Further, this don-bal symbolizes an offering through which the gods are propitiated. Ahmed states that a chant is recited during the day while shearing is in process: Byangmo! [a general reference to sheep] Let the shears cut well between the two wools, Let the man’s hand be strong and swift while cutting, The God of the Sheep has not come, God of the Sheep, come, Let the White Sheep of the Gods come to us.16 Given that body and facial hair universally signify male maturity, a length of wool is left between the rams’ hind legs during shearing for aesthetic reasons. The unshorn wool is “. . . a sign of the ram’s masculinity, without which the ram would feel strange and exposed.”17 When the head of the family shears the last sheep in the flock, he shouts, “May the gods be victorious!”18 (See Figures 2.3 & 2.4.)

Figure 2.3 Monisha Ahmed in her book refers to this animal as a sheep, but based on her description, it is probably a ram. She writes that the animal shown in the original photograph “. . . is dedicated to the Klu. The uncut strip of wool on its back, between its forelegs, is the don-bal and represents the offering of a kha-btags. The sla-zar, said to be ram’s ‘show’, can be seen hanging between its hind legs.” The image above is a sketch done by the author after the photograph in: Monisha Ahmed, Living Fabric Weaving Among the Nomads of Ladakh Himalaya (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2002), 63.

15

Ibid., 63. Ibid., 61. 17 Ibid., 64. 18 Ibid., 63. 16

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Figure 2.4 As noted above, this animal is referred to as a sheep in Monisha Ahmed’s book, but is probably a ram. She indicates that: “The stud ram the (ru-po) . . . is easily identified by the small woven bag (Khab) tied around its back.” The bag on this animal indicates that it “. . . is the last sheep in the flock to be shorn, and will always be sheared by the head of the family who shouts ‘KI-Ki So-So Iha-rgyal-lo’ (‘may the gods be victorious’) as soon as he finishes shearing it.” The image above is a sketch done by the author after the photograph in: Monisha Ahmed, Living Fabric Weaving Among the Nomads of Ladakh Himalaya (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2002), 63.

Blessed looms, blessed fibers Another nomadic group, the Berbers19 of northwest Africa, believe that the success of a woven textile depends not only on the skill of the weaver but also on “blessing” the loom. For generations, Berber women have dominated the weaving process and, before setting to work, they routinely engage in a ritual cleansing of their looms. These weavers greet the loom with “As-Salaam-Alaikum” (Peace be with you) before sprinkling clean water on and around the loom. Among the North African Berber communities (all followers of Islam),20 weaving is a collective activity; that is, loom preparation requires the hands of multiple women. Moreover, the wool itself, as in other nomadic cultures, is revered by Berbers for its spiritual significance: “Wool is associated with the fertility of the land and God’s generous nature, since it is God 19 The Berbers (Imazighen) are an indigenous ethnic group from the Maghreb region of North Africa. Following the Muslim conquest of the Maghreb, most Berber tribes eventually converted to Islam. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berbers_and_Islam#: ~ :text=The%20Berbers%20%28autonym%3A%20 Imazighen%29%20are%20an%20indigenous%20ethnic,the%20Maghreb%2C%20most%20Berber%20 tribes%20eventually%20became%20Muslims 20 According to Arab oral tradition, Muslim refugees fleeing persecution on the Arab peninsula brought Islam to Africa. Some seven years after the death of the Prophet Muhammed (in 639 ad ), a military invasion of Africa took place under the command of the Muslim Arab General, Amr ibn al-Asi. See: https://www.bbc. co.uk/worldservice/africa/features/storyofafrica/index_section7.shtml

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who supplies the rain that makes the grass grow and supplies the herds with food.”21 Myriem Naji writes that female weavers from the Sirwan (southern region of Morocco) believe that they give “life” to cloth during the weaving process and bear witness to its “death” when cutting the lengthwise threads, or warp, in order to remove the finished piece. In the same way that [Muslim] human beings must be buried as quickly as possible after their last breath, the funerary rituals of astta [a reference to both the act of weaving and the loom] must be performed as soon as the last weft is passed. As with human beings, the funerary operation involves a sort of toilette, which consists in putting the teeth of the beating comb in some salty water and passing them between the warp threads saying the shahada (Islamic profession of faith). Salt is said to ward off evil spirits.22 Naji also states that in Sirwan, Moroccan weavers believed that astta consumes wool as its food and also breathes “. . . to be inhabited by angels or spirits or to be one itself (zawit: saint, jan [jin]: spirit).”23 Essentially, the loom has a life of its own, as opposed to being merely an object for creating woven textiles. In addition, inhabitants of the region believe that the loom can wreak havoc on men by removing their sexual potency, a type of symbolic death. Because the looms themselves are vulnerable to sabotage by the evil eye, just as any human might be, they require protection and must be blessed to safeguard against such a curse. Those whose livelihood is dependent upon weaving pay full respect and homage to their looms, as mentioned above, greeting them as one might greet a neighbor or friend entering the room. (See Figure 2.5.) Furthermore, Berber weavers believe that removing cloth from the loom before work is completed brings misfortune. Naji writes, “I was told that a husband who cut a carpet before its completion (as revenge against his wife) ended up with a debilitating disease”24 whereas a successfully completed textile will be permeated with God’s blessings or barakat (Arabic: ‫)ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬. In her research, Cynthia Becker addresses the importance of metaphors in Imazighen (North African Berber) life and culture, especially the “. . . [creation of] metaphors based on things that share similar visual qualities.”25 For example, Moroccan Berbers associate textiles with fertility, a not uncommon association in many cultures. Other metaphoric associations include grain (wheat represents earth’s fertility and therefore carries barakat) and henna (used for dye). As mentioned earlier, wool fiber is also associated with fertility and is believed to contain barakat as well. In Berber communities, the female weavers command respect. Their lives are devoted to creating carpets, blankets, and various 21 Cynthia Becker,“Fadma Lhacen: Healer of Women and Weaver of Textiles (Moroccan Berber Healer),” Muslim Voices and Lives in Contemporary World, ed. Frances Trix, John Walbridge, and Linda Walbridge (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 41. 22 Myriem Naji, “Gender and Materiality. The Manufacture of Sirwan Femininities through Weaving in Southern Morocco,” Journal of Material Culture 14, no. 1 (1996): 50. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 25 Cynthia I. Becker, Amazigh Arts in Morocco, Women Shaping Berber Identity (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006), 32.

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Figure 2.5 An example of handwoven Moroccan carpet. Source: author’s collection; purchased during a visit to Morocco, 2000.

clothing items made of wool—all equated to the collection of good deeds paving their way to heaven. Old and damaged items of wool are usually deconstructed, and the old wool recycled to create something new. In this way, the wool never dies but lives on in a different form. Given the current global focus on sustainability, this recycling process serves as a reliable resource management strategy. In Turkmenistan where 93.1 percent of Turkmen people are Muslim,26 and who consider Islam part of their identity,27 ancient spiritual beliefs still play a noticeable role in daily life. For example, Gok, a pre-Islamic sky god, is used in the Turkmen language to connote the 26

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pew_Research_Center https://www.everyculture.com/To-Z/T-rkmenistan.html#ixzz6VoOeK7jw (accessed August 21, 2020)

27

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colors green and blue. Keteni (ketene) cloth (home-spun silk cloth) is among the traditional handwoven textiles of the Turkmen people. The following passage describes a female weaver, Keyik Geldimuhamedova, invoking the protection of an ancient goddess: Every time she [Keyik Geldimuhamedova] starts her work on the weaving loom [she] . . . appeals to Goddess Ashe Patma, the saint patroness of female fancy-work. This is a request to bless her laborious work so that threads don’t become entangled and the cloth doesn’t get spoiled. Her mother, grandmother and great grandmother used to offer this prayer before the start of [weaving] work. [she is] . . . from the village of Sunche, a settlement famous for silk fabrics where silkworm breeding has been flourishing since the ancient times . . .28 Favored by both men and women, keteni cloth is used primarily for men’s shirts; Turkmen women use keteni cloth for a wide variety of clothing purposes.29 According to local beliefs, Turkmen keteni home-spun silk fiber is an important component of the Turkmen belief system because “. . . the red color possesses magic qualities, protects from the evil forces. In addition, the Turkmen people have always identified the red color with something beautiful and joyous.”30 Therefore, red clothing is often used to dress young girls and children. Sacred colors: Red, white, and light blue Widely diverse cultures have chosen the color red to invoke blessings and invite good fortune. For example, according to Hindu shastras (scriptural rules), red symbolizes positive concepts. Application of red sindoor (vermilion-red or orange-red cosmetic powder) secures blessings for a successful marriage—red, in this case, symbolizing the goddess Parvati (Shakti) and also directly connected to Lajja Gauri, goddess of fertility. Red indicates both sensuality and purity. In [the] Hindu religion, red is of utmost significance and the color most frequently used for auspicious occasions like marriages, birth of a child, festivals, etc. A red mark is put on the forehead during ceremonies and important occasions. As a sign of marriage, women put red powder on the hair parting. They also wear a red sari during marriage. Red powder is usually thrown on statues of deities and phallic symbols during prayers. It is also the color of Shakti (prowess). A red colored dress is put on deities who are charitable, brave, protective, and who have the capacity to destroy evil. On the death of a woman, her body is wrapped in a red cloth for the cremation.31 28 Ajap Bairieva, “Homespun Silk: ‘Keteni’ Cloth is an object of one of the wonderful Traditions of the Turkmen People.” Available online: https://countryturkmenistan.tripod.com/index.blog?start=1150697382, June 5, 2006 (accessed August 21, 2020). 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 “Meaning of Different Colors in Hinduism,” Sanskrit Magazine. Available online: https://www.sanskritimagazine.com/indian-religions/hinduism/meaning-of-different-colours-in-hinduism/, February 2014 (accessed July 30, 2020).

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Figure 2.6 Bedouins from Jordan place talismanic importance on the color red. This red face veil is decorated with cross-stitched embroidery on the top, shimmering fake coins, glass and plastic beads, and tassels. Source: author’s private collection; purchased in Jordan in 1995 during a trip. Likewise, Bedouins living in Jordan place talismanic importance on the color red, particularly during the wedding ceremony. To divert the evil eye, brides wear a red face veil or red niqab, along with jewelry and beads, small bells, tassels, and shiny coins. (See Figure 2.6.) The carefully selected beads not only fulfill aesthetic purposes but, along with the coins, also serve to protect the bride. In general, aside from wedding dress rituals, the color red enjoys a strong association with fertility in the Arab Bedouin culture. The top headband of a woman’s niqab is decorated with hand-cross-stitched embroidery patterns and then is lined with another fabric. The niqab headband protects against dangers from the evil eye and functions like an amulet. Bortolot32 states that in Madagascar, particularly in the Merina kingdom region, wild silk cocoons are used to create a textile known as lambda mena (red silk), the value of which lies in the strong association of red with the established social hierarchy. In fact, in Madagascar,33 the color red of the lamba mena silk textile is associated with regal prestige

32 Alexander Ives Bortolot, “Kingdoms of Madagascar: Malagasy Textile Arts,” in Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000). Available online: http://www.metmuseum.org/ toah/hd/madg_3/hd_madg_3.htm, October 2003. 33 Islam arrived in Madagascar in the tenth century. Currently 7 per cent of this nation island’s population practices Sunni Islam. For more general information, see : https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islam_in_Madagascar

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and ancestral authority. Worn by the aristocracy, these textiles have also been the focal point of burial, exhumation, and re-burial ceremonies designed to free a deceased person’s spirit from earthly death and decay. This “turning the dead” supposedly originated with the Toraja people of southern Sulawesi in Indonesia.34 Among the Yoruba people, the color white serves a plethora of cultural and social functions. Special white cloth is used in ceremonies involving chieftaincy, weddings, and funerals. Referred to as ala or ogbo, white cloth “. . . [may be] used as a cover cloth against the cold and mosquitoes. Ala also serves as a wrapper to cover elderly men. This cloth is wrapped under the armpit and thrown over the shoulder . . . The [white] cloth is used in the traditional context as an evidence of a new bride’s virginity . . .”35 A stained cloth following the wedding night proves the bride’s purity and virginity. Absence of stain on this white cloth is a proof of promiscuousness, bringing shame and embarrassment to the bride and her parents.36 Elisha Renne speaks of plain white cloth, machine made or hand loomed, that is “. . . the ubiquitous product of West African looms . . .”37 The massproduced white cloth is empowered with healing qualities, and is used to cure headaches when tied tightly around the forehead. Other curative purposes abound. (Figures 2.7a and 2.7b.) White cloth is believed to placate and soothe the spirit world, connecting the world of humans and spirits.38 Diviners can prescribe white cloth for “. . . disorderly conduct of [an] individual in the social world—evidenced by miscarriages, crying fits, and frequent arguments and illnesses . . .”39 In addition to its use in maintaining physical and spiritual equilibrium, white cloth is also reputed to ward off the evil eye: white-cloth wrappings are used to protect against dangerous demonic forces capable of entering human bodies or other interior spaces such as tree trunks. Christian missionaries attempted to stamp out animist beliefs such as these when Nigeria fell under British rule. European missionaries arrived in Nigeria with racial bias intact, so that “the missionary

34

For a short documentary on this subject, see the following documentary, “Taking Dead Bodies for a Dance in Madagascar,” produced by BBC News, 2017: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RiTRq8DqNNs Also see for comparison “Here, Living With Dead Bodies for Weeks—Or Years—Is Tradition,” produced by National Geographic, 2016: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hCKDsjLt_qU 35 Aretha Oluwakemi Asakitikpi, “Functions of Hand Woven Textiles among Yoruba Women in Southwestern Nigeria,” Nordic Journal of African Studies 16, no. 1 (2007): 111. 36 This tradition is also practiced in some Middle Eastern cultures among ultra-conservative families of different religious groups. 37 Renne, Cloth That Does Not Die, 21. 38 Ibid., 21–3. 39 Ibid., 21. My Nigerian colleague, Dr. Fahintola Mosadomi, informed me that wearing a white cloth around the forehead is very common when one is suffering from a headache. Mosadomi explained that the color white is believed to be soothing and is a connection to ancestral spirits who provide protection. The Yoruba people worship the river goddess Osun, who is typically associated with water, purity, fertility, love, and sensuality. She is also associated with the color white, as well as with yellow, gold, and sometimes coral. For more information about this festival, see: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-49367967 I noted during my trip to Cuba that women of African descent wear all white, just like worshippers of Osun. Followers of this goddess may still be found in Brazil, Haiti, Cuba, and the United States—a legacy of the slave trade.

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Figures 2.7a and 2.7b In Nigerian culture, white cloth is significant in many aspects of daily ritual practices. White attire is worn on all occasions—joyful or sad. It is worn to mark the birth of a baby or at a wedding, for example, but also for a funeral. In these photos, Ms. Folasade Ogunro wears the white garment she wore to a funeral. Figure 2.7a offers a close-up of the head covering and part of the upper chest. In Figure 2.7b, the entire garment can be seen. Source: Ms. Folasade Ogunro, March 14, 2022. 57

Islamicate Textiles

often perceived his/her assignment . . . to dismantle and demolish all vestiges of “the Kingdom of Satan” and to build Christianity on its ruins.”40 Whether or not the Anglican Church successfully eradicated animist beliefs in Nigeria remains debatable. F. K. Ekechi states that among the Igbo, for example, conversion to Christianity occurred most frequently among the adult male population41 and was purposefully strategic: establishing relationship with the clergy proved helpful in minimizing colonial over-rule. In large measure, European missionaries were convinced of the value of colonial rule, thereby reinforcing colonial policy. In reaction some African Christian communities formed their own independent churches.42 Given that Christianity and Islam were imported to Africa and imposed upon native populations, it is not surprising these religions met with varying degrees of acceptance. Africa’s old ancestral religions, including animist cults, never quite disappeared but rather merged with monotheistic practices. Another type of merging is evident in North Africa between descendants of slaves and their masters. In Morocco, healing rituals are performed by public healers descending from formerly enslaved Sudanic Africans (Ismkhan)—captured during the ninth century and forcefully brought to North Africa. Although the dark-skinned Ismkhan, living today primarily in Southeastern Morocco, have successfully assimilated into Moroccan culture, they still proudly and somewhat nostalgically cling to their Sub-Saharan origins. Among these groups, the wearing of white suggests universal concepts of truth, purity, simplicity, and spirituality. Ismkhan healers enjoy a respectable social status. Both men and women engage in their healing practices dressed entirely in white, associating the color with the Prophet Muhammad and baraka, the beneficent power of God. In their public ceremonies, the Ismakhan follow a strict dress code: a white ensemble of turban, gown with undershirt, short baggy shorts, leather belt, and white slip-on shoes. (Figure 2.8.) When performing healing rituals, Ismakhan men chant using Moroccan Arabic (rather than the Berber language)—again, to establish identity with, and devotion to, the Prophet Muhammed (who spoke only Arabic).43 It is also recorded in various ahadith (stories attributed to the Prophet Muhammad) that he preferred the color white. In one hadith, reported by Abu Dawood and Al-Tirmidhi, we read: “Wear white clothes because they are the purest and

40

Christopher I. Ejizzu, “Ecolonizing The Nigerian Church: A Challenge to Theologians,” Présence Africaine no. 137/138 (1986): 211–26. 41 F. K. Ekechi, “Colonialism and Christianity in West Africa: The Igbo Case, 1900–1915,” The Journal of African History 12, no. 1 (1971): 103–15. 42 “Influence of the Christian Missions”: http://countrystudies.us/nigeria/14.htm (source: U.S. Library of Congress.) 43 My personal interview with Professor Leila Belhaj (Art, Culture and Anthropology) of Ibn Tofaïl University during a 2003 research trip to Rabat, Morocco.

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Figure 2.8 A group performing gnawa in Zagora, southeastern Morocco, near the Algerian border. In this image the Ismakhan follow a strict dress code: a white ensemble of turban, gown with undershirt, short baggy shorts, leather belt, and white slip-on shoes. Source: https://www. wikiwand.com/en/Culture_of_Morocco (accessed March 13, 2022).

they are closest to modesty; and shroud the dead in it.”44 In Islam, white clothing signifies purity and simplicity, thus a simple white kafen, or shroud, is the usual covering in which one is buried. White is also the color of the ihram, clothing that Muslim men are required to wear on their annual pilgrimage (Hajj) to Mecca. Upon returning from Hajj, these same pilgrims often save the ihram to be used as their kafen.45

“‫ ﻭﻛﻔﻨﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﺎﻛﻢ‬،‫))”ﺇﻟﺒﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﺽ؛ ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﻁﻬﺮ ﻭﺃﻁﻴﺐ‬ The Messenger of Allah said, “Wear white clothes because they are the purest and they are closest to modesty; and shroud the dead in it.” According to the hadith based on the authority of Abu Dawud, Ibn Majah, and Al-Tirmidhi: “Wear white from amongst your clothes, for indeed they are amongst the best clothes you have and shroud your dead in them (also).” Based on this hadith, some scholars—such as Ibn al-Qayyim—inferred that the Prophet’s favorite color was white. Source: Riyad as-Salihin, Book 3, Hadith 1, p.778. See: https://muslimvillage.com/2014/08/19/57053/the-prophets-pbuh-favorite-color-and-turban/ See also: Riyad as-Salihin, Book 3, Hadith 1, p. 779. https://sunnah.com/riyadussaliheen/3 45 Ihram (Arabic: ‫) ﺇِﺣْ َﺮﺍﻡ‬. In Islam, this is a sacred state into which a Muslim must enter to perform major pilgrimage (H . ajj) or minor pilgrimage (Umrah). A pilgrim must enter into this sacred state before crossing the pilgrimage boundary, known as Mīqāt, by performing the cleansing rituals and wearing prescribed attire. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ihram This men’s garment often consists of two white unhemmed sheets (usually 100 percent cotton) and are universal in appearance. Ihram clothing is intended to make everyone appear the same, to signify that before God all are equal (regardless of race, nationality, wealth, and age). 44

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In the Republic of Mali and, more specifically, in the Dogon region (eastern Mali and northwestern Burkina Faso), wild silk is used to create textiles as wrappers for women. Because silk is considered a luxury cloth (called tombe toun), these wrappers signal prestige. The tombe toun textile is white or light blue with indigo-hued woven strips of narrow bands. The fabric is handspun from cotton and raw silk, and its value depends on the amount of silk used. In this West African culture, although both men and women participate in dying the yarn, only men weave tome toun textiles. When worn by Dogon women at ceremonies, “. . . [the wrapper acts] as a material identity and a form of meta-language.”46 In addition to the material conveying prestige, tome toun textiles are also believed to have medicinal benefits; indeed, the wild silk is believed to contain hidden energy. Dogon women view the purity of cotton as well as the sheen of raw silk as empowering: [The] . . . sheen mainly refers to a living force called daoula inherent to wild silk. Daoula as a kind of “aura” of the textile embraces the medicinal and magic properties of wild silk but also its durability, strength and material brilliance.47 For Dogon people, the living force of daoula that resides within humans, animals, and objects may also be found in wild silk—the durability and strength of which make it useful for multiple purposes, including as a shroud to honor the dead. Thus, the tombe toun textile with its magical, protective aura dispersed through the sheen of the cloth not only provides comfort and prestige to those fortunate enough to wear it but also confers honor on the deceased.

Beyond the loom Once weaving has been completed on the loom, cloth is used in creative ways to invite blessings, often following traditions set in place for centuries. For example, in southern Sulawesi, Indonesia, the Toraja people “. . . drape a huge stairway with rolls of cloth believed to bring the blessings of the ancestors and ensure a fertile crop.”48 Though Toraja is a Christian region (surrounded by predominantly Muslim territory), traditional and ancestral Toraja beliefs prevail. In predominantly Muslim Iran on the first day of Nowruz, the ancient New Year (Persian: ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‬, new day occurring on the first day of spring),49 everyone wears new 46 Laurence Douny, “Wild Silk Textiles of the Dogon of Mali: The Production, Material Efficacy, and Cultural Significance of Sheen,” Textile: The Journal of Cloth and Culture 11, no. 1 (2013): 59. 47 Ibid., 60. 48 Beverly Gordon, “The Fiber of Our Lives: A Conceptual Framework for Looking at Textiles’ Meanings,” Proceedings of Textile Society of America Symposium (2010), 3. 49 With Iranian and Zoroastrian origins, Nowruz has been celebrated for over 3,000 years in Western Asia, Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Black Sea Basin, the Balkans, and South Asia. Most of the celebrants view it as a secular holiday; however, it remains a holy day for Zoroastrians and followers of the Bahá’í faith. For more information on Nowruz, see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nowruz

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clothing to invite blessings. If one cannot afford to buy something new, then a small object such as a sash or handkerchief is substituted. The “newness” of the cloth is associated with the promise of prosperity and good luck in the coming year. This tradition, which predates Islam, may be traced to ancient Persia. Ritual textiles, then, continue to hold tangible and intangible value—promising economic blessing and good fortune along one’s life path. From Indonesia to Russia, and from North Africa to West Africa, people have found comfort and power in the assignation of protective qualities to textiles. In Indonesia, for example, certain images and symbols reproduced in hand-loomed textiles are believed to provide protection from adversity and bring the owners of these textiles good fortune. Even today, despite the fact that Indonesia is home to the largest Muslim population on earth,50 many Indonesians still believe in benevolent and evil spirits, spirits that reside in forests, streams, underground, or in dark and damp places such as caves. Evil spirits are feared, and the culture has developed protective devices against demonic and destructive forces. Their vibrant, handmade cloth reflects these ancient, indigenous practices and traditions. Across Flores, Timor, Sumba, Savu, Rote, Lembata, and dozens of smaller islands, textiles are worn and used at all varieties of traditional ceremonies, such as births, weddings, and funerals, the foundation of houses, prayers for fertility, and thanksgiving at harvest time. And every day, in thousands of villages, houses of weavers sit down at body-tension looms, producing cloth that will meet the ritual requirements of their communities.51 To aid Indonesian weavers economically, the government has promoted simplified versions of the complex, time-consuming traditional patterns. This governmental effort to facilitate production of native textiles has unfortunately degraded the ritualistic aspects of original motifs. When simplified versions of ancient motifs replace complex and meaningful designs, powerful symbolism is sacrificed. Even cutting a piece of ritual textile for reasons other than the originally intended purpose impacts its artistic and spiritual value. Mama Kete is a talented textile artist, and a leader of the Kai Ne’e weavers cooperative in Baun. A regular trickle of foreign visitors and collectors visit her at her home, looking for high-quality ikat cloth in the Amarasi tradition. Her work is too valuable to be made into jackets and skirts, but I asked her how it would make her feel to know someone was cutting up her cloth. [Mama Kete said] “I worked

50

A 2010 survey reported Indonesia as 87.2 percent Muslim. Moreover, Indonesia has the largest Muslim population in the world (approximately 225 million). See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islam_in_Indonesia 51 Ian Pollock, “Ancient Emblems, Modern Cuts: Weaving and the State in Southern Indonesia,” Textile Society of America, Symposium Proceedings (2012), 1. See: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/tsaconf/731

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myself half to death to make it,” she replied, with a laugh. “If someone cut it, my blood pressure would rise, and I would die!”52 Indigenous traditions and spiritual practices abide, regardless of the pronounced influence of monotheistic religions. The resulting mélange of rituals—including those relating to fabrics and textiles—will likely continue far into the future. The following section further explores belief in the protective power of textiles, especially when used in tandem with other objects or substances.

Amulets: Protection against the unseen Amulets that incorporate fabric are as varied as the human imagination. Since ancient times, amulets have been used to ward off disease, prevent misfortune, and promote wellbeing—and have been created from a plethora of materials, such as inscribed parchment or cloth pouches filled with medicinal herbs or objects. Depending on local traditions and practices, textile-based amulets have been, and continue to be, embroidered with specific colors and shapes or decorated with mirrors, beads, seeds, or shells. As has been stated previously, people living across a wide swath of cultures and global regions have, for millennia, held fast to belief in invisible forces—forces that target human beings, animals, and even valuable objects such as weaving looms. During my trips to Pakistan, India, Jordan, Iran, Tajikistan, Morocco, Mexico, Brazil, and Peru, I encountered cars, bicycles, buses, trucks, and motorcycles laden with amulets for protection from unseen dangers. In a privately rented automobile, my friend, Professor Leila Belhaj of Ibn Tofaïl University in Morocco, once gave me an amulet filled with wild rue, jawi, and other unidentifiable substances. She told me that the amulet contained all three types of jawi 53 (red, black, and white) to protect me from the jinns (unseen beings mentioned in the Qur’an). I carried this small round bundle, packed in white cloth with a small, golden rope, back home and hung it on the rear-view mirror of my car. Leila reminded me, “This bundle of jawi and wild rue may protect you from car accidents.” In most Middle Eastern and Central Asian cultures, amulets have been used for centuries to protect pregnant women, unborn children, and newborns against mischievous forces. One popular textile is a triangular cloth (symbolizing the mother’s vagina) stuffed with wild rue as a talisman against the evil eye. Beads may be included, as might small natural stones such as carnelian, a reddish-brown alchemical stone used in tandem with Qur’anic verses for healing and cleansing purposes. All such talismans are generally sewn and sealed with a safety pin or thread and placed around the neck of the individual who needs protection. (See Figures 2.9 and 2.10.) 52

Ibid., 3. See also: https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/10/02/between-commercialization-and-preservation. html 53 According to the Dictionary of Incense Ingredients online, jawi is a resin from the Benzoin tree. Moroccan jawi is rock hard and comes in three colors: white (to work against the white jinn [air]), black (to work against the black jinn [earth and water]), and red (to work against the red jinn [fire]).

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Figure 2.9 An Uzbek Afghan boy wearing a variety of protective amulets around his neck. The image was taken in Quetta, Pakistan. Source: image provide courtesy of Ms. Darleen Karpowicz.

Figure 2.10 A triangular pouch filled with wild rue as a device against the evil eye. The fabric of the pouch embroidered with ram’s horn symbolism. Source: author’s collection; item purchased in Dushanbe, Tajikistan. 63

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Figure 2.11 A green pouch with Persian writing stating bad nazar dour / ‫ = ﺑﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ‬evil eye away. This pouch is in the author’s private collection. It was given to me by a refugee Afghan woman during one of my trips to Iran. She explained to me that the button is the bad eye (green eye); it is pierced and “blinded” with the needle and thread used to sew the button to the green pouch. She further explained that they would usually pin or sew such items on a child’s garment for safety and protection.

Another protective strategy used by women during pregnancy and childbirth is a mark, using kajal or surma (burnt residue of any oil, the most popular being almond oil) applied as a dot on the face or around the eyes. Applying a dot on a baby’s face renders the face “imperfect,” thus “devaluing” the child and diminishing the possibility of harm. A small piece of charcoal wrapped in cloth with or without other embellishments (such as a small mirror or a large button with two holes sewn on the fabric) projects a similar idea. The two holes in the button represent eyes, again with the intent of “taking the eyes” of any envious or jealous person or entity away from the child. (See Figure 2.11.) Interestingly, Islam absolutely forbids black magic, sorcery, and witchcraft, all of which contradict Qur’anic dictates. In his 1983 “Translation and Commentary on the Qur’an,” Yusuf Ali notes that Qur’anic chapter CXIII, al Falaq (the Dawn) “. . . provides the antidote to superstition and fear by teaching us to seek refuge in God from every kind of ill arising from outer nature and from dark and evil plotting and envy on the part of others.”54 Say: I seek refuge With the Lord of the Dawn, From the mischief Of created things; From the mischief Of Darkness as it overspreads; 54

A. Yusuf Ali, The Holy Qur’an. Text, Translation and Commentary (Brentwood: Amana Corp., 1983), 1807.

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From the mischief Of those who practice Secret Arts; And from the mischief Of the envious one As he practices envy. When talismans are created, sometimes “. . . the envious one” is changed to “. . . the envious eye,” altering the meaning of the original text. Generally, one can purchase either version of the al Falaq (the Dawn) verse printed or stamped on textiles, to be used as a wall hanging or personal talisman. Some believe that harm may be diverted by confronting the evil eye with amulets in the shape of an eye. However, choice of amulet or protective embroidery differs according to community practice. Often the decoration (generally embroidered) on garments and head coverings indicates which Bedouin tribe a woman belongs to and where she lives. Much like a face veil, embroidery on the dress may indicate whether the wearer is an unmarried girl, a married woman, a widow or, in some cases, a woman seeking a new husband. “Each tribe in the Sinai used to have its own type of face veil, but over the years the distinction between one group and another has faded. In addition, more and more married women are wearing plain black veils that show the influence of their Saudi Arabian neighbours.”55 Shiny objects such as small mirrors or coins often serve to ward off evil, jealous, or envious eyes. The Bedouin veil, embellished with real or fake silver coins often passed down through the generations, is believed to protect against evil and to bring good fortune (see Figure 2.6). Moreover, in order to safeguard a woman’s wealth, silver or gold amulets / coins are sewn into the Bedouin veils. Women enhance the value of their veils (while increasing savings for a rainy day) by adding silver or gold items, or even precious stones. The term apotropaic (from the Greek “to ward off ”) may refer to any object that shields one from misfortune. This belief in talismanic protection is associated with amulets throughout the Islamic world—be it an amulet incorporating intricate embroidery, symbolic etchings, or commonplace beads. Whether carried in one’s pocket, worn as jewelry, pinned or sewn to a garment, the most efficacious talismans are believed to be those containing Qur’anic verses, or those evoking the ninety-nine names of Allah, the name of Prophet Muhammad, or the name of his companions. It is reasonable to assume that as long as humans feel the need to keep their families safe—and to safeguard domestic animals and objects upon which their livelihoods depend—amulets will remain in popular use.

55

“From Kaftan to Kippa,” The Textile Research Centre (TRC), Leiden: Netherlands. (TRC is an independent research institute working in the field of textiles and dress.) Available online: https://www.trc-leiden.nl/ trc-digital-exhibition/index.php/from-kaftan-to-kippa/item/55-04-the-bedouin (accessed July 27, 2020).

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Inscribed talismanic shirts Islam prohibits the representation of human and animal forms in religious art. Therefore, Arabic calligraphy has been used extensively as an aesthetic substitute. Arabic script imbues textiles with new meanings and aesthetic values, whether woven into the pattern itself or applied to the surface of an already woven fabric. The surface application may be printed, stamped, painted on, or embellished with other surface designs such as embroidery, bead, or sequence work. Talismanic shirts and textile pieces inscribed with Qur’anic verses are popularly used as protection against misfortune. Regardless of specific region or culture, all Muslims are familiar with the opening verse of the Qur’an beginning “In the Name of Allah” (Arabic: ‫ ) ﺑﺴﻢ ﷲ‬so that inscribed objects and textiles often contain this familiar phrasing as an invocation for Allah to bless the wearer. Gruber describes talismanic shirts from South Asia, dating from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, on display at the Metropolitan Museum—not only inscribed with the entire text of the Qur’an but also with the ninetyname names of Allah (known as the Beautiful Names of God/Asma ul Husni [Arabic: ‫)]ﺃﺳﻤﺎء ﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻰ‬.56 These talismanic shirts are made of cloth inscribed with various symbols, magical squares, charts, specific prayers, and Qur’anic verses. Inscribed prayers and/or supplications associated with the Shia branch of Islam likely seek help from the Ahl al-Bayt (Arabic: ‫)ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ‬, People of the House/People of the household or family of the House—a reference to the Prophet Muhammad’s family. Within this framework of Ahl al-Bayt, the most prominent figures are Ali, the son-in-law and first cousin of the Prophet, who is also married to Fatima, the Prophet Muhammad’s daughter (Fatima); and the two sons of Fatima and Ali, Hassan and Hussain. The earliest surviving examples of talismanic shirts date from fifteenth-century Ottoman Turkey, Safavid Iran, and Mughal India. Talismanic shirts demonstrate a direct relationship between text and textiles, a relationship that predates Islam, based on the evidence of pre-Islamic textile ritual practices.57 Inscriptions of mantras (sacred syllables and words holding spiritual potency) on cloth in Hindu and Buddhist traditions demonstrate this connection. However, the most ancient intention of talismanic garments was to imbue magic, healing, and psychospiritual protection for the wearer.

56 Christiane Gruber, “Long Before Face Masks, Islamic Healers Tried to Ward Off Disease with Their Version of PPE.” Available online: https://theconversation.com/long-before-face-masks-islamic-healers-triedto-ward-off-disease-with-their-version-of-ppe-138409?fbclid=IwAR3JoPVbyruDJg4mzWt7qPylZt5tBgXEG MopMdnr9zJDDFr1uPyFBimQegQ, May 20, 2020 (accessed August 14, 2020). For examples of the collection at Metropolitan Museum of Art, see: https://www.metmuseum.org/art/ collection/search/453498 57 Nazanin Hedayat Munroe, “Wrapped Up: Talismanic Garments in Early Modern Islamic Culture,” Journal of Textiles Design Research and Practice 7, no. 1 (2019): 4. See also the following link for Yantra Cloth from Thailand as a talisman: https://thailand-amulets.ecwid. com/Pha-Yant-Pra-Rahu-Song-Krut-12-x-16-Inches-Yantra-Cloth-with-Eclipse-God-Garuda-Pra-MahaWirawongs-Wat-Sampantawongs-p76000418

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One can imagine the laborious efforts required to produce talismanic shirts, especially those intended for royal élites. Literature describing examples from Turkey’s Topkapi Palace Museum collection in Istanbul indicates that one of the shirts made for Cem Sultan, the son of Mehmed II (1451–81), took four years to create.58 Based on my readings regarding talismanic shirts from different Islamic regions, I have discovered that no two shirts are identical in terms of Qur’anic verses selected or protective messages incorporated in the fabric. Some verses served to protect against illness, others to insure victory on the battlefield. Some incorporated the seal of the Prophet Muhammad, names of saints, names of angels, or the names of ahal al bayt. In addition, astrological and zodiacal charts were embroidered or stamped the fabric, specific to the person for whom the shirt was commissioned. The tradition of healing and psycho-spiritual protection for the wearer continues in the Islamic world today, especially given widespread uncertainty resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic. Understandably, protective amulets and traditional non-western healing practices are ubiquitous across the Muslim world. In marketplaces online, such as eBay and Etsy, one finds COVID-19 masks with Arabic “religious” inscriptions, such as the single word “Allah” or with a short phrase praising the Prophet Muhammad. One even finds masks appealing to Shia followers—inscribed with familiar names such as Ali, Hussain, or Fatima al Zahra, sometimes including a short supplication as well. Other protective masks are inscribed with Shii names of the famous month of Muharram Martyrs from the tragedy of Karbala.59 (See Figures 2.12 and 2.13.)

Figure 2.12 Covid masks sold on websites catering to Muslims. This example is aimed at Shiia Muslims. The text in Arabic script reads: Labbaik Ya Hussain ‫ ﻟﺒﻴﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬meaning: I have answered your call O Hussain.

58 Orhan Saik Gokyay, Talismanic Shirts (Istanbul: Raffi Portakal, Art and Culture House Organization, 1999), 52–53. 59 This historic battle of Karbala (in present-day Iraq) resulted in Islam’s schism between Shia and Sunni followers after the Prophet Muhammad death. Followers of the second Umayyad caliph Yazid I fought against the army of Hussain ibn Ali (grandson of the Prophet), resulting in Hussain ibn Ali’s death. The event took place on 10th of Muh.arram, ah 61 according to the Muslim calendar (October 10, 680 ce ).

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Figure 2.13 A similar example, the text on this one reading in Arabic script: Asalam wa Aliykum / ‫ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﮑﻢ‬/ Peace be upon you.

Gendered looms This section highlights the gendered aspects of loom fibers produced in the following regions: Ladakh Himalaya, Morocco, Nigeria, and Central Asia (Turkmenistan). According to Reyes Bertolin, “To describe the loom as a gendered object in the Homeric world is to state the obvious. Female characters in Homeric poems are constantly associated with looms . . .”60 From West to East, gendered looms comprise another interesting aspect of the cultural complexity of weaving. Each culture imposes restrictions regarding which gender is expected to use which kind of loom and for what purposes. Creating fabric on a handloom has long been compared to childbirth and to maternal nurturance. As mentioned earlier, the people of Rupshu in Eastern Ladakh view the creation of textiles on a backstrap loom to “. . . the birth of a child, and the weaving process expresses a woman’s role as a procreator and nurturer of life. Further, her woven cloth, as well as the manner in which she distributes it, demonstrates her ability to create and sustain social structures within Rupshu.”61 The effects of global tourism on Rupshu culture has already been noted; women in Ladakh society are under pressure to alter the structure of their looms in order to speed up the weaving process—and to increase the width of their looms, which predictably results in a wider cloth. Despite this push to accommodate commercial demand, Ahmad observes the women’s reluctance: “So far they have resisted these changes because of the symbolic representations of the craft of weaving and its associations with the sublime.”62 Although Rupshu culture strongly

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Reyes Bertolin, “The Mast and the Loom: Signifiers of Separation and Authority,” Phonex 62 (2008): 92. Monisha Ahmed, “Weaving from the Womb: Textiles, Gender, and Kinship in Rupshu (Eastern Ladakh),” Textile Society of America: Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings (2000), 376. Available online: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/tsaconf/838/ 62 Ibid. 61

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associates weaving with womanhood, men do engage in weaving, albeit on different types of looms. This allows for the production of different types of cloth, and of varying complexity. Ahmed underscores the gendered aspect: “I interacted with female and male weavers and found that the discourse on women’s identification with weaving is stronger in Rupshu than a man. While it is mandatory that all women, including [Buddhist] nuns, weave, it is not essential for a man to weave.”63 Nor is it required among the Berbers of Morocco that men participate in weaving. In this culture, weaving on the loom is almost exclusively associated with women. The wool and the loom itself are considered symbols of fertility; therefore, the female weaver’s strong connection to these objects places her fertility at risk of attack from the jinn (Arabic: ‫)ﺍﻟﺠﻦ‬. The temperamental jinn, an invisible being created by Allah,64 can be helpful or harmful; vigilance is required to protect against their harm. In some areas of Morocco, the junun (plural of jinn) are repelled by salt. Becker states: “. . . prior to mounting warp threads [on the loom] a weaver sprinkles the area surrounding a loom with salt . . .”65 In addition, the weaver must recite “In the Name of Allah” (Arabic: ‫ ) ﺑﺴﻢ ﷲ‬to safeguard her weaving environment. In most West African nations, men weave on a narrow-width loom with multiple heddle horizontal looms, all of which are portable. This kind of weaving can be done outdoors, allowing for socializing with other men during the day. Women, on the other hand, weave indoors on wide looms that are not portable. This relegation of women to the domestic sphere, while their male counterparts enjoy mobility and therefore greater social opportunities, aligns well with established patriarchal norms. In Nigeria, according to Yoruba tradition, women produce handwoven textiles in large strips much wider than those produced by men. Indeed, the cloth produced by men is markedly longer; that is, the focus is on lengthwise production. In other words, men weave long, narrow strips of cloth while women produce shorter, wider ones. However, this gendered tradition is changing with the times: . . . it is clear that the distribution of the skills of weaving on the narrow-strip loom, along with the tailoring and embroidery of men’s robes, owes a lot to the long distance traders that criss-crossed West Africa dealing in a huge range of goods, both locally produced and imported from across the Sahara. Most of these traders were Muslims, and the demand for appropriate and prestigious Islamic attire certainly helped to promote the spread of textile technologies . . . Until very recently almost all double-heddle loom weaving was done by men, but now, particularly among the Yoruba in Nigeria, it is being taken up by large numbers of young women.66 63

Ibid. Al-Jinn (Arabic: ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻦ‬, “The Jinn”) is the 72nd chapter (sūrah) of the Quran, with 28 verses (āyāt). The name, as well as the topic, of this chapter is jinn. Like angels, jinns are beings invisible to the naked human eye. 65 Cynthia I. Becker. Ibid., p.35 66 No Author, ,“Loom Types In Sub-Saharan Africa, Adire African Textiles. Available online: https://www. adireafricantextiles.com/textiles-resources-sub-saharan-africa/an-introduction-to-sub-saharan-africantextiles/loom-types-in-sub-saharan-africa/ 64

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Textiles woven by women are used for a plethora of purposes: to carry babies on their backs (fabric tied in this fashion is called oja), to wrap around their heads (gele), to use as a shawl (iborun), to wear as osuka, in which the cloth is rolled, then placed on top of the head to provide padding when carrying a heavy object, or even to use as towels.67 Interestingly, some connoisseurs and/or scholars of Nigerian textiles consider what men produce on their narrow horizontal looms to be art, but what women produce on the wider looms to be craft. This line of thought is hardly surprising, given that Nigerian culture (as in many parts of the world) considers the work of men to be valuable and professional, while women’s work is more closely aligned with domesticity, and therefore valued less.68 In the Bunu community located in Kogi State, Nigeria, although men and women weave on identical vertical looms, cloth production and gender power enjoy a similar relationship. That is, men’s work is always assigned more importance than the textiles produced by women. For example, only men are allowed to produce a certain type of red cloth associated with chieftaincy. As noted earlier, red cloth is used for the burial of kings, and is woven exclusively by men rather than women, in alignment with the belief that only men have supernatural power.69 The special significance of this red cloth may be understood not only in terms of ritual but also in the way it reflects the social and political hierarchies of Nigerian society.70 Elisha Renne speaks to this red cloth “. . . through an examination of beliefs about women’s and men’s roles in the production of cloth and about the reproduction of children and ancestors.”71 This relationship between textiles and the cycles of birth and death is evidenced in other Bunun rituals. For example, if a woman dies before the weaving is completed, the unfinished cloth is buried along with her—much as an unborn child would be buried alongside a mother who has died in childbirth. These cultural practices reinforce belief in the significance of fabric beyond its materiality. Gendered looms: Iran In Iran’s small villages, and particularly among nomadic peoples, a significant number of weavers are women and children. While almost all Turkmen weavers in Iran are female, young boys and girls also learn to weave to help the women. This gender dynamic changes when children reach a certain age: boys quit weaving to engage in more “masculine” trades such as hunting, while girls continue to learn, becoming expert weavers by the time they are married. Among the nomads of Iran, weaving is viewed primarily from a pragmatic rather than aesthetic perspective. Nomadic Turkmen are among the groups that have settled in

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Oluwakemi Asakitikpi, “Functions of Hand Woven Textiles among Yoruba Women,” 111. For a discussion and references on such opinions, see Oluwakemi Asakitikpi, “Functions of Hand Woven Textiles among Yoruba Women,” 101–02. 69 For more detailed information on red cloth, see Renne, Cloth That Does Not Die, 109–20. 70 Omatseye and Emeriewen, “An Appraisal of the Aesthetic Dimension to the African Philosophy of Cloth,” 63. 71 Renne, Cloth That Does Not Die, 105. 68

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Iran and parts of Central Asia72 whose very survival depends on textile production. A closer look at weavings created by Turkmen women reveals the influence of pre-Islamic motifs. One sees symbolic patterns clearly reflecting Turkmen social and cultural experience prior to the adoption of Islam. Over time, traditional shamanic patterns have been integrated with Islamic symbols, producing hybrid designs now prevalent among Turkmen weavers. Perhaps the most renowned handwoven rug created by Iranian Turkmens is the prayer rug or namaz ligh (Turkmen Persian:‫) ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬. This particular rug is an excellent example of the aforementioned multi-symbolism.73 It is still believed that namz ligh can ward off the evil eye, as well as safeguard the tribe and its members—and assist fertility.74 A study by Jalali et al. zeroes in on an ancient and important Turkmen symbol: the ram’s horn, or ghoochak (Persian: ‫) ﻗﻮﭼﮏ‬. The ghoochak symbol often appears in Turkmen material culture, as well as on gravestones and grave markers.75 Because Turkmen nomads are still more heavily influenced by shamanistic beliefs than by Islam, they liberally use animal motifs in their rugs—including representations of the ram and ram’s horn. Given the ram’s symbolic association with virility, strength, and fierceness, the animal has been widely used in Central Asian textile design since ancient times and, in Persian mythology, the ram was considered protector of domestic herds. (See Chapter 1: “Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers.”) Iran has enjoyed a centuries-old reputation for its mastery and production of handwoven carpets and rugs. These textiles, with their varying fabric content, patterns, and sizes, can be divided into tribal (nomadic) and non-tribal categories. In small villages, particularly, weaving hand-knotted carpets is practiced almost entirely by women, and done privately in their own homes. Female weavers who belong to a nomadic group weave inside or in front of their residential tent. This gendered space is never questioned and is respected as a traditional practice. Some of the non-tribal (i.e., not nomad) looms still in use today require more than one person to operate, given the intricate and complex patterns created for traditional fabrics such as termeh (Persian: ‫) ﺗﺮﻣﻪ‬. In terms of gender, I have never read about, nor personally known of, any female master or female assistant weaver producing this specific type of textile. (See Figures 2.14a and 2.14b.) Setting up the specific type of loom

72 The Turkic ethnic group is native to Central Asia, living mainly in Turkmenistan, as well as in northern and northeastern regions of Iran and Afghanistan. Sizeable groups of Turkmens are also found in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and the North Caucasus. The Iranian Turkmens are a branch of Turkmen people who live mainly in northern and northeastern regions of Iran. This region, referred to as Turkmen Sahra, includes substantial parts of Iran’s Golestan province. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkmens 73 ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻟﻴﻖ ﻫﺎی ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻦ‬, ‫ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﮐﺎﻣﻠﯽ“ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﺎی ﮐﻠﻴﺪی ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﯽ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺜﯽ‬, ‫”ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ (In Persian). Motaleate Tatbighi Honar (Biannual) 3, no. 6 (Fall & Winter 2013–14). Jabar Rahmani and Shahrbanoo Kameli,“Turkman Namazlighs, A discussion about key and ritual symbols of culture.” 74 Ibid., 73. 75 ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﯽ‬, ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽ‬, ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻼﻟﯽ‬. “‫( ”ﻣﻌﺮﻓﯽ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎی ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﯽ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭی ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﭼﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﯽ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻦ‬in Persian). Sharareh Jalali, Asghar Javani, and Afsaneh Ghani, “Introducing some of the Content and Structural Components of the Ghouchak Motifs in Turkmen,” pazhuhesh-e Honar 8, no. 16 (Fall & Winter 2018–19).

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Figure 2.14a Silk termeh fabric from Yazd, Iran. Source: author’s private collection; item purchased during late 1980s.

Figure 2.14b Silk termeh fabric from Yazd, Iran. In this example, silver threads are used and the fabric shimmers, with a soft, slightly wavering light. The name Rezaei ‫ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﯽ‬appears at a regular interval. Professor Mohammad Rezaei (Gholam Razaei), the founder of Terme Rezaie Yazd Company. https://termehrezaei.com/en/page/1174-About-Terme-Rezaei. Source: author’s private collection.

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to create termeh fabric requires an unusually large space with tall ceilings. Given these expansive space requirements, private homes are not suitable. Furthermore, because of the intricate and complex technical challenges of weaving termeh fabric, more than one person is required to operate the loom. Women have always been excluded from this process. Termeh is known as the national cloth of Iran and enjoys a long history dating to the pre-Islamic era. During the Safavid Persian empire (1501–1736 ad ), termeh bafi (Persian: ‫) ﺗﺮﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﯽ‬, or weaving termeh, reached its zenith. Weaving termeh is expensive because of the cost of the material (a high-density thread) and because, as noted above, the process (which is necessarily slow) requires an assistant, or goushvareh-kesh (Persian: ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫)ﮐﺶ‬, to the master weaver. Termeh fabrics still maintain some of their traditional usage, such as sofreh nouroozi (Persian: ‫)ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯی‬, the Nowruz spread (Iranian new year), and sofreh aghed (Persian: ‫)ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﻋﻘﺪ‬, the wedding spread. Both occasions celebrate change, replete with symbols that invoke blessing and confer good fortune on the celebrants. Accordingly, the paisley pattern in Iranian termeh represents a curved cypress tree (Persian: ‫ ﺳﺮﻭ‬Sarv)—an ancient sacred symbol of blessing and longevity. Interestingly, the oldest cypress known to be living in Iran is in the same region, Yazd province, where termeh fabrics were traditionally woven. Known as the Cypress of Abarkuh or (Persian: ‫ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﮐﻮﻩ‬Sarv-e Abarkuh), or Zoroastrian Sarv, this tree is believed to be between 4,000– 5,000 years old and is protected by the Cultural Heritage Organization of Iran.76 As noted, good-quality termeh fabric is costly and therefore is generally reserved for special occasions. Kept as family heirlooms, this cloth is passed down from generation to generation. Without exception, the older the termeh, the more valuable. Beyond sofrehs, other ceremonial occasions also provide opportunity for exhibiting one’s termeh cloth. As part of the burial ritual, for example, families often cover the body of the deceased with termeh fabric when it is transported to the gravesite. As I have witnessed firsthand, before the body is buried, the termeh fabric is removed, folded, and put away. That specific termeh cannot be used for any occasion other than a future burial. Many families maintain a certain number of termeh cloths to loan to other family members or friends who cannot afford the steep purchase price. Since termeh is elegant and expensive, it necessarily conveys status—not only of the deceased but of the family members as well. According to tradition, they are providing the most expensive material possible for their loved one to make his/her final journey. Another textile produced in Iran is the non-pile floor covering known as zilu (Persian: ‫) ﺯﻳﻠﻮ‬. Again, from a gendered perspective, only men weave zilu,77 and the zilu master artisan is known as Pu-Kash. Weaving zilu or zilu bafi (Persian: ‫ )ﺯﻳﻠﻮ ﺑﺎﻓﯽ‬occurs exclusively in the city of Meybod in Yazd province. The zilu, made from cotton yarns, resembles a kilim with square patterns in limited colors. My sources in Iran report that

76

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sarv-e_Abarkuh Mohammad Said Janebollahi ,“Zilu,” Hands & Creativity Magazine, no. 3 (Summer 1995). http://www.caroun. com/Zilu/Research/Zilu-Re.html (accessed July 9, 2020) 77

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zilu is registered by the World Council of Handicrafts (an affiliate of UNESCO) as one of the prominent arts and crafts of Meybod, Iran.78 A type of ikat weaving79 known as daraie (Persian: ‫) ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﯽ‬, a handloom fabric, is woven by men in the Yazd province as well. The diamond-shaped pattern, achieved by dyed warps prior to the weaving process, is called chalipa (Persian: ‫)ﭼﻠﻴﭙﺎ‬, which translates as “cross.” Literally, the term daraei means “wealth” and, in the past, daraie was made from pure silk—making it an exclusive, luxury fabric that only a select few could afford.80 Daraei fabric is never used for clothing, but rather made into bedding or used for chair and furniture coverings. Another traditional use for daraei is as a fabric bundle, or boghche (Persian: ‫) ﺑﻘﭽﻪ‬. This fabric bundle, used for wrapping objects, was widely viewed as a status symbol, particularly among newlywed women at the neighborhood public bath. Having a daraei in which to carry one’s towel and clean clothes reflected elevated social status and good taste. (See Figure 2.15.) Other traditional Iranian fabrics include kaar bafi, (Persian: ‫ )ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﯽ‬created by female weavers in Maybod (near Yazd) and shaar bafi, a silk fabric from the city of Kashan, and woven only by men.81 Kaar bafi, literally translated as “weaving work,” refers to a plain, handwoven cotton fabric. Produced on a simple portable loom, kaar bafi is created in the seclusion and privacy of one’s home. A cloth traditionally used in the domestic sphere, its plain and striped versions are most likely to be seen in the kitchen, bedroom, or living areas. In recent years, fabric shops in Iran have also begun carrying kaar bafi—for sewing women’s clothing only. While kaar bafi may be considered a “private” textile —visible only to family and friends with access to women in their homes—shar bafi (Persian: ‫ )ﺷﺮﺑﺎﻓﯽ‬cloth is visible to everyone, and therefore very much seen as a “public” cloth. Produced and worn only by men, shar bafi cloth is considered a more sophisticated textile than kaar bafi because it contains silk. Used in men’s formalwear (wrapped around both waist and head), shar bafi is perfectly appropriate to wear in public spaces. These two textiles aptly reflect the traditional division of female/male roles in Iran—given their differing modes and spheres of production, as well as end uses of the fabrics themselves. At the time of writing and according to a short clip from News 10 (Kashan),82 thirtytwo workshops in Iran are still producing shaar bafi. Also, according to this source, the

78

Zilu of Yazd. See: https://www.visitiran.ir/handicraft/zilu-yazd (accessed July 9, 2020). For information about the Zilu Museum in Meybod, see: https://ghorbany.com/inspiration/zilu-museumof-maybod-yazd-iran (accessed July 9, 2020) 79 Ikat is a Malay-Indonesian word widely used to refer to the ikat pattern, the cloth, and the process of making the fabric with ikat patterns. 80 Nowadays, in addition to silk, daraei may be made with viscose, a rayon fiber that makes daraei more affordable. 81 Kaya Kikuchi Munakata, “Weaving the Traditions for the Future: Building a Sustainable Support Framework for Iranian Traditional Handwoven Textile Arts,” Proceedings of The Asian Conference on Asian Studies (2015). 82 Iran Shar-Bafi Persian handmade silk textile, Kashan city / ‫ﺷﺮﺑﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ Available online: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TNiYdxuuaBg, February 22, 2019 (accessed August 12, 2020).

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Talismanic Textiles: Gender, Status, and the Supernatural

Figure 2.15 Daraei /Ikat fabric from Yazd, Iran. Daraei is a form of warp ikat hand-loomed fabric, woven by men. The diamond-shaped pattern is known as chalipa (Persian: ‫)ﭼﻠﻴﭙﺎ‬, which translates as “cross.” In the Persian language, daraei means wealth, because daraei cloth originally was made by pure silk threads which resulted in a very fine but very expensive textile. Source: author’s personal collection. This fabric is about ninety years old. It belonged to my mother as part of her jahaz/ jahiziye/ ‫ﺟﻬﻴﺰﻳﻪ‬, or marriage dowry. Source: Author's collection history of shaar bafi predates Islam. Kurdish men have traditionally worn (and still wear) this fabric as a headwrap/sarband (Persian: ‫ ) ﺳﺮﺑﻨﺪ‬or as a waistband/kamarband (Persian: ‫) ﮐﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ‬. It is usually designed with strips on the edges of selvages (tightly woven edges on either side of a width of fabric) and a plain field of fabric at the center. Currently, to keep this ancient handwoven cloth in production, the kaar bafi marketplace is at last opening to women and is being sold for women’s clothing and other purposes. In short, weavers are purposefully modifying some of the patterns and color combinations to appeal to women. The production of shaar bafi has been registered with UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) as heritage art of Iran.83 In Islamic and non-Islamic cultures alike, textile production and adornment serve as markers of gender boundaries, social standing, and belief in the supernatural. This Iran Sher-Bafi Persian handicraft, Kashan county / ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺮﺑﺎﻓﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ Available online: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dDR_IV7o2gY, June 14, 2017 (accessed August 12, 2020). 83

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chapter demonstrates how, especially in regions where livelihood is sustained by textile production, ritual practices remain in place to protect the herd and loom, and to safeguard families. Perhaps even the imposition of monotheistic religions has, in the long run, left only a superficial impact on deep-seated, ancient traditions. It is through the lens of textile production—from shearing to social stratification to shared community ritual—that one sees cultural norms as a complex weaving of past and present.

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CHAPTER 3 THE POLITICIZATION OF TEXTILES: COLONIALISM TO THE PRESENT

From a Western perspective, the successful oppression of colonized peoples has included divorcing those individuals from their cherished traditions. Not surprisingly, the oppressor’s “. . . assertion of power was frequently enforced through the suppression of traditional dress . . .”1 Furthermore, for countless centuries, when non-Christian peoples were forcibly converted to Christianity, they were also forced to relinquish economic resources and wealth. Missionaries, those proselytisers of Christianity who, since the sixteenth century had travelled to un-Christian regions of the world with conversion in mind were, despite their preaching of goodwill to all men, equally guilty of wiping out ancient spiritual and social significance of tribal clothing.2 Colonizing powers neatly divided the continents of Africa and Asia amongst themselves. Africa (by and large) went to the Portuguese, French, Dutch, and British while Asia suffered exploitation not only by imperialist Western Europe but also by Russia, Japan, and the United States. (In the next chapter, Chapter 4, specific examples of this colonization are presented, including Portuguese enslavement of the Siddi peoples taken from Southeastern Africa to the subcontinent of India.) In an effort to establish trade routes to India and Southeast Asia as early as the fifteenth century, Western imperialists moved into Asian and African territories and immediately made their authority known. Karen Tranberg Hansen calls attention to the manifestation of colonial power through European-style clothing, even when uncomfortable and inconvenient: Westerners often made a point of dressing in full European attire (woolen suits for men, corseted dresses for women) when touring up-country in the African bush or the jungles of Java; they wished their willingness to endure discomfort for the sake of dressing “properly” to be viewed as evidence of moral and cultural superiority.3

1 Clare Hunter, Threads of Life: A History of the World Through the Eyes of a Needle (New York: Abrams Press, 2019), 71. 2 Ibid. 3 Karen Tranberg Hansen, “Colonialism and Imperialism.” Available online: https://fashion-history.lovetoknow. com/fashion-history-eras/colonialism-imperialism, 2004

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A German missionary who lived in Indonesia for sixteen years, Eduard Fries, believed that “. . . Christianization involved creating a religious identity connected to a distinctive set of dispositions like habits or outer appearance . . .” He further commented, “For me, being “tidily dressed and clean” meant not chewing betel nut, having short hair, and wearing . . . a sarong (Javanese wraparound skirt) . . .”4 “Exotic clothes” worn by “exotic people” is a familiar subject to all who have studied the history of colonialism and, in particular, to those familiar with the concept of Orientalism.5 In Western nations, the clothing industry’s appropriation of ethnic clothing and textiles has translated to trendy fashion, frequently with little or no credit given to the country of origin. Michelle Maskiell comments on this appropriation of ethnic textiles: First, Europeans tried to monopolize the collection of commodities in Asia and their transportation home. Second, Europeans manufactured import substitutes which copied the commodities, from Chinese porcelain to Kashmiri shawls. Third, Europeans incorporated both the imports and their European-made copies into the western European and Euro American “fashion cycles” for Chinoiserie, Orientalism, Japonisme, “Indian style,” and so on. Kashmiri shawls serve as a material vector to trace persistent patterns within the historical context of one such cycle.6 Obviously, the repurposing of textiles once used to express rejection of colonizers has taken on new meaning: “. . . [the] cultural revival of textiles and dress practices has turned the process into fashion, in which newly developed styles that are considered ethnically chic attract consumers in former colonies and [the] world beyond.”7 (See Figures 3.1a and 3.1b.) Not surprisingly, textiles have also been repurposed to reflect interest in, and adoption of, styles of the colonizer. In India, the sherwani, a long-sleeved, knee-length fitted coat with buttons down the front, provides example of a colonized people repurposing a garment to closely reflect the colonizers’ fashion. Observing the attire of British men (and women), Indian designers came up with the sherwani, an outer coat produced with

4

Mai Lin Tjoa-Bonatz, “Idols and Art: Missionary Attitudes toward Indigenous Worship and the Material Culture on Nias, Indonesia, 1904–1920,” in Casting Faiths: Imperialism and the Transformation of Religion in East and Southeast Asia, ed. Tomas David DuBois (New York: Springer, 2009), 107. 5 Generally speaking, Orientalism is the representation of Asia, especially the Middle East, in a stereotyped way that is regarded as embodying a colonialist attitude. For a classical study of Orientalism, see the 1978 book by Edward W. Said in which the author establishes the term as a critical concept to describe the West’s commonly contemptuous depiction and portrayal of “The East,” i.e., the Orient. Societies and peoples of the Orient are those who inhabit the regions of Asia, North Africa, and the Middle East. Said argues that Orientalism, in the context of Western scholarship, is inextricably tied to the imperialist societies that produced it, resulting in a perspective that is inherently political and servile to power. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orientalism_(book) 6 Michelle Maskiell, “Consuming Kashmir: Shawls and Empires, 1500–2000,” Journal of World History 13, no. 1 (2002): 28–9. Available online: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20078943 7 Tranberg Hansen, “Colonialism and Imperialism.”

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The Politicization of Textiles: Colonialism to the Present

Figures 3.1a and 3.1b The Italian firm Rubelli (established in 1889 by Lorenzo Rubelli), is famed for its high-quality designer textiles. The fabric sample shown here was made in 1987. It is a roller print pattern printed on 100 per cent cotton. This type of fabric was manufactured for use in interiors such as wall coverage or as decorative throw pillows. This example shows a common pattern of butte or paisley design with precise depiction of detail work from Indian hand-blocked sample. The name “Shabanou” (a Persian and Urdu word meaning the the wife of Shah [king]/ The Queen) is clearly stamped on the salvage along with the logo of the company and the name Lorenzo Rubelli. Source: author’s private collection. I purchased this piece from a sample book of an interior fabric shop that was no longer carrying Lorenzo Rubelli textiles. Information about the date of fabric manufacturing and the logo change was obtained by writing directly to [email protected]: I was told also the logo on my sample was changed during mid 1990s. A new logo is now in use.

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elegant fabrics (such as silk brocade), longer than the frock coat, and with unique design elements such as the Nehru collar. The Shervani appeared during the period of British [rule] in India . . . as a fusion of the Shalwar Kameez with the British frock coat. It was gradually adopted by most of the Indian aristocracy, mostly Muslim, and later by the general population, as a more westernized form of traditional attire. In India, it is generally worn for formal occasions in winter by those of North Indian descent, especially those from Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Hyderabadi-Muslims. The Sherwani is closely associated with the nation’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. This led to a modified version of Sherwani known as the Nehru Jacket . . .8 (See Figure 3.2) This chapter focuses on India, Indonesia, Central Asia, Palestine, and (Soviet) Russia— addressing the impact of colonization on the production of indigenous textiles. India and cotton: Rejecting colonial rule India, a pivotal locale in East–West trade, has been renowned for its cotton cloth and production of silk for almost 1,000 years. Farmers in the subcontinent grew an abundance of high-quality cotton for masterful Indian artisans to spin and weave. These cotton fibers resulted in fine, sturdy cloth ready to be printed and dyed. In pre-industrial times, as an invaluable commodity, textiles translated to economic power. India played (and continues to play) a definitive role in the global economy of textile production. The importance of Indian fabrics today is signaled by the fact that major museums continue to arrange exhibitions for displaying contemporary Indian textiles. Historically, Indian cloth was in great demand from China to the Mediterranean. Evidence reveals that not all exported Indian cloth was made exclusively for élites; rather, it also reached, and was consumed by, ordinary people in a variety of markets. Indian woven cotton cloth is still praised for its luster, fineness of weave, and moisture absorbency. India supplied cotton cloth to Europe, particularly England and France, as well as to Southeast Asian countries, the Arab world, and the Middle East. This trade dynamic allowed for an ongoing transmission of material culture and, inarguably, Indian cloth played an immense role in transmitting ideas around patterns, weaving techniques, and the use of natural dyes. A convincing case may be made that cloth and clothing serve as key visual reminders to the colonized and colonizer alike, supporting the maintenance of political and social order. However, history records eras during which the power of cloth turned against oppressive rule, galvanizing support for independence. Perhaps the most familiar

8

“Sherwani-The Indian Groom’s Wedding Attire.” Available online: http://www.indiamarks.com/sherwani-theindian-grooms-wedding-attire/ (accessed July 7, 2022).

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The Politicization of Textiles: Colonialism to the Present

Figure 3.2 The word shervani/sherwani or shirvani derives from Shirvan, a historical Iranian region in the eastern Caucasus known by this name in both the pre-Islamic Sassanid Empire (224–651 ce ) and Islamic times. This long-sleeved fitted knee-length coat is worn by men in South Asia, typically as formalwear. It resembles the Western frock coat and is buttoned down the front. In this picture, my son Ramin Shirazi-Mahajan wears a navy-blue version on the occasion of his wedding, 2011. Source: Ramin Shirazi-Mahajan.

example is Mahatma Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance to British rule in India. As an anticolonial nationalist who had trained in law in London, Gandhi watched as Indians were forced to buy British-manufactured cloth at inflated prices. Ironically, the raw material used to create this cloth at British textile mills was imported from India. Identifying with the poorest of his people, Gandhi began wearing the Indian short dhoti, an unstitched 81

Islamicate Textiles

loincloth, as well as a shawl woven with handspun cotton yarn on the traditional Indian charkha or chakri (spinning wheel). The khadi (a home-spun cotton cloth) movement became an integral strategy for resisting colonial rule. By boycotting British-made textiles, Gandhi was also supporting the renewal of hand-weaving communities and artisans in India whose livelihoods had been diminished and who had increasingly suffered under the colonial yoke. Gandhi began spinning his own yarn and encouraged others to do the same. Moreover, he made it obligatory for all members of the Indian National Congress to spin cotton and pay their dues in yarn. Going one step further, Gandhi chose the charkha as symbol of the nationalist movement. He rejected the idea that an Indian dressed in Englishman’s clothing was “civilized,” and therefore rescued from a certain savagery. Indeed, “By 1908 he had come to believe that Indians could not be Englishmen and that India should be ruled for the benefit of India by Indians. He set forth these views in Hind Swaraj (Indian Home Rule).”9 Gandhi indefatigably adhered to the belief that donning an Englishman’s attire not only strengthened British superiority and dominance, but also reinforced the notion that “. . . they [Indians] were incapable of carrying out their own program of swadeshi [independence movement].”10 Gandhi clearly understood that British rule had undermined India’s important and ever evolving role in the global economy. This economic aspect of cloth and its semiotic power became central to his politics of resistance. The decline of the Indian textile industry was the logical result of England’s rule. As previously noted, the British had placed low tariffs on British yarn (sourced from India) and British-made cloth imported to India, while exacting high tariffs on Indian fabrics exported from India—an imbalance that resulted in heightened poverty in India and one that ultimately united its people against oppressive rule. “Indians showed their opposition to English clothing by refusing to buy it or wear it, and by burning it.”11

United we stand: India’s Muslim weavers Many of India’s Muslims joined their Hindu counterparts in resistance to British rule. Included in this movement were Muslim weavers, whose role in their nation’s identity politics is well documented. Julaha, likely a derivative of the Persian word Julaha or “ball of thread” (Persian=‫)ﺟﻮﻻ‬,r12 refers to an important Muslim Pakistani/Indian artisan community of weavers, where weaving cloth on handlooms predominates. As described by Vasanthi Raman, Muslim weavers in this region (primarily in India’s state of Uttar

9

Susan S. Bean, “Gandhi and Khadi, the Fabric of Indian Independence,” in Cloth and Human Experience, ed. Annette B. Weimer and ane Schneider (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989), 359. 10 Ibid., 365. 11 Ibid., 364. 12 The term Julaha may derive from the Persian julah (ball of thread). Other explanations put forth by the Julaha community include “jal (net), jils (decorated) or uila (lighted up, or white).” Both Hindu and Muslim Julaha groups exist. A number of the Muslim Julaha later changed their group moniker to names such as Ansari. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julaha.

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Pradesh) actively participated in the struggle for independence from Britain. As early as 1857, during the Indian Rebellion of 1857–8 (aka the Indian Mutiny, the Sepoy Mutiny, and the First War of Independence),13 these weavers fought against colonial rule alongside Hindu nationalists. Given the history of violence against Muslims since India’s Partition in August 1947, it is noteworthy that 204 million Muslims still reside in India, representing the largest minority and, according to a 2019 estimate, comprise 11 percent of the total population. Islam originally entered India following the Arab conquest of Sindh in 711 ce . Several centuries later, Muslim Arabs also conquered a region of northern India ruled by the Ghuris dynasty. The Ghurids converted from Buddhism to Sunni Islam in 1011 ce .14 Since these early conquests, Islam has had a long history of settlement in the subcontinent of India during which Muslims and non-Muslims intermingled, sharing skills and knowledge in multicultural settings. Maharashtra, a state in the western peninsular area of India, is home to the Momin of Maharashtra (also known as Ansari), most of whom practice Sunni Islam. Like their ancestors who migrated from northern India, they have always been connected to textile work. Ansaris claim that their original descendants came from Persia, Turkey, or Central Asian countries, which Yashodhara Agrawal believes to be true “. . . because the type of fabrics they produce, their technique, and so forth, were [are] similar to that of those countries . . . They may also be the descendants of weavers who had been employed in the royal workshops . . . after the disintegration of the Mughal Empire.”15 As a community of weavers, the Ansari adhere strongly to tradition—including associating one’s profession with a saintly figure. “For instance, zardozi workers (embroiderers who work with gold and silver threads) consider their craft to have been started by Hazrat Yusuf alah-e-salam, in whose name food and prayers are offered, and whose anniversary is celebrated as a minor festival, Huzur ki miraj.”16 13

Indian Rebellion of 1857 (May 10–July 8). For more information about the Julaha’s role in the uprising, see also: Vasanthi Raman, The Warp and the Weft: Community and Gender Identity among Banaras Weavers (New Delhi: Routledge, 2010). 14 The name Ghurid in Persian = ‫ ;ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻏﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬self-designation: ‫ﺷﻨﺴﺒﺎﻧﯽ‬, Shansabānī. They were a dynasty of Iranian origin from the Ghor region of present-day central Afghanistan. 15 Yashodhara Agrawal. Ibid., p.128 16 Nita Kumar, “Work and Leisure in the Formation of Identity: Muslim Weavers in a Hindu City,” in The Artisans of Banaras: Popular Culture and Identity 1880–1986 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 2017). Nita Kumar refers to the festival of Huzur ki miraj = Urdu = ‫ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮐﯽ ﻣﻌﺮﺍﺝ‬which, translated from Urdu to English, means “Ascension of the Holy Prophet.” Kumar describes the event as a festival in India for Muslim embroiderers, who attribute and dedicate their work to Hazrat Yusuf alah-e-salam (Yusuf or Joseph, son of Jacob, who is considered a prophet in Islam and is mentioned in the Qur’an, Chapter 12, verse 111.) However, in Islamic tradition, the term mir’aj is used only to describe the night journey and ascent of the Prophet Muhammad and the revelation of daily prayer (salat). A brief sketch of the story can be found in the Qur’an, Chapter 17, while more detail can be found in the hadith (stories attributed to sayings of the Prophet): https:// www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-1-d&q=Mi%27raj+of+the+prophet+Muhammad+ See also: https:// www.britannica.com/event/Miraj-Islam Perhaps as a result of living in a dominantly Hindu culture, especially in the city of Banaras (the holiest of the seven sacred cities in Hinduism), Muslim weavers wanted to mirror the devotion of their Hindu counterparts with this expression of religiosity.

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In early twentieth-century India, a “caste” system of Muslim weavers emerged, the result of socioeconomic disparities. Though not as rigidly defined as the Hindu caste system (Islam advocates the removal of social strata), caste identity did indeed proliferate among the Muslim population. Even today South Asian Muslims apply a system of religious stratification similar to their Hindu neighbors, which has resulted in “. . . ethnic segregation between the foreign [Muslim] conquerors (Ashraf) and local converts (Ajlaf) [considered to be inferior] . . .”17 A third caste, known as arzal, is the lowest Muslim caste in India. Arzal is comparable to Dalit, the lowest of the Hindu castes, and is characterized as untouchable. The Arabic word Ajlaf is from jalaf (jilf), meaning “base” or “vile” while arzal translates as “despicable.” The highest Muslim “caste” group, Ashraf (Arabic: ‫)ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬, meaning “most honorable one” or “very noble” or “aristocrat,” was actively involved in national politics in northern India, and advocated for independence from Great Britain for almost 100 years, from 1857 to 1947. The Ashraf encompasses all verifiable descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, especially Muslims of non-Indian ancestry such as Arabs, Persians, and Afghans. Interestingly, converts to Islam from the Hindu upper caste of Brahmins also merit membership in the Ashraf caste. The Ashraf consider it degrading to engage in menial occupations, such as handling the plough, and look down on all Muslims in the Ajlaf and Arzal groups. Weavers and cotton carders belong to the Ajlaf. “From sharing an occupational class identity, the weavers mobilized and asserted themselves as a caste group, seeking special recognition as Momins or Ansaris within a broader Muslim identity.”18 Gyanendra Pandey documents colonialism’s impact on the weavers of northern India, asserting that it contributed greatly to widespread agitation and therefore disruption of their livelihoods. During the late eighteenth century, Muslim weavers and their masterful products were in great demand; by the early nineteenth century a progressive diminution in demand had occurred.19 Categorization of the Indian population into various social strata was strongly influenced by British social surveys and narratives. These depictions applied certain stereotypical characteristics to adherents of religious groups and to individuals belonging to particular professions. Julaha altogether insisted that they be called Momin (the faithful, men of honour), Ansari (after a claimed Arabic ancestor who practised the art of weaving), MominAnsar or Sheikh Momin, and succeeded at last in having themselves recorded under these names in the census. The Muslim weavers’ efforts at self-purification and upward mobility (a growing use of Arabic and Persian names, stricter

17

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste_system_among_South_Asian_Muslims Santosh Kumar Rai, “Muslim Weavers’ Politics in Early 20th Century Northern India Locating an Identity,” Economic and Political Weekly XLVII, no. 15 (2012): 61. 19 Gyanendra Pandey, “The Bigoted Julaha,” Economic and Political Weekly 18, no. 5 (January 29, 1983). 18

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observance of practices enjoined by the shariat [Sharia, the Islamic law] the plea to abandon non-Islamic festivals and observations) were in line, too, with social reform and protest movements among many other groups and castes at this time.20 Located in northern India, Banaras sits on the left bank of the Ganges in the state of Uttar Pradesh. The great majority of Banaras’ weavers consider the term “Ansari” to be representative of their lineage or descent group. Indeed, most of the Banarasi silk weavers belong to the Momin Ansari weaving community.21 Nita Kumar believes that the identity of the Muslim weaver in Banaras is not religious nor is it progressively becoming so. “It has a vision of Islam, but one that splits up the Muslim population along different lines.”22 Kumar concludes that the Muslim weaver of Banaras draws his identity “from the same roots as do the Hindus,” and thus connects to his ancestors before him. In an earlier publication, Nita Kumar addresses the issue of Muslim identity in Banaras, explaining that both Hindus and Muslims share a common lifestyle and culture, which she refers to as “Banarasi” and “popular.” However, Muslims share consensual beliefs about their history, past and present, which allow them to be viewed as a single group. Regarding Muslim/Hindu shared culture, Kumar writes: There is a range of activities that we can look at to make a case for a shared culture and lifestyle of the Hindu and Muslim artisans of Banaras . . . The main leisure activities . . . identified in the historical data and thus studied over the last century are the following: fairs, festivals, processions, annual celebrations at shrines, gatherings for music and poetry, wrestling and body building, and going “outside” for pleasure trips. In the case of all these, the meanings they hold for weavers are the same as those for Hindu artisans of assorted castes. All of them address the importance of the body and the outdoors, and the basic premise of seasonality and mood, i.e., the appropriateness of season as well as of one’s internal proclivities. They all idealise freedom, arising partly from the actual freedom inherent in the piecework that characterises artisan production, and partly as a response to the insecurity and inflexibility of such labour. This leisure ethic, shared by Hindus and Muslims, is easy to correlate to the nature of their work and the history of cottage industry in the region, as well as to most of the details that characterise artisans’ social structure and lifestyle.23

20

Ibid., 21. Ansari means “helpers” in Arabic: ‫ﺍﻷﻧﺼﺎﺭ‬- al-Anṣār. “The Helpers” is a reference to the inhabitants of Medina, Arabia, who protected the Prophet Muhammed and his followers (the Muhajirun)— inviting them into their homes during the emigration from Mecca to Medina during the hijra. 22 Kumar, “Work and Leisure in the Formation of Identity,” 169. 23 Nita Kumar, “The Truth about Muslims in Banaras: An Exploration in School Curricula and Popular,” Social Analysis: The International Journal of Anthropology, no. 28 (1990): 83–4. Available online: https://www.jstor. org/stable/23164540 21

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Among famous Banaras brocade designers, two Muslims, Tajammul Husain and Mohammad Husain, were especially renowned. They both participated in the 1895 London exhibition of Indian handicraft, bringing back new ideas later incorporated in their brocade patterns.24 Indeed, although Indian designs of seventeenth- and eighteenthcentury chintzes had exerted marked influence on Western European fabrics, Western patterns did not impact indigenous Indian textile designs (such as saris) until the latter part of the nineteenth century. The Indian Varanasi/Banarasi silk brocade saris became renowned both inside and beyond India. Traditionally hand-loomed (then later, with the arrival of automated looms, woven on semi-automated looms), they were usually created in the weaver’s private residence. To this day, Banarasi silk weavers are primarily Muslim, and are strongly affiliated with the Momin Ansari weaver community. The art of brocade weaving is passed from father to son. In fact, for many generations, this genre of silk weaving has remained in the hands of male weavers. While the boycott of British-made textiles assumed highest priority in India’s political resistance to colonialism, Muslim designers such as Tajammul Husain and Mohammad Husain found unique ways of exploiting colonial influence. Although not directly involved in nationalist politics, these masterful brocade designers returned from England to India with books of English fabric designs (including wallpaper patterns)—catapulting them towards a new textile aesthetic in designing and producing saris, one of the most prominent cultural symbols of India.

West African wax cloth Due to the expansion of European colonization in the sixteenth century, Indian cotton fabrics found their way to West African nations—sparking the emergence of a modern global economy.25 While Indian-printed cotton enjoyed extensive popularity in Western Asia and Southeast Asia, chintz was also imported (by Europeans) to West Africa where the cloth was traded for slaves—who were then transported to America’s sugar and cotton plantations. Kazuo Kobayashi notes that Indian cotton textiles in West Africa accounted for 60 percent of total textile exports from Britain to Africa and 30 percent of exports as a whole.26 It is clear that “Indian cotton textiles were Britain’s primary means of exchange for the purchase of African slaves for the Americas in the eighteenth century,” states Kobayashi.27 An interesting phenomenon resulting from African colonial rule by the Dutch was the creation of machine-made wax textiles known as Dutch wax, or Wax Hollandais, and 24

Ibid., 133. Kazuo Kobayashi, Indian Cotton Textiles in West Africa: African Agency, Consumer Demand and the Making of the Global Economy, 1750–1850, Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies (London: Perlego, 2019). 26 Kazuo Kobayashi, “The British Atlantic Slave Trade and Indian Cotton Textiles: The Case of Thomas Lumley & Co,” in Indian Cotton Textiles in West Africa: African Agency, Consumer Demand and the Making of the Global Economy, 1750–1850 (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019). 27 Ibid., 64. 25

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the African print fabrics subsequently created for western and Central African markets. These textiles became markers of cultural identity and a profitable source of revenue as European imports.28 Pieter Fentener van Vlissingen founded Wax Hollandais in 1846, initially selling batik fabrics created by applying hot melted wax to cloth that was then dipped in a dye bath. In its nascent stages, Wax Hollandais produced batik fabrics on the island of Java (Indonesia), marketing them to Western Europe, and later to the West African coast. As West African women took an interest in batik, the company increasingly manufactured cloth with more African patterns and vibrant colors, purposefully to suit local tastes.29 (See Figures 3.3 and 3.4.) Another Dutch wax textile company, Vlisco, began designing and producing similar fabrics in the Netherlands, also in 1846. The success of Dutch wax cloth in Africa offers “. . . a different view of the colonial perspective that all Europe’s products were forced

Figures 3.3 and 3.4 (Overleaf) Dutch wax textiles from Ghana (West Africa). These examples are 100 per cent cotton fabric. Figure 3.3 shows a typical gown, which is accompanied by a hair wrap made of the same fabric. Source: author’s private collection. These were purchased by a former graduate student, herself from Ghana. I was told that these are very typical prints and colors at the time she purchased (2017) them for me in Accra, where her family lived. 28 M. Amah Edoh, “Redrawing Power? Dutch Wax Cloth and the Politics of ‘Good Design’,” Journal of Design History 29, no. 3 (2016): 258–72. 29 “Vlisco Celebrates 170th Anniversary with Inspiring Stories of Women’s Empowerment.” Available online: https://irenebrination.typepad.com/irenebrination_notes_on_a/2016/08/vlisco-170.html, August 16, 2016 (accessed March 31, 2021).

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Figure 3.4

onto others.”30 Amah Edoh argues that although wax cloth was Dutch-made for African consumers, the designers were entirely divorced from politics when creating motifs and overall patterns.31 However, it should be noted that the history of Dutch wax cloth still reflects the establishment of a colonial power structure spanning three centuries. What is commonly referred to as African wax print did not originate in Africa, or in Europe, but belongs to the Javanese culture of Indonesia and to other South Asian cultures such as India. The innovative patterns and skillful artisan labor required to create authentic batik (wax) cloth were in no way European. However, powerful colonizers oversaw the development of shrewd marketing techniques and innovative technology to expand upon, and profit from, its manufacture.32 In 2016, Vlisco celebrated the company’s 170th anniversary by producing a limitededition cotton textile inscribed with the dates 1846–2016.33 Danielle Bruggeman describes Vlisco’s successful designs as African in their source, also suggesting that while Vlisco’s role in Western fashion has increased over the years, appropriating the wax printed fashion as Dutch, the wax cloth now has a deep-rooted cultural hybridity.34 In

30

Ibid. Edoh, “Redrawing Power,” 258–72. 32 Eccentric Yoruba. “ ‘African Fabrics”: The History of Dutch Wax Prints–Guest Blog by Eccentric Yoruba.’ ” Available online: https://beyondvictoriana.com/2011/04/10/african-fabrics-the-history-of-dutch-wax-printsguest-blog-by-eccentric-yoruba/ 33 To view examples, see: https://irenebrination.typepad.com/irenebrination_notes_on_a/2016/08/vlisco-170. html (accessed March 28, 2021) 34 Danielle Bruggeman, “Vlisco: Made in Holland, adorned in West Africa, (re)appropriated as Dutch Design,” Fashion, Style & Popular Culture 4, no. 2 (March 2017): 197–218. 31

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her book African Wax Print Textiles, Anne Grosfilley points to the centuries-old material relationship that exists between European and African cultures, and discusses how cheap Asian counterfeits of what was originally high-quality Dutch wax cloth are ruining this textile tradition.35 In fact, in an effort to sustain its market in West Africa, and to compete with Chinese wax printed textiles,36 Vlisco began producing a cheaper version of its original wax cloth in the 1990s. Protected by Western powers, Dutch wax textiles enjoyed enormous popularity and long-term economic success. The ABC Wax Company, a textile company located near Manchester in the United Kingdom, began producing wax-resist textiles for West African consumption in 1908. ABC’s attempt to move in on the West African market fell short, as the Dutch had all but monopolized this market, remaining keenly conversant (and lucratively so) with the tastes of West African consumers. In 2005, ABC’s production activities were transferred to the Ghana-based firm Akosmbo Textiles Limited (ATL). In 2018 the Ghanaian government nationalized this company and took control of production and assets. The histories of the aforementioned wax cloth companies mirror the long-lasting grip of colonizers on products marketed and sold in formerly colonized regions—and demonstrate how their remarkably effective commercial skills assessed (and, in some cases, directed) the tastes of existing indigenous populations.

Calico: The forbidden Indian cotton Portuguese traders first introduced calico37 cloth to the European continent in the sixteenth century. The most important aspect of a true chintz (or calico) fabric is the use of mordants38 (creating patterns with wooden blocks or drawing directly on the surface of the fabric). The Indian printed/painted fabrics were unlike anything Europeans had ever seen. Colors incorporated in the calico textiles were the result of ancient techniques used by skilled dyers working with mordants to fix the dyestuff. Impressively vibrant blues and reds survived the test of laundering. Indian cotton was color fast and soft to the touch. Its rising popularity and success became a worry for European textile producers. The calico cloth was cheaper than woolens or silks; its motifs and patterns were perceived as exotic and, therefore, desirable. Demand for silk, linen, hemp, and woolen materials fell, giving rise to riots and protests against “the tawdry, bespotted” cottons made by “Heathens and Pagans.”39 In England, the Calico Acts (1700, 1721) were introduced,

35

Anne Grosfilley, African Wax Print Textiles (Munich: Prestel, 2018). Ibid. 37 “Calico” and “chintz” are related semantically. In some cases, the terms are used interchangeably. See: https:// thesaurus.plus/related/chintz/calico 38 The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines mordant (noun) as “a chemical that fixes a dye in or on a substance by combining with the dye to form an insoluble compound.” See: https://www.merriam-webster.com/ dictionary/mordant 39 Sarah Fee. Ibid., p.13 36

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banning the importation of most cotton textiles and also eventually restricting their sale. Jonathan P. Eacott describes how mobs of English weavers of woolen and silk cloth stormed the East India Company’s office in London, demanding protection against “. . . devastating competition of cotton calicos imported by the Company to London and then distributed to the rest of Britain, Europe, West Africa, the West Indies, and the Americas.”40 Indeed: [the Calico Acts were] . . . in response to India (particularly Bengal), which dominated world cotton textile markets at the time. The Acts were a precursor to the Industrial Revolution, when Britain eventually surpassed India as the world’s leading textile manufacturer in the 19th century.41 The Acts, which were originally intended to protect wool and silk manufacturers in England, not only banned Indian cotton but almost all varieties of pure cotton clothing as well. In fact, they prohibited both the wearing of cotton clothing and its usage in household items and furniture. The ban on Indian cotton caused numerous incidents, as noted by Giorgio Riello: In London, for instance, after the ban of 1721, several women were stripped naked in the street because they were found wearing forbidden cloth [cotton]. A certain Dorothy Orwell was assaulted by weavers in Hoxton in London “who tore, cut, and pull’d off her Gown and Petticoat by Violence, threatened her with vile Language, and left her naked” in the square. In other cases, women found wearing calicoes, had acid thrown at their clothing, a bitter act reminiscent of assaults on women wearing fur at the end of the twentieth century.42 The second Calico Act drafted by England’s parliament specifically forbade the use of calico, which resulted in the colonizers coming under attack by their own people, given that cotton had been used to enrich the English empire. Previously, in an effort to protect the French textile industry from imported Indian cotton, France’s royal council under Louis IV had also introduced a ban on cotton (1686–1759), predating England’s legislation by thirty-five years. This dictate remained in place for seventy-five years in an effort to reduce successful importation of what the French referred to as indiennes—Indian cotton competing with their domestic production of linen and wool. As in England, women in France were arrested for

40

Jonathan P. Eacott, “Making an Imperial Compromise: The Calico Acts, the Atlantic Colonies, and the Structure of the British Empire,” The William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 4 (October 2012): 731. Available online: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5309/willmaryquar.69.4.0731?seq=1 41 For details on this Act, see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Calico_Acts 42 Giorgio Riello, “When Cotton was Banned: Indian Cotton Textiles in Early Modern England.” Available online: http://www.cambridgeblog.org/2013/05/when-cotton-was-banned-indian-cotton-textiles-in-earlymodern-england/, May 15, 2013 (accessed March 30, 2021).

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possessing clothing with printed red flowers on a white background, or toiles peintes (another name for indiennes). A government tax was imposed on the purchase and consumption of Indian cloth. Ironically, consumer demand for Indian cotton was so high (even among Louis’ courtesans) that lucrative black markets eventually emerged. Smugglers were put to death. Local authorities were given the power to detain, without trial, anyone who wore the forbidden fabrics or upholstered furniture with it.43 Even when the ban was in full force, the ladies of the court continued to deck themselves out in their favorite Indiennes. Indiennes in the black market were sold at a premium compared with their price in the world markets, making smuggling quite lucrative. It [the black market] gave a fillip to the establishment of calico printing workshops in Switzerland and the Netherlands where they were not illegal.44 Textile manufacturers in the city of Lyon actively campaigned for and sought rigorous enforcement of the French ban on the importation of the Indian cotton and Asian silk. George Riello asserts that due to its demand in both England and France, cotton became “. . . mechanised and industrialised thanks to the fact that it was a global commodity.”45 According to Riello, despite efforts by the British East India Company and the Dutch VOC46 to expand the woolen trade to Asia, the venture failed—for the very simple reason that China, India, and Southeast Asia preferred one fabric and one fabric alone: cotton.

Indian cloth in Southeast Asia To this day, Southeast Asian textiles are considered among the most exciting art forms to have emerged from that region of the world. In Southeast Asia, textiles are considered a real source of wealth and are a highly valued material culture. Textiles rank among the preferred or required material gifts for marriage. Credible nineteenth-century historical evidence47 points to high-quality Indian textiles listed as gifts presented to local rulers. Although primarily used for clothing,

43 Virginia Postrel, “Before Drug Prohibition, There Was the War on Calico.” Available online: https://reason. com/2018/06/25/before-drug-prohibition-there/, July 2018. (accessed March 30, 2021). 44 Namish Adhia, “When the French Banned Indian Textiles.” Sage Business Case. Available online: http:// sk.sagepub.com/cases/skpromo/S82NkW/when-the-french-banned-indian-textiles, January 4, 2021 (accessed March 30, 2021). 45 George Riello, Cotton: The Fabric That Made the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 149. See also: https://networks.h-net.org/node/22055/reviews/151850/farooqui-gottman-global-tradesmuggling-and-making-economic-liberalism 46 The Dutch East India Company, officially the United Dutch East India Company (Dutch: Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie; VOC; Indonesian: Kompeni), was a megacorporation founded by a governmentdirected consolidation of several rival Dutch trading companies (voorcompagnieën) in the early seventeenth century. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dutch_East_India_Company 47 John Guy, Woven Cargoes: Indian Textiles in the East (Singapore: C.S. Graphics, 1998), 72.

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. . . textiles in Southeast Asia have numerous other functions including their use as religious hangings, royal insignia, theatrical backdrops, sacred talismans or secular currency, for they are intimately connected to systems of religion, political organization, marriage, social status and exchange.48 Indian cloth from the states of Gujarat and Bengal has traditionally been highly esteemed as trade items in Malacca (Malika) in Indonesia. Among the earliest surviving Indian textiles in Indonesia are a series of large painted cotton cloths from Western India and noted by John Guy.49 Textile trade from India to Southeast Asia was centered in Gujarat. Ruth Barnes describes the importance of Indian textiles in Asia’s maritime commerce: Cloth from Gujarat, Bengal, and the Coromandel Coast was exported to many parts of the Indian Ocean . . . especially in Southeast Asia where textiles frequently moved from secular into a religious context and could eventually become elevated to the high status of heirloom items.50 Although Indonesia enjoys its own rich history of weaving, Indonesian appetite for Indian cloth has been unmistakable—long occupying a prestigious niche in their culture. In fact, imported Indian fabrics contributed to the development of new Indonesian designs and innovative techniques. Two of the most important, especially in Eastern Indonesia, were double ikat silk patola (singular: patolu)51 and mordant-resist dyed cotton fabrics. These textiles ultimately became part of Indonesia’s indigenous weaving tradition, with an especially high value placed on patola, the most complex of ikat textiles. Patola may be defined as a double ikat woven sari, usually silk. However, it may also be woven from cotton or even a combination of silk-cotton fibers. The first evidence of imported Indian cloth is based on documents from the Middle Ages, which refer to an Indian textile called buta Kling putih. This white cloth, woven in Kalinga (India’s eastern coastal region), became a popular commodity in Indonesia’s island societies from the ninth century onward.52 Powerful sultans in various regions and cities such as Ternate and Tidore used Indian cloth as gifts to glorify their power. Patola cloth also played an important role in ritual gatherings and ceremonies, draped over sacred objects or used as wall hangings.

48

Robyn Maxwell, Textiles of Southeast Asia. Tradition, Trade, and Transformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 9. 49 John Guy, “Rama, Rajas, and Courtesans Indian Figurative Textiles in Indonesia,” in The Secrets of Southeast Asian Textiles Myth, Status and the Supernatural, ed. Jane Puranananda. The James H.W Thompson Foundation Symposium Paper (Bangkok: River Books C., Ltd, 2007), 40. 50 Ruth Barnes, “Indian Textiles for Island Taste. Gujarati Cloth in Eastern Indonesia,” Ars Orientalis 34 (2004): 135. 51 Patola are double ikat woven saris, usually made from silk. Three families in Patan, Gujarat, India, weave them using a technique that is a closely guarded family tradition. That weaving technique is passed down to sons rather than to daughters. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Patola_sari 52 Barnes, “Indian Textiles,” 138.

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As might be expected, Indian weavers and trade merchants became familiar with Indonesia’s taste for color and patterns and produced commodities in alignment with market demand. Indian cottons imported to Egypt may also have had the same dye-resist pattern as those imported to Indonesia, but they differed in their color schemes. Egyptians preferred blue while Indonesians favored red, the color associated with fertility (as well as danger).53 Egyptian culture associated the color blue with “fertility, birth, rebirth and life— and frequently used this particular hue to depict water and the heavens.”54 According to Wilkinson, the color blue may also symbolize the Nile, so essential to agricultural crops and to the survival of vast numbers of people living along its shores. Furthermore “. . . many of the so-called ‘fecundity’ figures which represent the river’s bounty are of this hue.”55 Because cotton patola imported from India was not affordable to the masses, less pricy imitations were manufactured to appeal to a larger population, as John Guy writes: “To satisfy the less wealthy end of the Indonesian market, block-printed mordant dyed cotton imitations were produced, also in India.”56 Many of the old imitation patola survive, revealing that they were not always of high quality or of clearly registered patterns. In other words, no balanced, quality control was practiced in regard to the imitation patola. In Indonesia, Indian-made patola were used to lay on the shoulder with proportions made to suit the common width and length accordingly. The handmade, imitation block-printed patola continued to be produced in India to supply Indonesia’s market demand until the late ninenteenth century, at which time newer and faster mechanized technology was introduced. Although the origin of patola may be traced to its Indian “motherland,” patola left a long-lasting influence on the local textile design of Indonesia. For example, Guy mentions certain Indonesian textile-producing communities that incorporated patola flower medallions: “In Sumba certain motifs were adapted from patola into the local ikat [weaving] tradition specifically as status indicators: a superb nobleman’s blanket, [waist wrap] (hinggi) from East Sumba has a patola-derived four-pointed flower as its centerfield.”57 It should be noted that although India has always been the chief supplier of cloth to Southeast Asia, both Cambodia and Thailand also engaged in selling cloth to Indonesia, particularly to Malika, although these exports were of considerably cheaper quality compared to Indian cloth.58 Towards the middle part of the nineteenth century, Javanese cloth began to appear in the markets of South Sumatra, replacing Indian fabrics.59 Two primary factors hampered

53

Ibid. “Color in Ancient Egypt,” World History Encyclopedia. Available online: https://www.worldhistory.org/ article/999/color-in-ancient-egypt/ (accessed July 25, 2021). 55 R. H. Wilkinson, Symbol & Magic in Egyptian Art (London: Thames & Hudson, 1999), 107 (as listed in: https://www.worldhistory.org/article/999/color-in-ancient-egypt/). 56 Guy, Woven Cargoes, 90. 57 Ibid., 96. 58 Ibid. 59 Anthony Reid, “Southeast Asian Consumption of Indian and British Cotton Cloth, 1600–1850,” in How India Clothed the World, The World of South Asian Textiles, 1500–1850, ed. Giorgio Riello and Tirthankar Roy (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 31–51. 54

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the demand for high-quality Indian cloth in Southeast Asia: Indian textile prices became prohibitively expensive for the average consumer and inexpensive look-alike kalamkari productions were introduced. These cheap reproductions were not color fast because several time-consuming steps in printing and preparing the fabric and dyestuff were skipped. In fact, the production of authentic kalamkari textiles requires twenty-three steps, all of which are completed by hand. As early as 1648, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had passed “. . . an edict prohibiting the importation and sale of counterfeit kalamkari and imposing severe penalties for violations.”60 Indeed, Indonesian textile producers became a worrisome factor for the VOC in the seventeenth century. Counterfeit cloth successfully competed with VOC textiles because, as is often the case, the high-quality product became too expensive for ordinary people to afford. Furthermore, VOC price gouging led consumers to turn to local, less expensive cloth. The loss of local consumers sent a warning signal to the Dutch, and yet another edict was issued in 1697 forbidding the trade in locally manufactured cloth without a VOC license. Guy notes that the company, in fact, could not control the purchase of locally produced textiles, and their efforts to impose local taxes and to prevent people from consuming locally produced textiles proved anemic. The [VOC] Company was powerless to prevent the local cultivation of cotton and production of cloth. Indeed, rulers actively encouraged their subjects to be selfsufficient, and the women of the court set an example with their batik-making.61 An unintended consequence of the Dutch price gouging of Indian cloth was the emergence of indigenous batik-making. The art of batik, as developed by Indonesia women, ultimately brought renown to the island nation. Therefore it may be credibly argued that the Indian-resist dye cottons gave rise to a fine batik tradition in Indonesia.62

Keffiyeh: From functional to symbolic Like the Dutch colonial presence in Indonesia, British occupation in, and dissection of, the Middle East (beginning with the Balfour Declaration of 1917) effected changes in the material culture of the people they occupied. Most particularly, the keffiyeh, or head covering for Arab men, emerged as a symbol of the Palestinian struggle for territory and homeland. Webster’s dictionary defines keffiyeh as an Arab headdress “consisting of a square of cloth folded to form a triangle and held on by a cord.” This cord is known as an agal (Arabic: ‫) ِﻋﻘَﺎﻝ‬, meaning rope or bond, and keeps a keffiyeh (also known as ghutrah) in place on the wearer’s head. Traditionally, agals were black and made from goat’s hair; however, less expensive options constructed of man-made fibers ultimately became 60

Ibid., 118. Ibid., 119. 62 Ibid. 61

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available. The keffiyeh is commonly found in arid regions, and functions to protect against frigid nighttime temperatures as well as daytime heat, sun, and sand. A more comprehensive description of the keffiyeh includes the following: The keffiyeh or kufiya (Arabic: ‫ ُﻛﻮﻓِﻴﱠﺔ‬kūfiyyah, meaning “from the city of Kufa (‫ ;) ْﺍﻟ ُﻜﻮﻓَﺔ‬plural ‫ ُﻛﻮﻓِﻴﱠﺎﺕ‬kūfiyyāt), also known as a ghutrah (‫) ُﻏﺘ َﺮﺓ‬, shemagh (‫ُﺷ َﻤﺎﻍ‬ šumāġ), ḥaṭṭah (‫) َﺣﻄﱠﺔ‬, mashadah (‫) َﻣ َﺸﺪَﺓ‬, chafiye (‫)ﭼﻔﻴﻪ‬, dastmal yazdi (Kurdish: ‫ )ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﺰﺩی‬or cemedanî (Kurdish: ‫)ﺟﻪ ﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬, is a traditional Middle Eastern headdress worn in the Middle East with origins from the Fertile Crescent (Iraq, the Levant, and Egypt) fashioned from a square scarf, usually made of cotton.63 Yassir Arafat, former leader of the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization, established in 1965 to oppose the British Mandate), wore his keffiyeh in a unique style by arranging it (roughly) in the shape of Palestine map, with a triangle pointing to his forehead, and draping the rest of the fabric over his right shoulder. (See Figures 3.5 and 3.6.) Once worn exclusively by men who owned and/or worked on Palestinian farms, the keffiyeh has become a globally recognized symbol of the Palestinian struggle. During the 2008 Olympic Games, Palestinian women wore them like headbands while Palestinian men wore shirts made of keffiyeh fabric, making for a unique and memorable visual display of national resistance. During political protests, the item has been attached (literally) to the Palestinian flag. The Palestinian militant Dalal Mughrabi (1959–78) was one of the first women to adopt the keffiyeh as a symbol of the Palestinian cause. Dalal, who died during PLO

Figure 3.5 Yasser Arafat wearing his keffiyeh. Shaped like Palestine, the item has a triangle pointing to his forehead; he drapes the rest of the fabric over his right shoulder. Source: https:// www.aljazeera.com/gallery/2012/7/3/in-pictures-yasser-arafats-life See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Keffiyeh The Kurdish: ‫ ﺟﻪ ﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬is also written as ‫ﺳﻴﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬

63

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Figure 3.6 An example of a T-shirt sold online. It features the word ‫( ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬Palestine) as well as the image of black-and-white keffiyeh shaped like a map of Palestine.

military action in Israel, is highly respected and considered a true heroine among Palestinians. While many Palestinian women wear the keffiyeh like a hijab, others wear it as a shawl draped around the shoulders or as a scarf around the neck. In other nations sympathetic to the Palestinian cause, such as Malaysia, Muslim women wear the keffiyeh in place of a regular hijab. Many Malaysians (male and female alike) use it to symbolize their solidarity. Militant pro-Palestinian Iranian women also wear the keffiyeh, not only in the traditional colors of black and white but also in green or red and white. Combining the colors green and white adds yet another symbolic layer, since green (in Iran’s Shi’a culture) is associated with Hussain, the Prophet Muhammad’s grandson. Green denotes Hussain’s chosen color in the struggle against corruption, a struggle which culminated in the tragedy of Karbala, also known as the Battle of Karbala, which occurred in Iraq in 61 ah of the Islamic calendar (October 10, 680 ce ). This battle, which intensified the division between Shi’a and Sunni, shaped the Shi’a identity to include exclusive rituals and a specific collective memory.64 Following the January 1978 Islamic Revolution in Iran, the Palestinian keffiyeh became widely used by Iranian politicians to demonstrate their resistance to governments deemed “arrogant and oppressive” ‫ )ﻣﺴﺘﮑﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ‬mostakbar va mostaza’f —initially a reference to the former Pahlavi monarchy and later to the U.S. government. Historically, the Islamic Republic of Iran has exploited the kaffiyeh for its own political agendas; for example, by encouraging government-organized groups of Iranian women to wear it during ceremonies memorializing martyrs of the Iran–Iraq War (1980–8). Surprisingly,

64 The battle has a central place in Shi’a history, tradition, and theology, and has been recounted frequently in Shi’a Islamic literature for various purposes—even in “lamentation” literature and poetry specific to the battle and its ensuing tragedies.

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and somewhat uncharacteristically, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad— the former president of Iran—chose to wear the Palestinian keffiyeh during public appearances. Even the supreme leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, cast his vote in Iran’s 2009 presidential election sporting a keffiyeh. A number of irregularities were reported in this particular election (the re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad). Millions of Iranian citizens took to the streets in protest, chanting: “Where is my vote?” ( raei man kojast? ‫)ﺭﺍﻳﯽ ﻣﻦ ﮐﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬. Demonstrators wore green as a symbol of their reformist campaign. Many participants in this Iranian Green Movement also wore the Palestinian keffiyeh, but with a green bandana, fusing symbols of the reformist party with the people’s struggle against oppressive governments. (See Figure 3.7.) Thus, both pro- and anti-government parties in Iran adopted the keffiyeh as a representative symbol, each side hoping to achieve opposing political objectives. Inspired by the Palestinian keffiyeh, the Islamic Government of Iran created a specific style of scarf known as a chafiye, worn by the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (Sepah-e Pasdaran Basij ‫)ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬. These cotton chafiye (‫ )ﭼﻔﻴﻪ‬scarves, originally produced with black checkers on a white background, were worn at the front during the Iran–Iraq War. Representing not only the martyrs of the war but also those of Karbala, the chafiye later was manufactured with white checkers on a black background. The most recent addition to the chafiye “family” is a green version with white checkers. (Figure 3.7 shows both styles of chafiye). During the Iran–Iraq War (referred to by the Islamic Republic of Iran as the “sacred defense”), Iranian soldiers regularly wore the chafiye, reportedly using it for other purposes as well, such as a prayer mat or even as a burial shroud. Originally a piece of clothing familiar only to agricultural workers and Bedouin people, the keffiyeh has no historic connection to the Islamic faith. Unfortunately, it has become strongly associated with terrorism over the past century, earning this textile the (erroneous) reputation of being synonymous with the religion of Islam. Several nations, such as Turkey, have banned its wearing in public. In Turkish, the keffiyeh is referred to

Figure 3.7 Chafiya worn by Iran’s Ayatollah Khamenei. In recent years, the chafiya worn in Iran a symbol of that country’s revolutionary idea has become imbued with more metaphorical ideas, such as the support for Palestinian resistance (similar to the idea of the Islamic government of Iran resilience to Western powers). 97

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as a poshu or a pushi scarf. Turkish authorities regard this fabric as evidence of support for the militant Kurdistan Worker’s Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK), whose members also wear it.65 Further complicating the keffiyeh’s significance is the fact that other radical Islamic groups—including Al Shabab in Somali, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps, Sepah-e Pasdaran Basij—have all adopted it to symbolize their struggle against oppressors. (Figures 3.8a and 3.8b.) Thus, those in opposition to the Palestinian cause now refer to the keffiyeh as a “terrorist” scarf. Beyond contemporary political environments, the keffiyeh has secured a niche in high fashion. Sonja Sharp references the intifada second only in importance to the Che [Guevara] T-shirt in terms of “. . . its global ubiquity and collegiate rebel chic.”66 Now one can buy the keffiyeh for as little as $5.00 and in colorful varieties—or frequent an upscale boutique instead for “designer quality.” Chinese manufacturers have flooded the market with keffiyeh-style imitations. Celebrities, hipsters, and other individuals in the public eye have jumped on the fashion bandwagon, some with no awareness of its original message. For many, it is merely an attractive piece of cloth, a textile fad with interesting variations. In 2016, Israeli fashion designer Dodo Bar Or created an entire line of women’s clothing using the keffiyeh, which gained recognition on runways and in

Figures 3.8a and 3.8b Many contemporary chafiye, bearing revolutionary messages, and proIslamic Republic of government, are sold online. It may be that these items now serve the same purpose as the printed posters so prevalent during the Iran’s revolutionary era and its war with Iraq. The scarves could be personalized and used as a “message board” to express someone’s political beliefs. Figure 3.8a shows printed photographs of Ayatollah Khomeini (the deceased former supreme leader of Iran), and the current occupant of that position, Ayatollah Khamenei. Source: https://gap. im/chapkomeil/23

65

Michael Dickinson, “Keffiyeh Crime in Turkey.” Available online: https://www.counterpunch.org/2012/05/15/ keffiyeh-crime-in-turkey/, May 15, 2012 (accessed June 16, 2019). 66 Sonja Sharp, “Your Intifada: Now Made in China!” Available online: https://www.motherjones.com/ politics/2009/06/your-intifada-made-china/ (accessed June 22, 2009).

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Figure 3.8b shows a young man with a chafiye held in front of a camera with finger prints dipped in red of those who believe in Islamic Revolution of Iran (the red ink is an indication that they would sacrifice their lives to support of this cause). One sentence in red script (Persian) states: I am revolutionary / ‫ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻢ‬Source: https://misaqh.ir/leader/other/738

fashion magazines, but which also stirred controversy for its exploitation of the Palestinian icon. Author Phillip Weiss criticized her for eroticizing the keffiyeh: “I can’t imagine Dodo Bar Or is considering the sentiments of 20 percent of the Israeli population, let alone the millions under occupation a few miles away. Many are sure to be offended by these clothes.”67 In 2010, reports surfaced of a new type of keffiyeh: the “Israeli keffiyeh,” followed by a later version called the “star of David keffiyeh.” The original Palestinian item, hijacked by fashionistas and subsumed by inexpensive Chinese imitations, was yet again under assault—this time by a carefully crafted Israeli version. As the Jerusalem Post reported, “It [the keffiyeh] might be considered by some as a symbol of Palestinian ‘resistance’ or solidarity, but for a group of young, hip US Jews, wearing a keffiyeh—especially one with blue embroidered Stars of David—is just as much their right as anyone else’s.”68 Inarguably, once this anti-war accessory entered high fashion, its political message was undermined. Furthermore, and unfortunately, numerous Palestinian keffiyeh 67 Daily Sabah, “Israeli fashion designer’s use of Palestinian ‘keffiyeh’ in her line draws criticism.” Available online: https://www.dailysabah.com/fashion/2016/02/03/israeli-fashion-designers-use-of-palestinian-keffiyehin-her-line-draws-criticism (March 2, 2016). 68 Ruth English, “Heads up! It’s the new ‘Israeli Keffiyeh.’ ” Available online: https://www.jpost.com/Israel/Headsup-Its-the-new-Israeli-keffiyeh (January 20, 2010).

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manufacturers have gone out of business as a result of the proliferation of cheap imitations. In short, the item’s popularity has spelled economic disaster for many people living in the very place that gave birth to the fabric and where securing a decent livelihood remains an ongoing challenge. To date, only one Palestinian manufacturer remains, the Hirbawi Keffiyeh Weavery, where the last authentic Palestine-made keffiyehs are produced.69 Few would argue that the original Palestinian keffiyeh has evolved significantly in color, size, and form from its original function as a farmer’s head covering. More importantly, however, this particular fabric demonstrates that functional textiles can be manipulated by political operatives and within political contexts to serve as effective symbols of a nationalist agenda and to convey a meaningful narrative.

The effect of Russian colonization on Central Asian textiles Islam spread to the northern Caucasus region in the eighth century and remains one of the most widespread religions in Russia today—second only to Christianity (the Russian Orthodox Church). Of the total Russian population (141.9 million), 7 percent identify as Muslim.70 A 2017 U.S. Department of State report places the estimate closer to 10 percent. Russian Muslim sects include Tatars, Bashkirs, Kazakhs, Chechens, and Avars (in Dagestan), all of whom adhere to Sunni Islam. Moscow boasts four mosques at present; the total number of mosques in Russia approximates 8,000.71 Central Asians have traditionally been nomadic; therefore, their domestic textiles had to be easily packed, stored, and transported. Hand in hand with this nomadic lifestyle came special attention to the beautification of their interior living spaces. This resulted in the creation of handwoven cloth, the development of fine embroidery skills, and mastery of decorative textiles such as suzani, a large, hand-embroidered textile panel. The word suzani derives from the Persian suzan, (‫)ﺳﻮﺯﻥ‬, which means “needle.” Thus, suzani (Persian= ‫ )ﺳﻮﺯﻧﯽ‬conveys needle work or embroidery, also known as golduzi (Persian= ‫)ﮔﻠﺪﻭﺯی‬, the literal meaning of which is “stitching flowers.” Suzan duzi translates as “needlework” in Persian (‫)ﺳﻮﺯﻥ ﺩﻭﺯی‬. The art of suzani originated among nomadic tribes in Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and other Central Asian regions. Chakan is a related form of embroidery with fanciful floral and abstract motifs, and is similar to golduzi and suzani. These related terms all suggest a garden full of flowers, with the size of the base fabric determining which specific term applies.72

69

“HIRBAWI Keffiyeh Weavery.” Available online: https://www.hirbawi.ps/ See: https://www.state.gov/reports/2019-report-on-international-religious-freedom/russia/ 71 I was unable to ascertain whether all the mosques in Russia remain active. 72 Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Tajikistan, Intangible Cultural Heritage in Tajikistan (Dushanbe: R-Graph, 2017), 152–3. 70

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Suzani has become highly collectable and valued for its beautiful workmanship, patterns, and aesthetics. Some Western museums and private collectors are in possession of high-quality and highly coveted antique suzanis. Although both Tajikistan and Uzbekistan are renowned for their suzani expertise, Uzbekistan is considered the epicenter of suzani production. When the Soviet Union was established in 1922, Central Asians’ native languages were banned, and they were required to speak Russian only. Prior to the Soviet invasion, Kazakhs, Kyrgyzs, Uzbeks, Tajiks, and Turkmens had all used Arabic script, symbolic of their strong connection to Islamic culture. Once Soviet domination took hold, these populations were required to adopt the Russian alphabet, with its Cyrillic script. Native traditions and religious practices were eventually modified as well, and any attempt to express cultural identity was deemed seditious. Hence, specific regulations to prevent expression of nationalist sentiment were set in place and strictly enforced. The Ukrainians, for example, were forbidden to wear native clothing; doing so signaled resistance to the Soviet regime. Disobedience or dismissal of this taboo often led to imprisonment. As Western garments were imposed upon populations in Muslim-dominated regions, resistance arose among Uzbek and Tajik women who wore the traditional Islamic veil. The Soviets tried to do away with this garment, and their ongoing attempts were met with varying degrees of success. Next came Soviet policies regarding textiles so that textile motifs, weaving techniques, and traditional fabric production were either lost or ultimately fused with the dominant culture. Although ancient symbols originally used in cloth and embroidery still exist, over time they have lost their traditional context and spiritual significance. Interestingly, the Russians developed a fondness for dressing in Central Asian apparel and often sat for their portraits wearing native ikat/abr coats. Russian tsars reportedly received ikat gifts, although no photographs survive as evidence. Etymologically, ikat derives from the Malay word mengikat, translating as “to wrap,” “to tie,” or “to bind.” Dutch scholars introduced this term into the European textile vernacular during the early twentieth century.”73 Ikat, then, refers to a dyeing technique originating in Indonesia; during this process individual yarns are bound or bundled together prior to dyeing (and prior to weaving) to achieve a specific pattern. The Uzbek word for ikat is abr (Persian: ‫)ﺍﺑﺮ‬, which translates as “cloud” because the regional pattern resembles a floating cloud. As a colonizing power, Russians differed markedly from the British and French, who would have considered it unthinkable to dress in the manner of people they colonized. . . . [C]olonial powers considered the people they ruled to be alien and different . . . colonial rule reorganized local life, affecting colonized people’s access to land, property, and resources, authority structures and institutions, family life and

73 Elmira Gyul, “How Ikat Accompanied History in Central Asia.” Available online: https://voicesoncentralasia. org/how-ikat-accompanied-history-in-central-asia/ (accessed July 30, 2021).

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marriage, among many others. These vast transformations of livelihoods had numerous cultural ramifications, including on dress.74 However, Elmira Gyul’s research75 suggests that Uzbek ikat did indeed became part of the Russian national dress, particularly representative of a bohemian lifestyle adopted by the Russian arts community in the early twentieth century. Professor Gyul76 writes that in Central Asia, ikat serves as “. . . a social phenomenon whose role has changed from one historical period to another.”77 Moreover, she states that Uzbekistan’s technique of producing ikat, for example, differs from the other ikat-producing communities in terms of complexity of pattern and color combinations. During a research trip to Dushanbe, Tajikistan (2019), I was introduced to Ms. Mokarama Kayumova78 by Professor Zulaykho Usmonova, an anthropologist with whom I had corresponded regarding Tajiki textiles. Ms. Kayumova explained to me how important it had been for the Tajiks to preserve their heritage and culture after Soviet domination ended in 1991. A leading textile expert in Tajikstan, Ms. Kayumova agreed to speak with me once again in 2021. During this conversation she explained that soon after the Russians arrived in Central Asia, they realized that indigenous peoples placed enormous value on, and were strongly attached to, the handwoven cloth they had been weaving for generations. The Russian colonizers established a foolproof strategy for shifting this dependency to Russian textiles: all looms belonging to native weavers were confiscated. This naturally resulted in the artisans losing their livelihood, which forced them to migrate to Russia in desperate search of work as day laborers. All too many of these skilled individuals never worked as weavers again. In addition, the high-quality, highly valued textiles that had been created were transported to Moscow, either seized by force or taken by locals to Russia where they sold their textile treasures for a pittance.

74 Karen Tranberg Hansen, “Colonialism and Imperialism.” Available online: https://fashion-history.lovetoknow. com/fashion-history-eras/colonialism-imperialism (accessed April 27, 2021) 75 Gyul, “How Ikat Accompanied History in Central Asia.” The Faraghaneh Valley, located in Central Asia, stretches from eastern Uzbekistan to southern Kyrgyzstan to northern Tajikistan. 76 Elmira Gyul is a professor at the National University of Uzbekistan; more specifically, she teaches at the Institute of Art Studies of the Republic of Uzbekistan’s Academy of Sciences. 77 Elmira Gyul, “How Ikat Accompanied History in Central Asia,” Voices on Central Asia. Available online: https://voicesoncentralasia.org/how-ikat-accompanied-history-in-central-asia/, January 9, 2020 (accessed April 26, 2021). 78 Mokarama Kayumova is perhaps one of the top experts in the field of Tajik textile restoration and research. Her research has led to a publication (in Russian and Tajik) titled Ornamental Heritage of Persian-speaking People, and she has authored numerous articles about the suzani and ikat fabrics of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Ms. Kayumova has also contributed to the Encyclopedia of National Handicrafts of Tajikistan, addressing embroidery styles and other related topics. She is the founder of the handicraft movement in Tajikistan, a member of the public council under the President of the Republic of Tajikistan. Her mission includes promoting the importance of handicrafts in Tajikistan’s economy. She has also given presentations on the country’s precious textiles at exhibitions in Iran, India, Israel, Belgium, France, Malaysia, Thailand, Russia, and Bulgaria. I was honored to have met Mokarama and to have visited her office and studio, where she trains students to restore fragile suzanis as well as supervises preparations for exhibitions.

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Thus, Russia became the final destination of these extraordinary textiles, all of which likely remain in the possession of private collectors and museums.79 Ms. Kayumova further explained that the remarkable originality and innovative patterns and color combinations found in ikats—produced in both Uzbekistan and Tajikstan prior to Russian colonization—have been lost. This inestimable loss is deeply felt by textile experts like herself and by museum curators who marvel at the remaining antique ikat /abr and suzani fabrics. All that can be done at this point is to preserve and catalogue them. Ms. Kayumova also sadly acknowledged that the best examples of these Central Asian textiles (housed in Russian museums) will never be enjoyed by the native Tajik and Uzbek populations among which the artistry originated. Ms. Kayumova convincingly explained that this situation is the outcome of seventy-five years of colonial policy and domination. In response to this loss, Ms. Kayumova has made it her life’s mission to preserve as many traditional Tajik textiles and costumes as possible, and to mentor an entourage of associates and students who will carry on her work in future. She has produced a sizable collection of suzanis and ikats, including impressively detailed archival information. Gyul’s research reinforces Ms. Kayumova’s assertion that Soviet occupation spelled the end of Central Asian handwoven textile artistry, including the abr. (See Figures 3.9 and 3.10.)

Figure 3.9 An example of Tajiki abr/ikat silk fabric. Source: author’s private collection; item purchased in April 2019 in Dushanbe, Tajikistan. 79

The author also conversed with Mokarama Kayumova over the telephone. At the time of this conversation (April 19, 2021), Ms. Kayumova was visiting with relatives in New York.

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Figure 3.10 In this picture, Ms. Mokarama Kayumova (in her workshop) is showing the author a beautiful antique handmade suzani that she repaired. Also note the beautiful abr / ikat gown she is wearing. April 2019, Dushanbe, Tajikistan. In the 20th century, abr silk clothes were for ordinary, everyday wear. Abr fabrics were produced in weaving factories. However, in the Soviet period, production of silk fabrics by individual artisans was outlawed as part of the prohibition of private property. The new economic conditions had a negative effect on all types of traditional crafts.80 Prior to the 1917 Russian Revolution, Central Asian Jews and Muslims played key roles in the silk fabric trade. Jews were primarily indigo dyers and textile merchants,

80

Elmira Gyul, “How Ikat Accompanied History in Central Asia.”

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while Muslims were more closely associated with the weaving process.81 As previously stated, after arriving in Central Asia, Russian merchants and officials realized the significance of cloth in the economies of their newly acquired territories. Russians wanted to sell their own products, including cotton cloth, to the recently colonized population. Initial Russian involvement in Central Asian textiles was therefore purely profit-driven in scope. Unlike the native, high-quality handwoven cloth that was fairly expensive, Russian cotton cloth was cheaply manufactured and therefore affordable. Its low price naturally appealed to the local population, who purchased the fabric as lining for their beautiful handwoven gowns. From that point forward, Central Asian garments were typically lined with Russian printed textiles. . . . although Russia’s goal in bringing cotton cloth to Central Asia was purely commercial, the introduction of these attractive and inexpensive fabrics had more far-reaching social consequences than the cotton merchants could possibly have imagined. The people of Central Asia took Russia’s cloth and made it their own.82 The aforementioned quote by Susan Meller is true only in a narrow sense since, in fact, Russia succeeded in destroying the cherished traditions of handwoven Central Asian textiles spanning generations. Pushing their own cheap cotton fabrics imprinted with Communist propaganda, Soviet Russians flooded the textile market, erased competition, and imitated ikat (abr) fabrics on mechanized looms, effectively putting textile artisans out of business. Soviet Russia turned its attention to cultivating Central Asian cotton, and in so doing their colonized nations peripherally benefited. That is, new railway lines were constructed, not only for military use but also to transport cotton to Russia, all of which gave rise to new industrial enterprises.83 However, Igor Lipovsky describes the process of “cottonization” in Central Asia as giving rise to multiple issues, among them “. . . acute shortage of food crops in the region . . . insufficiency of vegetables, fruits, wheat, meat, and milk. No less serious is the shortage of water, caused by excessive cottonization.”84 In short, irrigation of the cotton fields exhausted water resources. Russia’s increasing demand for more cotton proved disastrous in terms of exploiting natural environments and recklessly depleting resources of their colonized Central Asian territories.

81 Susan Meller, “An Introduction to the Peoples of Central Asia,” Russian Textiles Printed Cloth for the Bazaars of Central Asia (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 2007), 11. 82 Ibid., 29. 83 Igor Lipovsky, “The Central Asian Cotton Epic,” Central Asian Survey 14. no. 4 ( 1995): 529–42. 84 Ibid., 534.

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Tajikstan: Textiles and national branding Gabriele Mentges alludes to nation branding as an effort to create and/or project images that depict any given society as desirable and possessed of an affluent economy. Nation branding entails “. . . a strategy often enacted through the use of textile histories and artifacts as economic resource.”85 Mentges further asserts: “. . . contemporary textile culture is defined as history and continuation of the Silk Road in order to convert it into a commercial brand in the tourism industry.”86 It is no exaggeration to say that Russia’s colonized territories in Central Asia have suffered this type of redefinition and nation branding of their textile histories. One need only look to Tajikistan. Emomali Rahmon, elected president of Tajikstan in 1994, issued a dress code decree twelve years later. This decree included a ban on gold teeth, which he deemed unacceptable in that their wearing marked Tajikstan as a backwards nation.87 Most especially, state employees (both men and women) were prohibited from wearing gold prosthetic teeth (dandoni tiloi) that the Tajik government claimed misrepresented Tajikistan to the foreign public, thereby hindering foreign investments.88 The Tajik commission also stated that there should be an “. . . appropriate dress code for both men and women,”89 a thinly veiled response to the increasing number of Tajik women wearing black clothing. A year earlier Rahmon had made a speech about Islamic dress, spearheading the campaign against female employees wearing the hijab at specific Tajik institutions.90 In 2017, the Culture Secretary of Tajikistan announced: “. . . the ministry is preparing samples of national women’s clothing, in order to avoid [the] wearing [of] foreign clothes [by Tajik women].”91 Thus the Tajik government has made every effort to enforce national identity through dress codes that have been . . . incorporated into the production of historical narratives that emphasize elements of Aryan, Tajik, Persian and, to a carefully policed degree, Muslim character of the nation. . .[by] understandings of Tajikistan’s ethno-national identity in which ‘Islamic culture’ entails ‘modernized,’ yet depoliticized, forms of

85 Gabriele Mentges, “Between Design, ‘National Dress’ and Nation Branding, the Dynamics of Textile Culture in the Process of Uzbek National Formation,” in Textiles as National Heritage: Identities, Politics and Material Culture Case Studies from Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Algeria, and Peru, ed. Gabriele Mentges and Lola Shamukhitdinova (New York: Waxmann, 2017), 11–12. 86 Ibid. 87 Georgiy Kuhaleyshvili, “Rakhmon’s Fifth Term: Tajikistan’s Eternal Ruler Preserves His Power.” Available online: https://112.international/politics/rakhmons-fifth-term-tajikistans-eternal-ruler-preserves-his-power61076.html, May 5, 2021 (accessed May 16, 2021). 88 Ibid. 89 Massoumeh Torfeh, “Why is Tajikistan imposing a dress code on its people?” Available online: https://www. aljazeera.com/opinions/2017/7/31/why-is-tajikistan-imposing-a-dress-code-on-its-people, July 31, 2017 (accessed April 15, 2021). 90 Ibid. 91 Ibid. In this quote ‘the foreign clothes’ is a reference to the black hijab worn by Muslim women, mostly those in Arab nations.

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cultural heritage of tradition that have been promoted and controlled by state officials since the 1930s.92 Tajik women are encouraged to use cotton fabric produced in Tajikistan and to refrain from wearing imported Chinese textiles that are cheaper, but of lower quality. Throughout his long presidency, Emomali Rahmon has reminded women to avoid wearing black and to choose instead multi-colored cotton textiles made in Tajikistan. During the years of colonization, Soviet Russia made every effort to eliminate religious practices, particularly those of Islam, and portrayed Islam as evidence of backwardness among Central Asian populations. Even today Tajik policies make every effort to accommodate Russian policies, as Tajikistan ranks among the poorest of former Russian colonies and, therefore, remains very much dependent upon the Russian government’s good will and financial support. A sensitive diplomatic balance must be maintained.93 Ironically, the Tajik Minister of Culture, Shamsiddin Orumbekzoda, saw no contradiction in instructing Tajik boys and young male adults to wear white dress shirts, neckties, and Western-cut suits while classifying the black hijab as “foreign” clothing.94 (There is a similar dress code policy in Uzbekistan.) (See Figure 3.11.) When I was in Dushanbe, capital city of Tajikistan, in 2019, I saw that most schoolboys and men (though not elderly men) were indeed attired in Western-style suits with neckties, appearing as if in uniform. I also personally witnessed many individuals of all ages, male and female, with gold teeth. During those initial days in Dushanbe, when interacting with individuals whose mouths were almost entirely filled with these dental adornments, I certainly took note. However, as time passed, I became accustomed to this widespread practice. The sparkling gold teeth of women selling wares in the market, for example, became as commonplace as their gold jewelry, and simply reflected dentistry prior to the introduction of composite technology. Two years prior, in 2017, The Washington Post reported that Tajik women receiving text messages from the government reminding them to wear the “traditional dress of Tajikistan”: The [Tajik] government says the new rule [dress code], passed by legislators in August [2017], will help combat Islamist radicalism. The country’s Muslims, though, see a more nefarious aim — an effort to regulate their faith. Ninety percent of Tajiks are Muslim, but the government has worked assiduously to stamp out most markers of the faith.95 92

For a thoughtful discussion regarding the imposition of public dress code in Tajikistan, see: Diana Ibanez,“Gold Teeth, Indian Dresses, Chinese Lycra and ‘Russian’ Hair: Embodied Diplomacy and the Assemblages of Dress in Tajikistan,” The Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 34, no. 2 (2016): 34–41. 93 Tajikistan is highly dependent on aid from Russia. In 2012, it received US $3.595 billion in migrant remittances, approximately 48 percent of its GDP. Some 1.5 million Tajiks work abroad, mostly in Russia. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russia%E2%80%93Tajikistan_relations 94 Ibanez, “Gold Teeth,” 34–41. 95 Amanda Erickson,“Tajikistan Officials Are Texting Women to Tell Them What to Wear.” Available online: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/09/09/tajikistan-officials-are-texting-womento-tell-them-what-to-wear/, September 9, 2017 (accessed April 16, 2021).

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Figure 3.11 Turkmen silk embroidered tie. This example is from 1920, and makes obvious reference to Soviet motifs. These ties were compulsory for men employed by the Soviet Turkmen Government, and according to Turkishfolkart (https://turkishfolkart.com/product/turkmenistanstate-official-silk-embroidered-ties/) were worn into the 1970s and 80s. Looking closely at the examples in this image, we can see: a. top square: a circle with red background and white hammer and sickle. b. below the small square pattern, Cyrillic script in blue (I am not able to read it). c. below the script in the bordered area there is the date 19. .? (I am not able to determine the exact numbers after 19). Turkmenistan became part of the Soviet Union in 1925, but the internet site on which this item is posted gives the date of 1920. d. the main body of the embroidered tie is taken up by a clock tower. This is a very direct political statement because this building in question is the Kremlin clock tower. Source: reproduced with the kind permission of Mr. Hamid Tavakoli (textileasart@textileasart. com), owner of Art of Persepolis Inc., 300 East 40th Street, Suite 14N, New York, NY, 10016.

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False statements made by government officials habitually portray women who wear the hijab as backward and uneducated; these statements particularly take aim at the Salafi96 sect. State-controlled Tajik media have even used propaganda to suggest that women who cover their faces might be prostitutes and, beneath their hijabs, are imbibing drugs!97 One mode of resistance to the Soviet-imposed principles of Tajikistan’s brand image98 has proven especially creative. Tajik activists, primarily women, have dyed their hair blonde to protest government decrees, a chic decision to avoid looking Russian! The legacy of Soviet domination in Tajikistan continues. By strategically relocating huge numbers of people—Russian and Central Asian—to Dushanbe and by making the Tajik capital a center for cotton and silk production, the Soviets managed to break down the linguistic and cultural unity of their colonized subjects and to exert long-term political control over future policies. In short, Soviet Russia effectively transformed Tajikstan’s political and economic landscape and, long after relinquishing control, made national brand imaging possible.

Soviet symbols on woven carpets Of the many Soviet guidelines dictated to Central Asian artisans, one of the most insidious required that they incorporate Communist symbolism. Essentially, artisans and their artistic works were used as tools to promote Communist propaganda, particularly among the working class, via their creativity: on book covers, on household items such as teapots and cups, on murals and posters, and, of course, in fabrics and textiles. Soviet propaganda also trumped traditional designs on Central Asian carpets. For example, the faces of Soviet leaders were woven into carpets. Because of the carpets’ aesthetic qualities, skilled workmanship, and intrinsic value, many Russian families sought genuine hand-knotted carpets as status symbols. These carpets—manufactured in Central Asia or other regions renowned for high-quality handwoven carpets such as Turkey or Iran—held double value. Their utility in Russian homes was recognized in terms of both form and function. Not only were they highly decorative as wall hangings but they also provided essential warmth on walls during bitterly cold winter months, especially in homes constructed with inadequate insulation. If fact, it was the very popularity of these carpets that gave Soviet authorities the idea of using textile art as propaganda. Artisans were ordered to create beautiful suzani incorporating events from the Bolshevik Revolution or scenes depicting Soviet industry,

96

Salafism is a reform branch of Sunni Islam which advocates a return to the ancestral traditions of the Prophet Muhammed in Saudi Arabia. The Salafi sect adheres to strict religious principles, eschewing secularism. Salafis strongly oppose the doctrines held by Sufis and Shiites. 97 Erickson, “Tajikistan Officials.” 98 Ibanez, “Gold Teeth,” 34–41.

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such as farm machinery harvesting bounteous crops. Soviet youth participating in school and sports events were also prescribed subjects. To say that Soviet colonization exacted a high price on the territories it dominated is somewhat of an understatement. The short- and long-term impacts on the Central Asian people, their diverse cultures, arts and traditions, are challenging to measure in full. How does one fully assess or appreciate the ramifications of losing even one traditional aspect—native script, for example? Does this mean that Central Asian generations will be hard pressed to access their native literary legacies? With questions such as these still looming, the long lasting “. . . effects of colonialism should not be brushed aside or dismissed as insignificant . . .”99 Indeed, to the keen observer, colonialism’s residual effects are apparent in the daily life and material cultures of formerly subjugated nations, whether one is examining political events, educational opportunities, socioeconomic status, or domestic and international policies.

99 Megan Caldwell, “The Effects of Colonization: How it Happened and How it Still Continues.” Available online: https://medium.com/@megancaldwell62/the-effects-of-colonization-how-it-happened-and-how-itstill-continues-b463350d1ac5, February 19, 2017 (accessed May 20, 2021).

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CHAPTER 4 REFUGEES AND DISPLACED PERSONS: TEXTILE SIGNATURES

According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the protection of women in areas of armed conflict is a matter of increasing global concern. As noted in my publication Muslim Women in War and Crisis, “Women and Children make up 80 percent of refugees worldwide. As soldiers, as refugees, and as survivors of war-related incidents and sexual violence, women are often affected by war in markedly different ways from men.”1 Refugees of both genders are often forced to leave loved ones behind, uncertain as to when, if ever, they might be reunited. When refugees leave familiar homelands to escape armed conflict, one can only imagine their desperation in seeking international protection.2 Frequently risking life and limb to cross oceans and borders, they are likely to fall into the hands of smugglers who, while collecting large sums of money, offer no guarantee of safe arrival. Those who manage to survive often encounter detention or imprisonment by local authorities, as well as hostility on the part of local residents. For example, Western European authorities and locals alike worry that an influx of refugees increases the possibility of terrorism and therefore represents an unwelcome burden on their communities. In addition, “Negative views of refugees are tied to negative views about Muslims.” 3 Fifty percent of Europeans believe that “. . . refugees steal our jobs and social support.”4 In general, refugees feel unwelcome, resented, and humiliated. Lukasz Krzyzowski and Magdalena Nowicka note that many non-European and non-Christian immigrants have raised concerns regarding “. . . Europe’s core values such as respect for equality and democracy, considered the source of European solidarity,”5 but which are challenged during this turbulent time.

1

Faegheh Shirazi (ed.), Muslim Women in War and Crisis (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010), 2. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations_High_Commissioner_for_Refugees https://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/European_migrant_crisis 3 Jacob Poushter, “European Opinions of the Refugee Crisis in Charts,” Pew Research Center. Available online: https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/09/16/european-opinions-of-the-refugee-crisis-in-5-charts/, September 16, 2016 (accessed May 11, 2021). 4 “What do Europeans think about refugees?” Available online: https://www.comillas.edu/en/chair-in-refugees/ news/14727-what-do-europeans-think-about-refugees-2-3 5 Lukasz Krzyzowski and Magdalena Nowicka, “European Solidarity as Boundary-making: A Conjoint Analysis of Attitudes Towards Islam in the Context of the ‘Refugee Crisis’,” Journal of Sociology 57, no. 2 (2021): 2. 2

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As an interpreter of Persian (Farsi, Dari, and Tajiki)6 since the 1990s, I have seen, talked with, and worked alongside social workers and counselors assisting refugee families from Afghanistan, Iran, and some from Tajikistan. Each group and each case have been predictably unique. However, the majority of Afghan refugees are escaping war-torn regions, while Iranian refugees are primarily political refugees at odds with Iran’s regimes, or members of religious minorities. As for individuals from Tajikistan, most of these refugees are also fleeing for political reasons. Among Afghan refugees, I have encountered a significant number of widows with children—most especially, women who have lost husbands in the war. Numerous other Afghan women have travelled to the US on their own, hoping to be reunited with their husbands in the future. Beyond working as an interpreter, I have also served for several years on the editorial board of the Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies—a position that affords familiarity with literature and publications concerning refugees and asylum cases from Muslim majority nations. Many of the refugee organizations where I have worked offer English language (ESL) classes as well as instruction in strengthening interview skills. Their overarching goal is to help refugees become self-sufficient and independent as quickly as possible. When objectives are achieved, including job acquisition, it is not uncommon for individuals to shed their refugee status within four short months. Job availability has primarily been in the service industry—in basements of hotels, for example, where jobs require neither English fluency nor highly specific skills. These jobs, typically in hotel laundries or cleaning service departments, tend to dismiss any textile skills that refugees, and especially refugee women, may have brought with them, such as sewing or embroidery. Because refugee women, by and large, have never worked outside their homes to earn money, and because they are not encouraged to discuss personal or painful topics, it is easy to understand why any previous experience they may have had working creatively with cloth might be overlooked. (See Figures 4.1 and 4.2.) In progressive refugee programs, art therapy has been successfully implemented to support individuals recovering from the trauma and anxiety of displacement. Art therapy, including embroidery needlepoint and other handiwork arts, has proven an especially helpful modality in the treatment of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in Muslim Bosnian refugee women. Participation in art-centered activities requires creative focus and concentration and, generally speaking, has shown promising results in terms of enhanced social interaction and stabilized mental states. According to

6

“Persian is a Western Iranian language belonging to the Iranian branch of the Indo-Iranian subdivision of the Indo-European languages. Persian is a pluricentric [polycentric] language predominantly spoken and used officially within Iran, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan in three mutually intelligible standard varieties, namely Iranian Persian, Dari Persian (officially named Dari since 1958), and Tajiki Persian (officially named Tajik since the Soviet era). It is also spoken natively in the Tajik variety by a significant population within Uzbekistan as well as within other regions with a Persianate history in the cultural sphere of Greater Iran.” Available online: https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Persian_language

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Figure 4.1 This small piece of embroidery is the work of Fahimeh X (not her real name), a middle-aged Afghan refugee for whom I acted as interpreter in a refugee settlement agency in Austin, Texas. One day, she told me how she missed the small garden at her house in Kabul. She then pulled from her purse this small piece of hand-embroidered cloth. She said: “I miss the flowers I used to plant—but I carry this small embroidery [sic] as a reminder of my home garden.” The script states: “The flower in our house, Kabul” / “Gol e khaneh e ma / ‫ ” ﮔﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‬Source: author; with the permission of Fahimeh (2008).

Figure 4.2 A Palestinian keffiyeh is put to creative use in an art project used as a wall hanging. This item was made by Palestinian refugees in Jordan. This is a verse from the Qur’an (Yusuf 64) often used as a prayer or on amulets. It means: “but God is the best of protectors /Arabic: ۖ ‫ ﻓَﺎ ُ ﱠ َﺧ ْﻴ ٌﺮ َﺣﺎﻓِﻈًﺎ‬fa-allahu khairun hafidhan.” Source: image provided by Dr. Ghadeer Okayli.

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Wertheim-Cahen, art therapy for displaced persons gives them a positive transition to empowerment and a useful tool to express grief and loss.7 According to Mary Ann Cohen: . . . art is a relaxing and inspiring activity for many people. However, the particular benefits of artistic expression go much further than relaxation and enjoyment. Studies suggest that art therapy can be very valuable in treating issues such as depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder and even some phobias. It is a great way to express your emotions without words, process complex feelings and find relief.8 The relationship between material culture and one’s emotions is nothing new, yet only in recent years have publications on this subject appeared.9 Cloth, like any other material culture item, has its own history—and, as has been discussed in earlier chapters, may be imbued with memory, ritual, emotion, and symbolism. Its tactile quality especially helps patients communicate when language fails to express depth of feeling. Experts suggest that art therapy can complement a traditional health treatment program aimed at behavioral management, processing feelings, reducing stress and anxiety, and improving self-worth and self-esteem. Art therapy is a safe outlet providing a sense of control over one’s life and a way to better understand one’s emotional state.10 In most cultures, cloth is associated with women, and, for that reason, it is believed to be “emotionally charged”: Textiles remain emotionally charged for a myriad of reasons, including their association with women’s history, admiration of skill, and the sensation of physical comfort created by the touch of soft textiles on the skin. Furthermore, the ability of clothing to retain the shape of previous owners can evoke the physical presence of long dead bodies.11 The direct relationship between fabric and emotion is also evident in patchwork quilts made from remnants of clothing belonging to family members. Cloth, previously worn by either living or deceased beloveds, is imbued with memories of that person. Pieces of

7 T. Wertheim-Cahen, “Art Therapy and Trauma: A Different Setting, a Different Approach,” In Art Therapy and Political Violence With Art, Without Illusion, ed. D. Kalmanowitz and B. Lloyd (London: Routledge. 2005), 216. 8 Mary Ann Cohen, “Creativity and Recovery: The Mental Health Benefits of Art Therapy,” Gateway to Mental Health Services. Available online: https://www.rtor.org/2018/07/10/benefits-of-art-therapy/, July 10, 2018 (accessed May 6, 2021). 9 See, for example: Alice Dolan and Sally Holloway, “Emotional Textiles: An Introduction,” Textile: The Journal of Cloth and Culture 14. no. 2 (2016). 10 Alexandra Hanania, “A Proposal for Culturally Informed Art Therapy with Syrian Refugee Women: The Potential for Trauma Expression Through Embroidery,” Canadian Art Therapy Association Journal 31 (2018): 33–42. 11 Dolan and Holloway, “Emotional Textiles, ” 156, https://doi.org/10.1080/14759756.2016.1139369

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familiar worn cloth stitched together, evocative at both tactile and olfactory levels, easily trigger memory and emotion. Refugee centers, such as GlobalGiving in Jordan and Shatilal Studio in Beirut (Lebanon), Palestine, and Syria,12 have increasingly turned to art therapy in treating individuals suffering from trauma—especially those arriving from the Muslim majority nations of Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq. In recent years, Germany has received more than one million asylum-seekers from the three aforementioned Middle East nations, with data revealing that “. . . the number of first-time applicants [in Germany] increased from 442,000 in 2015 to 722,000 in 2016.”13 Indeed, a 2020 report from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) documented 82.4 million people having been forcibly displaced worldwide.14 For refugees pouring into Western Europe and elsewhere, the acquisition of a new language is usually the most problematic roadblock to assimilation. Because children are exceptionally quick language-learners, they often serve as their parents’ interpreters. This situation potentially places additional pressure on the family unit, changing the power dynamic at home and, on occasion, contributing to the breakdown of family stability. An additional destabilizing factor for immigrant families may be noted in the “. . . increasing number of Muslim asylum seekers and refugees convert[ing] to Christianity in Europe. The conversion motivation of these individuals is unknown.”15 One can only speculate that asylum-seekers, in an effort to assimilate and be accepted in their adopted homeland, may sacrifice deeply personal religious beliefs in order to fit in to their new culture. While many European countries have been overwhelmed by, or have resisted, the refugee surge, Denmark has proved the exception, “. . . [taking] the view that refugee and immigrant women are a valuable resource rather than a problem group—as demonstrated by the Kurdish girl who shared valuable knowledge about weaving from her memories.”16 The Danish government creatively financed a solution to the “refugee problem,” seeking help from a coalition of universities, creative sectors, and museums to establish support networks for new arrivals.17 It should be noted, however, that Denmark receives significantly fewer refugees than other European nations and therefore does not face the same levels of challenge. In the following pages are textile works by refugees and displaced persons from a variety of Muslim groups: Siddi, Afghan, Iraqi, and Syrian. My goal is to demonstrate the importance of cloth as an emotionally evocative and historically significant document, a vehicle for storytelling as it were. Beautiful textiles created by these different ethnic

12

Shatila Studio is a social enterprise run by and for Syrian and Palestinian refugee women. Operating from the Shatila camp in Beirut, Shatila Studio produces handmade needle art and women’s fashion, all of which are created entirely in house. See: https://refugeeinvestments.org/opportunities/shatila-studio/ 13 Kéri Szabolcs and Christina, “Religious Conversion to Christianity in Muslim Refugees in Europe,” Archive for the Psychology of Religion 39 (2017): 284. 14 UNHCR The UN Refugee Agency, “Refugee Data Finder.” See: https://www.unhcr.org/refugee-statistics/ 15 Szabolcs and Sleiman, “Religious Conversion,” 283. 16 J. A. Malcolm-Davies and M. L. B. Nosch, “THREAD: A Meeting Place for Scholars and Refugees in Textile and Dress Research,” Archaeological Textiles Review no. 60 (2018): 118. 17 Ibid.

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groups often reveal painful and very personal experiences—such as those endured by the Siddis, taken as slaves from Southeast Africa to the subcontinent of India. I also include examples from non-Muslim refugees who have documented their painful journeys of capture and migration in exquisitely handcrafted materials.

The Siddis of India The Siddis, or Habshis, are descendants of Bantu-speaking people who once lived in the region now known as Tanzania. They also resided along the coastal strip from Ethiopia (previously Abyssinia [Arabic: ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺒﺸﺔ‬, al-habāsha]) to Mozambique. In 628 ce , Arab slave traders began to enslave these Africans, as did the Portuguese and British at later dates, transporting them to India where their descendants still live today.18 Although Siddis have been in India for many centuries, they are still considered outsiders, as Henry John Drewal observes.19 The Encyclopedia Britannica defines Habshi as “. . . African and Abyssinian slaves in pre-British India. The name derives from the Arabic word H · abashī (Abyssinian) through its Persian form.”20 Indian Siddis are confined to small communities in the “. . . states of Karnataka, Maharashtra, Gujarat and the city of Hyderabad.”21 Most live in the Uttar Kannada District, located along the Western Ghats Mountains. The Siddis of India are heterogenous; that is, they speak different languages and practice different religions, depending on where their communities are located. Although many Siddis identify as Muslim (Sunni), some also follow Hinduism and Christianity. While religion has played a significant role in Siddi history, their religious differences have never proven a divisive factor among the various groups.22 An estimated 25,000–70,000 Siddis live in India and a sizable number (an estimated 250,000) reside in Pakistan, where they are known as Makranis. Karachi, part of India before the 1947 Partition, was a sizable and significant slave-trading center.23 Portuguese colonizers imported Africans to their Indian colonies between 1530 and 1740. The British passed the Indian Slavery Act in 1843, abolishing slavery at last. It should be noted, however, that not all Siddis were enslaved. Many arrived in India “. . . as merchants, sailors and mercenaries before the Portuguese slave trade went into overdrive.  Even when slavery was abolished, the Siddis fled into the country’s thick jungles and forests,

18 Sumanth Reddy, “Siddi Life and Their Sense of Belonging in Karnataka, India.” Available online: http://www. focusongeography.org/publications/articles/siddi/index.html, March 15, 2021 (accessed July 20, 2021). 19 Henry John Drewal, “Soulful Stitching: Patchwork Quilts by Africans (Siddis) of India,” African Arts 46, no. 1 (Spring 2013): 9. See: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43306121 20 H· abshī, African and Abyssinian enslaved persons: https://www.britannica.com/topic/Habshi 21 Neelima Vallangi, “India’s Forgotten African Tribe.” See: https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20160801-indiasforgotten-jungle-dwellers, August 6, 2016 (accessed July 17, 2021) 22 “Countries and Their Cultures, South Asia.” See: https://www.everyculture.com/South-Asia/Sidi.html (accessed July 17, 2021) 23 See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siddi. Depending on the source, one may find differences in reported numbers.

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fearing recapture and/or torture.”24 Today, significant numbers of Siddis continue to live in isolation, while others have settled in towns and villages. Within the Indian caste system, Siddis are categorized as lower caste. Given their marginalized economic status and historical tendency to isolate in safely remote locales, it is challenging for Siddi children to attend school or advance beyond a secondary education. Nevertheless, Sumanth Reddy speaks about the Siddis’ sense of belonging to India and to Indian culture: Except for retaining some of the physical features of their African ancestors, the Siddis have little-to-no cultural connection to Africa. Every Siddi that I spoke to said that they considered themselves Indian because of how well they have integrated into the surrounding socio-cultural landscape. They speak the same languages, dress the same way, eat the same food, and practice the same religions as any other Indians in the area. To the Siddis, they are the same as anyone else there, and their place attachment to the surrounding forests and landscapes is profound.25 While it is true that their African physical traits (e.g., darker complexion and facial features) mark them as “other” and that they rank among the poorest of India’s people, Siddis have managed to establish and maintain a unique identity. For example, many Siddi communities celebrate traditional (Goma) music and dance, as well as a belief in Bava Gor, the Muslim Sufi mystic healer.26 Beheroze Shroff states: “According to the oral history as retold by Siddis today, Bava Gor was an Abyssinian military leader on a mission from Africa via Arabia to subdue evil spirits and black magic practitioners in Gujarat.”27 Bava Gor is known for restoring order and enabling the Siddis to assume the role of faqhir / fakirs (Arabic: ‫ )ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‬in their social communities. In the fakir role, Siddi racial differences are viewed as an advantage, connoting special powers and healing capabilities. Indeed, according to tradition, individuals from Siddi communities are entrusted as caretakers of Muslim Sufi shrines. Helena Basu addresses the importance of Siddi identity through their shared experience and performance of music, songs and dances.28 Basu explains that through

24

Ibid. Reddy, “Siddi Life.” 26 The Gujarati Siddis are Muslim Sufis dedicated to Bava Gor, a black African saint celebrated in their music and dance. Like the main shrine of Bava Gor in Ratanpur, there are also remote, and much smaller, memorial shrines (chillas) dedicated to Bava Gor. Like the main shrine, these replicas are adorned with ritual materials such as the chadhar, or cloth, and fresh flowers. Any devotee of Bava Gor who wishes to receive direct baraka, or blessing, however, must visit the main shrine at Ratanpur. Nevertheless, the replica shrines are also considered sacred ground and their power is sustained by regular votive offerings, as well as the recitation of dhikr (ritual Sufi prayer) and fatiha (“opener” or first prayer in the Qu’ran). Sites such as these are regularly maintained by Siddis. See: https://africanheritageindia.org/shrines-for-bava-gor/ 27 Beheroz Shroff, “Goma is Going On: Sidis of Gujarat,” African Arts 46, no. 1 (Spring 2013): 20. 28 Helena Basu, “Music and the Formation of Sidi Identity in Western India,” History Workshop Journal, no. 65 (2008). 25

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their music, the Siddis are becoming known to a wider audience. As with their musical artistry, the Siddis’ extraordinary quilted textiles, created by communities of skilled women, are also gaining acknowledgment and attention beyond India, particularly in the modern art world. In South Asian cultures, quilts are used both functionally and symbolically: not only for warmth and as a comfortable place to sit or recline, but also as a centerpiece for commemorating special occasions and as a canvas for documenting stories of their creators’ lives.29 Among the Siddis, the functionality of the quilt takes top priority and is central to its creation and maintenance. An auxiliary feature is to memorialize significant life events, storing memories as well as recording stories in the making. The quilts are also used for gifting purposes. It is customary for women within the same Siddi community, and particularly within an extended family, to sit together and create quilts as gifts for each other. The term kawandi specifically refers to quilts made by Siddi women in the Indian communities of North Karnataka. Anitha Reddy has observed the following: [Quilting] skills are passed from mother to daughter. It is part of every household [in which] the mother makes these quilts and the daughter observes from a young age. Although there is no formal, focused . . . training in these skills at any particular age, [daughters] either take it up before or after marriage. After marriage, daughtersin-law are responsible for making quilts for their husbands and families. It is considered a salient duty. One of the women in the community told me how they felt the pressure to make these quilts for their [new] families rather than making one for themselves. The ‘kawandhis’ (quilts) signify . . . a feeling of home that the daughters carry with them . . . to their new homes.30 Unique features, including distinctive use of color, set kawandi quilts apart from other handmade quilts produced in India. Referring to kawandi as patchwork quilts is something of a misnomer, as they are actually created using an appliqué technique. Patches of repurposed clothing are placed over a cotton sari foundation and handstitched with a running stitch. The quilter works from the outer border toward the middle and the center, usually counter clockwise. These quilts are always finished with a triangular piece of fabric made for each corner of the quilt, known as phulas, or flowers. The key addition of the triangular “flower” finalizes and finishes the quilt. Each quilt is notably unique, its measurements taken by hand rather than measuring tape. One unit of length, for example, is measured from the tip of the quilter’s finger to her elbow. As for the materials, Anitha Reddy notes:

29 Exhibition May 15–November 7, 2010,“South Asian Seams, Quilts from India, Bangladesh and Pakistan.” International Quilt Museum.Lincoln:University of Nebraska.Available online:https://www.internationalquiltmuseum. org/exhibition/south-asian-seams (accessed July 19, 2021) 30 Anitha Reddy, interviewed by author online and by telephone, May 31, 2021. Ms. Reddy is a Community Arts Practitioner, researcher, and curator. She has interacted with, and advocates for, the Siddi quilters.

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The materials [used] . . . . are sourced from . . . material available at home, scraps from the tailor, or [on occasion bought] from stores. Usually the quilters collect scraps over a long period of time. They prefer white cloth, using it most often as the background, then playing with colors and placing other pieces [on top of] it. [Also] their saree blouses seem to be . . . material of choice due to the colorful, decorative appearance. They use synthetic materials predominantly rather than cotton, as cotton is more expensive.31 Although some individuals unfairly characterize Siddi quilt makers as “untrained” or “illiterate,” the reality is that their artistic expertise, in both design and process, represents a remarkable aesthetic. Rather than confining quilt design to rigidly geometric, structured patterns, the Siddis of Karnataka prefer a free-spirited, unbridled approach. Henry John Drewal notes that “. . . [while] a quilting tradition is not unique to the Siddis—other neighboring cultural groups [in India also] create similar work—Siddi quilts are made by an unusually challenging process and have a distinctive style that sets them apart from those of other groups.”32 Careful thought goes into the planning stages for each quilt, with the quilter developing designs based on fabrics available at the time. Each quilter creates her own repertoire of patterns, none of which is written or sketched on paper but, rather remarkably, stored only in memory. Again, Anitha Reddy describes this design process: They visually plan out what really works and what comes together by . . . comparing and experimenting, placing together scraps they possess. Usually they try to stick to material collected and available at home. As they start to actualize their design, this process may be influenced by their own experiences, by their surroundings, by what others suggest or critique. Hence their designs tend to be alive and dynamic.33 To stitch together all layers of fabrics, thick white thread and a large needle are required, demanding endurance and powerful hands. Religious motifs may be included as an aesthetic component in the quilts. For instance, “Sometimes a Catholic Siddi woman will sew one or more crosses . . . A Muslim quilter may incorporate a crescent or mosque silhouette. Others will vary or intensify the straight-lined running stitch with a cluster of stitched patterns in the central patch.”34 By using small, regular, closely spaced running stitches, the quilter creates constant, active rhythmic movements in addition to the colorful patches. (Figures 4.3 and 4.4.) . . . Siddis prefer bright and light colors and patterns, which makes sense given their interior domestic contexts—dark sleeping rooms in homes with small,

31

Anitha Reddy: online and telephone interviews. Drewal, “Soulful Stitching,” 10. 33 Anitha Reddy: online and telephone interviews. 34 Drewal, “Soulful Stitching,” 12. 32

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shuttered windows, only recently supplied with electricity. They especially prize baby quilts filled with brightly colored tikeli [brightly colored cloth] in a variety of shapes and sizes that they explained would “stimulate and entertain” the child wrapped in it.35

Figure 4.3 This quilt was made by Patimabi and her sister Hanipabi, who live in a compact Muslim village in Kalghatgi taluk in the Dharwad district of Karnataka, India. The sisters use a complicated quilting process that makes their style unique and striking. Sometimes they work together on the quilt in the house while doing the household chores or outside while working in the fields. The process involves taking fabric scraps and arranging them in stylistic geometric patterns. Patimabi, the elder sister, usually makes the quilts while Hanipabi assists her by piercing the running stitches, picking up the needle passed by Patimabi. This quilt displays Patimabi’s signature style of pathimabi. Source (both image and text): Anitha Reddy, March 2021. 35

Ibid., 13.

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Figure 4.4 A group of Siddi women quilters, Karnataka, India. Source: Anitha Reddy, March 2021.

As they age, these quilts have many uses beyond the purposes for which they were originally intended. They may be cut to create new quilts or re-designed as doormats or dust rags. Over many years, the fabric is never wasted. Not surprisingly, after being “discovered” by Western art scholars and having had their textiles exhibited in museums and galleries, Siddi quilters are at last acknowledged for the extraordinary artists that they are.36 Exposure to their colorful, vibrant kawandis has motivated Western audiences to explore socio-cultural traditions of the African diaspora in the Indian subcontinent. Moreover, the quilts have become a significant incomegenerating source for Siddi women. Catholic organizations based in India as well as organizations such as the Siddi Women’s Quilting Cooperative offer invaluable help and support by promoting the marketing and sale of Siddi quilts. Meanwhile, other women of color—also masterful quilters and also descendants of slaves—have been engaged in similar activities across the globe in Wilcox County, Alabama (USA). These are the phenomenal artists of Gee’s Bend,37 a community on the site of a former cotton plantation established in 1816 with eighteen African American slaves. Close comparison of some Gee’s Bend and Siddi quilts reveals surprising aesthetic similarities in color and design. Importantly, over many generations, these women from very different cultural traditions pieced together quilts with frugal, humble

36

Examples of Siddi quilt exhibitions in the US: Soulful Stitching: Patchwork Quilts by Africans (Siddis) in India: https://www.moadsf.org/exhibition/soulful-stitching-patchwork-quilts-by-africans-siddis-in-india/ Soulful Stitching: Patchwork Quilts by Africans (Siddis) in India. Exhibition at Wellesley College. Massachusetts: https://www.wellesley.edu/events/node/140521 37 “Gee’s Bend.” See: https://www.soulsgrowndeep.org/gees-bend-quiltmakers, July 15, 2011–September 25, 2011 (accessed July 22, 2021).

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hands—sharing histories of ancestors violently uprooted from native African homelands and forced into slavery. Whether from the Siddi or Gee’s Bend communities, quilts created in both regions—emerging out of legacies of oppression and discrimination— are now being lauded and honored at the highest levels across the contemporary art world.

Afghan refugee women: Embroidered lives Given its geography as a crossroads between Central and South Asia, Afghanistan has long experienced cataclysmic struggles for territory and power. Generations of Afghans have endured political instability and the brutality of war. It is not surprising, then, that the country has been the departure point for some of the largest refugee populations in the world, notably in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.38 During the Taliban regime (1996–2001) when artistic expression was banned, multiple art forms, including embroidery, became endangered activities. As the time of writing, with the evacuation of NATO troops in August 2021, the Taliban has once again control of Afghanistan and threatens to impose a restrictive jihadist regime. As discussed in this chapter’s introduction, art therapy offers refugees a highly effective way of trying to come to terms with, and perhaps ultimately purge, nightmarish memories. However, even in the absence of psychologists or social workers, individuals still maneuver through traumatic experiences by shifting their focus away from immediate tragedies and focusing on artistic endeavors instead. The following quote from the Journal of Museum Ethnography (2008) makes this point clear. An image in the journal shows a young Afghan girl “. . . taking refuge in the wrecked airport of Kandahar— tracer bullets, bombs and rockets exploding around her—calmly embroidering [on a piece of cloth].” Sheila Paine explains that “. . . far from a gentle pastime for idle ladies, or a vehicle of artistic expression for the gifted, embroidery in Afghanistan often simply means survival.”39 During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979–89), over six million Afghans fled across borders. After the Soviets’ departure, many returned home but over two million Afghan refugees remained in Iran and Pakistan. Indeed, “. . . the armed conflict and deteriorating law and order and human rights situation . . . resulted in a large number choosing not to return [to Afghanistan].”40

38

“Refugee Data Finder.” The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR): https://www.unhcr.org/refugee-statistics/ (accessed August 16, 2021). 39 Tabitha Cadbury (reviewer),“Embroidery from Afghanistan by Sheila Paine; Embroidery from Palestine (Fabric Folios) by Shelagh Weir.” Journal of Museum Ethnography. No. 20, Objects of Trade: Papers from the Annual Conference of the Museum Ethnographers Group Held at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, May 21–22, 2008. p.182. See: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40793885 40 “Refugees from Afghanistan: The World’s Largest Single Refugee Group,” Amnesty International, November 1999. AI Index: ASA 11/16/99. P. 1

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Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) made efforts to help Afghan women benefit from the sale of their heritage handiwork. Rachel Lehr,41 an American scholar who established the grassroots project Rubia, documents how embroidery projects in Pakistan refugee camps brought global attention to the Afghan refugee crisis and, at the same time, created economic gains for Afghan women (primarily belonging to the minority Pashai tribe). Lehr began the embroidery project in 2000 in Pakistan’s Lahore slum district of Khanjurwal, with the United States as its target market. Earning a decent income enabled women embroiderers to pay for new cloth, thread and other supplies. Equally important, Rubia included literacy components . . . . . . intended to link education with economic opportunity. Rubia also began to incorporate very basic health practices into the embroidery program. Its commitment to reviving traditional textile techniques extends to using historical dyes. Additionally, Rubia’s model is embedded in a threefold commitment: working at the grassroots level, working in the Afghan family context, and preserving cultural heritage.42 . . . It became clear that basic health and literacy classes would also serve to model vocational behavior skills necessary for the success of each woman’s embroidery enterprise.43 According to Lehr, when women embroiderers are supplied with adequate materials and are provided helpful guidelines and training, they produce a higher quality of work—as well as enjoy an increased potential for commissions. In addition to literacy programs, Rubia provided classes in basic hygiene and vocational skills to better prepare Afghan refugees for their return home. The literacy program was open to all women, even those beyond the embroidery community. The centuries-old craft of carpet-weaving is a skill that some Afghan refugee women have carried, and continue to carry, with them as they escape into new lives. As these women weave so-called “war rugs,” innovative patterns emerge that reflect devastation and crises. These “war rugs” are discussed in the following section.

Weaving and war: Carpets depicting a nation under siege Afghan war rugs represent both the Soviet occupation (1979–89) and the American occupation (2001–21) of Afghanistan.44 In these carpets, we witness the iconography of

41 Rachel Lehr, “Mending Afghanistan Stitch by Stitch. How Traditional Crafts and Social Organization Advance Afghan Women,” in Land of the Unconquerable: The Lives of Contemporary Afghan Women, ed. Jennifer Heath and Ashraf Zahedi. California Scholarship Online, May 2012: https://california.universitypressscholarship. com/view/10.1525/california/9780520261853.001.0001/upso-9780520261853-chapter-17 42 Ibid., 259. 43 Ibid., 248. 44 Gary Wheeler, “Visual Expression of Violence and Symbolic Speech: Gendered Arts of War,” ResearchGate: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237750747 2004.

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war and war machinery enmeshed within traditional patterns, colors, and motifs. Military symbols, along with visual representations of direct war experiences, record tragic histories. Weavers of these traditional hand-knotted rugs are semi-nomadic, skilled weavers (women and girls) who create rugs primarily in Afghanistan and in Pakistan’s refugee camps. (See Figure 4.5.) After the terrorist group Al-Qaeda attacked the United States on September 11, 2001, Afghan carpets incorporating images of war began to appear on global markets. These rugs, initially crude and unsophisticated, evolved over the years with increasing refinement to appeal mostly to Western markets. Beyond domestic collectors and

Figure 4.5 This rug (known as a war rug, or combat-inspired rug) belongs to an established tradition in Afghanistan; rugs of this type were woven by Afghan women while thery were in refugee camps in Pakistan. The rugs started to appear on the market as early as 1979, when the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. The motifs shown on earlier examples (following the Soviet invasion) were basically Russian war machinery and the rugs were purchased by Russian soldiers. Beginning in 2001, however, the motifs changed. The patterns became more detailed, and depicted American military machinery, such as AK-47 assault rifles, artillery tanks, and helicopters. Other motifs— maps, local landmarks, and portraits, for example—are also popular among weavers and buyers. These rugs are collectable items, they are purchased or commissioned by private collectors and different museums. The war rugs are also a visual documentation of Afghanistan’s turbulent history, from the Soviet invasion right up to the present day. Source: author’s private collection, purchased in 1985.

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military personnel deployed in Afghanistan, museums and private collectors also began to purchase them. The carpets provide visual testimony of a nation passing through various stages of war. The rugs also serve as a genre of memorial art documenting the suffering visited upon ordinary Afghans. War rugs had helped Afghan women weavers in refugee camps generate income in the twentieth century as well, during the Soviet occupation. Initially, these earlier rugs were small doormats depicting Soviet-made military objects. Popular design motifs included Kalashnikov AK-47 assault rifles, grenades, helicopters, and tanks. The small size was perhaps meant to test the market or determine sales potential but, from a cultural perspective, because doormats are associated with dirt on one’s shoes, they made a powerfully symbolic statement about the Russian invaders. Over time, these preliminary products attained sophistication, depicting maps of Afghanistan with neighboring countries and marking the Soviet departure with dates and inscriptions such as “evacuation of Soviets from Afghanistan” in both English and/ or Persian. A second category of carpets reflected Afghan civil wars (1996–2001). The Mujahideen Afghan rebels and guerrilla groups that had opposed the Soviets split into various factions, one of which was the Taliban. Portraits of patriots and various political or religious figures were then woven into small carpets available for purchase. For example, it is not unusual to see the faces of religious leaders such as Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran, popular among the Shi’i Hazara people in Afghanistan or the woven images of former American presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama on small Afghan handmade carpets from this era. The most recent “war rugs” reflect the military occupation of Afghanistan by the American-led coalition (2001–21). The US responded to the 9/11 attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Center with a declaration of “War on Terror.” As a result, subsequent Afghan “war rugs” included images of the (World Trade Center) Twin Towers to underscore a peaceful relationship between Afghanistan and the United States. One example of this type of rug includes a map of the two nations side by side, adorned with traditional symbols of peace (i.e., a white dove bearing an olive branch). Many Afghan women, forced to leave possessions and homeland in order to flee Taliban atrocities, have ended up living long term in Pakistan’s refugee camps. Those who bring with them the centuries-old skill of weaving hand-knotted carpets “. . . have found an outlet to try and manage the PTSD [post-traumatic stress disorder] they suffer as a result of prolonged war and violence in Afghanistan.”45 However, as these women try to earn income for their families, they face other cruel realities and mistreatment in Pakistan, including exploitation by middlemen. In the Khurasan refugee camp in Peshawar, for example, close to the Pakistan–Afghanistan border, the women’s pay is exceedingly low, and they are remunerated only when a carpet is completed, which often

45 Mahwish Qayyum, “After Fleeing Violence in Afghanistan, Carpet Weaving Provides Refugee Women with a Meagre but Vital Lifeline in Pakistan.” Available online: https://www.equaltimes.org/after-fleeing-violencein?lang=en#.YUuvV6BOmgF June 30, 2021 (accessed September 26, 2021).

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requires two to three months of labor. Reports from the northern Pakistan city of Quetta describe carpet weavers who haven’t received their wages for nearly six months. Moreover, given that one to three women usually work together on a single piece, payment is necessarily shared and therefore anything but excessive. Unfortunately, because of COVID-19, orders for carpets have dwindled, threatening the economic wellbeing of these refugee women. Foreign consumers are also likely unaware that these skilled women frequently work in challenging conditions and are subject to respiratory ailments as a result of inhaling fibers. They also suffer musculoskeletal issues in the joints of their hands and fingers due to long hours of repetitive weaving and knotting with poorly designed tools. For those refugees directly impacted by Afghanistan’s seemingly endless wars, the rugs discussed here serve as testimony to women’s endurance under siege, whether in their homes or as displaced persons in refugee camps—a type of historic record to inform future generations. The following sections explore the complex effect of war on Iraqi and Syrian textile artisans.

Iraqi refugees: Textile arts of the past During the early 1930s, Great Britain constructed Hamilton Road in Iraqi Kurdistan, which allowed the “. . . British army to bomb villages resisting efforts to influence them by the Arab–Iraqi central government of the period. This action had a long-lasting and farreaching effect on the social and economic lives of villages and nomadic tribes of this area.”46 This road connecting Erbil (Iraqi Kurdistan) to the Iranian border passed through nomadic lands, bringing Western technology to the region for the first time. Hamilton Road exposed the indigenous population to new man-made textile fibers as well as synthetic dyes—all of which impacted the decorative textile arts of the region. Nomadic people began using chemical dyes rather than traditional natural dyes, finding the synthetic dyestuffs easier to use and faster to process, thus speeding up production. Many cultural groups passed along Hamilton Road, each group bringing something new into what had once been a hardly accessible region. Certainly the road benefitted the nomads economically. However, their beautiful handiwork, developed over generations, suddenly became subject to outside influence. Among the most visible changes were colors and motifs, newly integrated, with some of the older color choices and designs discarded. In short, the nomads began creating their textiles in alignment with the taste of consumers. “A major example of this adaptation to the design aesthetics of another culture is the abandonment of symbols used by their community since the pre-historic period—symbols such as human and animal figures, stars, and swastikas. . .”47 The

46 Anne-Marie Deisser and Lolan Sipan,“Decorative Art or Art Practice? The Conservation of Textiles in the Kurdish Autonomous Region of Iraq,” Studies in Conservation (2012): 80. Available online: https://www.tandfonline.com/ doi/abs/10.1179/2047058412Y.0000000025 47 Ibid., 81.

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swastika motif, for example, borrowed from an ancient Indian culture, originally symbolized happiness and fertility. Also among abandoned motifs were Jewish and Christian symbols. Essentially, Iraqi nomads sacrificed centuries of weaving tradition to secure a niche in the global market. Up to the 1980s, natural wool blankets were woven on handlooms with geometric patterns and traditional animal and flower patterns. These blankets, no longer commercially available, have been replaced by mass produced (machine-made) Chinese versions. Iraq experienced a turbulent twentieth century, not the least of which was due to Saddam Hussein’s presidency (1979–2003). Taking advantage of Iran’s internal turbulence after the new Islamic Republic of Iran was established in 1979, Hussein invaded Iranian territories, initiating the Iran–Iraq war that lasted eight years, from 1980 to 1988. Two years later, on August 2, 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait and the Gulf War commenced, resulting in some 3 million refugees fleeing Iraq and Kuwait. Alan Taylor records the U.S. response: On January 16, 1991, President George H. W. Bush announced the start of what would be called Operation Desert Storm—a military operation to expel occupying Iraqi forces from Kuwait, which Iraq had invaded and annexed months earlier. For weeks, a U.S.-led coalition of two dozen nations had positioned more than 900,000 troops in the region, most stationed on the Saudi-Iraq border. The U.S. post-9/11 wars have displaced at least 38 million people in and from eight countries: Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, the Philippines, Libya, and Syria.48 On March 19, 2003, yet another Bush president, George W. Bush, declared war on Iraq. In a televised statement, he proclaimed the following: “At this hour, American and coalition forces are in the early stages of military operations to disarm Iraq, to free its people and to defend the world from grave danger.”49 The U.S. justification for initiating war with Saddam Hussein was based on the claim that Iraq possessed, or was in the process of manufacturing, weapons of mass destruction. This report was later disproved, and irrefutably so. As of 2020, approximately 9.2 million Iraqis had been internally displaced or were living as refugees abroad.50 In April 2021, the United States Central Command51

48 Alan Taylor, “Operation Desert Storm: 25 Years Since the First Gulf War,” The Atlantic. Available online: https:// www.theatlantic.com/photo/2016/01/operation-desert-storm-25-years-since-the-first-gulf-war/424191/, January 14, 2016 (accessed August 8, 2021). See also: https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/infocus/ iraq/news/20030319-17.html 49 [copy to follow] 50 Chantal Berman, Neta C. Crawford, Omar Dweachi, Zainab Saleh, David Vine, “Iraqi Refugees,” Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, Brown University. Available online: https://watson.brown.edu/ costsofwar/costs/human/refugees/iraqi 51 The United States Central Command (USCENTCOM or CENTCOM) is one of eleven unified combatant commands of the U.S. Department of Defense. It was established in 1983, taking over the previous responsibilities of the Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force (RDJTF). It is noteworthy that CENTCOM is designated as a terrorist organization by the government of Iran. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_ Central_Command

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announced that due to ISIL (or ISIS)52 resurgence, there were no plans for a total withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq.

Syrian and Iraqi refugees: Embroidered quilts and the charuga The global Advocacy Project (AP) works with its partner in Jordan, the Collateral Repair Project (CRP), to assist Syrian and Iraqi women seeking refuge from the devastation of war. Beginning in 2016, CRP established the Hope Workshop in Amman, Jordan— supporting refugee women in recounting their perilous experiences and preparing them to become financially self-sufficient. The center opened with only twelve refugee women telling their stories through embroidered squares, which were then stitched together as quilts. This embroidery handiwork included the following themes: leaving one’s native land, destruction of one’s home, splitting up of one’s family and, most tragically, the loss of loved ones. Iraqi women, particularly in earlier embroideries, described ISIS attacks. In later examples (2017), “The artists began to produce more gentle images . . . [but] their earlier depictions of violence continue to make a powerful impression, made more poignant by the exquisite needlework.”53 Importantly, the Advocacy Project-sponsored Hope Workshop creates opportunity for these resilient women to support themselves financially, to find dignity, and to escape being labeled as dependent on Jordanian welfare or charity. A sizable number of religious minorities reside in Iraq, including adherents of Christianity, Yazidism, Mandaeism, Shabakism, and Yarsanism. Iraqi Christians rank among the oldest established group of Christians in the world, belonging to the Eastern Aramaic-speaking ethnic Assyrians (descendants of ancient Assyrians).54 In the Assyrian Christian city of Qaraqosh in northern Iraq, a clothing item exclusive to Assyrian communities, the charuga, is worn over their dress. The charuga, a mantle-like, flat piece of embroidery with rows of symbolic images appearing horizontally across the piece, is knotted to the garment with a bright and densely embroidered design. (See Figure 4.6a and 4.6b.)

The Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Arabic: al-Dawlah al-Islāmiyyah fī al-ʿIrāq wa al-Shām (Arabic abbreviation Dāʿish or Daesh), also called the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Since June 2014, the Islamic State transnational Sunni insurgent group has been operating primarily in western Iraq and eastern Syria. First appearing under the name ISIL in April 2013, the group launched an offensive in early 2014 that drove Iraqi government forces out of key western cities, while in Syria it fought both government forces and rebel factions in the Syrian Civil War. In June 2014, after making significant territorial gains in Iraq, the group proclaimed the establishment of a caliphate led by the leader of ISIL, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. International efforts to defeat the group led to its decline, and both Syria and Iraq considered ISIL effectively defeated by November 2017, though ISIL continued to hold a small amount of territory as late as March 2019. See: https://www.britannica.com/topic/Islamic-State-in-Iraq-and-the-Levant 53 Iain Guest, “Train and Empower 50 Refugee Women in Jordan.” Available online: https://www.globalgiving. org/projects/hope-and-empowerment-for-syrian-and-iraqi-women/reports/?subid=123321, February 25, 2019 (accessed August 9, 2021). 54 “Christianity in Iraq.” See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christianity_in_Iraq 52

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Figure 4.6a and 4.6b Charuga used by Iraqi Christians, the oldest established group of Christians in the world. They belong to the community of Eastern Aramaic-speaking ethnic Assyrians, who are themselves descendants of ancient Assyrians. Worn over their other clothes, the charuga is exclusive to Assyrian communities. The item shown here was made by Suzan Fazal. Hailing from the Iraqi town of Qaraqosh, she still embroiders the traditional charuga. Her name in Arabic ‫ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‬and her initials appear on the top left-hand corner of the charuga. (Suzan also signs her name as Suzan Sukari in some of her other pieces.) The script on the top bar of the piece is in Syriac (Aramaic). Professor Na’ama Pat-El from the Department of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Texas translated the text for me, and it reads: “The beginning of wisdom is fear of God. In Syriac ‘fear of God’ refers to faith. This is a phrase from the Old Testament (Proverbs 9:10).” Source: Textile Research Centre (TRC), Leiden. With special thanks to Dr. Gillian Vogelsang-Eastwood, Director of the Centre, who personally provided the images for me. Catalog number: (TRC 2022.0914d). The photographs were taken by A. J. Salter, one of the TRC’s interns, on March 22, 2022.

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Little is known about the charuga outside Assyrian communities, likely due to their isolation and to the effects of war and displacement. Suzan Sukari, an Iraqi Christian Assyrian, and perhaps one of the only individuals working to revive this almost extinct tradition55 records that she: . . . learned embroidering the charuga from her grandmother who was a famous embroideress. For Suzan, the traditional Qaraqosh dress is not just a matter of pride in her heritage, it’s her bond with the past, her Christianity and her ancestral Assyrian traditions . . . she explains with a little sadness how old patterns have somehow been lost and have mutated into a new form of pattern language . . . “Our traditions were lost with the passing of time due to many factors such as the difficulty in acquiring the authentic materials, war, displacement and the advances of modernity.”56 In 2014, ISIS57 expanded their reach to the northern regions of Iraq, focusing especially on areas populated by Yazidis and Christians. To save herself and her children, Ms. Sukari fled Iraq, ending up in a refugee camp in Kurdistan. After three years, she returned to Qaraqosh to find their home and community destroyed. Nevertheless, she remained steadfast, and “. . . never stopped embroidering charugas.”58 Ms. Sukari resettled, firmly determined to save her cultural traditions, including the charuga and its very specific embroidery patterns. Fortunately, the Textile Research Center in Leiden, the Netherlands, placed several orders for charugas from Ms. Sukari. These pieces now comprise part of their permanent collection, informing and educating viewers about traditional Iraqi embroidery—a testament to the survival of a violent history and, most especially, occupation by ISIS.

Syrian refugees: The Ana Collection In March 2011 Syrians rose up against president Bashar al-Assad, sparking a civil war that continues to the present day. Pro-democracy demonstrations began in Deraa, in southern Syria. Similar uprisings in neighboring Arab nations, referred to as the Arab Spring (2010–12), provided a template for Syrian activists striving for religious and

55

Fatima Abbadi, “Ancient and Modern Charuga Patterns from Christian Iraq,” Textile Research Centre, Leiden: Netherlands. Available online: https://www.trc-leiden.nl/trc/index.php/en/blog/1049-how-inmodern-times-the-ancestral-charuga-patterns-evolved-into-a-new-pattern-language, May 31, 2020 (accessed August 11, 2021). 56 Ibid. 57 “Is It ISIS or ISIL?” ISIL stands for Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant. The Levant is the historic name given to the entire region east of the Mediterranean from Egypt, east to Iran and to Turkey. ISIS stands for Islamic State in Iraq and Syria because the group’s territory straddles the border between the two countries. The two acronyms refer to the same group. See: https://www.britannica.com/story/is-it-isis-or-isil 58 Abbadi, “Ancient and Modern Charuga Patterns.”

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ethnic tolerance. Taking advantage of the political instability, ISIS, a militant group espousing jihadist doctrine, wended its way into Syria, infiltrating cities in the northeastern region. Within a short time, ISIS militants imposed their caliphate style of ruling, which extended into Iraq as well. “The war has displaced over 50% of the Syrian population with over 25% of the population having fled the country. Military advantage has shifted from one side to the other—mainly reflecting the degree of external support but there is no end in sight,”59 notes Dr. Azeem Ibrahim. The ongoing Syrian civil war has created countless refugees seeking new and safer lives. As the time of writing, there are 5.6 million registered Syrian refugees, representing the largest displacement crisis in the world. “In 2015, Canada opened its doors to Syrian refugees . . . [and] is now home to at least 44,615 Syrian refugees. Of these refugees, four out of five are women and children.”60 In 2019, the Toronto-based organization Access Alliance began to offer health and settlement services as well as community programs and assistance to all immigrants and refugees. This organization “works to promotes health, wellbeing and improved access to services for immigrants and refugees in Toronto [Canada].”61 Over time the organization acknowledged, and began to include, embroidery (Arabic: tatriz ‫ )ﺗﻄﺮﻳﺰ‬as an effective art therapy in helping refugee women, including those from Syria, deal with the emotional and psychological effects of war. A few years prior, in 2016, two Syrian sisters living in Beirut, Lebanon—Marianne and Melina Moussalli—arrived at a remarkable idea. They decided to create a line of handembroidered cloth dolls as a means of telling the stories and expressing the hardships and dreams of Syrian women and children. The doll collection is named Ana, which in Arabic means “I am” (Arabic: ‫)ﺃﻧﺎ‬. The Syrian-Lebanese sisters explained that Ana was based on the life-saving work their aunt was doing in Aleppo, Syria. Although the sisters had lived most of their young lives in Syria, both had travelled to Lebanon to continue their higher education.62 However, their beloved aunt remained in Aleppo even after civil war broke out, unwilling to leave her homeland and, equally as important, determined to bring aid and support to displaced Syrians. The sisters asked their aunt (who, along with other volunteers, assists 800 displaced families each month) to send them stories told by Syrian children living in war zones—drawn in pictures, written in letters by their parents, or told directly to the aunt. Stories eventually came in from women as well, all living under incredibly stressful conditions in Syria.

59

Azeem Ibrahim, “Ending the Syrian Civil War: Is There a Federal Solution?”, Geopolitics, History, and International Relations 9, no. 2 (2017): 141. 60 Alexandra Hanania, “Embroidery (Tatriz) and Syrian Refugees: Exploring Loss and Hope Through Storytelling,” Canadian Journal of Art Therapy 33, no. 2 (2020): 62, https://doi.org/10.1080/26907240.2020.1844416 61 Access Alliance Multicultural Health and Community Services, https://www.canadahelps.org/en/charities/ access-alliance-multicultural-health-and-community-services/ The website states: “We are a leader in communitybased research and advocacy on issues related to the determinants of health and wellbeing and increasing access to services for marginalized groups. We actively seek to . . . build linkages with other agencies to increase access to the services needed by immigrants and refugees.” 62 The Ana Collection: . https://www.theanacollection.org/, 2021 (accessed September 3, 2021.)

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Figure 4.7 Ana (Arabic: ‫ﺃﻧﺎ‬, “I am”) collection dolls from the 2021 series. The hand-embroidered cloth dolls are a means of telling the stories and expressing the hardships and dreams of Syrian women and children. Source: https://www.theanacollection.org/dolls#/the-love-collection/

Each unique, hand-embroidered Ana doll is given the name of the child or woman it represents. Eighty percent of proceeds from the doll’s sale go back to that individual’s family. . . . the [Ana] collection helps to share the stories of displaced women and their families through simple, colourful embroidered images that encapsulate the difficulties they have weathered and the hopes and dreams that keep them going . . . many of the women were driven by the optimism and resilience of their children, who became the focus of the dolls. . . . Each doll is named for the women whose story it represents. “Each doll has a little card in the back to tell her story and the dream of her child,” explains Marianne. “Every tag says, ‘I protect my children’s dreams’.” 63 These intricately embroidered dolls in the Ana Collection help support and provide work for as many as 200 Syrian refugee women living in Shatila—a Palestinian refugee 63 India Stoughton, “Healing the Hurt in Syria One Sitch at a Time.” Available online: https://www.thenationalnews. com/arts-culture/healing-the-hurt-in-syria-one-stitch-at-a-time-1.676279, November 16, 2017 (accessed August 17, 2021)

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camp established in 1949 in Beirut, Lebanon. These women, who embroider stories of fellow Syrians, are highly motivated. In their own way, they are helping to support individuals just like themselves and, as members of the women’s workshop sponsored by NGO Basmeh & Zeitooneh, are also earning a sustainable wage. The Ana Collection has been a staggering success; not only do stores in Lebanon, Kuwait, Dubai, and Australia carry the dolls, but they are also ordered online and shipped around the world. While the Ana doll has created meaningful opportunities for Syrian refugees and displaced families, the unfortunate reality is that many Syrian refugees seeking a safe environment in Turkey are often treated abominably, exploited by private local businesses. After the bureaucratic process of being screened, registered, and settled into camps, the next step is to seek employment. “As of March 2019, only about 31,000 Syrian refugees in Turkey had official work permits.”64 Native-born Turks, particularly those populations that are living in economically depressed regions in Turkey, are not pleased to see the refugees receive employment in Turkish economy, since they “. . . perceive refugees as competitors for their jobs.”65 Taking full advantage of the fact that refugees need work to support themselves and their dependents, some employers see the Syrians as cheap labor and vulnerable to extortion. Several media outlets reporting from Turkey point to the abuse of Syrian textile workers. For example, a report from the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre (BHRRC) states: “. . . some of Europe’s biggest clothing stores were failing to stem abuse against Syrian refugees who work in Turkish factories.”66 Indeed, numerous Syrian refugees work for unauthorized subcontractors. As such, they are exposed to dangerous and unhealthy working conditions, exploitative management, and violence fueled by sexism and racism. Perhaps one of the most tragic issues at stake in these multibillion-dollar garment factories is the use of child labor. Clearly these abusive conditions in the Turkish garment industry cannot and will not be resolved until the problem of hiring cheap offshore labor-intensive workers to produce European fashion brands is addressed.67 Ending this section on a more hopeful note, I acknowledge two non-Muslim textile artisans responding to the Syrian refugee crisis in unique ways. Their work reflects an unmistakable empathy and concern for all individuals and families caught in these tragic circumstances. The first artist, San Francisco-based Kathryn Clark, turned to the Bayeux Tapestry (eleventh century) for inspiration and created Refugee Stories, an exhibition of six panels documenting the refugees’ paths:

64 Asli Demirguc-Kunt, Michael Lokshin and Martin Ravallion, “A New Policy to Better Integrate Refugees into Host-country Labor Markets.” Available online: https://reliefweb.int/report/turkey/new-policy-betterintegrate-refugees-host-country-labor-markets, November 25, 2019 (accessed October 2, 2021). 65 Ibid. 66 Safak Taranoglu Bennett, “Syrian Garment Workers in Turkey: Modern Slavery?,” Futures of Work, no. 11, February 3, 2020. Available online: https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/5954/syrian-refugees-face-exploitationin-turkish-garment-factories (accessed October 6, 2021). 67 Ibid.

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Refugee Stories is a series of embroidery panels and works on paper that follow the journey of the Syrian refugees into Europe. The monumental scale of the crisis, the second largest mass migration in history, is documented in various points along the refugees’ journey out of Syria and into Western Europe. Each point along their journey was affected by geography: whether by sea or land, pastoral farmland or war-torn desert . . . each panel pieces together the journey in one schematic map.68 Like Ms. Clark, another tapestry artist, Frances Crowe, stepped back from daily preoccupations and distractions in her hometown of Roscommon, Ireland, to envision a highly original way of expressing solidarity with Syrian refugees. Ms. Crowe studied Fine Arts at the National College of Art and Design in Dublin. Over time, she arrived at a genre of weaving entirely unique to her artistic vision—a genre that would allow a very personal interpretation of her surroundings: My work explores the personal landscape of emotion and memory. I make comments on society and narrate world events bringing the tension of the warp and the slackness of the weft together in hidden story telling. My present body of work depicts the piercing tragedy of injustice. My aim is to have an emotional response from a viewer, to make a connection between myself, the viewer and the work . . . I have been recording events around the Global Pandemic. This has resulted in 3 tapestries so far and narrative continues.69 Ms. Crowe has most recently developed fabric narratives in three tapestries: “Displaced” (2018) which depicts the hardship of Syrian refugees leaving their homeland; “Torn Apart” (2019), showing separation of family members due to COVID-19; and “Celebrating Humanity and Love of All Nations” (2020), dedicated to frontline medical workers around the world caring for patients afflicted by the coronavirus pandemic. An online video clip describing the creation of “Displaced” is particularly moving. In this video, Ms. Crowe explains the lengthy process of determining how best to express her deeply felt sympathy for the refugee plight in general, and the tragedy of Syrian refugees in particular. Arriving at a specific design, she painstakingly transferred her vision into a woven tapestry that required new methods, intense focus, and hours of dedication. “Displaced” is meant to simulate the arduous journey of Syrian refugees70 but, equally important, it is intended to convey a very authentic response to suffering—even when that suffering impacts humans with whom you have no personal connection, individuals who hail from a totally different part of the world. Frances Crowe and Kathryn Clark, though not Middle Easterners, acknowledge their place in the circle of

68 Riverside Art Museum, “Kathryn Clark Refugee Stories.” Available online: http://www.kathrynclark.com/ refugeestories.html, January 26, 2019 (accessed October 28, 2021). 69 No author, Textile Curator, “Waking up the World to Contemporary Textile Art,” (Frances Crowe). Available online: https://www.textilecurator.com/home-default/home-2-2/frances-crowe/ (accessed October 7, 2021). 70 Frances Crowe, Fibre Artist-Fine Art Tapestry—“Displaced.” See: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= SFquH7mJAbw, (10:56 minutes) September 19, 2018 (accessed October 7, 2021).

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humanity. As such, they feel responsible for bearing witness to and documenting the historical plight of displaced persons. What a stark contrast, then, between the deep moral perspectives reflected in their textile tapestries and the flagrant greed of garment industry moguls—Muslims exploiting Muslims in Turkey’s textile factories.

Weaving timeless symbols: War’s impact on non-Muslim communities This final section focuses on non-Muslim groups, addressing the surprising ways that war’s interweaving of calamity and uncertainty impacts memory, as revealed in material culture. On Facebook’s “Ethnic Textile” group, I engaged in discussion with a private textile collector, James Izacc Bill Key Kase, regarding textiles with images dating back to the Second World War and which reflect the Japanese occupation of Indonesia (Dutch West Indies), between 1942–5. An extraordinary example of war-related textiles is the pattern woven by the Tetum people in West Timor (the western section of a Malay Archipelago island belonging to Indonesia). Ikat-woven fabrics from this region depict Allied airplanes—American, Australian, and British—in flight, bombing Japanese military bases in West Timor. The native population, impressed by (and grateful for) the Allied bombers, wove images of fighter planes into their fabrics. So profound was this World War II experience that, more than seventy-five years later, the villagers’ descendants still use the Allied bomber pattern in their weavings. According to Mr. Kase, “What made an impression on the elders in Timor was the attack by the Allied air forces with jets and warplanes that bombarded the bases of the Japanese army fleet. In their memories, the warplanes flew a little low, sometimes slipped between the palm trees. . . .”71 (See Figure 4.8.) The bomber pattern, as described by Mr. Kase, was photographed during his visit to the village of Uma Foun in 2015 when he purchased ikat bomber fabric. Ina Bete Abuk, a master weaver who passed away in 2019, originally wove Mr. Kase’s piece in 1974. Her daughter and other family members continue to weave ikat fabrics using these images. Interestingly, they believe the pattern holds protective energy and, when wrapped around children, for example, will safeguard them. Ina Bete Abuk was a village guard for her clan’s sacred house. Her family, although practicing Catholics, maintains a tradition of ancestral worship, as do many inhabitants of small villages in Indonesia—whether they are adherents of Catholicism, Islam, or Hinduism.72 One can only imagine that the Japanese occupation of Timor was a trauma-inducing event in the islanders’ history. The ensuing pattern that indigenous weavers developed, the protective entity, or ro (meaning “father plane” in the Tetum language) symbolized nothing short of salvation; that is, liberation from Japanese invaders. This sacred airplane motif now stretches across multiple generations to preserve memory and to imbue handwoven ikat fabrics with talismanic power. 71 James Izacc Bill Key Kase, “Woven in Uma Foun, Saenama Village, East Malaka, West Timor,” Facebook Ethnic Textiles Community. August 19, 2021. 72 Ibid.

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Figure 4.8 Ikat fabric showing images of a bomber. Ina Bete Abuk, a master weaver from West Timor, Indonesia, created this textile in 1974. It is believed since the Allied bombers saved the indigenous villagers from Japanese war planes, the images of the planes captured on the ikat fabric hold protective energy, and safeguard anyone who wears them. Source: image provided by Mr. James Izacc Bill Key Kase, Indonesia. In the “Ethnic Textile” group on Facebook previously mentioned, I met two other members—Lisa Burkhill and Sally Foltz—both of whom generously shared their stories of handcrafted cloth items created by Hmong women in refugee camps.73 We discussed the role of embroidery as a story-telling vehicle, especially in relationship to women and children. Ms. Foltz had purchased a piece of embroidery when visiting Thailand, while

73 The Hmong people are an ethnic group that predominately live in southern China, Vietnam, Laos, Thailand, and Myanmar. They have been members of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) since 2007. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hmong_people

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Ms. Burkhill had accessed remarkable textiles in a California market selling Hmong refugees’ artwork. (See Figures 4.9 and 4.10.) In these pieces, Hmong women document a panoply of personal events: from living peacefully on their farms to making harrowing journeys from Myanmar (Burma) to Thailand (or Vietnam), paying merchants to ferry them by boat across rivers. In 1975, following the Communist takeover in Laos, many Hmong fled to Thailand to escape persecution. “Sometimes Hmong refugees were robbed and female refugees raped before they were brought into the [Thai] refugee camp.”74 At the end of 1975, the first wave of Hmong refugees began arriving in the United States. The quilts and fabrics embroidered by Hmong women were assembled mostly from scraps and discarded cloth, as is often the case. The resulting works of art tell the ineffable struggles inherent in migration, as well as celebrate the companionship and mutual comfort among the women who created them. Hmong embroiderers were among the textile artists featured in a national traveling exhibit displayed in 2016 at Michigan State University Museum. The exhibition, entitled

Figure 4.9 The embroidered panel is known as a story cloth. It was created by Hmong women who documented this important episode in their lives, and captured the life they left behind when they were forced to leave their home and seek refuge in other countries. “Today, there are more than 66,000 Hmong in Minnesota, and the Twin Cities metro is home to the largest concentration of Hmong in America.” https://www.mnhs.org/hmong Source: image appears courtesy of Ms. Lisa Burkhil. This piece was purchased in California, to benefit Hmong refugees.

74 “Farming Village Life and the War Experience,” HmongEmbroidery.Org. See: https://www.hmongembroidery. org/index.html and https://www.hmongembroidery.org/embroideryfarmingvillagelifeandwar.html On the Hmong Embroidery page, under the “About Us” tab, the organization identifies its mission: “Founded in 1999, it is the mission of the Hmong Archives to research, collect, preserve, interpret and disseminate materials in all formats about or by the Hmong people. The organization promotes an awareness of Hmong arts, literature, music, history, and culture through displays, workshops and publications.” For more information see: https:// www.hmongembroidery.org/aboutus.html

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Figure 4.10 Hmong story cloth, depicting everyday activities. “Since 1975, more than 200,000 Hmong have fled Laos as refugees. Thailand has been the staging arena for the resettlement or repatriation of most Hmong refugees. Because of their role in the U.S.-led war in Laos, approximately 90 percent of Hmong refugees have been resettled to the United States.” Credit: image appears courtesy of Ms. Sally Foltz. This piece was purchased in Thailand from a Hmong refugee market.

“Fabrics of Memory,” featured traditional textiles by both Muslim and non-Muslim refugees of war and focused attention on contemporary global conflicts and the ensuing refugee crises.75 A publication titled Weavings of War accompanied the exhibit. Many of the artists represented by the work in Weavings of War still live in countries marked by recent conflict; some are refugees who have resettled in the United States. Weavings of War stands as an eloquent and powerful testimony of the impacts of modern warfare in our world and the relevancy and resilience of folk arts in contemporary life.76 Textiles in this exhibit were created by artists from a mélange of cultural groups—and from geographical locales as diverse as Afghanistan and Peru. While the works themselves differed in both technique and purpose, the artists (primarily women) used images of war and dislocation to create universal narratives. However, the war affects regional textiles differently, sometimes in an odd way. For example, a mass-manufactured prayer rug modified with machine-made embroidery to mark the historical recent wars in Iraq bears witness to the involvement of US military forces in Iraq and Kuwait. (Figure 4.11.) 75 No author, “Weavings of War: Fabrics of Memory,” Michigan State University Museum. Available online: https://www.museum.msu.edu/?exhibition=weavings-of-war-fabrics-of-memory (accessed August 20, 2021). 76 Ibid.

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Figure 4.11 Machine-made prayer rug converted into a piece of visual propaganda. The top two flags (of the United States and Iraq respectively) are clearly visible inside the prayer mihrab or notch. An American eagle flies above the slogan “Operation Iraqi-Freedom. Ali A Salem Air Base Kuwait.” (Ali Al Salem Air Base is a military air base situated in Kuwait approximately 23 miles from the Iraqi border.) We can also see images of scorpions and camels, two symbols associated with the desert landscape, in addition to the dates 2008–09 (Private collection of author). The text inside the inner circle contains the following information: a map of Iraq at the center with Iran on the east, Syria to the west, Turkey to the northwest, and Kuwait and parts of Persian Gulf. Mosul, Kirkuk, Baghdad, Falluja, Al Kut, Al Nasiryah, and al Basrah are all marked on this map.

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One learns much about the experience of refugees through the personal ways that each selects fabrics, yarn, and fibers and through their design choices in quilt, rug, or embroidered handiwork. Material objects become seamless links to the past, providing the means for emotional healing uncomplicated by sometimes difficult verbal communication. Painful memories of loss and grief can be expressed and dispelled, while stories are told to document personal histories and perhaps to inspire future refugees and displaced persons.

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CHAPTER 5 TEXTILES AND DEATH RITUALS IN ISLAMICATE SOCIETIES

۬ ُ‫ﺃَ ْﻳﻨَﻤﺎ ﺗَ ُﻜﻮﻧ‬ ۬ ُ‫ﺼ ْﺒﻬُ ْﻢ َﺣ َﺴﻨَ ۭﺔٌ ﻳَﻘُﻮﻟ‬ ُ ْ‫ﻮﺍ ﻳُ ْﺪ ِﺭﻛ ﱡﻜ ُﻢ ْٱﻟ َﻤﻮ‬ ‫ﺼ ْﺒﻬُ ْﻢ‬ ِ ُ‫ﻮﺍ ﻫَ ٰـ ِﺬِۦﻩ ِﻣ ْﻦ ِﻋﻨ ِﺪ ٱ ﱠ ِ ۖ َﻭﺇِﻥ ﺗ‬ ِ ُ‫ُﻭﺝ ﱡﻣ َﺸﻴﱠ َﺪ ۢ ٍﺓ ۗ َﻭﺇِﻥ ﺗ‬ َ ٍ ۢ ‫ﺕ َﻭﻟَﻮْ ُﻛﻨﺘُ ْﻢ ﻓِﻰ ﺑُﺮ‬ ۬ ‫ﺎﻝ ﻫَ ٰـٓﺆ َُﻵ ِء ْٱﻟﻘَﻮْ ِﻡ َﻻ ﻳَﻜَﺎ ُﺩﻭﻥَ ﻳَ ْﻔﻘَﻬُﻮﻥَ َﺣ ِﺪﻳ ۭﺜًﺎ‬ َ ‫َﺳﻴﱢﺌَ ۭﺔٌ ﻳَﻘُﻮﻟُﻮﺍ ﻫَ ٰـ ِﺬِۦﻩ ِﻣ ْﻦ ِﻋﻨ ِﺪ‬ ِ ‫ﻙ ۚ ﻗُﻞْ ُﻛ ۭﻞﱞ ﱢﻣ ْﻦ ِﻋﻨ ِﺪ ٱ ِ ﱠ ۖ ﻓَ َﻤ‬ Wherever you may be, death will overcome you—even if you were in fortified towers.” When something good befalls them, they say, “This is from Allah,” but when something evil befalls them, they say, “This is from you.” Say, ˹O Prophet,˺ “Both have been destined by Allah.” So what is the matter with these people? They can hardly comprehend anything! Qur’an 4:78 (See Figure 5.1 a Persian poem inscribed at the entrance of Yazd cemetery, Iran) Across history, Muslims have used textiles to denote social, economic, and cultural status. Muslim funerary textiles are no exception. This chapter examines the use of fabric in blessing, burying, and venerating the deceased. Given regional differences, death rituals vary considerably depending on the objects and textiles unique to the community in question. However, there are specific burial traditions that all Islamic peoples share, regardless of region. While popular culture continues to impact traditional Islamic values, certain textile-based rituals around death and the afterlife seem especially immutable. The Qur’an emphasizes a strong link between Muslim heaven and our earthly lives. Good deeds in this world are rewarded in the next and, therefore, paradise may be

Figure 5.1 The entrance board at Yazd Cemetery, Iran. Translation: “Regardless of who you are and how high you have reached in life, Know that this will be the last destination in life!” Source: Dr. Hossain Beyad.

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imagined as an earthly life perfected: “The pleasures of the next world are like those of this world, though heightened and cleansed of imperfection and mitigation.”1 ۡ ۤ ‫ﺐ‬ ٍ ‫ﺍﻝ َﻭ ۡﺍﻻَ ۡﻭ َﻻ ِﺩ ؕ َﻛ َﻤﺜَ ِﻞ ﻏ َۡﻴ‬ َ ‫ﺚ ﺍَ ۡﻋ َﺠ‬ ِ ‫ﱠﺯ ۡﻳﻨَﺔٌ ﱠﻭﺗَﻔَﺎ ُﺧ ۢ ٌﺮ ﺑَ ۡﻴﻨَ ُﻜﻢۡ َﻭﺗَﻜَﺎﺛُ ٌﺮ ﻓِﻰ ۡﺍﻻَﻣۡ َﻮ‬ ِ ‫ﺍِ ۡﻋﻠَ ُﻤ ۡﻮﺍ ﺍَﻧﱠ َﻤﺎ ﺍﻟ َﺤ ٰﻴﻮﺓُ ﺍﻟ ﱡﺪ ۡﻧﻴَﺎ ﻟَ ِﻌﺐٌ ﱠﻭﻟَ ۡﻬ ٌﻮ ﻭ‬ ٰ ٰ ۡ ٰ ‫ﺼﻔَ ًّﺮﺍ ﺛُ ﱠﻢ ﻳَ ُﻜ ۡﻮﻥُ ﺣُﻄ ًﻤﺎؕ َﻭﻓِﻰ‬ ّ َ‫ﺍﻻ ِﺧ َﺮ ِﺓ َﻋ َﺬﺍﺏٌ َﺷ ِﺪ ۡﻳ ٌﺪ ۙ ﱠﻭ َﻣ ۡﻐﻔِ َﺮﺓٌ ﱢﻣﻦ‬ ۡ ‫ۡﺍﻟ ُﻜﻔﱠﺎ َﺭ ﻧَﺒَﺎﺗُﻪٗ ﺛُ ﱠﻢ ﻳَ ِﻬ ۡﻴ ُﺞ ﻓَﺘ َٰﺮٮﻪُ ُﻣ‬ ۡ ‫ﷲِ َﻭ ِﺭ‬ ٌ ‫ﺿ َﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻥؕ َﻭ َﻣﺎ‬ ُ ‫ۡﺍﻟ َﺤ ٰﻴﻮﺓُ ﺍﻟ ﱡﺪ ۡﻧﻴَ ۤﺎ ﺍِﻻﱠ َﻣﺘَﺎ‬ ‫ﻉ ۡﺍﻟ ُﻐﺮ ُۡﻭ ِﺭ‬ Know that the life of this world is but amusement and diversion and adornment and boasting to one another and competition in increase of wealth and children— like the example of a rain whose [resulting] plant growth pleases the tillers; then it dries and you see it turned yellow; then it becomes [scattered] debris. And in the Hereafter is severe punishment and forgiveness from Allah and approval. And what is the worldly life except the enjoyment of delusion. Qur’an; 57: 20. Surah al-Hadid2 According to Islamic belief, death is the separation of the soul from the body and the soul’s transfer from this world to the afterlife. Although the core belief system of all Muslims is the same, rites of passage contain much variation (as mentioned above), with each Muslim community typically regarding its own practices as the “correct” ones. For example, marking the graves with tombstones, erecting statues, installing photographs or engraving a tombstone with the image of the deceased (a more recent phenomenon), building a mausoleum over a burial place, or adorning a grave with material objects (including textiles as tomb covers)—all may be considered haram (forbidden in Islam) in one Muslim community but permissible in another. In general, veneration of burial places, tombs, and visitation of graveyards are significantly more important to Shias than to Sunnis who consider ancestor or idol worship to be in direct conflict with the principle of tawhid (Arabic: ‫)ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬, or oneness of God. In Islam, the term shirk (Arabic: ‫ )ﺷﺮک‬is the sin of practicing idolatry or polytheism; only the singular God may be worshipped or deified. In ultra-conservative Islamic societies such as Saudi Arabia, the glorification of Muslim burial grounds is frowned upon. Even the grave of Muhammed, Prophet of Islam, has not been immune from Wahhabi scrutiny. In 2014 the Belfast Telegraph reported: “One of Islam’s most revered holy sites – the tomb of the Prophet Muhammed – could be destroyed and his body removed to an anonymous grave under plans which threaten to spark discord across the Muslim world.”3 1 A. Kevin Reinhart, in Images of Paradise in Islamic Art, ed. Sheila S. Blair and Jonathan M. Bloom (Hanover, NH: Dartmouth College, 1991), 21. 2 https://quran.com/57/20 3 Andrew Johnson, “Saudi Arabia’s proposal to destroy Prophet Mohammed’s tomb and move remains to anonymous grave risks new Muslim division,” 2014. Available online: https://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/ news/world-news/saudi-arabias-proposal-to-destroy-prophet-mohammeds-tomb-and-move-remainsto-anonymous-grave-risks-new-muslim-division-30557589.html (accessed September 9, 2018). See also Hanan Chehata,““Saudi ‘Cultural Vandalism’ of Muslim Heritage Continues.” Available online: https://www. middleeasteye.net/features/saudi-cultural-vandalism-muslim-heritage-continues, October 14, 2014 (accessed July 19, 2019).

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Dr. Irfan al-Alawi,4 a respected Islamic historian, warned that any attempt to carry out the work [of removing the Prophet Muhammed’s remains] could spark unrest, noting that such an attempt “. . . runs the risk of inflaming sectarian tensions between the two branches of Islam [Sunni and Shia].”5 This plan would include destruction of the Green Dome (al Qubah al-Khad.ra, Arabic: ‫)ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻀﺮﺍء‬, dating to 1279 ce . The Green Dome built above not only the tomb of the Prophet Muhammed, but also over the gravesites of two (out of the four) early Muslim Caliphs, Abu Bakr and Umar. Wahhabi Sunni Islam, the most prominent Muslim sect in Saudi Arabia, forbids veneration of any object, pious person, or saint. In contrast, adherents of Shia Islam believe that building a shrine or erecting a mausoleum over the tomb of a holy person, as well as visitations to such shrines and gravesites, represent acts of respect and provide occasions during which one can reflect on one’s own mortality. Because millions (of the 1.8 billion Muslims worldwide) visit the Prophet’s tomb each year, Wahhabis claim that the site has become idolatrous. The Saudi government, in contemplating the move and transfer of Prophet Muhammed’s remains to an unmarked grave, faces fierce opposition from clerics such as Ayatollah Abul Qasim Al-Khu’i,6 a prominent Shia scholar who has asserted that exhumation of the Prophet Muhammed’s remains would be unlawful: “Opening the grave is unlawful in the case of the descendants of Imams, martyrs, scholars and pious persons even though they may have been buried long ago.”7 Although Saudi Arabia’s proposal to open the Prophet’s tomb is currently the most controversial issue regarding Islamic burial traditions, it is only one thread in the historical tapestry of funerary practices. This chapter highlights Islamic uses of fabric and textiles to bury and honor the deceased: the kafan or shroud, the tiraz or inscribed textile, the halaqa or funereal cloth, tomb covers (including the covering the Prophet Muhammed’s tomb), and Egyptian funeral tents with khayamiya, or Egyptian appliqué. The burial garment for Muslims: The kafan “O Friend, the cloth from which your burial shroud will be cut may have already reached the market and you remain unaware.” Abu Hamid al-Ghazali8 4

Dr. Irfan al-Alawi, a prominent historian on Hijaz, is Executive Director of the Islamic Heritage Research Foundation. The foundation’s purpose is to preserve, protect, document, survey and image historical sites. https://www.theislamicmonthly.com/author/irfanalalawi/ 5 Zia H Shah,“Saudi Arabia’s Proposal to Destroy Prophet Mohammed’s Tomb and Move Remains to Anonymous Grave Risks New Muslim Division.” Available online: https://themuslimtimes.info/2015/01/20/ saudi-arabias-proposal-to-destroy-prophet-mohammeds-tomb-and-move-remains-to-anonymous-graverisks-new-muslim-division/, January 20, 2015 (accessed July 19, 2019). 6 Ayatollah Abul Qasim Al-Khu’i was an Iranian Shia cleric and one of the most influential Twelver Shia Islamic scholars, as well as the predecessor of Ali al-Sistani. He was the spiritual leader of much of the Shia world until his death in 1992. See: https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-1-d&q=Ayatollah+Abul+Qasi+ Al-Khu%E2%80%99I%2C (accessed July 23, 2019). 7 “Orders Regarding Burial of The Dead Body.” See: https://www.al-islam.org/islamic-laws-ayatullah-abulqasim-al-khui/orders-regarding-burial-dead-body (accessed July 20, 2019).

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In the Qur’an one finds extensive discussion of morality and death, but no specific directives regarding burial rites. References to funeral practices show up in the hadith (sayings of the Prophet) and in the fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) where there may be variations in some of the rituals, but the core principles include washing the body, shrouding the body, arranging burial within twenty-four hours, and interment without a coffin. Islamic tradition dictates that the burial shroud should consist of several pieces of plain white fabric referred to as a kafan (Arabic: ‫)ﮐﻔﻦ‬. Islamic Studies scholar John L. Esposito notes that in Iran, mourners still follow the tradition of “. . . [wrapping] the body with a cloth inscribed with Qur’anic quotations.”9 The simple white muslin shroud generally includes five pieces for women and three pieces for men. However, according to Shia custom, particularly in Iran and Iraq, seven pieces are used for both genders. Extravagance is eschewed; that is, the kafan must never be made from an elaborate fabric such as silk nor should gold thread, stitching, or any adornment be used. After ghusl (Arabic: ‫)ﻏﺴﻞ‬, a Muslim mandatory full-body ritual purification, the process of shrouding immediately begins. What do we know about the Prophet Muhammed’s burial and kafan (shroud)? As might be imagined, documents and opinions widely differ on this subject. We do know that during his lifetime, tribal weaving was prevalent in parts of Arabia and that the Bedouins produced textiles at this time for their own use. Historian Leor Halevi suggests that during the Prophet’s life, the town of Sahul (in Yemen) produced white cotton garments, exported them to Medina (where the Prophet lived) and, therefore, this type of fabric may have served as Muhammed’s shroud. Or the shroud may have been a long undershirt known as a qamis that he “. . . had prayed in and wore as he lay dying [as well as] two luxurious robes (hullatan) manufactured by the Christians of Najran.” According to Halevi, others believe that “. . . [the Prophet’s] grave vestments [may have been] white shawls (riyat) as well as a loincloth (izar) and a turban (‘imama) . . .” while yet another document references “. . . a striped woolen woven garment (namira qad nusija) [serving as] Muhammad’s shroud.”10 All such speculation merely suggests that the standardization of Muslim burial cloth occurred long after the Prophet’s death and that no rules or restrictions as to fabric type had been set during his lifetime. Today, inscribed kafans are produced in two important Shia centers: Mashhad, the holiest city in the Islamic Republic of Iran, where the eighth Shia imam is buried and

8

These are the words of Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, born in Tabaran in the district of Tus, Iran (1058–1111 ce ). Al Ghazali was not only one of the great Islamic philosophers, but is also considered to be, after the Prophet Muhammad, the foremost authority on Islamic theology and jurisprudence. His vast learning, systematic thought, and lucid style continue to ensure a wide audience. See: http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/ opr/t125/e714 and https://www.pursuit-of-happiness.org/history-of-happiness/al-ghazali/ 9 John L. Esposito (editor-in-chief),,“Funerary Rites,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World, Vol. 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 36. 10 Leor Halevi, Muhammad’s Grave: Death Rites and the Making of Islamic Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 85–6

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Karbala (Iraq), the Shia-dominated city where the eponymous battle took place11 between Shia followers of Ali ibn Abi Talib (revered by Shias as the first Caliph) and the Sunni Caliph’s supporters. An inscribed shroud as described below is on display at London’s Victoria & Albert Museum. This piece dates from Iran c. 1823, during the Qajar dynasty (1789–1925).12 The following description is excerpted from the museum’s catalog, along with this author’s commentary. Unfortunately, the Internet image is neither large nor clear enough to be useful for reproduction. The source for this item is provided in the footnote. Shroud Place of origin: Iran Date: 1823 Artist/Maker: Unknown Materials and Techniques: cotton yarn, weaving, sewing [Author’s Note: The reference to “sewing” seems irregular, as kafans typically do not contain stitching.] Museum number: 282-1884 Dimensions: Length: 253 cm on longest sidel Width: 125 cm from apex; Width: 81 cm selvedge to selvedge Physical description Very fine plain-weave cotton made up of three pieces, decorated with painted inscriptions. [Author’s note: “decorated with painted inscription” is not accurately stated. Perhaps a better term would be “stamped with inscriptions,” since both stitching and painting on kafans are prohibited.] Around the three edges are two lines of Koranic inscriptions written in black within fine red and black lines. From the apex to the centre of the longest edge is a square lozenge delineated in red and black with one line of inscription. The lozenge is divided by red lines into a grid of small squares, each approx. 0.5 cm square. There are 10,201 squares [101 x 101] and each contains a word. The same word is repeated across the squares of that row and, consequently, along the diagonal. The rest of the ground is undecorated except for one corner in which there is a group of small panels with inscriptions and the date in black. There is a ‘magic square’ in red [9 x 9 squares] and an inscription on red lines which might be the name of the calligrapher. 11 This battle is known as Mosibat Karbala (Arabic and Persian: ‫)ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺑﻼ‬, or the tragedy of Karbala, which created an irreparable schism between Sunnis and Shias. 12 See: http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O147109/shroud-unknown/

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[Author’s note: the catalogue’s reference to a ‘magic square’ is confusing. I have no idea what this means.] Marks and inscriptions “Arabic texts: Sura al-Fath (Victory) Qur’an XLVIII, the whole verse; Sura al-Shams Qur’an XCI, the whole verse; Ayat al-Kursi, Qur’an II, 257, 258; Enyakat Qur’an LXVII, 51, 52.” [Author’s note: The above source “Enyakat Qur’an LXVII” is not cited correctly. The correct reference is the Ayah (verse) Wa In Yakoad, a reference to the evil eye (Arabic: ‫)ﺁﻳﻪ َﻭﺇِﻥ ﻳَﻜَﺎ ُﺩ‬, verses 51 and 52 of Sura Al-Qalam, the Pen (Arabic: ‫)ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‬. This is usually recited for protection from the evil eye. It states: “And indeed, those who disbelieve would almost make you slip with their eyes when they hear the message, and they say: Indeed, he is mad. But it is not except a reminder to the worlds.”] “Last one is an invocation to Imam Ali: call upon Ali”. [Author’s note: Nade Ali, Arabic: ‫ ﻧﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﯽ‬who causes miracles. “You will find him your support in every misfortune, all anguish and sorrow will disappear, through your guardianship O Ali, O Ali, O Ali.”] “There is a Persian inscription above the amulet.” [Author’s note: I believe the “amulet” is a reference to Nade Ali (mentioned above) which is a questionable use of the term “amulet”. If this piece of cloth is a shroud, it is meant to bury the dead only and cannot serve as an amulet. The museum description misleads viewers to mistake any part of this historic textile for an amulet. If it is indeed a legitimate kafan (shroud) used by Shia believers in an Islamic environment, the inscription of Qur’anic verses along with the Nade Ali is there only to reinforce the devotion of Shia believers. The manner in which this catalogue describes the shroud would necessarily place it in the context of folk tradition. The use of an amulet in funerary practice belongs exclusively to a preIslamic tradition.] “As mentioned in the catalogue: The Persian inscription reads: ‘Kaveh had this on the banner to put dust in the eye of the government of Zahhak.’ ”] [Author’s note: Unfortunately, for those who are unfamiliar with legends of Iranian history or mythical characters in Shahnameh (“Book of Kings,” an epic poem written by the Persian poet Ferdowsi), the Persian inscription is meaningless without further explanation.] “The continuation of the verses below the amulet refers to the importance of this amulet, which is said to have enhanced the power of Kaykhusrow, Suleiman 146

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(Solomon), Jamshid, Alexander and others.” [Author’s note: it is unclear what the author(s) of the catalogue mean by “the importance of this amulet . . .” since the characters named above all date from preIslamic time periods. Kaykhusrow (legendary king of the Kayanian dynasty and character in the Persian epic Shahnameh) and Jamshid (great king of the Pishdadian dynasty) appear in pre-Zoroastrian Persian mythology and folklore. “Written in the month of Ramezan al-mubarak [in the] year 1238 (12 May–10 June 1823). Ja’afar Ali wrote this.” One imagines that museum staff may have lacked the requisite scholarly background to interpret this object correctly—and therefore multiple erroneous assumptions were made as to its devotional use and the historical importance of its inscriptions. Shia communities have been inscribing prayers and Qur’anic verses on burial shrouds for centuries—and, until recently, this custom was available only to the wealthy élite. Few families would have been able to afford a calligrapher’s handcrafted inscriptions of invocations by the twelve Shia imams, as well as Qur’anic verses in both Persian and in Arabic. Burial shrouds are still inscribed today though, as previously mentioned, this is now done (more cost-effectively) in factories. For example, I have in my possession a complete set of inscribed kafan, machine made in Iran, most likely in the early twentyfirst century. In addition to seven white pieces of fabric, other items in the package include a small book titled Tobeh Nameh (Repentance Letter; Persian: ‫ )ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬and Persian poetry requesting tawassul (facility; Arabic: ‫)ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬. The booklet contains supplications to honor the Shia imams. The supplications ask Allah to bless the souls of these twelve imams who, in addition to Prophet Muhammad and Fatima his daughter, are considered the fourteen “infallible” ones closest to Allah; hence their role as mediators requesting Allah’s forgiveness on behalf of the deceased (See Figures 5.2 and 5.3). The kafan set also contains a small inscribed semi-precious agate (Arabic and Persian: ‫)ﻋﻘﻴﻖ‬ etched with inscriptions of “Ya Ali” and “Ya Hussain” (Arabic and Persian: ‫)ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﯽ ﻳﺎ‬. Agate13 is generally identified as an excellent stone for spiritual transformation, protection, and for dispelling negativity. Agate is placed under the tongue of the deceased before the jaw is closed permanently. This gemstone is associated with the Prophet Muhammed “. . . [who] wore a carnelian [agate] ring set with silver on his right hand as commemoration of the removal of idols from the Grand Mosque in Mecca in 630 ce .”14 Yet another item in the set is a zivar (ornament; Persian: ‫ )ﺯﻳﻮﺭ‬consisting of seven pieces of compressed soil from the Shia holy site of Karbala (Iraq). The soil is referred to as turba (Arabic: ‫ )ﺗﺮﺑﺔ‬and turbat (Persian: ‫)ﺗﺮﺑﺖ‬. Because of its diminutive size and because it so closely resembles a bracelet, I am assuming this ornament would be placed 13 The following are listed as qualities of agate on the website https://www.charmsoflight.com/agate-healingproperties: “Agate is an excellent stone for rebalancing and harmonising body, mind and spirit. It cleanses and stabilises the aura, eliminates and transforms negativity. Agate enhances mental function, improving concentration, perception and analytical abilities.” 14 [copy to follow]

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Figure 5.2 “Tobeh Nameh / ‫ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬Repentance letter.” First two pages of a repentance letter composed in Persian poetry, mixed with Arabic, that features supplications to honor the Shia imams. The supplications ask Allah to bless the souls of these twelve imams, as mediators request Allah’s forgiveness on behalf of the deceased. Source: author’s private collection; item purchased in Iran, early 2000.

Figure 5.3 A section of an inscribed kafan/ ‫ ﮐﻔﻦ‬shroud. The script is in gold thread. Source: author’s private collection; item purchased in Iran, early 2000.

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on the wrist. These pieces in the zivar are molded into a variety of shapes: one circular with a hole in the center, one triangular, two oval, and three rectangular—all threaded together with string. The type of kafan package described above appertains to the Twelver Shia Islam sect (primarily in Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon). Not surprisingly, religious controversy continues to swirl in Shia communities around the issue of inscribing religious text on kafans. That is, according to Sharia law, would it be halal or haram (permissible or forbidden) to inscribe a kafan? Two of the seven pieces included in the kafan set are inscribed: a shirt intended to cover the upper body and another large piece used as final wrapping for the upper front part of the body. A group of Iranian ulama have publicly suggested that the body of a deceased person is najes, or religiously impure (Arabic and Persian: ‫)ﻧﺠﺲ‬. Therefore, the inscriptions are haram because Allah’s words should not touch an impure body—particularly while the body is decomposing. The same ulama, however, express understanding that the primary intention of using a kafan is to protect the believer on his/her journey to heaven. An opposing argument states that not only is a dead body ritually cleansed through required ghosel rites but, equally as important, the inscription would likely disappear long before being polluted by the decomposing body. Several sources specifically address the permissibility of writing an Ayah (verse) from the Qur’an on a kafan. On the website of Ayatollah Behjat, a Shia scholar from Iran, the following information is provided: On the question of ‘Burial of a Person with Qur’anic Verses on his/her Kafan.’ It is allowed to bury a person in a kafan with verses from the Qur’an; however, since the body leaks liquid and that is impure and pollutes anything that [it] comes in contact with, thus extreme care must be applied to avoid any incident of polluting the kafan with the bodily liquid and waste. On the question of ‘Stained Kafan Before Burial Process is Completed.’ If the body is washed and shrouded but a part of the kafan starts to leak, and blood stain is showing on the kafan then [one] must do the following: change the kafan completely, or wash the stain out of the kafan until stain is completely removed, or cut out the stain from the kafan.15 The Fourteen Infallibles (Arabic: ‫ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻮﻥ‬Ma’sumun; Persian: ‫ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ‬Chahardah Ma’sum) in Twelver Shia Islam16 offer recommendations regarding which verses and specific supplications should be made for the Shia imams and Infallibles. The Infallibles serve as a source of tawassul17 (Arabic: ‫)ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬, requesting Allah for the believer’s forgiveness when the sinner repents (as noted earlier from the Tobeh Nameh (Repentance Letter; Persian: ‫ )ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬for the deceased); hence a number of prayers (Arabic: ‫ )ﺩﻋﺎ‬are composed 15

See: http://v0.bahjat.ir/index.php/ahkam-2/esteftahat/189-2011-09-06-10-12-49.html (accessed August 6, 2019). The fourteen Infallibles are: Prophet Muhammed, his daughter Fatima Zahra, and the Twelve Imams. They are considered to be “infallible” under the theological concept of ismah. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Ismah (protection or immunity from committing sin) (Arabic : ‫) ِﻋﺼْ َﻤﺔ‬. According to Shia theology, ismah is characteristic of prophets, imams, and angels. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ismah 17 In this context, tawassul means “to get through to” or “to access” Allah by calling upon the fourteen Infallibles. 16

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for the Infallibles that one recites for the blessing of their souls. Whenever an individual seeks tawassul from the Infallibles, s/he must recite specific prayer(s) to them.

Piecing together the past: Tiraz and halaqa Of the two types of textiles used throughout history in Muslim burial rituals, one is no longer in use today: the inscribed tiraz (Arabic: ‫ﻁﺮﺍﺯ‬, derived from Persian ‫ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ‬for “embroidery”), or medieval Islamic embroideries. These were narrow bands of cloth with a line of Arabic inscription on the upper sleeves of an outer gown, on a turban, or used as a separate band wrapped around the elbow. Produced under the Abbasid caliphate (750– 1258 ce), the tiraz customarily defined rank and was presented by the caliph to those deemed worthy of honor and recognition. With the rise of the Abbasids around 750 ce, the center of the Caliphate shifted from Syria to Baghdad (Iraq). Baghdad became the hub of Islamic politics, arts, and architecture. Sokoly address the significance of tiraz bands: . . . the Abbasids established a significant relationship between the empire’s center and its provincial periphery through the administration of production, as well as the epigraphic form and content, and function of textiles as robes of honor (khil’a) [a large number of Khila had tiraz bands with inscription on the sleeves]. It is particularly after the conquest of Egypt by the Fatimids in 969 that we can see caliphal textiles taking on decisively different nuances to those of their Abbasid rivals. While the aesthetics and design of inscriptions continue [along] Egyptian pre - conquest traditions, the content of inscriptions reflects the Fatimid claim to the caliphate and their aims to conquer the holy sites of Mecca and Medina. The concept of the robe of honor khilʿa also takes on a religious notion that is connected to the idea that the Fatimid caliph was a descendant of the Prophet’s family, and as imam a source of divine baraka (blessing or benediction).18 During the Abbasid period (750–1258 ce ), weaving workshops were particularly prevalent in Yemen, Iran, and Egypt, although the central caliphate authority in Baghdad administered production of these textiles. There were two types of tiraz-weaving workshops or factories: private workshops exclusively serving the caliph and his court (khassa) and public workshops for commercial production (‘amma). Tiraz fabrics, with wide variations depending on region, time period, and for whom they were produced, were generally made from cotton, wool, a silk/cotton blend, or linen.19 For example, linen workshops were primarily located in Delta, Fayoum, and Upper Egypt.20 These inscribed textiles were produced in 18

Jochen Sokoly, “Textiles and Identity,” in A Companion to Islamic Art and Architecture, ed. Finbarr Barry Flood and Gulru Necipoglu (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2017), 275. 19 Maryam Ekhtiar and Julia Cohen, “Tiraz: Inscribed Textiles from the Early Islamic Period,” in Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2015). Available online: https://www. metmuseum.org/toah/hd/tira/hd_tira.htm (accessed August 13, 2019). 20 See: https://www.qantara-med.org/public/show_document.php?do_id=588&lang=en

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every important provincial government center—including Khurasan (northeastern Persia that included parts of central Asia and Afghanistan), Egypt, and Yemen—with, as mentioned above, each geographical area creating its own representative style. The Fatimid Caliphate (909–1171 ce ), a Shia Muslim caliphate based in Egypt with its administrative center in Cairo, traced its ancestry to the Prophet Muhammed’s daughter Fat.ima and her husband Ali ibn Abi Talib. Because of their ancestral link with the Prophet Muhammad himself, the Fatimids saw themselves as possessors of divine knowledge. Consequently, their followers believed that they could transfer some of this divine inspiration in the form of baraka [god’s blessing]. Even proximity to the Fatimid caliph or seeing him could transfer caliphal baraka onto the believer.21 Receiving a tiraz or khil’a from a Fatimid Caliph was not merely a high honor. The textile itself was considered a sacred object. A tiraz inscribed with the caliph’s name and honorable titles was indeed a cherished item, conferring a uniquely distinguished status upon the recipient. In fact, it was not uncommon during periods of political instability for élite recipients to sell their tiraz or robes of honor. In this way, textiles were converted to currency and served as valuable investments. Interestingly, fragments of linen tiraz have been discovered in Egyptian tombs dating from the Fatimid Caliphate: . . . where they were used as shrouds [?] and preserved due to the arid climate. Blessings (baraka) attained through the khil‘a ceremony and subsequent use during prayer imbued these textiles with special qualities that made them especially suited for this funerary purpose. Patches of stains indicate places where the textiles came into contact with decomposing bodies, helping scholars understand burial practices of the time. Tiraz textiles were often wrapped around the head of the deceased with the text covering the eyes, which attests to the religious significance of these inscriptions.22 The above quote is somewhat problematic as it suggests that the tiraz was used as a shroud to cover the entire body. As explained previously, a tiraz is a relatively small piece of cloth wrapped around the arm or sewn into the sleeves of a robe of honor. To their credit, however, Ekhtiar and Cohen correctly describe tiraz fabric as tied around the forehead of the deceased. Very likely the tiraz had been a valued gift, considered among the individual’s most honored and sacred possessions. Instilled with baraka (blessings), the tiraz would have served as a protective object, safeguarding his journey to the hereafter. The second type of textile under discussion is the halaqa, meaning circle or ring (Arabic: ‫ﺣﻠﻘﺔ‬, same word in Persian). The halaqa, which is still in use in Iran today, is a simple white piece of cotton fabric without stitching, the center of which is hollow and 21

Sokoly, “Textiles and Identity,” 283. Ekhtiar and Cohen, “Tiraz: Inscribed Textiles from the Early Islamic Period.”

22

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cut into a square shape like a picture frame. On the borders of the halaqa are usually the verses 51-52 ‫ َﻭﺇِﻥ ﻳﮑﺎ ُﺩ‬Sura Al-Qalam (Arabic: ‫ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‬, “The Pen”) from the sixty-eighth surah of the Qur’an: ۬ ‫َﻭﺇﻥ ﻳَﻜَﺎ ُﺩ ٱﻟﱠ ِﺬﻳﻦَ َﻛﻔَﺮ‬ ۬ ‫ﺼﺮ ِﻫ ْﻢ ﻟَ ﱠﻤﺎ َﺳ ِﻤﻌ‬ ٌ ُ‫ُﻮﺍ ٱﻟ ﱢﺬ ْﻛ َﺮ َﻭﻳَﻘُﻮﻟُﻮﻥَ ﺇِﻧﱠ ۥﻪُ ﻟَ َﻤﺠْ ﻨ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ َ َ‫ُﻭﺍ ﻟَﻴ ُْﺰﻟِﻘُﻮﻧ‬ ِ ِ َ ٰ ‫ﻚ ﺑِﺄ َ ْﺑ‬ And, indeed, those who disbelieve would almost make you slip with their eyes when they hear the message (Qur’an), and they say, “Indeed, he (Muhammed) is a mad man.” َ‫َﻭ َﻣﺎ ﻫُ َﻮ ﺇِ ﱠﻻ ِﺫ ْﻛ ۭ ٌﺮ ﻟﱢ ْﻠ ٰ َﻌﻠَ ِﻤﻴﻦ‬ But it is not except a reminder to the worlds. Inscribed on another side of the border might be Sura Al-Shahada (Arabic: ‫)ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺓ‬ declaring belief in the oneness of God (tawhid) and the acceptance of Muhammad as God’s prophet. Each corner of the halaqa is stamped with “Allah” and the names of Muhammed, Ali, Fatima, Hassan, and Hussain, known in Shia tradition as the “Five” (khamsa Arabic: ‫ﺧﻤﺴﻪ‬, panj tan Persian: ‫)ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻦ‬, all of whom are related directly to the Prophet Muhammed. The khamsa is also known as the ahl al bayt (Arabic: ‫)ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ‬, the people of the house of Prophet Muhammed. Sura Ya Sin, also Yaseen (Arabic: ‫)ﻳﺲ‬, is the thirty-sixth chapter of the Qur’an, with eighty-three verses printed on the halaqa. The content of Sura Ya Sin concerns the veracity of the Qur’an as a divine source. (See Figure 5.4.) Sura Ya Sin is chosen for the halaqa to remind believers of its divine source and to warn nonbelievers of the punishments to be faced. Sura Ya Sin, especially apt in that it testifies to the individual being a faithful believer, concludes with words supporting the power of resurrection and the supreme power of Allah. Placement of the halaqa is the final ritual performed before a body is lowered into the grave. A family member positions the halaqa around the neck by passing the head of the deceased through the square cut-out piece while those present at the graveside recite together the Islamic phrase bi-smillahi r-rah.mani r-rah.im (Arabic: ‫ﺑِﺴ ِْﻢ‬ ‫ﱠﺣﻴ ِْﻢ‬ ِ ‫“—) ِﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﱠﺣْ ﻤٰ ِﻦ ﺍﻟﺮ‬In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful.” Once this phrase is recited three times, the halaqa is removed from the body, folded, and set aside. Because the item is not buried with the body, it can be loaned to friends or family, and therefore circulates among households and community. It is generally believed that the more the halaqa is used, the more it provides blessing. The legacy of using Qur’anic inscriptions or Shia supplications and prayers—which first appeared on tiraz in the tenth century—has been rekindled and promoted by the Islamic Republic of Iran through the continued use of kafans and halaqas. The shared communal importance of these textiles, practiced according to centuries-old traditions, underscores their power to continually reinforce religious beliefs. Tomb covers for the Prophet Muhammed: Kiswa Highly valued textiles were, and still are, created specifically for the interior of Muslim shrines. Most often, as wall hangings or tomb covers, they are used to separate the 152

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Figure 5.4 Halaqa / ‫ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ‬-. A simple piece of unstitched white cotton fabric, the center of which is hollow and cut into a square shape like a picture frame. On the borders of the halaqa are usually the verses 51-52 ‫ َﻭﺇِﻥ ﻳﮑﺎ ُﺩ‬Sura Al-Qalam (Arabic: ‫ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‬, “The Pen”) from the sixty-eighth surah ْ َ‫ َﻭﺇِﻥ ﻳﮑﺎ ُﺩ ﺍﻟﱠ ِﺬﻳﻦَ ﮐﻔَ ُﺮﻭﺍ ﻟ‬Source: author’s of the Qur’an: ٌ‫ﺎﺭ ِﻫ ْﻢ ﻟَ ﱠﻤﺎ َﺳ ِﻤﻌُﻮﺍ ﺍﻟ ﱢﺬﮐ َﺮ َﻭﻳﻘُﻮﻟُﻮﻥَ ﺇِﻧﱠﻪُ ﻟَ َﻤﺠْ ﻨُﻮﻥ‬ َ ‫ﻴﺰﻟِﻘُﻮﻧَﮏ ﺑِﺄ َ ْﺑ‬ ِ ‫ﺼ‬ private collection; item purchased in Iran, early 2000.

tomb itself from public spaces. The practice of creating a fabric inscribed with prayers and blessings for the deceased is achieved through various techniques. For example, inscriptions may be woven directly into the design of the fabric, printed on the surface, or hand embroidered or quilted directly onto the fabric. Evidence suggests that the practice of covering graves with fabric began long after that of inscribing prayers and Qur’anic quotations on gravestones. Halevi notes, “Qur’anic quotations are first attested on tombstone inscriptions from the first quarter of the eighth century; by the end of that century, tombstones begin to display fairly elaborate [Qur’anic] quotations.”23 The practice of inscribing textiles for funerary purpose is primarily a Shia Muslim tradition. Also, visiting religious shrines while the majority of Sunnis do not. In fact, according to the PEW Research Center, “. . . 98% of Shia Muslims in Iraq visit the shrines of Muslim saints (65% in Iran), compared to 28% of Sunni Muslims.” The pilgrimage 23

Halevi, Muhammed’s Grave, 15.

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tradition apparently was established during the thirteenth century. As American scholar Jonathan A.C. Brown notes, “Graves of saints around the Muslim world became centers of pilgrimage . . . for masses of Muslims seeking their barakah (blessing).”24 Magnificent mausoleums were built over the graves of respected, pious, and holy Muslims, including the Prophet Muhammed himself who is buried in Medina at Al-Masjid an-Nabawi, or the Prophet’s Mosque (Arabic: ‫ْﺠﺪ ٱﻟﻨﱠﺒَ ِﻮﻱ‬ ِ ‫) ْٱﻟ َﻤﺴ‬. As would be expected, the most renowned example of an inscribed tomb cover is the fabric covering the tomb of the Prophet. Control and custody of this tomb fell into the hands of the Ottoman Sultan Selim I, who seized control of Mecca and Medina in 1517 after defeating the Mamluks (1250–1517 ce ). Sultan Selim I titled himself Ruler of the Two Holy Cities, Hakimu’l Haremeyn (Arabic: ‫)ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﻴﻦ‬, and later became known as the Servant of The Two Holy Cities (Hadimu’l Haremeyn (Turkish), or Khadim al-H . aramayn (Arabic: ‫—)ﺧَـﺎ ِﺩ ُﻡ ْﺍﻟـ َﺤـ َﺮ َﻣـﻴْـﻦ‬and perhaps, most importantly, Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques (Arabic: ِ‫ﺧَﺎ ِﺩ ُﻡ ْٱﻟ َﺤ َﺮ َﻣﻴ ِْﻦ ٱﻟ ﱠﺸ ِﺮﻳﻔَ ْﻴﻦ‬, Khādim al-H . aramayn as-Sarifayn). Historian Hassan al-Basha asserts that even before the Ottoman conquest, Saladin (1137–93)—founder of the Abbayid dynasty, a Muslim dynasty of Kurdish origins centered in Egypt—was the first king to assume the title Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques in his struggle against the Crusades.25 The current Saudi monarch, Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, also carries this title.26 As custodian of the two holiest shrines in Islam, the Saudi government assumes sole responsibility for guarding and maintaining these mosques—the Prophet’s Mosque and the Al-Haram Mosque (Arabic: ‫ْـﺠـﺪ ْﺍﻟـ َﺤـ َﺮﺍﻡ‬ . aram, meaning The Sacred ِ ‫ ْٱﻟـ َﻤـﺴ‬, Al-Masjid Al-H Mosque), located in Mecca. The Sacred Mosque surrounds the Kaaba (Arabic: ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﺔ‬, kiswat al-ka’bah),27 a cube-shaped structure, and the kiswah is the elegant covering of silk and cotton draped over the Kaaba. Muslim faithful believe that God commanded Ibrahim and Ishmael to build the Kaaba. A ceremonial event is held annually when a new kiswah is draped over this structure on the ninth day of the month of Dhu al Hijjah (literally, “The Month of the Pilgrimage”). The sacred Hajj, or pilgrimage, is performed on the eighth, ninth, and tenth days of this month. A long history is associated with fabrics covering the Kaaba, dating from the textile workshops of Fatimid Egypt followed by those of the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, when the Ottomans were in charge of Mecca and Medina (as recently as the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries), Turkish textiles covered the Prophet’s tomb and served as drapes inside his mausoleum. Between the early twentieth century (end of the Ottoman empire) and 1962, all kiswah for the Kaaba were produced in Egypt. Today all kiswah are manufactured in Saudi Arabia and, according to the Saudi Press Agency, 160 artisans and

24

Brown, Jonathan A.C,“Misquoting Muhammad: The Challenge and Choices of Interpreting the Prophet’s Legacy. London, UK. Oneworld Publications. 2014. p. 59. ISBN 978-1780744209. 25 http://www.arabnews.com/saudi-arabia/news/695351 [Accessed August 18, 2019] 26 “Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Custodian_of_the_Two_Holy_ Mosques (accessed August 7, 2019) 27 The term kiswah is Arabic for clothing, dress, or garment.

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technicians are employed in kiswah-related activities. The Umm al Joud factory in Mecca has been acknowledged as the manufacturing center of kiswah since 1962.28 Surviving tomb cover remnants dating from the Ottoman era are on display at the Victoria and Albert Museum. All have been identified as remnants of the Prophet’s tomb cover.29 They are inscribed with the Shahada, the declaration of faith ُ (Arabic: ‫) َﻻ ﺇِ ٰﻟَﻪَ ﺇِ ﱠﻻ ٱ ٰ ﱠ َﻭ ُﻣ َﺤ ﱠﻤﺪًﺍ َﺭﺳُﻮ ُﻝ ٱ ٰ ِ ﱠ‬: “There is no god but God (Allah), Muhammad is the messenger of God (Allah).” One piece has the Shahada inscription, repeated in a zigzag pattern, woven in white on a bluish-green background. Two narrow bands that frame the large white Shahada inscription contain names of the first four caliphs that lived during the life of the Prophet and were among his companions: Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman, and Ali. Other more recent examples from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have spaces between the zigzag bands with the word Allah above the name Muhammed at every angle. (See Figure 5.5.). According to Selin Ipek: “These zigzag epigraphic weavings are depicted in many illustrations of the Ravza-i Mutahhar.”30 The group of zigzag textiles, manufactured exclusively for the tomb of the Prophet, are known as covers for Medina the Radiant type, al-Madinah al-Munawwarah (Arabic: ‫)ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻮﺭﺓ‬. They contain horizontal rows of zigzag with the prayers, the Shahada, or other Qur’anic verses. These fabrics were made of 100 percent silk woven in lampas technique.31 Fine arts scholar Selin Ipek, whose area of expertise is Ottoman textiles and clothing, identifies groupings of tomb covers by various color backgrounds, such as blue, orange, and green, and by different patterns typical within each group. The wide variety of patterns includes the palmette group, pear-shaped medallion group, Metal thread group, dated group, hanging lamp group, unflowered dark green group, etc. Ipek’s study, classifying patterns and backgrounds, has been key to identifying the approximate date of each textile. Her method of identification also helps date the development of new designs. Most importantly, these tomb covers reveal that, until the end of the Ottoman period, luxurious materials such as pure silk (often in combination with silver or gold metallic thread) were used to cover the Prophet of Islam’s tomb. The curtain covering the door of the Kaaba, known as the sitara, (origin of the word is from Persian: ‫ ِﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬means star) is the most elaborate part of the kiswah and is elaborately embroidered with Qur’anic verses. The following provides a detailed description of the sitara:

28 Rym Ghazal, “Woven with Devotion: The Sacred Islamic Textiles of the Kaaba.” Available online: https://www. thenational.ae/arts-culture/woven-with-devotion-the-sacred-islamic-textiles-of-the-kaaba-1.258782, August 28, 2014 (accessed August 13, 2019). 29 http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O109198/tomb-cover-unknown/, Museum number: 779-1892 http:// collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O93503/tomb-cover-unknown/, Museum number: 781-1892 http://collections. vam.ac.uk/item/O85113/tomb-cover-unknown/, Museum Number: 1063-1900 (accessed August 8, 2019) 30 Selin Ipek. Ibid., p. 290 31 Lampas is a luxurious fabric with a background weft (a “ground weave”). typically in taffeta. Supplementary wefts (the “pattern wefts”) are laid on top and form a design, sometimes also with a “brocading weft.” Lampas is typically woven in silk, and often has gold and silver thread embellishments. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Lampas

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Figure 5.5 Tomb cover, made c. 1517– 1600. Main inscription. This is the Shahadah, the essential statement of Muslim belief: “There is no god but God. Muhammad is the messenger of God.” Inscription in the narrow line above the main inscription. The first word paraphrases the first three words of verse 9 of the surah al-Saff (surah LXI), i.e. /huwa’lladhii !arsala rasuulahu/, “He Who has sent His messenger”, has become /!arsalahu/, “He sent him.” The rest of verse 9 follows: “with guidance and the religion of truth that he may proclaim it over all religion, even though the pagans detest it.” Inscription in the narrow line below the main inscription. This is a prayer for the first four caliphs, Abu Bakr, ‘Umar, ‘Uthman, and ‘Ali, and for all the Companions of the Prophet. The zigzag pattern on this piece associates it with the special textiles woven for dressing the holy places of Islam in Hijaz. Green-ground textiles of this type were used to dress the Tomb of the Prophet in Medina. See: http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O109198/tomb-cover-unknown/ Source: Victoria & Albert Museum collection.

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On the two bottom panels, enclosed within rectangular-shaped designs, the name of the person who “gifted” the kiswa is embroidered with the name of its maker. An example of a sitara that can be seen close up lies at the Sharjah Museum of Islamic Civilization. Dated 1421 Hijri / 2000 AD, it reads in embroidered calligraphic Arabic: “This sitara was made in Makkah al-Mukarramah and gifted to the honoured Kaaba by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Fahd bin Abd al-Aziz bin Al Sa’ud. May Allah be pleased with it.” King Fahd ruled Saudi Arabia from 1982 to 2005.32 The kiswah’s black fabric, a blend of cotton and silk, “. . . contains about 670 kilograms of raw silk dyed, 120 kilograms of gold thread, and 100 kilograms of silver thread. Qur’anic verses are sewn onto the black cloth with gold-plated threads.”33 After the new cloth cover is placed on the Kabaah, pieces of the old kiswah are customarily retained. Historically, these sacred, sought after remnants have served as gifts from the ruling monarch to fortunate recipients and have signified much about his powerful position: . . . One example of the centrality of textiles was—and still is—the kiswa, the inscribed black cover of the Holy Kaʿba in Mecca. To be accepted by the Meccan authorities as a donor of the kiswa meant a political advantage over potential contenders.34 Pieces of kiswah are still awarded to Muslim dignitaries by the Saudi king and are highly prized. The next section highlights other historic and contemporary examples of tomb covers, all of which embed valuable cultural information in weft and warp about the textile’s unique aesthetics.

Tomb covers: Signifiers of status Historically, the type and value of textile chosen to honor or commemorate the death of a Muslim believer reflected the status of, and/or communal respect for, the deceased. During the Safavid era (1501–1736 ce ), for example, the royal court commissioned exquisitely beautiful handcrafted textiles, including tomb covers designed and woven by highly renowned artists in the Savafid court. These intricately patterned fabrics include work by the renowned Ghiyas al din Ali Yazdi, who lived during the reign of Shah Abbas Safavi (1571–1629). This expert weaver produced a series of highly technical patterns incorporating Shia symbols. At this time, it was common practice for artisans to gift their finest pieces to the court in hope of gaining monetary favor or fame. Fazel

32

Ibid. Tamara Abueish, “The Kaaba will receive a new Kiswa to commemorate Day of Arafat, Eid al-Adha.” Al Arabiya English. Available online: (http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/gulf/2019/08/09/The-Kaaba-will-receivea-new-Kiswa-to-commemorate-Day-of-Arafat-Eid-al-Adha, August 9, 2019 (accessed August 10, 2019). 34 Rebecca Sauer, “The Textile Performance of the Written Word: Islamic Robes of Honour (khilaʿ),” in Communication and Materiality: Written and Unwritten Communication in Pre-Modern Societies, ed. Susanne Enderwitz and Rebecca Sauer (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2015), 116. 33

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Vaziri and Tondi35 state that one of Ghiyas al din Ali Yazdi’s creations embedded with his signature was used for the tomb of Shaykh Safi al Din Ardibili, founder of the Safavi Sufi order.36 This particular tomb cover is stored in the National Museum of Iran in Tehran. Unfortunately, the image published by Fazel Vaziri and Tondi is of poor quality, and a search on the National Museum’s website failed to produce any images of this remarkable work. However, Vaziri and Tondi do provide an excellent description of the piece. It was created using a velvet weaving technique, and contains gold thread against a navy blue background. The main central pattern, in the form of a mihrab,37 suggests textile patterns associated with prayer rugs. This tomb cover is adorned with an Arabic inscription in thuluth style (thuluth, Persian: ‫ ﺛﻠﺚ‬sols, Turkish: Sülüs, from tulut, Arabic: ‫ ﺛﻠﺚ‬meaning “one-third”)38. The outer border contains a blessing and supplication to the twelve Shia Imams, including all their honorific titles.39 Below is the English translation: ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﯽ ﺍﻻﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﯽ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻕ ﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺪی ﺍﺑﯽ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻄﻔﯽ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺗﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﻪ ﻓﯽ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻭﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺪﷲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﯽ ﻁﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺗﺸﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﯽ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﺒﻂ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﯽ ﻋﺒﺪﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺰﺍﻫﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﻟﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ ﻗﻤﺮﺍﻟﻤﻐﺎﺭﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻋﺎﻅﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮑﺎﻅﻢ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﻻﺭﺗﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﯽ ﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻳﻨﺎﺩی ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺩی ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩی ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻘﺎﻟﻌﺒﻘﺮﻳﺎﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﮑﺮی ﻭﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻣﺮﷲ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﯽ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪی‬ Oh God, blessed be the final Arab illiterate prophet, the essence of whose being is the being of the world. He who broke the dawn of the skies of all prophecies and

35 ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮی ﻓﻀﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ‬, ‫ﺗﻨﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﯽ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﻔﯽ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﯽ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻏﻴﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﯽ ﻳﺰﺩی ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ ﺍﺭﻭﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﮑﯽ‬ ۷۹۳۱ ‫ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬۶ ‫ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬. ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﻧﻈﺮی ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﺎی ﺗﺠﺴﻤﯽ‬ 36 Ardabili, Shaykh Safi al-Din (d. 1334), founded not only the Safavid Sufi order, but also the Safavid dynasty (1501–1722). Given to visions of angels and visits by saints, Ardabili disseminated religious ideas from his base in Tabriz, Iran, to Anatolia, Syria, and India. See: http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t125/e189 37 Mihrab is a semi-circular niche in the wall of a mosque. It indicates the qibla, or prayer direction, towards Mecca. 38 Thuluth script is a type of Islamic calligraphy adhering to the principle that one-third of each letter slopes. It is a large and elegant cursive style used in medieval Islam to adorn mosques. See: https://www.britannica. com/art/thuluth-script 39 The du’a, or supplication (addressed to the twelve Shia Imams) on the tomb cover of Shaykh Safi al-Din Ardebili. Ibid., p. 140. Vaziri and Tondi did not offer an English translation.

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messengers and guidance, Father of Kasim, Mohammed the Chosen. And blessed be the messenger’s dawn, and his cousin in truth and clear successor khalif in righteousness, his Khalif Successor, the Conquering Lion of God, the Prince of Believers, Ali son of Talib. And blessed be the dawn of Imama (leadership), father of Mohammed, Al-Hasan. And blessed be Sebat (disciple), Messenger of the Thaqalein, father of Abdullah, Al Hussain. [According to the hadith of the Prophet Mohammed, known as hadith of Thaqalein: the Qur’an and Ahl al Bayt (the people of the house of Prophet Mohammed) had been described as the two weighty things.] And blessed be the master of Zahidine (modesties), Zein El-Abidine (most elegant of all worshippers) Ali. And blessed be the Most Precious of Pearls, Mohammad al Baqer. And blessed be the Moon of all Sunsets and the Sun of all Dawns, Jafar al Sadiq. And blessed be the Sultan of all the Highnesses and the Great, Mousa al Kadhim. And blessed be the Sultan of all Hidden Gems of Contentment, Ali Ibn Mousa al Ridha. And blessed be the Sultan of all Knowledge of Beginnings and Aftermath of Creation, Mohammad al Jawad, and blessed be this Salvation Intermediary as beings return to the afterlife, when the caller calls for the Hadi (guide); i.e., Mohammad. And blessed be the Genius possessing the highest of Morals, Al Hassan al Askari. And blessed be the Enforcer of God’s Will, the Ghanei (rich in morals), Mohammad al Mahdi. English translation by Dr. Ghadeer Okayli, 2019 (See Figure 5.6.) Another significant example of this type of textile is a Safavid (Persian) silk tomb cover signed by Muhammad Husayn bin Hajji Muhammad Kashani. This cover, also created at the behest of an élite or royal client, dates from the late Safavid era (1640– 1) during the reign of Shah Abbas II. (See Figure 5.7.) The first striking features are the dominant bold inscriptions repeated across the center of the fabric: (Arabic: ‫ ﻧﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺁﻟﻌﺠﺎﻳﺐ‬nada alina mazhar al ajayb) “Call upon Ali who is the manifestation of marvels.” This inscription, a prayer to Ali ibn Abi Talib (the first Shia Imam), is accomplished in thuluth style. During times of hardship, devout Shias would use an invocation of this type, finding tawassul, or access, to Allah through the Prophet Muhammed and his son-in-law Ali. The following is the English translation: Call on Ali, (he) is able to bring about the extraordinary. You will find him an effective supporter in all calamities. (All) worries and sorrows will soon disappear. By Thee, by thy Tremendousness. O! Lord, By Thee by Apostleship. O! Muhammed, By Thee by Thy granted Power and Authority of Wali [friend of Allah]. O! Ali, O! Ali, O! Ali (Help).40 40 Wali, Arabic: ‫ﻭﻟﻲ‬- “custodian,” “protector,” “helper,” and “friend.” In the vernacular, it is most commonly used by Muslims to indicate an Islamic saint, otherwise referred to by the more literal “friend of God.” https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wali

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Figure 5.6 Cover on the tomb of Shaykh Safi al Din Ardibili, Iran. He is the founder of the Safavi Sufi order. The textile designed and woven by master weaver of the time (sixteenth century), Ghiyas al din Ali Yazdi. Source; National Museum of Iran, Tehran.

A narrow yellow band appears at the top and bottom of this piece. Inscribed in gray in Persian nasta’liq style (‫ )ﻧﺴﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬is the following: ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﺖ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﭘﻨﺎﻧﻴﮑﯽ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ (Hajjia khanzadeh binte Ghasem Apnaniki waqf nemoodeh), given as a waqf.41 The term “khanzadeh” literally means “prince” or “born to Khan”.42 However, since the title “Hajjia” is conferred on a woman who has completed pilgrimage, or Hajj, to Mecca, and the word bint ‫ ﺑﻨﺖ‬in Arabic means “daughter”, this piece is most likely a gift from a princes. The recipient is identified as the daughter of Ghasem Apnanike, indicated by the repeated framed cartouches on the upper and lower edges of the piece. Narrow bands frame the large script ‫ﻧﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺁﻟﻌﺠﺎﻳﺐ‬. The English translation of the entire supplication (footnote 40) is as follows:

41 Waqf is an Islamic endowment of property to be held in trust and used for a charitable or religious purpose. See: https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/waqf (accessed August 22, 2019). 42 “Khan” is a title assigned to rulers and officials in central Asia, Afghanistan, and certain other Muslim nations, and includes the successors to Genghis Khan, supreme rulers of the Turkish, Tartar, and Mongol peoples, and emperors of China in the Middle Ages. See: https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-1d&q=The+meaning+of+Khan+

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Figure 5.7 A Safavid silk tomb cover signed Muhammed Husayn Bin Hajji Muhammad Kashani, Iran, dated ah 1[1]53/1740–1 ce . This inscription, a prayer to Ali ibn Abi Talib (the first Shia Imam), repeats the call for ْ ‫ﻧَﺎ ِﺩ َﻋﻠِﻴّﺎ ً َﻣ‬nada alina mazhar al ajayb). It appears in thuluth style. Source: https://www. Ali, ِ‫ﻈﻬَ َﺮ ْﺍﻟ َﻌ َﺠﺎﺋِﺐ‬ c h r i s t i e s . c om / l ot / l ot - a - s a f av i d - s i l k - t omb - c ov e r- s i g n e d - mu h a m m a d - 5 6 6 7 9 5 7 / ?from=salesummery&intobjectid=5667957&sid=2c10d267-78ee-4f86-a4b7-b8f2ff5f87af

“Call upon ʻAli who makes wonders appear; you will find him a help to you in adversity. All care and grief will clear away through your friendship [with Ali], O ʻAli O ʻAli O ʻAli.” Smaller alternating scripts in red and black read: ‫—ﻧَﺼْ ٌﺮ ﱢﻣﻦَ ﺍﻟﻠﱠـ ِﻪ‬which is part of the larger phrase ٌ‫ﻧَﺼْ ٌﺮ ﱢﻣﻦَ ﺍﻟﻠﱠـ ِﻪ َﻭﻓَ ْﺘ ٌﺢ ﻗَ ِﺮﻳﺐ‬, meaning “Victory of God is within reach (or is near),” found in the Qur’an, Sura As Saff (61:13). Other narrow bands between the large blocks of script read: ‫“ ﺑﺴﻢ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬In the name of compassionate, merciful God.” Furthermore, the calligrapher has woven his name within these bands: “Written by Mohammed Mo’men (‫)ﻛﺘﺒﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ‬.” This signature literally means “Mohammed the Pious.” Interestingly, it was common practice in this era for artisans to identify themselves by a title rather than by their family name. One can only speculate that the word “pious” following the calligrapher’s first name is indicative of the man’s sincere piety. While the calligraphy is the work of Mohammed Mo’men, the woven piece is signed by Muhammed Husayn Bin Hajji 161

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Muhammad Kashani, Iran, dated 1740–1 ce . Christie’s auction house offered this piece in 2013 at a selling price ranging between approximately $36,000 and $60,000.43 The two silk Shia Safavid tomb covers discussed above are both excellent examples of Arabic thuluth calligraphy. They also include blessings for, and devotion to, the twelve Shia Imams. However, the second cover differs from the first in that it uses nasta’liq, an Arabic script dating from the fifteenth century and employed mainly by Persian and Urdu speakers. In the second cover, one also notes an invocation to Ali (tawassul). Moreover, from a technical standpoint, the two covers are notably different in that the cover woven of velvet represents a significantly more complex process. However, both textiles reflect sincere devotion to religious faith—a literal covering of and protection for one’s beloved on the journey after life. While ordinary individuals devoted to Islam have had to rely on their own pious actions and good deeds in life to secure a pathway to heaven, high-ranking members of royal families and courts have, by contrast, enjoyed a distinct advantage. Given their political power, social status, and wealth, they have automatically qualified for blessing. That is, it was their tombs, and their tombs only, that were covered by richly and elaborately inscribed textiles containing conciliatory prayers—asking for intercession by the holy ones on behalf of the deceased so that Allah’s blessing might accompany their souls.

Indian and South Asian tomb covers Muslim Sufi shrines or dargahs44 (Persian: ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬, Urdu: ‫ )ﺩﺭﮔﻪ‬found throughout India, Pakistan, and Central Asia have served as pilgrimage destinations for centuries and continue to do so today, particularly during commemorative events such as a saint’s death anniversary, or Urs (from Arabic: ‫)ﻋﺮﺱ‬. For example, the dargah of Sayed Peer Haji Ali Shah Bukhari, better known as Haji Ali, is one of the most popular shrine destinations in India. Located near the coast of Mumbai, it is a key landmark where one finds a dargah and large mosque complex. The original shrine was built in the Indo-Islamic style in the fourteenth century; however, the present complex was constructed more recently. Occasionally Sufi musicians may be heard performing Qawwali (Urdu: ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻟﯽ‬, meaning chant), a form of devotional music performed by subcontinent Muslims (primarily in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh).45

43 See: https://www.christies.com/lotfinder/textiles-costume/a-safavid-silk-tomb-cover-signed-muhammad5667957-details.aspx?from=salesummery&intobjectid=5667957&sid=2c10d267-78ee-4f86-a4b7-b8f2ff5f87af. The 2013 listed price for this textile was £30,000–£50,000. 44 Dargah is derived from the Persian word for “portal” or “threshold.” In the context of South Asia, a dargah refers to the shrine of a Muslim Sufi dervish or saint. On occasion, the terms dargah and khangah (Persian: ‫( )ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻩ‬hostels, hospices for the Sufis) are used interchangeably. 45 Panchali Dey, “Haji Ali Dargah—all that you need to know about this floating wonder.” Times of India, Travel. Available online: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/travel/things-to-do/haji-ali-dargah-all-that-you-needto-know-about-this-floating-wonder/as64061737.cms, May 7, 2018 (last accessed: September 23, 2018).

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Figure 5.8 Inside the tomb of Pir Haji Ali Shah Bukhari, Mumbai, India. Source: https://en. wikipedia.org/wiki/Pir_Haji_Ali_Shah_Bukhari

On the subcontinent of India, which is now predominantly Hindu, communities of Muslims and Hindus coexisted peacefully for generations. Although the majority of Muslims migrated to Pakistan following the 1947 partition, a significant number remained behind. By 2018, Muslims comprised an estimated 201 million—making Muslim Indians the world’s second largest Muslim group and the world’s largest minority population. Despite a difficult political relationship between the two nations, these events attract faithful Muslims from every part of India and Pakistan. Pilgrimage rights are protected “. . . under the provisions of the 1974 India–Pakistan Protocol on Visits to spiritual Shrines . . .”46 Some Hindus, out of respect for the Sufi saints, also visit India’s dargahs and, therefore, it is not unusual to see Muslims and Hindus mingling together among the crowds of visitors. The following section discusses textiles gifted annually to dargahs honoring Haj Ali Shah Bukhari and Kwaja Moinuddin Chishti. These textiles, or tomb covers, are referred to as chadar. It is customary for pilgrims, from poorest villager to most affluent celebrity, to carry the chadar in a basket on top of their heads—a sign of the highest respect. (See Figure 5.9.)

46 No author, “Pak diplomat places chador at Hazrat Nizamuddin Aulia Dargah.” Available online: http://www. fa9news.com/news/pak-diplomat-places-chador-hazrat-nizamuddin-aulia-dargah/, May 7, 2018 (accessed August 15, 2019).

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Figure 5.9 Pakistani movie actress Veena Malik visiting Hazrat Khawaja Moinuddin Hasan Chishti Dargah to offer a chadar (tomb cover). Source: https://www.bollywoodmantra.com/ picture/veena-malik-at-ajmer-sharif-dargah-9/

Haji Ali Dargah Pir Haji Ali Shah Bukhari, a Sufi saint, was born in (what is now) Uzbekistan during the fourteenth century. A wealthy Muslim merchant known for his kindliness and Islamic teachings, Bukhari renounced all worldly possessions before making pilgrimage to Mecca. According to one legend, during this Hajj Bukhari became fatally ill and asked to be buried at sea. This request was honored but, miraculously, his casket floated back to the island of Worli (near the southern tip of India’s largest city, Mumbai). At this location a tomb was constructed to honor him as a saint. The adjacent mosque, an excellent example of Indo-Islamic architecture, was built nearby. Online images of the tomb’s interior show numerous chadars spread neatly over the tomb—chadars that represent a wide array of fabrics in size, color, and type—ranging from humble to extremely elegant. The simple, less elegant chadars are likely handmade by loving devotees and pilgrims. Some of these covers have been purchased commercially in the market at an affordable price; others are specially commissioned and created by skilled artisans. The factory-made chadars often contain the names of Allah, the Prophet Muhammed, short Qur’anic verses, and words or images associated with the Kaaba or other well-known Islamic shrines. These inscriptions, when mass produced, are simply stamped on the face of the fabric. 164

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Hereditary custodians maintain the tombs at each dargah, receiving and managing gifts of floral offerings and new chadars. Each donated fabric remains on the tomb for a limited period of time. It is likely that those tomb covers donated by politicians, foreign dignitaries, and individuals in positions of power remain for the longest period of time. Ajmer Sharif Dargah This dargah, located at Ajmer, Rajasthan, India, houses the grave of revered Sufi saint Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti. Having settled in the Indian subcontinent in the early thirteenth century, Khwaja Moinuddin spread the Chishtiyya order of Sunni mysticism47— the most popular Sufi order in India. The tradition of sending chadar to this dargah dates back more than 800 years. An excellent example of fabric covering Ajmer Sharif ’s tomb is an extraordinary one gifted in 2016 by Sonia Gandhi, former President of the Indian Congress. (See Figure 5.10.) The cover, a deep purple velvet, includes hand-embroidered borders and intricate patchwork patterns; pearls are sewn across the entire background. Separate pieces of fabric in magenta with white embroidery read: “Allah and Muhammed.” Also visible are embroidered segments showing two of the most revered sites in Islam. When a chadar is given to a dargah, particularly by a non-Muslim during the celebration of Urs, it is generally seen as a symbol of peacemaking and respect. However, when Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a political rival of Sonia Gandhi, donated

Figure 5.10 Sonia Gandhi holds the chadar before sending it to Ajmar Sharif Dargah, 2016. Source; https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/chadar-offered-on-behalf-of-sonia-gandhi-at-ajmerdargah-1395585

47 Francesca Orsini and Katherine Butler Schofield, Telling and Texts: Music, Literature, and Performance in North India (Cambridge: Open Book Publishers, 2015), 463. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moinuddin_ Chishti#cite_note-Katherine_Butler_Schofield_2015_p._463-3

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a chadar to Ajmer Sharif in the same week (April 2017), the gesture was viewed with skepticism. At the time, “India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP] [was] facing criticism from two international human rights groups for inspiring violence against Muslims.”48 President Modi’s Hindu nationalist beliefs, especially in relationship to minorities, shed doubt on his sincerity. Sonia Gandhi’s political stance also came into question. Criticism emerged concerning whether Modi’s or Gandhi’s chadar was more elaborate, more expensive, and more apt to please India’s Muslim population, the votes of whom they were both courting. Two years prior, in 2015, the US Ambassador to India had gifted a chadar to Ajmer dargah on behalf of President Barack Obama. It was the first time a U.S. president had engaged in such a gesture, which included the following message: On behalf of the United States government, I convey greetings of deepest friendship and respect to the community of Dargah Ajmer Sharif and the people of Ajmer . . . On this day, the 803rd Annual Urs of Hazrat Khawaja Moinudeen Hasan Chishty, our thoughts are with the community in Ajmer and we give thanks for the work of the Dargah Ajmer Sharif and its legacy of striving for understanding, peace, and respect between all faiths and peoples of the world. Whatever our beliefs, whatever our traditions, we must seek to be instruments of peace, and bringing light where there is darkness, and sowing love where there is hatred.49 In contrast to the Gandhi–Modi controversy, few doubted the sincerity of this historic gesture that marked the first effort of “extending spiritual greetings of peace to Ajmer dargah Sharif from the head of state of a country outside South Asia.”50 Each year the government of Pakistan also sends a chadar to Ajmer dargah through Pakistan’s High Commissioner to India. This symbol of goodwill is an attempt to unite the peoples of these two nations, a signal that Pakistan desires a peaceful rather than adversarial relationship. The textiles thus far presented, with messages both explicit and embedded, have primarily been associated with permanent spaces such as cemeteries, shrines, and tombs. However, beautiful fabrics have also served in a temporary sense to shelter burial rites. The traditional Egyptian funeral tents lend reverence to such moments. 48 Nilanjana Bhowmick, “Modi’s party stokes anti-Muslim violence in India, report says.” Available online: https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/2100513/modis-party-stokes-anti-muslim-violence-indiareport-says, June 21, 2017 (accessed August 15, 2019) Also see the following: Helen Regan, Omar Khan and Swati Gupta, CNN, “Modi says India’s minorities are living in world of imaginary fear. Muslims disagree.” Available online: https://www.cnn.com/2019/05/29/asia/india-modi-muslim-fear-intl/index.html, May 29, 2019 (accessed August 15, 2019). “India’s Muslims fear for their future under Narendra Modi.” Available online: https://www.bbc.com/news/ world-asia-india-48278441, May 6, 2019 (accessed August 15, 2019). 49 Darpan News Desk, “Barack Obama Offers ‘Chadar’ At Ajmer Sharif Dargah Of Khawaja Moinudeen Chishty.” Available online: https://www.darpanmagazine.com/news/india/first-pics-barack-obama-offers-chadar-atajmer-sharif-dargah-of-khawaja-moinudeen-chishty, April 20, 2015 (accessed August 16, 2019). 50 Ibid.

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Egyptian funeral tents: The art of Khayamiya Khayamiya (Egyptian Arabic: ‫)ﺧﻴّﺎﻣﻴﺔ‬, sometimes referred to as Egyptian Tentmaker appliqué, is a decorative textile artwork created over many centuries, perhaps in response to the desert dust. Archeological evidence suggests that textiles comparable to handstitched Khayamiya date back to the Pharaonic era 3000 bc . Indeed, the bright patchwork style of stitching and piecing fragments together could possibly date from the reign of Tutankhamum (1334–1325 bc ), whose colorful robes may have benefited from Khayamiya artistry, according to a number of scholars. Only in recent years have these decorative appliqué textiles attracted the attention they merit. Khayamiya is derived from the Arabic word khayma, or “tent.” Thus, Khayamiya is the art associated with tent adornment. The two primary forms of Khayamiya include large appliquéd panels (surdiq or siwan) and the smaller quilted or patchwork panels (tark). Qur’anic verses or well-known proverbs are often incorporated in wonderful calligraphic or geometric Arabesque patterns. While these textiles are assembled at weddings and festivals to form celebratory spaces, they are also used as part of funeral rites. Funeral tents are usually decorated with panels of tile works and Qur’anic calligraphy appliqué to ensure the art matches the occasion appropriately. (See Figures 5.11a and 5.11b.) Cairo has traditionally been the epicenter of the ancient craft of tentmaking. More specifically, it is on the Street of Tentmakers where, for generations, highly skilled artisans have used appliquéd cloth patterns to construct huge tent pavilions, or suradeq. Throughout Egypt, for thousands of years, the suradeq has continued to serve a unique purpose . . . Until quite recently, in fact, it was the custom for all the important events in a person’s life to be marked by the appearance of one of these tents—[including] a funeral.51 When a Muslim dies in Egypt, according to Islamic tradition their family may include the larger community in the burial process. “On the evening of the burial, some wealthy families block off the street where the person used to live and set up a tent for the mourners.”52 Funeral tents may also be set up next to the mosque. While men recite the Qur’an in the mosque, women recite the Qur’an together in the house of the deceased. Family members may also hire a maqari (professional Qur’an reader). Recitation of the Qur’an continues in the house of the deceased for several days after burial (and/or inside the funeral tent). Food may be distributed to the poor within these tent spaces in the deceased’s name. The Islamic funeral prayer, or Salat-al-janazah (Arabic: ‫)ﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺯﺓ‬, is commonly performed in a public square, courtyard, or inside the funeral tent rather

51

John Feeney,,“Tentmakers of Cairo.” Originally from the ARAMCO WORLD MAGAZINE, November/ December 1996). Available online: http://almashriq.hiof.no/egypt/600/670/677/cairo_tentmakers/ (accessed August 20, 2019). 52 Arlene Moscovitch, Egypt: The People (New York: Crabtree Publishing Company, 2008), 23.

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Figures 5.11a and 5.11b A contemporary square piece of surdiq or siwan (appliquéd panel) in its entirety and detailed (focused on the central part of the piece). Every part of the process is done by hand, with tiny stitches creating a beautiful work of art. Source: author’s private collection; the item is a gift from a colleague, Dr. Kamran Aghaei, who purchased it for me during one of his trips (1990s) to Cairo, Egypt.

than inside the mosque. The imam, or religious authority, leads mourners in this special funeral prayer seeking pardon from Allah for the deceased. Although the exact origin of tents (in association with Egyptian death rituals) remains speculative, scholars of ancient Egypt, such as James K. Hoffmeier report the following: 168

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The first tangible archaeological criteria that a tent-like structure was associated with a valley temple was uncovered during the excavations of Selim Hassan at Giza. At the front of the valley temple of Khafre were a series of sockets. Hassan interpreted these holes, which measured 30 cm. diameter, as being sockets into which the poles were placed to support the purification tent.53 Hoffmeier also suggests that in this purification tent the body would be prepared for burial and that “. . . [these] purification tents [were] used by nobility and royalty, respectively, in the Old Kingdom.”54 Furthermore, a piece of ancient tapestry mentioned by Villiers Stuart may have served as part of an Egyptian funeral tent. Stuart states that among the objects found with royal mummies at Deir el Bahari (Egypt) was the following: . . . a perfectly unique example of ancient Egyptian tapestry [which] constituted the funeral tent of Queen Isiem Kheb . . . The tent itself may be described as a mosaic of leather work, consisting of thousands of pieces of gazelle hide stitched together with thread of colours to match. The edges are neatly bound with a pink cord of twisted leather, sewn on with stout pink thread; each colour is a separate piece, no one section bearing two colours; thus each square of the chessboardpatterned foot-stool upon which the gazelles are kneeling is a distinct morsel stitched to its neighbours. The whole work is in fact mosaic, and is the only example yet discovered of what may be called ancient Egyptian tapestry.55 Tents were integral to the Mughals in India, Ottoman Turks, and the Safavids and Qajars of Persia. The creation of beautiful tents for the comfort of kings and rulers obviously was not exclusive to the Ottoman or Persian empires. Across diverse regions and cultures, portable tents have housed royals and their families, whether during hunting or military expeditions or during periods of absence from residential palaces. As symbols of authority, wealth, and power, royal tents would have been palatial in size and their interiors and ceilings elaborately decorated. However, the Egyptian suredeq (huge pavilions decorated in Khamamiya) may be exceptional in terms of artistry: When you see a suradeq for the first time it tends to take your breath away. Although very plain and grayish-white on the outside, the tents are lined inside from top to bottom with exquisite geometric patterns—usually in brilliant reds,

53 James K. Hoffmeier,,“The Possible Origins of the Tent of Purification in the Egyptian Funerary Cult.” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 9 (1981): 170. Available online: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44323240 (accessed February 8, 2019). 54 Ibid. 55 Stuart Villiers, The Funeral Tent of an Egyptian Queen (London: John Murray, 1882), 5. Note: Deir el-Bahari or Dayr al-Bahri is a complex of mortuary temples and tombs located on the west bank of the Nile, opposite the city of Luxor, Egypt. This is a part of the Theban Necropolis. The first monument built at the site was the mortuary temple of Mentuhotep II of the Eleventh Dynasty. See: https://www.google.com/search?client=firefoxb-1-d&q=where+is+Deir+el+Bahari+in+Egypt+located

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greens, blues and yellows – every centimeter of them painstakingly sewn by hand according to a craft tradition rarely practiced anywhere in the Arab world today, except in the tentmakers’ bazaar of Cairo.56 Unfortunately, skilled Egyptian tentmakers are disappearing and Khayamiya textiles are increasingly being factory produced. Also, as the 2015 film documentary The Tentmakers of Cairo57 suggests, the remaining Egyptian tentmakers have been caught up in turbulent political times. Tourism has declined in this atmosphere of political unrest and, along with it, the ability of these skilled artisans to earn a living. Furthermore, the new, younger generation of Egyptian men are more interested in seeking jobs with better pay and instant gratification than in mastering the ancient arts of tentmaking and Khayamiya. Nevertheless, there are a number of individuals striving to keep this timeless artistry alive. New markets are beginning to open outside of Egypt, primarily due to international exhibitions of Egyptian Khaymiya in Australia, the UK, France, and the United States. This trend suggests that a highly respected Islamic craft—the construction of temporal tent structures complemented by decorative and incredibly beautiful patterns—may yet be sustained and afforded ultimate value beyond the borders of Islamicate societies.

56

See: http://almashriq.hiof.no/egypt/600/670/677/cairo_tentmakers/ (accessed September 9, 2019). Kim Beamish (film maker). The Tentmakers of Cairo. https://vimeo.com/ondemand/tentmakersofcairo and https://vimeo.com/ondemand/tentmakers Documentary, 1 hour 33 minutes. Produced: April 18, 2016 (accessed August 18, 2019). Synopsis: Over a period of three years, The Tentmakers of Cairo follows a community of Egyptian artisans whose craft has remained largely unchanged since Pharaonic times. While their hands stitch superbly detailed traditional designs, they try to make sense of Egypt’s turbulent political scene, from the 2011 revolution to the election of Abdel Fatah Al Sisi in 2014. 57

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CONCLUSION

This volume examines cloth and textiles from a communicative as well as decorative perspective. From spinning to weaving, embroidery to quilting, material culture may be viewed as a type of language, speaking to traditional beliefs and cultural practices while recording history for future generations. Regions highlighted in this book, ranging far beyond the Middle East, reflect Islam’s wide-ranging influence on fabric, fashion, and ritual. These Muslim-dominated regions, which I refer to as Islamicate cultures,1 demonstrate this foundational influence on textiles across a panoply of cultures, resulting in unique materials serving form and function alike. Hopefully, the contents of this book will prove a catalyst, motivating other scholars to explore and expand understanding of textile phenomena within Islamic and Islamicate cultures. I have been drawn particularly to the ways in which a nation’s clothing, textiles and emblems reflect sociocultural legacies and national pride. Islam’s unifying influence, while connecting incredibly diverse cultures, has been complemented by each region’s indigenous heritage. Of further interest has been the assignation of values, messages, and behaviors to material products, as discussed in Chapter 1, “Textiles and Symbols: a Mélange of Cultural Signifiers.” Examples include Central Asia’s ram’s horn, the Iranian lion and sword patterns, kanga cloth from Swahili coastal communities, and the Palestinian keffiyeh. These unique aesthetic contributions have served as powerful tools for communication, representing the rich fabric of Islamic and pre-Islamic histories and civilizations. Throughout the Muslim world, textiles have been emblazoned with magical designs, symbolic figures, and talismanic scripts. Chapter 2, “Talismanic Textiles: Gender, Status, and the Supernatural,” addresses how Islamicate and Muslim majority cultures view this topic differently. Webster defines talisman or amulet as “an object held to as a charm to avert evil and bring good fortune” or as “something producing apparently magical or miraculous effects.” The objects are varied, including religious medallions and small figurines, religious inscriptions in holy books and on talismanic shirts, and Qu’ranic verses used to protect oneself and one’s family. In addressing the traditional and contemporary use of fabrics as powerful markers of cultural belief systems, I have also

1

Marshall Goodwin Simms Hodgson (1922–8), an Islamic Studies academic and world historian at the University of Chicago, coined the term “Islamicate.” Because of the overriding influence of Islam on nonMuslims living within Muslim realms, however, Hodgson used the term to demonstrate the importance of Islam as a cultural force that influenced non-Muslim forms of art, literature, and custom. “ ‘Islamicate’ would refer not directly to the religion, Islam, itself, but to the social complex historically associated with Islam and the Muslims, both among Muslims themselves and even when found among non-Muslims.” For example, wine poetry was Islamicate, but not Islamic. This terminological distinction has not been widely adopted. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marshall_Hodgson

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noted that textiles tell the story of more recent religious practices, absent any ties to Islam, such as those used in the Cherubim and Seraphim Church,2 a Christian denomination in southwestern Nigeria, in which dreams and visions captured on white cloth reflect the worshippers’ beliefs regarding humanity’s connection to God. The cloth then becomes a repository of visions as well as a protective amulet to safeguard the church itself. Textile production and adornment also serve as markers of gender boundaries, social standing, and belief in the supernatural. In Islamic and Islamicate cultures, the loom and weaving itself is closely associated with gender, most often the female gender, and can serve to elevate the weaver’s status in the larger community. Within indigenous cultures where families depend on hand-loomed textile productions as their primary livelihood, ritual practices remain in place to protect the herd (i.e., the raw source for wool) and the loom, thus safeguarding the family’s economic resources. Pre-weaving rituals are also often observed to insure successful outcomes and to offer gratitude to the loom itself. Chapter 3 devotes significant attention to the effects of colonization on textile production. Few would argue that colonial policies have primarily enriched and benefited the West and, more often than not, exploited native populations. Karen Tranberg Hansen alludes to a material example of imperial power, citing the colonizer’s insistence that indigenous peoples wear European-style clothing. Colonizers often deemed their own type of dress as “civilized” and superior to native garb, even when uncomfortable and inconvenient in hot, humid climates. As mentioned in this chapter, colonizing powers dominated much of Asia and Africa. While the African continent fell primarily to the Portuguese, French, Dutch, and English, Asia suffered exploitation not only by imperialist Western Europe but also by Russia, Japan, and the United States. Colonizing nations exploited natural resources in the regions they dominated and, almost always, produced changes in indigenous textile production. Not surprisingly, the colonizers were impacted in unpredictable ways by the people they ruled. For example, India, with its long history of cotton and silk production, presented a special case—using a textile cottage industry to gain independence from a mega political power (the British Empire). Mahatma Gandhi (Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi) chose cloth as a vital and essential tool for achieving independence: “. . . Gandhi’s clothing transformation from western suits to a dhoti, from a long coat and a turban to Khadi (handspun woven cotton); a Khadi shirt, a Khadi stole and a Khadi cap . . . dwindled down to [his] wearing only a Khadi wraparound. Gandhi himself was an innovative technician of mass publicity.”3 Furthermore, it is no exaggeration to say that British colonial power played a significant role in radically changing India’s politics of clothing. That is, England left a material legacy still prevalent today—seventy-five years later—and particularly evident in urban areas where Western attire and native Indian fashion combine.

2

The Cherubim and Seraphim Church, also known as the ESOCS (Eternal Sacred Order of Cherubim and Seraphim) is a Christian denomination in Nigeria—founded in 1925 by Moses Orimolade Tunolase. 3 Nisar Kannangara, “The Politics of Clothing in Postcolonial Indian Democracy,” Clothing Cultures 6, no. 2 (2016): 244.

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Another colonial power, the Russian Empire, extended its reach into Central Asia as of the early nineteenth century. Among the most prized textile commodities in Central Asia were (and still are) warp ikat (“abrband” Persian: ‫ = ﺍﺑﺮﺑﻨﺪ‬tying a cloud) fabrics and suzani embroideries (Persian: ‫ = ﺳﻮﺯﻧﯽ‬needle work).4 In the 1970s Western audiences became familiar with these Central Asian treasures, so that the fabrics ultimately became highly desired by the wealthy, private collectors, and museums. Russians adopted the ikat technique, traditional color combinations and patterns, as well as suzani embroidery. However, they did so by creating cheap imitations produced on electronic looms— flooding the market with these inferior, but far more affordable, products. By selling these fabrics back to the Central Asian population, the Russians managed to demolish a centuries-old tradition of hand-loomed, high-quality textiles. Eventually the cheap synthetic facsimiles found their way to non-Asian markets, under the guise of being authentically Central Asian. In fact, most Europeans and non-Europeans were first exposed to this textile art by viewing cheap imitations rather than the authentic fabrics (although museums certainly contained some of the original ikat and suzani pieces). As often happens with handcrafted fabrics developed in particular regions or by specific cultural groups, the Central Asian ikat has been copied and, in a sense, commandeered by haute couture5 fashion designers supplying the Western markets’ demands. Very seldom is credit given to the indigenous people who originally created these fabrics, nor mention made of the ikat’s Central Asian origins. Although haute couture designers have reaped untold profits from this practice, exposing these textiles to the West has resulted in an unexpected benefit. That is, the status of this treasured fabric has been elevated significantly and its value recognized globally. “In Uzbekistan today, women’s ikat garments, in a variety of shapes, styles and materials, have become an emblem of cultural heritage and national or ethnic identity—as they have for Uighur minority women in Xinjiang, China.”6 Indeed, for the Uighur minority, the ikat garment, along with language and Islam, provide a valuable connection to their Turkic Central Asian descendants. In Chapter 3, I explore numerous ways in which colonization has impacted India, Indonesia, Central Asia, and Palestine in terms of clothing and textile pattern productions. The relationship between embroidery and the refugee experience is a timely one, and is discussed in Chapter 4. Whether capturing memories from their homeland, documenting long journeys to safety, or recording highly personal experiences, many refugees, especially women, have found that embroidery supports their recovery from 4

Ikat is an Indonesian word meaning “to bind” and refers to the characteristic pattern. In this form of resistdyeing and weaving, the warp threads are dyed and the pattern for the fabric is created before weaving begins. Suzani is a Persian word referring to embroidery of the nomadic Central Asian tribes (from Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and other neighboring regions). Suzani is a time-consuming and rather extraordinary embroidery process, originally developed to create a coverlet for the bridal bed. This art form, still produced today, has been revived because of an increasingly appreciative global audience. 5 Haute couture refers to custom-fitted, high-end fashion designs usually created from exclusive textiles that are not sold to the public, and are constructed by hand from start to finish. 6 Mary M. Dusenbury, “ Atlas Today: Patterns of Production, Bazaars and Bloomingdales Uzbekistan and Xinjiang, China,” Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings (2008), 91. Available online: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/tsaconf/91

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the trauma and anxiety of displacement. For Syrian, Iraqi, and Palestinian refugees, embroidery—and, to a lesser extent, weaving—have increasingly provided pathways to income and economic self-sufficiency. Textile creations by Afghan, Iraqi, and Syrian refugees, all of which reflect either invasion, war, and/or occupation are also presented in this chapter. In addition, Chapter 4 highlights the remarkable patchwork artistry of the Siddis, displaced peoples descended from the Bantu of Southeast Africa, many of whom were enslaved and brought to the subcontinent of India as early as the seventh and eighth centuries. Colorful Siddi patchwork quilts reflect their long identification with India. This chapter also includes several textile examples from non-Muslim regions. Particularly interesting is the Ro, or “father plane,” a bomber image from the Second World War that Indonesian villagers incorporated in their weaving. Originally considered an auspicious motif associated with liberation by the Allies, this weaving pattern survives to this day. I have also discussed Hmong refugee textiles. In traditional Hmong culture, complex textiles were produced by women, representing clan identity and cultural values.Adhering to Hmong textile tradition, “story” cloths continue to be produced in Hmong villages in Laos and northern Thailand. A significant number of these embroidered cloths vividly depict Hmong village life, but also include wartime scenarios: attack by air and land, atrocities carried out by the Burmese army, and refugees crossing deep and dangerous rivers to reach safety in Thailand. Story cloths provide a record, as well as indisputable evidence, of the Hmong refugee experience. The final chapter (Chapter 5), “Textiles and Death Rituals in Islamicate Societies,” offers readers a detailed description of the role cloth plays in Muslim funerary rites. Muslim death rituals vary by community so that, quite naturally, Muslim funerary textiles vary as well. This chapter, highlighting the use of fabric in blessing, burying, and venerating the deceased, describes an evolving relationship between material culture and end of life rites. While popular culture continues to impact traditional Islamic values, certain textile-based rituals around death and the afterlife seem especially immutable. As an example, most Muslims in indigenous Muslim majority lands use a simple white undyed shroud cloth, known commonly as kafan (Arabic: ‫)ﮐﻔﻦ‬, in which the deceased is buried and no casket is used. However, as explained in Chapter 5, the standardization of Muslim burial cloth occurred long after the Prophet’s death, and no rules or restrictions as to fabric type were established during his lifetime. New kafan innovation practices therefore are in use today by some Shia communities, authorized as permissible by religious authorities in Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon. Original, contemporary kafans are inscribed with verses from the Qur’an, including formulaic Shia supplications and prayers at cost-effective prices. However, the practice of inscribing tomb covers or shrouds may be traced to earlier centuries, as exemplified by a shroud in London’s Victoria & Albert Museum produced c. 1823 during the Qajar dynasty (1789–1925). Several shrouds from the Ottoman era (1299–1922) reveal the existence of religious gifts such as tomb covers and Mecca’s door covers. Another death-related textile, the kiswah (black brocade cloth covering the sacred Kaaba in Mecca), is replaced yearly. The term kiswah (Arabic: ‫ )ﻛﺴﻮﺓ‬translates to “pall”— which is the cloth draped over a casket. Kiswah cloth, manufactured annually in Mecca, 174

Conclusion

Saudi Arabia,7 is treated with the highest respect and honor. Furthermore, after the used kiswah cloth is removed, the fabric is cut into pieces and gifted to various Muslim dignitaries. Worshippers believe that the cloth contains barakat (blessings) and is imbued with healing energy. Therefore, the pieces are used as adornment for Muslim shrines— and many recipients of these coveted cloth fragments frame and hang them on the walls of their homes or offices.This custom remains in place today. Most recently, kiswah pieces have appeared for sale on eBay. In Islamicate South Asian cultures where textile and cloth donations to Hindu temples are common, the same practice is carried over to the Muslim dargah (Persian and Urdu: ‫ = ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬Sufi shrine). Pious believers regularly donate beautiful silk and and gold thread (Persian and Urdu: ‫ = ﺯﺭی‬zari) cloth to shrines such as those of Haji Ali Dargah (near Mumbai, India) and Ajmar Sharif Dargah (Rajasthan, India). The final chapter also pays special attention to the khayam (Arabic: ‫َﺧ ْﻴ َﻤﺔ‬ khayma, feminine plural ‫ = ِﺧﻴَﺎﻡ‬khiyām or ‫ = ِﺧﻴَﻢ‬khiym) and the suradeg (plural Arabic: ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺩﻕ‬, singular form: ‫)ﺳﺮﺩﺍﻕ‬, Egyptian tents that serve as temporary architectural spaces and are designed for a variety of public occasions, including funerals. Suradeg interiors are lined with exquisite geometric patterns, usually handcrafted patchwork with Qur’anic inscriptions. In Egypt, Muslim family members may include the larger community in the burial rites by blocking off the street where the deceased lived and erecting a tent for the mourners. The khayam provides extra space for these mourners. Given advancements in technology and a shift from local to tourist-oriented markets, the tentmakers of Cairo are stepping away from the traditional architectural approach and focusing more on contemporary art. These ongoing changes threaten to subvert the original function for which the khayam, an important Egyptian living heritage, was developed centuries ago. At the same time, it may be argued that new markets encourage the very survival of tentmakers themselves. By revealing the profound cultural, economic, and political influence Islam has exerted on textile development, I hope to encourage further research in the field, and thereby promote the discovery of untapped resources. Indeed, without additional inquiry, the full extent of information embedded in material culture may never be understood. Here is an opportunity to reconsider dismissive attitudes towards Islamicate textile artistry and to decipher, in the fabric of diverse cultures, valuable messages about the human experience.

7

The Saudi Arabian government operates the Kiswah Al Kaaba factory in Mecca. Approximately 200 fabric workers are required to produce the cover annually. Over half of these individuals work solely on embroidery. Adjacent to the Kaaba is a museum established in 1999—the Two Holy Mosques Architecture Exhibition— displaying the architectural design history of Islam’s two holiest mosques. https://www.hajjumrahinfo.co.za/ makkah/placestovisit/kiswa_factory_makkah_museum

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GLOSSARY

Introduction Amlikar Hindi. Also referred to as Amil needlework. An embroidered Kashmir shawl made entirely with Pashmina wool. Atlas Arabic. A rich satin fabric. Originally, satin fabrics were made from silk. Chintz Hindi. From chint, meaning “spotted” or “variegated.” The British assigned the term chintz to this fabric, referring to Chitra, the village in eastern India where it originated. Kani Hindi. Kani shawls, from the Kanihama region of the Kashmir valley, are the finest Pashmina shawls and made using wooden needles on a traditional handloom. Pashmina Persian, from pashm, meaning “finest wool fiber.” Also Urdu, Hindi. Fine-quality fiber; wool obtained from cashmere goats. Shahtoosh Persian, Urdu. Also written shahtush, meaning “king of fine wools.” The shahtoosh shawl is made from high-quality wool, shorn from the neck hair of the Himalayan ibex.

Chapter 1: Textiles and Symbols: A Mélange of Cultural Signifiers Chapan Persian, Turkic. A long outerwear garment worn by Muslim men and women, made from silk or cotton. Some chapan are padded for warmth in cold environments. Arabic-speakers may refer to a garment very similar to a chapan as jubba. Dishdasha Arabic. Also known as thawb, thobe, or kandoora. The dishdasha is an long-sleeved ankle-length white garment for men, originally made of cotton. Gabbeh / Gabba Persian, meaning “something raw, natural, or uncut.” Gabbeh belongs to a class of handwoven high-pile carpets—particularly in the state of Pars (southwest Iran). These carpets are much heavier than other types because the piles are not shorn. Gabbeh-ye-Shiri Persian. The Persian word shir means “lion” and, therefore, this type of carpet uses the image of lion(s) as a main motif. Ikat Malay-Indonesian word meaning “tie”— referring to an Indonesian decorative technique in which warp or weft threads (or both) are tie-dyed before weaving. Ikat /abr Persian. Abr means “cloud” and refers to the cloud-like patterns achieved using the ikat technique. Kanga Swahili. Originally the name for the guinea fowl, known for its spotted plumage. Also referred to as leso in Kenya. A kanga is a piece of rectangular-shaped piece of 100 percent cotton cloth, with printed patterns and brightly decorative borders. Kangas may be printed with a variety of expressions, sayings or slogans. Kaniki Swahili. A type of kanga; a dyed merikani cloth (navy blue) worn by enslaved Muslim women in Tanzania prior to 1897. Kanzu Swahili. Robe or tunic. In Tanzania, the term kanzu can also mean kaftan. This is a long robe worn by men in the African Great Lakes region. Keffiyeh Arabic. The word keffiyeh originates in the Kufa area of Iraq and means “from the city of Kufa.” The item is a square scarf worn traditionally worn by men, and originally worn by Arab Bedouins. The keffiyeh enjoys a long history, dating from the Sumerian and Babylonian civilizations in Mesopotamia. 176

Glossary Khalat Arabic, Turkish. An outerwear coat made of striped silk or cotton ikats and reserved for special occasions. Khorjin Persian, Turkish. Saddlebag. A double saddlebag is Khorjun (Turkmen Turkish), also known as a “donkey bag.” Alternate spellings include Khorjin, Kharjin, Khordjin, and Khurdzhin. Kurta/kurtah Urdu, Persian. A long dress with slits up the sides, typically knee- or calf-length. Worn by both men and women. Merikani cloth English. The Swahili noun merikani is derived from the adjective “American.” Merikani cloth was manufactured from white cotton imported from America. In Tanzania, prior to 1897, Muslim slave men and women were required to wear this cloth to mark their non-emancipated social status. Namad Persian. Felt. Namada Urdu, Turkic. Felt. Namadrezi Tajiki Persian. Felt making. The Iranian/Persian word is Namadmali. Qarshin Turkish. Handwoven storage bag. Shalwar/Salwar Persian, Urdu. Drawstring trousers, narrow at the ankle.

Chapter 2. Talismanic Textiles: Gender, Status, and the Supernatural Agbada Yoruba (Nigeria). A flowing gown. Ala or Ogbo Yoruba ((Nigeria). White cloth used for multiple functional and ritual purposes. Astta Berber (Morocco). Refers to both the loom and the act of weaving. Chalipa Persian. The literal meaning is “cross.” In daraei fabrics (ikat cloth), when warps are dyed on the loom before weaving, the dyed warps are referred to as chalipa. Daoula Dogan (Mali). Refers to sheen or gloss on wild silk signifying a living force called daoula. This living force is believed to be inherent in this fabric. Daraei Persian. The literal meaning is “wealth.” Daraei cloth is a type of ikat woven in Yazd, Iran. In the past, daraie fabric was derived from pure silk—making it an exclusive, luxury item that only a few could afford. Gele Yoruba (Nigeria). Fabric wrapped around a woman’s head. Iborun Yoruba (Nigeria). A shawl. Ihram Arabic. A long, white unstitched cloth draped by Muslim men over their bodies while on annual pilgrimage (Hajj) to Mecca. It is tradition that the same ihram will ultimately be used as each man’s kafen. Ikakibite cloth Ijaw (Nigeria). Worn by young women during the iria (coming of age) celebration, this cloth contains patterns of ikaki or tortoise—an important symbol of sociopolitical unity for the Ijo. Kafen / Kafan Arabic. A simple white shroud. Kar-bafi Persian. This is a handwoven cotton fabric from Maybod (Iran) that is produced only by women. Kamarband Persian. Refers to a waistband or belt. The English word cummerbund (a pleated fabric sash that ties or clips in the back, and is worn in the West by men on very formal occasions) derives from kamarband. Keteni (ketene) Turkmen, Turkish. A type of homespun silk cloth. Lambda mena Malagasy. Red-colored textiles made from wild silk cocoons. Namaz Ligh Turkmen (Iran). Prayer rug. Oja Yoruba (Nigeria). Fabric tied around a woman’s upper body for the purpose of carrying a baby on her back. Osuka Yoruba (Nigeria). A cloth that is rolled then placed on top of the head to provide padding when carrying heavy objects. May also be used as a towel.

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Glossary Riga Hausa (Nigeria). A flowing gown with elaborately embroidered patterns. Sarband Persian. A headwrap for men. Shar-bafi Persian. A silk fabric from Kashan (Iran) that is woven by men only. Termeh Persian. A handwoven fabric with complex patterns. Known as the national cloth of Iran, termeh enjoys a long history dating to the pre-Islamic era. Tombe toun Bambara (Mali). A Dogon woman’s wrap made of indigo-dyed silk. Zilu Persian. A heavy flat-weave, non-pile floor covering.

Chapter 3. The Politicization of Textiles: Colonialism to the Present Agal Arabic. A black cord worn over a keffiyeh to hold it in place. Calico The origins of this cotton fabric may be traced to the eleventh century in Calicut—a city in South India now known as Kerala. This textile is woven in plain or tabby weave and printed with simple designs in one or more colors. While the terms calico and chintz were used interchangeably to describe colorful cottons, calico properly describes unglazed fabric printed prominently with flowers, birds, and other representational motifs. Chafiye Persian (from Arabic). The chafiye is worn by Iranian military men (and some nonmilitary) in support of the Islamic Republic of Iran—and is draped around the neck or shoulders rather than worn as a headdress. The pattern and color combination (black and white) of the Iranian chafiye also differs from that of the Arabic version. Both, however, have served as political symbols and have had long histories. The Iranian chafiye became particularly popular during the Iraq–Iran War (1980–8), and continues to be so. Charkha or Chakri Hindustani. Spinning wheel. The charkha served as symbol of the Indian Independence movement. Dastmal Yazdi, or Cemedani Persian/Kurdish. Similar to the keffiyeh, this cloth is worn by Kurdish men in Iran, Iraq, and Turkey. Dutch wax, or Wax Hollandais Also referred to as African print fabrics. Produced primarily in the Netherlands and Ghana using 100 per cent cotton, these fabrics are printed in bright colors using a technique in which wax resin is applied to the fabric before submerging it in dye. Golduz Persian. Refers to embroidery. Hinggi Man’s shoulder or hip cloth from Sumba, (eastern) Indonesia. The island of Sumba produces technically intricate and visually dramatic textiles, including the hinggi—considered to be a prestigious, formal garment. Worn by Sumba men at important events and ceremonies, hinggis are worn in matched sets, one around the hips and a second around the shoulders. The cotton dyed hinggi plays an integral role in ceremonial gift exchange. Indiennes French. Also known as toiles peintes, this is the French name for Calico. Julaha Hindi. Weaver. Derives from the Persian word julah (“ball of thread”). Kalamkari or Qalamkari Persian. Related to the words kalam and kari, meaning “drawing with a pen.” In Iran, kalamkari refers to hand-block printing on fabric. In Hindi and Urdu, this refers to a type of handpainted or block-printed cotton textile produced in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. Khadi Hindi. A homespun cotton cloth. Keffiyeh / Kufiya / Hatta / Ghutrah / Mashadah / Shemagh Arabic. A head covering for Arab and Middle Eastern men. The keffiyeh is a square of cloth, usually cotton, folded to form a triangle and kept it place with a cord. Patola Gujarati. Created using the double ikat technique (warp and weft are dyed before weaving)—usually done on silk, from Gujarat, western India. The word patola is the plural form; singular is patolu.

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Glossary Sarong Malay. An unstitched one-piece garment traditionally worn in Southeast Asia; a long piece of cloth is wrapped around the body and tucked in at the waist or under the armpits. Sherwani The name sherwani comes from a region in present-day Azerbaijan, once part of the Persian empire. A long-sleeved outer garment for men, the sherwani first appeared during 18th century British rule in India. It evolved from a Persian cape (balaba) to a more European look with buttons down the front, and was gradually adopted by the Indian aristocracy, mostly Muslim, as a more westernized form of traditional attire. Suzan Persian/Tajiki. Needle. Suzani Tajiki. Needlework, embroidery. Suzan-duzi Persian. Embroidery.

Chapter 4. Refugees and the Displaced: A Textile Signature Afghan war rugs The ongoing ravages of war in Afghanistan are reflected in this nation’s art of rug making. Afghan rugs now feature images of tanks, AK-47s and U.S. drones, military tents and refugee camps. Along with maps of Afghanistan and its bordering nations, one also finds September 11 scenes, recalling the Twin Towers attack in New York. Indeed, war-related experiences involving the Taliban, the Soviets, and/or the United States military may be found as design patterns on many of these rugs. Charuga Aramaic. A mantle-like, flat piece of embroidery with rows of symbolic images appearing horizontally across the full width, knotted to the garment with a bright and densely embroidered design. The charuga is exclusive to Assyrian (Christian) communities in northern Iraq. Ikat bomber textile This textile contains images of Allied bombers in the Second World War, and serves as a historic reminder of Allied forces liberating Timor islanders from the traumatic Japanese occupation. Kawandi (unknown linguistic origin?). The word kawandi refers to hand-stitched quilts made by women of the Siddi ethnic group in western India (Karnataka). These quilts are often referred to as “patchwork” but technically are created using an appliqué technique. Quilters works from the outer border toward the middle and the center, usually counter-clockwise. These quilts are always finished with a triangular piece of fabric made for each corner of the quilt, known as phulas, or flowers. Ro Tetum (language spoken in East Timor). The image of Ro, meaning “father plane,” is believed to hold protective energy. For example, an ikat textile with this Ro pattern may be wrapped around children to safeguard them.

Chapter 5: Textiles and Death Rituals in Islamicate Societies Chadar Persian / Urdu. Cover. On the subcontinent of India, chadar refers to tomb covers gifted by pilgrims when visiting dargah, or tombs of holy men. It is customary to carry a chadar on top of one’s heads in a basket as a sign of highest respect. Halaqa Arabic. Circle or ring. In the context of a Shia funereal ritual, halaqa refers to a plain white piece of unstitched cotton fabric, the center of which is hollow and cut into a square shape similar to a picture frame. The borders of this cloth are inscribed (stamped) with Qur’anic Sura Al-Qalam (The Pen), verses 51 and 52. It may also contain the names of the fourteen Infallibles. Hullatan Arabic(?). An elegant outerwear coat manufactured by individuals in the Christian community of Najran, a city in southwestern Saudi Arabia near the border with Yemen.

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Glossary Imama Arabic. Turban. Izar Arabic. Loincloth. Kafan Arabic. Muslim shroud, white. Khayma Arabic. Tent. Khayamiya Arabic. Tentmaker. Kiswa Arabic. Pall. Refers to cloth draped over a casket. Kiswa is the black brocade cloth covering the Kaaba in Mecca. Namira qad nusija Arabic. Striped garment woven from wool. Qamis Arabic. Long tunic. the origin of the word is from Persian Kamiz, [also used in Urdu and Hindi] meaning shirt. Riyat Arabic. White shawl. Setareh or Setare (Persian: ‫ )ﺍﺕِﺱ ﻩﺭ‬is a feminine given name of Persian origin meaning “star” or “fate”. Its equivalent in Tajik is Sitora. Sitara Arabic. Ornamental curtain covering the door of the Kaaba and elaborately embroidered with Qur’anic verses. Suradeq Arabic. Huge tent pavilion decorated with a patchwork of textiles. Tiraz Arabic, derived from the Persian word for “embroidery.” Refers to inscribed textiles. Although introduced in the Early Islamic Period (seventh century), tiraz cloth production was most popular during the Abbasid and Fatimid periods. These armbands with Arabic inscriptions were sewn onto robes of honor and gifted to distinguished individuals.

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188

INDEX

The letter f following an entry indicates a page with a figure. Abbasid caliphate 150 ABC Wax Company 89 abr fabrics 103f–5 Access Alliance 131 Advocacy Project (AP) 128 Afghanistan 26, 122 ram’s horn motif 36, 37–8 refugees 112, 122–6 Africa 77 African Wax Print Textiles (Grosfilley, Anne) 89 afterlife, the 141–2 agals 94 agate 147 Ahl al-Bayt (People of the House) 66, 152 Ahmad, Shah Nadeem 35 Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud (president of Iran) 97 Ahmed, Monisha 48–51, 69 airplane motif 135–6f, 174 Akosmbo Textiles Limited (ATL) 89 Al-Haram Mosque 154 ala 56 al-Alawi, Irfan 142–3 Ali ibn Abi Talib, 21, 23–4f, 26f, 66, 151 amulets 62–5, 146, 171 Ana Collection 131–3 ancient beliefs 33, 35–40, 53–4, 60–1 see also talismanic textiles animal husbandry 48–51f animism 38, 56, 58 Ansari, the 83, 84–5 AP (Advocacy Project) 128 appliqué 167 Arabic 15–16f, 17f, 18f, 26f Arafat, Yasser 95f Ardabili, Safi al Din, tomb cover of 158–9, 160f art therapy 4–5, 112, 114–15, 122 Asia 77 Assyrians, the 128–30 astrological motifs 67 astta 52 ATL (Akosmbo Textiles Limited) 89 Auslander, Leora 3–4 awalia 40

bags 31f, 35 Bahram I (king of the Sassanid Empire) 33 Bar Or, Dodo 98–9 Basu, Helena 117–18 batik 87, 88, 94 Bava Gor 117 Becker, Cynthia 52 Bedouin, the 55, 65 belief 33, 35–40, 49, 51–4 see also Islam amulets 62 animism 38, 56, 58 Cherubim and Seraphim Church 43–6 Christianity 56, 58, 77, 78, 115, 128 Dogon people 60 Hinduism 54, 85, 162 Indonesia 61 Iraq 128 Judaism 33 n.44 Mithraism 21 pilgrimages 36, 38, 40, 59, 153–4, 162 sacred colors 54–60 Shamanism 35, 39, 71 Siddis, the 117 Toraja people 60 Zoroastrianism 33 Berbers, the 51–2, 69 blue 93 boghche 74 borders 29–30 brocade 86 Bukhari, Pir Haji Ali Shah (Haji Ali). See Haji Ali Bunu community 70 Burkhill, Lisa 136, 137 Bush, George H. W. (president of the USA) 127 Bush, George W. (president of the USA) 125, 127 buta Kling putih cloth 92 cairns 37–8 calico 89–91 Calico Acts 89–90 Canada 131 carpets 22–3f, 24f, 109 Afghan 123–6 felt 28, 29f Iran 71, 73–4

189

Index Moroccan 53f shyrdkas 31 Soviet symbolism 109 war iconography 123–6 zilu 73–4 “Celebrating Humanity and Love of All Nations” (Crowe, Frances) 134 Central Asia 26–30, 100 see also under individual countries ram’s horn motif 30–40, 63f Russian colonialism, effect of 102–5 chadars 163–7 chafiye 97f, 98f, 99f chakan 100 chalipa pattern 74, 75f chapan 27 charkha 82 charugas 128–30 Cherubim and Seraphim Church 43–6 childbirth and pregnancy 62, 64, 68 children 70, 115, 131 China 26, 27 ram’s horn motif 36, 39 Uyghur Muslims 39–40 chintz 7, 86 Christianity 56, 58, 77, 78 Iraqi 128 refugees converting to 115 Clark, Kathryn 133–5 cloth, emotionally charged 114–16 cloth blessing 60–1 clothing Central Asia 27 chafiye 97f, 98f, 99f charugas 128–30 colonialism 77–8, 80–2, 86, 101–2 crowns 33 dress codes 106–7, 108f Gandhi, Mahatma 81–2, 172 gowns 47–8 hijab 6, 106, 107, 109 Islamic 58–9f, 6, 101, 106, 107, 109 Islamic veil 101 Ismakhan 58–9f kanga 15–16, 18–19 keffiyeh 94–100 masks 67f–8f men 107, 108f merikani 14 national identity 101 pilgrimage 59 political 94–100 saris 86, 92 shawls 7–8 sherwani 78, 80, 82f shirts 10, 66–7

190

ties 108f uniforms 6 veils 6, 16f, 55f, 65, 101 Western-style 13, 107 women 106, 107 Clothing as Material Culture (Küchler, Susanne; Miller, Daniel) 3 Cohen, Julia 151 Collard, Mark 27–8 Collateral Repair Project (CRP) 128 collecting 2 colonialism 77–80, 116, 172–3 India and cotton 80–2, 89–91 India and Muslim weavers 82–6 Indian calico 89–91 Indian cloth in Southeast Asia 91–4 keffiyeh 94–100 Russian/Soviet 100–6, 107–10 Soviet symbols 109–10 Tajikstan national branding 106–9 West African wax cloth 86–9 colors 6, 15, 44, 70, 93 Iran 96, 99 kangas 19 sacred 54–60 Siddi quilts 119–20 slavery 14 tomb covers 155 commercialism 49, 68, 92–3, 105 see also consumerism refugees 123, 125–6 Communism 7 symbolism 109–10 consumerism 126–7 cotton 80–2, 86, 89–91 cottonization 105 counterfeit cloth 94 COVID-19 pandemic 126 masks 67f–8f tapestries 134 Crowe, Frances 134–5 crowns 33, 34f CRP (Collateral Repair Project) 128 cultural signifiers 13 see also national branding Central Asia 26–30 kanga 13–20 lion of Persia 20–6f ram’s horn 30–40, 63f Soviet prevention 101 culture 3, 9 see also rituals Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques 154 Cypress of Abarkuh 73 daraie fabric 74, 75f dargahs 162, 175 see also shrines

Index death/funerary rituals 19, 35–9f, 40, 52, 141–3, 174 see also shrines agate 147 Bunun 70 Egyptian funeral tents (Khayamiya) 167–70 halaqa 151–2, 153f Hinduism 54 Islam 11, 35, 38f–9, 59, 73, 141–9, 151–70, 174–5 kafans 143–9, 174 kiswah 154–7, 174–5 Madagascar 56 Nigeria 57f, 70 shrouds 11, 59, 143–9 termeh fabric 73 tiraz 150–1, 152 tomb covers, Indian and South Asian 162–6 tomb covers as signifiers of status 157–62 tomb covers for the Prophet Mohammed 152–7 Denmark 115 dishdasha 13 “Displaced” (Crowe, Frances) 134 displaced persons. See refugees Dogon people 60 don-bal 49–50 dream/visionary garments 43–5 dress codes 106–7, 108f Dutch East India Company (VOC) 94 Dutch wax textiles 86–9 dyeing/dyes 15, 89 see also ikats batik 87, 88, 94 hair 109 synthetic 126 Dzungar (Zungar) Mongols 26 economic status 6 Egypt 93 archaeology 168–9 Egyptian funeral tents (Khayamiya) 167–70, 175 Ekechi, F. K. 58 Ekhtiar, Maryam 151 embroidery 4, 65, 100–1 Ana Collection 131–3 charuga 128–30 Clark, Kathryn 133–4 Crowe, Frances 134 Hmong 137f–8f refugee 113f, 128 suzani 100–1, 103, 104f, 173 tiraz 150–1, 152 emotion 114–16 England 89–90 see also Great Britain ethnic textiles, appropriation of 78 exploitation 125–6, 133

fabric bundles 74 “Fabrics of Memory” exhibition 138 fashion 78, 79f, 98–9, 173 Fatima (daughter of Muhammed, Prophet) 66, 151 Fatimid caliphate 150, 151 Fazal, Suzan 129f Fazl-Vaziri, Shohreh 158 felt/felting 28–9f Ferdowsi 146 fertility 52, 55, 69, 93 fibers blessing 51–2 production 48–51f wool 28, 48–53 Fine Cell Work 4 Five, the. See People of the House Foltz, Sally 136 Fourteen Infallibles 149 France 90–1 Fries, Eduard 78 funerary rituals. See death/funerary rituals gabba/gabbeh rugs 22–3f, 24f Gandhi, Mahatma 81–2, 172 Gandhi, Sonia (president of the Indian National Congress) 165f Gee’s Bend 121–2 Geldimuhamedova, Keyik 54 gender 34, 68–75, 172 Germany 115 al-Ghazali, Abu Hamid 143 n.8 Ghiyas al din Ali Yazdi 157–9, 160f ghooch/ghoochak 33, 71 gold teeth 106, 107 golduzi 100 Golestan 36 gowns 47–8 Great Britain 4 see also England India 6, 7, 80, 81–3, 86, 90, 172 Industrial Revolution 90 Iraq 126 Middle East 94 slavery 86 green 96, 97 Green Movement protests 6, 97 Grosfilley, Anne 89 Guy, John 93, 94 Gyul, Elmira 102 hair dye 109 Haji Ali (Pir Haji Ali Shah Bukhari) 164 shrine/shrine textiles 162, 163f, 164 halaqa 151–2, 153f Halevi, Leor 144, 153 Hassan ibn Ali 66 Haydar 25

191

Index healing art therapy 4–5, 112, 114–15, 122 protection 62, 67 rituals 46, 56, 58 health 126 heritage 8–9 hijab 6, 106, 107, 109 Hind Swaraj (Indian Home Rule) (Gandhi, Mahatma) 82 Hinduism 54, 85, 162 history 2–3 Hmong, the 136–8f, 174 Hodgson, Marshall Goodwin Simms 171 n.1 Hoffmeier, James K. 168–9 Husain, Mohammad 86 Husain, Tajammul 86 Hussain ibn Ali 66, 96 Hussein, Saddam (president of Iraq) 127 Huzur ki miraj 83 identity 6, 101–2, 117–18 see also cultural signifiers ikats 27, 101–2, 103f, 173 Iran 74, 75f West Timor, Indonesia 92, 135–6f images 17–18, 19f Ina Bete Abuk 135–6f India 6, 7–8 caste system 84–5, 117 colonialism 78, 80–91, 172 Indian brocade 86 Indian calico 89–91 Indian chintz 7, 86 Indian cloth in Southeast Asia 91–4 Indian cotton 80–2, 86, 89–91 Islam in 83, 85, 162 Muslim weavers 82–6 sherwani 78, 80, 82f Siddis, the 116–22 social status 84–5, 117 indigenous artists 12 Indonesia 60, 61, 92–3, 94, 135–6f inscriptions 15–16f, 17f, 18f, 19, 26f charuga 128f COVID-19 masks 67f–8f halaqa 151–2 kafans (shrouds) 145, 146–7, 148f, 149 talismanic shirts 66–7 tiraz 150, 151 tomb covers 152–3, 155, 156f, 158–61 “Intangible Cultural Heritage of Tajik People, The” project 9 interiors 100 see also carpets Egyptian funeral tents (Khayamiya) 167–70 Ipek, Selin 155

192

Iran 6, 20, 21 carpets/rugs 22–3f, 24f chafiye 97f, 98f, 99f cloth blessing 60–1 death/funerary rituals 144, 152 gendered looms 70–5f keffiyeh 96–7 ram’s horn motif 31, 33–7f refugees 112 war 127 ziarat 36, 38 Iraq 126–30, 138–9f, 150 ISIL (Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant) 128 n.52, 130 n.57 ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria) 128 n.52, 130, 31 Islam 66 see also Qur’an, the in Africa 51 n.20, 58 amulets 64, 65 Central Asia 27, 35 China 39–40 clothing 58–9f, 6, 101, 106, 107, 109 death/funerary rituals 11, 35, 38f–9, 59, 73, 141–9, 151–70, 174–5 Fourteen Infallibles 149 hijab 6, 106, 107, 109 in India 83, 85, 162 Islamic veil 101 Karbala, battle of 67 n.59, 96, 144 keffiyeh 97, 98, 113f Ladakh 49 ram’s horn motif 38f–9f Russia 100 saints 39–40 Salafism 109 n.96 Shi’ism 21, 23–5, 26f Soviet Union attitude 107 Uyghur Muslims 39–40 wearing white 48, 58–9f weaving, importance of 1 West Africa 47–8 Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) 128 n.52, 130, 131 Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) 128 n.52, 130 n.57 Islamicate 171 n.1 definition 1 Ismkhan, the 58–9f Israel 99 Jamshid (king of the Pishdadian dynasty) 146–7 Japan 135 jawi 62 n.53 jinn, the 69 Judaism 33 n.44 Julaha, the 82, 84

Index Kaaba 154, 157 kaar bafi fabric 74–5 kafans 143–9, 174 kalamkari textiles 94 Kamran (lion) 20 kanga 13–20 Kani shawls 7–8 Karakalpakstan, Republic of 27 Karbala, battle of 67 n.59, 96, 144 Kase, James Izacc Bill Key 135 Kashmiri shawls 7–8 kawandi quilts 118, 120 Kaykhusrow (legendary king of the Kayanian dynasty) 145–6 Kayumove, Mokarama 102–4f Kazakhstan, Republic of 26, 27, 30, 100 keffiyeh 94–100, 113f keteni cloth 54 khalat 27 Khalid Nabi Cemetery 36–7f Khamenei, Ali (ayatollah of Iran) 97f, 98f Khayamiya 167–70, 175 Khomenei, Ruhollah (ayatollah of Iran) 98f, 125 khorjin 31f, 35 Al-Khu’I, Abul Qasim (Grand Ayatollah) 143 Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti 163, 165 shrine/shrine textiles 163, 164f, 165f–6 kiswah 154–7, 174–5 Kiswahili 15–17, 18 Kobayashi, Kazuo 86 koch (kosh) 33 Krinitz, Esther 5 Kubik, Adam Lech 35 Küchler, Susanne 3 Kumar, Nita 85 kurta 27 Kuwait 127, 138–9f Kyrgyzstan 26, 27, 30 ram’s horn motif 31 shyrdkas 31 Ladakh 48–51 lampas 155 language 15–17, 18, 33 see also inscriptions Central Asia 26, 29, 36, 101 Persian 112 refugees 112, 115 Soviet Union 29, 101 Lehr, Rachel 123 lion of Persia 20–6f locks 34f looms 51–2, 71–3 gendered looms 68–75, 172 protecting 69

McBrinn, Joseph 4 maces 33, 35 Madagascar 55–6 Malaysia 96 Malik, Veena 164f Mama Kete (Katarina Neparasi Siga) 61–2 Maskiell, Michelle 78 masks 67f–8f material 6 material culture 3, 171 definition 3 mazars 40 mechanization 93, 105 Meller, Susan 105 men 4, 69, 70, 73 clothing 107, 108f fabric 74, 75 Mentges, Gabriele 106 merikani 14, 15 messages 15–17f, 18, 19 see also inscriptions metaphors 52 Mexico 8–9 Middle East 94–6 Miller, Daniel 3 Mithraism 21 Modi, Narendra (prime minister of India) 165–6 Moinuddin Chishti 163, 165 shrine/shrine textiles 163, 164f, 165f–6 mordants 89 Morocco 52, 69 carpets 53f slavery 58 motifs see also protective motifs airplane 135–6f, 174 astrological/zodiac 67 Communist 109 Iraqi 126–7 lion of Persia 20–6f patola flower 93 portraits 17, 19f, 98f, 125 ram’s horn 30–40, 63f, 71 religious 119 Soviet 108f, 109–10 Soviet policies 101 sun 21–2, 23, 25 swastika 126–7 sword 23, 24f–5f tortoise (ikaki) 46–7f tribal 28 Turkmen 71 war 124f–5, 135–6f, 139f, 174 World Trade Center 125 Moussalli, Marianne 131, 132 Moussalli, Melina 131 Mughrabi, Dalal 95–6

193

Index Muhammad Husayn bin Hajji Muhammad Kashani 159, 161f–2 Muhammed, Prophet 66, 147 burial 144 kafan 144 tomb covers 154–7 tomb of 142–3, 154 Mohammed Mo’men 161 Muslim Women in War and Crisis (Shirazi, Faegheh) 111 Nade Ali 146 Naji, Myriem 52 namaz ligh 71 national branding 106–9 national heritage, preservation of 8–9 national identity 101–2 nationalism 101 Nepal 3 Netherlands, the 86–7, 94 Nigeria 46–8, 56, 58 gendered weaving 69–70 9/11 attacks 125 Nokhuri, the 38–9 nomadic lifestyles 100 Obama, Barack (president of the USA) 19f, 125, 166 Oman 15, 17, 19 Orientalism 78 Ottoman Empire 154 paisley 73 Pakistan 116, 125–6, 163, 166 Palestine 94, 95–6, 99–100 Pandey, Gyanendra 84 pashmina shawls/wool 7, 8 patchwork quilts 114–15, 118–22 see also Khayamiya patola cloth 92, 93 patola flower motifs 93 patterns 2 see also ikats and motifs batik 87, 88, 94 Central Asia 27, 28 chalipa 74, 75f Iranian paisley 73 tomb covers 155 tribal 28 zigzag 155, 156f People of the House 66, 152 Persia 20, 21–2 Persian language 112 pilgrimages 36, 38, 40, 59, 153–4, 162 politics 6, 7, 94–100, 165–6, 170 portraits 17, 19f, 98f, 125 Portugal 116

194

post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) 112, 114, 125 see also trauma power 6, 13 colonial 77 ram’s horn motif 31, 32f prayer rugs 71, 138–9f pregnancy and childbirth 62, 64, 68 prisons 4–5 propaganda 7 Prophet’s Mosque 154 protection see also protective motifs inscribed talismanic shirts 66–7 jinn, the 69 prayer rugs 71 Qur’an 113f, 146 West Timor 135–6f protective motifs 23, 28, 30, 33, 38f–9f, 61, 135–6f see also amulets PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder) 112, 114, 125 see also trauma puberty rituals 14 purification tents 169 qarshin 35 quilts 114–15, 118–22 Qur’an, the 64–5, 66, 113f death/funerary rituals 141–2, 149, 151–2, 153, 167 Rahmon, Emomali (president of Tajikistan) 106 rams 50f–1f ram’s horn motif 30–40, 63f, 71 recycling/reuse 53, 119, 120 red 54–6, 70, 93, 99 Reddy, Anitha 118–19 Reddy, Sumanth 117 Refugee Stories (Clark, Kathryn) 133–4 refugees 5, 111–16, 173–4 Afghan carpets 123–6 Afghan women 122–3, 124, 125–6 Ana Collection 131–3 art therapy 112, 114–15, 122 exploitation 125–6, 133 Iraqi 126–30 job acquisition 112 language 113 non-Muslim communities 135–9f Siddis of India 116–22 Syrian 128, 130–5 religion. See belief religious motifs 119 Renne, Elisha 56 Riello, George 90, 91 riga 47–8 rituals 46 see also death/funerary rituals animal husbandry 48 Bunun 70

Index coming of age/puberty 14, 46–7 healing 46, 56, 58 Hinduism 54 Indonesian 61 Nigerian 46–7, 70 sacrifice 40 sheep shearing 49–51 termeh fabric 73 Uyghur Muslims 40 weaving 51, 52 wedding, 28, 54, 55f, 56 Royce, William R. 36 Rubelli 79f rugs 22–3f, 24f see also carpets Iran 71 prayer rugs 71, 138–9f Turkmen 71 war rugs 124f–5 Rupshu people 49–51, 68–9 Russia 26, 27, 100–6, 107–10, 173 see also Soviet Union Russian language 29 sacrifice 40 saints 39–40 Saladin (sultan of Egypt and Syria) 154 Salafism 109 n.96 Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud (king of Saudi Arabia) 154 salt 52, 69 saris 86, 92 Sassanid Empire 33 Saudi Arabia 142, 143, 154–5 script 15–16f, 17f, 18f, 26f Selim I (sultan of the Ottoman Empire) 154 sexuality 4 shaar bafi fabric 74–5 Shahada 155, 156f Shahnameh (Book of Kings) (Ferdowsi) 146 shahtoosh wool 7 shalwar 27 Shamanism 35, 39, 71 sheep 49–51f sherwani 78, 80, 82f Shi’ism 21, 23–5, 26f shir (lion) 21 shofar 33 n.44 shrines 40, 117 n.26, 143, 152, 153, 162, 175 Haji Ali 162, 163f, 164 India 163 Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti 163, 164f, 165f–6 Pakistan 163 shrouds 11, 59 shyrdkas 31 Siddis, the 116–22 Sidky, M.S. 36–7

silk 60, 104–5 sitara 155, 157 slavery 14–15, 58, 86, 116, 121–2 social exchanges 46 social status 6, 46–8 Bedouin, the 65 Central Asia 33 embroidery 65 Indian caste system 84–5, 117 Iran 33 Madagascar 55–6 Nigeria 46–8, 70 Siddis, the 117 Southeast Asia 91, 92 tents 169 tiraz 150–1 tomb covers 157–62 Zanzibari 14–15 Southeast Asia 91–4 Soviet Union 6–7, 26, 29–30 see also Russia Afghanistan 122, 123, 124 colonialism 100–6, 107–10 motifs 101, 108f, 109–10 symbolism 109–10 spinning 82 staffs 33, 35 stone cairns 37–8 story cloths 137f–8f Stronach, David 36 Stuart, Villiers 169 Subtelny, Maria Eval 35 Sukari, Suzan 129f, 130 see also Fazal, Suzan sun motif 21–2, 23, 25 supernatural, the 43–5 suradeq 167, 169–70, 175 suzanis 100–1, 103, 104f, 173 swastika motif 126–7 sword motif 23, 24f–5f symbolism 109–10 see also motifs Syria 128, 130–5 Tajikistan, Republic of 9, 26, 27, 28 ikats 103f Islamic veil 101 national branding 106–9 ram’s horn motif 63f refugees 112 Russian colonialism, effect of 102–3 suzanis 100, 101 weaving 102 talismanic textiles 43, 46, 171–2 amulets 62–5, 146, 171 Berbers, the 51–2 Cherubim and Seraphim Church 43–6 cloth blessing/cutting 60–2 COVID-19 masks 67f–8f

195

Index fiber blessing 51–4 gendered looms 68–75 Ladakh, the 48–51 loom blessing 51–4 Nigeria 46–8 sacred colors 54–60 shirts 10, 66–7 shrouds 11 talismans 10 see also amulets Tamang, the 3 Tanavoli, Parviz 22–3 Tanzania, United Republic of 13–19 tapestry 134 tawassul 147, 149 teeth 106, 107 Tehrani, Jamshid J. 27–8 Tentmakers of Cairo, The (Beamish, Kim) 170 tents 22, 23, 26, 30, 169 Egyptian funeral tents (Khayamiya) 167–70 purification 169 termeh fabric 11, 71–3 terrorism 97, 98 Tesha-Tash (Teshik-Tash) cave 31, 33 Tetum people, the 135 Textile Research Center, Leiden 130 tiraz 150–1, 152 Tobeh Nameh (Repentance Letter) 147, 148f, 149 tomb covers 152–7 Indian and South Asian 162–6 tombe toun 60 Tondi, Ahmad 158 Toraja people 56, 60 “Torn Apart” (Crowe, Frances) 134 tortoise (ikaki) motif 46–7f totemic items. See cultural signifiers tourism 49, 68 Tranberg Hansen, Karen 77 “Translation and Commentary on the Qur’an” (Yusuf Ali, A.) 64–5 trauma 4–6, 135 see also art therapy and PTSD tribal motifs 28 Turkestan 27 Turkey 97–8, 133, 135 Turkic peoples 30–1, 33, 36, 10–1 Turkmen, the (Iran) 70–1 Turkmenistan 26, 27, 53–4 colonialism 108 ram’s horn motif 35, 36, 38f–9f ties 108f Ukraine 101 uniforms 6 United States of America 121–2, 124, 125, 127–8, 137–9f Uyghur Muslims 39–40 Uzbekistan, Republic of 26, 27

196

ikats 101, 102, 103 Islamic veil 101 ram’s horn motif 31, 32f suzanis 100, 101 Tesha-Tash (Teshik-Tash) cave 31, 33 veils 6, 16f, 55f, 65, 101 Vlisco 87–9 VOC (Dutch East India Company) 94 Walking With Our Sisters art installation 5–6 war Afghanistan 122–6 Indonesia 135 Iran 127 Iraq 126–30, 138–9f Kuwait 127, 138–9f Laos 137–8 motifs 124f–5, 135–6f, 139f, 174 non-Muslim communities 135 refugees 111, 112, 122, 123–6, 127–8, 130, 131–5 Syria 128 n.52, 130 war rugs 124f–5 water resources 105 Wax Hollandais 86–7 weavers/weaving 144 see also looms Afgan 123–6 Ansari 83, 84–5 Berbers, the 51–3 Central Asia 27–8, 30 children 70 Crowe, Frances 134 England 90 Ghiyas al din Ali Yazdi 157–9, 160f health 126 Indian caste system 84–5 Indian Muslims 82–6 Iran 70–5 men 4, 69, 70, 73 portraiture 30 rituals 51, 52 silk brocade saris 86 Soviet prevention 102–5 Tajikistan 102 Tamang, the 3 tiraz 150 ] women 3, 46, 51–4, 68–70, 71, 124, 125–6, 135 Weavings of War 138 wedding rituals 28, 54, 55f, 56 West African wax cloth 86–9 West Timor 135–6f Western-style clothing 13, 107 white 56–9, 62 death/funerary rituals 35, 38f, 40, 144 Cherubim and Seraphim Church 44f–6 sacrifice 40

Index Islam 48, 58–9f, 144 slavery 14, 15 women 3–4 Afghan 122–3, 124, 125–6 clothing 106, 107 Dogon 60 emotion 114 exploitation 125–6 fabric 74, 75 Gee’s Bend 121–2 Hmong 136–8f, 174 Iraqi 128, 130 kanga 15, 16, 18, 19 Nepalese 3 Nigerian 46–7 pregnancy and childbirth 62, 64, 68 quilts 118–22 refugee 111, 115, 122–3, 124, 125–6, 128, 130, 131–5, 136–9f, 174 Siddi 118–22 social status 46–7 Syrian 128, 131–3 Tamang 3

USA 121–2 war, effect of 111, 112, 122–3, 124, 125–6 weaving 3, 46, 51–4, 68–70, 71, 124, 125–6, 135 Zanzibari 13–15 wool 28, 48–53 World Trade Center 125 World War II 135 Yoruba people 47, 48, 56 gendered weaving 69–70 yurts 26 Yusuf Ali, A. 64–5 Zanzibari, the 13, 14–15, 19 ziarat 36, 38, 40 zigzag pattern 155, 156f zilu 73–4 zivar 147 zodiac, the 21 n.18 zodiac motifs 67 Zoroastrianism 33 zulfaqar (double-edged sword) 24–5f, 26f

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