Infinitival complement constructions in Early New High German [Reprint 2010 ed.] 3484102446, 9783484102446

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Linguistische Arbeiten

30

Herausgegeben von Herbert E. Brekle, Hans Jürgen Heringer, Christian Rohrer, Heinz Vater und Otmar Werner

.Robert Peter Ebert

Infinitival Complement Constructions in Early New High German

Max Niemeyer Verlag Tübingen 1976

CIP-Kurztitelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek Ebert, Robert Peter Infinitival complement constructions in early new high German. — 1. Aufl. — Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1976. (Linguistische Arbeiten ; 30) ISBN 3-484-10244-6

ISBN 3-484-10244-6

Max Niemeyer Verlag Tübingen 1976 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Ohne ausdrückliche Genehmigung des Verlages ist es auch nicht gestattet, dieses Buch oder Teile daraus auf photomechanischem Wege zu vervielfältigen. Printed in Germany

FOREWORD

Despite recent interest in Early New High German and advances in syntactic theory in the past two decades, the syntax of this period remains relatively unexplored. In 1971 I began a transformational analysis of one large segment of Early New High German gramnar, the syntax of finite-clause and infinitival complements of verbs, adjectives and nouns. I based that study, which became my 1972 Wisconsin dissertation, on a relatively small corpus, a collection of the sermons of Johann Geiler von Kaisersberg, the Seelenparadies (Strassburg, 1510). In the course of that work it became clear that of the various types of predicate complements in Early New High German, it was infinitival complements about which we knew the least, and that particularly in this area the transformational framework could lead to new insights. I decided, then, to begin a new analysis of infinitival complement constructions on the basis of a much larger sample of Early New High German data. In assembling a corpus one would ideally want a representative sample of documents from many different styles, dialects and time periods in the German records in order to gain perspective on stylistic, geographical and diachronic variation. For a syntactic study one may not need a corpus as diverse as the Early New High German corpus assembled in Bonn (see the report "Das Forschungsvorhaben 'Granmatik des Frühneuhochdeutschen' in Bonn, "Jahrbuch für· internationale Germanistik V (1973): 177-187), which distinguishes nine styles, thirty-three dialect areas and seven 50-year periods fron 1350 to 1700. But in order to make representative statements about the syntax of infinitival constructions in any given unit of the total sample, one needs a large body of data from that unit: I would say 500,000 to 1,000,000 words. Thus a comprehensive treatment of the Early New High German period would require a corpus that could easily total over 100,000,000 words. I have chosen, instead, to study a large corpus from a unit quite limited as to style, geographical variation and time: the sermons of Johann Pauli and Johann Geiler von Kaisersberg, all of which are Southwest German and were delivered and written down in the last two decades of the fifteenth and first

VI

two decades of the sixteenth century (see section 1.5.)· In choosing these documents over the most obvious choice, the works of Luther, the single most important writer of the period, I was motivated by my familiarity with Geiler's works, by the diversity and antiquity of the constructions used and by the fact that at the university of Chicago I have access to an extraordinary collection of the rare early printed editions of Geiler's sermons. By choosing a large corpus of these documents I can make statements about one area and style on the basis of a reasonable foundation, I can discuss constructions which are attested elsewhere and over many years (hence the title Infinitival Complement Constructions in Early Nea High German) and also present a compilation of the relatively inaccessible data of the early printed books. The theoretical framework is outlined and justified in Chapter One and sunnarized in Chapter Six. Over the period of my work on infinitival constructions, as the weaknesses of the "traditional" transformational model based on Chomsky's Aspects of the Theory of Syntax became more and more apparent, I was tempted to join the many linguists who had abandoned it in favor of more powerful models of syntax and semantics. After having surveyed a wide range of theories over a period of several years, I have come to the view, however, that each theory was suited in its own particular way for capturing valid generalizations of one sort about language, but at the cost of losing equally valid generalizations of a different nature. Consequently I have stuck with an Aspects type theory in this study, not because I consider it an adequate theory of language (I see at the moment no formal theory which promises to come even close to this goal), but because I think it can capture many fundamental generalizations of graninatical relations and constituent order in my Early New High German data. In many cases I also point out what seem to me to be valid generalizations which this theory can state poorly at best. This theory also has the secondary, but practical advantage that it is to a large degree compatible with the approach of Gunnar Bech's important study of Modem German infinitival constructions, Studien über das deutsche verbum infinitum (1955,1957). A bit about the organization of this book. Chapter One gives an introduction to the analysis in Chapters Two through Five. In Chapter Six I have tried to step back a bit from the detailed analysis and give a more informal sunmary of Early New High German infinitival constructions and their subsequent development. It has been pointed out to me that the technical analysis and the copious examples make for arduous reading. Some readers may wish to

VII

read Chapter Six after Chapter One before proceeding to the main body of data and analysis. I would like to thank my editor, Otmar Werner, for many helpful suggestions and for reconmending acceptance of this study into the Linguistische Arbeiten. Thanks also go to Marga Reis for her comnents on an earlier version of Chapter Three and for providing me with preprints of several of her articles which deal with infinitival constructions. Jacquetta H. Ross typed the difficult manuscript. I owe an enormous intellectual and personal debt to Martha Epp Ebert, my wife, who awakened my interest in fifteenth and sixteenth century Germany and who has given me aid and comfort throughout my work. As a feeble effort to repay that debt, I dedicate this book to her.

Chicago, August 5, 1975

R.P.E.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreword

V

Chapter One. Preliminaries 1.0. Introduction 1.1. The Historical Framework 1.2. The Theoretical Framework 1.3. Early New High German Infinitival Complement Constructions: An Overview 1.3.1. Predicate complements 1.3.2. Noun conplements 1.3.3. Adverbial complements 1.3.4. Shared-NP complements 1.3.5. Substantival infinitives 1.4. Distribution of Complementizers ; 1.5. The Corpus

1 1 2 5 12 12 15 15 15 16 17 19

Chapter Two. Subject Complements 2.1. The Structure of Sentences with Infinitival Subject Complements 2.2. Subject Complements in the Corpus 2.2.0. Complementizer distribution and deletion conditions 2.2.1. Verbs and verbal expressions 2.2.1.1. One-place constructions 2.2.1.2. Two-place constructions 2.2.2. Adjectives 2.2.2.1. One-place constructions 2.2.2.2. Two-place constructions 2.2.3. Nouns 2.2.3.1. One-place constructions 2.2.3.2. Two-place constructions 2.3. Putative Subject-to-Subject Raising Verbs: saheinen, dünken, bedünken

20 20 27 27 29 29 30 32 33 35 36 36 38

Chapter Three. The Shared-NP Construction: Surface Structure Subject Equivalent to Deep Structure Direct Object 3.0. Introduction 3.1. Surface Structure Problems

46 46 50

39

IX

3.2. The Surface Structure sein + zu f infinitive 3.3. Adverbs and Adjectives in the Surface Structure: sein + A + zu + infinitive

3.3.1. A's which cannot occur as predicate of any subject 3.3.2. A's which can occur with concrete subject but not with sentential subject 3.3.3. A's which can occur with both noun subject and sentential subject 3.3.3.1. Deletion under indefiniteness 3.3.3.2. Examples without surface structure subject 3.3.3.3. Deletion by EQUI 3.3.4. zu + adjective 3.4. Attributive Adjectives and Nouns 3.5. Verbs 3.5.1. Deletion under indefiniteness 3.5.2. Deletion by EQUI 3.6. Perspective Chapter Four. Object Complements 4.0. Preliminaries 4.0.1. Object complement constructions 4.0.2. Adverbial infinitival clauses 4.0.2.1. Final clauses 4.0.2.2. Result (consecutive) clauses 4.0.2.3. Conditional clauses 4.0.2.4. Parenthetical infinitival clauses 4.0.3. Shared-object constructions 4.0.4. On word order in object complements 4.0.5. The derivation of object complements with infinitivals 4.1. Two-place Constructions with Bare Infinitive 4.1.1. Verbs which nearly always occur with bare infinitive 4.1.2. Verbs which almost never occur with bare infinitive 4.1.3. Verbs with bare infinitive and zu + infinitive 4.2. Two-place Object Complement Constructions with zu + infinitive 4.2.1. Shared-object constructions and object complements 4.2.2. Examples from the corpus 4.2.3. Reflexive verbs 4.3. The Accusative and Infinitive Construction

52 61

62 62 63 63 67 68 71 73 74 74 75 77 78 78 78 81 83 85 85 86 86 88 97 99 99 105 106 113 113 115 119 122

4.3.0. Introduction 4.3.1 The accusative and infinitive construction in ENHG

122 124

4.3.2. Sehen, hören, lassen, heissen

128

4.3.3. Machen, finden and haben

139

4.4. Three-place Constructions with Dative NP 4.4.1. Shared-object constructions 4.4.2. Object complement constructions with zu + infinitive 4.4.3. Constructions with the bare infinitive 4.4.4. Two-place examples 4.5. Three-place Object Complement Constructions with Accusative NP 4.5.1. Constructions with zu + infinitive 4.5.2. Constructions with the passive 4.5.3. Constructions with the bare infinitive 4.6. Adjectives 4.6.0. Introduction 4.6.1. Two-place adj ectival constructions 4.6.2. Three-place constructions with personal subject 4.6.3. Unbedded adjectival complement constructions 4.6.4. Adverbial clauses 4.7. Constructions with Coreferential Pronoun 4.8. Object Complements which Undergo the Passive Transformation 4.9. The Surface Construction: prepositional phrase + zu + infinitive

141 141 143 146 147 149 149 151 152 153 153 154 157 158 160 163 164 164

Chapter Five. Noun Complements 5.0. Introduction 5.1. The Early New High German Constructions

169 169 170

Chapter Six. Summary Bibliography

174 185

1.

1.0.

PRELIMINARIES

Introduction This book is study of the syntactic structure of constructions with the infinitive in Early New High German (ENHG). I came to write this monograph on infinitival constructions after studying clausal and infinitival predicate complements in one ENHG document (Ebert 1972). While the grammar of ENHG subordinate clauses with finite verb has been dealt with in many monographs and dissertations, infinitival constructions have not been studied in detail. One goal of the present work, then, is to provide a synchronic analysis which will at least partially fill one gap in our knowledge of ENHG syntax. In order to make this synchronic cross-section more valuable to historical grammarians, I have placed emphasis on topics of importance for the historical development of infinitival constructions. While the outlines of this development are to be found in Behaghel's Deutsche Syntax, vol. II, for example, there is much of interest to contemporary grammarians which cannot be gleaned from existing gramnatical treatments. Perhaps one reason why there has been so little work on the syntax of infinitival constructions in older German, compared with the number of studies on subordinate clauses, is that traditional gramnatical theory does not provide an adequate framework for analyzing the features which infinitival constructions share with simplex sentences and those they share with complex sentences (see Ebert 1973). The isolation and analysis of some of these problems is one of the major contributions of Gunnar Been's Studien über das deutsche verbum infinitum 1955, 1957. As in subsequent work on the infinitive by Bierwisch 1963, Motsch 1964, Lindgren 1964, 1967, and Leys 1971, problems first outlined in Bech's analysis play a prominent role in the present study. My analysis proceeds largely within the Extended Standard Theory of transformational grammar, which has grown out of the wellknown Aspects model (Chomsky 1965). Recent work in syntax has shown that the theory of syntax must be at least as powerful as the Aspects theory. Although syntactic rules of this type still cannot be tested adequately by

my finite corpus, nevertheless, something along the order of these rules is a minimal level of abstraction for the explanation of a natural language, which Early New High German obviously was. In recent years nearly every assumption of the Aspects model has been called into question, a challenge which has led to less constrained theories of far greater power (see sec. 1.2). A consequence of this development for the working grammarian of a historical period is that his granmatical rules are severely underdetermined by the data, even the data fron a very large corpus. He has at his disposal an enormously powerful descriptive apparatus which not only can describe the data in his corpus, but also predicts sentences whose grarmaticality in that historical period is undetermined I have chosen to remain largely within the more restricted Extended Standard Theory, to argue for my analysis on the basis of whatever syntactic tests I can perform on my data, and to consider at the same time arguments made for analyses of similar constructions in Modern German and English. The framework employed here has the advantage that the syntax of infinitival complements can be treated as part of the larger system of subordinated propositions, while at the same time particular attention can be directed to the interaction of surface constructions; for it is particularly in the interaction of surface constructions, at some of the fuzzy edges of grammar, that we find the seeds of syntactic change. 1.1

The Historical Framework

The morphological form known as the infinitive appears to have developed in the Germanic languages from the accusative neuter case of a non-finite verbal form. Judging by the case form, the Germanic infinitive must have originally indicated "purpose" or "goal." By the time of the earliest documents in the Germanic languages, we find it functioning, in traditional terms, as "subject" and "object" as well as an expression of purpose or goal. In all the Germanic languages the bare infinitive competes with a prepositional infinitive, although the prepositions used vary: Gothic du, Old Norse at, West Germanic *to, te. In West Germanic the preposition *to, te appears as well with an inflected form ending in -nne, often called the gerundium. Inflected forms for the genitive (-nnes) and dative (-nne) appear in Old High German and continue into Middle High German. A form -ende, -end, considered to be a late MHG variant of the inflected dative, appears in my ENHG corpus (see sec. 1.4.).

At the time of the earliest OHG records the prepositional infinitive (I include here the inflected form as well) with za, zi had nearly replaced the bare infinitive as a non-subject complement of adjectives and nouns. By MBG only the prepositional infinitive appeared as a non-subject complement of adjectives and nouns; and from MHG on continued to extend its range at the expense of the bare infinitive. MHG granmars and historical grammars list the verbs which still appear with bare infinitive. These grammars largely do not consider, however, possible syntactic correlates of the difference between bare infinitive and zu + infinitive, particularly constraints on word order. I will deal with this aspect of EWHG granmar in detail in the sections on individual constructions. By ENHG we find zu + infinitive firmly established as a subject complement. Historical gramnarians have felt obliged to explain the occurrence of the prepositional infinitive in subject position, since for both semantic and syntactic reasons one would not expect a prepositional expression of goal to appear as subject. The development of the prepositional infinitive in subject position precedes our earliest records: we find du + inf. and bare infinitive as subject in Gothic, and both za, zi + infinitive and bare infinitive as subject in ΟΗΞ. Behaghel (II, §728f, §738) hypothesizes that the impetus for such a development came from constructions in which the prepositional infinitive stood as a complement of a predicate adjective (cf. Modern German das Buch ist sehter zu lesen). It is assumed that this construction was then reinterpreted, the original subject beccming object of the infinitive and the entire infinitival phrase functioning then as subject (cf. das Buch zu lesen ist sahuer; es ist sohuer, das Buch zu lesen). According to Behaghel, the appearance of the bare infinitive as subject followed the development of the prepositional infinitive in subject position. The opposite order is more likely, however (cf. Dal 1966:110): the bare infinitive first provided the pattern, since the bare infinitive was not uniquely marked morphologically as non-subject and since substantivized (bare!) infinitives appear in the earliest records. The entire scheme of reanalysis of an adjectival complement construction with prepositional infinitive is unnecessary, however, if we assume that the bare infinitive could function as a subject. The preposition was simply reinterpreted as a marker of the infinitive (a complementizer) and the prepositional infinitive became generalized alongside the bare infinitive as a possible subject complement as well as a possible object complement. Behaghel is certainly right, however, in calling attention to the relation of constructions in which the prepositional infinitive stands as a

complement of a predicate adjective to subject complement constructions with prepositional infinitive. As we shall see in Chapter Three, there are cases in ENHG where the two constructions cannot be separated on the basis of the surface structure configuration and where we find a good deal of semantic overlap of the two constructions. From a synchronic point of view I deal with these constructions in terms of "syntactic blends" (Bolinger 1961), the neutralization of an opposition between two usually distinct syntactic constructions. In older German we find similar interrelations of object complement constructions and what I call "shared-object" constructions. In this latter construction the logical object of the infinitive is referentially identical to a noun phrase in the main clause. By Early New High German "shared-object" constructions in which this noun phrase is a genitive object of the verbal or adjectival predicate are in decline (examples below from Behaghel II, pp. 334f): (1)

das er sich des glaubens annehm zuvorstehen und vorfechten (Luther)

(2)

unser stewer, der ir uns schuldich seit jaerleich ze geben (Friedberger Urkundenbuch)

In these cases the competing construction with predicate complement, such as (2 1 ) unser stewev, die ir uns sahuldich seit jaerleioh ze geben, in which the accusative object of the infinitive is relativized, has won out and shared-object constructions with genitive object are no longer possible in Modern German. Likewise the construction in which the shared-object is the object of a preposition has faded from the language (examples from Behaghel, II, p. 335): (3) (4)

redten si nicht wann von got und sälingen werken zu volpringen (Füeterer) bat in umb pfärd ze mieten (Steinhöwel)

See section 4.9. on the development of these constructions. The shared-object construction was also quite ccmnon with accusative nouns (examples from Behaghel, II, pp. 331f): (5)

als man in hinus fürt zu erhenken (Stretlinger Chronik)

(6)

duot iz mir zi wizzanne

(7)

(der Bischof) reichte mir seine Hand zu küssen (Goethe)

(Otfrid)

From a historical viewpoint, the ranks of predicates which take an infinitival object complement seem to have been augmented by reanalysis of such constructions, and a number of unit predicates such as zu wissen tun, zu verstehen geben and zu schaffen geben have been created. I will deal with these two constructions in ENHG in detail. We need more than just the examples presently available in dictionaries and graranars, however, to give a solid diachronic analysis of the interrelation of these two construction types.

1.2.

The Theoretical Framework In this section I will outline the analysis of infinitival predicate complements within the transformational framework. The analyses of other complement types will be introduced in the following section. By predicate complementation I mean the occurrence of sentential complements in direct structural relation to the predicate of a sentence. This predicate may be a verb, adjective or noun. The most obvious case of sentential complementation is that class of clauses with finite verb which, in traditional terms, function as subject or object (Inhaltssätze). Infinitival complements also occur in these functions; and we find a number of syntactic facts which suggest analyzing them as sentences at a deeper level of structure. There is a precedent for this analysis in the intuition of traditional gratnnarians that more than one preposition is involved in sentences with infinitival complements and in the use by some grammarians of the abstract notion "subject of the infinitive." Infinitival complements can, in fact, contain all the constitutents of finite clauses except the subject. Furthermore, we find in many instances a paraphrase relationship between infinitival predicate complements and clauses with daß, wie, etc. + finite verb or dependent clauses without an introductory morpheme. Compare the following examples from the ENHG corpus: (8)

E 48c wa zauber mit zauber vertreibe zimpt sich nit E 59a Wann als du gehört hast / so ziramet es sich nicht das man zauber mit zauber vertreib/

(9)

PS 152 Darumb, herr der kung, ist billich, daz der mensch folge dem raut der Vernunft ... Darumb billicher ist ze volgen der Vernunft denn dem willen ... e e o S 199b ... den er hat geloicknet / das er war eyn sun der tochter Pharaonis des künigs. S 199d do hatt er auß dem judischen glauben / in dem er gebore ward geloicknet zu sein ein sun der tochter Pharaonis.

(10)

(11)

Ev 42c Her es ist vns gut hie zu sein / Ev 42d Petrus der sprach ./ herr es ist gut das wir hie seind

(12)

E 78b Dje vergangenen tag haben ir gehört / wie vnser künig in dem spil. Herr der künig ich diente geren / vns gebüt im ein eer an zu thu / in küssen / das ist in lieb haben vber alle ding. E 79Bc Jn vergangner zeit hoben ir gehört / wie vnser Künig denn wir vns selber erwolt haben gott den herren / vns gebüt / das wir im selber ein ere an solle thun vnd in lieb haben vber alle ding.

(13)

E 83a Er gebüt dir auch etwa die katz zeküssen. E 83c wan er gebüt dir du solt die katze küssen /

Our strengest argument for an analysis in which infinitival complements appear as full sentences in abstract structure is a syntactic one: reflexive pronoun objects of the infinitive behave as if a subject were present.

Consider the following examples: (14)

Er ruhte sich zehn Minuten aus.

(15)

Ich sagte ihm, daß er sich zehn Minuten ausruhen sollte.

(16)a.*Er sagte mir, daß ich sich zehn Minuten ausruhen sollte. b. Er sagte mir, daß ich ihn (*sich) begleiten sollte. (17)

Er beabsichtigte, sich zehn Minuten auszuruhen.

(18)

Ich erlaubte ihm, sich zehn Minuten auszuruhen.

(19)

Ich bat ihn, sich zehn Minuten auszuruhen.

(20)

Es war ihm schwer, sich zehn Minuten auszuruhen.

Examples (14) through (16) show that the reflexive pronoun "agrees" with the subject in the same simple clause. If the relative pronouns in (14) through (16) must be identical with this subject, then in examples (17) through (20) with infinitival complements a coreferential subject (of the infinitive) must have been present at the point in the derivation at which reflexivization took place. The "agreement" of this reflexive pronoun and various objects in the main clause in (17) through (20) results, then, from the identity of this abstract subject and a noun phrase in the main clause. Evidence from reflexive pronoun behavior is abundant in the corpus. Another argument for which we find evidence in the ENHG data involves the reciprocal "pronoun" einander, vdiich requires a plural antecedent in the same clause. Compare the following Modern German examples: ( 8 ) a . Hans und Greta saßen nebeneinander. b. Er erlaubte Hans und Greta, nebeneinander zu sitzen. c.*Er erlaubt mir (ihr, ihm), nebeneinander zu sitzen.

The argument proceeds in the same manner as the reflexive argument: since einander must have a plural antecedent in the same simple clause, then when it appears as object in an infinitival clause, it must have a coreferential plural antecedent in that clause at an earlier stage in the derivation. The surface form of the infinitival predicate complement must result, then, from a syntactic process which deletes the subject of the embedded sentence (= the underlying subject of the infinitive). Early transformational analyses of German, such as Bierwisch 1963, Motsch 1964 and Härtung 1964, employ such a deletion transformation in the derivation of infinitival complements. Current terminology and discussion is based on Rosenbaum 1967, where a transformation called Equivalent Noun Phrase Deletion (ccnmonly abbreviated to Equi-NP Deletion or simply EQUI) was proposed to delete the complement subject under identity with an antecedent noun phrase in the main clause. According to the concept of transformations developed in Chomsky 1965, EQUI acts as a filter, in that it marks ungramnatical ("filters out") structures

which do not meet its structural description. Its structural description includes (1) an infinitival complementizer ZU or I (bare infinitive) in the enbedded sentence, and (2) referential identity between the subject NP of the embedded sentence and an NP in the matrix sentence. Its structural change, of course, is to delete the subject of the embedded sentence. Thus it marks gramnatical structure (22) below but not structure (23): (22) (23)

[Eva. beger- [ZU Eva. [future] ess- den apfel] ] S i S i SS „[Eva. beger- [ZU Adam, [future] ess- den apfel] 1 S i S j SS

For the sake of clarity I translate (22) here into the form of a more fully specified tree-diagram: (22)

Eva

Eva

FUTURE

ess

By acting as a filter on structures (22) and (23), EQUI accounts for the fact that Eva begert den apfel 28 essen is a possible sentence of Early New High German but not *Eva begert Adam den apfel zft. essen. In (22) EQUI deletes the complement subject Eva under identity with the NP Eva in the main clause (referential identity is indicated by the use of the conventional subscripts •i, j, etc.). In (23) EQUI blocks the derivation because the complement subject Adam is not referentially identical to an NP in the main clause. As informally stated here, EQUI is still inadequate. We must state somehow exactly which NP in the main clause may trigger deletion of the complement subject. In the Chomsky 1965 framework, transformations do not use gramnatical relations (subject, object, etc.) but only information about gramnatical categories and the order of these categories in a string. But unless provided with some additional information EQUI does not apply properly

(see also Langendoen 1973). (24) (25)

Consider the following structures:

er. PAST anschlag[an dem tag] [ZU er. far- gen Basel] i aclv S i S er PAST anschlag[an dem tag.] [ZU der tag. grau-] clClV

1 ο

1

ο

EQUI applies to structure (24), giving (after other transformations) An dem tag schlug er an / gen Basel zefaren; but EQUI also would apply to (25), ο giving *An dem tag schlug er an zegrauen 'On that day he proposed to dawn'. Now we trust either make use of grarrmatical relations and specify that deletion takes place under identity with the subject of begeren, which will result in (24) being marked grammatical and (25) ungramnatical; or we must add some auxiliary principle. Such a principle was proposed by Rosenbaum 1967 and is adopted by Burt 1971. Rosenbaum (1967:17) proposed that the noun phrase which causes the subject NP of an embedded sentence to be deleted by EQUI must not only be identical to the NP to be deleted, but also must be closest to it. The distance between two nodes in Roseribaum's "Principle of Minimal Distance" is defined in terms of the number of branches in the path connecting them. This principle would ensure that a sentence such as S 7d gott geb ttet dir / deinen neohsten lieb zehaben be derived from (26) not from (27): (26)

gott gebiet- dir.

(27)

gott. gebiet- dir. [ZU got. lieb hab- deinen, nechsten] . i 3 S i 3 S

1. ο

[ZU du. lieb hab- deinen, nechsten] 1

1.

ο

Rosenbaum's analysis of complement subject deletion has been criticized on several grounds. Of interest here are two major criticisms. First, in proposing the "Principle of Minimal Distance" it is assxmed that there is a unique NP which triggers EQUI, since the minimal distance mechanism can only pick one NP, namely the one closest to the complement subject. Postal (1970; section V.D.) pointed out, however, a number of sentences in which more than one NP in the main clause can be interpreted as the antecedent of the deleted complement subject (following Postal's terminology, the "controller"). Thus in the sentence Harry talked to Bill about kissing Greta the controller can be either Bill or Harry or both together. A similar situation was pointed out by Bech (1955:§114, §198) in reference to the Modern German verbs vorsahlagen and anbieten: in sentences with these verbs and infinitival complements, the controller can be either the subject of the main clause, the dative object of the main verb or both, depending on the context in which the sentence occurs. The second criticism is directed against the "Principle of Minimal Distance" itself. First, it fails to choose the correct controller in the case

of English promise, Modern German geloben, drohen, versprechen, zusagen zuschüören and ENHG geloben, verheissen, versprechen and zusagen, where the subject of the main clause, not the object, is the controller. Thus the derivation of (28)a. from (28)b. is factually incorrect, although it is the derivation permitted by this principle: (28)a. b. c.

Er hat mir versprochen, sich zu entschuldigen. Er. [past] versprech- m i r . s [ich. entschuldig- mich.] i 3 J 3s Er. [past] versprech- mir. „ [ e r . entschuldig- sich.] i ~\ S i i S

Second, this principle will not reject *An dem tag schlag er an zegrauen. Finally, it is doubtful that such a node counting device, even if it worked, would be a more desirable innovation in a theory that attempts to account for native speakers' intuitions than the use of gramnatical relations by transformations, a solution to the control problem hinted at above. EQUI can provide for the facts, then, if each predicate is marked as to what granmatical relation the NP in the matrix sentence must have in order that it can be the NP which triggers deletion. Yet marking each predicate individually is inadequate, for there is a syntactic generalization that should be captured here. In subcategorizing predicates which take object complements one must distinguish predicates which occur in a two-place construction (subject - predicate - object complement) from predicates which occur in a three-place construction (subject - predicate - NP (dative, accusative, preposition)- object complement). The generalization concerning EQUI can also be stated in these terms: In two-place constructions the underlying subject of the infinitive is deleted under identity with the subject of the matrix sentence; in three-place constructions the underlying subject of the infinitive is deleted under identity with the object of the matrix sentence.

One must treat promise, versprechen, geloben, etc. as exceptions, but a redundancy rule would account for all the rest. In the examples given above, the NP which triggers EQUI appears in the same sentence in which the infinitival complement is embedded. In a sentence such as S 192d Got weißt wol wenn es zeit ist dich zu erhören the antecedent (the NP Got) of the complement subject is found not in the clause (S«) in

10

which the infinitival complement (83) is embedded but in the next higher clause (S,): (29)

Got. weißt wol

S_

.

wenn es zeit ist

S

Got . erhört dich i

Both a new transformation called SUPER EQUI and an extension of EQUI have been proposed to account for such sentences in English (see Neubauer 1972 and the literature cited there). There is at present no satisfactory analysis of complement subject deletion in sentences such as S 192d. In suggesting the use of granmatical relations in the mechanism which selects the controller NP in the main clause, rather than the "Principle of Minimal Distance," I am still proposing a purely syntactic solution to the problem. The patterning of deletion conditions in noun complements causes one to wonder, however, whether this is strictly a syntactic matter. For infinitival complements of nouns, we find that we must make complex statements of gramnatical relations to insure that EQUI applies properly. The complexity alone is not the problem, since the patterning of deletion conditions turns out to be similar to that found with verbs and adjectives. Note that in the following examples, as with a three-place predicate such as gebieten (cf. example (26) above), the dative NP in the main clause acts as controller: S 115d do kam ein ander künig / der gab ynen vrloub widerub heyra zu keren ... PS 166 Gott hatt ... ynen stat vnd tzeit verlihen ir leben tzu besseren /

11 S 17c da ein mensch ... nit domitt andren einen weg machett on forcht ouch des gleichen zetSnd /

But we find exceptions to this patterning, exceptions similar to the controller relations found with geloben and verheissen. In the following exanple the subject of the main clause acts as controller, despite the presence of a personal dative NP: SdM 65a Jtem wan einer einem etwas verheisset so macht er im ein verbintnuß ze thun / das er es schuldig würt zeleisten ...

The fact that the semantic similarity of ein verbintnuß machen and geloben, verheissen, etc. correlates with identical exceptional controller relations calls into question the adequacy of a purely syntactic account of complement subject deletion. An interesting semantic account of such controller problems in English has been proposed by Jackendoff (1972:especially 214-219). Jackendoff's controller selection mechanism is based on thematic relations, a system of semantic primitives such as Source, Goal, etc. His theory also differs from the approach I have just outlined in that infinitival phrases are not treated as full propositions in deep structure, but rather the semantic component is provided with principles for interpreting which NP is understood to be the "subject" of the infinitive. This approach would at first seem vulnerable to the reflexive argument from the beginning of this section - namely that reflexivization works in infinitival clauses as if there were a subject present. But this argument is based on the assumption that pronontinalization and reflexivization are processes which change noun phrases into pronouns when these noun phrases stand in certain structural relations to identical noun phrases elsewhere. Jackendoff argues that essentially the opposite is the case: the reference of pronouns is interpreted by the semantic component. As these different approaches to infinitival complement constructions show, competing theoretical alternatives are systems of interlocking rules and the decision as to which account is more adequate depends on the ability of the entire system in question to explain the empirical facts. Such a decision is, at present, impossible because neither of the two major competing transformational theories, generative semantics versus interpretive semantics, has been stated precisely enough. In this analysis of Early New High German I take the pragmatic path of following the established BQUI analysis outlined above and referring to other, more powerful frameworks which have promise of explaining difficulties presented by the more restricted EQUI analysis. To summarize, the syntactic relationship between the infinitival complement and the predicate is stated in terms of the structural relations between

12

an embedded sentence, from which the infinitival complement is derived via the Equivalent Noun Phrase Deletion transformation (EQUI), and the predicate of the main clause. The conditions on the choice of the controller, the NP antecedent in the main clause which triggers deletion of the complement subject, are stated in terms of grammatical relations. Further problems arising from this analysis will be dealt with in the discussion of the individual constructions from the data. 1.3.

Early New High German Infinitival Complement Constructions - An Overview

Since the presentation of data and analysis in the following chapters is organized according to abstract structures, I give here a brief orientation and locate for the reader the analysis of common types of surface structures in the following chapters. I also include here a short discussion of substantivized infinitives. 1.3.1. Predicate complements. In the preceding section on the transformational framework, arguments were given for analyzing infinitival predicate complements as sentences (propositions) at a deeper level of structure. In abstract phrase structure these occupy, as do full-clause complements, the position as subject or object. Infinitival complements differ fron full-clause complements with finite verb in that elements of the embedded proposition can appear among elements of the higher clause: S 15d Wenn du ouch andren menschen begerest zu gefallen / in deinen wercken. P 36c

O

*~

... daß er diß nit vermag zuerlange durch sein aygen krofft /

B2 9Oc Die Seelen die zu dem hymmel vnderstanden haben zefliegen ... S lO8c

... wie ein vnfletig tuch / daßs man pfligt zu verbergen.

Infinitival constructions differ in the degree to which they allow integration of the elements of the two propositions, a phenomenon which I will deal with in detail in later sections (see especially sec. 4.0.4.). In the framework employed here, the relationship of the infinitival complement to the predicate is provided by the phrase structure rules: subject complements appear in the position of deep structure subject; object complements occur within the verb phrase or adjective phrase. Throughout the discussion I will refer to these constructions, in terms borrowed from logic, as one-place, two-place and three-place constructions, according to the number of arguments each predicate occurs with. A sentence such as B2 77c Es -ist gar

13

leioht ein iungen meschen zebringen zu dem gotzdienst is then a one-place subject complement and would have a deep structure like (30) below: (30)

COMP

leicht man bring- einen iungen menschen zu dem gotzdienst

A two-place subject complement such as S 30c So wer jm leicht recht zu thun would differ from (30) in that the verb phrase would contain the dative noun phrase jm. Subject complements are discussed in detail in Chapter II. In section 2.3. I deal with sentences with scheinen, bedünken and. dünken and infinitival complenient, which share semantic properties with subject complement constructions. Object complements appear in the verb phrase or adjective phrase as complements of verbs and adjectives respectively. Two- and three-place infinitival complements of adjectives appear with zu + infinitive and are discussed in section 4.6. I further divide object complements of verbs according to the complementizer with which they regularly appear: we find two-place constructions with bare infinitive, including modals, turren, geturren, beginnen, bleiben, geraten, thun and wenen-, two-place constructions with either bare infinitive or zu + infinitive, including anfahen, anheben, aufhören, gan, kurmen, ligen, sitzen, stan, haben, leren 'learn, 1 lernen and meinen (see sec. 4.1.); and two-place constructions with zu + infinitive, including ansohlahen, begeren, gewonen, hoffen, pflegen, spülgen and many others (see 4 . 2 . ) .

Two-place object complements have a deep structure of

14

the following form: (31)

Three-place constructions include a dative or accusative object in addition to subject and infinitival camp lenient: P 13 5d So ratten sy den ändern / deßgleichen auch zu thund/ S 53c Aber ettlich dye da bey studen ... bäte jn fleisch zu essen/ Three-place object complements have a deep structure of the following form:

(32)

The clear three-place constructions appear with zu + infinitive and are characterized by constraints on word order which keep the members of the main clause and embedded proposition apart (see sec. 4.4. and 4.5.). There is also a group with accusative object and bare infinitive, which Includes verbs of saying and thinking, verbs of the senses (sehen, hören) and causatives such as lassen and heissen* The syntactic relations in these constructions are particularly complex and are dealt with in detail in section 4.3. In a small nuiiber of examples the object complement has a pronoun antecedent (or da + preposition) in the main clause: S 188b Wir rmßen vnß daran gewenen got dOme-inen -in allem vnßerem th&n vnnd Ion. See section 4.7. on these constructions.

15

1.3.2. Noun complements. Infinitival complements can also stand in direct structural relation to nouns, as in the following examples: E 34b Der lag finger ist

(spes) Hoffnug lag zu lebe/

4Oa aber ir suchen vrsach mich zu todten/ e o P 22b ...vnd das er dir wol geben ainen brinnenden ernst, gutte werck zu wircken/

Infinitival complements of nouns retain their full-clause nature: no elements are moved out of the infinitival clause, as often occurs in predicate complements. The constructions are discussed briefly in Chapter Five. 1.3.3. Adverbial complements. In Modern German infinitival adverbial complements appear largely with um(...)zu and are thus morphologically distinguished from object complements. In this ENHG corpus they appear with zu + inf., and in a few cases, with bare infinitive. In section 4.0.2. arguments are presented for representing the difference in the syntactic behavior of object complements and adverbial complements in terms of a difference in the position of the embedded sentence in deep structure. Object complements appear within the verb phrase and subcategorize predicates, whereas adverbial complements are generated outside the verb phrase. A few examples follow: SdM 46b Es ist nichts anderß/ dann boße rede / die man heimlich sagt zu entledigen vnd zertrenne die freuntschafft zweier menschenn... S 44b danen har kompt es das etlich gute mensche also gar spärlich brauchent holtz sich zewerme. PS 181 Do Thobias sinen sun wolt ussenden in ain ferr land, sin sach ze schafen, sprach er zu i m . . . Bl 66c Es was ein clußneri deren hat man ein kellerin geben ir zedienen/

Adjective constructions of the following types are discussed in section 4.6.4.: S 9Ob darzu ist

es allen zunge zu hoch davo zu reden.

P 154d Schweigen / ist behalten.

nütz all

tugendn damit zu erlangen vnd zu

1.3.4. Shared-NP complements. These constructions form a second major type, which differs fron predicate complements, noun complements and adverbial complements in that an NP in the matrix sentence is identical with the deleted (usually direct) object of the infinitive (Behaghel's (II, §728) "exegetischer Infinitiv"). The noun phrase in the matrix sentence can be: 1.

a subject NP (see Chapter Three) PS 79 ... won waz inen nit zimpt ze haben, daz zympt inen och nit ze sechen ...

16

P 79a die seind auß wendig lustig an zu sehen ... A 44b das ist ein hertte speiß zu essen on den senff / S 213c wenn alle ding sind zu beichten / vor gott dem herren / 2.

an accusative object (see 4. . 3 . , 4 . 2 . 1 . , 4 . 4 . 1 . ) S 82c als nun der erst tod was in dem leiden / da fürten sy hyn den andren zu verspotten / ... Ev 76a Da gab er in ( ' i h n e n ' ) Jesum zu krätzige

3.

a dative object (?) (see 4 . 6 . 2 . for this problematic construction) H 13c Ich bin dir ein han schuldig z8 opffern

4.

a genitive object (see 4 . O . 3 . , 4 . 2 . 1 . ) P 129b Czu dem .xl. seind vngeschafne wort / der sich ain mensch solt beschämen zu reden

5.

the object of a preposition (see 4 . 9 . ) Bl 48a Die dreizehend predig saget von hohen künsten zelernen

1.3.5. Substantival infinitives. Substantival infinitives are noninalized verbs with infinitival ending. These can be marked for case and can occur in NPs with articles, possessive pronouns, attributive adjectives, and subjective or objective genitive modifiers. A few examples follow: SdM 51a Sie hinderen einen menschen an dem zunemen / du würst nit besser / du kanst nit zuneme / S 68b Der selbig ist niemans anders wen got der herr / vff den sol die Vernunft ir warnemen haben / P 87c ... dz er wed 1 ruw noch rast vor des veindes treibn vn raissen gehabn mag P 86d Was ist ain cristenlich closterlebn anders / dan ain tiglich tSten / boßer bewegunge ... S 219a-b ... so ein mensch sich nit laßet benSgen an dem emßigen vri fleissigen üben der guten tugentliche werck /

The substantival infinitive is distinguished morphologically in the genitive case: S 62c ... vn zum dritten / welchs da sye die zeiche eines waren oder falschen mitleidens P 123b Du wildt aber dannocht arbaitten. dich des schedlichen lasters / des mussig geendes / damit zu erwern

Substantival infinitives can also take the complements of the verb: daßclauses, zu + infinitive, bare infinitive, adverbials, noun objects and predicate nominals. p

S 15d Einer der ein hochfertig stoltz gemut hat / der hat nitt ein' benugen an dem / das er im selber wol gefallet / SdM 7d Nym ein gleichniß / du setzest dir für du wSllest schweigen vn nichts reden / oder du wilt nit essen on not Das wollen schweigen / vnnd das wollen nit essen / so es schon teglich sünd ist / dz ist grosser verdienst. B2 68b Darüb sag ich dz bescheidenheit nit stot mit lust entpfinden in essen vn trincke. SdM 69a Es ist ein vnderschid zwSschi neuwe meer sagen / vnnd vppige wortt reden.

17 SdM 8O S 223d zwingt S 29b-c wollen

(title over a woodcut) Hie angezögt zu bereiten die salben. ... das da beschicht / so sich ein mensch dick vnd vil da zu / vnd trinckt mit gewalt an thun / vnd sich überwinden. Darauß kompt /das wäre armut nitt stat im nüt hon / aber in arm sein /

The bare infinitive also appears without the characteristic modifiers of nouns in otherwise nominal environments: object of a preposition and in apposition to a noun. S 73a Ich anttwurt dir mitt dyßem leerer / sye stat in dreyen dingen / Zum ersten / in geben. Zum andren in vergeben. Vn zum dritten / in übergeben. (469) Misericordia vera consistit in tribus: in dando, in condonando, et in supererogando. Ev 17c d 1 her Jesus hat es auch etwan mit gebet gethon / er hat es auch mit gebieten gtho E 25a Zum erste sprich ich. Daz du solt lere fliehe dz groß laster müssig g5

The bare infinitive also appears alongside zu + infinitive as subject (see Chapter Two) and object (see Chapter Four). Subject or object conplements with the bare infinitive cannot be distinguished on the surface from nominalized infinitives when the infinitive appears without the characteristic modifiers of nouns. In come cases there are differences in semantic interpretation (cf. Modern German er lernt sahreiben / er lernt Schreiben) which must be accounted for in the gramner. But, particularly when the infinitive appears in subject position, we find overlap and doubtless a blending (neutralization) of the two construction types (cf. Schröbler (1969:382): "Die Grenzen zwischen verbalem und substantivischem Infinitiv bleiben fließend, ..."). 1.4.

Distribution of Complementizers

In the phrase structure of full-clause and infinitival complements a node CCMP is provided for the complementizer morpheme (see Bresnen 1970). For infinitival complements we are concerned with the complanentizer ZU, which yields zu + infinitive, and the complementizer I, which yields the bare infinitive. In Modem German the choice of zu + infinitive or the bare infinitive is strictly governed according to the type of infinitival complement construction and by the predicate in the matrix clause. In subject complements both may occur; as for object complements, there is a small number of verbs which take bare infinitive, a small number of verbs which can take both, and a very large number of verbs, adjectives and nouns which take zu + infinitive. The distribution of complementizers and predicates in the ENHG

18

data is slightly different but also quite strictly governed. The distribution was sketched in section 1.3 and is examined in detail in the following chapters. The distribution of complementizers in conjoined infinitivals and in passive infinitives differs significantly fron Modern German. In Modern German every infinitive in a string of conjoined infinitival phrases requires its own complementizer morpheme, be it zu for all infinitives or 0 for all infinitives. Bech (1955:§6) did not find a single example in which zu is dropped from any members of a string of conjoined infinitives requiring zu. In Early New High German, however, zu can be dropped from any number of conjoined infinitive phrases except one. Such deletion occurs in about one fourth of my conjoined examples. A selection of examples follows: 1.

zu + 0. SdM 14c ...der seine Sünden ymmermeder vnd'stot zu beschirmen vnd vertrechen / als ein katz iren kat. I 66a Sehed wie gar schwer es ist / dise bede strick zu entfliehen / vnd gon die rechte landtstraß...

2.

0 + zu. PS 52 won sy ire schwöstern so flisklich hat gelert alle zitliche ding verschmachen vnd allain Cristo ze leben

3.

zu + zu + 0. B2 87d ...dauon ein sunder ermant solt werden dye sünd zu lassen / sein hertz zu reinigen vnd sich zu gott keren

4.

zu + 0 + zu. P 144b ...das ain yeglicher widersach / vndersteet seynen Widersacher zu belaydigen. beswiren vnd zu raitzn.

5.

zu + 0 + 0. S 35d Es ist. denn so ein mensch thut / was er thun soll zu überkomen behalten vnd versorgen / was jm vnd denen die er zu fürsehen hat / nottdürfftig ist...

6.

0 + zu +_zu. S 29b Ein mensch das hat gewont faul sein / zu schlecke vnnd andre laster zu üben...

I have examples of the following patterns with four infinitives: zu + zu + zu + 0, zu + zu 4· 0 + $,zu + 0 + 0 + 0,zu + zu + 0 + zu, and 0 + zu + zu + 0 The passive infinitive (werden/sein + past participle) appears often without zu with verbs which otherwise take zu + infinitive. -without zu:

A few examples follow:

S 15d-16a ... vnnd als er sich schetzet sein begert er vonn den andren geschetzett werde P 84a

... vnd von nieman begert vnder wißen werden

S 85c Wir sind leider nach gemeinen louff gerichtet vff weltlich eer / mögen nit verkleinung leiden / s8che ewiglichen harfür getzogn sein ... P 71d ... vnd allain on mittel vermaynen / von got vnd'richtet werden...

19

-compare with zu : S L25d-126a so das gemut des menschen... begert / von dißer traurikeit erlediget zu werden ... PS 83 ... vnd also durch die tugent der demütikait verdiene, erhocht ze werden in ewiger glori. P 97d der hatt nit verschmacht in der zeit, vmb vnserent willen geborenn tzu werden, von Marien der iunckfrauwen.

In the following example zu appears before the participle rather than the auxiliary: B2 74a darumb die da hoffen in dem leiden christi zu behalten werden / die sprechen zu got ... 0 herv in deinem namen behalt mich. Compare the error in B2 74d Becleid du dich erberlich / also nach deinem stat dz man dein nit vnordenlioh beger / vnd du nit begehest zu begert zuwerden. We find remnants of the late MHG inflected infinitive -ende with zu. The ending -nd appears very frequently with thun. One finds with zu the alternating types (1) ze thun, than, thu, tho, etc, and (2) zethund, thunt, tünd (PS) , tund. The ending -nd is rare with the infinitive of other verbs. 1.5.

The Corpus I have chosen to limit the data not only as to the date of the texts, but also to geographical area, style and authors. The corpus consists of the sermons of Johannes Pauli (ca. 1450-1530?) delivered in Villingen (the last sermon shortly after Easter, 1494) and written down by a nun; Pauli's editions of the sermons of Johannes Geiler von Kaisersberg (1445-1510), delivered by Geiler in Strassburg from 1505-1510; Geiler's Seelenparadies (sermons delivered 1503-1505 in Strassburg) and two sermons fron the volume called Irrig Sohaf, which with the exception of one short booklet are the only works of Geiler known to have passed through his hands before publication; and a number of editions of Geiler's sermons delivered from 1488-1510 and transcribed by unnamed listeners. The volumes used are listed at the beginning of the bibliography along with the abbreviations used in citations

2.

SUBJECT COMPLEMENTS

2.1.

The Structure of Sentences with Infinitival Subject Complements A sentential complement can function as the deep structure subject of

a sentence.

Predicates which appear with such subject complements can also

take an abstract noun subject.

The syntactic relationship between subject

complement and predicate is provided for by the phrase structure rule which expands the initial element S into a noun phrase + predicate and by a rule which provides for the reintroduction of the category S as part of the expansion of NPs. In the ENHG corpus we find some evidence for NP-like behavior of subject complements.

First, under the assumption that categorical iden-

tity is a necessary condition for conjunction, the occasional examples we find of subject complements with bare infinitive or zu + infinitive argue for NP status: P 87c lign

gleych als ainem esel / dem liebt futer vn heu vn im stal zu

P 72b Was verfacht alles vasten. wachen, beetten. vnd vil zu dem hailigen sacrament zu gon ... S 151-152 / so bedarft du nit gedencken / daz dich die mauren die kleider/ / on fleisch sein / vnnd andre äußerlichen ordenungen geistlichen machend.

Second, there is a class of sentences with topicalized elements which are later represented in the sentence by pro-elements. Consider the following sentence in which the syntactic function of the topic is filled by the demonstrative die: S 9c dise zwey stuck die sind not / zu waper kristenlioher lieby/. When the topicalized element is an infinitival complement the position of surface subject is filled by a coreferential neuter singular demonstrative pronoun das: E 89d Nun deinen fründ lieb zehon das ist

ein leicht ding /

Q

S 4b Aber gott dienen vnnd also wollen selig werden / vff das der will gottes gescheh an jm / ist nitt vnrecht.

Note, too, the pronouns coreferential with the complement in S 137 b (sein), E 49d (es, sein), and Bl 71b (es):

21 S 137b das auß zu legen / hat sein stat an andren orten. E 49d Die mensche vnd die thier segne hat ei guten anfang / aber ein boßen vßgang gewunne. Es hat sein anfang von den heiligen aposteln ... Bl 71b Guts gedencken vnd guts reden / ist ist es boß.

nit boß / aber an dem ort

I will introduce subject complements, then, as an expansion of the subject UP. Infinitival subject complements are related even at the surface level to subject complements with finite verb in that they appear in .the same word order types and in the same construction types. Many predicates can occur with both infinitival and finite complements in a logical paraphrase relationship (cf. examples 48c, 59a, PS 152, Ev 42c, Ev 42d in sec. 1.2.). Occasionally an infinitival complement is linked syntactically with a complement with finite verb, either in a conjoined structure or in a comparative structure: Bl 19b Darzu ist das auch ein fürwitz / da man den diebstal wil inne werde vnd Sachen zewissen an orte da es sich nitt zymmet da es verbotten ist. S 125a-b so spricht doch die geschrifft / es sey besser zu gon da trauren vnnd clagen ist / denn das man sich frowe. Ev 13b Es ist edler vn besser vö himmelßlauff vö sterne vn planete wissen de dz du vil vö einer k8 wüßtest zesage.

There are restrictions, of course, on the cooccurrence of individual complement types and individual predicates. These can be specified by marking the predicates in the lexicon as to complementizer. On the other hand there are correlations between semantic classes of predicates and those predicates which can take Infinitival subject complements. "Emotive" predicates (Kiparsky and Kiparsky 1970:169f), predicates which express a subjective, emotional or evaluative reaction of a speaker, correlate strongly in Modem German with predicates which take an infinitival subject complement (see Ebneter 1972 and Ebert (1972:69ff); Sitta (1971:212) speaks of an "Einordnungs- oder Urteilsrelation."); but neither in Modern German nor in ENHG is the overlap of the two classes complete. This partial correlation can be stated as a lexical redundancy. 1

I leave open here the question of semantic conditioning of "syntactic" phenomena. See R. Lakoff (1973:689-693) on the Kiparskys' analysis.

22

In ENHG, as in Modern German, the choice of zu + infinitive or bare infinitive does not seem to be accompanied by any semantic difference: Ev 13b ... dz es edler vn besser sei / ein wort oder ein wenig_vo hohe dinge vnd topice wussen den vil vo einfaltige vn schlechte dinge zewüssen. E 89d Zu de ersten dein feind lieb hon / gat mee von freie willen her / den de fründ lieb zehon/ E 21c ... vnd ist es so hart ein frauwecloster zereformiere / wie hart wer es dan die mancloster reformiere /

In Modem German the bare infinitive is restricted to certain ward order types, whereas this does not seem to be the case in EMC. Let us look at word order in subject complements in seme detail. Except for differences in emphasis, the following sentences are considered to be paraphrases: (l)a. b. c. d. e. f. g.

Auf diese Weise unterzugehen ist tragisch. Auf diese Weise unterzugehen, das ist tragisch. Es ist tragisch, auf diese Weise unterzugehen. Tragisch ist es, auf diese Weise unterzugehen. Tragisch ist, auf diese Weise unterzugehen. Das ist tragisch, auf diese Weise unterzugehen. Tragisch ist das, auf diese Weise unterzugehen.

These seven types are not equally grammatical with every predicate which can take a sentential subject; I will leave these restrictions, which vary a good deal fron speaker to speaker, out of consideration here. The pronoun es or das, which is coreferential with the complement, appears only when the complement is at the right of the predicate. This fact can be accounted for by a transformation called Extraposition, which moves the complement to the right of the verb phrase and copies a pronoun (es, das, dies) in its place. The first of the two types with complement to the left of the predicate, (l)a. Auf diese Weise unterzugehen ist tragisch, arises directly fron the proposed deep structure. In the corpus this nonextraposed type occurs comparatively seldom with 2" + infinitive: there are only fifteen examples in main clauses versus 285 with Extraposition. Three examples follow: S 137b das auß zu legen / hat sein stat an andren orten

2

This is a modification of Rosenbaum's extraposition transformation (the term "extraposition* was borrowed by Rosenbaum from Otto Jespersen). R. introduces the complement as a deep structure sister to [it] and deletes it if Extraposition does not apply. I won't go into the arguments against this formulation here. A similar movement transformation for German can be found in Bierwisch 1963, Härtung 1964, and Hale 1966.

23 B2 17b

Der welt zedienen ist

ein schwerer wuster dienst /

E 75d Darumb got mag dir zu im ein semliche liebe wol geben / wan von dir die zehaben / ist dir vnmüglich.

This type is of doubtful gramnaticality, however, in subordinate clauses such as ? Er sagte, daß abends in der Wirtschaft Bier zu trinken angenehm sei. (see also Bech 1957:§330). In the corpus I have found two examples with zu + infinitive in an embedded clause. Note, though, that the finite verb is in "second position" despite the presence of daß, with which the finite verb generally appears in clause-final position in ENHG. I 31a Ich antwurt vn sprich zum erste / das sollichs zu wissen ist fast not vnd nutz zu heitrung der coscientz / vnd Vertreibung der kleinmutikeit. I 31a Ich sprich zum andren / das sollichs zu erkonne volkumenlich ist fast schwer.

With the bare infinitive this word order type is very cannon in main clauses and also occurs in dependent clauses. A few examples follow: E 7Id aber die werck wercken ist recht / aber zeuil sorgen ist recht

nit

S 13a tugende üben ist dir nit me so bitter / schwer vnd widerig als es dir ettwen was SdM 8a Zu de zehenden sprich ich das tegliche sünd wollen thun ist auch wider der heiligen leben die da habend alle sünd gemitten / ...

The second type, (l)b., with topicalized complement, can be accounted for by a very general transformation, known as Left-dislocation, which topicalizes elements by moving than to the head of the sentence and copying a demonstrative pronoun in their place, as in S 9c dise zwey stuck die sind not/ zu warer kristenlicher lieby mentioned above. By this transformation we specify the grammatical relation of the topicalized elanent to the rest of the sentence in terms of the syntax of a simple sentence. The question is whether sentences such as S 9c,as they are generally used, really are simple sentences with a dislocated element or whether the speaker simply states first the topic and then follows with a clause in which the topic is pronominalized. In any case, sentences with topicalized infinitival subject complement are found with both zu + infinitive and bare infinitive in the corpus. Again the examples with bare infinitive are more cannon; in fact, I have found examples with bare infinitive in a dependent clause. A few examples follow: A 26b aber sunst vil gebet auff sich zu laden das ist nit gut PS ISO ... won böses wissen vnd kunnen, das ist nit sund; böses wellen, daz ist sund.

24 E 62b Zu dem ändern sprich ich das vil g8tz thun vnd vil boß leiden das ist ein zeichen das du ein fründ gotes bist /

Two transformations move subject complements to the right of the predicate: Extraposition, which also applies to relative clauses (cf. B2 15c-d Ein pviestev sol schuh an haben der meß liset); and Right-dislocation, which also applies to NPs which do not dominate S (cf. Die ärgern mich, diese Leute.). This latter transformation accounts for the intonation pattern characteristic of Bech's construct-Lo interrupta (1957:5312). Now as Bech has pointed out (1957:$315), when a subject complement with the bare infinitive stands to the right of the predicate, it must have the stress and intonation pattern characteristic of the oonstvuotio intervupta. Furthermore zu + infinitive is obligatory in dependent clauses, where the subject complanent always stands to the right of the predicate (cf. Bech 1957:§322). Now in Modern German, Extraposition cannot apply to object complements with the bare infinitive (see 4.0.4.); by not allowing Extraposition to apply to subject complements with the bare infinitive as well, we can account for the two facts just given. Only Right-dislocation then moves bare infinitives to the right of the predicate, thus accounting for Bech's observation. Since Right-dislocation is resisted in dependent clauses, no matter the shape of the NP to be moved, we find only zu + infinitive to the right of the predicate in dependent clauses (as mentioned above, Extraposition is obligatory here.) In the data, however, we find examples in which the bare infinitive appears to the right of the predicate in both main and dependent clauses; but since we have no reliable markers of stress and intonation, we cannot be sure just how the constraints on Extraposition and Right-dislocation differ from Modern German. Let us look now at the order of elements in the matrix sentence in sentences from the corpus in which the complement stands to the right of the predicate. Both Extraposition and Right-dislocation provide for the introduction of a pronoun es or das in the place of the complement which has been moved to the right of the predicate. Examples of the word order types found in main clauses are given here: 1.

es + predicate ... B2 77c Est ist gar leicht ein iungen meschen zebringen zu dem gotzdienst I 67a Es stat mir nit zu / das zu erfaren. P 69b Es ist ain groß ding / sein ain getreüwer diener gotes. Ev 193b Es ist ein meschen not / nit allein got erkenne sunder auch sich selber kenne

25 2.

das + predicate ... P 27a ... dass wäre ain vnnutze materi / die menschen soLiches zuunderweisen ... Ev 89d ... das ist dir eben genug / die wunden des herren anzerüren mit dem glauben. Bl 35d das ist ein hart ding ewiglich on end in d' helle sin /

3.

conjunction + es + predicate ... P 54c Wan es ist nit not vil dauon zu sagen. Ev 13Oa dan es ist gar boß wid' got thun ... Q

4.

Q

question word at the head P 72b Was verfacht alles vasten. wachen, beeten. vnd vil zu dem hailigen sacrament zu gon ...

5.

adverbial at the head Bl 19b Darzu ist das auch ein fürwitz ... Sachen zewissen an orte da es sich nit zymmet da es verbotten ist / PS 231 Doch, so stät es nit in der macht des menschen, sölichs ze urtailen, ... B2 77c Also ist es gar leicht ein iungen mensche gewenen z8 gutem /

6.

NP at the head E 18a der sein aber nit zelö

7.

gewont hat / den kummet es hart an / nach

finite verb or adjective at the head E 2Oa ... wer es not geweße den glaube zu bestetigen ... SdM 55d gezimpt es euch zegeißlen einen mann / einen romer vnd einen vnschedlichen. S 179c besser ist es mir sterbe weder lebe (298) Expedit mihi mori magis quam vivere.

Examples of the types in dependent clauses follow: I 66a Sehed wie gar schwer es ist

/ dise bede strick zu entpfliehen

Ev 141b Jen antwurt dir das es nit in deinem gewalt ist andechtig zesein / P 87b ... vnd gedenckend wie gut es ist bey ainander wonen in ainem reformierten closter ... PS 234 ... wie daz besser ist dem menschen, dik mit andacht enpfangen denn selten;

In Modem German the coref erential pronoun can be deleted if some other constituent occupies the initial position in the clause. In ENHG the coreferential pronoun can be deleted in clause-initial position as well. We would miss a generalization, however, if we were to account for this fact by a condition on Extraposition. First, the expletive es which is produced transformationally to occupy the position before the finite verb in sentences such as Es hat ein alter König zaei sahöne Töchter, also appears optionally in ENHG. Furthermore, even personal pronoun subjects can be deleted in initial position (cf. Bl 33b Samson schlieff in Dalide schoß des meitlins / da schar sie im .vii. har ab vff seinem haupt / vnd verlor alle sein stercke.), indicating that we are dealing here not with constraints on individual rules,

26

but with an "output condition" (or surface structure constraint) to the effect that, as a stylistic variant, declarative sentences can appear with the main verb in initial position and the subject following or with no subject at all, when the subject is understood from the context. Examples of the word order types without es or das follow: Main clauses: 1.

adverbial + predicate ... P lO9c als lang es nit geschehen ist / so lang ist not / das wyder herfür zu ziechen PS 211 So ist och gar unsicher dem menschen also allain uss sinem aigen sinn leben und niemant rats pflegen.

2.

vnd + predicate ... A 27b Vnd ist_vil besser den weg zu gott zu ziehen · · · _ B2 42c ... wan in der vergangnen nacht het er bei seine weib geschlaffen / vnd stund im nit zu die arch an zu rüren

3.

predicate ... S 189c Da vonn fragen vnnd verantwurten die leerer vil / ist nit not alle samen hie zu erklaren / Ev 138c Wann einem die hend fast schwitze der hat vil böser dempff in im / ist nit gesund fast bei denen zewonen.

4.

NP + predicate ... SdM 73d mir gebürt nit zeoffenbaren heimliche ding eines anderen menschen ... S 219c Vns ist not on vnderlaß zu vnderston mit allem grosten fleiß zu bleiben vnd zu verharren in eine guten angefangnen leben/

Dependent clauses: 1.

adverbial + predicate ... _ S 51c das ist die sach / vm deren willen also not ist alle schlüpff zu vermachen / allenthalben hut haben.

2.

predicate ... Bl 74a Zu erste sprich ich dz nit not ist zu v 1 zeihe die sünd/ P 63d Spricht der Christenlich leerer Johannes von Gerson / das schwtrer sey ainem menschen. Ersamlich beschaidenlich vn on sünd. eeliche werck zu pflegn / dann gantz on sein.

3.

NP + predicate ... S 68b-c nun wie wol allen mensche / nott vnd nütz ist zu fechten noch hertzen friden. P 89a ... aber darumb dz dir anmutig ist mit der person zu reden /

Note that there was only one example of the type NP + predicate + es (E 18a), whereas NP + predicate is well represented (20 examples) in the corpus. There are no examples of NP + predicate + es with finite verb complements in the Seelenparadies (S) (Ebert 1972: 96), indicating that this word order type was rare, if grammatical at all. Finally, we find one example in which an element of the infinitival complement has been moved into the main clause: P 142c Von den siben osten ist mein meinung nun zßmal zureden . . . . Compare also the comparative E 57c Es

27

mag es auch niema begreiffen / wantmb got das thug. Aber die heiligen lever geben vrsaahe als vil als es mügliah ist zu erdencken.

2.2.

Subject Complements in the Corpus

2.2.0. Complementizer distribution and deletion conditions. In the following section I will present examples of predicates which occur with subject completnents. Except for a few constructions, which will be discussed separately, the bare infinitive occurs in the same types of constructions as the infinitive with zu, and the conditions on deletion of the underlying subject of the infinitive are the same for subject ccnplements with bare infinitive and zu + infinitive. In this corpus, infinitival subject complements and predicate noninals which contain a modal auxiliary or passive auxiliary (werden) occur exclusively with the bare infinitive. Some examples follow: S 4b Aber gott dienen vnnd also wollen selig werden / vff das der will gottes gescheh an jm / das ist nitt vnrecht. Bl 34b Es ist wol eim anfahende mesche fast gut lesen / dz er im büchlin lißt vnd gerürt würt dauo. Es ist aber nit gnug also berürt werde im lesen / S V5 es ist vil ei grosre kunst vernünftikliche künen straffe den wol künen predige / E 88d Die erst tugent ist halten.

sein zung künnen regiren vnd in dem zäum

P 76a Die sechste frucht / ist. emssiklicher betauwet werden, mitt gotlichem trost. Q

In subject ccnplements the underlying subject of the infinitive is deleted under several conditions. In sentences without an NP coreferential with the underlying subject of the infinitive, the underlying subject can be deleted when it is indefinite. In the following examples the indefinite subject is specified in the inmediate context: PS 152 Darumb, herr der kung, ist billich, daz der mensch folge dem raut der Vernunft ... Darumb billicher ist ze volgen der Vernunft denn dem willen ... S 125a-b so spricht doch die geschrifft / es sey besser zu gon da trauren vnnd claqen ist / denn das man sich frowe.

Reflexivization can apply in these infinitival complements, yielding the third person form sich: A 26b aber sunst vil gebet auff sich zu laden das ist nit gut / Bl 56c Er meint es sei ein schand sich in dem wald zuuerbergen / ... P 147c Wie es vnrecht ist

/ sich zuuil schäme der ding besonder/die

28 vnschamlich sind / ...

Ihe deleted underlying subject can also be a second person pronoun. Note the context in Ev 13b below and the reflexive form dich selbs (selber) in E 79Bc and E 26a: Ev 13b Es ist edler vn besser vo himmelßlauff_vo Sterne vn planete wissen de dz du vil vo einer ku wüßtest zesage. E 79Bc Vn dei (=die) weil du dich selbs nitt kanst lieb hon / so kanstu auch dein nesten nit lieb hon / wan dich selbs lieb hon ist ein bildner der liebe des nesten E 26a Aber die_drit arbeit / dich selber zeume / deine fihischen glüsten wid'sto / v"zeihe / vn ein and 1 n darfür bitten / dz ist das aller schwerst..

If we adopt an analysis in which declarative sentences are embedded within an abstract performative sentence of the type I say to you, we can provide for these examples by an extension of the principles on complement subject deletion to allow deletion under identity with the object you of the performative verb. EQUI deletes the underlying subject of an embedded infinitival ccnplement under identity with a noun phrase in the matrix sentence. Most often the controller NP in the matrix sentence is a dative object of the predicate. The deep structure of such a sentence with gezimen is shown in (2) below. The subject NP in S~ is deleted under identity with the dative object NP in s

r

jnen sie

reden

After EQUI, Extraposition could optionally apply, giving the order in es gezimt jnen zu reden. There are a few exceptions to the general pattern of deletion. In the following examples the underlying subject of the infinitive is understood to

29

be indefinite, despite the presence of a personal dative NP in the matrix sentence: 46a Also bond ir das got fast mißfalt zu dem t e u f f e i lauffen rat vnd h i l f f von im begere ( c f . E 46a also mißfalt es got dem herren das man andere Gott a n r ü f f t . . . ) I 61b ... Oder das es gott eben als gefeilig wer / das werck vnderwegen zelassen / als das man es thut. e o P 17a das ist ie trostlich ein_sollichen menschen zu sagen das es

besser sey wellen glauben / den glaube

2.2.1. Verbs and verbal expressions 2.2.1.1. One-place constructions. In one-place constructions the predicate appears with an infinitival subject as its only argument. The underlying subject of the infinitive is indefinite. Compare the following examples with bare infinitive: SdM 66b

... dan vil v'heissen vn wenig leiste bringt

feintschafft.

P 86a Nu etwas wirken, auß ainem gefestetn willen in gutes / gehört tzu volkomenhait der tugendn S 23a Aber vil beichten vnd dick zu dem heiligen sacrament gon/on solliche ubung der tugenden / das verfohet nüt ... E 48c

wa zauber mit zauber vertreibe zimpt sich

nit.

Zu + infinitive is cannon in one-place subject complement constructions. We find examples with bekwrmen, sich gezimen, verfaehen, zimen, sich zimen, nutz bringen, füg haben, stat haben, weh thun as well as the following: folgen. PS 123 Nun hutt folget ze sagen von dem fünften punctli, wie er gemanigfaltiget sol werden, ... o o heischen. S 215b Das alles zu sagen vnnd auß zu legen / hyesch ein gantze vast/ nachgan. E 7d ... wann von der omeissen zepredigen gat wol der vergangnen materien nach / kommen. B2 59c Sie gedencken /Odu bist iung vnd starck / ... es kumpt nochwol gott dem herren zu dienen. gehören. S 191c Das laß ich also vff diß mal bleiben / wen weiter da von zu reden / vnd tieffer zu ergründen / was diße tugend im grund sey / gehört in die schul / ... aus dem weg sein. H 8b Darumb ist es nitt vß de weg zusprechen / das alle geschopfft / habe mit gott geschofft / himelreich vn ertreich. nienen für sein. A 19a Aber sunst ein gantze predig auff zu richten inn der beicht / dz ist niene für mit arbeit zugan.. Ev 136a Also zureden gat es mit grosser arbeit zu auff zegon zu got / von Sünden ...

30 bald geschehen. ist bald geschehe

136a

... aber von Gott ab zegon zu Sünden das

2.2.1.2. Two-place constructions. With most verbs deletion of the underlying subject of the embedded sentence takes place under identity with a dative object in the matrix sentence. Zu + infinitive is comnon in this construction. We find tvro-place examples with the following verbs: einkomen. vtnb ... fügen.

P 61a

p I44a

... so dir einkompt zu gedencken. wamit gast du

Fügt es dir nit gemainschaft mit ym zyhaben ... *™

G

zu hertzen gan. Bl 74a Das erst Lewegeschrei ist / Forcht des genugsam ruwes. Er gibt dem mensche yn dz er nitt gnugsam rüwe sein sünd wan sein sund zerüwen wil im nit zuhertzen gon ... gebären. S 162c Vnd ist es sach / das jm seines states halben / oder auß befelh seiner obren / gebürt ander leüt leben war zu nemen / sy zu straffen/ jne vor zu sein / sy zu versorgen / jne dienstberkeit zu beweißen / das sol er allso in gott ordnen / gefallen. SdM 69c ist es schon das es dir nit gefeit zethun die laster / so gefallet es dir sie zehoren. gezimen. S V2 ... vnd auswendig der selben irer gesetzte ordenung gezymbt jnen nit zu rede / lieben. essen.

P 91a

So dir allerbaßest liebt zu vasten. wenn ander leüt

zimen. E 2d Die sibentzehen predig sagt vil vrsache wa her treum kummen / vnd welchem es zymraet sie außzelegen / zugehören.

P llOc

Denen gehöret tzu ain schawend leben zu füren.

zustan. B2 42c ... wan in der vergangnen nacht het er bei seine weib geschlaffen / vnd stund im nit zu die arch an zu rüren.

Since there are few examples in the corpus of non-extraposed complements with zu + infinitive (such as hypothetical B2 42c' Die arah an zb rüren st&nd im nit zu), I have used paradigmatic evidence for the classification of the examples just listed: these predicates can occur with noun subject and personal dative NP. The predicates gelangen, gelüsten, not thun and verdrieasen present problems because of conflicting paradigmatic evidence. gelangen and gelüsten. These verbs appear in an impersonal construction with accusative and genitive NPs or with accusative NP and a prepositional object with nach: B 48a Wen es aber dürr vnd rauch vmb yn ist / das er nüt hatt des jn gelangt. (this could be a partitive genitive with nüt 'nichts') 144d S 153b

... vn hast ein lust in der selben frauwe deren dich glustet vns glagt nit darnach /

B2 67d so glustet dich da nach milch / da nach fischen / da nach disem / da nach yhenem /

31

We also find examples of a two-place construction with noun subject: S L44a-b Aber was er gern hett oder das jn gelangt / das selbig gibt er jm nit. S 161c

Wolan nun haw anhyn / vnd thun was dich glust / o P 3d Ain mensch der ym selbs in allen dingen will genug sein die jn glusten oder glangen / ...

Since I have found no ENHG examples with bare infinitive in the corpus or in the lexica and gramnars listed in the bibliography, nor any exanples with non-extraposed word order, I have no distributional evidence favoring analysis as a subject complement construction over an inpersonal construction with object complement, which seems the better semantically. Some examples with zu + infinitive follow: gelangen. P 5Oc Dich glangt ettwas zu sehen oder zu hören ... S 43b dich gelangt ettwas zebeschauwen das du wol nit sehen dorfftest / es glangt dich aber. gelüsten. B2 69b sie sehen gesellen essen vnd schlemme vnd glust sie zu inen zesitzen / aber sie keren sich daruon. PS 193 Antwurt David der kunig dem willen, spricht also: Din erclärung hon ich wol verstanden und gern gehört. Aber mich gelüstet noch ains von dir ze hören ...

The DWb IV (I.Abt., 2. ., 3115) gives an example from SdM with dative NP: einem menschen gelüst das und gens (jenes) ze haben. In the copy of SdM which I used, on this leaf (43a) gelüsten appears with accusative object but conjoined with begehen, which takes a dative NP: SdM 43a Einen menschen gelüst vnd begehet das vnd gens zehaben ... not thun. In the older construction not was the accusative object and could take an attributive inanimate genitive NP. By the ENHG period not had been reinterpreted as an adjective with dative and genitive arguments. This predicate also appeared with infinitival complements and complements with daß + finite verb. Again the problem is whether these should be considered subject complements, as in the essentially synonomous construction with not sein (see DWb VII, 920), or as object complements in an impersonal construction. I have no distributional evidence, but note the nominative pronoun das in the following ENHG example: was thut mir das noth, viel wort darumb zu verlieren (Kirchhof, Wendunm, 4, 355 in DWb VII, 921.) I have only one example from the corpus: S 150b dauon thut dir not / gott zu bitten / das er dir es ouoh geb zu wollen ... . verdriessen. This verb occurs in the corpus in an impersonal construction with accusative and genitive objects, e Se133c so eyn monsch ein solliche ... lieb hat ... daß in keiner ubung noch arbeyt verdreüsset /

32 S 179c ... der das spricht mit Job / mei seel verdreüset meines lebens. ( c f . Luther: meine seele verdreuszet mein leben (Job 1O,1) in Dtfb XII, 246)

in a two-place construction with noun subject, Bl 72d

o e Es was ein bruder der dienet got dem herren frolichen vnd mit

gutem hertzen / das verdroß den teuffei ... and in a construction with cfaß-complement: 183a Die luden die in der selben stat waren / die verdroß es das das kind sang /

As for evidence from word order, I could find no examples of non-extraposed conplenients with zu + infinitive, but one example of Left Dislocation of a complement with the bare infinitive: 84 die sprechen lieb hon vnnd nit ~~ gemessen / das moaht de teuf fei vertriessen. Two examples with zu + infinitive follow: S 179c der mensch hat das zeiche eines waren schauwens / den da e o — verdreüsset in der vnsalikeit dißer weit zu lebe / SdM 36a Er antwurt / vatter mich verdrüßt zeleben /

In addition to the construction with gelangen, gelüsten and verdriessen, the subject of the infinitive is deleted under identity with the accusative NP in the matrix sentence in complements of the following predicates: anfechten. P 124d Jtem du syhest ain person in d' kirchen, dich ficht an mit ir zu redn ankumen. E 9Oa Wen einen hert an kumpt kusch zesein ... B2 67c Also zu fechten kumpt dich fast vbel an / vnd von deiner alten gewonheiten abston / vnd deren nachgon. befremden. E 17d Zu sechste sprich ich laß dich nit befremden sollen nüw küscheit zuhalten in der ee (see 4 . 3 . 2 . on lassen-constructions) — e o ~ benügen. S 88c-d den jn hat nit benuget seine gaben zu gebe einfaltigklich / aber er gibt sich selber vnmessiklich. (474) Nee suffucit ei dona sua dare simpliciter ...

Deletion of the underlying subject of the infinitive can take place under identity with an attributive genitive NP or the NP underlying a possessive pronoun.

Note the reflexive pronoun in the first example below:

S 83a wen es nitt zu stund seinem alter sich also zu ertzeigen / 141b Jch antwurt dir das es nit in deinem gewalt ist andechtig zesein / PS 231 Doch, so stat es nit in der macht des menschen, sölichs ze urtailen, ... B2 34d Wan du magst noch angefochten werden vnd angereitzt / vnd stot in deim willen zu Sünden oder nit ...

33

2.2.2. Adjectives 2.2.2.1. One-place constructions. Deserving of particular attention is the construction sein + gut + infinitive. Consider the following examples: Bl lO3a Das sihestu wol wa man vff einer hochzeit ist / die weil man nuchter ist / so ist nit gut dantzen / aber wen man fol ist / so gat es erst / SdM 77a Mit eine frumme man d' ein gute conscientz hat / vnd nit gern leugt ist gut reden / 71d-72a darumb so ist es ein Sprichwort. Das auß fürste blut nitt gut würst machen / es blybt nicht bei einander.

ist

Ev 46b Wa der dienst eerlich wer / so were gut dienen /

It is possible, considering the various shades of meaning of gut with subject complements, to consider these examples deep structure subject complements with topicalized adverbial elements. Thus from the subject complement structure underlying SdM 40c below one could derive the hypothetical SdM 40c', which has a parallel in the actual example B2 22c. SdM 4Oc Alß dan spricht man / er ist im wonen/ SdM 4Oc'

gut wonen / o B2 22c Wa nicht ein gut thach ist

ei guter mensch es ist

gut bei

bei im ist

inn einem hauß / da ist

o nicht gut

wonen / Note the similarity to the following example with zu + infinitive: B2 77c-d Also in ein lautre seel ist mit todsünde beschissen seind.

gut zu schreiben / dann wenn sie

On the surface, however, these constructions do not exhibit the word order characteristic of subject complements, as the string so würt nit gut stelen sein in the following example indicates: Bl 36a wa vil lüt seind da ist nit gut stelen. Als wan ein künig in ein stat kern mit grossez volck / da wer nit gut ros stelen / es wer als fol / wan aber allein drei öd1 vier miteinander ritten / da ist gut stelen. Also kummen vil in die hell / so würt nit gut stelen sein /

An interesting mixed construction occurs in the following example: E 59c Nun zu dem and'n sprich ich. Das es gut gedultig ist zesein / wan es eim wol gat ... Du bist gesunt / vnd hast genug / vnd bist niemants nüt schuldig / da ist gut gedultig sein.

Assuming that this strange word order is not simply a typesetter's error, it seems that an attempt has been made to embed ... ist gut gedultig sein in a cfoS-clause, which if gut were a predicate should result in ... daß es gut ist gedultig (ze) sein. Yet though ze has crept in from the subject complement construction with gut and zu + infinitive, gut has remained before the infinitival expression gedultig sein, indicating, as does Bl 36a so würt nit gut stelen sein, that at some shallow level of structure gut is a modifier

34

(probably adverbial) of the infinitive. This construction also occurs with a dative object which is coreferential with the deleted subject of the infinitive, the same condition on deletion that occurs in two-place constructions with gut and subject complement: Bl 34b Es ist wot eim anfahende mensche fast gut lesen / dz er im büahlin lißt vnd gerürt würt davö. A large number of adjectives appear with a subject complement with bare infinitive or zu + infinitive. A few examples with bare infinitive follow: SdM 88b ... Wie es so boß ist die sünd entschuldigen. S 163c-d Die heilicheit des künigs verbergen / ist gut / aber die . werck gots offne vn veriehe ist erber/ I 53b Es wer fil heilsamer / vnd sichrer Zuflucht haben zu gott vnd seinen heiligen mit grossem vertrüwen / weder hoffnen in dise torheiten. E 89d Es ist

thSt.

natürlich lieb hon den der dich lieb hat vnd dir gutz

Of greater interest are adjectives which appear with zu + infinitive, because we find syntactic blending between subject complement constructions and shared-NP constructions such as S 51b so alle geschleckt der tier leichter sind zu zemen / wed' die zung (see Chapter Three). In the corpus we find the following adjectives appearing in a one-place construction with subject complement with zu + infinitive: besser, billicher, boß, edler, erlaubt, fugliah, genug, gesunt, gut, hart, harter, hübsah, leicht, leiahter, lustig, müglich, not, nutz, noturftig, schwer, schwerer, sicher, sorglich, selten, sorglicher, unfüglich, ungewiß, verfarlich, unmüglich, verdienlioher, war, ze lang. A few examples appear below: E 18a Es ist harter ein zeit kusch zesein vnd vnküscheit meide / dan allwege kusch zesein / B2 7b wan er sprach es wer nit hübsch lang daruff zeston vff den sünden / darumb man die lüt brant / I 64b Das thut der feind darumb / wenn er weisset das leichter ist den wind in der hand behalte / weder solliche gedenck gantz 28 vetreiben (=vertreiben) / vnd im grund auß zu rupffen / vnd also mügen vertreibe das sie nimmer wider kummen. PS 21O Es ist nit noturftig, wyter darüber ze disputieren oder vil me davon ze reden ... Bl 41d Du sprachest wie kumpt es das mer staffeln seind zu got / den den zu dem tuffel / vnd das schwerer ist vff zu gon zu dem hymmel / dan ab zugon z8 der hellen. E 75d Es ist auch nit sicher sich an die liebe vnd Süßigkeit zeleinen / die da ist in der empfintlicheit. E 35d Da hortest du gestern wie es vngewiß ist vff treum ze halte / vnd verfarlich / wä treum vö vil vrsachen herkumen /

35 Bl 86c Ja dz hört doch ich gern / da bedarff ich auch vil canonicat vnd pfrunde die mich ernerten / das ich mein stat halten mog / darum so gehört mer saltz daran / ob es war sei vil pfrunden zu haben zu der notturfft.

There are four examples of predicates with the adverbial ending -Hohen in clear subject complement constructions. P 64b below is a one-place construction; S 20b, S 174c and S 201b are two-place constructions, which I present here for convenience. P 64b (embedded under maineo; see 4.3) ... auff das kaine main billichen sin ( ' s e i n ' ) , ir zelassen was ir von irem freunden gegeben ist. S 2Olb sunder im nun anmutig vnd begierlichen wer dem fleisch ab zu brechen vnnd daßs zu kestigen S 2Ob ... als ob jm nit müglichen wer soliche befelh zu volbringe ... S 174c Also hatt sancta maria magdelena / nach dem als die selbig nitt me mocht gesehen Christum jesum vnßren herren / da was ir peinlichen die monschen an zu sehen (496) Sicut Mariae Magdelenae poena fuit videre homines, postquam Jesum amplius videre non potuit.

"Adverbs" in -Hohen also appear with subject complements with daß + finite verb and with noun subjects. Rather than posit a separate deep structure with copula and adverb, we can consider this one deep structure syntactic frame, since 1) the restrictions that apply between the predicate adverb and the subject are the same as those that apply between the predicate adjective and the subject, and 2) the morphological difference adjective/adverb seems to be of no semantic consequence here. 2.2.2.2. Two-place constructions. In two-place constructions with adjectival predicate and infinitival subject, the underlying subject of the infinitive is deleted by EQUI under identity with the second argument of the predicate, a dative NP. The deep structure of S 30c so wer jm leicht reoht zu thund (with mood altered) follows: (3)

36

After agreement and other transformations we get recht zu tun ist jm leicht; or, with optional Extraposition, es ist jm leicht / recht zu tun, Note that the reflexive pronoun in the following examples "agrees" in person with the dative NP in the matrix sentence: Ev 28a wan sie gern bei im warent vnd was inen hart sich von im zescheide / Ev 193b Es ist ein meschen not / nit allein got erkenne sunder auch sich selber kenne B2 54d das sein sorgliche personen / die also anzügig seind / es seien ioch frauwen oder manß bild / dauon ist fast not / yederman sich vor inen ze hüten

A large number of adjectives appear in this construction. A few examples with bare infinitive follow: S 13a tugende üben ist dir nit me so bitter / schwer vnd widerig als es dir ettwen was 19Oc

Es ist dir gesunt leiden vnd siech sein / ...

PS 211 So ist och gar unsicher dem menschen also allain uss sinem aigen sinn leben und niemant rats pflegen.

We find the following adjectives with zu + infinitive: anmutig, anmutiger·, befolhen, erlaubt, genug, gut, hart(hert), leicht, leichter, lustig, lustlich, müglich, not, nBtter, nütz, ring, schädlich, schwer, schwerer, unnüglich, verdienlicher, verdienstlicher, vermüglich, widering and zimlich. A few examples follow: PS 118 O wie hert und schwär ist ze sagen!

mir, von ainer sölichen conscientz

Ev 85d die haben ietzund ein lust in guten wercken / vnd also lustig in vor gesein was laster zStreiben, also anmStig ist in ietz tugent z§ ubi ... P 116b

... als ob dir vnmüglich sey den lästern an tzu sygen /

PS 166 'Omnia possum in eo qui me confortat.- Ich vermag alle ding ja in dem, der mich gesterkt hat 1 (Phil 4,13) Ja, in im, in gott dem herren, so waz im ring und vermüglich, alle ding ze volbringen und ze liden. S 216a ... och war ynen wol zymlich gesein / weyche cleider zu tragen zc.

2.2.3 Nouns 2.2.3.1 One-place constructions. Sentential complements with bare infinitive or with zu + infinitive can also function as the subject with a predicate nominal or as predicate nominal with the copula. It is sometimes difficult to determine which function the sentential complement fills because Early New High German, like Modem German, has no definite formal criteria which

37

distinguish nominal subjects from nominal predicates. For ENHG the distinction between subject and predicate must be made on semantic criteria and thematic considerations which would have manifested themselves in stress and intonation. Generally the subject functions typically as the defined and the predicate as the definer (Bech 1957:$337: definiendum and definiens). We can further subdivide 'define' into identify and characterize, since some nouns behave semantically like adjectives. Consider the ambiguity of Halliday's example the result was a failure, which may mean either that the result was unsuccessful (characterization) or that a failure resulted (identification) (cited in Hoddleston 1971:134). The nouns which characterize subject complements are either themselves evaluative (for example, arbeit, frevel, fürwitz, gnad, gruwel, hertikeit, kunst,, laster, sohand) or are non-evaluative nouns such as ding, materi, werck modified by an evaluative adjective. Some examples follow: SdM 64d Spricht der weiß man / es ist nit magst halten. Bl 7Ob Es ist

ein freuel verheissen das du

ein sorglich ding / dz roß reiten vngezeumt /

P 68c Es ist gar ain grosse kunst. reden so man reden soll ... E 84b Zu de .VII. deine feiget in sunderheit vil gutz thun mit im reden / genad begeren / ist auch nit ein vbertreffenlich werck. S 14b nim war weß finen lustige dings körnet vß deine ouge / nasen / oren / mund vn andren deinen glidren / das es ein gruwel ist / daran zu gedencken. Bl 56c Er meint es sei ein schand sich in_dem wald zuuerbergen / vnd halten sein äugen gegen dem boden vnd gege de erdtreich / H 8b Es ist

ein edel ding / etwz dauo zewüssen.

P 70a Es wäre ain seltzammes dinng / ainen pfauwen wadel tzusehen an einer saüw.

This class of nominals appears also in the construction in which the underlying direct object of the infinitive is identical to the surface structure subject (see 3.4. for further discussion and examples). I 53a ... das es ein gruwel ist zu gedencken. P lOb Es ist auß der massen not / Vnd ist thun Es ist aber nit vnmüglich.

darzu ain hert ding zu

Compare with this class the following selection of examples in which the subject complements are identified by the predicate nominals. E 26a Also streben vnd streite wider die laster / vnd dir selber ein zau ynlege / ist die drit arbeit P 118b

wann dass ist

aigentlichen lieb im grund / ainem guttes wollen

E 64b so ist es ein zeiche der fründschafft gots / vil guts thun vnd vil vbels leiden /

38 S 17c Wo solliches vnnd des gleichen vorhanden ist / denn wer es nyrae teglich / sunder todsünd / wider die selben stuck zetund auß dene semlicher schad erwachsen mocht /

Infinitival clauses can also function as predicates with the copula sein, They serve as identifiers. There are hundreds of examples in the corpus of such predicates with bare infinitive; complements with zu + infinitive occur far less frequently. A few examples follow: S 24a Das sechst in dem da stat ware gedult / daßs selb ist sich nitt entschuldigen. E 88d Die erst tugent ist halten.

sein zung künnen regiren vnd in dem zäum

P 69a ... sonnder ir begird ist· in allen dingen irer oberkait gehorsam zu sein / e ~ E 73b Darumb die höchst eer wer im zediene.

Infinitival clauses with the bare infinitive can function as subject and predicate in the same sentence: P 68d Glaub mir / dein regel recht haltn. ist. widerwertikait Schmach gern leiden / ...

gedultig sein in

E 64b Nitt von tugenden weichen ist gedultig sein. I have found no examples of such sentences with zu + infinitive. 2.2.3.2. Two-place constructions. Deletion may take place under identity with a number of different noun phrases in the matrix sentence: under identity with a dative HP (note the reflexive pronoun in P 10c): S 155d

Das heylig sacrament zu entpfahenn / ist

jm keyn anmut.

P lOc wol ist es als ain hart ding ainem menschen von den manigfaltigen gedencken /

sich abtzukeren

H 4a-b Wan es ir / die höchste eere ist zeston by christo or under identity with an attributive genitive or possessive pronoun, E 73c Die diener die vor einem künig ston / vnd ist ir ampt da zeston / ... S 78a Es ist nit mein anschlag euch diß alles zu erkirnen. S lOOc ist ouch nit des lerers meinug hie / vff den grund also gnaw hin ein zu reden /

or under identity with the object of a preposition, 6

&

P 147a Aber sich beschämen böser öd1 schnöder / nachgültiger schlechter klaider / oder demütiger werck. Jst in ainem armen clostermenschen ain schwäre hochffart.

39

2.3.

Putative Subject-to-Subject Raising verbs: saheinen, dünken, bedanken EHHG infinitival complements of scheinen, dünken and bedünken display the initial stage in the development of the Modem German infinitival construction with these verbs. Therefore I will discuss the ENHG data in the context of the historical development of this construction, beginning with a sketch of the Modem German infinitival construction with scheinen. Sentences like Hans scheint das vergessen zu haben appear on the surface to consist of a subject, the verb scheinen and an infinitival complement. Bech (1955:£110), for example, groups scheinen with verbs like anfangen, aufgeben, aufhören, etc. This surface configuration can be derived from a two-place deep structure«[#cms scheintJ^Hans hat das vergessen]„]g via EQUI. There is good evidence, however, that this deep structure is inadequate: that there is, in fact, only one occurrence of the noun phrase Hans in the logical structure. Setnantically the subject of scheinen and the infinitival complement form a single proposition, as reflected by the paraphrase Es scheint, daß Hans das vergessen hat. Active and passive infinitival complements are truth-functional equivalents: (4)a. b.

Die Einbrecher scheinen die Schreibmaschine gestohlen zu haben, Die Schreibmaschine scheint von den Einbrechern gestohlen worden zu sein.

Since (4)a. and b. are paraphrases, despite the fact that they have different surface structure subjects, there can be, then, no direct deep structure relationship between scheinen and the NP that appears as its surface subject. Scheinen is irrelevant as far as selectional restrictions are concerned: all relevant selectional restrictions apply between the subject of scheinen and the infinitive. The pronoun es which appears as surface subject in sentences such as Es scheint zu regnen is syntactically constrained by regnen, not by scheinen. The two-place object complement analysis cannot express the nature of this restriction, nor can it account for the distributions of idioms such as (5)a-c. over the scheinen- construction: (5)a. b. c.

Das scheint ihm sehr am Herzen zu liegen. Die Sache scheint ihm über den Kopf gewachsen zu sein. Darüber scheint doch längst Gras gewachsen zu sein.

These facts all point to a deep structure like (6) below for example (4)

40

given above: (6)

I

der

I I Einbrecher

v stehl-

Det

l

N

l

die Schreibmaschine

On the basis of this deep structure one can explain Bech's observation (Bech 1955:$114) that the sentence einigen Phantasten schien er alle Eigenschaften eines Tyrannen zu besitzen appears to represent an exception to the conditions on EQLJI in object complements: with nearly all predicates with dative NP, deletion of the underlying subject of the infinitive takes place under identity with the dative NP, not with the subject of the matrix sentence. This seeming exception disappears, however, if we derive this sentence from a two-place subject complement similar to Es schien einigen Phantasten, daß er alle Eigenschaften eines Tyrannen besaß by a process other than EQUI. Similar arguments have been made for a structure corresponding to (6) for English seem, appear, be likely, etc. Transformational grammarians agree by and large that the derivation of the analogous English construction involves a process, first stated formally in Roseribaun 1967, by which the subject of the embedded sentence is raised to the position of subject of the main verb. In Ebert 1975 it is argued that Subject Raising does not account for several crucial facts in Modern German scheinen-constructions. The argumentation in that paper is too complex to summarize here. It will suffice to point out that Modem German scheinen + zu + infinitive shares a nmiber of properties with auxiliary constructions: the appearance in constructions without surface subject, (7)a. b. c.

Ihm scheint geholfen zu werden (cf. Ihm kann geholfen werden.) Seiner scheint nicht mehr gedacht zu werden. An dem Wagen scheint noch gearbeitet zu werden.

and topological behavior of the pattern (8) and (10) below versus that of other verbs with zu + infinitive as in (9) and (11),

41 ( 8 ) a . Er sagte mir, daß Hans auf mich zu warten scheint, b. *Er sagte mir, daß Hans scheint, auf mich zu warten. (9)a. b.

Er sagte mir, daß Hans auf mich zu warten beabsichtigt, Er sagte mir, daß Hans beabsichtigt, auf mich zu warten.

( l O ) a . Der Mann, auf den Hans zu warten scheint ... b. 'AOer Mann, auf den zu warten Hans scheint ... (ll)a. b.

Der Mann, auf den Hans zu warten beabsichtigt ... Der Mann, auf den zu warten Hans beabsichtigt ...

Yet scheinen differs from auxiliaries in that it appears with the complementizer zu and can appear with a dative "experiencer" NP, as in the example given above, einigen Phantasten schien er alle Eigenschaften eines Tyrannen zu besitzen. Because of the paraphrase relationship between Es scheint, daß Hans das vergessen hat and Hans scheint das vergessen zu haben, traditional transformational grammatical theory leads us to approach the infinitival construction as a complement construction and to account for the auxiliary-like aspects of its behavior by transformations which in effect do away with some of the complement-like features; whereas a more adequate theory should somehow account for the transitional nature of constructions such as this one (see also the dicussion of lassen 4- infinitive in section 4.3.2.). Turning now to the historical perspective and the Early New High German data, the basic outline of the development of the infinitival construction with scheinen, dünken and bedünken is clear, although I would still agree withBehaghel (11:319): "Die Entstehung dieses Inf. ist unklar." The development of the infinitival construction appears to have begun first with dünken. Examples from Middle High German can be found in the Mittelhochdt. Wörterbuch I, 359; Paul (1920:117), and Grimn (1898:142). MHG dünken (and the related deuchten) took the following complements: (1) an adjective or predicate nominal, daz dünket mich guot, or (2) sentential complements with daz + finite verb or a clause without introductory morpheme: (12) **.

in dühte daz im al diu lant in der grozen siule waern bekant Parz. 590, 7 in Mhd. Wb. I, 36O.

In MHG scntnen appears in a copula type construction with adjectival, participial or predicate nominal complement, but there were no examples yet of the infinitival construction (JDWb VIII, 2449). At the beginning, the infinitival construction was highly restricted; only wesen and sein appeared as infinitives in the construction. By the turn of the 16th century we find this infinitival construction with several verbs of this semantic group: bedünken, dünken, erscheinen, scheinen and gesehen werden (see sec. 4.3.2. for examples with gesehen werden). The complementizer zu appeared then optionally. In my Early New High German data the only infinitive appearing

42

with bedünken, dünken, erscheinen and saheinen is sein. Some exanples appear below. The following syntactic facts must be explained: (1) The selectional restrictions affecting predicate adjectives and nouns apply between the subject of the verbs and the adjectives and nouns that appear to the right; note particularly that the adjectives that appear with sentential complements in this construction also appear with sentential complements when in constructions with sein; (2) the nouns that appear to the right are in the noninative case; (3) the objects of beduncken and dunaken are reflexivized when coreferential with the subject of these verbs; (4) all of these constructions can occur without the infinitive sein. scheinen. with sein + adjective S 22b Mer ouch von seinen fründn vnd denen / die da gut vnnd gerechtt scheinend sein P 84b Es scheint klain sein aber wenn es recht in dem gründe angesehen würt / so ist es vast groß with (ze) sein + NP S lila außwendig anzusehe / scheinet er gut starck holtz sein / aber innwendig ist er hol. Bl 34d Nu sprichest du forcht scheint nit d 1 grud zesein noch d 1 anfang zu d' rechten weißheit / with (ze) sein + adjective + complement E 18a Du sprichst es scheint schwerer zesein eyn zeit müssig zegon / de gantz müssig. P 85b Es scheynet ain grosse thorhait sein, da sich ainer in solliche verfarlichen wagknus gibet ... erscheinen. S 2Ob Wie dick beschicht dz / so vns die vor sind ettwas heissen das vns nit gefalt / zehand fohen wir an / ynen solliches zu verkeren als ob es böse oder zum minsten minder gut wer denn es erschinet sin / scheinen + dative NP PS 189 ... also gät daz insprechen des bösen gaist alweg uff daz bös, wiewol es dem menschen etwenn am anfang schinet gut sin. S 116a ... es scheinet ein fein gut ding sein denen die da nit hin ein sehen ... beduncken. with sein + adjective E 87a ... das beduncket mich vnbillich sein. S 15c dartzu sich yedennan zu gut beduncket sein / with (ze) sein + NP P 52d daz beduncket mich fast ain nützlich verdienstlich ding sein Ev 135a Welcher vnder de dryen beduncket dich der nechst zesein des der gefallen ist vnd1 die schecher. with sein + adjective + complement S 92b-c noch beduncket sye vnbillichen sein das man sy straffet / vn

43 jne ir schuld zeiget (see 2 . 2 . 2 . 1 . for discussion of -lichen adverbs)

duncken. with (ze) sein + adjective Bl 51b Er dunckt sich zugut darzu sein / dann das er die flucht geb. Ev 156d Ein manlich gemüt verachtet ein ietlich ding zu rechen er dunck sich zu gut darzu zesein. I 2a Deren ist nun fil / aber ich hab sibe außerlesen / die mich duncken fuglich sein diser materij ... with sein + NP B2 37Ac Es dunckt mich das best sein / with sein + adjective + complement PS 186 Aber mich dünkt gar nütz sin, insprechen des bösen enge1s, ...

daz du uns och darby zögist daz

By the 18th century other verbs ccnmonly appeared as infinitive; and the following paraphrase from Adelung (III:1402) shows that scheinen had developed the semantic properties of the present-day construction: Die Streitgkeiten scheinen noch so bald nicht beygelegt zu werden; es scheinet, daß die Streitigkeiten noch so bald nicht werden beygelegt werden.

für:

Looking now at the historical stage represented by the Early New High German data, one can provide for the syntactic facts given above by the Subjectto-Subject Raising analysis if one adds (1) the condition that Raising takes place only when sein is the main verb in the embedded sentence, and (2) a transformation which optionally deletes the infinitive sein. Thus a sentence such as S 15c ... dartzu sich yederman zu gut bedunaket sein would be derived from a deep structure (13) below: (13)

N

yederman

V

yederman

sei

es

44 Subject-to-Subject Raising would apply to the structure in (13), making yederman subject of S, and moving VP^ to the right of VP,. Since there are now two occurrences of the coreferential NP yederman in the same clause (S^), on the transformational cycle of S, the reflexive transformation would reflexivize the accusative case occurrence, giving yederman beduncket sich zu gut darzu sein. Sein-deletion could apply optionally, giving yederman beduncket sich zu gut darzu. Such a derivation is plausible for ENHG and for the subsequent development of the infinitival construction with (be) dünken and scheinen. What led, however, to the development of the MHG infinitival construction daz dunket mich guot 8 ? Let us consider again the older constructions with this verb: (14)a. b. c.

Mich dünket, daz daz guot Mich dunket, daz si guot. Daz dünket mich guot.

si.

Given the constructions with dünken which the child learning MHG would have heard, he could have made two plausible analyses of the copula type construction (14)c. daz dünket mich guot. He could have given it a deeper analysis identical to the surface structure: dünken as a copula which could take predicate adjectives or nominals. On the other hand, he could have related this construction to (14)a. and b . , which contain two propositions, by a more complex set of rules: (15)

base structure:

two propositions, mich dunk- and daz si- guot.

a. Subject Raising or some similar process which creates a structure das dünket mich guot sin (optional). b. deletion of the copula sin (obligatory).

If at least some speakers of MHG made this latter analysis of daz dünket mich guot, then the innovation which led to the appearance of daz dünket mich guot would be a change in the conditions on rule (15)b., which deletes the copula s-tn. Stn-deletion would become optional, giving daz dünket mich guot when s-tn-deletion applies and daz dünket mich guot sZn when sirc-deletion does not apply. Thus the reanalysis of the older construction daz dünket mich guot in terms of the derivation in (15) is a necessary intermediate stage in the development of daz dünket mich guot sin. In addition to the obvious paraphrase relation between daz dünket mich guot and daz dünket mich guot sin. and their surface similarity, there is another fact which causes me to consider the relation of these two constructions: during the first four centuries of the existence of this infinitival construction with (be) dünken and scheinen we find very few examples with infinitives other than sin/sein. It appears that for centuries after the

45 development of the type daz dünket mich guot sin, the copula construction daz dünket mich guot exerted sane form of paradigmatic pressure, which inhibited generalization in the infinitival construction. Such paradigmatic pressure seems to have existed to sane degree in the accusative and infinitive constructions employed by Geiler and Pauli. We find that most examples contain the infinitive sein and are paralleled in ENHG by constructions without infinitive: cf. S 13b-c Ein warer demütiger mensch / d' schetzet siah niemans gleich sein; S lid er schetzet sich niemans gleich (see sec. 4.3.1.). Eventually the infinitival construction with (be) dünken and scheinen was generalized to allow verbs other than sein as infinitive. The unique infinitival construction with (be) dünken and accusative object has faded from the language; but scheinen is now firmly established as a kind of quasi-auxiliary (see Ebert 1975). In this historical sketch, I have provided a structural description of the development of the infinitival construction with (be) dünken and scheinen. I do not consider it an adequate explanation, because I cannot give compelling reasons why the older construction daz dünket mich guot should have been reanalyzed in terms of the derivation in (15); and I can only speculate as to why rule (15)b. became optional, that is, why sin should have begun to appear on the surface. Latin, of course, provides a model for syntactic processes such as (15)a. in its accusative and infinitive construction (see 4.3.1.), but whether Latin influence was involved in this case is debatable. There is a small group of MHG verbs which could appear on the surface with accustive object and bare infinitive (bitten., heizen,lazen) or dative object and bare infinitive (raten, erlauben, helfen); these might have supplied a surface structure pattern for the innovation daz dünket mich guot sin. While it can be argued that the semantic (and deeper syntactic) relations between the main clause object and the infinitive in constructions with bitten, erlauben, etc. differ significantly from those in the infinitival construction with dünken, nevertheless the "surfacing" of the copula in the innovation daz dünket mich, guot sin did not create a new surface configuration.

3.

THE SHARED-NP CONSTRUCTION:

SURFACE STRUCTURE SUBJECT

EQUIVALENT TO DEEP STRUCTURE DIRECT OBJECT

3.0.

Introduction

In this chapter I will discuss at length that type of shared-NP construction in which the shared-NP appears as surface structure subject. Consider the following examples: S 172b ... der würt andren menschen / die mit ire hertzen den weltlichen dingen an hangen schwer zu sehen (495) ... ut percipiens sit gravis aliis ad videndum. £

S 174c ... sunder ir sind ouch dye engel vntrostlychen oder schwer gesein zu schauwen (496) imo etiam videre Angelos, poenale illi fuit.

Note that S 17Ac shares two basic syntactic relations with the hypothetical subject complement construction S 174c' ii> ist ouch vntvostlyohen oder sahuer gesein dye engel zu schauwen: (1) the logical subject of schauuen is identical to iv in both sentences and (2) in S 174c dye engel is understood to be the logical object of schauwen, in S 17Ac' it is the overt object of schauwen. The essential difference between S 174c' and S 174c' is that in S 174c dye engel appears as surface structure subject of the matrix clause and in S 174c' as surface structure object of the infinitive. Whether Geiler would have considered S 174c and S 174c' to be synonymous we cannot say: but that they must have been closely related is indicated by the fact that he translates a Latin subject complement construction by the shared-NP construction S 174c. Before analyzing the ENHG data, let me demonstrate the basic problems posed by these constructions on the basis of some Modem German examples. Consider the following pairs of sentences: (l)a. b.

Diese Aufgabe ist einfach zu lösen, Diese Aufgabe zu lösen ist einfach.

(2)a. b.

Diese Baßtuba ist schwer zu tragen, Diese Baßtuba zu tragen ist schwer.

(3)a. b.

Er ist leicht zu betrügen, Ihn zu betrügen ist leicht.

In abstract structure each of these infinitives, as well as schcataen in

47

S 174c and sehen in S 172b above, must be provided with an object, since these verbs are subcategorized for objects. That the abstract objects in the -variants are indeed identical to the subjects in these sentences is indicated by the fact that a violation of the selectional restrictions between verb and deep structure direct object results in an identical ungrammaticality in both types. Compare the following examples: ( 4 ) a . Dieses Lied ist leicht zu singen. b. *Diese Baßtuba ist leicht zu singen. c. Er singt dieses Lied. d. *Er singt diese Baßtuba. ( 5 ) a . Dieses Lied zu singen ist leicht. b. *Diese Baßtuba zu singen ist leicht. c. Er singt dieses Lied. d. *Er singt diese Baßtuba.

All of my informants considered the -variants in (1) - (3) to be synonymous with the respective b -variants. With most adjectives which can appear in these two construction types, however, the two types are not synonymous. Compare: (6)a. b.

Die Gebrauchsanweisungen sind ganz nützlich zu lesen, Die Gebrauchsanweisungen zu lesen ist ganz nützlich.

(7)a. b.

Sein Vortrag war langweilig zu hören. Seinen Vortrag zu hören war langweilig.

(8)a. b.

Das Buch war lustig zu lesen. Das Buch zu lesen war lustig.

In (6)a., (7)a., and (8)a. above one makesan assertion about the initial noun phrase, whereas the b-variants are more neutral as to topic. Since the basic grammatical restrictions are the same, one would favor a transformational derivation of one type from the other. Similar behavior of English adjectives has led to the formulation of an analysis in which the -examples would be derived from the subject complement construction by a rule which moves the underlying object of the embedded sentence into the position of surface structure subject. This rule, first formulated by Rosenbaum (1967: 107) is generally referred to as Towg-/z-Movement, the name given to it by Postal (1971:27). The semantic difference between the two types in (6) (8) need not be stated in deep structure under modifications made in the theory of semantic interpretation in Chomsky 1971a, where it is proposed that certain surface structure relations, among them the notion of topic, can affect semantic interpretation. We find other adjectives, however, for which such a derivation would be incorrect. The adjective Mbsch, for example, which can occur in a subject complement construction, has a far different meaning in the frame aein + A + zu + infinitive with a human subject and a

verb of seeing in the infinitive, as in (9)a.; this difference is more than just a matter of topic. (9)a. b.

Inge ist hübsch anzusehen, Inge anzusehen ist hübsch.

We also find in the sentential subject:

-type construction adjectives which cannot appear with a

( l O ) a . Diese Baßtuba ist unhandlich zu tragen, b. *Diese Baßtuba zu tragen ist unhandlich.

Note that in (10)a. there are selectional restrictions not only between the subject noun phrase and the infinitive but also between the subject noun phrase and the adjective. Compare these examples: (11)a. *Dieses Konzept ist unhandlich zu tragen. (Violation of subject - adjective restrictions, subject - infinitive restrictions. ) b. *Dieses Konzept ist unhandlich zu entwickeln. (Violation of subject - adjective restrictions)

These facts point to a structure of the following type: (12)

V

diese

Baßiuba

I

ist

Adj unhandlich tdlich

(Adv or Prep Phr?) S,

Sentence (10)a. would be derived from structure (12) by a transformation, Object Deletion, which deletes the direct object of the infinitive. Structure (12) is also a plausible source for examples (1) - (3) and (6) - (8). Under the Object Deletion analysis adjectives in these examples would be subcategorized for two different deep syntactic frames: the sentential subject complement construction discussed in Chapter Two and the syntactic structure

49

(12) above. The semantic relation of sentences such as Das Buoh ist lustig (leicht) zu lesen and Es ist lustig (leicht), das Buch zu lesen would be accounted for by rules of semantic interpretation, not by a common deep structure as under the To ugh-Movement analysis. The debate among transformationalists over these competing analyses is summarized in Lasnik and Fiengo 1974. So far we have been concerned with the possible derivational relationship between sein + A + zu + infinitive and subject complements with A. In addition to the adjectives above, certain adverbs and adverbiale can also occur in this frame: (13)a. Diese Baßtuba ist kaum zu tragen, b. *Diese Baßtuba zu tragen ist kaum. (14)a. Diese Baßtuba ist gar nicht zu tragen, b. ^iese Baßtuba zu tragen ist gar nicht. (15)a. Diese Baßtuba ist nur mit grosser Mühe zu tragen, b. *Diese Baßtuba zu tragen ist nur mit grosser Mühe.

Sentences (13)a., (14)a. and (15)a. have paraphrases in (16) - (18). (16)

Diese Baßtuba kann kaum getragen werden.

(17)

Diese Baßtuba kann gar nicht getragen werden.

(18)

Diese Baßtuba kann nur mit grosser Mühe getragen werden.

We note the same paraphrase relation with leicht and schwer. (19)

Diese Aufgabe ist

leicht zu lösen.

(20)

Diese Aufgabe kann leicht gelöst werden.

(21)

Diese Baßtuba ist

(22)

Diese Baßtuba kann schwer getragen werden.

schwer zu tragen. ( = 2 a . )

Now the peculiarity of leicht and schwer is that, while native speakers recognize both paraphrases of (19) and (21), the paraphrase with subject complement construction (cf. (l)b. and (2)b.) and the paraphrase with modal and adverb (cf. (20) and (22) above), they are hard put to find ambiguity in (19) and (21). It seems, then, that (19) and (21) represent a blend of these two different syntactic structures (cf. also the discussion by Sitta (1971:28) and Motsch's derivation (1964:41)). Thus we must be concerned with paradigmatic as well as derivational relationships in the analysis of these constructions. The following diagram illustrates these relationships: the solid line refers to a derivational relationship and the dotted line to a paradigmatic relationship:

50 D. Inge ist hübsch anzusehen. A. Diese Aufgabe ist leicht zu lösen.

B. Diese Aufgabe zu lösen ist

leicht.

c. Diese Aufgabe ist kaum zu lösen.

Bolinger (1961:373), in discussing structures like A. in English, referred to them as "syntactic blends": But I believe that Lees is right in viewing He is hard to convince as equivalent to Jt is hard to convince him. At least partially. For what we have here is, I think, another syntactic blend. The impersonal Jt is hard to convince him has wormed its way into the personal construction He in homely to look at, but not securely enough to permit a completely impersonal adjective to stand there as in *He is imperative to convince. It is no coincidence that the adjectives that do work in this position are ones that can as readily modify the subject as the action: He is nice to send = He is nice. Sending him is nice; He is all right to employ = He is all right. Employing him is all right; Jonathon apples are better to keep for winter = Jonathon apples are better (when so used), Keeping them is better; This place is dangerous to explore = This place is dangerous, Exploring it is dangerous. And they not only potentially modify both subject and action, but do it homogeneously.

In addition to the blending of D., A. and B., which one also finds in English, there exists in German blending of A. and C., as pointed out above. In the following sections I will investigate the syntax of these sharedNP complements in Early New High German, a syntax far richer than that of Modern German. 3.1.

Surface Structure Problems

Since in Early New High German zu + infinitive can occur at the beginning of an infinitival clause as well as finally and medially, and since many adjectives/adverbs can appear both in the construction sein + A + zu + Infinitive and in subject complement constructions, certain surface structures, as for example E 73d and Evl70dbelow, are potentially ambiguous: E 73d Nun wer gut zewissen wie ein mensch darzu kern / das er also ein heimlicher diener gottes wer / ... = a) [Nun wer gut] [zewissen wie ein mensch...] OR b) [Nun wer gut zewissen] [wie ein mensch...] Ev 17Od so ist es leicht zeglauben / das er gelitten hab / = a) [so ist es leicht] [zeglauben / das er gelitten hab/] OR b) [so ist es leicht ze glauben /] [das er gelitten hab /]

We find clear examples of subject complement constructions with this word order,

51 S 125a-b so spricht doch die geschrifft / es sey besser zu gon da trauren vnnd clagen ist / denn das man sich frowe Bl lO4a-b ... vnd weiß ein yeglicher die gewer zebruchen / vnd werden darzu gemeinlich wol gebraucht / Aber spilgeschirr werden gemeinlich mißbrucht / darumb ist es sorglicher zuuerkauffen spilgeschirr / den waffen geschirr /

as well as examples in which sein + A + zu + infinitive appears as predicate with a clausal subject: Q

S lO6b Wye aber vnser freyg will beston mog bey der vnfellich fürfehung (=fürsehung) vnd bescherung gots ist schwer zu verston besser gegloubt. S 14b aber wie wir inwendig sien / ist kompt.

gut zu mercken by de dz vß vns

Such potential ambiguity also exists in sentences with nouns and prepositional phrases: Bl 32a Du sagst ich soll dz mittel halten / ich sol nit fol sein / vn sol auch nitt ler sein / wz ist das mittel / es ist gar boß zu finden dz mittel / wer kan es ebe treffen, = a) [es ist gar boß] [zu finden dz mittel] OR b) [es ist gar boß zu finden] [dz mittel] (Right dislocation) B2 77c Es ist gar gut zu schreiben vff ein papir / da vor nit vff geschriben ist vnd noch sauber ist, = a) [es ist gar gut] [zu schreiben vff ein papir ...] OR b) [es ist gar gut zu schreiben] [vff ein papir ...]

I say that these are "potentially ambiguous" because in speech the intonation pattern would signal the intended structure. Occasionally this is indicated by the punctuation (as in Ev 170d above), but generally one must attenpt to differentiate the structures on the basis of the domain of modification of the adjectives/adverbs. For example, the context of B2 77c, namely Also in ein lautere seel ist gut zu schreiben indicates that, on the surface at least the major syntactic boundary is between the phrase ist gar gut zu schreiben and the prepositional phrase vff ein papir. Relative clauses also provide a potentially ambiguous environment: P 117c ...als ob got etwas gebotten hett / das nit müglioh war zu volbringen, Since neuter and feminine singular relative pronouns are not morphologically marked for the distinction nominative/accusative, one cannot tell if the relative pronoun is surface structure subject or accusative object of the infinitive. Now in Modern German the entire infinitival phrase is topicalized along with the relative pronoun (examples from Bech (1957:§333)): (23)

... ein Eindruck, den zu vermeiden gut und nützlich war.

(24) Was spricht derselbe Soldat nun so viel von dem, was zu wissen mir gut ist oder nicht gut ist?

52

I have found no examples in the ENHG data of this word order with predicates that can take a sentential subject or in sentences with object complement. There are also no examples in which preposing of the relative pronoun takes place across the es of extraposition, as in the following hypothetical example: P 117c* (?) ... als ob got etwas gebotten hett / das es nit ra glich war zu volbringen (compare: E 57c Es mag es auch niema begreiffen / warumb got das thug. Aber die heiligen lerer geben vrsache als vil als es m glich ist zu erdencken.)

It is, of course, possible that relative pronouns could be preposed and es deleted. Yet of the dozen examples in which number agreement of subject and verb and nominative/accusative marking of masculine nouns make it possible to distinguish these two constructions, all the relative pronouns are subjects, not objects. Thus there are no clear examples of subject complements with relativized objects. It may be that there just happen to be no examples of this sentence type in this corpus. On the other hand, it may well be due to the fact that for many predicates with sentential subjects there exists a competing construction with noun subject: (25)a. (26)a.

ο ο das zethun ist leicht - b. das ist leicht zethun ο ο das zethun zimpt sich nit - b. das zimpt sich nit zethun

The a. and b. types differ essentially in terms of topic. Since the relative pronoun must be topicalized, perhaps the speaker also switches wholesale to the competing construction with noun subject in the topic position. These data provide, then, further support for syntactic blending of these two constructions. 3.2.

The Surface Structure sein + zu + infinitive

Curme (1922:259) calls this construction the "predicate modal verbal" because it expresses either the possibility, necessity or fitness of an action. In the framework used here the deep structure underlying the surface structure type must provide some basis for these modal interpretations. I will disregard this problem for the moment, however, and concentrate on the grammatical restrictions in this construction. First, the noun phrase which appears as surface structure subject is restricted to those NPs which can appear as deep structure direct object of

53

the verb which appears in the infinitive form in surface structure: PS 157 .Ich muss vor die argument beider tail gegen ainandren widerumb lassen überhören und probieren, welche argument ze halten oder ze verwerffen sigint.

PS 157" *...welche argument ze essen und ze trinken sigint. As in Modern German, deep structure dative and genitive objects and objects of prepositions do not appear as surface structure subject in this construction. Furthermore, JojS-clause subjects appear only with verbs which take an object complement with daß + finite verb. In addition, the finite verb is in the subjunctive with those verbs that require subjunctive in their object complements: S 37a das ir nie kein vnsahaffner fürwützer gedanok in gefallen sey / dz ist nit zu glauben. On the other hand, note that in S 37a nit zu glauben looks like a predicate in a sentence with left-dislocated subject complement. In addition, the infinitive phrase is also found conjoined with adjectives: S 16a Denn do ein prediger / oder ein fürweser in geistlichem oder weltliche stot / wollen wol und gerecht geachtet sein, vff das ir ler vnd regiment / nitt verachtet werd / das ist nitt böse noch zu verwerffen / S 42c an de ist es nit genug / wie wol es gut vn nit zu verachte ist

Thus at some level of structure the infinitival phrase functions as a predicate with the copula sein. We can express these syntactic facts in a deep structure suggested by Curme's designation "predicate modal verbal": (27)

Sünden

/

54

In the derivation of the sentence alle Sünden sind zu beichten, the direct object of the embedded sentence is deleted under identity with the subject of the matrix sentence. Since this deletion transformation is obligatory, it filters out all deep structures in which these identity conditions do not hold. There occur, however, a number of types of this construction without surface structure subject: 1.

intransitive verb: S 65d Man muß alle tugendn übe ein yetliche zu iren zeiten / nach heischung ires gegenwurffs. Schweigenn so z8 schweigen ist ...

2.

prepositional objects Bl 48a Die vierzehen predig sagt ... Vnnd wie für die sünd ist zu bitten. Ev 196a Hie wer ze sagen von den hexen / vn hendbeseher zc

3.

dative object: P lOlc dem weg ist zuuolgen / er ist d' sichrest E 69a Als die megt etwa thun / die an eyn dienst komme / die fragen die alten dienst / wie dem herre vnd der frauwe zediene sei damit sy d' sach recht thuge. PS HO Aber der richter do zemal nit kund antwürt geben noch urtail sprechen, angesehen daz er die zügen noch nit bewärt hatt, ob inen ze globen wäre oder ob etliche under inen wärint ze verwerffen. S lO2a Da von weist du nitt / wye eynem menschen zu helffen ist / der merckliche vnruw im glouben hatt / ...

4.

genitive object:

P 119d

da ist kains schlecks zupflegen /

Now if we allow the base to generate subjectless deep structures, the derivation just given can be augmented with an ad hoc condition marking ungranmatical all surface structures with no subject and an accusative object. But intuitively the lack of surface structure subjects in these sentences seems not to be due to the lack of a deep structure subject, but to the fact that the verbs which appear in the infinitive in these sentences do not take a direct object. The pattern here, of course, is the same as the one found in passive sentences. This generalization can be captured better in a one-place construction with sein (plus some marker of modality) and subject complement: (28) S,

V

,

beicht-

A*

/ ^ Det N I | aJle Sünden

55

The distribution of subjects in this construction, which, as just mentioned, parallels that of passive sentences, can be provided for naturally by allowing the passive transformation to apply to the enbedded sentence, followed by Subject-to-Subject Raising (see sec. 2.3.), i.e. HP- in (28) is moved to the position of subject of S? by one of the transformations which account for passive sentences, (this movement transformation applies only to accusative objects), and this derived subject is raised to the position of surface structure subject. The infinitival phrase is then moved to a position after the VP of the matrix sentence. When 82 does not contain an accusative object no derived subject appears in S~ and consequently none is raised into 8,; rather the position before the finite verb in surface structure is occupied either by a topicalized dative, genitive or prepositional object or an adverb (as in the examples in 1. through 4. above) or by the expletive pronoun es, which is added transformationally: P 139d Do sprach d 1 bischof fürwar es ist kainem ändern weg zu volgen / dan disem / wan das ist der recht weg / ... E 46d Es ist

zesage von der zauberey ...

If we thus treat 82 as a passive sentence, we must add a rule deleting the passive auxiliary, a rule which we may need anyway for certain constructions with lassen and similar verbs (see section 4.3.2.). For Modern German we can justify such a derivation with the passive transformation, despite the absence of the auxiliary werden, because a passivelike agent phrase with von + dative NP can appear: Der Ausgang des Prozesses ist von dem Reporter Müller zu beobachten (from Brinker (1969:29); see also Eggers 1973). I have found no such examples in Early New High German. Instead Early New High German expresses the agent (= subject of the infinitive) by a dative noun phrase: S 53c (also S 222a) Gott sei vns genedig / vns ist nitt zu verlaßen die gesatzde / vnd dye gerechtikeit gottes. Cf. I Machab.2, 2O: non est nobis utile relinquere legem et justitias Dei. PS 229 Möcht üwer ains sprechen: "Via securior est semper eligenda Der sichrer weg ist dem menschen alweg ze erwellen.' I 17b vnd darumb sind solliche anfechtungen vnd vrsachen der Sünden den vnstarcken vnd anfahende monschen zu fliehe. P 61c-d welcher stat vnder denen allen, ist ainem menschen am maisten zQerwelen / d 1 da begert sicherlichn den weg gottes zuwandelen? P 145c ... das aines solliche ding / die jm tzu tund seind / ainfaltiglichen thue / PS 189 ... so wirt im gott mit dem liecht siner göttlichen gnaden sin Vernunft erlüchten, daz sy im bald wirt zögen, ob daz insprechen im ze halten oder ze lassen ist.

56

The fact that this dative NP is identical to the underlying subject of the infinitive argues against the derivation involving the passive transformation. Now throughout this study we shall repeatedly note that it is the subject of the underlying sentence which is deleted under identity with a noun phrase in the matrix sentence. Furthermore it is the noun phrase which is subject (NP of S) at the time of application of EQUI which is deleted. Thus in the Modern German sentence Es war mir immer unangenehm, von den Nachbarn dauernd beobachtet zu werden, we find that the passive transformation has applied to the embedded sentence before the subject was deleted; it is the post-passive subject, then, which has been deleted under identity with mir. The same facts obtain in Early New High German. Thus the derivation of the sentences above via the passive transformation violates one of the most important principles in the structure of sentences with infinitival complements: for if the passive transformation were to apply to the above structure, then deletion would have to take place between the dative NP in the matrix sentence and the noun phrase in the agent prepositional phrase in passive sentences, a process that is nowhere else warranted in the granmar. The same argument applies, of course, to all the examples with adjectives or full verbs and dative NPs discussed in 3.3. and 3.5. One could maintain the passive derivation for constructions without dative NP only at the expense of losing generality in the granmar: since the dative NP is an optional constituent in the construction, there is no reason to assume a radically different construction with a significantly different derivation. After all of this technical argumentation it is probably worth our while to sumnarize what this argumentation is all about. We noted first that the distribution of subjects in the construction sein + zu + infinitive parallels that in passive constructions: only verbs which can take an accusative object appear with a nominative subject. We tried then to account for these shared features by incorporating the passivization process into the derivation of the construction sein + zu + infinitive. By doing so, we state the 1- Traditional grammarians often refer to a "passive meaning" of the infinitive in the construction sein + zu + infinitive. Wilmanns (111,167), who considered the infinitive in der Text ist schwer zu entziffern to be passive, recognized the incompatibility of this interpretation with the presence of a dative NP: Doch kann auch hier das Subjekt der Handlung nicht durch die beim Passiv üblichen präpositionalen Verbindungen bezeichnet werden. Höchstens durch den Dat. com. oder durch die Präp. für, also durch Formen, durch die das Subjekt der Handlung beim Passiv nicht ausgedrückt wird, kann auf das Subjekt hingewiesen werden, z.B. Parz. 657, 6 doch sint diu selben maere mir ze sagenne ungebaere. Nib. 276, 2 das er an ze sehenne den frouwen waere guot. In solchen Sätzen tritt dann die passive Bedeutung des Infinitivs wieder zurück.

57

constraints on subjects only once. At the same time we give formal expression to the often stated intuition that the construction sein + zu + infinitive has a "passive meaning." When we look, however, at the way in which the agent (= the logical subject of the infinitive) is expressed in the ENHG construction sein + zu + infinitive, namely by a dative object, and compare this manner of expression with constructions in which a passive infinitive actually appears on the surface, we see that the derivation containing the passive transformation would necessitate a deletion process found nowhere else in the grammar of infinitive constructions. Thus, in order to capture a generalization at one point in the grammar, we must lose generalization elsewhere. We can capture the generalization involved in the expression of agent by the dative if we corporate the Equi-NP Deletion process found in other infinitive constructions into the derivation of sein + zu + infinitive. Since this generalization is incompatible with the derivation containing the passivization process, we must now state separately the constraints on subjects which sein + zu + infinitive shares with the passive. Thus, again, in order to capture a generalization at one point in the granmar, we must lose a generalization elsewhere. Faced with this dilerana, one could attanpt to discredit the evidence for one analysis in order to strengthen the opposing analysis. One could consider the possibility that the construction with dative noun phrase may be a Latinism (cf. the DWb X, l.Abt. , 326: "doch ist zu bemerken, dasz das einfache mir ist etwas zu thun im deutschen nicht geläufig ist, und, wo es vorkamt, vielleicht auf lat. einflusse beruht"); but that is no reason to exclude it from the granmar of Pauli and Geiler, nor from the grammar of other writers fluent in Latin, who, after all, produced most of the Early New High German documents upon which our knowledge of the language must be based. Also the fact that the construction appeared rather infrequently does not necessarily mean that it was ungranmatical: sentences such as die Arbeit ist von ihn zu leisten are extremely rare in Modern German documents, but are judged by native speakers to be grammatical (cf. Brinker 1969; Eggers 1973). The dilemna, then, is quite real, not only for the granmarian, but also for the language learner/user, who, we assume, is also concerned with the interrelations of constructions and with generalization. For Modern German there is every reason to believe that the construction is intimately connected by

58

speakers with passive sentences (cf. Eggers 1973). In fact the change in the manner of expressing the agent from a dative (mir ist etaas zu thun) to von + noun phrase (die Arbeit ist von ihn zu leisten) represents a generalization with the passive and a resolution of the dilenma (I would Imagine that it is also connected with the decline of constructions such as das ist mir leicht zu tun). Returning to the problem posed by the ENHG data, the argument based on this dative NP must stand: we cannot incorporate passivization into the derivation as a means of capturing the generalization that only verbs which take a direct object appear with a nominative subject. Rather this generalization must be captured by a more general, but still language specific constraint, which governs the shape of personal and impersonal passives and personal and impersonal constructions with sein + zu + infinitive. Note that the ENHG corpus contains a few impersonal sein + zu + inf. constructions with reflexive verbs: PS 77 Vor sölichen ist sich wol ze hütten, won sü tund dik andren menschen vil grossen schaden, ... Q

P 93c Es ist ain groß ding. des sich großlich ist zuuerwunderen ... P 54a Die natur will würcken vnd thun solliche ding, dannen her lob vnd verwunderen entspringt ... Diß flucht die gnad allessampt / aber sy begert solliche ding der sich billichen zuuerwunderen ist / demutigklichen verbergen / ...

This construction, which was mich censored by later grammarians, is paralleled by occasional examples of an impersonal passive construction with reflexive verb: see Behaghel (II, 214f), Curme (1922:338). The abstract structure in (28) provides, then, a statement of the basic gramnatical relations necessary for semantic interpretation and allows vis to derive both personal and impersonal constructions from one abstract structure The predicate must include abstract modality markers in order to provide for the proper semantic interpretation. We can account for the features shared with infinitive constructions by the ^/ -movement transformation (cf. section 3.O.), which, constrained by the general conditions on personal and impersonal constructions, moves the direct object of the embedded sentence to the position of surface structure subject and moves the infinitive, whose indefinite subject has been deleted, to the position of surface structure predicate complement of sein. Thus alle Sünden sind zu beichten is related to the abstract structure in (28) by the same processes which relate das ist leicht zu tun to das zu tun ist leicht. Interesting in this regard is Behaghel's (II, 339) speculation that the construction sein + zu + infinitive had its origin in the construction with adjectival predicate:

Die Entstehung dieser Konstruktion ist nicht ganz klar. Sie gehen wohl aus von den Erscheinungen auf S.341, ß: daz ist ze wissen aus daz ist guot ze wissen. Aus dem Danebenstehen von Wendungen mit verschiedenartigen Adjektiven würde sich die Doppelheit der Bedeutung ableiten lassen: das ist zu wachen, d.h. das kann gemacht werden, etwa aus: daz ist lihte ze tuonne; das ist zu machen, d.h. das muß getan werden, aus: daz ist nütze ze tuonne.

The historical treatment mist explain why the form zu + infinitive appears in this construction. My synchronic derivation also relates the surface construction sein + zu + infinitive to other infinitival constructions both at the abstract level and in the processes of derivation. Since this derivation yields a surface constituent structure in which zu + infinitive is a predicate complement of sein, the constituents zu + inf. can be conjoined with predicate adjectives; some ENHG examples are given at the beginning of this section. Certainly this surface structure played a role in the later development of a prenominal variant, e.g. der zu befolgende Rat. Examples of the construction sein + zu + inf. are very numerous in the ENHG corpus. Except in the few examples with dative NP, deletion of the underlying subject of the infinitive takes place under indefiniteness. Sane examples follow: S 212Bc wenn alle ding sind zu beichten / vor gott dem herren / vnd alle Sünden sind zu beichten noch der erkantnüß gottes. S 175a Also hond ir / wa bey ei warer abgescheidner monsch zu erkonnen ist/ E 3b Jte sibe schöner wort vo weichwasser / wa / wie es zebruche in de hüsern ... Bl 4Oc-d

ist

Als ein haußuatter / der lugt was in seinem hauß zethun sei/

P 95c so doch alle vnsere gutn werk / für nichtz sind zu schätzen gegen den frewden ewiger saligkait.

The analysis given above predicts that if a verb can take a direct object, this object will appear as surface subject in the structure sein + zu + infinitive. It follows that verbs that take a sentential complement as object will appear in the infinitive in this construction with the sentential object now appearing as surface subject. We further expect this subject to be able to undergo Extraposition and other late transformations affecting sentential subjects. The following examples show that this is, in fact, the case.

60

Extraposition: 157b Es ist hat gehört /

zu wüssen das Frater iohann pauli das euangelium nie

PS 125 Es ist aber ze sorgen, daz iren vil sigint, die von ussnen abgeschaiden sigint und ain rüwig leben habint, aber inwending ain unrüwig hertz und ain nagende conscientz. Ev 58b wan es ist P 8c Vnd das ist vnd 1 stand/

zeglauben / das er sich dick da het geweschen / kainem menschn zu raten / das er sich desselben

Nonextraposed: Ev lO3b

wie es vmb sie stund ist

zemercken.

Left-dislocation: S 37a das ir nie kein vnschaffner fürwützer gedanck in gefallen sey / das ist nit zu glouben.

This transformational analysis cannot account for the construction das ist zu erbarmen: S 77b Den sprechen sy / das -ist ei eilend ding vn wol zu erbarmen. I find no evidence of an ENHG construction man erbarmt das (cf. DVb III, 701ff) fron which to derive das ist zu erbarmen. Such a construction is attested in Middle High German (Mhd. tfb . I, 59b Tristan, nu erbarme mtnen pin), but appears to have been quite rare. The infinitival construction is also attested in MHG. As for the synchronic description of ENHG, I most assume that zu erbarmen is based on surface structure analogy. As far as the idiom mir ist es um etuas zu tun is analysable at all, it probably belongs to these expressions with sein + zu + infinitive. Behaghel (II, 335) explains this expression as a development fron an earlier es ist mir um etwas: the infinitival zu tun would have been added as a complement of the prepositional object (there are a number of sentences of this type in the corpus; see 4.9.) and later the prepositional phrase with urn would have been reanalyzed as an adverbial argument of the infinitive. The expression occurs with or without dative NP. Some examples follow: S 147a Aber das ist es / man will ir geniessen / es ist alles vmb den seckel zutund / dara leit die sach. A 53c ... vnnd der arm man muß dir geben so er nit brot zu essen hat vnd schinst de arme ma dz blut vß seim leib vn zerrest im dz marck vß de beine / vn ist vileichter vmb drei schilig pfenig zu thu vn darub verderpstu de arme man ... o S 7b also ist es dir alles vmb dich zetun. P llOb

so ist

es jnen alles vmb sich selber zuthun.

61 Finally, werden also occurs in this construction:

werden + zu + infinitive:

S 136a also schuf er durch seine tochterman das jm der man gottes zu sehen ward / Q

—

O

A 6Oa so ward mir so f i l zu schaffen / also vil zu bredigen / also o o vil meß zu lessen meynes ampts halb daz ich also fil mit de selben zu schaffen net das ich meiner seien heil vergas / o e S 164 b ... vn wo jnen ein wort mag zu hören werden ...

3.3.

Adverbs and Adjectives in the Surface Structure: infinitive

sein + A + zu +

The analysis of these constructions is particularly difficult because of the lack of surface structure markers which indicate deeper syntactic differences. Consider the su££±x.-liohen, which historically is the adverbial counterpart of the adjective suffix -lieh. This suffix -lichen appears only optionally with -lieh adjectives/adverbs when these are in clear adverbial function. The suffix -lichen also appears predicatively (see section 2.2.2. 1.) in the same constructions as adjectives. Its value as a diagnostic further diminishes when we find examples of both -lieh and -liehen with the same lexical item in essentially identical contexts with no discernable difference in meaning: o e ( 2 9 ) a . S 28b es wer aber me lustlich zu hören. denn lerlich S 91c dauon zu reden das wer ein feine scharpffe meisterliche materi / vnd lustlichen zu hören / aber nit nütz / oder lerlichen /

b. S 2a ... vnd achten nit oder wenig / das wir in den aller kleinsten dingen ernider ligenn / die an inem (=inen) selber spotlich sind zu gedencken. S 172a ... vnd bleibt manicher mensch an solichen schnöden — e e o dinge hangen / dz es spottlichen war zu sagen /

Thus no significant diagnostic function can be accorded to the distinction -lieh I-lichen. Distributional criteria can be useful, to some degree at least, in determining the underlying structure. We can divide the data into three groups: (1) A cannot appear as predicate of any subject (2) A can appear with concrete subjects but not with sentential subjects (3) A can appear with either concrete or sentential subject. The limitations of a finite corpus, even when augmented by lexica, become painfully apparent here. Nevertheless, these classes can be roughly ascertained, with the usual borderline cases.

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3.3.1. A1 s which cannot occur as predicate of any subject. These lexical items in group (1) are to be considered adverbs in the structure sein + zu Hinfinitive. This category includes adverbial prepositional phrases in S 61b, S 169d and PS 112 below, the negative particle nit in SdM 51d, PS 160, fast in P 72a and kum in PS 162 and SdM 43a: S 61b Nun spricht dißer leerer / gott sey on maß vn on end lieb zehabe. (466) Ideoque sine modo, sine mensura, sine fine amandus et laudandus est. S 169d also bond ir ein zeichen / bey dem ein warer schweigender mensch on zweifei zu erkennen ist. PS 112 Hie ist sig.

aber mit flis ze merken, worumb der mensch geschaffen

SdM 51d / darumb seint alle deine ding nit zu verachten / PS 16O Und ob die gesichten ('visions') schon warhaft wärint, als su och etwenn sint, noch denn so sint su nit ze begeren, won su sint nit verdienlichen. o e PS 72a Es ist fast zu loben an ainem menschen / daz er sich demutiget vnder gott / ... PS 162 ... und sint dise fiere och gar kum von ainandren ze erkennen. SdM 43a Du wilt taussent gülden vff ein sach lassen gon vn ist kum vra fünff gülden zethon ob du die gebenn wilt /

The number of lexical items that can be classified as adverbs in the structure sein + zu + infinitive on a purely distributional basis is small. On the basis of meaning, however, we can include cases in which A can appear adjectivally but has a very clear, semantically distinguished use as an adverb, many as sentence adverbs: billion, eigentlich, fürnemlich, größlioh, giitigliah, me 'mehr', ein wenig, recht, underscheidlich, wol and the comparative baß. A few examples follow: S 75a souil er neidiger vn boßhaftiger ist / so vil ist er me verblendet/ vn als vil billicher zu beelleden / (cf. PS 167 Antwurt der will: Her der kunig, uweren gebott sol ich billich gehorsam sin, ...) E 51d Dise ding sein alle recht zebruchen / B2 49b Ein brösamlin oder drü hie vffgelesen von_doctor Keisersperg / sein wol zu behalten / das sie nit verloren werde o PS 186 ... und wirt uns daz insprechen des gutten engels so vil desterbas ze vermerken.

3.3.2. A1 s which can occur with concrete subject but not with sentential subject. In group (2) there are but a few examples of A's which cannot occur with a sentential subject: ruch 'rauh'. S 13a Als do ein anfohender cleinmütiger angefochtner mesch ist dem der weg gottes / noch hart vnnd r8ch ist zewandlen/ e — vorhanden. P 83c-d Vnd ob schon etwas mer vorhanden war tzu bezaln ..

63

zech ' z ä h e ' . Bl 53a Da der iunchherr hinweg reit / da nam der nar den vogel ab vnd briet yn / vnd aß yn. Da der iunckher widerrumb kam / da sprach der narr zu de iunckhern / du hast nit war vo dem Habich gesagt / dz er gut sei / er ist füllen zech zuessen gsin / ich kunt in nie zerbeissen. (fallen adv.) (See also geschickt in section 3.3.3.)

Perhaps subtil should be included here: PS 2O9 Und darumb, herr der küng, alle argument so fürbracht sint von der Vernunft wegen, damit etlich bewären und mainen wellent, daz sy edler sig denn der will, die werint gar subtyle niderzelegen und och lieplich ze hören.

3.3.3. A1 s which can occur with both noun subject and sentential subject. In discussing this large group of exanples I will divide them into constructions with an indefinite subject of the infinitive and constructions in which EQUI applies under identity with a dative NP in the matrix sentence. 3.3.3.1. Deletion under indefiniteness. Some of the A's found here differ quite distinctly in meaning when they occur with a concrete noun subject from when they occur with sentential subject. For example ungestalt in PS 143 below refers clearly to the shape of the sack, not to propriety as in Ev 17Id with subject complement. PS 143 Ich sprich ain sak ist nutz anders denn ain instrument, daz gut ist, etwaz darin ze behalten, er ist ungestalt anzesehen und pinlich daruff ze schlaffen.

Ev 171d Es wer vngestalt dz einer leid verkünte / vnd rot antrüge. PS 143' with subject complement is quite a different proposition than PS 143: PS 143' Es ist ungestalt in anzesehen. Hübsch behaves this way also: A 21c Das seind die feifelterlin die also hypsch seind zu sehen /. While I have found no examples of lieblich or grausamlich, grüselich and grauselich with sentential subject, it seems possible that adjectives of this meaning class could take a sentential subject, as do lustig, lustlioh and peinlich. Since these adjectives emphasize the affect that an object (or person) or activity has on the perceiver, the semantic relationship of sein + zu + infinitive to the construction with sentential subject is closer than for ungestalt and hübsch, which can describe a quality of an object. Hübsch can belong to this group also. PS 145 ... won jegklicher wys als daz grass hüpsch und lieblich ist anzesechen, diewil es ufrecht stät, aber sobald es abgemäyt wirt, so ist es glich ain dürr höw worden, ... Ev 144d

Ein tod mesch ist

auch grausamlich anzesechen /

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P 14b ... dz grüsenlich ist

zu gedencken ...

I 48b Ja auch ire eigne geschorne gesatzt dorend sie übertrette / ist grauselich zu höre. P 79a die seind außwendig lustig an zu sehen aber wenn man sy auffbricht / so ist nichts da dann Ischen. S 28b Was aber der Moyses mitt dißen wortten hie gemeinet hab / ... das hatt gar vil vnd mancherleig außlegung / dar tzu gehorte / wol ein eygne predig / es wer aber me lustlich zu hören, denn lerlieh. PS 144 Des ersten so ist ain sak der sünd und boshait, des wellint wir gantz nutz, won der sei ('derselbe') ist pinlich darin oder daruff ze schlaffen.

Another semantic group that occurs in this construction are adjectives that express the usefulness or suitability of an object. geschickt. _ S lla kurtz die ware kristenliche liebi ist geschickt zebruche zu allen Sachen die zu gottes dienst vn seinem lob gehöre. wirdig. S 27d denn als sanctus Paulus spricht. So sind alle leiden diser zeit / nit wirdig zegleichen der küfftigen glory. gut. S 217d Ein gebratner zybel ( ' Z w i e b e l ' ) ist gut zu legen über einen eyssen / aber nitt über ein oug / die artzney die da heylet die fersen / die blendet das oug. (eyssen 'eiterndes Blutgeschwür, 1 Martin and Lienhart I, p. 75)

Both wirdig and gut appear in adverbial complement construction with zu + infinitive (see 4.6.4.): P 95d ... das wed 1 verdienst vnserer werk noch alles dass wir leidn Q wirdig ist / damit zuuerdienen ewige salikait. PS 143 Ich sprich, ain sak ist nütz anders denn ain instrument, daz gut ist, etwaz darin ze hehalten ...

Neither geschickt nor wirdig in the sense found here appears with subject complements. The structure which underlies these examples is probably like (12) in section 3.0., and similar, if not identical, to that for P 95d and PS 143, the constructions differing in regard to deletion conditions. Gut is more complex because of the many shades of meaning it has in the construction sein + gut + zu + infinitive. In addition to the meaning 'suitable, useful, applicable1 it occurs in meanings ranging from 'advantageous1 to 'pleasant' to 'easy' (see DWb IV, I.Abt., 6. Teil, sections IA1 (1228, IIIA

2

Note that the subject of peinlich is identical to the object of a preposition in the infinitival clause, da- being copied in its place. Compare the da- copy in the following example: P 96a die laßt alles das / klains vn groß / was sy waißt daran ir gemahel ain mißfalln hat.

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(1269) and Illb (1281ff) for discussion and examples). In these latter meanings gut occurs also with subject complement. Thus one finds ambiguity in an example such as SdM 13c . . . vnd erkent ob es ein hundygel ist oder ein schueinygel / die seind gut zuessen / between the reading 'suitable for eating1 and "pleasant to eat'. I doubt very much that es ist gut/ die zu essen or die zu essen ist gut would have been considered a paraphrase of die seind gut zu essen, but that the interpretation of these constructions would differ in a way similar to those with lustig, etc. Note that gerrsß, which is semantically similar to geschickt, appears in this construction and in subject complement constructions but, as far as I can tell, does not appear in an adverbial complement construction like those with wirdig and gut above. S 23-24 Gleich als ein goldschmid / der ein zierlich kostlich trinckgeschirr machen will / das do genieß sey zu tragen vff den tisch / eines mechtigenn herren / dar ein tzuschencken / den aller besten wein

Some examples of other adjectives which also appear in subject complement constructions follow: müglich. B2 47a zu de .v. gib denen die all wer wol müglich zethun.

tag vor dir gond / dz

unmüglich. P lOd Aber wie woll es ain hartt ding darumb ist / das ain mensch also kume zu ainer innerlichen o stille seines hertzen / von des wegen ist es nit unmüglich zethun. gebotten. S 97b Da vonn ist daßs schweige also hefftikliche in de klostere gebotte zu halte. verbotten. S 2O9a sy wolte ym einer anderley fleysch bringen / daßs nitt verbotten wer zu essen. zimlich, unzimliehen. PS 1O6 Und was sü gern tatend, daz sprachent sü, es were grecht und zimlich ze tünd, und waz sü nit gern tatend und wider iren willen waz, das sprachent sü, es wer unzimlichen ze tünd. not. E 71d Ich sprich zu de ändern / das drei ding not sein in dem gottes dienst zewissen. nottürftig. P lO5c ... von gaistlicher ordenung / wie die solt — 6 O werden vn was nottürftig war zu bessern. nütz. P 9c Es ist ain frag / was gebärd vn weiß / ain mensch haben soll / wenn er sein hertz allso ynnerlich tzu gott keren will? ... Etliche menschen sitzend / etliche steend / ain tail geend hyn vn her / aber die weiß ist seltten nütz zuuben. nützer. P 76b darumb ain closterleben / nützer ist dann ain annder abgeschaiden leben. nützlich. S 2O9a leßen /

Die hystorij ist

tzu erwelen /

hübsch / vn war nützlich hye zu

66 sicher. P 61d . . . vmb deren willen Kloster leben allso hoch geremet / vnd sicher zu erwelen ist / ... (From the following context it is clear that sicher modifies primarily kloster leben: P 61d ... das kain sicherer leben seye. nach gemaynem lauft / dan in aim kloster . . . ) Q

seltzen.

S 45a öl was fremd vnnd seltzen bey jnen zeessen /

geordnet. S 59c_... zu der zeit so man nach ordenug rede sol / vn vo der sach verfacklich rede mag / an d 1 stat da es fug hat / öd1 geordnet zetun ist / schimpflich. P 88c sy suchen trost in sollichenn thorechten dingen. es sey geschwatz klaider. öd1 gespilschaf f t . das es schyrapflich ist zusagn. Q

spötlich. S 172a ... vnd bleibt manicher mensch an solichen schnöden dinge hangen / dz es spottlichen war zu sagen /

In the introduction to this chapter I pointed out that leicht and participate in the most complex syntactic blending of the adjectives /adverbs that occur in the frame sein + A 4- zu + infinitive, blending not only between constructions with adjectives, as in the previous exanples in this section of adjectives which can modify both the subject and an action, but between these adjective constructions and sein + adverb + zu + infinitive. When we consider the ENHG exanples of A' s from the general semantic group referring to the ease or difficulty of an action, we find this blending also. In the following examples sanft and leicht, schwer and gross ('schwierig1; cf. ZM>. IV, l.Abt., 6. Teil, 487) are adjectival in the sense that they refer to both subject and action: Q

P 138b

Dise hell ist aber gar sanfft tzu leiden / — e P 74a / wan mein ioch dz ist sanfte / vnnd mein bürd die ist leicht. Was ist nun das ioch vnd die bürd cristi vnsers herren / das also e o sanfft vnnd leicht zu tragen ist. PS 167 Antwort der will: Herr der künig, üwerem gebott so! ich billich gehorsam sin, wiewol es fast schwär vnd gross ist ze tünd.

While in nearly all the examples one can say that the nature of the subject (especially when it occurs initially) is felt to determine the ease or difficulty of the activity, the activity itself is of primary importance. Thus along with the proverb B2 77c alt hund seind boß bendig zemachen one finds in Luther (from DWb I, 1100) the following formulations, which were, no doubt, essentially paraphrases of B2 77c: alt hund sind nicht gut bendig zu machen; es ist schwer alte hunde bendig und alte schelke from zu machen. Compare also B2 77c Es ist gar leicht ein iungen meschen zebringen zu dem gotzdienst. Ein iunges rütlin ist gar gut zu biegen. Some further examples follow: 'difficult 1 . E 23b Darum sag ich das tugent üben ist der eng weg zu hymmel . . . / der weg ist eng vn boß zu finden / vn wen ma in schö findet so ist er boß zu halten.

67

gut

'easy 1 . B2 lib / die foglin die also gern zuband fliegen / seind gut zu fahen.

hart. Ev 112c es Qist aber hart zekochen / wie hart es zekochen sei das wissen die koch wol. Kümmerlich. S 137b erkonen /

/ wie wol dißer

vnderscheid kümerlich ist zu

leichter. S 51b so alle geschlecht der tier leichter sind zu zemen / wed 1 die zung. schwer. S lO6b Wye aber vnser freyg will beston mog bey der vnfellich fürfehung (=fürsehung) vnd bescherung gots ist schwer zu verston besser gegloubt. schwerer. E 18a darub dz das werck schwerer ist werck verdienlicher.

zethun / dz macht dz

sorglich. PS 38-39 Du macht licht mit ainem stain daran werfen, es [ein glas] zerbricht, wie sorglich ist es denn uff dem hochen tach an dem starken wind voll kolen, in gantze ze behalten, da so vil sint, die mit stainen darin werffent?

Note that kunrnerlieh, which also appears with sentential subject (example in DWb V, 2605), occurs in the following example both in sein + A + zu + infinitive and in a paraphrase with mügen "to be able" and adverb. P 149a So wer den sy widerub verwildet / des nach lassens halb. Allso daßs sy darnach kumerlicher / zu widerbringen seind vnder die maisterschaft d" Vernunft. Danna (danna) her kompt das die verkerten. kumerlicher bekertraügenwerden / ...

Kum 'kaum', in its older meaning 'with difficulty', appears conjoined with hert. PS 161 (below) might be included here: PS 161 ... man sol es ainem oder zwayen sagen, die da gelert und gotzförchtig und erlept sigint und sich uff die ding verstandint, denn es gar hert und kum ist ze erkennen, wenn es von gott oder vom bösen gaist sig.

3.3.3.2. Examples without surface structure subject. These examples must be considered either subject ccnplement constructions or constructions with sein + adverb + zu + infinitive. Note that the following examples with topicalized dative object are understood in essentially the same way as the examples with surface structure subject just presented. G

"~

6

boß. Ev 18Oc du findest frawen oder man / dene boß ist zedienen / wan wie man inen dient so kan man inen nit recht thun. gut.

Ev 18Oc Aber marie vnser Künigin ist ... das es leicht ist ir zu dienen.)

gut zedienen

( c f . Ev 18Oc

leichter. PS 159 Da ain mensch in offen Sünden lept, im ist vil lichter ze helfen, denn er kan kennen, daz er unrecht hat und sich darvon keren sol. sorcJclich und kümerlich.

S 87c-d

Darumb wen eines dar zu kompt / das

68 jm sein sünd vnd vnuolkömenheiten nit zu hertzen gond / jm nit an ligen / noch betrüben / dem menschen ist sorcklich / vnd kumerlich zu helffen.

This is further evidence for the hypothesis that a sentence such as alte hund sind schwer bendig zu machen differs from a subject complement construction alte hund bendig zu machen ist schwer; es ist schwer, alte hund bendig zu machen only iti. terms of topic, not in terms of underlying grammatical relations involving the NP that is surface subject. Some further examples with preposed non-accusative objects follow: Bl 73a Vnd darumb so ist solicher erfarung gut müssig zugon / vnd mit des tüffels fragen nicht ze schaffen haben / B2 77c-d Also in ein lautere seel ist gut zu schreiben / dann wenn sie mit todsünde beschissen seind. Bl 15a Jungen lüten ist not grosse beschwerd vff zelegen / ein iunger bedarff das man in beschwer / S V3 den wo die_gewoheit vn natürliche neigug zesamen körnen in strefliehe dinge / da wider ist kumerlich artzney zefinde ...

Adverbials can occur in the same surface frame: SdM 57a Der zeugniß gottes ist wol zeglauben / aber der zeugniß der menschen ist nit zeglauben / E 69a Nit in allen hüßern ist gleich zedienen. In einem huß ist das gewonheit / in eim and"n huß ist ei andere gewonheit.

3.3.3.3. Deletion by EQUI. In the following examples the action expressed by the infinitive is understood to be performed by the person expressed in a dative NP. There is strong evidence for considering this dative NP part of the matrix sentence: the predicates which appear with dative NP and zu + infinitive in this construction appear with dative NP when no zu + infinitive is present. On the other hand, there are a number of examples which indicate a strong syntactic relationship between dative NP and infinitive. This is particularly apparent in dependent clauses where the finite verb separates adjective and dative NP, PS 25O Und won dis so gar hert und schwär waz, dem menschen zegloben SdM 24c wie ein fliegen maul vngeschaffen schützlich ist anzesehen ...

dem menschen

PS 159 ... söliche götliche haimlichait, die nit zimlich sint dem menschen ze sagen. S 15d ... das (rel. pron.) doch fast sorglichen ist / einem menschen zu erkenen nach seinem eignen vrteil.

or in examples with relative pronoun and infinitival phrase at the beginning of a relative clause:

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PS 2O5 So ist gott also gütig, er kumpt im ze hilf und gibt dir ze erkennen, waz dir ze tünd nütz und gut ist.

P 82d dar zu leidet er gedultigklich / was ym zu leiden zukomen ist. The dative NP can also follow the adjective when the verb is in second position: S 222a Diße historien sind vast hübsch / vnd nütz einem menschen zu leßen / PS 249 Under allen artikeln des cristelichen globens ist kainer herter dem menschen ze globen, den der von der vrstende des herren. e — — P 18b Diß ist ain nütze ubung oder weiß / ainem menschn zu ubn.

There are also examples of this word order in subject complements. follow:

A few

B2 54d das sein sorgliche personen / die also anzügig seind / es seien loch frauwen oder manß bild / dauon ist fast not / yederman sich vor inen ze hüten. H 12d Darumb besser wer / einem menschen blind zesein in dem lichnam / dan in der seele. S 2o5c Das ist falsch vnd ist nit nott einem menschen / einen semlichen schmertzen vnd leid zu haben vmb die sünd /

While the position of dative NP and infinitive in these examples indicate a close syntactic relation, it is not strong enough evidence to warrant a structure in which the dative NP originates as subject of the infinitive. Note that one does not find ambiguity between (a) a deep structure in which a dative NP in the matrix sentence is coreferential with the underlying subject of the infinitive and (b) a deep structure without such a dative NP, as one does, for example, in English: it would be better for you to go now = (a) 'it would be better for you that you go now (since my husband wants to beat you up)'; or (b) 'it would be better that you go now (since your behavior is ruining the party)'. This position seems also to be restricted to nouns: of over 70 examples with dative pronoun, only one shows this word order; in this example the pronoun is followed by a participle which modifies it: S 193a ist echt sach / das du etwas bittest von Jesu / das ym gebürt dir zu geben vnnd nütz ist dir bittenden zu entpfahe / den solt du sicher sein / das dir got nützt versag. (5O2) si talia postulaveris quae et ilium qui petitur dare deceat, et accipere tibi qui peccaris, expediat ...

Otherwise pronouns precede the adjective, with the exception of (stressed) demonstratives followed by a relative clause; S 207-208 Diß ist müglich zu glauben denen / die geleert sind / aber ein gemein mesch glaubt das nit. Nouns and noun phrases can also precede the adjective (P 19a Vnnd die letst & ~™ weiß ist ainem menschen zimliah zu ubn /) or follow the infinitive (P 128b

70 wann diße frücht seind auch müglich tzu überkamen ainem yeden menschen).

These word order possibilities reflect, no doubt, the double granmatical relationship of the dative NP, which stands in relation to both the adjectival predicate and the infinitive, as well as the fact that the adjectival predicate stands in relation to both subject and infinitive. Yet the relation of the dative NP to the Infinitive is not strong enough to overcome the constraints on the position of (unstressed) pronouns - the dative pronouns in this construction behave in terms of word order in the sane way as the dative pronouns in constructions without infinitival complement. Ihis provides further evidence for a structure in which the dative NP is an argument of the adjectival predicate. The granmatical relations in this construction, then, parallel those in sentential complement constructions with infinitives insofar as (1) the adjective is restricted as to whether it can take a dative argument and (2) the dative NP is coreferential with the logical subject of the infinitive. On the basis of the evidence given above, this latter relationship can best be provided for by the application of EQUI between matrix dative object and the underlying subject of the infinitive. A large number of adjectives appears in this construction. I divide the following list into rough semantic groups: angenem, anmutig, beging, begirlich, lustig, lustlichen, suss; entsitzlichen, erschrockenliahen, forchtsam, sahützliah, unleidlichen, untröstlichen; hert, herter, schwer, lastlichen, arbeitsam, müsam, säur, sorglichen, widerig; ring, leicht, leichtliahen; muglich, unmügliahen; not, notturftig, gut, nütz; füglich, zimlichen.

A few examples follow:

lust ig/angenem. 153a er wer dir nit als lüstig vnd angenem zeessen als wen er leg vff ein nüwen weissen dünnen schindel deller. säur.

A 8c

der seckel würt vns vast säur vff zethu / e e widerig. P 137d Es ist denn so dir alle gute werck schwär vnd bitter / oder wyderig seind zu thund / leicht. P 35c du mainetest alles leidn war dir leicht vmb Christus willen zu tragen / ring. PS 63 Ist daz ir daz mit flis betrachtend, so wirt üch daz erst crutz der gaischlichait süss und ring ze tragen ... zimlichen. S 176d ... do ward jm soliche heimlicheit bekant / die keinem menschen zymlichen wer auß zu sprechen

The following example is problematic: PS 145 Uff dem berg ist ain grossi vil allerlayg vogel, von der süssen gesang daz gehord der menschen wirt erlustiget, und der liepliche (read: lieplichen) farwen irer fedren gar lustlich ist ze

71

sechen den ogen, und Iren flaisch ist gar süss ze essen und lustig der Versuchung.

Warnock's text contains an error: liepliahe is to be read liepliahen. The manuscript has Hepliahe (R. Warnock: personal communication). Although the construction is still an anacoluthon, der liepliahen farwen must be dative singular feminine from the above von. The phrase iren flaisch must be nominative singular neuter. This odd form of the possessive pronoun appears elsewhere: PS 47 denn iren liebe in der welt ist zertailt...gott allain, der ist iren gemachel, er ist iren kind3 iren vatter.... In this text flaisah is consistently neuter (R. Wamock: personal connunication). Past participles of three verbs which can take dative and accusative objects also occur in this construction, befolhen. S 51a gang müßig d" ding die dir nit sind befolhen zu erfare PS 135 'Petro commendatus est ecclesia, Johanni Maria - Sant Peter ist die cristenhait bevolhen, aber Sant Johanes ist Maria bevolhen.' Petro sint bevolchen die unmüssigen geschäft der kylchen uszerichten; ... p gebotten. S 228 Won aber ir, nach uwrem stät, me geschiklichait habent, uch darzu ze beraiten denn die weltlichen, darumb so ist es uch gebotten, ze ix malen im jar ze enpfachen; e e verlihen. P 84a ob du geleiden mochtest· vnnd dartzu berait wärest. alle ding willigklich faren zu lassen / die dir verlihen seind tzu brauchen ...

3.3.4. zu + adjective. There are only a few examples of this construction in the corpus. Deletion takes place under indefiniteness, S 157a das würd hie zu lang auß zu lege / S 212Bb sagen.

Als sant Thomas aufliegt prima secunda / wer zu lang hye zu

P 128b wie er aber diße frücht bracht hatt/ mag auß seiner legend wol genomen werden. War zu lang auff diß mal tzu erzolen.

or under identity with a dative NP complement of the adjective: PS 76 Wie aber Abraham sin red volfürt und dem küng sin sach fürgleit hab, wurd mir ze lang jetz ze erzellen, wil üchs behalten bis an donstag. PS 172-3 Wie gott durch dinen willen mensch ist worden, sin hailig leben, sin bitter liden und sterben, wurd ze lang mir, uch ze erzellen. B2 38d Also hettest du got lieb / so wer dir nut zuschwer vmb seinent wille zeleide. PS 181 Er verbirgt sich des ersten darumb und lat sich nit sechen in siner clarhait, won er bekent, daz sy ze uberschwenklich ist anzeschowen der menschlichen krankhait ... (cf. PS 18O die menschlich krankhait möcht die clarhait nit erlyden.).

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These cannot be derived from a subject complement construction, since the adjectives involved clearly modify the noun subject. The infinitival complement stands in relation to the degree adverbial and must be derived by Object Deletion from a structure of the following type: (30)

s,

zu

These constructions are thus similar to infinitival and finite "result" clauses which complement zu + adjective (see 4.6.4.): B2 63d Zum fierde so seind vnsere gute werak vn vnser rüw zuvil kurtz vn zu alein / genug zethun für wiser straf d' sünd. It makes no sense, however, to derive B2 38d so wer dir nut zuschwer vmb seinent wille zeleiden from a structure containing the proposition du leidest nut ('nichts') vmb seinent willen. As in the examples with result clauses in 4.6.4., the infinitival complement of zu + adjective stands in an inverse negative relationship to the (logical) result. We cannot capture the relevant syntactic generalization, the referential identity of the deleted direct object of the infinitive to an NP in the matrix sentence, as found elsewhere in shared-NP constructions, unless the negative quantifier stands outside the complement structure. This problem indicates that, if deletion under identity is to be preserved in the analysis of infinitival constructions, the deep structure of a sentence must be more abstract than that which I suppose here and the gramnar must contain processes which move quantifiers into abstract propositions. Mil appears in this construction governing a genitive NP as well as with nominative subject: S 30d Allso fallend sv von einem übel in daz ander / vnd ist keins lasters zeuil zu volbringen S 14b so wer dir kein laster zu vil gesein / zu üben.

jnen

73

Viewed fron the surface these two examples are different types of shared-NP complement. Their essential paraphrase relationship, however, could be accounted for by deriving one from the other; but in view of the syntactic behavior of vil such a derivation would be ad hoo. The most general description requires that vil be treated as both an adjective/adverb (modifiers also, wie, zu, etc.) and a noun (dependent genitive case, position of genitive NP inmediately preceding or following vil); and in seme cases, as both at the same time: wenn aber des weges dir zu viel ist 5 Mos 14,24 in DWb XII, 2. Abt., 111. er w i r f f t der fisch, wie viel er wolt, vom karren Geiler, granatapfel 17 in DWb XII, 2, Abt., 1O9.

3.4.

Attributive Adjectives and Nouns

In section 2.2.3.1 I discussed predicate nominals that are 'adjectival' in that, like predicate adjectives, they characterize the subject. This class of predicate nominals (or more likely, a subclass of this class) may appear in the position of A in the frame sein + A + zu + infinitive. This class includes two types. First there is the construction (1) attributive adjective + noun, in which (a) the adjective may appear alone in the frame sein + A + zu + infinitive, (b) the noun is constrained as to the kinds of subjects it can appear with, and (c) there are selectional restrictions between noun and infinitive. P lOb Es ist auß der massen not / Vnd ist Es ist aber nit vnmüglich. A 44b das ist

darzu ain hert ding zu thun

ein hertte speiß zu essen on den senff / £

S 127d Darumb vnuergebens spricht David. Er hab die gottlichen befelhnüßen / vnd gebot lieb gehaben über gold / vnnd edel gestein. Das ist ein fromde red zu hören allen denen / die ire Sachen gesetzet haben vff lieby dißer irdischer zergencklichen ding. P 18b Diß ist

&

™

O

G

™

ain nütze ubung oder weiß / ainem menschn zu ubn.

P 88d Wann war icht bessers vnnd verfancklichers wegs gesein zu wandlen in disem eilend, d " herr war vns den selbn weg och vor gegangen. P 88d Darumb ist nicht sicherers in diser weit zu erweleen / dan leiden / truck / trang / vn widerwertigkait.

We can account for (a) - (c) by relating these sentences transformationally to relative clauses with predicate adjective: das ist ain hert ding zu thun — das ist ain ding das hevt ist zu thun; dis ist ain nütze ubung ainem mensohen zu ubn - dis ist ain ubung die nütz ist ainem menschen zu ubn. This derivation adds no new rules to the gramnar, since derivation of attributive

74

adjectives fron relative clauses is well motivated independent of (a) - (c). The position of the infinitival complement after the noun parallels that of the prepositional phrase complements of attributive adjectives: S 86a Aber der fürtrefede man an tugenden wolt ire boße rat nit gehellen. It is not surprising, then, that the so-called gerundive (ein leicht zu lesendes Buch, der zu befolgende Rat) developed a century later along with the rapid increase in use of extended attributive adjective and participial constructions (see Weber 1970, especially pp. 124ff). Ccnpare the 19th century translation of the above sentence (Biesenthal (1842: I, 160)): Aber der. an Tugenden so vortreffliche Mann wollte ihren bösen Rath nicht annehmen. The second type is (2) evaluative or emotive nouns with indefinite article: I 53a Der vnd sollicher aberglouben ist also vil vnd mangerley in den einfaltigen monschen / das es ein grüwel ist zu gedencken. P 75a der ist kain tzal / vnd also vil das es ain iamer ist an tzusehenn. o — P 78d das selb ist wo! ain iamer zu gedenckn. S 2OOb Oder er [an old man] ist man sein nyem will /

ein unlust worden an zu sehen / das

S 176b Also bauwet Noe hundert iar vor hyn / an der archen / vnd verkündet offenliche / das gott der herr / vmb der sünd willen / die gantze weit wolt laßen vnderga / das allen monschen ein schympff was vnd ein spott zu hören.

Grüwel and spott could also occur with sentential subject; I have found no examples of unlust or jamer with sentential subject in the corpus or in the lexica. 3.5.

Verbs

3.5.1. Deletion under indefiniteness. Some examples follow: bedürfen._ S 42a sein speiß vn kleider bedorffte keiner arbeit zu bereite / daz essen bedorfft keines kochens / noch das kleid keiner kunst des werckmeisters / dürfen, i lob Ich antwurt / das diß gar ein weite matery ist / vn dorfft einer besondren zyt volkümelich auß zulegen / nieher gehören. E 79b Dise ding findestu in collationibus patrum cassiani collatione Isaac / mit vil schonen Worten / gehören nit hieher zesage sich ziroen. Ev 82a Spricht santus Gregorius / was sich nit zimpt zubegeren / das zimmet sich auch nit zusehen. S 2O3b

das iiij. sind vnfletigkeiten die sich nit zimen zu nenen /

75

B2 8b da nam er den iungen vff ein ort vnnd bulet vmb in / vnnd sprach wie er in fast lieb hette für alle andere / vn redt solliche wort / die sich nicht zymme hie zu reden.

3.5.2. Deletion by BQUI. As in subject complement constructions, deletion takes place under identity with a dative, accusative or genitive NP in the matrix sentence. Examples of verbal predicates with dative NP follow: fügen. S 19-2O sy legen ynen selber keinen gewaltt an / sich zu überwinden / sy meinen was ynen nitt fug zetund / das vermögen sy nit gebüren. S 193a ist echt sach / das du etwas bittest von Jesu / das ym gebürt dir zu geben ... (5O2) si talia postulaveris quae et ilium qui petitur dare deceat, ... o o gezimen. S 184d ... vnd da würt dir gesagt was dir gezympt tzu thun, einkomen. PS 189 Und hierumb, wenn dem menschen also etwaz inkumpt ze tünd, daz doch gut schinet, ... vberbleiben. Ev 135d vnd bleiben inen mer complet an dem abent vber zebetten / dan inen weins vberbleibt / zimen. PS 79 Es ist wol war, es zimpt ainer jungfrowen, daz su ire ogen underschlach und nit wyt umb sich seche, won waz inen nit zimpt ze haben, daz zympt inen och nit ze sechen, ... sich zimen (!). thun.

E 69a

...

vnd es [das werck] muß sich dir zimme ze

zufallen, S 23c das vierde stuck... ist das ein mesch nit allein mit gedult leide / waz jm zu fallet zeleiden. zugehören. Ev 2Ob wan die person gehöret dir nit zu zestraffen S V5 er hat kei sorg zu denen dinge / die jm doch zu gehöre zu versorgen/ zuhören.

B2 45d vn dz cleid hört nieman zu zetragen / dan künige /

zukommen. P 82d zukomen ist /

dar zu leidet er gedultigklich / was ym zu leiden

zustan. (13 examples) Bl 84d Dise ding laß dich nitt bekümmern / es stot dir leyen nit zu zewissen S V5 Daz xv. laster ist schnoickerey / es ist den / do ein mensch alle ding will erfaren / die jm nit zu stond zu wissen noch befolhe sind / zuhanden gan. ( c f . vorhanden sein, section 3 . 3 . 2 . ) E 61a so baß es dir gat vnd tugent dir baß zehanden gat zewircken vnd gute werck / so vil me du zu got r ü f f e n solt vmb hilff /

In the following examples deletion takes place under identity with the accusative NP in the matrix sentence: anfechten. S 144c-d sy wollendt wüssen warumb / auß was meinung/ vonn wollicher vrsach ein yetlich ding / das sye anflehtet zu erkünen / gescheh oder nit gescheh. angan.

P 124d was geett dich das an zu erfaren /

gelüsten.

P lO2d

vn also was sy nit gelüstet an zugreiffen / das

76 weiten sy geren an den ändern fürkomen. lasten. P 24a ... vnd klagen wie sy also gar erschlagen seind / das sy nichts gutes lust zuthun / lüsten/erfröwen. PS 84 Je süsser ain harf, ain orgel, ain gesang oder ander gedön ist, je me es dich lustet und erfröwt ze hören. verdrießen. SdM 55c Da spricht Gregorius / daz vns verdreußt zuerzelen / das hat sanctum Paulum nit verdrossen an seine leichnam zeleiden /

The following example with anston presents a problem: P 115c ob aber das sey ain schulde geseyn. oder ain volkumenhait / laß ich ietz anston zu erklären. According to the analysis of £assen-constructions to be given in section 4. 3.2., this example would be derived from a deeper structure „[iah lasse „[ob...s tat an zu erklaren]„]_. This cannot be correct, however,since there is no way to provide for the fact that ioh is understood to be the logical subject of erklären (in the above structure it must be indefinite!). The problem lies not with the analysis of lasses-constructions per se but with the assumption that etwas anstehen lassen is analysable as lassen plus a proposition with anstehen. It seems best, rather, to treat this expression as a unit predicate (cf. DWb I, 481) similar in meaning to unterwegen lassen. Compare B2 38Ac Du sprichst vmb keins menschen greinens willen /sol man gottes gebot vnderwegen Ion zu erfüllen. The example P115c then becomes an example of a two-place shared object construction (see 4.0.3.). In the following example the underlying subject of the infinitive volbringen is deleted under identity with the genitive attribute of vermögen: S 150a so du es denn schon wilt / noch stat es nit in deim vermögen zu volbringen. Note that most of the verbs which appear here can also take a subject complement with zu + infinitive. In fact, as pointed out in section 3.1., in many relative clauses it is impossible to tell the two constructions apart. Even in cases of clear shared-NP constructions, we find blending of the two constructions. Thus the clear shared-NP example S 155d below differs from Biesenthal's translation with a subject complement construction only in terms of focus: — meschen — S 155d Wie dick beschicht es / das eine nüt guttes glustet an zu greiffen.

Biesenthal 1842, II, Gutes anzugreifen!

78:

Wie oft geschieht es, daß uns nicht glustet

77

3.6.

Perspective

In this chapter I have been concerned with that type of shared-NP construction in which the surface structure subject functions as the logical direct object of the infinitive, as in (31)a. and (32)a. below; and with the interaction of this paradigm with subject complement constructions such as (31)b. and (32)b.: (31)a. b.

ir sind die engel schwer zu schauwen ir ist schwer / die engel zu schauwen

(32)a. b.

dise wort zimen sich nit hie zu reden es zimt sich nit / dise wort hie zu reden.

Debate among transformational gramnarians has centered on the derivation of sentences such as (31)a. and (32)a. from the same deep structure as that which underlies the subject complements (31)b. and (32)b. by the Tough -Movement transformation, which moves the underlying object of the infinitive into the position of surface structure subject of the matrix sentence. We have seen that the shared-NP construction blends with subject complements and that constructions with topicalized dative object (Ihm -ist leicht zu helfen) share the essential semantic properties of the shared-NP construction. If one looks at granroar from abstract syntactico-semantic structure "upward," the relation of the two types could be captured by a transformation such as Tough-Movement, whose function would be topicalization as well as subjectivization (see Langacker 1974). If we look at our Early New High German constructions from the surface structure "downward," we see that shared-NP complements represented a well-established paradigm in older German and that, in addition to overlap with subject complements, we must consider the fact that schwer in (31)a. also fits into an adverbial paradigm. Oar synchronic and historical treatments of these constructions must be able to take into account both the semantic and surface structure interrelations. Even for the early stages of German in which adjectives and adverbs were morphologically distinct, we should be prepared to reckon with blending between constructions such as MHG ir wort sint alle war, sie sint aber zu vernemene swar; daz diu kint so l-thte ze gewenenne sint; and wand ein teil zu swär ist mir sehen die grimmen gewalt (examples from Paul (IV, $356)).

4.

OBJECT COMPLEMENTS

4.0

Preliminaries

4.0.1. Object complement ecustractions. By object complements I mean those non-adverbial sentential structures which subcategorize verbs and adjectives. Subject complements were introduced by a rule NP-^S; this same rule can also introduce sentential complements within the verb phrase (VP) or adjective phrase (AP) if it can be shown that these complements are noun phrases. Since we are concerned here with infinitival complements, I will produce what evidence I can from the corpus for NP status for infinitival complements as well as evidence for ways in which they differ from NPs. First, assuning that categorical identity is a necessary condition for conjunction, the occurrence of infinitival clauses conjoined with nouns is evidence for categorical status as NP. Examples are not cannon; a few follow. Ev 44d Zu dem ersten / das ein mensch mage kunst begeren / vnnd etwas zewüssen / P 78b ... das sy da globen keüschait willige armutt. vnnd gehorsam zu sein, biß in den tod. Bl lO2a

auch vnderthon

was bistu got dem herren schuldig / eer / vnd in zeloben.

Infinitive clauses also appear conjoined with nüt anders (dann, weder): Q

P 64b Vnd darumb treibt er einen monschen / das er nüt anders vnderstand / weder solliche gedenck auß zu treiben. Ev 59c meinent ir man hab nüt anders zeschaffen / dann mit euch vmb o zugon.

Second, assuming that anaphoric and demonstrative pronouns are transformationally derived from noun phrases, the occurrence of pronouns coreferential with infinitival phrases (underlined in the following examples) is evidence for categorical status as NP. E 87c vnd hastu gedacht dich gegen im zerechen / so gedencke das du es nit wollest thun / o A 56b ... das sie anschlug vnnd für sich satzt ewigclich in den Sünden zu bleiben / vnnd nimmer me da von zu lassen vnd satzt es für sich als ir letstes end

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PS 8O Abraham ist ingangen für den küng, gott den almachtigen, hat urlob genomen, vor im ze reden, und der herr hat iras_ erlopt. S 65c Ich kan nit gewonet /

schweige sprichst du / denn ich hab sein

nit

Third, sane infinitival object complements undergo the passive transformation (see 4.8.), which applies in general to accusative object NPs. NPs can be governed by the traditional class of prepositions. Infinitivals also occur in constructions with prepositions, of which I distinguish three types: (1) preposition + infinitive, (2) preposition + NP + zu + infinitive, and (3) preposition + pronowu + [zu + infinitive]^ The first type, which was discussed in Chapter 1, is strongly NP-lIke. In the second type, for example Bl 48a Die dreizehend predig saget von hohen künsten zelernen (see section 4.9.), only the NP is governed syntactically by the preposition; the infinitival clause is a complement of the NP. There are no examples of a type preposition + daß-clause or preposition + zu + infinitive. Instead we find type (3) with a pronoun coreferential with the sentential complement: S 7c ware liebi zu dem nechsten / stat in dem / das ein mensch seinen nechsten lieb hab / als sich selber / de fründ vnnd den veind. S 188b Wir mußen vnß daran gewenen got zumeinen in allem vnßerem thun vnd Ion / PS 44

... die sich darzu schikent, die gnad gotz ze enpfachen

The appearance of coreferential pronouns is evidence for NP status. In addition, this type can be treated as part of the prepositional object paradigm: (1) Prep Phr Prep

NP S

Extraposition (see sec. 2.1.), which applies to object complements as well as subject complements, accounts for the pronouns and word order. Infinitival complements, then, are treated like NPs by several rules of the grammar, but are not fully NPs. The above behavior of infinitival complements can be accounted for by allowing some rules to apply to both NP and S, with an accompanying loss in generality. On the other hand, by allowing for "squishy" categories (see Ross 1972), we might be able to express formally varying degrees of similarity of infinitival complements and NPs. Sentential object complements occur in the following surface structure types:

80 without coreferential pronoun 1. predicate + sentential complement (S) 2. predicate + NP + S with 3. 4. 5. 6.

coreferential pronoun (see 4 . 7 . ) predicate + pronoun + S predicate + preposition + pronoun + S predicate + NP + pronoun + S predicate + NP + preposition + pronoun + S

The constructions with coreferential pronoun can be derived via Extraposition With some predicates one finds synonymous constructions with and without a preposition: S 193a das ist den so ein mensch nitt zweiflet daran / das alle sein bittungen vnd begirden / die erber vnd gerecht sind vo gott erhört werde. S 193b dennocht sol er nit zweiffeien / so es jm gut vnd nütz ist / das yn got erhören werd. e e P 84a ob du geleiden mochtest, vnnd dartzu berait wärest, alle ding willigklich faren zu lassen / ... P 66a ... das er allso ains wegs beraitt ist / den lästern zu O f * widersteen / vnnd tugennd zu üben /

Both types can be derived from a deep structure with prepositional object; the variant without da- + preposition would then arise via a transformation which deletes these elements. I consider these to be fundamentally different constructions, however, despite the fact that this approach leads to a loss in generality in the statement of selectional restrictions. Now in subject complements the morpheme zu does not enter into the structural relationship of infinitival clause and predicate. For this reason it does not receive categorical status as a preposition but is considered a complementizer. In many object complements, however, one can plausibly consider zu to be as much a preposition in the matrix sentence as a complementizer in the infinitival clause; for many infinitival complements with zu + infinitive stand in a paradigmatic relationship with zu + NP. The two complement types can also be conjoined: E 50c Das geistlich recht weiset dich auch zu rüw / zu weinen / vn dich mit deinen trehen zeweschen / P lla die selb gnad ist er schuldig zubrauchen zu nutz seinem nahsten. vn nitt ym selbs zu behalten.

On the other hand, zu + infinitive also appears with many predicates which cannot take zu + NP. In a theory with only discreet categories we must therefore classify zu as a complementizer and account for its occurrence by strict subcategorization or some other restriction en complementizer choice. Those infinitival complements which are paralleled by a prepositional phrase with zu might be derived, as just mentioned, from a structure sw+j^ptS]^

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in the same manner as other prepositional object complements; dazu is then optionally deleted. The presence of z u in the base structure also provides for the characteristic semantic interpretation as purpose or goal. Now these derivations provide for the various surface constructions found in Early New High German. From a historical point of view, zu (when it appears with the infinitive) developed from a very preposition-like morpheme to a very complementizer-like morpheme as it wormed its way into more and more constructions where previously only the bare infinitive or finite-clause complements had stood. It seems to me that this historical development involves not merely changes in cooccurrence restrictions, but that zu moved along a nondiscreet scale from "preposition-ness" to "complementizer-ness," that it is really a "squishy" category in the sense of Ross 1972. Although zu is strongly complementizer-like in Early New High German, we still find relatively few constructions with coreferential pronoun, thus giving the impression that zu alone was serving in many cases the syntactic as well as semantic functions of the preposition zu. 4.0.2. Adverbial infinitival clauses. Object complements differ both syntactically and semantically from adverbial clauses with infinitive. These adverbial clauses are not morphologically distinguished from object complements, as they are to a large degree in Modem German by urn (...) zu, but appear largely with zu; with a few verbs (e.g. gan,kurmen) they appear with the bare infinitive or zu + infinitive. A number of syntactic facts indicate that adverbial clauses with infinitival are less directly connected to the main verb than object complements. First, the entire infinitival clause can appear before the main clause, a phenomenon which is extremely rare with object complements: P 45b Sollichen guten menschen tzu hylff zekomen / hab ich fundn syben gaistlicher marckt ... P 5Oa Vnd diß testament zu vollstrecken / setzt er jm testamenter .... Ev 167c Ich sprich zu dem and'n / zuuermeiden arckwon malet man alt (from a discussion of why Joseph is pictured as an old man) — e — P 26c ... kompt auß betrachtung der gotlichn hübschait vnd des überschwancks der hymelischen glori / zu deren (sy zu sehen vnnd tzu habenn) der mensch mitt allen seinen krefften flehtet.

Second, elements of the adverbial infinitival phrase do not generally appear among elements of the main clause; a word order type (called "coherent" in 4.0.4. below) cannon among certain types of object complement. Third, constituents of the adverbial phrase are seldom preposed to the head of the

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main clause: — — — 7c Wz seit ir vßgange in die wüste zusehe ein ror bewegt vo de winde. Aber wz seit ir vßgange zesehe / eine mensche becleidet mit linde gewand.

Such preposing is not at all unccnmon with object complements (see 4.0.4.). Fourth, the occurrence of adverbial infinitival ccnplements is constrained differently than that of object ccnplements. Object complements may appear only with a restricted subset of verbs and adjectives, largely those which also can take an abstract noun object. Furthermore, the form of the object complement (daß + finite verb, 0 + finite verb, zu + infinitive, the bare infinitive) is restricted according to the main verb. While adverbial clauses also display cooccurrence restrictions, they may appear with verbs which take concrete objects; and, moreover, the verb does not seem to determine whether the adverbial clause appears with finite verb or an infinitival. Fifth, the deletion of the underlying subject of the infinitive is highly restricted in object complements (see 1.2. and 4.0.5.) but in adverbial clauses is far freer (see below). These syntactic facts indicate that adverbial infinitival clauses differ structurally from infinitival object complements. The plausible deep structures of each adverbial type vary; but final (purpose) clauses, for example, can be differentiated from object complements in the following structure: (2) S

Predicate Phrase

(final clause) (object compl)

In this structure the significant difference is that object complements are part of the VP and subcategorize verbs; adverbial clauses are outside the VP and do not subcategorize verbs. The term 'adverbial infinitival clause' is a catchall for quite a few

83

different semantic types. By and large the various types of adverbial infinitival clauses have semantic counterparts in clauses with "subordinating conjunctions" and finite verb, for which reason the two constructions are often considered to be structurally related (see, for example, Curme 1922:557ff; Bech 1957:^367 and passim; Bierwisch 1963:146; Härtung 1964:196,206; Leys 1971). This is also possible in Early New High German, for we find apparent semantic equivalents with subordinating conjunction and finite verb: cf. Ev 89d ...vnnd glaub das der herr seine wunden / die fünff behalten hob sie zu zeugen / vnnd damitt seinen iüngerm sein vrstende zu beweren Der herr hatt a seine wunden behalten / dz er sie zeugen mochte vff dem erdtreioh. Occasionally both types appear in a conjoined construction: E 24d ... vnd bischoff haben sie geweihet got zedienen / nicht das sie mit dem seich vnd harn vmb gon / Q

E 82c so bedorfft man eins zugs / das man dich vff hin züg vnd einer wein leitern dich abhin zelassen / als ein wein faß PS 249 Es sint die zwen junger / die des ersten wurdent usgesant mit ainandren in Samaria, daz sü das gotzwort da soltend predgen und den menschen ze geben den haiigen gaist.

I can only give here, however, some examples of several large semantic categories of adverbial constructions with infinitivals and discuss briefly the conditions on deletion. 4.0.2.1. Final clauses. Most final clauses appear with a main clause which contains an agentive (animate, usually human) subject. Generally the underlying subject of the infinitive is deleted under identity with the subject of the main clause. Note the "agreement" of the reflexive pronoun with the matrix subject in the following examples: g

S 43d-44a Solliche ubungen sol eines brauchen / sich da mitt zebewegen / zu fleißige warnemen sein selb ... P 156b Ain Epistel, die der übertrefllich wirdig doctor (dises buchs ain vrsacher) den andachtigen swesteren Rüweren zu stroßburg gesant hat sich zu versprechen vn tzu entschuldigen seines abwesens. PS 177 Item wenn inen etwas von menschen geschieht, daz wider sü ist. so sint sü glich hie, sich selb ze entschulgen, und sprechent: "Man tut mir dis und das unbillichen."

Verbs of motion appear with a final clause with zu + infinitive. Some also occur with the bare infinitive (see section 4.1.3.). The notion of purpost expressed in the infinitive clause is closely related to the agentivity of the main clause predicate. With non-agentive verbs (or, to use a continuum verbs of low agentivity) the notion of purpose blends into contingency or result. The underlying subject of the infinitive can also be an indefinite agentive PRO-form. Most interesting are examples with etwas besahiaht/geschieht

84

in the main clause; this is interpreted semantically as man thut etwas. S 92d Liegen ( ' l ü g e n ' ) ... sol niemer beschehen / von keinerley sach wege / wie gut sy ist / oder scheinet sein weder gutes zu erlangen / noch boßes zu fürkomen / E 43c Zu dem ersten so ist es nit not / das daz werck geschehe / den glauben zu bestetigen wan der glaub ietz genugsam bestetigt ist ... SdM 23bt Da ein mensch lügt vnd daruon nieraans kein schaden entpfahet / oder geschieht allein vmb fridens willen / oder nutzeswillen / oder ein ändern grossen schaden damit zefürkummen.

Note that in SdM 23b the da- in damit refers back to an understood subject das liegen 'lügen' of geschieht (cf. S 92d), this understood subject being itself based on ein mensoh lügt. These are syntactic facts and must be expressed to account for the reference of da- in this example. Examples with adjectives, such as PS 143 Iah sprich, ain eak ist nutz anders denn ain instrument, daz g&t ist, etwaz darin ze behalten ..., will be discussed in section 4.6.4. Deletion also takes place under identity with an accusative object. Some examples follow. PS 212-213 Und darumb so wiss, daz man mich und ander vil usgeschikt hat, dich ze suchen; P 59a den hett sanctus Bernhardus gegen Rom gesant / da ain kloster zu reformieren / Ev 51b Vnd nim war der lehen herr ist zwen sün im zu diene. SdM 67a

kumme / das er hin nem meine

o Der vatter bestelt im Ldem sunj ein Schulmeister in zeleren

Bl 66c Es was ein clußneri deren hat man ein kellerin geben ir zedienen/

The underlying subject of the infinitive may be deleted under identity with the subject in a passive main clause. This construction is related to the previous examples with accusative NP by the passive transformation, which transforms the accusative object into the surface subject. Note that the verbs below also appear in the group with accusative NP above: Ev 9d Also wan ietz einer zum künig wurd gesant / ein sach zuuerrichten ... PS 25O-251 Lieben kind, ir sond nit wenen, daz der engel darumb vom himel herabgesent wurd, den stain vom grab ze tünd, darumb daz der herr heruss künde körnen. o e — I 44a Jen sprich zum andren. Das der engel geben ist dem monsche. im zu helffen. nit dz er es gantz thu.

In addition to functioning as adverbial modifiers in the sentence, infinitival clauses with zu can also stand in a structural relationship to a noun as a kind of relative clause (cf. Bech §387f). The infinitival clause can contain a pronoun (or da with preposition) coreferential with the noun in the matrix sentence.

85 P 22b wann es ist die brinend fackel / alle hertzen einbrinstigklichen o zu enzünden. P 129c

Von ainem fliegenwadel / zuuertreiben die eegenanntten mugken

A 5Ob Darub so ist kei gewiser zeiche an eine menschen zu sehe ob es bald stirpt öd 1 nit/de an ei puls ('zeichen an dem man sehen mag ob es bald s t i r b t . . . ' ) S 124a du weist nit ... welche ougenblick die stund auß vn verlouffen sein wirt die dir gott gesetzt hat / dich darinn zu ym zekeren.

In the corpus we find examples in which this construction is paralleled by a relative clause (SdM 3b, 3d; SdM 22b, 22d) or a daß-clause of purpose (Ev 89c). SdM 3b ... vnnd zu dem letsten hat er geben ein salb / diße blatern damit zeheilen. SdM 3d ... vnd wider ein iegliche blättern ein salb geben / damit mann sie heilen vnnd vertreiben mag. SdM 22b Wen der babst eine sein sigel geben hatt / damit zu versigeln die vrteil brief oder andere b r i e f f . . . SdM 22b Vnd gott hatt vns geben den eid / damit wir versigeln vnd bestetigen sollen die warheit. Q

Ev 89c Lebte der mensch dreihundert iar / im wuchßen nit clauwen / G O das er sich mochte damit weeren / nochten sich zu beschirmen.

4.0.2.2. Result (consecutive) clauses. These are of two types. In the first type the clause expresses the result of the proposition in the main clause and most stand in structural relation to this clause, not to any individual constituent in it. A few clear examples follow. Note the diversity of deletion conditions. PS 25O Aber Christus der herr ist ufferstanden von aigner craft, nit zu dem tötlichen leben, sunder zu dem untödemlichen ewigen leben, niemer mer ze sterben, ... PS 121 so wirt er hie den unvernüftigen tyeren zugelichet und in der ewikait zugefügt den bösen gaisten, mit inen ewiklich gepinget ze werden. P 54b Diße genad ist ain übernatürlich liecht ... die den menschen von irdeschen dingen aufhebet, lieb zShaben die himelsche ding. S 86b das vnd deßgleichen reden sy in ander vnerfarne menschen / vnd ziehen die nach jnen dem gesuch der naturen nach volgen.

In the second type the infinitival clause stands in relation to a degree adverbial (zu, genug, genügsomlioh, etc) in an adjectival phrase. These will be discussed in the section on adjectives (4.6.4.). 4.0.2.3. Conditional clauses. I borrow this classification from Härtung (1964:200) and Leys (1971:45ff) for sentences with matrix verbs such as müssen, bedürfen or adjectives such as not, notturftig. The main clause

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sets forth the necessary condition for the achievement of the goal expressed in the infinitival clause. I will discuss adjectival examples in section 4.6.4. Some examples with verbs follow. Ev 165a

so bedarff man erst grosse arbeit im zedienen /

S 59a Das ist fürnemlich zu verston von denen gedencken / welche ein mensch haben muß / sein ampt auß zerichte. PS 76 Die gerechtikait ist dir notürtig ze strafen die vergangen sund; die fürsichtikait must du hon ze fürsechen die künftigen sünd und übel;

Bedürfen also appears in an impersonal construction: ^ Bl 63a es bedorfft grosser kunst wissen wie man sich recht folt (=solt) halten in straffen / weder in der hohen schul die heilig geschrifft zelesen. — o o e — — E 24b Nu lug zu ob es nit grossere kust bedürffte artzny mit zeteile.

E 5Od Du mochtest sprechen / was bedarff es souil geferts den tüfel zu v 1 treiben / des Weihwassers vnd anders das man darzu brucht /

These examples are indistinguishable fron subject complements. Note particularly the bare infinitive uissen in Bl 63a, which occasionally appears conjoined in this order with zu + infinitive in subject complements. In Modem German this construction is clearly not a subject complement, as the occurrence of es to the right of the infinitival complement in the following example (from Been 1957:£410) indicates: Lätizia zum Mittun zu bewegen, hatte es nicht vieler Überredung bedurft. 4.0.2.4. Parenthetical infinitival clauses. This group includes examples such as the following: P lO8d da fleüget er hyn vnd her / vnd stoßt die alten fedren ab / vnd erneüweret sich / vnd wirt also zureden ain neüwer fogel/ I 61a Aber in warheit zu reden / so ist dise Offenbarung fromder sünde der verfarlichste stuck eins so man finden mag /

PS 123 Nun wyter ze sagen, so hond ir bisher von mir gehört ... These refer to the main clause as a speech act and, for that reason, are analyzable as dependent not on the main clause with which they appear but on a performative iah sage dies under which the entire utterance is embedded (see Bech 1957:£400, Leys 1971:49). As in the Modern German counterpart with urn (...) zu, an expression of speaking appears in the infinitive. 4.0.3. Shared-object constructions. The second type of surface structure to be distinguished fron object complements is that in which a surface structure object is "shared" by main verb and infinitive, as in the following example:

87 S 82c als nun der erst tod was in dem leiden / da fürten sy hyn den andren zu verspotten / vnd die haut seines haubtes / mit den höre zugen sye ym ab.

In this type of complement construction a noun phrase stands in relation both to the predicate of the clause in which it occurs and to the infinitive: in S 82c, the NP den ändern is object of the main clause verb j&rtent and the restrictions between the infinitive and this NP are those between a verb and its direct object. These shared-object constructions differ from object complement constructions in that only the "shared-object" NP stands in a direct structural relation to the verb (subcategorization, selectional restrictions, case marking all apply between verb and object NP), whereas infinitival object complements subcategorize verbs. The construction is similar in this regard to relative clauses; but instead of the identical direct object NP being relativized, it is deleted. In two-place constructions (subject - verb - object + infinitival complement) the activity specified by the infinitive is performed by an unspecified agent (as in E 8a below) or by the subject of the matrix verb (as in S 146a). E 8a die anderen tragen todten zuuergraben ( c f . E 8c Etliche vergraben die todten die ändern tragen sie zu grab /) S 146a ... so man dir etwas schenket in de du ei besunder nerrisch gefallen hast ... Ite wen du wilt schlaffen gon / oder so du am morgen erst vffgestande bist / so ist es das hinderst vn erst daran du gedeckest / den nymestu die gab herfür zu besehen ...

In constructions with personal dative object and accusative object, however, the "logical" subject of the infinitive is identical to the dative object: P 28b Wenn ain maister seim knecht ain arbaitt für gibt z8 machen/... EV 76a

Da gab er in ( ' i h n e n ' ) Jesum zu krützige

Bl lO6d Zu dem and 1 n but er dir feil zekrome die gemalten buppen / As in the "shared-NP" construction with dative object discussed in Chapter Three, we find here an EQUI-like deletion process similar to that in sentential object complements. The semantic interpretation of the infinitival complement varies fron goal or purpose (which are ccmnonly expressed by zu + NP or purpose clauses with zu + infinitive), particularly with agentive main clause subjects: Q Ev 56a wer hat die korb dahin bracht / sie kamen villeicht vß den e e nechsten dorffern / oder man hat sie von den nechsten dorffern dar bracht zu verkauften / E 39d So nimpt er ein iunckfrawen da zu sehen / das man went er ein liebhaber der iunckfrawschafft.

sei

88 S 135d da von riet er der zweyfelhafften frauwen das sy jn glaubte / vnd jn nam für Iren sun in de dienst zugeben. Ev 29a Samlent zu dem ersten das vnkrut / vnd binde es an bündlin zu verbrenne / Bl 56d Es schreiben die lerer / das ein Lew / wen er alt_werd / vn die thier nitt raer mog erlauffen / so gang er die mensche an zeessen /

to the modality (necessity, possibility, fitness of an action; see Curme 1922:272) found also in the constructions in Chapter Three: E 41c ... wen die wolff nüt zufressen finden in den weiden so müssen sie sich nahen zu den lüten vnd die menschen fressen / B2 64a Cristus hat gethon wie ein begiriger kauffman / der etwa findet zukauffen ein edle stein /

to result or accompanying action: e — P 124a (with müßiggan ) War er aber ain gemayn person . so gewün er als vil mit jm zu schaffen / das er wol mießiggieng and* leüt / zu straffen vnd zu beschnacken. zu melden.

Ev 188c hast du nie gesehen das die buben in der schul_wetten etwann mitt eim sie wellen im drei oder fier har vß ziehen vn muß er sie nit enpfinden / vnd wen es dan gilt so machen sie das hör zusamen / vnnd wen er ziehen wil so schlecht er in vor an ein backen / vnnd der streich thut im so wee dz er der har nit enpfindet vßzeziehen /

By positing an abstract sentential source for these infinitival complements (with deletion of the subject by EQUI and the deletion of direct object by the object Deletion transformation discussed in Chapter Three) we can achieve generality in the statement of syntactic restrictions. An underlying sentential structure also allows us to state formally the obvious relationship of these infinitival complements to both relative clauses and purpose or result clause, particularly those with zu + infinitive. Whether such an abstract structure can provide adequately for the varied semantic interpretation of the complements remains to be investigated. This type of infinitive construction could also occur with predicates which take a sentential object complement. There are, however, only a few clear examples of shared-object constructions with these verbs in the corpus (these will be discussed in sections 4.2. and 4.4.). Compare the following sentences with shared objects and object complements respectively: P 9Oc ... das Christus Jesus vnser lieber herr mit seinen liebn iungeren/ sich mangels vnd bloßhait geflissen hat zu leiden P 49b ... dene menschen die jm mit fleiß dienen / vn sich fleissend seinen aller liebsten willen zuuolbringn.

4.0.4. On word order in object complements. If we analyze infinitival complements as embedded propositions at a deeper level of structure, then the

89

syntax of sentences with infinitival complements in Early New High German is part of the larger problem of how subordinated propositions are manifested in surface structure. As in Modern German, embedded propositions which appear with the finite verb in surface structure are extremely resistant to movement of elements out of the proposition (the "chopping" transformations of Ross 1967). In Early New High German relative and interrogative pronouns can be moved out of some object complements with daß + finite verb or 0 + finite verb (see also Paul 1920:§497): Ev 31a Wz wiltu dz ich dir thu / sprach er. E 82c ... darwid 1

vn was die v ' n u n f f t sagt das zethon wer / so ist der

PS 211 Er fieng an, wakt die anderen brüder och, seit inen, wie in der adler hatt gewekt, fragt sü, waz sü maintind, daz dis betüte. P !O6c ... aber alles das thun. das er waißt öd1 mainet / dz got am aller maisten von jm gefall.

A pronominal copy of the "chopped" NP sometimes appears in the subordinate clause: — es im thet / das B2 47d ein yeglicher thut das er nicht wolt dz ma ist wider brüderliche liebe. Q

P 16a ... öd' sunst ain andre ubung die er mainet sy müg ym dienen tzu erhebung seines gemuts.

This phenomenon seems restricted, however, to complements of the verbs above in Early New High German; and still exists very marginally in Modem German (see Ebert 1973). While embedded propositions generally remain intact when realized as surface structure clauses with finite verbs, in Early New High German as in Modem German, the elements of sentences containing infinitival complements are treated in many ways like the elements of simple (one-propositional) sentences. Many complex factors are involved: thematic structure, constraints on the position of unstressed pro-elements, perhaps also rhythmic patterns in sentence endings, all of which are found in other sentence types. I will concentrate here on the redistribution of elements of embedded and matrix propositions in surface structure. In Modern German one can distinguish two types of word order in sentences in which an object complement (82) with infinitival is embedded in a matrix sentence (S,): 1.

elements of VP appear among elements of VP in surface structure (under certain constraints on position of elements) (Bech (1955): kohärent]

2.

elements of VP

appear together after VP

(or in relative clauses

90 before VP.^ (Bech (1955) -.inkohärent) . Compare the following Modem German examples from Bech (1955: §69) : Type 1. a. Sie wagt ihn nicht zu stören b. ... daß sie ihn nicht zu stören wagt. c. Sie wird ihn nicht zu stören wagen. Type 2. a. Sie wagt nicht, ihn zu stören. b. ... daß sie nicht wagt, ihn zu stören. c. Sie wird nicht wagen, ihn zu stören.

In the type l exanples, an element of VP„, the underlying object (ihn) of stören, appears to the left of an element of VP,, the adverbial nicht. In the type 2 exanples, W* appears united after VP, and set off by a corona intonation. Although the variations in word order are a good deal richer in ENHG and intonation cannot be determined with certainty, we can still make the distinction kohärent / inkohärent (which I shall henceforth translate as coherent / non-coherent). In this introductory section I will give examples with zu + infinitive because this complement type occurs in the largest number of word order types. I will go into more detail in each of the following sections on individual object complement constructions. In main clauses (with the verb in second position) one finds both types: coherent: P 39b Auch beger dich selbs nit an ym tzu rechen S 4d ich weiß sy nitt also herfür zu ziehen vnnd zu betrachten S 135d ... mer er verschmähet es ouch zu hören PS 56 ... won su habent siner frucht und süssikait noch nie bevunden, darumb wissent su der nit ze begeren. Bl 24a der kan es wol rechen / so weiß ers auch zereche non-coherent: PS 24O Nun hattend wir versetzt daz himelsch paradis und vennochtend nit, es widerumb ze lösen. P 3d ich beger nit tzuhabü leiplich lüst

The word order zu + infinitive + object, as in P 3d, is far less ccmnon than the order with infinitive in final position. In dependent clauses with the finite verb in final position, in clauses with a tense or modal auxiliary, or when embedded under another predicate, sentences with these two types are clearly distinguished: coherent: S 98b Das heisset ein warer tugethaffter mensch / der ... zum sechsten / mit seinem thun vn vnderwege Ion / nyemans reitzet / noch zu reitze begert. S 164a so sol er nitt mit ynen disputieren / noch sy mit Vernunft vnderston zu überwinden non-coherent: PS 161 ... also daz er etwenn begert, liplich mit im ze fallen und ze Sünden. Bl 19c Zu dem ersten so soltu begeren ein schauwendes lebe zehaben vmb dein selbs willen ...

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With the exception of S 164a, the word order of these examples is the same as that found in the equivalent Modern German constructions. There are rules in both Modem German and Early New High German which provide for clausefinal position of non-finite verb forms in main clauses and for clause-final position of finite verbs in certain types of dependent clauses. In Early New High German, however, the position of the finite verb in dependent clauses is more flexible. The word order exemplified by S 164a, with the finite verb in penultimate position (.. -VjV«) , is found in dependent clauses both with bare infinitive and with zu + infinitive; in the examples with zu + infinitive it prevails, in fact, by about ten to one. Let us look at examples with this word order in more detail. In dependent clauses ending in .. ,V,V- we must distinguish two constructions. First we find a few examples of a shared-object construction: e

O

S 113b ... darumb das er sollicher taglicher schulden nit achtet zu vermeiden / vnd ir also gewonet hat P 9Oc ... das Christus Jesus vnser lieber herr mit seinen liebn iungeren / sich mangels vnd bloßhait geflissen hat zu leiden.

S 162d Es ist ouch on allen zweifei / eyn große vnsynn an einem menschen / der sich on billich notdürftige sach / fromder geschefft / vn vnmuß vnderwindet zu erfaren / oder auß z8 richten.

In each of these examples the genitive case of the object NP is governed by V, not ^2- There are many examples in which the case of the object NP is clearly governed by V«. Just a few of these follow: S 65d ... so du doch den nottürftikeiten deines nechsten nitt achtest zu hilff zu körnen / S 165c Vn das dritt ist gefallen / Also daßs ein mensch gott vnd der weit begert zu gefallen. A 36d wen sie dein nit gedrute zu geniessen / so flühen sie alle von dir / ö

S 165b Es ist kein herter ding / denn da ein monsch / gott vnnd der welt mitt einander meint zu dienen. P 54b du must jm in denen tugenden / nach deinem vermügen / vnderston nach zu volgen.

In most examples with this word order, V, and V„ govern the same case. From the point of view of the analyst, the distinction in this surface structure between the shared-object construction and object complements must be madn on the basis of the restrictions between the verb and its objects (which are reflected, of course, in the semantic interpretation). Thus Ev 127a below with finden, which does not take a sentential complement with zu + infinitive, obviously contains a shared object construction. On the other hand P 132d can only be an object complement construction.

92 127a

wa wolte wir so vil brotes finden zekauffen _

/ ...

g

P 132d Wen man dich von deinem bösen schamlichen wegen / vnd verwürflichen gewonhaiten / widerüb auff die alten weg vnd rechte landstrassen / vnd'steet zufuren ...

In many cases the finite verb can occur with an NP object or with an object complement construction, as in the following examples: S 12Sb P 17a

wen du eyn gut werck an schlahest zuuolbringen / ... das er gott begeer zu sehn als er ist/

SdM 79a Dz die / die da solich Artickel schweren zehalten / ein meineid schweren / ... S 45d

...

das er rechte mittel in d 1 sach weiß zetreffen.

Because there are only a few clear examples of shared-object constructions with verbs that take object complements, I consider cases such as these to be object complements. Nevertheless, one cannot discount the possibility that speakers of Early New High German felt the object NPs in these examples to be constituents of VP,. I will take up this problem again in the following sections on individual object complement constructions. To continue with the discussion of word order, not only do we find dependent clauses ending in .. . , « and .. -V^V,, but also examples in which an object from VP^ appears before V, with the rest of W2 following: g P 138d Ain mensche der geren recht that / vnnd vnserem herren begert mit allem fleiß zu dienen ... g

S 152b Das sechst ist / sich hüten vor schaden des geystes / als man sich pfligt zu hutenn vor schaden des fleisches / ... o P 4b ... wenn er ym selbs vnderstat dar an ab zubrechen. S 135b ...Der künig David als jn sein sun Absolon vnderstund / vonn dem künigreich zu vertreyben /

Extending Been's category to the word order types which do not occur in Modern German, we can call all these examples in which an element of V?2 precedes an element of VP-, "coherent." Just as ENHG displays more individual types of coherent word order, so, too, do we find more individual non-coherent types. In the following examples the constituents of VP2 follow all of the constituents of VP,: B2 84a Mein hertz ist dürr worde als graß / wan ich hab vergessen zu essen mein brot B2 83b-c Mein hertz ist mein brot zu essen.

dürr wordrn

(=worden) wan ich hab vergessen

PS 156 ... betrachtet gar andechtiklich die grossen begird des andechtigen frowlis, das da begert ze berüren den som der claider des herren ...

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31d .. . vil ri.tter die da habe gschwore witwe vn weisen zu beschirme / sein rauber worden. S !O5b ... das der tarter künig / mit namen Caliphus vnderstund auß zu reütenn die christen von seinem reich P 52d Aber die genad verachtet nit den synnen vnanmutig ist.

zehaben rauhe klaider / vn was

To stmarize the discussion up to this point, let us consider the possible permutations of one example for which parallel constructions are attested in the data: P 138d Ain mensche der geren recht that / wind vnsevem heveen begevt mit allem fleiß zu dienen... . I will exclude from the discussion permutations of vnserem herren and mit allem fleiß relative only to each other and permitations of subject and verb of S,. main clause without tense or modal auxiliary non-coherent (3) er begert vnserem herren mit allem fleiß zu dienen (4) er begert zu dienen vnserem herren mit allem fleiß main clause with tense or modal auxiliary coherent: (5) a. er b. er (6) a. er b. er (7) a. er b. er

hat sol hat sol hat sol

vnserem vnserem vnserem vnserem vnserem vnserem

herren herren herren herren herren herren

mit allem fleiß begert zu dienen mit allem fleiß begern zu dienen begert mit allem fleiß zu dienen begern mit allem fleiß zu dienen begert zu dienen mit allem fleiß begern zu dienen mit allem fleiß

non-coherent: (8) er hat begert zu dienen vnserem herren mit allem fleiß (9) er hat begert vnserem herren zu dienen mit allem fleiß dependent clause without tense or modal auxiliary coherent: (10) ... (11) ... (12) ... (13) ...

daß daß daß daß

er er er er

vnserem vnserem vnserem vnserem

herren herren herren herren

mit allem fleiß zu dienen begert mit allem fleiß begert zu dienen begert mit allem fleiß zu dienen begert zu dienen mit allem fleiß

non-coherent: (14) ... daß er begert vnserem herren mit allem fleiß zu dienen (15) ... daß er begert zu dienen vnserem herren mit allem fleiß dependent clause with tense or modal auxiliary (this group is certainly incomplete due to a paucity of examples in the corpus) coherent: (16) ... daß er vnserem herren (mit allem fleiß) begert hat zu dienen (17) ... daß er vnserem herren (mit allem fleiß) zu dienen begert hat non-coherent: (18) ... daß er begert hat vnserem herren mit allem fleiß zu dienen (19) ... daß er hat begert vnserem herren mit allem fleiß zu dienen

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(20) ... daß er begert hat vnserem herren zu dienen mit allem fleiß (21) ... daß er hat begert vnserem herren zu dienen mit allem fleiß (22) ... daß er hat begert zu dienen vnserem herren mit allem fleiß

The marker of phrasing and intonation in the ENHG texts, the virgule (/), is unreliable. It does appear often enough in dependent clauses and in main clauses with tense or modal auxiliaries (as well as in extraposed subject complements) of the type described as "non-coherent" for us to assume that a "comma intonation" existed in these non-coherent structures between main clause and infinitival complement. On the other hand, the finite verb is found in second position (in contrast to final position) in a good number of dependent clauses with daß and adverbial conjunctions, a fact which must cause us to consider examples (14) and (15) indeterminate as far as intonation is concerned. Likewise there seems to be no reason why "non-coherent" examples (3) and (4) should necessarily have been spoken with an intonation break between er begert and vnserem herren mit allem fleiß zu dienen in (3) and between er begert and zu dienen vnserem herren mit allem fleiß in (4). Thus, because of different constraints on placement of non-finite verbs, the correlation of intonation and deeper grammatical relations which one finds in Bech's Modem German categories kohärent/inkohärent is not necessarily present in Early New High German. It should be noted, then, that my term "non-coherent" means that no element of VP«, the infinitival complement, appears among elements of VP,, the verb phrase containing the main verb; it does not preclude the possibility that adjoining VPs were dealt with in some cases as a unit as far as intonation is concerned. The rules of a grammar of Early New High German must relate the surface structures in examples (3) - (22) to the underlying bisentential structure, which, I have argued, is necessary for stating the gramnatical relations relevant to semantic interpretation. The most Important of these rules is EQUI, which deletes the underlying subject in the embedded sentence. One consequence of the deletion of this subject and the marking of the verb as infinitival is that the derived structure is subject to different rules and constraints of word order than an object complement construction with finite verb (for example er begert, daß er vnserem herren mit allem fleiß diene). As mentioned at the beginning of this section none of the word order types labeled "coherent" is possible in a sentence with an object complement with finite verb: ( 6 ) c . *er hat vnserem herren begert daß er diene mit allem fleiß (12)a. *daß er vnserem herren begert daß er diene mit allem fleiß

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We can see that the coherent examples in (3) - (22) share sane word order features of simplex sentences, such as clause final position of the finite verb in (10). Given the present state of gramnatical theory and our knowledge of Early New High German, however, an adequate set of word order rules is an impossibility. I will let the examples (3) - (22) stand, then, as a kind of morpheme order chart and provide further examples from the data, as well as discussion of some important aspects of word order in infinitival complements. How does non-coherent word order come about and how are the ENHG types related to Modern German? To answer this question we must first look at sane Modern German facts. Bech (1957:§319) has noted that sentences with a pronoun coreferential with the infinitival complement occur only in non-coherent word order: ( 2 3 ) a . Einige Leute wollen es unternehmen, ihn in der Nacht durch das Feuer zu tragen. b. *Einige Leute wollen es ihn in der Nacht durch das Feuer zu tragen unternehmen.

This restriction receives an explanation if we assume that the complement is embedded in the position of es ihn in der Nacht durch das Feuer zu tragen in (23)b. and that the extraposition transformation also applies to object complements. Sentence (23)a. results, then, fron the application of Extraposition: es is copied in the original position of the complement when it is extraposed. Thus sentence (23)b. is simply not generated, but rather sentence (23)c. Einige Leute wollen ihn in der Nacht durch das Feuer zu tragen unternehmen, a sonewhat awkward, but perfectly grammatical sentence. Finally, sentence (23)d. is also gramnatical: Einige Leute wollen unternehmen, ihn in der Nacht durch das Feuer zu tragen. Clearly sane Extraposition-like process is involved in the derivation of (23)d., since the result of rules of nonfinite verb placement can be seen in the main clause and since there is a characteristic intonation change between main clause and infinitival complement. In his work on Modem German Bech uncovered several patterns in the distribution of the word order types labeled "coherent/non-coherent." First, object complements with the bare infinitive occur only in coherent constructions (£65), with a few exceptions to be found with verbs that take both the bare infinitive and zu + infinitive (£238); whereas object complements with zu + infinitive can be either coherent or non-coherent. Second, of those verbs which take zu + infinitive, two-place constructions with subject verb - object complement (such as the examples with begeren above) were

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either coherent or non-coherent, whereas three-place constructions with subject - verb - object NP - object complement (with such verbs as befehlen, erlauben, bitten, bewegen, etc.) were generally non-coherent. Now for the ENHG data the first of these principles does not hold: object complements with the bare infinitive may be both coherent or non-coherent. On the other hand, the second principle is borne out by the ENHG data. The reason for this, I believe, is functional. While the former distribution has no affect on the cccnprehensibility of an utterance, the mixing of object NPs which might occur in three-place constructions with coherent word order makes for more difficult perception of the structure of the sentence (see Ebert 1973: 171ff). Thus non-coherent word order, which maintains the original propositions essentially intact, is preferred in three-place constructions. Two loose ends remain in the discussion of word order. Sentences with infinitival object complements share with simple sentences a transformation which topicalizes objects and adverbiale. Some examples follow: S 112c

dem begert sye zu gefallen

53b ... vnnd in dem höchsten gut über alle sichttige ding / begeret sy sich zu erlustigen (sich erlustigen in + dative) A 49b von disem süntlichen dot nab ich fürmich genomen vff das mal zu sagen / I 49a Den kreiß vnderstat kein tier / dz darin begriffen ist übertretten / oder darauß gon.

/ zu

S 26b Nun besoldet er sein rüter nitt / als er vorhin gewont hett zethund / dauon wurden sy zornig über jn.

This transformation also applies in the derivation of relative clauses. Note also the various types of dependent clause word order (coherent) in the following examples. S lOa Verseyt er jm nitt seinen gewonliche kußs des fridens den er gemeinlichen pflag / seinen jüngeren ze beweysen. P 87d ... ain pferd / dz vmb seiner sanffthait willen sein frauw pflag zu reiten / S lOb das ist vorab nit todsünd / sunder ein vnuolkomenheit / vnd gebrest den d 1 mensch allezeit sol vnderston an jm selber zu überwindenn. Bl 53b ... vn das fleisch das er zu essen vermeint / wan er gern rindtfleisch aß.

I have found no examples of the Modem German type ...ein Umstand, den zu berücksichtigen er immer vergißt (example from Bech 1955:§81). Occasionally one finds examples in which the case of the relative pronoun is governed by V,, not ^2 (shared-object constructions): P 129b

Czu dem .xl. seind vngeschafne wort / der sich ain mensch

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solt beschämen zu reden. S lO6b die ding ... deren er sich öffentlich vor den menschen entsitzt / oder beschämt zu volbringen.

Word order in sentences with verbs with a "separable prefix" (anfahen, anheben, aufhören, ansahiahen, sich annemen, etc.) is constrained differently than in Modem German. The primary difference is that the separable prefix never follows the infinitive: Bl 69a

so facht man an lache C^so facht man lache an)

B2 54b

so du anfahest gedencken (*so du gedencken anfahest)

S 134d dye j n vor lieb netten / die fahen yn nun an zu hassen (*die fahen yn nun zu hassen an) P 135b wir schiahn an got mit fleiß zu dienen (*wir schiahn got mit fließ zu dienen an)

4.0.5. The derivation of object complements with infinitivals. Object complements with inf initivals enter into the same structures as object complements with daß + finite verb and object complements with 0-ccmplementizer and finite verb. There are restrictions, of course, as to which predicates may cooccur with an object complement with finite verb and which may cooccur with an infinitival complement. Furthermore, predicates are constrained in regard to the choice of bare infinitive or zu + infinitive. In most cases the underlying subject of the infinitive is deleted; with a special set of predicates it appears in the accusative case (see 4.3.). Deletion of the underlying subject of the infinitive is accomplished by EQUI, as discussed in section 1.2. In two-place constructions (subject predicate - object complement) the underlying subject of the infinitive is deleted under identity with the subject of the matrix sentence (subject control) . In three-place constructions (subject - predicate - object NP object complement) the underlying subject of the infinitive is deleted under identity with the object of the matrix sentence (object control), with the exception of the geloben class of verbs. The derivation of (24) illustrates these principles and the working of EQUI. EQUI applies cyclically, beginning at the most deeply embedded sentence (S-). Since the infinitive complement

This principle is based on over 3OO examples. Grimm (DHb I, 325) noted that with anfangen Luther never used the word order with an in clause final position: "... LUTHER, der immer sagt: seine Mutter fieng an zu weinen Tob. 5, 23 fieng laut an zu schreien. Sus. 24. niemals: fing zu schreien an."

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(S„) is aifcedded in a two-place construction with bereitet, the underlying subject of So (NPx·) is deleted under identity with the subject of bereitet (NP,). Bewegen, the next higher predicate, appears in a three-place construction; thus the underlying subject of S« (NP/) is deleted on the next cycle under identity with the accusative object of bewegen. After word order, agreement and morphological rules, we get Das bewegt einen menschen bereitet zu sein / jnen beistand zu thun, which is a simplified version of S 68a Das sol eine menschen billiche bewegen / allwege bereitet zesein / beistad zetund alien dene die da geneigt sind zu warer gerechtigkeit vn erberkeit. (24)

N

das

V

bewegt

Det

N

einen menschen

Det

1

ein

V

' „ l-

mensch

sei-

AP

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EQLJI is not the only filter necessary in the derivation of infinitival object complements. If we assure that tense and modal auxiliaries are included in the embedded sentence, then for some verbs we must indicate restrictions on the possible tense of the infinitival. With lernen, for example, daß-complements in the past are possible, but not past infinitives. In most cases, however, the possible tense and mood of the complement, whether it be an infinitival or clause with finite verb, is constrained across the board by the verb under which the complement is embedded. Note the following examples: Q

E 78b Dje vergangenen tag haben ir gehört / wie vnser künig in dem spil. Herr der künig ich diente geren / vns gebüt im ein eer an zu thu / in küssen / das ist in lieb haben vber alle ding. E 79Bc Jn vergangner zeit hoben ir gehört / wie vnser Künig denn wir vns selber erwolt haben gott den herren / vns gebüt / das wir im selber ein ere an solle thun vnd in lieb haben vber alle ding.

In this case, as with begeren, geloben, erlauben, bitten, sich fleissen and a host of others, the tense and mood of the enbedded proposition is restricted with reference to the tense of the verb in the next higher clause. Note also in E 79Bc that the subject of the sentence embedded under gebieten must be identical to the dative object, regardless of the complementizer (cf. E 83a Er gebüt dir auch etwa die katz zeküssen, E 83c wan er gebüt dir du solt die katze küssen). The constraints on all embedded propositions, relative tense restrictions and identity restrictions, are to be stated at the level of deep structure. 4.1.

Two-place Constructions with Bare Infinitive

In this section I will discuss verbs which appear in surface structures consisting of subject HP - verb - infinitival VP. For many of these verbs one can present evidence that at a deeper level of structure grammatical relations exist between the verb and its subject and between the verb and a sentential object complement. The verbs to be discussed in this section are divided into three groups: (1) verbs which nearly always take bare infinitive; (2) verbs which almost never appear with a single bare infinitive, but generally with zu + infinitive; and (3) verbs which appear regularly with both. 4.1.1. Verbs which nearly always occur with the bare infinitive. To this group belong dürfen (dürfen), bedürfen, gedürfen, können, mügen (mögen),

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müssen, sollen, turren, geturren, wollen beginnen, bleiben, geraten, tun (thun) and wenen (wänen), äs well äs sein, sollen, sollen and werden as tense and aspect auxiliaries, which will not be discussed here. On the surface these verbs behave like two-place object complements. In addition, as in twoplace object complements, reflexive pronoun objects of V* "agree" with the subject of the matrix verb. From a semantic viewpoint wollen and künnen (which can be conjoined with wissen) can be considered two-place predicates. There are good reasons to doubt that an object complement construction can provide for the semantic interpretation of rmgen, müssen, sollen, dürfen and bedürfen. I cannot undertake here, however, an analysis of the semantics and deeper syntax of these predicates. Occasionally these predicates appear with zu + infinitive. In Pauli's editions of Geiler's sermons one finds eighteen examples of bedürfen with zu + infinitive. Examples B2 68c and E 26c below might be considered sharedobject constructions, but the remaining examples (such as Ev 186c and Bl 36b) are clearly complement constructions: B2 68c

Ei gerber bedarff mer zeessen da ein Schneider

E 26c Ich weiß wol dz ein gerber mer zeessen bedarff dan ein schneid 1 / wa sein arbeit ist grosser. 186c

Jtem Maria bedorfft nit in Tempel zegon zereinigen

Bl 36b Du sprichst / wz bedarff ich got vbel zeforchte vm meiner sünd willen sie sein mir doch v'zige /

Nine of the eighteen examples with zu + infinitive are constructions like Bl 36b with was. There are also a dozen examples of zu + inf. with dürfen, rmgen, sollen and wollen. Half of these are constructions with was. beginnen. There are only three examples of beginnen, from P and PS. The DWb lists no examples of beginnen from Geiler's works, nor was the verb common in Luther. An example follows: P 72d Ja iah hob ainen funden / d' begynnet sich gar wol nach meinem willen halten. bleiben. As in Modern German, the verbs that appear as infinitive with bleiben are Stative. Local adverbiale that appear in this construction are 2

Note, for example, the paraphrase relationship of embedded active and passive sentences with the epistemic (or conjectural) sense of müssen: (A)a. Die Einbrecher müssen die Schreibmaschine gestohlen haben, b. Die Schreibmaschine muß von den Einbrechern gestohlen worden sein. The argument proceeds here as in section 2.3. for scheinen: since these sentences are paraphrases (logical equivalents), there can be no deep structure syntactic relationship between the different surface structure subjects and the modal. Rather it seems that one is dealing with a modal predicate with a single propositional (sentential) argument: [Die Einbrecher stehl- TENSE die Schreibmaschinejg muss-J s

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positional, not directional; consequently the dative case always appears in adverbiale with local prepositions that can take either dative or accusative. There are selectional restrictions between the subject of bleiben and the verbs that appear as infinitive, indicating that the surface structure subject of bleiben is identical to the underlying subject of the infinitive. If we view bleiben as a copula type verb, then the infinitive can be derived from a proposition embedded as predicate (cf. Bierwisch 1963:43,132f) . In Middle High German this predicate was realized as a present participle; in Early New High German the present participle was marginal with bleiben (see Kehrein 111,30). The following verbs appear as infinitive with bleiben: hangen.

S 135b Als nun Absolon mit den seynen flüchtig ward / fuget es sich / das er mit seinem schonen har hangen blieb an einer eich.

hucken.

S 6Oa so glust oder zorn in jm vffgat / ... sy bleibet hucken im hertzen es sey der vernufft lieb oder leid.

kleben.

S 118b es ist kein vnseliger ding denn ein geystlich mensch / der allwegen bleibt kleben an dem falschen gesuch / seiner eygnen naturen /

ligen.

E 33a Du solt thun als der hewschreck / der bleibt nit vff dem boden ligen /

sitzen.

Bl 38a ... so kan sie niemas vß dem hauß bringen / sie bleiben stets daheime sitzen in eim winckel.

stan.

E 78d Ma sol aber nit da bleiben ston /

geraten. Sentences with this verb and infinitive behave on the surface like two-place object complement constructions. Yet on the basis of the semantic interpretation and some syntactic evidence, one can plausibly argue that geraten be considered a one-place predicate. The best argument to be made from my data concerns the surface structure subject of geraten. Consider the sentence P 61b Es gerat abend werden. The appearance of the impersonal subject es is highly constrained, it being restricted largely to meteorological predicates such as es wird abend, es graut, es regnet. Yet if we analyze geraten + infinitive as a two-place object complement construction, we must also posit this impersonal es as subject of geraten. In doing so, we are missing a generalization about the occurrence of the impersonal subject es. From the semantic point of view, sentences with geraten + infinitive involve the coming into being of that state or activity which is expressed by the infinitive and its arguments, which might best be expressed by a structure gfgies wird abend}* geraten]*' The surface structure of geraten is then wholly a derived subject, there being no restrictions between it and geraten at a deeper level of structure. Notice the diversity of the surface subjects

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that occur with geraten in the following examples, a diversity that is uncommon in two-place object complement constructions. P lO2c

Vn so er geratet altt werden ...

P 58c diß beschicht so ain mensch sein selb geratet warnemen / ... P 4a Aber wenn er sich gerat dauon keren ... Bl 65b wen ein mensch verirret in einem wald / vnd es niendert hin ka kumme / vnd die nacht gerat herzu kummen / so schreiet der selbig mensch ... B2 8b

Der knab geriet dem tyrannen wol gefallen für and'e

S 197c Das beschicht ouch einem menschen / das jm alle dise welt mitt allen iren lüstlichen dingen entpfalt / so jm geroten schmacken ewige hymliche ding /

Geraten appears twice with zu + infinitive. P 7d Also so ain mensche in seynem anfange sich geradt von der weldt zu keren / P 25d ... daz er seiner seel recht arckwenig würt / vnd ir vnd anderer menschen seelen geratet zu forchten /

thun. The periphrastic construction thun + infinitive, quite cannon in ENHG literary prose, appears only nine times in my corpus. Consider the following examples: P 95a Wie überschwenklich groß sein barmhertzigkait ist also vnzallich vn manigfaltigklich tut erzaigen /

/ die er vns

SdM 57b da sie also dort saß er begert sie alwege an zesehen / vnd thet im ie lenger ie baß gefallen / e o I 29a ... ein sollich monsch der alle ding mit so grossem lust thut forchten / Q

Ev 187c Also in dem thet Maria sich frowen ...

One can account for the form of the reflexive pronoun in Ev 187c by an object complement structure: (25) Maria thu-

Maria frow- si^Ll»™·

Sentences such as Bl 57d ... als ein äff vff dem thaoh sitzet / vnd mit anders thut dan ziegel herab werffen can also be derived fron this base structure.3 In the following example dz thun stands as a pro-VP for the topicalized conjoined infinitival phrases:

Behaghel (ll,361f) presents evidence that these constructions derive historically from thun + substantival infinitive. See, however, Weiss (1956:167ff) for counterarguments.

103 E 23a vn als Bernhardus sagt langwere in preceptis / also ful sein in de gebotte gottes allein die selbe halte vn nicht etwz grossers hinzu thun / dz solt aber ein mensch thun wan er findet dardurch rüw seiner seelen.

This periphrastic use underlies, no doubt, the auxiliary-like nature of thun in this construction. From my small sample I cannot tell Aether thun + inf. shares with tense and modal auxiliaries (except for wollen) the lack of selectional restrictions between subject and auxiliary. Example SdM 57b above with gefallen indicates, though, that in this construction thun does not need the agentive subject which we would expect with the full verb thun. turren and geturren. Both these verbs appear exclusively with the bare infinitive. Geturren appears about three times as often as turren. Although in seme uses they blend sanantically with dürfen "to have permission', I have no evidence against a two-place object complement structure for turren and geturren. Some examples follow. P 56a Alles des denen menschen gebrist· ist nichts anders- dann das sy yren aignen willenn nicht getüren gebrauchen. B2 38Aa Der ist ein eerliche person / ich gethar im nüt anthun / ich darf in kaum aurüren (=anrüren). S 6Oa sy mussent tun wie er will / vn torent sich nit wider jn setzen /

wenen 'wähnen'. This verb appears in the corpus with the bare infinitive only in a clear two-place object conplement construction. A few examples follow: P 59b Das ist ain vnnsaliger geistlicher mensch· der da wanet etwas sein vn ist doch nichts / S 76a er wenet gar gut vnnd gerecht sein / S 118a

als wir wenen / gott mit fleiß gedienet haben ...

The word order in these constructions with bare infinitive is largely, though not exclusively, coherent. We find the following coherent types: 1. main clauses: S 13Oc er bedarff sich nit vor jm besorgen / B2 43a Dauid getorst die arch nit in sein hauß neme

2. dependent clauses: a. the finite verb and the infinitive appear together at the end of the clause with the elements of VP2 and VP, preceding E 7b ... wie mans dan in den selben landen mit meersaltz bereyten kan / das es lag weret. S 83d das selb ist. Was eine menschen da zu soll bewegen. S 156b ... vnd so wir mit glimpff nüt anders gethun türen

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b. an object of V?2 precedes V, with the rest of ^ following: E 12a Zu dem fünfften sprich ich das ich euch leyen auch muß von einer omeissen sagen / Bl L6b Wan es sich begeb das man einem wolt ein ampt vff legen... S 133c ... das er die seelen mog gott dem herren gewinen ..: Types 2.a and 2.b appear as well in sentences with tense or nodal auxiliaries.

3. obj ects and adverbials from V?2 can be preposed to the head of S,: Bl 14d Zu dem schauwenden leben sollent geflissen sein alle geistliche / nämlich closter_lüt / Bl 32a da fand er ein eichbau lige / den het ein buer wolle spalte ... P 34a Wie ich mich hab selbs verwüeste. mitt vnzymlichem angreiffen. das getar ich nit gesagen.

This is the usual case with interrogative and relative pronouns: E 14b was haben ir mir wollen thun / Bl 9b Es sein dardurch andere werck die du magst thun in gotlicher liebe ... S 167c denn wir mögen nitt erleiden das üt vff vns bleib ligen / des wir wenen vnschuldig sein /

In Modem German the word order in sentences with verbs that take the bare infinitive only is always coherent. In the ENHG corpus one finds examples of non-coherent word order with this class of verbs. This does not mean, however, that Extraposition is involved in the derivation of the examples. This can be seen best in dependent clauses: Bl 14c ... wan ir ampt fordert / das sie sollen fleiß vnd sorg haben / für ire vnderthon / ... S 132c ... mit deren die vernuft des mesche zum dickre mal merckliche verblendet würt / dz er wenet got vn geistliche dig vor habe /

S 83d e das dye selbe wolte abtretten vo gott de herre ... These examples are 'non-coherent' in that no element of V?2 precedes V^. Since in ENHG the finite verb can appear in second position in dependent clauses with conjunctions which also take verb final word order, such examples may simply show main clause word order, not Extraposition out of a dependent clause with finite verb in final position (the Modern German noncoherent construction). Even when nit precedes the finite verb we cannot be sure that Extraposition is involved: Bl 83a so entpfindest du wol / dz du nit magst guts thun on die genad gots / S 82b Sehendt ir wie der selig job vnbeweglich ist beliben / das er ouch bitz in den tod nit wolt abtretten von volkömenheit.

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Notice that elements of VP^ can precede both nit and the finite verb: Bl 28b Ich sprich dz wir vff erdtreich nit möge sein on begere /dz ist vßgericht. Word order in main clauses can also be non-coherent: Bl lOb Ein teil mesche möge nit sich vff keren zu got vo ir complexion wege. ~

&

"""

Bl 36b darub so bedarff ich nit gott forchte / als du sagst. P 18a Nit bedarffestu gott alle zeit für dich nemen als deinen Schöpfer ...

4.1.2. Verbs which almost never occur with bare infinitive. There is a small number of examples of object complements with a single active (see 1.4. on passive infinitive) bare infinitive appearing with verbs which otherwise take zu + infinitive. Two of the seven examples have wollen as infinitive. understan. SdM 53a Der armen leut findestu gar vil die alwegen vnderstond die leut wellen zelachen bewegen / Bl lOc Der fierd stafel ist das ein mensch sich vßstreck vnd vnderstand G — ~ wollen volkume sein.

I find wollen with zu in the following example: P 117d dich mag niemans zwingn /zu wollen das du nitt wilt t. In subject complements the modals do not appear with zu. undervegen lassen. S 149c so solt du nit gedencken / das du auß deinem vermögen / noch auß deiner klugheit / vn fyeßheit / das erlangen mögest. Merck aber gar ebe. Darüb solt du nit vnderwegen laßen dar zu thun was du vermacht / das du geistlichen werdest / allein nit steür dich vff dein eygen tun.

The expression involved in S 149c is clearly darzu thun (cf. S 149c Jch sag aber dir / daz dich gott nit gut macht / du thuest den das dein darzu), with zu Standing here for both preposition and complementizer. understan. SdM 5c-d daz vnderstund er mit den henden zerspalten / vnnd das holtz schnallet zu ...

This could also be ze + erspalten, though zerspalten is far more cannon. gewonen. Ev lO3b die gewont hond den lästern widersto die kummet es leichter an dann andere. verbieten. E 58d wan got hat dir ye verböte semliche ding vo zaubern suchen / bewegen. S 19c Sittenmal nun alle ding gott gehorsam sind / sol einen menschen billich bewegen / das er in allen dingen gehorsam sey / dem himelischen viter in fleißiger haltüg seiner gebott vn willens / die selben in allen dingen getrüwlich volstrecken vnd sy in keinerlei weise übertreten.

The subject of bewegen is the sittenmal-clause. Since bewegen takes object complements with daß + finite verb or with zu + infinitive, it appears that

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one switched from finite complement to Infinitival complement in the second and third conjoined propositions, then dropping the zu, as often happens in conjoined infinitival clauses (see 1.4.). 4.1.3. Verbs with bare infinitive and zu + infinitive anfohen. Out of the more than 200 examples in the corpus, those with zu + infinitive are about three times as numerous as examples with bare infinitive. There is no marked tendency for infinitive phrases with adverbials or objects to occur with zu + infinitive, rather than with the bare infinitive; in fact about eighty percent of the examples with bare infinitive have objects or adverbials versus about sixty percent for zu + infinitive. Anfahen appears with diverse types of surface subjects and may signal the beginning of an activity as well as an active undertaking by an agentive subject; this suggests that we are dealing with both one- and two-place complement constructions. Based on Bl 28a-b Im sahreibe fieng es an regne 'While he was writing it began to rain1, we can advance the argument for a one-place construction given above in the discussion of geraten (4.I.I.): we lose generality by positing the highly restricted impersonal es subject for anfahen as well as for regnen. Rather, the surface subject of anfahen is derived directly from the deep subject of regnen. Thus no superficial subject appears in E 36a ... gleich so facht im an zu träumen von wasser because no subject exists in the embedded sentence im traun- von wasser. I propose, then, two basic underlying constructions: a two-place construction with agentive subject, S 44b denn faht er an spärlich zebrauche alles dz ...

SdM 27b die fiengen ob tisch an hinder reden vnd eer abschneide / and a one-place construction with sentential subject: S 219d Nym ein gleichs im kessel mit heissem wasser / so bald du dz feür danen zeühest / so facht er an zu kalten / P 36d Ain wasser das altzeyt still stat / vnd nit bewegt wirt / das fahet gewonlich an zustincken vnd wachßent wurm darinn. S 223d

dz sy jm anfahe zu schmacke / vnd lustliche zu werde

E 9c die fingerlin fahen an rot werden / Cf. beginnen. PS 213 ... und begund im die weit so fast lieben, daz er sin gaistlich leben und gewand gantz verliess ...

For some speakers of Modern German beginnen and anfangen are voice neutral, i.e., sentences with embedded active and passive sentences are paraphrases (see scheinen, section 2 . 3 . ) .

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anheben. This verb occurs only in P and in Bible passages in Ev: three times with bare infinitive and twenty-one times with zu + infinitive. Most exanples appear with personal subject in a two-place object complement construction. P 25c also dz er anhebt in seinem hertzen sich seiner Sünden zu schämen. P 25c Den hebt er an / sich zu hassen / ...

aufhören (vffhören). As with anfahen, exanples with zu + infinitive are about three times as numerous as exanples with the bare infinitive. About sixty percent of the exanples with zu + infinitive have an object or adverbial in VPp versus about thirty percent of the examples with bare infinitive. As with anfahen, we can distinguish on the basis of semantic interpretation a two-place construction with agentive subject, B2 12d als lang ir nit h$ren vff Sünden /als lang wil ich nit vffhoren zu schryen darwid' and a one-place construction with sentential subject: — e S 219d wen das selb feür vffhort brennen / so würt er kalt.

Bl 27a Deßgleichen wasser hört nit vff zefliessen / bis in dz mer. P 88d do hört es auf zu wachssen ...

Anfahen, anheben and aufhören (plus infinitive or zu + infinitive) take both coherent and non-coherent word order. Because of the constraints on the placement of the particles an and auf(vff), main clause coherent word order takes the form of P 34b so fahet die welttliah liebe in jm an tz% wurtzlen, S V3 so fach ioh dich an außzewerfen auß meine mund; versus non-coherent P 34b . . . so hebt sy doch wider an in dir zewurtzlen, P 102a-b so fach ich an dich auß zu spirtzen auß meim mund. There are only a dozen examples of main clause coherent word order, all with anfahen + zu infinitive. Exanples of main clause non-coherent word order are legion. In dependent clauses and in sentences with tense or modal auxiliaries non-coherent word order is far more comnon. Coherent word order takes the following form: B2 51c

Es ist den wen du dich anfahest rumen vnd lobest dich selber.

P 19c allso wenn ain mensch das anhebt zu betrachten / ... P lO5b so mügend ir wider durch aynen neüwen anmut got mit froden anfahn zu diene

Objects of V2 may be preposed to the head of S,: P 82a

den fahest du an zebrauchn

A 56c die ding ... die facht er an darnach in einer leutere / vnd in einer klarheit zu sehe

108

gam, kwmen and other verbs of motion. gan. We can divide the infinitival complements that appear with this verb into three types. First there are expressions of purpose or goal. This type blends with a use of gan which approaches that of an auxiliary. The third type is manner adverbiale. Like most verbs which take an animate subject, gan can appear with a purpose clause with zu + infinitive. It differs from nearly all other verbs in that the expression of goal or purpose may be realized on the surface as an infinitival clause with the bare infinitive. Compare the following examples with zu + infinitive and with the bare infinitive: PS 136-7 Davon sprach Christus:'Ich gon, (ich die statt ze beraiten. 1 P 3Oa Wenn aines an aim sontag oder sunst an ainem geboten feirtag / nit wolt in ain kirchen geen ain meß zu hören... SdM 3Od vnd mit vff geschlagnen äugen bettet er / vnnd must weit gon wasser holen.

In most examples of gan + infinitive one does not find the force of the full verb gan plus an expression of purpose, but rather a range of interpretations involving various combinations of motion and goal. These semantic facts are reflected syntactically by the occurrence of either directional or place adverbials in constructions with gan (cf. Bech 1955:$232): E 13a wan ma zu baden ist / so zeugt man einem ein Omeißen kunig wan man vff die matten spacieren gat / E 78b wan yr zu den heide gon essen / so essen was man euch fürsetzt / vnnd fragen nicht. Bl 34d die gelerten sehe daraffter / ietz in sancto Thoma / ietz in Scoto gen sie gaffen /

E 22d nit allwege im wüst vn im kat daraffter go knette / The expression of motion or goal often diminishes to the point where gan is merely a carrier of person, number, tense and mood markers: Ev 60a Der zymmerman / wann er das hauß gemachet hat / so gat er darnach sterben / er bedarff nit bei dem hauß bleiben. In an Alemarmic dialect such as Züritütsch, in which gan and kummen have developed even more auxiliary-like characteristics, these verbs still differ from tense and modal auxiliaries in that they do not occur with all verbs (Hale 1966:131). We can account for Ev 60a by establishing gan as a special kind of verbal which subcategorizes verbs (Kale's approach for go and choo in Züritütsch). From the data it appears, however, that we are not dealing with twj discreet classes of constructions but rather a continuum which ranges from gan + purpose clause to gan as an auxiliary-like verbal.

109

A third recognizable structure is gan plus a type of manner adverbial realized as a bare infinitive or zu + infinitive: Bl 61d Ein metzger der f ü r t ein schwein gebunden a u f f das schlach hauß Es gat stets vor im anhir, zu todt wintzlen vnnd wintzlen. Ev 82b Vn es geschähe da sie redte vn miteinand 1 gienge fragen vn Jesus nahenet vnd gieng mit in. A 33c er ist auch gleich den lüten die da wollen vff eine roiwagen sitzen / so gat einer vmb de wagen zu dreppeln ...

Note similar examples with nachgan, vmbgan and vmblaufen: 13Od Der abt der kranck vnd schwach was / der stund vff vnnd gieng dem iugen nach schwacke / SdM 78b

Es ist

so der man im hauß vmbget brumen /

Bl 57c ... wan ewer widersach l a u f f t vmb brumlen / als ein Lew vn sucht wen er mög zerzerren.

kummen. Like gan, kummen takes a purpose clause with bare infinitive as well as zu 4- infinitive: Ev 19Oa Es seint fürsprechen vnd aduocatnn (=-ten) die da kummen ein sach hellfen gewinen vnd den sententz zu vberkumen E 9d

einer

... sprach ma solt kumme ein kind tauffe

The bare infinitive (as well as the past participle and the present participle) appears in manner adverbiale with kwnmen ·. E 83c Es kumpt etwan dein kind laufen zu dir vn hat ein rotz in d 1 nassen hangen / Bl 96Bb Es so! gar kostlich sein / wen mein iunckher daher kumpt gon in d' hauben.

Kimmen with purpose clause is to be distinguished from kummen with object complement with zu + infinitive, which expresses essentially a result and is related structurally to kummen + zu + NP: P 70a Ach sprachest du / iah mag noch lange tzeit leben Jch kumme noch wol· mein sünd zu reüaen vnd zu beichten / an meinem lotstenn ende. Aufs tan appears with the bare infinitive and with zu + infinitive in an expression of purpose. £>

Bl 33c Dich früret wan du solt vffston got diene/öd 1 sunst etwas nutzlichs thun. B2 66b du stündest gern an dem morgen fru vff bette / vn gingest gern zu kirchen / Ev 168c Du stost am morgen fru vff zekotzen / du bist am ai>ent vol gesein / das du es nit magst behalten /

Verbs of position Ligen, sitzen and stan take adverbial complements with bare infinitive and with.zu + infinitive. The most cannon and most diverse of these constructions is ligen + zu + infinitive, with thirty-six examples in the corpus.

110

Ligen. In the basic meaning 'to be lying down' ligen takes both infinitive and zu + infinitive: Bl 92c was sollet sie / die da müsig gond vff der gassen / vnd den hurenn nach laufen / Vnd ligen vff den bencken da schlaffen / 2O2d die handtwercks lüt sei vff vnd du ligest an dem bedt zefulen / SdM 82b du thust wie ein sau / die gat mit den fussen in dem trog / vnd hat den trussel auch darin / vnd leit also in dem treck zewulen.

In more general and abstract senses ligen appears largely with zu + infinitive. These senses range from ligen as a general indication of location (as found in other constructions with ligen) to the continuation of a state or persistence in an activity. In these uses the place adverbials which appear with ligen and the verbs which appear as infinitive are far less constrained, of course, than with ligen 'to be lying down'. Some examples follow. A 15a-b Vnnd ligen also inn dißen zeytlichen dingen zu sudle vnd zu nyellen mitt vnnßeren anmieren / vnnd mit vnßeren gedencken ebe als ein saw inn dem wüst vnnd inn dem mist leit zu sydelen vnd zu niellen Ev lO7a

... so ligen wir zesuge an disen zeitlichen dingen.

Ev lO9b Aber die kaufflüt vnnd die grempen / vnd ander der glychen / die ligen den ganzen tag zeschwadern vnd zeschwetzen. B2 28c Es seind nicht gute schützen die lang in der nasen ligen zegriblen ee sie vß trucken / sie thun nymmer kein gute schütz / wann sie lang in der nasen suchen. Es seind auch nicht gute Schreiber die lag in der federn ligen zeblasen vnd blasen. S 73c Dauon sprichtt sanctus Bernhardus zu seinen bruderen / liebe brSder es gebürt vns nit das wir also ligen zu suchen an den gebotten / sunder den volkommen willen gotts vnderston zu volbringe zc. ( c f . Zacher's translation, p.173: Liebe Brüder, es geziemt sich nicht, daß wir immer herumsuchen an den Geboten, . . . ) (with bare infinitive) Bl 16c das kumpt da har / dz ettwan ein solicher mensch ligt betten / der erwirbt dir semlich gnad / vn weistu nicht darumb.

Prepositional expressions with ligen may also take an infinitival complement (see also 4.9.): Ev !O9d-llOa ... dan hast du deine hend vff deinen nechsten / der dir befolhen ist / wann du im in den oren ligst zu manen / zu straffen / als ein biderbman / der ein iuge frawen hat / vnd sie gern frum behielte / der ligt ir stetigs in den oren zelißnen vnd zeblasen / vor dem hut dich / das vnd das. Bl 62d Es sind aber etlich esselschi menschen die nit wed ( ' w o l l e n ' ) thun / ma straff sie den vn schlach sie / ma muß stets vff in lige treibe.

Ill

Sitzen also takes an adverbial complement with bare infinitive or zu + infinitive: SdM 2Ob Einer saß einist in eim wirtzhaus spilen / vnd verlor was er hette / SdM 33c

in dem treck sitzen sie zu kracken ('quaken')

stan. I have no examples of s tan + infinitive, but this construction is well attested in Early New High German. In the corpus we find s tan + zu + infinitive, of which two examples follow. E 19d Vnd ich Johannes Geiler von Keisersperg wurd bald .Ixiiii. alt / vnnd stand noch hie zu schryen vnd zu bellen.

iar

34a ... so sollen ir nit gleich werden den gleißnern / die in den wincklen der straß steend zubetten / das sie gesehen werden von den leuten.

In the discussion of gan and kummen above I listed examples of this type of adverbial complement which is realized on the surface as an infinitive. A few other verbs appear in the corpus with this complement: E 49c Das du lieber bettest knüwen / dan sto / ston dan sitzen / nit vnrecht.

ist

E 36d Da entschlieff sie also sitzen / SdM 22a dem erschein zu nacht in dem schlaff der streng richter gottes inn seiner maiestat vff dem richtstul sitzen / Ev 82b Wz ist dise red die ir zusame thun wandlen / ...

haben. This verb appears with the bare infinitive in several constructions: (1) with the infinitive of the modals and several other verbs instead of the past participle, (2) in a three-place construction similar to that with finden (see 4.3.2.) A 22c-d Es was ein frosch der saß in einer laohen / vnnd hett seine iungen frosohlin bey im sitzen /; (3) in the surface construction haben + gut + infinitive. Of this latter construction I have found examples only of gut machen haben and etwas gut maohen haben: E 63b Es spricht macher sunder die heiligen hond gut machen gehebt / sie hetten gots gnad vn haben nüt gelitten. B2 18c wenn man dir fürhaltet die gedult Cristi / oder vo seiner demut oder küscheit / so sprichest du gleich / er hett gut machen er was got vnd mensch / vnnd thet wie er wolt /

In the Modern German construction haben + gut + infinitive, gut can be considered an adverbial of the infinitive (see Bech 1955:§107 and DWb IV, 1. Abt., 6.T., 1326). For Early New High German one cannot rule out the possibility that the infinitive was felt to be a substantive and gut an attributive

112

adjective (cf. DWb IV, 2.Abt.,66). On the other hand, we find clear examples of a predicate gut 'leicht' haben with zu + infinitive. 9c Nun merck drü ding / wan du dy dry ding weist / so hastu gar gut die zwölff donerklopf zu verston in dem euangelio. PS 246 Du darft den Job nit fast rumen darumb, daz er grecht ist: diewil er gesund und fry ist, gnug hat und im wolgät: so hat er gutt, ainfaltig und frumm ze sin. PS 255 Ist denn Job umbsuss gotzforchtig, ainfaltig and grecht? Er hat gut wol ze tünd, diewils im nach allem sinem willen gät.

If haben + gut + zu + infinitive indeed evolved from haben + gut + infinitive, then the speakers of such sentences have analyzed haben + gut + infinitive as a predicate gut haben which takes an infinitival complement. leren/lernen. Both these verbs meaning 'learn' appear in a two-place object complement construction with bare infinitive or with zu + infinitive. Leren appears twice as often in both constructions as does lernen. For both verbs examples with the bare infinitive occur about ten times as frequently as examples with zu + infinitive. All examples of leren and lernen with zu + infinitive are non-coherent. Two-place constructions with lehren/lernen + bare infinitive can be either coherent or non-coherent. _

Q

Non-coherent: P 131b ... Das wir also lernen vnser zungn zamen / Coherent: S 13Ob das ein mensch mitt seiner vernunfft / vnd verstentnüß got den herren ler erkonnen /

meinen. This verb appears with the bare infinitive and with zu + infinitive in both its major meanings, 'think, believe' and 'intend1. Examples with zu + infinitive appear about four times as frequently as examples with the bare infinitive. The complement with zu + infinitive is clearly favored for the meaning ' intend'. A few examples follow. "believe 1 S 66c er meinet jm ein gefallen geton habn E 61d So nun das sanctu Paulum nitt halff / was meinstu sicher zesein. 1

intend' E 45d da Esaias hat weißgesagt / dz got sie wurd geben in die hend des künigs Asirioru da suchten sie hilff vo de künig von Egipteland / vn meinte Gots ordenung damitt brechen. S lO3a dauon ward sein hertz erhaben daz er meinet alle andere reich vnd lender die vmb j n waren / jm zynßbar zu machen.

There are both coherent and non-coherent examples with each complementizer. See 4.3.1. for the accusative and infinitive construction with meinen.

113

4.2.

Two-place Object Complement Constructions with zu + Infinitive

4.2.1. Shared-object constructions and object complements. Many verbs which take object complements can also take noun objects, which in sane instances may have an infinitival couplament, producing what I have called a "sharedobject" construction. In the clearest examples the case of the object is governed by V,, not V„: S 113b ... darumb das er sollicher taglicher schulden nit achtet zu vermeiden / vnd ir also gewonet hat S 43b Do muß man hyn ein üben vnd also durch brechen. Wer das nit thut/der ding an jm selber nitt war nympt zu besseren / der bleibt als er ist — — o e— — S V5 den sy nemen sich also vil diges an zu erkonen das sy nit möge muß haben ir selbs war ze neme P 129b Czu dem .xl. seind vngeschafne wort / der sich ain mensch solt beschämen zu reden. S lO6b Der mensch gloubt nitt das gott sey / der die ding in gegenwürtigkeyt gottes heymlichen thut / deren er sich öffentlichen vor den menschenn entsitzt / oder beschämt zu volbringen. P 9Oc ... das Christus Jesus vnser lieber herr mit seinen liebn lungeren / sich mangels vnd bloßhait geflissen hat zu leiden. S 162d Es ist ouch on allen zweifei / eyn große vnsynn an einem menschen / der sich on billiche notdürftige sach / frSmder geschefft / vn vnmuß vnderwinden zu erfaren / oder auß zu richten

The most interesting interrelationship of shared-object construction and object complement construction is shown by haben. From a synchronic point of view, haben occurs (1) in the meaning 'possess, have' in a shared-object construction; (2) as a modal predicate with the infinitive of intransitive verbs or verbs with dative or genitive objects and (3) in construction with verbs that take accusative object, with a blending of shared-object and modal characteristics. Historically the development must have been (1)> (3)> (2) (see Behaghel,$728): the accusative object of haben was first reinterpreted as the accusative object of the infinitive, with a focusing of the modality present in the infinitival complement in shared-object constructions upon the main verb haben. The reinterpretation of these constructions as haben (= modal predicate) + object complement accounts for the presence of verbs which do not take accusative objects as infinitive in this construction. Consider the following examples with shared-object: Ev 25d

Sie habe keine wein (v'stad für zusetzen den geste) o I 2a ... die mich duncken fuglich sein diser materij / so ich vor mir hab üch zusage".

S 133c vnd kurtz allen denen die yemans vnder ynen hond zu regiere / als vatter vnd muter ir kind ...

114 Now S 133c with haben + accusative object and relative infinitival complement could reasonably be paraphrased by the following construction with relative clause: S 14d Aber wo personen sind in geistlichem oder weltliche stSt / die & P niemans vnnder jnen hond dem sy sollen oder mußen gebietten ... . Haben + accusative object + relative clause, rather than a shared-object construction, is necessary here because gebieten, unlike regieren, takes a dative object. In order for the equivalent of S 133c and S 14d to be expressed in an infinitival construction with gebieten the modality must be shifted to haben·. S 14d So ist einem / der den andren zu gebieten hat / gnug / daz .... In this last example haben displays different semantic and syntactic behavior than in S 133c: no longer possible is the prepositional phrase -under ynen, for haben now takes just an infinitival object complement. Seme further examples with verbs without accusative object follow: Bl 15a Gleich als man einen roß thut / wan einer noch ferr hat zereiten in die stat / vnd es wil spat werden / B2 42a-b Ey du bist noch iung vnd starck / du hast noch lang zuleben / B2 67d Jm brist das er alt ist / der man ist arm / er hat ym selber nit zehelffen / g P 2d er war lüstig gescheid vnd erfaren aller d 1 ding damit sein vatter zu hantyeren net.

Zu essen haben and zu trinken haben do not display the strong modality of other constructions without accusative object, cf. E 26d der ein mag im bad nit trinck~e der ander muß zetrincken haben. These must result from late deletion of an indefinite pro-object (cf. PS 132 da stund Jhesus an dem gestad und rufft inen, ob su utz ze essen hettind ...). Gewinnen appears with infinitival phrases which occur connmly with haben: vil zu sorgen gewinnen, vil zu thun gewinnen, vil zu schaffen gewinnen. Semantically gewinnen represents an inchoative of haben in these expressions. Like haben, gewinnen also occurs without an accusative object: S 99c der selbig mag sich nit enthalten / er gibt eine widerhal wie ein lev faß / das yederman mit jm zu schaffen gewinnet. "Hie expressions für sich fassen, herfür nemen, and herfür ziehen appear in a problematic construction with the infinitives betrachten and gedencken. P 98d Zeuch alles das herfür zu betrachten ... P 97d Nym herfür tzu betrachten / das got das ewig wort ist worden.

mensch

S 142a solche vnnütze bild vn gedenck muß eines in jm selber vndertrucken / damit das er ein anders für sich fasse zu betrachten.

115

P 19c ... ob du vnnderweillen zwu oder drey stund bey dir selber sitzest vnnd herfür zeüchest zu betrachten dein ellennd vnnd deine gebresten. S 129b Deßgeleichen du im closter / magst herfür zyehen zu gedencke / wie dich got so vftterlichen erloßet hat / von den manigfaltigen vntzallichen stricken dißer weit ...

The word carder and position of the virgule in most of these examples point to a. shared-object construction in which not only abstract objects are shared by both main clause predicate and infinitive, but also sentential objects with daß or wie, which do not generally occur as object of für sich fassen, herfür nemen and herfür ziehen alone. 4.2.2. Examples from the corpus. A large number of verbs appear in a twoplace object complement construction with zu + infinitive. According to the principles of EQUI outlined in 1.2. and 4.0.5., in two-place object complement constructions the underlying subject of the infinitive is deleted under identity with the subject of the matrix verb. A sentence such as deyne sinn begeren sioh zu erlustigen in irdischen dingen which is a simplified version of P 34c Darurrib sind auch deyne sin also girig vnd begeren sich zu erlustigen in irdischen dingen, would be derived from the following structure: (26)

NP. Det

N

I

I

deyne sinn

V

I

öeger-

COMP ZU

NP'

A

Det

N

V

\

deyne sinn erlustig-

Prep Phr

l \ Det

I

deyne

/ \

N Prep

NP

I inI Adj/\N

sinn

irdischen dingen

116 The reflexive pronoun object of the infinitive results from the normal application of the reflexivization transformation in 82- EQUI subsequently deletes the subject of S2 under identity with the subject of S,. Such "agreement" of the reflexive pronoun object of the infinitive with the subject of the main verb is found in examples with ansohlahen, begehen, gedeneken, getrauwen, gewonen, pflegen, suchen, vnderstan, verdienen, verziehen, warten, wissen, I list here at least one example of each verb which appears in a two-place object complement construction with zu + infinitive. In addition, I include cross-reference to verbs which appear in twoplace constructions with zu + infinitive and are discussed elsewhere. £

ablassen. S lib Aber wenn ein mensch ablat die gebot gottes mit ernst zehalten / zehand fachet er an abnemen in der liebi / e achten. S IlOd da ein mensch übertritt die gebott gotes vnd sein gelubd nit achtet sein leben zu straffen nach der geschrifft / (479) Argumentum falsae spei habet, qui praecepta divina & vota transgreditur, non curans vitam suam corrigere secundum scripturam... anfahen.

see 4.I.3.

angreifen. I 3Oa sunder du solt dich außstrecken / vnd auch angreifen / got zu gefallen ... S 157a aber du solt mit ernst angreiffen vn vnderstan deinem geist zu leben / anheben, see 4.I.3. anschlahen. E 2Oa ...dz ein bischoff anschlecht etwas ab zustellen / das vnrecht ist / arbeiten. S 42b Es sol nit allein arbeyten zehalten die gebott / bloß dz er da mitt der hellen entweich. Sunder er soll streitten / zu überkörnen dye waren volkomnen tugenden. aufhören, see 4.1.3. auserwelen. ( c f . erwelen) P 88d Darumb so solt du die selbigen straß in allwegn außerwelen zu wandelen / bedeuten. B2 2Ob als Paulus spricht (Templum dei sanctum est) Der tempel gottes ist heilig das seind ir / vnd was man in dem tempel thut / das bedütet ettwas in der Seelen zuthun. bedürfen,

see 4.1.1.

begeren. PS 191 ...der begert alweg dem menschen daz recht og uszebrechen betrachten, 'trachten nach 1 S 165a yetz reden sy ein wortt / vnd über ein weil aber eines / vnd also zwüschen yetweder red / betrachten sye sich [ s i c ( ? ) ] zu liegen / oder die gesprochnen lügen zu vertreche / daz man sy nit merck dürfen. see 4.1.1. eiJen. S 65a Das betzeüget sanctus Augustinus vnnd sprichet. Der herr hat geeylet den sünder zu erledige von der beschwerung oder peinigung seiner conscientz / (467) Qui, teste D. Augustino, sie festinat absolvere peccatorem a tormento conscientiae suae, ...

117 entpfangen. S 179a ... Die seel die da ein mal hat von dem herren geleert vnd entfangen / ein zugon / zu ir selbs / vnd in iren aller innerlichesten zu seüfftzen die gegenwürtikeit gottes / ( 4 9 7 ) Quae enim anima semel a Domino didicit et accepit intrare ad seipsum, et in intimis suis Dei praesentiam suspirare ... entsitzen. SdM 4Ob ... das er nit achtet oder entsitzt de andren menschen zu betrieben Q

erkennen. S 192c Das sind die monschen / die got vor ougen hond vnd jm getreüwlich dienen / die weiß vnd erkont got der herr zu erlosen vonn betrubtnüß ... Ev lO7b Sein allmechtigkeit die erken zu forchten / wan wir vns nicht zu im keren. erleiden. S 134c Es ist aber leyder dartzu körnen / daßs man nyme will noch mag erleiden / schaden der seien zu fürkomen. erligen. SdM 67a Vnnd widerum saget er den reichen heimlich / dz sie solte erligen guts ze thun /

nit

erwelen. I 67b Wen niemants sol erwelen wider gott zethun / ö d 1 in erzürne / erwinden. S 83d daß er ... zu dem vierden / nit erwinde zu haben ein inbrünstige begierd zu zuneme / fechten. Bl 19c wa ein solicher mensch würt stercker zewiderston so er flehtet allein zu sein ... forchten. P 59d Du forchtest / tzu uerlieren die ding welche dir anmutig sind gan. see 4 . I . 3 . gedencken. A 2c ...dan dz du gedenckest gottes willen zethun/vnd nut anders. geheissen. I 35a ...deß halb das du es geheißen hast zethund ... geloben. E 14c Jtem wan einer gelobt hat geistlich zu werden ... geraten, see 4.1.1. geren. PS 209 gert üwer wyshait me darvon ze hören, so wellint wir wyter davon reden. geschweigen. PS 2O1 ...ich wil jetz geschwygen, nach wirdikait des aller hailgosten sacramentz ze reden. getrauwen. S 183a du ... sprichst mit vermessenheit in deinen Sünden / ich getrawe dennocht zu gott zu körnen / gewonen. Ev Sie damit gewont dann ein mensch gutes zewircken ... haben, see 4 . 2 . I . hoffen.

B2 22a Das seind die / die da hoffe zu ewigen leben zekummen /

kommen ( c f . also 4.1.3.) P 7Oa ich mag noch lange tzeit leben Jch kumme noch wol mein sünd zu reüwen vnd zu beichten / an meinem lotstenn ende. leiden. S 209c wenn einem mensche die frag / oder deren gleychen fürgehalten würt ob er ee wolt leiden zu sein / eynen tag im feür / weder verwilligen in eyn todsünd ... leücknen. S 199d do hatt er auß dem jüdischen glauben / in dem er gebore ward geloicknet zu sein ein sun der tochter Pharanois.

118 leren/lernen. ligen.

see 4.1.3.

see 4.1.3.

meiden.

S 39c er sol meide dick vil oder lang zebaden...

meinen.

see 4.I.3.

mercken. P 26c ...vn maint daz billich zu thund / so er merckett ain wolgefallen tzu haben in gott dem Herren ... pflegen. P 86a Also pflegen arm leüt die wenig gebratens oder Stockfisch haben / vil tzibelen daran zu machen ... schweren. SdM 21c-d wen du schwerest dein ee zebrechen / oder einen zeschlahen da schwerest du vnbilliche ding sitzen.

see 4.I.3.

sollen.

see 4.1.1.

sparen. S 195a ...das ein mensch / der da seinen reüwen vnd penitentz / vnd gute werck zu würcke sparet / bitz an sein letstes end / ... spülgen. I_2Ob Vn deßhalb / so spülget ma die seek, zu teile ... S 2O5a wen zum dickren mal spülge vnd pflegen solliche seüfftzungen / vnd trehenen zu entspringen vnnd her zu körnen auß betrachtuge der hellen ...

This word became rare in the 15th century and disappeared from the Sotoiftspraohe in the 16th century (DVb X, 2.Abt., . .,226). The 15O8 edition of Predigen teütsch has: P 142c Zum dritten deßhalb wann es heut d" maitag ist/ an dem man spylet e o e die heusser. e (= (?) spylget) maien vnd bäume auftzurichten vnd stecken für The 151O edition (Augsburg: H. Otmar) has: 142c ...an dem man pfliget mayen vnd bäum aufftzurichten... stan.

see 4.1.3.

stan lassen. 168b So man hüt kertze treit / so wil ich lassen ston zu reden allegorice vnd anagogice. streiten. P 115d ...so streit er doch in seinem hertzn / die arbait zu tragen ... Stupfen, (see Dtfb X, 4.Abt.,562; Schmidt, Hist.Hb. ,346) Bl 96c ...wa er hat gestupft ein eilen nit neher zegeben / den ebenn vm die vier schilling / suchen. S 148d ...die / die da me fliehen herte ruhe vn vnkumliche ding / vn me suche ires leibes Zartheit genug zu thund ... traiwen. B2 49d Aber so ein solicher ... truwet sunst in keinem stat gott baß zedienen dan das er im closter gang /oder ein priester werd. umbgan. see 4.I.3. understan. SdM 48a ...wie wol daz d 1 hinder reder vnderstedt eine zebringenn vmb sein guten leumbden / der schelter vnderstet einen zebringen vmb sein eer / underwegen lassen. E 79Ad-78a ...vnd wann er vnderwegen laßt dz selbig schuldig werck zerichte i got so thu er ein todsünd.

119

verachten. Ev 156d Ein manlich gemüt verachtet ein ietlich ding zu rechen verdienen. Ev 153b Daru so v'dient sie dz kindlin Jesum zusehen / verdingen. Ev 12Ob da hast du so vil buw in die reben verdinget zetragen da vff den acker / da de stall zemisten ... vergessen. PS 218 Oder wond er, daz gott vergesse die gutten werch ze belonen und daz arg ze straffen? verheissen. SdM 72a er hat sunst v'heissen soliche ding zeuerschweigen / vnd bei im zebehalten. Bl 61d vn wen denn ein mensch also gethut / vn verheyßt vn globet das vn das nit zu essen ... verloben. P 84a darumb hast du verlobt eelich zu werdn. vermeiden. S 47d sy haben vermitten an zesehen wolgezierte gerten mit lustlichen bourne vn springenden brunen ... (461) ...quod fugerent urbium atque hominum frequentias, hortulos suburbanos ... vermeinen. PS 179 Also habent ir gehört worin die hailikait des menschen bestat und wie die natur alweg darwider strebt und vermaint, den menschen darvon ze ziechen. vermügen. SdM 82d ...vnnd sieht das er on got nichts vermag zu entpfliehen... verschmähen. P 97d der hatt nit verschmacht in der zeit, vmb vnserent willen geborenn tzu werden, von Marien der iunckfrauwen. verwerfen/verschmähen. S 199d wenn er verwarff vnnd verschmachte / den adel / vnnd zu sein ein sun des küniges / verzeihen. S 69c-d Vnnd zum dritten ist es / daz wir vertzeyhenn vnsere volkomne werck zu volbringen / vff das die kranckenn davon nit werden geergeret. (468-469) si etiam perfectionis opera, quae fieri et non fieri licet, ne infirmi scandalizentur, non facere disponamus. verziehen (see DtibXII, I.Abt, 2512) S 5Ob ... daz sy an im [Samson] solt erfare wo jm sein sterck lag / vn als er ir dz lag v'zoch zu sage / weinet sy vor jm ... warten._ Bl 38a Ein gut hertz wartet nit got zedienen bis das man es zwinge m u ß . . . wissen. P 114a er ist dir dienstlich, er ist dir behilflich du waist sein zu geniessen. wollen, see 4.1.1.

Two-place object complement constructions with zu + infinitive can occur in both coherent and non-coherent word order. These types are outlined in 4.0.4., where examples from this construction are given. 4.2.3. Reflexive verbs. Most of the reflexive verbs which appear with infinitival conplements are logically two-place predicates but superficially three-place predicates. Like three-place predicates, they seldom occur in coherent word order. The third argument which appears on the surface, the reflexive pronoun, is not necessary, however, for semantic interpretation.

120

Thus at a deep level of structure they occur only with a subject and an object complement as arguments. We can account for these facts by marking obligatorily reflexive verbs for a transformation which copies the subject in an objective case and position. This object is then reflexivized by the reflexive transformation. In Early New High German only the accusative object receives a form (sich) which differs from the anaphoric pronouns. One reflexive pronoun stands apo koinou (for the reflexive objects of V.. and V^) in word order types in which the two reflexives would otherwise stand together: E 87c Aber den weg hören nit gern die hoffertigen menschen / beschäme sich zedemütigen gegen irem nechsten /

sie

P 143c so werden su erschreckt vn fleissent sich zu gleichfSrmign / denen . . . ( c f . P 143d Wider dise stuck sol sich nymans andren leütn gleichförmigen) S 20b Mer er vnderstat sich ouch mitt Worten zu entschuldige ...

S 20b could also be an example of understan rather than sich understan. Examples of reflexive verbs with object complement follow. accusative reflexive: g

sich annemen. P 42b Vnnd darumb wollicher mensch sich an nympt / iunge menschen in irem anfang von tugentlichem leben ab zuziehen ... sich arbeiten. S 153a vns sey dennocht not / das wir vns arbeiten / mer tugenden zu überkämen / vnd darinn für zufaren. sich beschämen. E 51d ... die hoffertige die sich beschäme kertzen zetragen an der liechtmeß sich entsitzen. S 21Oa-b ...doch von stund an / noch dem schmertze entsitzt er sich nit die sünd die er also beweinet hat / oder andere sünd z8 volbringen. sich erbieten. SdM 21d ...vnnd er erbütet sich das recht darumb zethun / sich ergeben. Ev 171b ich wolt mich gätze ergebe ir zediene / sich erzeigen. Bl lO7c-d Also reichtum gelt vnd gut sagt dir zu / vnd erzogt sich / dich reich zemachen vnd thut es aber nit ... sich fleißen. P 145b Der ist warlich ain narr / der da sich fleyßt zu gefallen ainem narren / sich fröwen. P 52c Aber die genad frowt sich schmach zu leiden vmb den namen jesu. o o sich fugen. A 2Oc Es ist nicht bessers ... wil er wider anfahen sich zu besseren dan das er sich füg vil bey gutten leutten zesein / sich fürchten. S 85a er forcht sich nit got seinen herren an zubette. sich geben. P 8c den mag er sich geben zu steigen vff den ändern bühel der ainikeit / oder ain ainsidel leben zu füren. sich hüten. SdM 62c ... sol man sich hutten die wort / in dene die feigheit steckt nit zelesen oder ze rede in ernst ... — e o sich müssigen. I 59a . . . a u f f das er sich nimer mussige gott an zuhangen...

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an sich nemen, S 26d er hat an sich genomen zetragen alle menschliche gebrestenn / für sich nemen. B2 17a so hab ich für mich genumme / vns zu lere wie wir die alten hüser ab sollen breche ... auf" sich nemen. S 62c Das beschicht nit allein de leyen / in d 1 weit / mer euch denen die klosterleben zehalten vff sich genomen hond / für sich setzen. SdM 22c Vnnd sie folgten ym aber vnnd satzten steiff sich das zuhalten ...

für

sich schämen. Bl 42b ... das sich nyemans mer schampt vnrecht zethun ... sich schicken. SdM 69d Als so du zesamen gesamelt bist in deinem hertzen / vnd hast dich geschickt gott zedienen ... &

~

sich üben. S 117d das heißet wäre froid in got / da ei mensch on vnderlaß sich übet / für zu faren ... sich understan. PS 66 ... do ain zart jungfrowklich bild sich understät die scharpfen pin der rädar ze liden ... sich underwinden. I 67a-b Es stat eim knecht nitt zu / das er sich vnderwind me zu wissen von de gescheffte seines herrens / weder seinen dienst antrifft / sich vermessen. S 15Oa Das heißet vermessenheit / da sich einer vermisset/ hoher zu körne weder er mag. • sich versehen. P 113a ... do er ytzundan / sich versach durch den leiplichn tod von jnen zu schaiden ... sich verwegen, 'sich entschliessen'. PS 26O Do er also allain, bekümret und trüpt, verlassen von allen menschen im stok lag, hatt sich verwegen ze sterben ... sich vert/undern. A 23d mann sol sich nitt verwundren noch ine nach zu folgen sich wagen. SdM 82a so wagt man sich nit gern hinein zegon

...

sich widern. P 52d Gnad widert sich nit beklaidt zu werden mit altem gewande. dative reflexive: jm außerwelen. P 12d-13a Vn die menschen fallent wider ab dem berge / auff das erdtrich in dise iredischen ding / vnd außerwolen yn mer dem herrn zu dienen in dem stall / dan in seiner kamer. jm fürnemen. B2 75d Jch hab mir für genummen von dem iüngling zusagen ... jm fürsetzen. P 25d denn setzt er ym für sein leben zubesseren / vn sein sünd zubeichten ...

As in three-place constructions, coherent word order appears rather seldom: S 62c ... nit allein de leyen / in d" welt / mer ouch denen die kloster leben ze halten vff sich genomen hond / — SdM 72b ... Oder das der iucker solchs thet / oder solchs zethun

sich vnd'stund. Objects of V~ can be topicalized to the head of S,. This is the general case

122

in relative clauses: A 49b von disem süntlichen dot hab ich fürmich genonnnen vff das mal zu sagen / A 47d ... vnd was er nit vermag mitt gewalt / das vnderstat er sich mit gescheidigkeit zu thon. PS 8O Dis sint die wort, so ich dis hailig zyt für mich genomen hab ze füren in disem loblichen gotzhuß. A 31b etwas ... das er sich schemt zusagen.

Otherwise the word order is non-coherent. In main clauses one never finds a mixing of objects of V^ and V2 (cf. S 35c and A 20c below). In dependent clauses the elements of the infinitival clause all follow the finite verb (cf. Ev 83a). In clauses with tense or modal auxiliaries elements of the infinitival clause all follow the past participle and infinitive respectively (cf. A 4a and S 49a). S 35c Denn ir ein teil beschamenn sich nitt jren obren mitt worten zu widerston / A 2Oc ...dan so vnderstat er sich ine nachzeuolge vnd sein lebe zebesseren. 83a ...so

G

O

sich ein mensch nicht schampt schnöde werck zethun /

A 4a sie haben sich nit geforcht in der finstere allein zu gon S 49a er sol sich fleiße wol vn recht zu tun...

4.3.

The Accusative and Infinitive Construction

4.3.0. Introduction. In the following three sections I shall discuss the syntax of verbs which appear on the surface with an accusative object and infinitival complement, but whose semantic interpretation, we can argue, should be provided for by a two-place construction of the form: subject verb - sentential complement. The discussion will center on the rule Subjectto-object Raising, which has been proposed to account for the "accusative and infinitive" construction in Latin and English. This rule, whose properties will be discussed below, has been challenged in Chomsky 1971b; but in reply Postal 1974 provides abundant evidence for its existence. Let me show on the basis of some schoolboy Latin examples the major arguments used to justify the rule of Subject-to-öbject Raising. In the sentence Puto Maraum luliam laudav-isse think that Marcus has 1 praised Julia there is no direct deep structure relationship between the main verb puto and the accusative object Marcum, as shown by the fact that this example has a paraphrase in Puto Juliam a Marco laudatam esse think

123

that Julia has been praised by Marcus'. The deep structure relationship is one between puto and the entire sentence as an embedded object complement. When this accusative object is coreferential with the subject of the main verb, it is reflexivized: Marcus putat se erravisse 'Marcus believes that he has erred'. This accusative object also undergoes the passive transformation: Marcus putatur luliam laudavisse 'Marcus is thought to have praised Julia1. Note, however, that an accusative object S2 does not become the subject of V, unless first having undergone the passive transformation in 82: lulia putatur a Marco laudata esse 'Julia is thought to have been praised by Marcus1 . These facts can be accounted for by the Subject-to-Object Raising transformation, which moves the subject of S« in (27) below (tense is omitted) to the position of object of V, in (28), where it may subsequently be reflexivized under identity with the subject of S, or undergo the passive transformation. Subject-to-Object Raising leaves the rest of S« under the S2 node, where it cannot be reflexivized under identity with the subject of S, and where objects in S^ cannot be affected by the application of the passive transformation to S,. (27)

luliam

(28)

lam

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4.3.1. The accusative and infinitive construction in ENHG. Turning now to the corpus of Geiler's and Pauli's works, we note that, if we exclude sehen, hören and finden, there are relatively few examples of the accusative and infinitive construction with verbs of saying, thinking and perceiving. meinen. El 73c das thut er dir nit zu gutem / aber daz du in hoffart fallest / vnnd dich besser meinest zusein / den andere. P 64b ... auff das kaine main billichen sin. ir zelassen was ir von iren freunden gegeben ist glauben/sprechen. S 5Oa Von denen sprichet sanctus paulus. Sy glaubent vnd sprechent / sich selber weiß sein / aber sy sind thoren. ( 4 6 2 ) Tales, ut dicit Apostulus, dicentes (et credentes) se esse sapientes, stulti facti sunt. e — verjehen. S 84a Die haben nitt wollen sein heimliche knecht des herre mer mit lauter stymen verioche sy sich sein diener des höchsten küniges. bekennen. Ev 164b Wa sie seind vff gangen von dem Galileischen land / von der stat Nazareth / in das iüdisch land / in die haubtstat Dauids / die da_ist geheissen Bethleem (seind drei tagreiß voneinander) sich zu bekenne vnd'worffen sein dem keiser / ... PS 87 Der lib hat bekent, sich nit gnugsam ze sin vor ainem sölichen küng vnd richter ze reden, PS 118 Nun lögnen ich nit, won ich bekenn mich ze sin ainen sünder. e o ernennen. S 199d (Moyses) ... hat aber lieber wollen armut leiden mit seinen brudren vmb liebe wille christi / de er erkant im gloube zu künfftig sein zu körnen vff diß erttrich / Bl 76a Dz ist die demut / also dz ei mesch sich erken gatz nüt zesein / vnd krafftloß on gnade gotz / dez bösen geist wid' zuston Ja wir erkenne alle wol vo vnser v ' n u n f f t dz wir kranck elled arme mensche sein / PS 92 Die sei erkant sich nit gnugsam ze sin, daz sy sölt ir wort selb vor dem küng thun, . . . wissen. S 21b So der mensch in seiner coscientz sich weißett sein vnschuldig ... schätzen. S 18b ... besunder er schetzet es aller best sein / daz er geheissen wirt S 115b ... vn deren sind vast vil / die sich schetzen stathabe zu der gerechten in ewiger selikeit. o — e ~ S 47c Zu solicher blintheit kompt ein mesch auß vnubung das er de anfang zu volkomenheit schetzet das end sein. S 13c Einem obren ist genug daz er in seine hertzen sich schetzet sein vnder yederman ... S 13b-c Ein warer demütiger mensch / d 1 schetzet sich niemans gleich sein / versehen. S 143b ... der_württ mitt vil stricken des boßen geistes / ye me vnd me vmbgeben / vn wen er sich versieht aller freiest zu sein / so ist er aller verstricktest / vnnd mit der knechtheit des bSsen geistes krefftigliche gefangen vnd gebunden. (488) et cum liberior esse videtur, tunc in servitute et captivitate diaboli fortius et certius detinetur. entpfinden. S 128c Dißer mensch hat in jm wäre vn volkömne danckberkeyt/ der sich entpfindet sein / vnwirdig aller gabn gottes (484) Ille verum

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gratitudinem habet, qui omnium donorum Dei se indignum sentit. SdM 2Ob Da entpfand er heimlich in ym einen strael durch den leib gon / zeigen. S 53d es ist d 1 / welcher sich zeiget / mitt worte vnd mit wercken sein ein warer nachfolger christi des herren / ... PS 160 Wunder und zaichen machen den menschen nit hailig. Es zögt aber etwen den menschen hailig sin, doch nit alweg, denn ain sünder mag och wunder und zaichen thun. beweisen. Ev 82c vn sie naheten dem castel da sie hin giengen / vnd er bewiß sich ferrer zu geen / ... ( L u c . 2 4 , 2 8 et ipse se finxit longius ire)

It is debatable whether all of these examples should be considered accusative and infinitive constructions. One can argue that versehen and beweisen should really be considered two-place reflexive predicates sich versehen and sich beweisen. For the others one finds numerous ENHG examples of accusative and infinitive constructions with non-reflexive accusative NPs in the lexica and gramnars. Most of these verbs also occur in a two-place object complement construction with daß (or 0) + finite verb. Compare the following paraphrases : S 31b Es ist denn so ein mensch sich nitt allein empfindet vnwirdig sein / der nottdürfft sins leibes / mer ... S 3Ob Sunder er entpfindet ouch befintlichen in seinem hertzen das er vnwirdig ist diser bloßen n o t d u r f f t .

The accusative case of the NP in question and reflexivization of this NP when it is coreferential to the matrix subject can be accounted for by Subject-toObject Raising, but there are other explanations as well (see 4.3.2. on lassen). Evidence from case marking of predicate nominale is inconclusive: of the two examples with masculine singular NPs, PS 118 (bekennen) has the accusative, S 63d (zeigen) the nominative. Examples in which the passive transformation has applied to this NP are very rare: S V7 ware gerechtikeit / würt geurteilet sein ruaheit (448) Sicut justitia judicatur esse severitas. This construction occurs a few times with sehen (see 4.3.2. for details), as in S 203b: wir wollen nit gesehen werden / einem andren vnder zu gon vnd ligen ewiglichen im gezanck .... I do not know what structure the following examples with nennen are related to: Ev IlOb in disen stücken ist Cristus noch in seiner gotheit gleich dem vatter. Darum würt er genant an der rechten Seiten zesein /

Ev IlOb

Darum würt er genant zesein / an der rechten selten ...

Sohetzen appears in passive constructions without infinitive, S V4 er will zugut vn vffreoht

/ da zu gesahetzet sein dz er yiemands anders vndergo soll,

S 13d do ein menseh nitt will für demutig geschetzet sein / besunder schnöd

126

geachtet werden; but Che following example may be taken to show that Geiler tried to avoid the passive variant of the accusative and infinitive construction with this verb: S 17Ob Ist es das der thor schweyget / so würt er geschetzet / das er weyß sey. (495) Stultus si tacuerit, sapiens reputabitur.

We could argue that the passive is resisted here because the accusative NP in the accusative and infinitive construction is not an accusative object of schetzen and therefore does not undergo the passive transformation; but explanation on the basis of internal rules of grammar is tenuous here because the accusative and infinitive construction was of such marginal status with this class of verbs. Word order does seem to indicate that the accusative .NP (the putative raised subject) was treated differently than the rest of S«. If we look at the diagnostic environments for the distinction "coherent/non-coherent," dependent clauses and clauses with tense and modal auxiliaries, we note that the coherent type in which this accusative NP precedes V.. with the rest of the complement following (cf. S 47c ...das er de anfang zu volkomenheit schetzet das end sein.) is the most conmon here (in Ev 164b, Bl 76a (bekennen) , S 21b, S115b, S 47c, S 13c, S 128c, S 31b); whereas the most conmon coherent type in two-place obj ect conplement constructions (which would look like the hypothetical S 47c" ...das er de angang zu volkomenheit das end sohetzet sein) appears only in Bl 73c {meinen). In PS 87 Der lib hat bekent, sich nit gnugsam ze sin, ..., however, this object is treated as part of an extraposed infinitival complanent. It is striking that all but three of these examples have sein as infinitive. Furthermore, many of these predicates appear in Early New High German in similar surface constructions without sein: verjehen. und beredt yhn, das er sich ein nestorischen christen verjach - Frank weltb. 118b in DWb XII. I.Abt., I.T., 6O9. bekennen. PS 118 O wie hert und schwär ist mir, von ainer sölichen conscientz ze sagen! Aber noch vil herter ist es mir, so ich mich bekenn ainer sölichen gewissne beladen, die mich täglich ist Stupfen und nagen.

Bruno Strauss (1912:38) found a similar example in Wyle's translations: Es ist aber charakteristisch, daß W, bei Versuchen, sich dieser unglücklichen lat. Fügung zu entwinden, wohl die Konstruktion als Ganzes zu bewältigen vermag, bei ihrer passiven Form aber strauchelt und sich verfängt. Es entsteht dann eine wunderliche Konstruktionsmischung: z. B. 179,21 laid ... potius dicuntur vivere = sölich lagen werden billicher gesprochen daz sy lebent ...

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erkennen. alsbald sich der mensch einen sünder erkennet - Luther 3, 6S in DMb III, 869 wissen. S 8Oc-d Diße getzücküß hatt gehaben sanctus paulus / als er vo jm selber spricht / ich weiß mich nüt schuldig aber darub bin ich nit gerecht. B2 6Od Also sol der mensch haben ein lautere conscientz / das er sich zu dem minste nit wisse in einer todsünd. (cf. B2 6Od Du findest ein menschen der hat conscientz der todsünd / vnd weiß wissigklich dz er in einer todsünd ist / schätzen. S lld er schetzet sich niemans gleich (cf. S 13b-c Ein warer demütiger mensch / d 1 schetzet sich niemans gleich sein /) versehen.

er versähe jn für zu einfältig zu einem musico - Geiler, granatapfel 62 in DWb X I I , 1. Abt., 1237

zeigen. PS 16O Ze dem dritten so machent sü den menschen nit hailig noch zögent in nit hailig. (cf. PS 16O Also sprich ich, vil geeichten und Offenbarungen haben macht noch zögt den menschen nit hailig ze sin, won die sunder habent die eben als wol als die gutten.)

We noted a similar situation in section 2.3. on the Subject-to-Subject Raising transformation with scheinen and (be)dünken, where we find structures with nominal or adjectival complements alongside structures with nominal or adjectival plus the infinitive (ze) sein. The constructions without sein listed immediately above may be analyzed as a sentential complement from which the copula has been deleted. Such an analysis is more general than one which posits a separate structure for these adjectival or nominal complements, not only because it utilizes rules of complementation found elsewhere in the grammar, but also because it correctly predicts that the relationship between the accusative noun phrase and the noun phrase or adjective which follows it is the same relationship found between subject and predicate nominal or adjective. I don't think that it is merely fortuitous that the accusative and infinitive construction occurs so often with those predicates which appear with an NP or adjectival complement without sein. The accusative and infinitive construction was more popular in Early New High German than in most other periods in the history of German, but even for the general Latin educated speech community it must have been a rather marginal construction, since in written records its frequency and range of use vary widely from one author to another. One would expect its strongest native roots to be in exactly the constructions we find most cannon in the corpus, where a semantically equivalent and superficially similar construction exists without sein. Lake the case of passive 6

Bolinger 1967 has pointed out that in English the grammaticality of accusative and infinitive constructions is affected not only by the deep structure relations but also by the compatibility of adjoining constituents in surface structure (examples from Solinger 1967:48):

128

resistance above, this appears to be more a function of constraints on the surface "output" of a gratimatical rule and its interaction with other surface paradigms than a condition on the form of the rule itself. 4.3.2.

Sehen, hören, lassen, heissen.

Sehen and hören. The verbs sehen and hören appear in the corpus only with the bare infinitive, never with zu + infinitive. Since Grinm (1898:129f) one of the problems discussed by granmarians is: should the accusative object which appears in a sentence such as sie hört ihn ein Lied singen be considered to be an object of hören or is this an "accusative and infinitive" construction? Phrased within the framework of transformational granrnar, this is a question of whether this infinitival construction is an underlying two-place construction ("accusative and infinitive") or a three-place construction. Bierwisch (1963;124ff; cf. also Bech 1955:131ff) considers sehen/hören + infinitive to be a three-place construction of the sort in (30) below: ( 2 9 ) a . Sie hört ihn ein Lied singen, b. Sie hört ein Lied singen. (3O)a. Sie hört ihn. [Er. singt ein Lied] . i s i. S b. Sie hört NP 1 NP. singt ein Lied] . acc S i S

EQUI would apply to (30)a. and b., deleting the underlying subject of the infinitive. Sentence (29)b. would be derived from (30)b. by an additional transformation which deletes the NP3.CC when it is indefinite. Such a deletion transformation can be motivated for sentences such as Er hat befohlen, die Brücke zu sprengen (deletion of dative NP) and Er hat gebeten, die Bücher zurückzubringen (deletion of accusative NP). But I find it counterintuitive to assume, then, that the sentence Er hört die Treppe knarren would have an underlying structure Er hört die Treppe„[die Treppe knarrt~\„. Rather I feel that the infinitive constructions with verba sentiendi involve basically the perception of an activity, not the perception of some person or object ( B ) a . I believe the report to be true. (I believe the report.) b. ?I believe the lights to be on. (I believe the lights.) Similarly we expect that the grammaticality of the accusative and infinitive examples from the corpus would likewise be greatly increased because of the parallel strings without sein. The grammars and lexica also point out examples with the present participle. Compare also the following sentences: Ev 76b Vn da Jesus sein muter sähe / vn de iuger den er lieb het bei de creutz steend. I 46b da sach er auch den teüfel mit seiner herschafft da stond /

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separable from that activity. Clement (1970:259ff), in an investigation of these constructions within the transformational framework, considered the possibility that these infinitival constructions involve a topicalization transformation (working on a basic two-place structure) which also applies in the derivation of paraphrases such as iah have den Vogel, Die er singt (for iah höre den Vogel singen). I would suggest that perhaps this choice of paraphrase is less motivated by the logical structure of the infinitival construction than by the apparent constituents (see Bolinger 1967) in the surface structure ich höre den Vogel singen, since den Vogel is transparently analyzable as object of hören and subject of the infinitival predicate. Ureland 1973, who derives such sentences by Subject Raising, notes that Subject Raising has the semantic effect of focusing on the raised NP, Turning to ENHG, we find one example which is solid evidence for a twoplace construction: Q

P 55a Ich nab sy mer ertzalt / wann ich wolt diß lieber von ainem anderen hören außlegn / dann das ich es selbe tun sol /

This sentence cannot be derived from a three-place structure ich höre einen anderen „lein anderer legt diß aui3]„ by any of the rules found in complement constructions; note that EQUI deletes the derived subject of 82 (after the passive transformation has applied on the transformational cycle whose domain is S2): S 15d-L6a ... vnnd als er sich schetzet sein begert er vonn den andren geschetzett werde.

P 84a [er] ... vnd von nieman begert vnderwißen werden. There is no need for an ad hoc EQUI-like transformation which would apply between the accusative NP in the matrix sentence and the agent phrase (von + NP) in the embedded sentence if we derive this sentence from a two-place deep structure. The passive transformation applies to S«; P 55a results from raising of the subject of this new passive sentence to surface structure direct object and the deletion of the passive auxiliary werden (a similar derivation can be supported for Modem German er ließ den Tisch von einem Diener abräumen). We can now propose a very general derivation for sentences without an agent in the surface structure, such as Bl 32d Du solt dir ~

6

beschneide dein oren / horstu vppige liedlin vff der gassen singen / oder den

lüten ir eer abschneide .... Beginning from an underlying two-place con-

e struction (du hörst „[.man singt vppige liedlin vff

der gassen]„) , the

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derivation of Bl 32d involves the application of the passive transformation to the embedded sentence and the automatic deletion of the resulting indefinite agent phrase by the transformation which deletes indefinite agents in all passive sentences. Subject-to-Object Raising establishes vppige liedlin as the accusative object in the surface structure. As elegant as this proposed derivation is, it does not receive much empirical support from Early New High German. One finds only occasional examples of agent phrases with von or durch in the infinitival complement of sehen and hören (see Gritrm 1898:67 and Bortdzio 1959:216 for examples) or examples with the passive auxiliary werden, obviously most speakers must not have considered sentences such as Bl 32d above to involve a passive proposition but rather an active proposition in which the indefinite agent is not expressed. In transformational terms, this would be a rule which can delete indefinite subjects in propositions (S's) embedded under sehen and hören. The occasional appearance of passive agent phrases as in P 55a is doubtless due to the fact that the agentless type such as Bl 32d nevertheless looks very much like an agentless passive. We cannot tell, however, whether some speakers made a full scale reanalysis of infinitival complements with sehen and hören along the lines of the derivation with passive just given or whether some type of blending is involved. As in Modern German, both intransitive and transitive verbs may appear as infinitive with hör en/sehen. Examples are given below with similar types with lassen and heissen. Clement (1971:256ff) found a good deal of idiolectal variation as to the semantic classes of predicates which could occur here, but all could generally be classed [4- Vorgang]. "This was certainly not the case in Early New High German (see also Oldb X, 1. Abt., 139) for we find examples with sein + adjective: Ev 96c Nun Maria sähe iren liebste sun krack sein / vnd an dem todtbet ligen an dem areutz ... . There are a few examples of a passive construction with sehen: S 2O3b das v. sind zanckungen / einem andren nyemer wollen nach gebe / wir wollen nit gesehen werden / einem andren vnder zu gon vnd ligen ewiglichen im gezanck ... PS 56 Aber den unglöbigen und unmilten wirt es gesechen närresch und ain dorhait ze sin, daz sich der mensch allain solle frowen in dem crütz Jhesu Christi ... S 14c Den das ist die eigenschafft eins.yetlichen dings / das es begert zu verdecken was es schnödes vn verwerfliches an im weiß öd1 hatt / vff das es nit gesehen werd sein als es ist.

This construction was not uncommon in Early New High German (see DVb X, 1. Abt., 135 for more examples). It is peculiar in that zu + infinitive appears

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as well as the bare infinitive; note, too, the dative object in PS 56, which we would have to derive fron the underlying subject of sehen by a totally ad hoc rule. As it so often does, gesehen werden in PS 56 has the meaning 'seem, appear1 (cf. videtur) and even the syntactic restrictions found with. scheinen, lassen and heissen. Recent work on lassen -constructions in Modem German (Bierwisch 1963; Ebert 1971, 1972, 1973; Nedjalkov 1971; Reis 1973, 1975; see Comrie 1974 for a good sucraiary) has opened up many interesting questions. In the following pages I will pursue some of the problems which the ENHG data bear on and will outline the stage in historical development which these data represent. As in the preceding section, the first question is whether lassen-constructions are underlying two-place or three-place constructions. For ^todem German we can argue strongly for a two-place construction. The best argument is the argument advanced above for sehen/hören, based on the presence of the passive-like agent phrase with von in P 55a. A sentence such as Der Kormandant ließ die Brücke von den Gefangenen bauen cannot be derived by normal processes in infinitival complements from a structure in which there is also an occurrence of die Gefangenen as deep structure accusative object of lassen. If one were to posit an occurrence of die Brücke as deep structure object of lassen, then one would also have to allow for dative, genitive and prepositional objects of lassen as well (cf. Hans läßt mir von Bzul helfen, Hans läßt meiner von Paul gedenken, Hans läßt mit mir reden) and posit an ad hoc deletion transformation to delete the identical dative, genitive or prepositional object in the embedded passive sentence (this argument is from Reis 1973:520). In the ENHG data we do not find many examples with von + NP or durch + NP. There are three examples with von + NP, two of them with werden: Bl 74b aber er laßt sich beniegen vo seiner grundlosen barmhertzikeit vö vns / wen wir im de dienst theten den er vns befolhe hat zethu E 61b Da er das an im selber empfände da bat er got das er in wolt fünff monot lassen besessen werde von dem bösen geist / o PS 122 Ist daz nit ain schwerer grosser schad, daz alles daz gutt und gnad an i.m verloren wirt, so gott der almächtig an in je geleit hat? Daz er in nach sinem götlichen byld beschaffen hat, in von cristelichen menschen hat lassen geboren werden:

Benügen(beniegen) usually appears in an iinpersonal construction. I have found no examples with a human subject; is Bl 74b, then, a blend? Durch appears in Z-assen-constructions indicating means, both with human and

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inanimate NPs, E 33b Du sprichst wie ist got ein prophet. _Er hat etwan durch prophete lassen weissage vn ist nit geschehe. Als ine got hat yngeben 28 sage. S 2O6