241 53 8MB
German Pages 100 [108] Year 1968
BEIHEFTE ZUR ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE BEGRÜNDET V O N GUSTAV G R Ö B E R F O R T G E F Ü H R T VON W A L T H E R V O N W A R T B U R G H E R A U S G E G E B E N VON K U R T B A L D I N G E R
116. HEFT
Verb-Complement Compounds in Spanish
MAX NIEMEYER VERLAG TÜBINGEN 1968
Verb-Complement Compounds in Spanish
By
Paul M. Lloyd
M A X NIEMEYER VERLAG TÜBINGEN 1968
(Q Max Niemeyer Verlag Tübingen 1968 Alle Rechte vorbehalten - Printed in Germany Satz und D r u c k : Allgäuer Heimatvertag GmbH., Kempten/Allgäu Einband von Heinr. Koch Tübingen
To Y A K O V MALKIEL
Maestro
TABLE OF C O N T E N T S
Introduction I History of the Problem II Early Examples of V-C Compounds in Spanish 1. Previous Studies 2. V-C Compounds in Latin 3. The Earliest Examples Outside of Spain 4. Examples in Medieval Spanish III The Development of V-C Compounds IV V-C Compounds in Modern Spanish 1. The Structure of Compounds in Modern Spanish 2. The Uses of V-C Compounds in Modern Spanish A. Contemptuous-Humorous Names of Persons B. Names of Occupations 1. Contemptuous Names 2. Neutral Occupational Terms C. Names of Instruments D. Names of Plants E. Names of Animals 1. Birds 2. Insects 3. Other Animals F. Names of Kinds of Food and Drink G. Names of Actions H. Names of Games and Toys I. Names Related to Martime Matters J. Names of Articles of Clothing K. Miscellaneous
1 3 11 11 11 11 11 19 31 31 32 33 37 37 37 39 48 53 54 56 57 58 59 61 63 65 66
V V-C Compounds in Adverbial Phrases VI V-C Compounds in Verb Phrases VII Other Finite Verb Compounds VIII Conclusions
71 72 73 75
Appendix
81
INTRODUCTION One of the most productive patterns of word formation in modern Spanish (as well as in most of the other Romance languages) is exemplified by compounds such as limpiabotas 'bootblack', rompecabezas 'riddle', picaflor 'hummingbird', andarríos 'wagtail', correfaldas 'woman chaser', salpafuera 'uproar, brawl', miramelindo 'bystander, onlooker', hazmerreír 'laughingstock', etc. These compounds are distinguished by two basic elements: 1) a verb form followed by 2) a complement dependent in some fashion on the verb. In the vast majority of examples the complement is a plural substantive which is the direct object of the verb as in the first two examples. More rarely the object is singular as in the third example. Occasionally the complement is an adverbial phrase which is either elliptical as in the fourth and fifth examples (*anda por ríos, * corre tras faldas) or very rarely nonelliptical as in the sixth example. In a few instances there is a pronoun object as in the seventh and eighth examples, while the complement is a vocative (no. 7) or a dependent infinitive (no. 8). Most studies of verb-complement compounds have dealt with the problem of the origins of this pattern, and especially of the nature of the verbal element. Given the identity in the major Romance languages of the singular imperative and the third person singular of the present indicative of most verbs, it has been difficult to determine which form was the original one. On occasion some scholars have even suggested that the verb may have been simply an abstract verbal theme or a postverbal substantive. The present study investigates not only the problem of the formal origins of this pattern of compounding but also its functional origins and development, and then studies the use of v-c compounds in modern Spanish.1
1
The research for this study was supported by a grant from the Committee on Research of the University of Pennsylvania. I also wish to express my thanks to the Department of Romance Languages of the University of Pennsylvania for helping to defray part of the cost of printing this study. The label "verb-complement" and other names for compounds of this type are discussed briefly in my article, A Possible Structural Factor in the Development of Verb-Complement Compounds in the Romance Languages, StN XXXVin, 1966, 257-262, note 1. "Verb-complement" and the abbreviation "v-c" will be used throughout this study.
1
I. History of the Problem The first study of v-c compounds appears, not surprisingly, in Friedrich Diez's Grammatik der romanischen Spracben, Bonn, 1838, II, 360if. (3rd ed., II, 438 fF.). Diez described their most striking characteristics, pointing out that they are always substantives; are usually masculine (except when natural gender is stressed), and are indeclinable when the complement is in the plural. He perceived that the pattern was foreign to the system of Latin word formation and claimed that the verb form must be, in all likelihood, an imperative since the verbal stem in Italian formations is clearly a second person form, e.g. bevilacqua, rompicapo, etc. Diez's classification of these compounds emphasized the nature of the complement which could either be a substantive (occasionally preceded by a preposition) which was the object of the verb, an apparent vocative, an infinitive, an adjective or an adverb. Another study is found in C. Schulze's Imperativisch gebildete Substantive in ASNS XLIII, 1868, 13-40. Schulze's article comprehended compounds not only in Romance, but also in other branches of Indo-European, such as Sanskrit, the Slavic and Germanic families, plus some mention of the Semitic languages. Schulze, like Diez, was convinced that the verb form in its origin is in most cases an imperative.2 However, he excluded Germanic compounds of the type Efi^immer, Schreibfeder, Trinkivasser, etc. in which the substantive following the verb form is not a complement of the verb but rather the dominant member of the compound. Schulze's classification by types is similar to Diez's but his main contribution was to demonstrate that there is a sharp distinction between v-c compounds and Germanic compounds of verb stem plus substantive. Not long after the publication of Schulze's article there appeared one of the most comprehensive treatments of v-c compounds ever made, Arsène Darmesteter's Traité de la formation des mots composés dans la langue française comparée aux autres langues romanes et au latin, Paris, 1874, pp. 146-208. Although Darmesteter used material gathered largely from medieval and modern French as a basis for his study, like Schulze (whom he cites on p. 156), he casts his net far beyond the confines of Gallo-Romance in his search for data bearing on the origins of the pattern, and, since he examines all of the Romance languages, his conclusions are a
He cites Bopp as a supporter of the theory that the verb is a postverbal abstract noun (p. 16).
3
equally valid for all. Darmesteter argues in favour of seeing the singular imperative as the original verb form in v-c compounds for several reasons. 1) The form of the verb in the oldest medieval Latin charters is invariably the imperative (p. 148). 2) Spanish examples like hazmerreír, ha^teallá, tentemozo contain imperative forms (p. 154). 3) Neo-Latin compounds like facsimile, factotum, vademecum, etc. all have imperative verb forms. 4) Italian compounds with verbs from conjugations other than -are always have the verb ending in -i, which is clearly an imperative ending (p. 154). 5) The Romance dialect of the Swiss canton of Vaud, which distinguishes between the third singular and the singular imperative in all conjugations, always has an imperative verb form in v-c compounds. 6) German compounds of this type have no sign of the third singular desinence -t, e.g. Bleibimhaus, Giebhand, etc. (p. 155). 7) English v-c compounds likewise have no trace of the -s of the third singular, e.g. breakfast, cutpurse, drawback, etc. Anticipating later arguments for seeing simply a verbal stem rather than a finite form of the verb, Darmesteter advances three points against such a contention. First, the absence of determinatives before the complement leaves the verb in full force and does not give a generalized meaning to the compound. Secondly, the compounding of stems (except in the case of learned words) is entirely foreign to the nature of word formation in French and the other Romance languages. Lastly, since the complement of the verb is usually a substantive object or is at least dependent on the verb, it is necessary to see a personal rather than an impersonal form in the verb. Countering the weight of Darmesteter's arguments in favor of the imperative origin are a number of compounds containing forms which are definitely not imperative (pp. 161 ff.) such as the Latin names Deusdedit, Deumhabet, etc., OFr. Robert F et pain, fehan mau le vaut, Fait-néant, Jehan qui biau marche and others which contain a verb in the third person singular of the present indicative. Similarly Latin translations of OFr. names sometimes reveal that those who transcribed these names did not perceive an imperative in the French originals. For example, forms such as Girardus duo valet or, oftener, relative phrases introduced by qui as in Benedictus qui non bibit de aqua or using a present participle as in Benedictus Bibens aquam (obviously reflecting Bénoit Boileaü) seem to argue against an imperative verb. In modern French as well some compounds have a third singular verb form, e.g. bat-filière, abat-jour, etc. A further argument against the imperative theory may be seen in the gender of v-c compounds. Since they are generally masculine (really neuter), Darmesteter believes that if the compound were applied directly to the object or person designated, the gender would then be likely to fluctuate according to the gender of the referent, while the neuter can much more easily be derived from a subordinate phrase with the third person singular, i.e. "that which performs a certain action". Lastly, the linguistic feeling of modern speakers reveals no awareness of any verb form other than the third singular. 4
In response to this evidence of a non-imperative origin, Darmesteter gives several answers. First, the Latin names Deus habet, etc. have been shown to be loan translations of Punic originals (p. 166). He also believes that other epithets like Deus me fecit can be disregarded since in onomastics practically any phrase can be attached to a person regardless of its construction. As for OFr. names and their Latin translations, and modern French compounds, the presence of third person forms merely shows that for the authors of the manuscripts as well as for modern speakers, the verb is not understood as an imperative. This fact, however, proves nothing about the origin of v-c compounds, only that after they had become established the imperative was not always perceived to be the true form of the verbal element. Darmesteter states that he can conceive of no way that a relative phrase beginning with qui could have become shortened to a simple verb plus a complement. He believes that the best explanation of the third person forms is that they represent later reinterpretations of the original imperative compound. This argument is supported by the fact that no third person forms appear as early as do the imperative forms. Speakers seeking to analyze these compounds could easily be misled by the formal identity of the imperative and the third person singular in most verbs and by the necessity for using a third person form in the analysis (e.g. Boileau can be defined as "qui boit l'eau") and thus assume that the third person form was the original form. New compounds would be created by analogy with existing ones even though the original impulse to use the imperative was lost. That the feeling for the imperative does not disappear completely can be seen in modern compounds like rendezvous, revenez-y, etc. The second edition of Darmesteter's Traité, which appeared in 1894, made only a few changes in detail and in some of the examples, but aside from such minor changes, his basic argument remained the same. In other works dealing with the same problem such as the Traité de la formation de la langue in the Dictionnaire général de la langue française, Vol. I, Paris [1888], 87-89, and in the Cours de grammaire historique de la langue française, Paris, 1895, pp. 48-51, the same material is presented in a condensed form. Shortly after the publication of the first edition of Darmesteter's Traité a study by Louis-Francis Meunier appeared, Les composés qui contiennent un verbe à un mode personnel en latin, en français, en italien et en espagnol, Paris, 1875. Meunier's book is divided into two parts, the first containing a wealth of data garnered from Latin sources (plus a few OFr. examples), and the second listing and classifying compounds from French, Italian, and Spanish. In spite of the amount of useful material collected by Meunier to supplement Darmesteter's evidence, Meunier's work is not distinguished by the same perceptive analysis that marks the Traité. His basic assumption is that v-c compounds in the Romance languages are formed with both the imperative and the indicative and can therefore be related to Latin 5
names like Quodvultdeus, Habetdeus, Deusdedit, etc. In support of his view, Meunier brings in OFr. compounds of the type examined by Darmesteter like Bat-les-auBat-testes, etc. For Meunier, such examples suffice to show that one single verb form cannot be the original. Meunier, unlike Darmesteter, makes no attempt to distinguish between earlier and later compounds or between Latin and Romance examples, but considers all of his data on an equal plane. Thus, in spite of the additional examples provided, Meunier's study in no way refutes Darmesteter's conclusions, since Darmesteter had already answered possible objections to the theory of imperative origin. Meunier's classification of compounds in the second part of his book likewise shows a failure to comprehend the basic nature of the pattern. For example, the first subdivision of indicative compounds contains those compounds in which the subject pronoun is omitted, e.g. Sp. andaboba 'foolish woman', which Meunier interprets as being the equivalent of "elle boute, la perche" (p. 136). A second subdivision includes those compounds that must be preceded in the analysis by a subject plus que, e.g. It. spa^avento "lieu que balaye le vent" (p. 144). A third section includes compounds whose definition must contain a preposition plus a relative pronoun, e.g. Fr. balle-queue "volatile de laquelle baile la queue" (p. 144). This sampling of Meunier's classificatory system suffices to show that he considered the original meaning of the compounds and his own often overly elaborate definitions as being somehow equivalent, when, in reality, as Darmesteter had pointed out, they are completely opposite in spirit. It apparendy never occurred to Meunier that in many compounds the complement might be a vocative rather than an object or a subject, and this misunderstanding only adds to the confusion. As a result of Meunier's failure to separate unrelated types of compounds and to examine the context in which this pattern became established in the Romance languages, his book's chief value is to be found in the data provided rather than in its analysis of the problem.3 Darmesteter's and Meunier's books were reviewed together by A. Boucherie in RLaR X, 1876, 264-275. Boucherie accepted neither theory and claimed that he found most acceptable the theory of Pott, who saw in the verbal form a simple theme with no temporal or personal value. He also supplemented Darmesteter's data by providing some examples from Rumanian, which, in his view, also served to disprove the imperative theory since the imperative form of verbs from any conjugation other ' The Spanish material is sometimes erroneously interpreted, e. g. guardacostas is said to refe* to a man (p. 197) when in reality the term is applied to coastal patrol ships. His gloss of guardacoimas 'homme qui garde les profits . . . Se dit d'un valet employé á la perception de certain profits" (actually 'criado del padre de mancebía') (p. 197), indicates either prudery or ignorance. His statement that he was unable to find the term matamoros (p. 216) reveals that his acquaintance with Spanish must have been exceptionally limited.
6
than the first end i n -/, while the verb in c o m p o u n d s s u c h as fute-vent ' h o m m e qui fait la cour a toutes les femmes', pierde-varà 'qui perd s o n t e m p s en été', etc. end in -e. I n the second edition o f t h e Traité Darmesteter referred to Boucherie's review, h o l d i n g that these examples g i v e additional p r o o f o f the imperative origin because verbs derived f r o m t h e s e c o n d conjugation in Latin have their imperative i n -e and t h o s e f r o m the third h a v e the imperative e n d i n g -/' (p. 168, n o t e 1). I n reality the situation is s o m e w h a t m o r e complicated than either realized since the imperative e n d i n g s in Rumanian t e n d t o vary considerably. 4 Shortly after t h e publication o f Darmesteter's and Meunier's b o o k s , another theory o f the origin o f v - c c o m p o u n d s w a s presented b y Herman Osthoff in his b o o k Das Verbum in der Nominalkomposition im Deutschen, Griechiscben, Slavischen und Romanischen, Jena, 1878. Osthoff rejected all p r e v i o u s theories o n the nature of the verb f o r m and based his o w n hypothesis o n t h e existence o f certain deverbal substantives s u c h as Fr. aide, allume, Sp. ayuda, guarda, etc. and c o m p o u n d s m a d e u p o f t w o substantives w i t h o n e element in the genitive (implied or actual), e.g. Fr. bain-marie, ban-lieu, Sp. terremoto, maniobra, casapuerta, It. manrovescio, terrapieno, etc. In O l d French this type o f construction was n o t u n c o m m o n 4
See W. Meyer-Lübke, Grammaire des iangues romanes, Paris, 1895, II, 213-214 and Wolfgang Rothe, Einführung in die historische Laut- und Formenlehre des Rumänischen, Halle, 1957, p. 97: „Die Endung -i im Sg. haben nur die Verben auf -cea und -dea\ es handelt sich um das Eindringen der 2. Sg. Indikativ nach Analogie zum P l u r a l . . . In den übrigen Verben liegt noch das alte lat. - i vor . . . . " The problem of v-c compounds in Rumanian has not been studied extensively. There are very few examples as compared with the other Romance languages and the process does not seem to be productive today. According to Halina Mirska, in Unele probleme ale compunerii cuvintelor In limba rominä, in Studii fi materiale privitoare la formarea cuvintelor In limba rominä, I, Bucurejti, 1959, 145-189, v-c compounds in Rumanian are quite old. She further remarks, "It (the pattern) belongs to affective and familiar language and was bom in popular language. Although this type of compounding is no longer productive, words like pierde-varä maintain their existence as a category in the language and permit the adaptation of some neologisms with a similar structure" (p. 179). Without further study of these compounds, especially in old Rumanian, it cannot be definitely established that the existing examples go back to the early Romance type or are later adaptations of Slavic originals. Certain features of Rumanian v-c compounds are noteworthy. They are exclusively epithets applied to persons in a contemptuous fashion as are the earliest examples in the other Romance languages, e. g. %jfrie-brln%ä 'cheese scraper, i. e. a miser, skinflint', frige-linte 'lentil roaster, i. e. miser', pierde-varä 'summer waster, i. e. loafer, idler', tncurcä-lume 'people confuser, i. e. fumbler, muddler', etc. Some compounds show striking parallels with Spanish, e. g. Rum. papä-lapte 'weakling', Sp. papanatas 'idiot'. Even when Rumanian uses a different word than Spanish, the basic meanings of the compounds may be remarkably close in the two languages, e. g. Rum. bate-poduri, -drumuri 'bridge, street beater, i. e. loafer, idler', Sp. a^otacalles', Rum. cascägurä (gurd-cascd), Sp. abreboca(s). 7
in expressions like Hotel-Dieu, la rei prisun, etc. Therefore, Osthoff argued, the original form of the first element is not a verb at all but rather a deverbal substantive followed by another substantive in the genitive. Guide-ane can be understood as being originally le guide de l'ine, later misinterpreted by speakers as a verb followed by an object. Osthoff was, of course, aware than in Spanish and Italian there are examples of compounds that contain clear imperatives, but he explained these as later formations.8 The historical development of these compounds would then, in Osthoff's conception, have been more or less as follows: 1) certain expressions containing two substantives, one a deverbal in -a followed by a substantive in the genitive became established as compounds ; 2) given the identity in form between these deverbals and the imperative of -are verbs, speakers misinterpreted the compounds as an imperative plus an object; 3) finally new compounds were formed with the imperative forms of the verbs from other conjugations. This highly speculative theory was sharply criticized by A. Tobler in ZRPh II, 1878, 399 (also in Vermischte Beiträge s^ur französischen Grammatik, Vol. I, Leipzig, 1886, p. 62). Tobler pointed out that Osthoff had failed to note that the so-called genitive of Old French was almost always a possessive genitive and not an objective genitive, and that the first element is always a person, e.g. la dieu merci, son pere maisnie, etc. In the few cases where the first element is not a person, as in iver tens, we are dealing with remnants of the Latin genitive and not with original OFr. formations. Nor does Osthoff explain how such a massive misunderstanding of the nature of the first element could have occurred. He simply assumes that the identity of form alone would have been sufficient to cause speakers to reinterpret substantives as verbs. Following Tobler's review of Osthoff, no scholar has paid any further attention to Osthoff's theory on the origins of v-c compounds in Romance. After the publication of Osthoff's book, the problem was not treated by other scholars except in a marginal fashion for many years. Most historical grammars that dealt with the subject generally followed Darmesteter's theory of the imperative origin6 although occasionally some authors de„Wir gewinnen somit das Ergebnis: im gesamten Romanischen ward ursprünglich von Verben anderer als der lateinischen ¿-Conjugation der verbale Satzname mit der Imperativform gebildet" (p. 305). • For example, Meyer-Liibke, in all his works on historical grammar, Italienische Grammatik, Bern, 1890, pp. 321-323; Grammaire des langues romanes, II, Paris, 1895, 630-633; Historische Grammatik der französischen Sprache, II, Heidelberg, 1921, 167-169; Edward L. Adams, Word-Formation in Provençal, New York, 1913, pp. 561-566; Vicente García de Diego, Elementos de gramática histórica castellana, Burgos, 1914, pp. 204, 209; Gerhard Rohlfs, Historische Grammatik der italienischen Sprache, III, Bern, 1954, 230, and others all state that the original form is the imperative. 6
8
dared that the third person singular must be the original form.7 Antonio Pagliaro, in his Sommario di linguistica arioeuropea, Rome, 1930, pp. 158-162, stated that he was unable to perceive any imperative in v-c compounds designating objects. He proposed that the verb form be considered a pure verbal theme not based on any finite verb form. About the same time, Angelico Prati, in Composti imperativi quali casati e soprannomi, RLiR VII, 1931, 250-264, accepted Darmesteter's theory although he did not deal specifically with the origin of the verb form and sought only to provide the earliest examples of v-c compounds in Italian. Beginning in 1945, the problem again began to stir the interest of Romance scholars. In that year, with the publication of Le parole composte nella lingua italiana, Rome, 1945, Federico Tollemache revived the dispute about the origin of the verb form. Although he rejected Pagliaro's conception of the form as an abstract verbal theme (p. 174), he was impressed by his skepticism about the imperative origin. Most of Tollemache's arguments were naturally directed against Darmesteter as the chief exponent of the imperative theory. First of all, referring to Darmesteter's use of proper names as data, he says, "Mal si comprende come si possa trovare la vera origine di questo tipo in alcuni nomi personali e sopranomi che da principio sono anche rari" (p. 176).8 Secondly, he points out that the forms showing an indicative or a participle in Darmesteter's examples are numerically superior to those with an imperative. He also insisted that compounds like portabandiera which refer to an object are fundamentally different from those like ne m'oublie% pas or coprifuoco which are "citazioni implicite" (p. 177). He objects to the use of examples from other language families as irrelevant and proving nothing about v-c compounds in Romance. Last of all, for Tollemache, the meaning of v-c compounds does not have anything to do with the imperative and to attempt to perceive it in them is "un vero controsenso" (p. 181). Against one of Darmesteter's strongest arguments in favor of the imperative origin, namely the apparently imperative form of the verb in Italian compounds, Tollemache points to the presence of a linking -i- in compounds like capinero, codibianco, etc. and argues that the i could originally have been the -e of the third person singular of the indicative. He also gives a few examples of compounds with -e, e.g. batteloro (beside battiloro) and the proper name Mettefoco. His chief argument in favor of seeing an indicative is the meaning of v-c compounds. He believes that it is logical to perceive an indicative since in most instances the compound refers to a person or a thing which 7
8
For example, José Alemany Bolufer, Tratado de la formación de palabras en la lengua castellana, Madrid, 1920, p. 170 and Ramón Menéndez Pidal, Manual de gramática histórica española, sixth ed., Madrid, 1941, p. 240. Tollemache might well have considered the observation of M. L. Wagner on word formation: „Kleine Ursachen, große Wirkungen, das gilt insbesondere auch für die Ausdehnung von analogischen Bildungen . . ." (ZRPh, LIII, 350).
9
performs an act and is not an order to perform the action. The principle of good sense or logic is confirmed by the linguistic feeling of speakers who invariably perceive an indicative.9 Lastly, compounds containing faci(e.g. facibene, facicoro, etc.) cannot be considered imperative and thus offer further support to the indicative theory. Tollemache's reopening of the dispute did not fail to stir considerable controversy. M. L. Wagner, in his review of Tollemache in VR IX, 1946-47, 287-292, claims that the indicative cannot possibly be the original form since the examples of v-c compounds in Sardinian lack any trace of the final -t of the third singular indicative. Bruno Migliorini, in a note in Lingua nostra VII, 1946, 61, supports the imperative theory also, while Robert A. Hall, Jr., in LN IX, 1948, 22-23, contends that on the basis of examples like facicoro the verb form can only be a pure verbal theme. A reply by Migliorini immediately following Hall's note points out that although Hall's analysis may be valid synchronically, it does not explain the origin of the verb. C. Merlo, in the next number of LN X, 1949, 17, offers his support to Tollemache, although with no new facts. In the same year, S. Heinimann, in Die italienischen Imperatw-komposita, ASNS CLXXXVT, 136-143, criticizes Tollemache for not separating his descriptive and historical analyses, thus drawing invalid conclusions about the origins of the verb form. Finally a longer study by Angelico Prati, No mi composti con verbi, in RLiR XXII, 1958, 98-119, presents further arguments in support of the imperative theory. In conclusion, it can be fairly said that the evidence presented by Darmesteter and others in favor of seeing an imperative as the original form of the verb is much weightier and more convincing than any brought forward by those who seek to see some other form. On the formal side, the imperative ending visible in Italian compounds, in the Vaudois Romance dialect, in Sardinian and in Rumanian, is matched only by relatively late formations with clearly indicative forms, undoubtedly reflecting later analogical formations. In no case does any early example have anything other than an imperative verb. The psychological ramifications of the imperative theory will be discussed later in the chapter on the development of v-c compounds in Spanish.
9
„È psicologicamente impossible che una categoria di composti cosi numerosa e cosi continuamente feconda come il nostro tipo venga sentita in maniera contraria alla sua vera natura" (p. 184). Why this is psychologically impossible, he does not say.
10
II. Early Examples of V-C Compounds in Spanish 1. Previous Studies So far only one brief study of v-c compounds in Spanish has appeared, V. Frederic Koenig's article, Notes on Spanish Word Formation, MLN LXVIII, 1953, 13-17. Koenig deals with a relatively small number of examples, none dated before the eleventh century. The compounds presented in this article will be listed along with others in section 4. 2. V-C Compounds in Latin V-c compounds are not completely absent from Latin, but they are rare and in any case disappeared without leaving any trace in the Romance languages. W. Steinhauer in a recent article, Lat. motacilla „Bachstelze" und die verbalen Rektionskomposita, Die Sprache X, 1964, 1-22, gives as examples exercipes , Schnellläufer', fulcipedia ,Betrunkene, die nicht mehr auf den Füssen stehen kann', verticordia, and poscinummia (p. 5). He claims that motacilla ,wagtail', although apparendy a diminutive, derives from motare plus cuius, and is thus one more example of the type. Romance compounds, however, cannot be traced direcdy to any Latin source and must be considered an independent creation. 3. The Earliest Examples Outside of Spain The earliest dated examples of v-c compounds (discounting possible Latin examples) are to be found in Italy. A. Prati, in RLiR VII, 1931, gives labamanos as a fourth century example (p. 251), although he cites no source, plus Tosabarba (723, p. 263), Vinceluna (743, p. 251), Suplainpunio (845, p. 262), and Catalupa (905, p. 255). In his later article, RLiR XXII, 1958, he cites other early examples: Libraaurus (seventh century, p. 114), probably derived from libraaurum, Stornapetra (829), Incendimessi (843), Battiorco (897) and Scuvacalles (tenth century, p. 115). From the eleventh and twelfth centuries on attestations become more and more frequent. In France Darmesteter was able to find only two examples before the eleventh century: Tenegaudia (beginning of the ninth century, Traité, p. 148) and Tornavent (tenth century, p. 150). 4. Examples in Medieval Spanish In Spain there are a number of v-c formations dating from the earliest period of Old Spanish. The earliest possible name is Speraindeo, the name of the bishop of Itálica present at the Council of Toledo in 621 (cited by Meunier, p. 7). Darmesteter (Traité, p. 167, note 5) argues that this name, 11
which appears frequently in the Middle Ages, cannot be taken as an example of a v-c compound. In his opinion it derives from Sperandius, a variant of Spes in deum, changed later to Sperandeus, through the influence of Deus. The form Speraindeo is then just a popular alteration of Sperandeus. Since Sperandus and Sperandius are the most frequendy found forms they must precede Sperandeus or Speraindeo. Darmesteter was probably not aware of the early dating of the name cited by Meunier. If this form is genuine and not a later scribe's deformation, it would seem to indicate that it predates Sperand(i)us and thus may be an early example of a v-c compound. Other examples in medieval Spanish are the following : Al^aparapos 864 (Antonio C. Floriano, Diplomática española del periodo astur [718-910], I, Oviedo, 1949, 322.) The meaning of this name is not clear. It appears to be based on alitar, but the complement parapos cannot be found elsewhere. It is possible that the ending is related to the suffix -apo. M. L. Wagner, in his series of articles Iberoromaniscbe Suffixstudien, deals with this suffix in the first one, Die -p- und -f-haltigen suffixartigen Bildungen, ZRPh LXIII, 1943, 329-347. Wagner believes that suffixes containing -p- have many different sources and represent a coalescence of chance endings. Corominas, however, believes that -apo must be of pre-Romance origin. In DCELC II 856b he says, "el sufijo -apo es hoy bastante vivo en los conservadores dialectos del Noroeste, y ha de ser de origen prerromano, puesto que lo hallamos en palabras de esta filiación, tales como GAZAPO y el grupo GALAPAGO-CALABAZA-CARAPACHO (procedente de un tema común calap(p)ac(o)-, carapace-) . . ." Of interest is his remark in another section, II 717b, "los sufijos -apo, -opo, de origen prerromano, tienen a menudo el valor de diminutivos." Possibly then we should see parapos as a diminutive form of pera. See cataperedo below. Vincemalus 873, 874 (Floriano, Diplomática española, II, Oviedo, 1951, 85, 93.) Sperandeo 908 . . , 10 (José Rius y Serra, Cartulario de "Sant Cugat" del Vallés, I, Barcelona, 1945, 7, 14, 58, 64, 84, 108, 121, 211; II, Barcelona, 1946, 41.) Sperindeo 910 (Francisco Miquel Roseli, ed., Liber feudorum maior\ cartulario real que se conserva en el archivo de la Corona de Aragón, I, Barcelona, 1945, 377.) Vincemalo 945, 950 (Luciano Serrano, Fuentes para la historia de Castilla. III: Becerro gótico de Cardeña, Valladolid, 1910, 30, 143, 146.) Vtmámalo 950 (Serrano, Fuentes, III, 148.) 10
Sperandeo in various forms will be listed even though it may not be an example of the v-c pattern in its origin. In the forms in which it usually appears, it seems to have been regarded as a v-c compound by scribes.
12
Esperandeo 962 (Luis Sánchez Belda, Cartulario de Santo Toribio de Liébana, Madrid, 1948, p. 78.) Adtaporka 963 (Serrano, Fuentes, III, 21.) This is undoubtedly the same name as Atapuerca (see below). The probable meaning is 'place where pigs are tied' (cf. Atabuey). The form of the verb is not what would be expected if atar 'to tie' is descended aptare (DCELC I 313 b). Perhaps the graph dt simply serves to indicate the gemination of t resulting from the simplification of the medial group pt. Speraindeo 966 {Liber feudorum tnaior, I, 408.) Sperandio 978 (Luciano Serrano, Fuentes II: Cartulario del Infantado de Covarrubias, Valladolid, 1907, 12.) thorna-xol(e) 'sunflower' 982 (F. de Simonet, Glosario de voces ibéricas y latinas usadas entre los mozárabes, Madrid, 1888, p. 545.) vin^e-thóxicox 'swallow-wort; tame poison' 982 (Simonet, p. 567.) Donadeus 987 (Eduardo de Hinojosa, Documentos para la historia de las instituciones de León y de Castilla [Siglos X-XIII], Madrid, 1919, p. 6.) 11 Exercavinos 996 (Rius, Sant Cugat, I, 267, 268.) This is a place name ("rivulo que nuncupant Exercavinos"), but the meaning of the verb is not clear. Possibly there is some relation with execrar < L. ex*ecrari 'maldecir, lanzar imprecaciones' (DCELC IV 118b). A metathesis of the group cr in a derivative of this verb is seen in MFr. assercration 'imprecation' (FEW III 290b). Taliaferro 920-1020 (also written Trenchaferre-, Antonio Ubieto Arteta, Crónica de San Juan de la Peña, Valencia, 1961, pp. 109, 111, 112, 115.) This name is obviously based on the Gallo-Romance Taillefer. Rascavielas 1009 (Luciano Serrano, Cartulario de San Millán de Cogolla, Madrid, 1930, p. 84; Koenig, p. 15.) Rasca- is obviously from rascar 'to tear', but the meaning of vielas is not clear. Perhaps it represents a false diphthongization of vela < L. vela (DCELC IV 690 a). Spera in Deo 1022 (Rius, Sant Cugat, II, 133. The name is also written as one word on pp. 139 and 174.) Dona Deo 1043 (Rius, Sant Cugat, II, 228. The copy of the MS is dated 1226.) Cataperedo 1074 (Floriano, Colección de fuentes para la historia de Asturias. II: El libro registro de Corias, Oviedo, 1950, Part I, 31; II, 398.) Floriano defines the name as "lugar desde el que se ve o divisa (cata) una peraleda o campo plantado de perales. . . . " Matacavallos 1082 (A. Ubieto Arteta, Cartulario de Albelda, Valencia, 1960, p. 141.) This is the name of the prior of Albelda, Garsea. Rompesacos 1086 (A. Ubieto Arteta, Colección diplomática de Pedro I de Aragón y Navarra, Zaragoza, 1951, p. 213. Later found as Aronpesacos 1270 in 11
This form may not be an imperative compound but may derive trom Dornt Deus with absorption of the -t by the d.
13
Tomás Navarro, Documentos lingüísticos del alto Aragón, Syracuse, N.Y., 1957, p. 23.) Amavita 1093 (Hinojosa, Instituciones, p. 42.) Miramont 1096 (This date is uncertain since the name appears in a forged document of a later period; Ubieto Arteta, Coleccion. . . de Pedro I, p. 247.) láxta-recbina 'terebinth tree' c. 1106 (Simonet, Glosario, p. 303.) This name is given to the terebinth because it gives off resin. xacca-vento 'sagapeno o serapino' c. 1106 (Simonet, Glosario, p. 573.) Simonet explains the origins of the term: "de goma resinosa, que debió llamarse así por su notable virtud purgativa. . . . Purga los gruesos y viscosos humores, así los del celebro y del pecho, como los del vientre y estómago." ábre-ualyo 'abrojo' c. 1100 (Miguel Asín Palacios, Glosario de voces romances registradas por un botánico anónimo hispano-musulmán (siglos XI-XII), Madrid-Granada, 1943, p. 3.) alcha-pilos, archi-capillo 'peine de pastor, cardencha, o cardo de cardadores, culantrillo de pozo' (Asín, p. 12.) alcba-pen 'álamo blanco, archipén' (Asín, p. 13.) According to Asín, "así llamado porque cura las grietas de los labios enjuagándolos con un cocimiento de sus hojas (alza-pena)." apanna vulvaS, apanna pupal, yunne vulval 'variedades de euforbio o plantas laticíferas; hierba centella; sangre de drago' (Asín, p. 17.) So called because "recompone o junta la vulva o hymen... ." eltirca miyatos, esterniye-, eltirniye-, estrinye miyatol 'berro común, bolsa de pastor' (Asín, p. 115.) "Su nombre significa que aprieta a la orina y la hace salir [de la vejiga]." franne firrino 'cardo silvestre' (Asín, p. 127.) The name means "that which breaks a plow" (firrino < ferrum). franttyo uasos, franne uassos 'estragón, menta acuática, albahaquillo, apio lechal, peregil' (Asín, p. 127). So called because of "su fuerza para romper o expulsar los gases de la digestión. . . ." infla-boy 'especie de trébol, leguminosa forragera' (Asín, p. 139.) leca pede, leca ped, Jfeca en ped 'variedad de abrótano cantueso' (Asín, p. 269.) Although the verb is probably derived from L. secare 'to cut, harvest', Asín suggests that it may be in this case not a verb at all but a postverbal substantive derived from *seca. tolle-tedyo 'alcino, albahaca hedionda' (Asín, p. 301.) As Asín remarks, ". . . la causa de tal denominación . . . debe ser irónica, por contradictoria con su mal olor." torna-laite 'una hierba con la cual se logra ordeñar la teta de la oveja, cuando su leche se ha coagulado, pues la liquida y la hace fluir de nuevo' (Asín, p. 305). torna-marito, -maritos, -maritol 'anís, rábano silvestre, orchilla, menta, maya 14
o margarita común' (Asín, p. 306.) ". . . Las mujeres pretenden que, si sus maridos las han abandonado, empleando ellas esta planta en sus quehaceres, los hacen volver a sí en el más corto plazo." torna-matre 'eléboro' (Asín, p. 308). ". . . Significa que retrae el útero relajado." torna-matrií 'escordio' (Asín, p. 309). ". . . Vuelve a levantar el útero, pues cuando se emplean sus hojas machacadas y se bebe [su infusión], retrae ese órgano." vai^a-ba^ino 'especie de junco espinoso,. . . centaurea . . ., el alga seca . . . [centaurea] pequeña' (Asín, p. 329). "Tiene . . . los caracteres de una escobilla, apta para limpiar o vaciar por completo los excrementos del bacín." vainas-mano 'abrojo terrestre de Europa* (Asín, p. 330). This name is derived from an imagined warning to a harvester, "aconsejándole que vacíe o deje vacía la mano soltando el manojo de mies que va a segar, si en él ve que se halla envuelta esta planta espinosa." vendacb-mano 'abrojo' (Asín, p. 331). "Este le aconseja «vendarse la mano» para preservarla de sus pinchos." Sacalafuera twelfth century (V. R. B. Oelschláger, A Medieval Spanish Word List, Madison, Wise., 1940, p. viii; Koenig, p. 14.) This is the name of a man called Abdalla. Miraveg 1122 (Juan del Alamo, Colección diplomática de San Salvador de Oña [822-1284], Madrid, 1950,1, 187.) Miraveche no date (Alamo, Oña, II, 876.) The meaning of the complement in these two compounds is unclear. The final g of Miraveg probably represents the affricate [ c ] . The word undoubtedly refers to some item of topography as in other compounds with mirar. Miraualles 1127 (Floriano, Corias, I, 60.) Floriano gives the date as 1157 in Part II, 229. The document as transcribed bears the date era 1165. Uaganfuellos 1142 (Alamo, Oña, I, 219.) The meaning of this compound is not clear. The verb appears to be vagar 'andar vagando'. Miraval 1151 {Liber feudorum maior, I, 271.) Deusaiuda 1164, 1170 (Liber feudorum maior, I, 23, 27, 46.) The use of the nominative Deus might indicate that this verb is a third singular form, unless Deus may be understood as a vocative. Escornavacas 1171 (Hinojosa, Instituciones, p. 79.) This name, given as the name of a witness to a charter, is obviously an occupational term meaning 'one who dehorns cows'. Miralmont 1172 (Floriano, Corias, Part I, 44.) "También escrito Miramont. Hoy se denomina Miramontes y es un lugar en la parroquia de Santiago de Cibea en Cangas del Narcea." According to Floriano the document is dated 1202. However, the document as he transcribes it bears the date era 1210 which would be 1172 A. D. Lan^aneges 1172? {Liber feudorum maior, II, 343.) The verb is clearly lanzar 15
'to hurl, throw', but the meaning of neges is not clear. One may think of Fr. neige, but such a combination seems rather unlikely. Torcefeces 1187 (L. Serrano, El obispado de Burgosy Castilla primitiva, Madrid, 1936, III, 305; Koenig, p. 14.) This is apparendy an occupational term designating one who presses or twists the dregs in a wine press. Mojabragas 1199 (L. Serrano, Obispado de Burgos, II, 161; Koenig, p. 15.) This is the name of a bridge in Burgos, perhaps so designated because it was built low and close to the water so that it gave the appearance of a person walking in the water and getting his trousers wet. Matapán 1200 (Alamo, Oña, I, 396.)12 Picamuelas 1210 (M. Serrano y Sanz, Cartulario de la iglesia de Santa María del Puerto [Santoña], BAH LXXV, 1919, 343; Koenig, p. 15.) This place name may designate a place where millstones were quarried and shaped. Descalca Boves 1214 (L. Serrano, Cartulario del Monasterio de Vega, Madrid, 1927, p. 111.) This is apparently an occupational term designating one who removes the shoes from oxen (descalcar < L. discalceare). Since oxen do not normally have shoes, perhaps some other meaning of descalcar is intended, such as 'to remove the hoofs or the horns' (cf. Escornavacas). Dios-aiuda 1223 (Serrano, Infantado de Covarrubias, p. 82.) Tent Juanes 1248 (A. Gon2ález Palencia, Los mozárabes de Toledo en los siglos XIIy XIII, Madrid, 1926-1930, II, 132; Koenig, p. 14.) baticor 'angustia, pena, aflicción, tormento de corazón' (Berceo, Vida de Santa Oria, v. 113; Rufino Lanchetas, Gramática y vocabulario de las obras de Gonzalo de Berceo, Madrid, 1900; also in Libro de Alexandre, w . 1901c and 2143c, ed. R. S. Willis, Princeton and Paris, 1934; Koenig, p. 15.) rastrapaja 'voz despectiva que Berceo aplica a un pobre labrador . . .' (Berceo, Milagros, v. 273.) Salvaleón 1253 (Hinojosa, Instituciones, p. 158.) 12
Matadalares 978 (Serrano, Fuentes, II, Valladolid, 1907, 13, 26) and Matarico 992 (Rius Serra, Sant Cugat, I, 240), although superficially like v-c compounds derived f r o m matar, as in Matamoros, the epithet applied to St. James, probably contain the noun mata "bush; clump of shrubs', especially since in other compounds, e. g. Matamata 1052 (Luciano Serrano, Cartulario de San Pedro de Arianna, Madrid, 1925, p. 112) and Mattabellosa 1064 (Serrano, Fuentes, III: Becerro gótico de Cardeña, 91) the w o r d following is undoubtedly an adjective modifying mata. Matarico may then be a derivative with an interfix (see Y . Malkiel, Los interfijos hispánicos, in Miscelánea homenaje a André Martinet vEstructuralismo e historia» ed. by D. Catalán, II, La Laguna, 1958, 1 0 7 - 1 9 9 ) -ar- and the diminutive -ico. This is especially likely given the existence of another name, in this case a family name and not a toponym, Matarruco 1037 (Serrano, Fuentes, II: Cartulario del Infantado de Covarrubias, Valladolid, 1907, 46). Toponyms based on mata, such as Gasc. matarrat, matorro, maturro are cited by R. Menéndez Pidal and Antonio Tovar in Los sufijos con -rr- en España y fuera de ella, especialmente en la toponimia, B R A E , X X X V I I I , 1958, 1 6 1 - 2 1 4 . According to Corominas -uco is occasionally used as a diminutive suffix ( D C E L C I V 328 a).
16
mondadientes 1293 'toothpick' (Bernard Pottier, Rechercbes sur le vocabulaire bispanique, B H L V I X , 1957, 217.) Miramont 1304 (Navarro, Documentos, p. 123.) Matalacassa 1313 (Marius Férotin, Recueil des cbartes de l'Abbaye de Silos, Paris, 1897, p. 340.) quebrantahuesos 'a kind of bird' (Don J u a n Manuel, Libro del cavallero et del escudero, 1326?; Félix Huerta Tejadas, Vocabulario de las obras de Don Juan Manuel [1282-1348], Madrid, 1956, p. 145.) Trotaconventos c. 1325 (Juan Ruiz, Libro de buen amor.) matacanes (Juan Ruiz, Libro de buen amor, 1220 d.) 'ladroneras, voladizo que coronaba algunos trozos y singularmente las puertas, de las antiguas f o r t a l e z a s . . ( J u l i o Cejador y Frauca, Clásicos castellanos, Madrid, 1913). The definition given by Henry B. Richardson, An Etymological Vocabulary to the Libro de Buen Amor ofJuan Ru¡\, N e w Haven, 1930, is similar to Cejador's: 'sort of fence, barrier to keep off thieves'. The definition given by J o s é Maria Aguado, Glosario sobre Juan Rui%, Madrid, 1929, 'ladrones-cuyo primer cuidado es asegurarse del perro velador para que no les descubra con sus ladridos' is evidently in error since the verse in manuscript S reads: "Z muchos nocharniegos que saltan matacanes." matamigos (Juan Ruiz, Libro de buen amor, 783c.) 'killjoy' (Richardson.) ro(apoco, fablar al (Juan Ruiz, Libro de buen amor, 729 c.) Both A g u a d o ('tocando el asunto-que por su condición menos honesta, o molesta, no debe tratarse a las claras') and Richardson ('obscure person, i.e. one who knows few people') fail to understand this expression. See the discussion in Koenig, p. 16, who gives a better definition: 'to speak avoiding a matter or secretly'. This seems to be the first instance of the numerous expressions in modern Spanish using a plus a v-c compound. Salvatierra 1351 (Emilio Saez, Colección diplomática de Sepúlveda, Segovia, 1956, pp. 90, 103.) cortapeu 1362 'jupón' (B. Pottier, Études lexicographiques sur les inventaires aragonais, V R X , 1948-49, 135.) Guardemar c. 1369 (today, Guardamar, Alicante; Ubieto Arteta, Crónica de San Juan de la Peña, p. 217.) escombra duenyas 1378 'médaüle, breloque, objet de peu de valeur' (Pottier, Études, 147.) Mecerreyes 1378, Me^errex 1400, Abecerreyes 1403 (Serrano, Infantado de Covarrubias, pp. 249, 278, 280.) 13 guardabraz 1393 'brassard; partie de l'armure'; Cat. guardabrás, Cast. guardabra^o (Pottier, Études, 164.) l>
Although these names appear to be v-c compounds, the meaning is obscure. Mece'to agitate, shake' might possibly be the verb, except that the last form cited is obviously related to the first two and equally obviously cannot have anything to do with mecer. Possibly we are dealing with a word of Arabic origin deformed by popular etymology to conform to the v-c pattern. 17
alçapie 14th century 'pedica' (Américo Castro, Glosarios latino-españoles, Madrid, 1936, p. 316.) ecbacuervo 'eparicus' (Castro, Glosarios, p. 327.) See Joseph Gillet, Spanish echacuervo(s), RPh X, 1956-57, 148-155, for a discussion of the evolution of the meaning of this term from 'exorcist' to 'swindler'. pujavante (Castro, Glosarios, p. 284.) "El pujavante debió ser algo no sólo para cortar, sino para frotar el casco ; de ahi scaber que una glosa (CGL) traduce «pumicia, aspra»." quebrantahuesos (Castro, Glosarios, p. 258.) tornasol (Castro, Glosarios, p. 224.) tirabraguero 1403 'bandage pour hernie, de liento' (Pottier, Études, 210.) guardamelena (Walter Schmid, Der Wortschat% des Cancionero de Baena, Bern, 1951 ; Baena 95.) The meaning of this compound is obscure. The passage in which it occurs reads: "Agua de Sierra Morena, nin de Ssena/ Juan Garcia, non bebedes/ pues boluedes/ berças con guardamelena." In addition to the preceding examples there are a number of place names which may go back to an early period although they cannot be dated precisely. For example, Tiralarenciella must be from before the end of the thirteenth century since it appears in the Colección diplomática de San Salvador de Oña (822-1284), II, 876. A few place names found in modem times are the following : Atabuey (Trevelez in Alpujarra; Isidro de las Cagigas, Topónimos alpujarrenos, Al-Andalus XVIII, 1953, 321.) Lavatripas (Costa Rica; C. Gagini, Diccionario de costarriqueñismos, second éd., San José, 1918, p. 261.) Llambiperros (Puerto de Sueve, Colunga; Braulio Vigón, Vocabulario dialectológico del concejo de Colunga, second éd., Madrid, 1955, p. 553.) Matalobo (Cenarbe, Aragon; Manuel Alvar, Toponimia del alto valle del rio Aragón, Zaragoza, 1949, p. 65.) Miramar (Colunga; Vigón, p. 563.) Miraflores (Bilbao; Emiliano de Arriaga, Lexicón bilbaíno, second éd., Madrid, 1960, p. 56.) Quitaponcho (Salta, Argentina; José Vicente Solá, Diccionario de regionalismos de Salta, Buenos Aires, 1947, p. 247.) Rompelan^as (street name in Madrid.) Salsipuedes (Río de Limón, Costa Rica; Gagini, p. 267.) Tentebecerra (Alpujarra; Cagigas, 321-322.) A number of v-c compounds are also listed by Gerhard Rohlfs in his article, Aspectos de toponimia española, Boletim de Filologia, XII, 1951, 252: Atapuerca (Burgos), Beulajgua (Barcelona), Cantalapiedra (Salamanca),14 Cantalobos (Teruel), Cantavieja (Teruel), Catatrigo (Lugo), Cuca^orra 14
This name (also cited by Koenig, p. 15) is probably not a v-c compound. J. Corominas in NRFH X , 1956, 185, concludes that canta comes f r o m canto 'corner' so that the meaning of the term is "the corner o f the stone".
18
(Malága), Cuelgamures (Zamora), Descarga-María (Cáceres), Despeñaperros (Jaén; also in Koenig, p. 15), Escuernavacas (Salamanca), Espantaperros (Cuenca), Hiendelaencina (Guadalajara; also in Koenig, p. 15), Majalobas (Segovia), Manjabalago (Ávila), Mataporquera (Santander),16 Matajudíos (Segovia), Matalayegua (Salamanca), Mirafuentes (Navarre), Papatrigo (Ávila), Sacaojos (León), Saltacaballo (Santander), Tajahurce (Soria), Tancalaporta (Lérida), Tardáguila (Salamanca), Tardelcuende (Soria), Tordelrábano (Guadalajara), Tomavacas (Cáceres), Guardasivienes (Lérida).
III. The Development of V-C Compounds To trace adequately the development of v-c compounds from their original use as nicknames to their present widespread application is a difficult task and one which in the past has been undertaken only in a very sketchy fashion. Both Darmesteter in the Traité, pp. 173-177, and Leo Spitzer in a study of some uses of the imperative16 give general outlines of their conception of the way in which the compounds spread, in both cases basing themselves on material from French. If, on the other hand, we were to restrict our view to compounds from medieval Spain, we would be obliged to adopt a rather different idea of how v-c compounds came to be used as they are today. The chief difficulty in dealing with the problem is the scarcity of documentation until the later Middle Ages. This scarcity can be attributed in part to the actual paucity of examples in medieval colloquial Spanish, but it is possible that an even more important factor is the fact that the level of speech reflected in the earliest examples is that of the lowest classes of society. It has been frequently pointed out that many early examples are characterized by coarse and humorous connotations that indicate that they were likely to have been considered unworthy of recording in the sources available today. As with so many other features of popular speech, v-c compounds probably remained in a latent state for several centuries, existing for the most part in the daily conversation of the people, disregarded by the cultivated speaker except on rare occasions. The fragmentary records at our disposal may therefore give a very incomplete picture of the true development of v-c compounds. In spite of this, however, we may still come to some plausible conclusions about them, especially if we examine compounds in other Romance languages as well as in Spanish. The root mata may be derived from the noun rather than the verb (see note 12). " Sur quelques emplois métaphoriques de l'impératif, Romania LXX, 1951, 433-478; LXXI, 16-63 (especially pp. 42-61). 16
19
It cannot be too strongly emphasized that there is no reason for assuming that the imperative nature of the verb form was, after the very earliest period, any longer a conscious part of the pattern for most speakers. Undoubtedly for the most part the verb was regarded only as a verbal stem available for new formations. In Darmesteter's words, "Ainsi deux forces agissent pour former nos composés verbaux: l'une primitive, la force qui les a créés à l'origine avec le verbe à l'impératif, et qui, toujours existante, est encore en pleine activité; l'autre postérieure, la force analogique, qui imite et applique aveuglément, sans se soucier des erreurs, les formes dues à la premiere. L'une crée les composés où l'impératif laisse encore visible le dialogue avec ses conseils, ses exhortations, ses ordres; l'autre donne ceux où le verbe n'exprime plus l'action pure et simple et se réduit au présent" (pp. 175-176).17 It is precisely this point that has given rise to so much controversy about the original form of the verb stem and unless it is borne in mind the factors behind the spread of v-c compounds will never be clearly understood. V-c compounds began as nonce formations and only later developed into a regular pattern of word formation. The actual number of compounds in existence may, indeed, not have been an important cause of the spread of the v-c pattern. Several factors, such as the lively expressiveness of early nicknames, a popular "animistic" conception of the world, the absence of any competing pattern, and perhaps just the general usefulness of these compounds for describing with a fair •degree of precision the function of an instrument or the characteristic action of something, either animate or inanimate, favored their extension.18 This combination of factors gave the v-c pattern an expansive force which was great enough so that at a very early time v-c compounds ceased to be limited to persons and began to be applied to other referents. In fact, it may be erroneous to assume that the pattern was necessarily restricted to persons even at the earliest period. Some of the first names found in Italy in the ninth and tenth centuries are placenames (Stornapetra, Battiorco). In France too Tenegaudia is a place name. In Spain also the earliest dated name of which we can be fairly sure is a place name, Als^aparapos. It can be assumed, therefore, that although v-c names were in their origins only personal names, they very quickly began to be applied to places as well as to persons. As the examples quoted earlier demonstrate, early v-c compounds in 17
18
This point is stressed by Steinhauer in his article on motacilla : „Doch war die ursprüngliche Sinn der Vordergleider der verbalen Rektionskomposita sicherlich nur einem Teil der Schöpfer solcher Zusammensetzungen gegenwärtig und ist später in den meisten Fällen verblaßt, so daß man das Vordergleid schließlich nur als einen verbalen Wortstamm empfand, wie es heute bei den meisten Zusammensetzungen dieser Art der Fall ist . . . " (p. 20). The linguistic and psychological factors favoring the establishment of the pattern in Romance are discussed in my article in StN, XXXVIII, 257-262.
20
Spain, as in other countries, are found as the names of witnesses to diplomas and legal charters and, at about the same time, as place names. Unlike some of the names found in French charters by Darmesteter and by Prati in Italy, early v-c names in Spanish documents seem to be lacking in humorous connotations. For example, Vincemalus19 is a positive name although one cannot discount altogether the possibility of some ironic intention on the part of the original coiner of the term.20 The name Sperandeo and its variants, if indeed it is a v-c term (see p. 13), would likewise be a positive name. The names Garsea Matacavallos and Abdalla Sacalafuera, on the other hand, from a somewhat later period reveal the rough humor which still characterizes so many of these compounds. The fact that these names appear in writing only after names with neutral or positive connotations is probably due to scribal reluctance to put such colloquial words into documents of a serious nature. Only later, when a larger number of terms had been coined and had in some cases been accepted as normal names and not just joking nicknames would scribes be inclined to include them as an "official" part of a witness's name. Place names, which appear even more frequently than personal names in the early centuries in Spain, are often neutral and descriptive rather than humorous. This fact may be one reason why they appear more often in texts than do personal names. Lacking the colloquial flavor of nicknames, they would be less likely to strike the educated scribe as fleeting terms unworthy of acceptance in dignified language. Also, being proper names, they would perforce be accepted if no other name was available. Many place names describe simply what can be seen from them. Mtrar is therefore commonly used as in the names Miramonte(s) (found in several regions), Mtravalles, and Miraveg. Catar, although more frequent in the Middle Ages in the sense of 'to look' appears only in one compound, Cataperedo.21 One other verb having originally a similar meaning, guar dor, appears in the name GuardemarAnother type of description is a functional one, indicating the actions performed in a certain place as in Atapuerca and Atabuey. Not all placenames, however, are purely descriptive. A number seem to have 11
20
91
ai
This form is undoubtedly a Latinization of the colloquial forms Vincemalo and Vtnz'malo. The verb ending in -e and the nominative ending -us reflect the Romance forms rather than what one would expect if the word had been created originally in Latin. Cf. Spitzer's remarks about other names with apparendy positive connotations such
as Tailkftr. Mtrar in Old Spanish atfirstretained the meaning of the etymon L. mirari 'asombrarse, extranar; admirar' and then developed into 'contemplar' until at the end of the Middle Ages it displaced catar. Corominas believes that the early toponyms with mtrar have the older meaning of 'contemplar' (DCELC III 382b). Corominas {DCELC II 815a) gives the original meaning of guardar as 'aguardar, buscar con la vista*. In the meaning 'to look' it appears in Italian, Gascon, Occitanian, Old Catalan and even in Aragonese.
21
humorous connotations of a sort, such as Amavita, Exercavinos, Rascavielas, Rompesacos, Hiendelaencina, Matapán, Despetaperros, Salvaleón and Mojabragas, plus others found only in modern times. The existence of compounds referring to plants in the Mozarabic dialect is good evidence that the restriction of the pattern to persons and places must have been broken very early. The Mozarabic terms thorna-xole and vin^e-thóxicox are attested in the tenth century and may therefore have originated at an even earlier period. Numerous other names, laxtarechina, xaccavento, abre-ualyo, alchapilos, alcha-pen, apanna vulvaS, eitirca miyatos, franne firrino, frannyo uasos, infla-boy, leca pede, tolle-tedyo, torna-laite, torna-marito, torna-matre, torna-matriS, vai^a-ba^ino, vainas-mano, and vendach-mano, found at the beginning of the twelfth century, may likewise go back to an early period. Since Mozarabic was cut off from the rest of the Romance speaking areas of Spain by the Moorish invasions of the eight century, it remained in an archaic stage of development.23 We may conclude therefore that the presence of v-c compounds in this dialect, or group of dialects, is proof that the pattern was already in existence at the beginning of the eight century. It would also appear that Spitzer's hypothesis of a development from proper names to common nouns and then to the names of utensils and other referents only in the twelfth century is not borne out by the evidence in Spain. The application of v-c names to plants in Mozarabic is a clear indication that the pattern was being extended long before then. Although it is not necessary to assume a uniform mode of extension of the pattern in all parts of Romania, we may conclude that what has been called the "expansive force" of the pattern was such that although it was primarily reserved for personal names, it could easily be applied to inanimate objects. There is no need to believe that personal names must have become common nouns before any further development was possible. We must also take into consideration Darmesteter's view that the application of v-c terms to inanimate objects may be a reflection of the popular tendency to engage in a dynamic dialogue with the whole world. Thus the popular mind "anime tout, s'adresse aux choses ou les fait parler, et, supprimant tous les intermédiaires par lesquels passent les esprits plus méthodiques ou plus analytiques crée ees expressions synthétiques dont la forme extérieure est l'impératif" (Traite, p. 173).24 Turning now to other uses of v-c compounds, it seems that occupational titles apparently developed out of the original nicknames since only in the twelfth century do these names begin to appear: Escornavacas, Torcefeces and 23
21
22
See R. Menéndez Pidal, Orígenes del español, third ed., Madrid, 1950, § 90 for a sketch of the archaic nature of Mozarabic. A. Prati also describes in detail how even today it is not unusual for people to speak to objects as though they were persons, saying, for example, after picking up an object that has fallen to the floor, "Sta' su"' or "Sta' ritto' " (RLiR XXII, 1958,101).
Descalca Boves. Although these names appear as personal names their meanings indicate that they refer to the occupation of the persons bearing them. The names of instruments appear somewhat later. In the thirteenth century we find picamuelas, which, although appearing as a place name, may without too much daring be assumed to be not only a place where mill stones are made or cleaned but also an instrument for performing the operation, and mondadientes. In the fourteenth appear alçapiê and pujavante. Lastly there are names of articles of dress in increasing numbers from the fourteenth century on: cortapeu, guardabratirabraguero, and cortapisa. Escombraduenyas is essentially a sort of abstract term. The large number of v-c names that appear toward the end of the fifteenth century will be discussed later. If we bring in additional evidence of the spread of the v-c pattern from France and Italy we see a development similar in some ways to that found in Spain. Omitting personal names and names describing personal characteristics, we find in French a fairly large number of terms referring to occupations or official positions: 25 copegole 'cutthroat' (1193-97, T-L), copeborse 'cutpurse' (T-L), gardebien 'guet, garde' (1270, G), portechappe 'titre que les maîtres cuisiniers de la ville de Paris et les cuisiniers de la maison du roi prenaient dans leurs lettres, et qui provenait d'un chapiteau en fer blanc, dit drape, dont ils couvraient les mets portés en ville' (1285, G), gardemangier 'officier de bouche' (1285, G), tournemicbe 'celui qui fait tourner la miche' (1305, G), portebou£ 'officier subalterne de l'échansonnerie, mot à mot porte-bouteille' (1316, G), gardehucbe, -huge 'officier qui, chez le roi, avait soin du pain et des autres choses qui servent sur la table' (1316, G), portebuche 'celui qui était chargé de porter les buches' (1349, G), gar deporte 'garde de la porte d'une ville' (1419, G), portegage 'celle qui porte un gage' (1451, G), tranche-teste, coupe-teste 'bourreau' (fifteenth cent., D., p. 187), portecoullet 'porte-faix' (1471, G), porte-faix 'a porter' (D., p. 185), gardeorphenes 'garde, tuteur des orphelins' (G). Somewhat later than in Spain names of instruments and objects begin to be attested : portepaix, -pais 'étui servant à contenir la patene appelée paix' (1328, G), tornevent, -vant 'tuyau recourbe et mobile qu'on met au-dessus d'une cheminée' (1390, G), gardenappe 'rond d'osier, de bois ou d'étain 25
I have not attempted to examine with complete thoroughness all possible medieval sources of v-c terms in French and Italian, and further research by specialists in these areas may bring to light more examples and earlier datings. Nevertheless, the materials presently available offer a useful picture of the progress of v-c compounds for the purposes of comparison with Spanish. The following abbreviations indicate the sources of the terms cited: D - Darmesteter, Traité-, T-L - Tobler-Lommatzsch, Altfränkisches Wörterbuch, Berlin, 1925-1936; Wiesbaden, 1954-; G - Frédéric Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue française, 9 vols., Paris, 1937-1938; DuC - Charles Du Fresne DuCange, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, Paris, 1840-1850.
23
que l'on mettait sous les plats, lorsqu'on les posait sur la table' (1395, G), portebors 'bréviaire portatif' (1401, G), gardefou 'balustrade ou parapet qui, mis au bord des ponts, des terrasses, etc., empeche de tomber en bas' (1403, G), coupe-gorge 'un grand coustel . . .' (1455, G), and portefeu 'sorte de pelle ?' (1466, G). In general these names are purely descriptive, with the exception of gardefou, which has some of the humorous overtones of personal names. Closely related to names of instruments are terms for articles of dress or armor which date from about the same period and are almost as abundant as the former: gardecors (vardecors) 'habit de dessus plus particulièrement affecté aux hommes, mais que les femmes aussi portaient en voyage' (1157— 1217, G), quevrechiers 'voile de toile fine, de soie, de gaze; sorte de peignoir' (1287, G), gardelende 'sorte d'habillement, jupon' (1417, G), portepiece 'partie de l'armure' (1422, G), gardebras 'partie de l'armure qui couvrait les bras' (1449, G), gardecul 'jupon' (G). Names of rooms with special functions are also found quite early: garderobe (1202, D., p. 185), gardemangier 'lieu pour serrer et conserver les aliments' (1304, G), andgardevtn 'wine cellar?' (D., p. 185). A number of other compounds refer to actions or events of different kinds. Although it might seem that abstract notions of this sort would most likely be a late development, it turns out that some of these terms at least are almost as early as more concrete ones. Thus baisemain 'compliments; kissing of hands' (1180, T-L) appears first, followed by cuevrefu 'signal par lequel les habitants des villes étaient autrefois invités à rentrer chez eux et à éteindre feu et lumière' (1275, G), cante-fable 'combination of prose and verse' (twelfth cent.), avoir cope-ie-teste 'capite damnari, decollari' (1358, DuC), baisedoigt 'ce qu'on donnait a l'offrande, lorsque le prêtre présentait sa main à baiser en place de la patène' (1487, G), tournebaston 'deux grosses pièces de bois de fraisne à faire le tournebaston' (fifteenth cent., G), dorveille 'fitful sleep' (D., p. 185), and botehors 'letztes Gericht, Nachtisch' (fifteenth cent., T-L). In this group we can see how a phrase used as a command to persons then came to be applied to the occasion of the command. Thus, for example, the order "Cuevre feul" could easily refer to the signal itself and the time at which it was given. In Italian we find a picture similar to French. Although early dates for v-c compounds which are not personal names are not as easy to find as in Spanish and French, it must be assumed on the basis of comparative data that a similar process of development occurred.28 Thus there are names of occupations such as taiabursu 'bursaiolo' (Venice, 1291; in Boccaccio, tagliaborse) accattapane 'accattone, pezzente' (fourteenth cent.), guardadonna 'chi assiste una puerpera' (fourteenth cent.), battiloro 'operaio che lamina e M
The source of Italian examples is Carlo Battisti and Giovanni Alessio, Dizionario etimologia) italiano, 5 vols., Firenze, 1950-1957.
24
fila l'oro e l'argento' (fifteenth cent.), caccìadiavoli 'chi allontana con gli scongiuri i "diavoli"' (fifteenth cent.). At least one plant has two v-c names similar to Spanish: girasole, tornasole (fourteenth cent.).27 Certain names of instruments are found earlier than other classes of names. In military science in particular it may be that v-c compounds were especially favored for their precision in describing new instruments of warfare. For example, we find batti/olle 'opera medioevale di fortificazione, nel XIV sec. a Roma anche qualchiera, che probabilmente sarà il significato originario' (thirteenth cent.), parapetto 'sponda d'un alveo che arriva all'alteza del 'petto', spalleta; terrapieno a scarpa per difesa' (thirteenth cent.), caccia/usti 'machina che serviva a lanciare pali ("fusti") appuntati' (fourteenth cent.). In maritime matters v-c terms appeared also: pappafico 'la vela al di sopra delle gobbie, velaccino' (1318), buttafuori 'asta che serve a spiegare in fuori una vela' (fourteenth cent.), and battiporto 'boccaporto' (fifteenth cent.). Other instruments are salvadanaro, -dinari (Bologna, 1262), parasole 'ombellino da "sole"' (fourteenth cent.), tagliapietre 'scalpellino, lapicida', guardanappa 'asciugatoio' (< O Fr. gardenappé) (fourteenth cent.), and tirafossette 'pinzetta' ( < OFr. tire-fausset). A single animal name has appeared so for: filatessera 'centogambe, scolopendra . . . con allusione al pettine del telaio richiamato da quest'insetto' (fourteenth cent.) Names of articles of clothing are slightly less abundant than in France: battiloglio 'caffietta alla francese; adattam. del fr. battant l'oeil. . .' (fourteenth cent.), guardacuore 'veste da uomo con cappuccio, lunga e ampia' (OFr. gardecorps) (fourteenth cent.), saltamindosso 'vestimento misero; furbesco' (fourteenth cent.) and a humorous term, tiraculo 'abito troppo stretto' (fourteenth cent.). The names of rooms or places with special purposes appear also : guardaroba 'luogo, stanza, armadio dove si conservano vestiti, biancheria, suppellettili' (fourteenth cent.), guardacucina 'stanza di servizio, rispostiglio, attigui alla cucina' (fifteenth cent.), and guardamantile 'guardaroba' (1469). Finally there are a couple of abstract terms : saltameo 'ballo alla camaiorese' (fourteenth cent.), giravolta (fourteenth cent.). One more term may possibly be a v-c compound : pappagorgia 'secondo mento di persone pingui' (fifteenth cent.). If we now take all the preceding terms and put them into chronological charts, we may be able to get a clearer picture of the development of v-c compounds, one which may be at least approximately like what actually occurred (see pages 26, 27, 28). As was pointed out before, chance may have had much to do with the appearance of compounds in writing and many of them may have existed 47
The similarity of the names for the sunflower in Spain and Italy would seem to show that tomasole goes back to a very early period, perhaps before the breakup of the linguistic unity of Romania. 25
3
O o e
J¡ o
LO Tt-
•a
CM V£> o
ti o
I - ñ f g.i
1 3 iu l O
'E, E íc
¿¡ 8
•ot> ja o o 8
o a 2
J
« H § u
26
•5
o
•5 -5 TH CM
J3
•S
l a « o.
3
ITI T-l O
S o •§ •a
Ma
È
S 03 z 4> ^u
o s s _ O C 43 S c TS C o T3
II
8
eu
o
8 tí a 3, C sU3
T3
n V IP ^ J3 Tj â
1 tao
O 0
S 8 4
Ö 2 Ö g
"»3 "S, -8 1 -a« -u Se sa, sM
E o-
u a 8
w
o £ CM co
H>
> •aiH T3 vagamundo. Others are deformations of foreign words like andarivel (note 51), matafalüa and its variants (note 30), trafalmejas (note 34), tornachile (note 44), and tragacanto (note 45). In some cases foreign elements still remain as in bogavante and pujavante, both of which contain the adverb avante which is not otherwise used in modern Spanish. 67 In spite of the foreign origin of these compounds, they still belong as firmly to the native pattern as any others. One good indication of the vitality of v-c compounds is their coining by creative writers. For example, we find in the well known short novel by Pedro de Alarcón, El sombrero de tres picos, the following passage: " . . . el negro sombrero encima, y la roja capa debajo, — formando una especie de espectro del Absolutismo . . . una especie, en fin de espanta-pájaros, que en otro tiempo había sido espanta-hombres . . . . " A more modern example is found in Miguel de Unamuno's El sentimiento trágico de la vida in which the author refers to man as " u n animal guardamuertos." Antonio Machado in Juan de Mairena speaks of an ungrateful, spiteful person as a roe^ancajos. Joaquín de Entrambasaguas, in hope de Vega y su tiempo, speaking of errors in Lope's plays, says, " . . . y hasta esos olvidos que desde Cervantes hasta el más vulgar manchacuartillas, suelen tener todos los escritores." 6 8 The distinguished teacher and critic, Ricardo Gullón, writing in Insula, June 1962, of an interview with the poet Emilio Prados quotes Prados as saying o f Mexico City, " E s t a ciudad es un matahombres." Eugenio G . de Nora, in La novela española contemporánea, speaks of one literary character as "el ingeniero Goya, correfaldas perpetuo . . .". Finally in a recent novel by Alejo Carpentier, El siglo de las luces, several terms appear: " . . . Se reunían los españoles 57
68
Bogavante with the meaning of'crustáceo' is traced by Corominas ( D C E L C HI 115a) to V. L. *lucopante, later deformed through association with bogavante 'remero'which comes from either Cat. vogavant or It. vogavante. Pujavante (DCELC II248 b) is also from Cat. botavant. My attention was called to this term by Professor Arnold G . Reichenberger.
75
de París, masones y filósofos, filántropos y eomecuras, que conspiraban activamente por llevar la Revolución a la península; Cuando lleguen con sus papeles limpiaculos seré tan poderoso que podré restregárselos en la cara; Y eso no es todo: viene un arrastrasables, el General Desfourneaux, para sustituirme . . . " Many more examples like the preceding could undoubtedly be found. The ones cited, however, suffice to show that v-c compounds pervade every level of Spanish and are a tribute to the creative power of language.
76
SOURCES AND ABBREVIATIONS
1. If a term has a variant form which also has a different meaning, separate entries are made for each form. 2. Variant forms are alphabetized separately when strict alphabetization keeps them apart, and cross references are made to other forms. 3. The numbers in italics refer to the pages of this study on which the words are found. 4. The sources cited, with abbreviations, are the following: Ac Acevedo Al Alba A A. Garrote Arriaga Baráibar Bayo Borao Cerda Coll Dellepiane Echeverría F G Gagini
= Diccionario de la lengua española, 18th ed., Madrid, 1956. = Acevedo y Huelves, Bernardo, and Marcelino Fernández y Fernández. Vocabulario del bable de occidente. (Centro de Estudios Históricos, Archivo de Tradiciones Populares, III.) Madrid, 1932. = Alonso, Martín. Enciclopedia del idioma. 3 vols. Madrid, 1958. = Alba, Renato de. Suplemento de todos los diccionarios enciclopédicos españoles. Barcelona, 1918. = Alcalá Venceslada, Antonio. Vocabulario andaluz- Second edition. Madrid, 1951. = Alonso Garrote, S. El dialecto vulgar leonés hablado en Maragateria y tierra de Astorga. Second edition. Madrid, 1947. - Arriaga, Emiliano de. Lexicón bilbaíno. Second edition. (Biblioteca Vasca, VI.) Madrid, 1960. = Baráibar y Zumárraga, Federico, Vocabulario de palabras usadas en Alava. Madrid, 1903. = Bayo, Ciro. Vocabulario criollo-español sudamericano. Madrid, 1910. = Borao, Jerónimo. Diccionario de voces aragonesas. Second edition. Zaragoza, 1908. = Cerda, Gilberto, Berta Cabaza, and Julieta Farias. Vocabulario español de Texas. (University of Texas Híspanle Studies, 5.) Austin, 1953. = Coll y Altabás, Benito. Colección de voces usadas en La Litera. Zaragoza, 1908. - Dellepiane, Antonio. El idioma del delito. Buenos Aires, 1894. ~ Echeverría i Reyes, Aníbal. Voces usadas en Chile. Santiago, 1900. = Fontecha, Carmen. Glosario di voces comentados en ediciones de textos clásicos. Madrid, 1941. = Goicoechea, Cesáreo. Vocabulario riojano. (BRAE, Anejo VI.) Madrid, 1961. = Gagini, C. Diccionario de costarriqueñismos. Second edition. San José, 1918. 77
G. Icazbalceta = García Icazbalceta, Joaquín. Vocabulario de mexicanismos. México, 1905. G. Lomas = García-Lomas, G. Adriano. El lenguaje popular de las montañas de Santander. Santander, 1949. G. Rey = García Rey, Verardo. Vocabulario del Bienio. (Archivo de Tradiciones Populares, IV.) Madrid, 1934. G. Soriano — García Soriano, Justo. Vocabulario del dialecto murciano. Madrid, 1932. Gili = Gili y Gaya, Samuel. Tesoro lexicográfico (1492-1726). Madrid, 1947. Granada = Granada, Daniel. Vocabulario rioplatense ratonado. Second edition. Montevideo, 1890. I = Iribarren, José María. Vocabulario navarro. Pamplona, 1952. Lamano = Lamano y Beneite, José de. El dialecto vulgar salmantino. Salamanca, 1915. Lemus = Lemus y Rubio, Pedro. Aportaciones para la formación del vocabulario panocho o del dialecto de la Huerta de Murcia. Murcia, 1933. L. Puyóles = López Puyóles, Luis V., and José Valenzuela la Rosa. Colección de voces de uso en Aragón. Zaragoza, 1908. Magaña = Magaña, José. Contribución al estudio del vocabulario de la Rioja, RDTP IV, 1948, 266-303. M = Malaret, Augusto. Diccionario de americanismos. Third edition. Buenos Aires, 1946. ML = Malaret, Augusto. Lexicón de fauna y fiora, BICC I, 1945, 68-79; 302-317; 493-540; II, 39-54 ; 317-332; 485-500; III, 228-259; IV, 129-144 ; 355-370; 551-566; VI, 81-96; 253-268; 431-446; VII, 294-341; V E , 126-157; Thesaurus IX, 264-279; X, 316-347; XI, 124-187; Xn, 174-204; XIII, 142-174; XTV, 186-250. M PR = Malaret, Augusto. Vocabulario de Puerto Rico. New York, 1955. Medina = Medina, J. T. Chilenismos. Apuntes lexicográficos. Santiago de Chile, 1928. P — Pardo Asso, José. Nuevo diccionario etimológico aragonés. Zaragoza, 1938. Pichardo = Pichardo, Esteban. Diccionario provincial de voces cubanas. Matanzas, 1836. Rato = Rato y Hevia (Rato de Argüelles), A. de. Vocabulario de palabras y frases bables. Madrid, 1891-1892. Revollo = Revollo, Pedro María. Costeñismos colombianos. Barranquilla, 1942. RM = Rodríguez Marín, Francisco. Dos mil quinientas voces castizas y bien autorizadas que piden lugar en nuestro léxico. Madrid, 1922. Rohlfs = Rohlfs, Gerhard. Die bispanischen Namen der Bachstelze, in Etymologica. Walther von Wartburg zum siebzigsten Geburtstag. Tübingen, 1958, pp. 629-654. S. Arévalo = Sánchez Arévalo, Francisco. Notas sobre el lenguaje de Rio de Oro, BICC VI, 1950, 212-252. Sevilla = Sevilla, Alberto. Vocabulario murciano. Murcia, 1919. Solá = Soli, José Vicente. Diccionario de regionalismos de Salta. Buenos Aires, 1947. Suárez = Suárez, C. Vocabulario cubano. Habana-Madrid, 1921. 78
Tascón Tobón Tovar Uribe Velasco Vergara Vigón W Wilmes Y
= Tascón, Leonardo. Diccionario de provincialismos y barbarismos del talle del Cauca. Bogotá, [1934]. = Tobón Betancourt, Julio. Colombianismos y otras voces ¿le uso general. Medellín, 1946. = Tovar y R., Enrique D. Contribución al estudio del lenguaje salvadoreño, BICC H, 1946, 421-459. = Uribe, Uribe Rafael. Diccionario abreviado de galicismos, provincialismos y correcciones de lenguaje. Medellín, 1887. = Velasco Valdés, Miguel. Vocabulario popular mexicano. México, 1957. = Vergara, Gabriel María. Apodos que aplican a los naturales de algunas localidades de la provincia de Guadalajara los habitantes de los pueblos próximos a ellas, RDTP III, 1947, 58-67. = Vigón, Braulio. Vocabulario dialectológico del concejo de Colunga. Second edition. (RFE, Anejo LXIII.) Madrid, 1955. = Williams, Edwin B. Diccionario inglés y español. Edición aumentada. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1963. = Wilmes, R. Contribución a la terminología de la fauna y flora pirenaica: Valle de Vió (Aragón), in Homenaje a Fritz Krtlger, Vol. II, Mendoza, Argentina, 1954, 157-192. = Yrarrazával Larrain, José Miguel. Chilenismos. Santiago de Chile, 1945.
79
Certain o f the words included in the list are not discussed in the text o f this study because their meanings are obscure. All but the last are from R M : al%afigura: appears in the sentence, "Aconsejáronle que fuera a un al^afigura; el pobre fue allí y contóle su desdicha . . . " ; casca/renos 'madman?'; cagaalpiste\ appears in the phrase, " t u canuto cagaalpiste; the phrase dejar a uno alpiste 'dejarle sin la parte que esperaba' may have some bearing on it; engrudabotanas 'a doctor? One who puts plaster on w o u n d s ? ' ; espantagrajos 'espantapajaros ?'; picacantones 'stone workers ? ' : it appears in the phrase, "Hazense (los enamorados) azotaperros, picacantones de noche transformanse en lobos descarriad o s . . . " ; soplavientos: the gloss given by A l is 'impulsor'.
APPENDIX Verb-Complement Compounds in Modern Spanish
abatipororó Sotó p. 48 ablandabrevas Ac, Al p. 33 ablandahigos Gili, Ac, Al p. 33 abrazapalo Revollo, Tobón, Al p. 48 abreboca (abri-) M, Al p. 34, 58 abrebocas W, Al p. 7, 41 abrecanto Al p. 57 abrelatas A, Al p. 41 abrelotodo (navaj¡>) J. Goytísolo, El circo, Barcelona, Ed. Destino, 1957, p. 101 p. 41 abreojo (abri-) G. Soriano, Baráibar, Al p. 48 abrepuño(s) Baráibar, Al p. 48 abriboca (abre-) Sotó, E. Anderson Imbert, Sur, No. 271, 1961, 70 p. 34, 48 abrimanos Al p. 48 abriojo(s) (abre-) Coli, P, Al p. 48, 69 abrite comadre Sotó p. 48 acabacasas I, Coli, P, Al p. 33 acusapaletas Tobón p. 35 adobameligos Coli, P p. 34 adobasillas Ac, Al p. 37 afrentacasas I, P, Al p. 33 afrentacavadores Coli, P p. 48 agarrapatas I, Al p. 33, 37 agarrapelos I p. 48 aguafiestas Ac, Al p. 35 aguaitacaimán ML I 311, Suárez, Al p. 54 aguaitacamino(s) ML I 311, R. Martínez López, Bol. de Filología (U. de Chile), XI, 1959, 7, Alba, Al p. 54 aguantacanoa M, Al p. 59 aguantapiedras Arriaga p. 56 aguavientos Ac, Al p. 48 aguijabueyes Al p. 54 aguzanieve(s) Ac, Al p. 30, 31, 32, 54
ahogagato Pichardo, ML I 313, Suárez, Al p. 48, 58 ahogaviejas Ac, Al p. 48 ahorcagatos I p. 36 ahorcalobo Al p. 48 ahorcaperros A, G, Vergata, Al p. 36,41,65 alborotapajares G. Lomas p. 35 alborotapueblos Ac, Al p. 35 alumbranoche(s) I, Baráibar, Al p. 55 alzacola(s) A, Al p. 53, 54 alsacuello(s) Gili, Al p. 30, 65 alzafigura RM p. 80 alzafuelles Ac, M, Uribe, Al p. 34 alzanieves Rohlfs p. 643, p. 54 alzapalasa A p. 61 alzapaño Ac, Al p. 41 alzapelo M p. 35 alzapié(s) Ac, A, M, PR, Al p. 18, 23,41 alzapón Ac, Sotó, Al p. 74 alzaprima Ac, F, Solá, M., Al p. 31 alzapuertas Ac, Al p. 37 alzarrabo(s) G. Soriano, Al p. 53, 54 alzarropa Al p. 41, 72 alzatirantes Al p. 41 alzaválvulas W p. 40 alzavara A, G. Soriano p. 31, 41 alzavarón G. Soriano p. 48 alzavelas Al p. 65 allanabarrancos Ac, Baráibar, Al p. 35 allanabastillos (-pastillos) Coli, Al p. 36 amansapeón ML I 497 p. 48 amarrabollo Uribe p. 48 amasapán Revollo p. 58 amagagatos (maza-) Gili p. 72 andaboba Ac, Al, F p. 6, 31 andacoca RM, Al p. 48
81
andagallo Al p. 48 andaniño Al p. 59 andapadres Al p. 65 andapié Al p. 41 andarraya Ac, Al p. 61 andarreyes I p. 58 andarivel (es) G. Lomas, Al p. 41,63,65, 15 andarrío (s) (-rría) Ac, A, I, Al p. 1, 33, 53 andarroyo Rohlfs p. 638, p. 53 andavara I, Al p. 41 andavete Bayo, Al p. 73 apagacandil(es) Sevilla, G. Soriano, I, Lemus p. 56 apagafuegos W p. 40 apagaincendios W, Al p. 40 apagaluces A, Al p. 35, 41 apagapeñol Gili, Ac, Al p. 63 apagavelas Ac, Al p. 41 apañacuencos Lemus, I, P, Borao, Al p. 38 apeayeguas Lamano, Al p. 68 aplanacalles M, Medina, Y, M, Echeverría p.33 aprietacañuto M, Al p. 61 aprietacuello Al p. 59 aprietapapeles) R. M. Ragucci, Bol. de la Ac. Argentina de Letras, XXV, 1960, 220, W, Al p. 41 aprietarropa W, Al p. 41 aprietatuercas W. p. 41 apuracabos Ac, Al p. 41 arabuey I p. 72 araSagato ML I 506, Al p. 48 ardeviejas Gili, Ac, RM, Al p. 48 armatoste Ac, Al p. 30, 33, 41 armatrinche Al p. 69 arrampapijaros (arrapa-) I p. 54 arrancabotones A p. 60 arranca camisa M. Al p. 61 arrancacarro Baráibar p. 38 arrancacebolla M, p. 61 arrancacepas W p. 41 arrancaclavos W, Al p. 40 arrancamuelas Al p. 41 arrancapellejo ML I 509, Al p. 48 arrancapinos Ac, Al p. 35 arrancarraíces W p. 41 arrancarrejas A p. 58 arrancasábana Uribe p. 58 82
arrancasiega Ac, Borao, P, Al p. 74 arrancasondas W p. 41 arrapapájaros (arrampa-) I, Al p. 54 arrascaculos I, Al p. 48 arrascachimeneas (rasca-) Magaña p. 38 arrastrabasquiñas I p. 33 arrastracueros M, Al p. 33 arrastraculo W p. 63 arrastramuertos Al p. 65 arras trapanza M, Al p. 69 arras trapicas RM p. 38 arrastrapiés Ac, Al p. 60 arrastrasable(s) A. Carpentier, El siglo de las luces, México, 1962, p. 176, Al p. 37, 76 arrastrasayas I p. 33 arrebatapuñadas Gili, Ac, RM, Al p. 34 arrincanabos Acevedo p. 61 arrojallamas W p. 40 arrojaporradas RM p. 34 arrollabollos RM, Al p. 34 atacalzón Solá p. 65 atacapas A p. 41 atacóla Al p. 41 atacorral Uribe p. 48 atajacamino Bayo, M I 512, Solá, Al p. 54 atajanegro ML I 512, Al p. 48 atajaperros M, Al p. 59 atajaprimo A, M, Pichardo, Suárez, Al p. 36, 59 atajasangre Uribe p. 48 atajasolaces Gili p. 29 atamantas Kp. 41 atapierna(s) Gili, Ac, Al, G p. 31 atarantapayos G. Icazbalceta, Al p. 69 atascaburro(s) A p. 58 atizacandiles Baráibar, Al p. 48 atrapamoscas ML I 512, Al p. 31, 48 atropellaplatos A p. 37 avisacoches Ac p. 38 azotacalles Gili, Ac, Al p. 7, 33 azotacristos 1, Baráibar, P. L, Puyóles, Al p. 48 azotalengua(s) Ac, A, Lamano, Al p. 31,48 azotaperros Borao, P, Al p. 38 bailabién Al p. 48 bailabuena Solá p. 31, 48
bajamano Ac, Al p. 29, 38 bajamanero F, Al p. 29, 38 bajamuelles M, Al p. 58 bajarrozos G. Lomas, Al p. 41 barrefosos Al p. 47 barrehorno Al p. 48 barrejobo Revollo, Al p. 67, 72 barrelotodo Al p. 35 barresuelo M p. 48 bateaguas (bati-) I, Borao, P, G, Al p. 40 batebancos L. Puyóles, P p. 59 batiaguas (bate-) P, Al p. 40 batibarba Al p. 31, 59 baticabeza Ac, Al p. 56 baticol G p. 65 baticola Ac, Bayo, Mp. 31,41 baticor Ac, Al p. 70 baticulo Al p. 57, 59, 63, 65 batifondo Al p. 59 batihoja Ac, Al p. 30, 38 batiporte Al p. 64 batirrabo Al p. 63 bebedardos RM, Al p. 34 bebehumo ML I 525, Revollo, Al p. 54 becafigo Ac p. 54 benteveo ML I 526, Al p. 72 besaflores ML I 527 p. 54 besalamano Ac, Al p. 69 besamano(s) Gili, Ac, RM, Al p. 60, 72 besapiés Al p. 60 bienmesabe Ac, Suárez, Revollo, ML 1528, Pichardo, Al p. 73 bienteveo ML I 528, Suárez, Al p. 73 birabira (viravira) ML I 529 p. 73 blenamocos Gili p. 34 blincaciecas (brincacequias) A p. 35 bogavante Gili, Ac, G. Lomas, Al p. 38, 57, 75 botaagua Al p. 67 botabala Al p. 31, 41 botabarro M, Al p. 40 botafango M, Al p. 40 botafuego Gili, Ac, A, Al p. 34, 40 botafuero (botifuera, -juera) A, Al p. 60 botafumeiro Ac, Al p. 72 botaganado M, Al p. 40 botagua(s) Y, Revollo, M, Al p. 40 botalanzafuego Al p. 41
botalodo M p. 40 botasilla (-sela) Gili, Ac, Al p. 59 botavaca M, Al p. 40 botavante Ac, Al p. 64 botavara Ac, M, Al p. 31, 42, 64 botavino Magaña, G p. 48 botavira Al p. 63 botifuera (juera) (botafuero) A p. 60 bozacalles Coll, P, p. 35 bramacaballos RM p. 34 brinca-brinca ML I 535 p. 73 brincacequias (blincaciecas) A p. 35 bullebulle Ac, Al p. 73 buscabala Al p. 42 buscabulla M. Al p. 34 buscaniguas Ac, M, Tobón, Al p. 68 buscapié Ac, Al p. 60, 70 buscapiés Ac, Al p. 68 buscapique(s) Ac, M, Al p. 68 buscapleito(s) Ac, M, Echeverría, Al p. 37 buscapolos Al p. 42 buscarruido(s) Gili, Ac, RM, Al p. 30, 34, 63 buscavida(s) Ac, M, G. Icazbalceta, Al p. 31,34 buscayernos Al p. 36 cacafierro (caga-) Coll, P p. 66 cachacura Al p. 31, 70 cachafaz Granada, Al p. 33 cachahuero Al p. 38 cachapiernas Al p. 60 cagaaceite Ac p. 54 cagacierro Pardo p. 66 cagaduelo Gili, Al p. 35 cagaduros P, Al p. 69 cagaestrecho I p. 35 cagafierro (caca-) Gili, Ac, Al p. 31, 66 cagalaolla Ac, Al p. 38 cagalpiste RM p. 80 cagancabos I, Al p. 54 cagandando Al p. 35 caganidos Al p. 36 cagansias I p. 35 cagapoquicos I p. 34 cagaprisas I, G, Al p. 35 cagapuesto Al p. 36 cagarrache Ac, Al p. 38, 54 83
cagarropa Ac, Al p. 56 cagateclas I p. 34, 48 cagatinta(s) Ac, Solá, Al p. 31, 37 cagavino ML II 44, Al p. 57 calabobos Ac p. 68 calacuerda Ac, Al p. 31, 59 calcaporra F p. 71 calientamaños A, Al p. 61 calientapiés Ac, Al p. 42 calientaplatos Ac p. 42 calientapuesto M p. 36 calvatrueno F, Al p. 35 calzacalzón Ac, Al p. 65 calzapuños Al p. 42 calzatrepas Ac, Al p. 31, 69 callacuece A, Al p. 73 cambiavía G. Icazbalceta, Suárez, M PR, Al p. 38, 42 campatedije G. Icazbalceta, Al p. 73 cantacuco A p. 49 cantagallo ML II 320, Revollo p. 31, 49 cantalobos G p. 69 cantamisa A, M, G. Icazbalceta, G, Al p. 60 cantarrana Ac p. 31, 62 cantimplora Gili, Mp. 31, 73 capapuercas Gili p. 38, 42 cardaviejas RM p. 49 cargaburro Medina, Echeverría p. 57, 61 cargalaburra Revollo p. 61 cargahuesos ML II 331 p. 54 cargamanta ML II 331 p. 31, 49 cargatasajo Pichardo, Suárez, M, Al p. 61 cascabanco Gili p. 33 cascabobos I p. 69 cascaciruelas Ac, M., G. Icazbalceta, Al p. 33, 72 cascacortezas Al p. 42 cascafrenos RM p. 80 cascahuesos A, G. Lomas, Baráibar, Al p. 54, 67 cascali(e)ndres A, Al p. 42 cascalviento RM, Al p. 35 cascamazo A p. 59 cascamiajas (rasca-) Borao p. 36 cascandrinas G. Lomas p. 33 cascanueces Gili, Ac, A, Echeverría, Al p. 40 cascapiedras Al p. 38, 42
84
cascapiñones Gili, Ac p. 38, 40 cascaporro A, Al p. 58 cascarrabias Ac, Al p. 31, 34 cascarlojas Ac, Al p. 56 castrapuercas (-os) Gili, Al p. 42 catabatallas Gili p. 34 catacaldos Ac, Al p. 34 catalaolla Ac p. 61 catalicores Ac, Al p. 40 catarribera(s) Gili, Ac, Al p. 38 catarrostros Al p. 36 catarrufín Ac, Sevilla, Al p. 48 catasalsas Ac, P, Baráibar, Al p. 34 catasol Gili, Vigón, Rato, Al p. 48 cataviento Gili, Ac, Al p. 63 catavino Gili, Ac, Al p. 40 catavinos Ac, Al p. 35, 38 cavabién A, Al p. 60 cazabraza Al p. 31, 64 cazaclavos Ac, Al p. 40 cazacubiles Vigón, Al p. 34 cazaescota Al p. 31, 64 cazalaolla Al p. 31, 61 cazaminas Al p. 63 cazamoscas Borao, P. Alba, Al p. 54 cazaondas Al p. 42 cazaperros W p. 38 cazarratas W p. 38 cazasiglos F p. 35 cazasubmarinos W, Al p. 63 cazatorpedero Ac, Al p. 63 celacequias P p. 38 cenaaoscuras Ac, I, Al p. 35 ciegayernos F. Ac, Al p. 69 cierraculos I, Al p. 48 cierrapollera (-os) A, Al p. 42 ciérrate-bruja (-bruta) Revollo, ML II 499 p. 49 ciérra(te)-ciérra(te) ML II 499, Al p. 73 cierrapuertas Medina, A, Y, Alba p. 42, 60 comebolas Suárez, M, Al p. 33, 34 comecuras A. Carpentier, El siglo de las luces, México, 1965, p. 86 p. 76 comechile ML III 238 p. 54 comedulce S. Arévalo p. 54 comefrío Mp. 31, 34 comegente M, Al p. 31, 34, 35
comelata M, AI p. 31, 35 comemaíz ML m 239 p. 54 comemano ML III 239 p. 49 comemierda Al p. 54 comenegro ML III 239, Gagini p. 49 comepavo Echeverría p. 65 comepiojo ML m 239, Solá p. 56 comesebo Al p. 54 comesiete Al p. 29, 34 cometodo I p. 49 comeúvas A, Al p. 55 comevivos RM, Al p. 36 comicalla A, Al p. 73, 74 correcaldos P, Al p. 35 correcalles A, I, G, Al p. 33, 59, 61 correcamina Lamano, Al p. 73 correcamino(s) Granada, ML III 247, Al p.55
cortapichas I, Al p. 56 cortapichilinas I p. 56 cortapiés Ac, Al p. 59 cortapisa Gili, Ac, Vigón Al p. 23, 74 cortapitos Arriaga, I p. 56 cortapluma(s) Y, Gagini, Revollo, Ac, Al p. 31, 40 cortapruebas Al p. 42 cortapuros Ac p. 40 cortarraíces A, Al p. 42 cortarrenglón W p. 42 cortatijeras G. Lomas p. 56 cortatubos W p. 42 cortauñas W p. 42 cortavidrios W p. 42 cortaviento Ac, Al p. 40 cruzacalles Cerda p. 33 cuajaenredos RM p. 35 cuajaleche Borao, Al p. 49 correcorre M, Suárez p. 74 cubreasiento W p. 42 correchepe M p. 38 correfaldas E. G. Nora, La novela española cubrebandeja Wp. 31, 42 contemporánea, II, Madrid, 1962,151 p. 1, cubrecadena Alba, Al p. 31,40 cubrecama Borao, Sevilla, Revollo, Al 35, 75 correntodilla I, Al p. 34 p. 31, 42 correquetecagas A, Al p. 73 cubrecaras Al p. 42 corrernos A, Al p. 55 cubrecorcho Echeverría p. 42 correveidile Ac, Al p. 73 cubrecorsé W, Al p. 65 correverás Ac, Al p. 73 cubrecosturas A p. 65 cortaalambres W, Al p. 42 cubrechimeneas Al p. 42 cortabolsas Gili, Ac, Al p. 38 cubreespaldas Al p. 42 cortacallos Ac, Al p. 42 cubrefuego Alba p. 60 cortacésped W p. 42 cubrejunta W, Al p. 31, 42 cortacigarros Ac, Al p. 40 cubrellave Al p. 42 cortacircuito(s) Ac, Y, Al p. 40 cubremantel Al p. 42 cortacorriente Ac, Al p. 40 cubreneumático W p. 42 cortacucas P, Al p. 56 cubrenuca p. 31, 65 cortafierro (s) M, Al p. 42 cubrepán Al p. 42 cortafrío Ac, Al p. 42 cubrepiano Alba, Al p. 42 cortafuego(s) Ac, G. Lomas, Al p. 67 cubreobjeto(s) W p. 42 cortahielos W p. 63 cubrepiés A, Al p. 65 cortalápices Ac, Al p. 40 cubreplatos W, Al p. 42 cortapajas A p. 42 cubrepolvos I p. 42 cubretablero W p. 42 cortapapeles) Ac, A, Gagini, Echeverría, cubrerrueda W p. 31, 40 Al p. 42 cubretapador G. Soriano p. 42 cortapelo Al p. 56 cubretetera W p. 31, 42 cortapico ML III 247, Y, Revollo, Tobón cuelgacandiles G p. 68 p. 49, 56 cuelgacapas Ac, Al p. 42 cortapicos Ac p. 56
85
cuelgaplatos Alba p. 42 cuentacacao Ac, Al p. 31, 32, 56 cuentacoches Al p. 42 cuentachiles M, Alba, G. Icazbalceta, Al p. 36 cuentadedos G. Soriano p. 56 cuentagarbanzos Gili p. 35 cuentagotas Ac, Al p. 42 cuentahilos Ac, Al p. 42 cuentakilómetros Ac, Al p. 43 cuentamilla W p. 43, 64 cuentapasos Ac p. 43 cumpleaño(s) Gagini, Ac, Al p. 70 cumplefaltas Al p. 38 cundeamor (cundí-) ML IV 130, Ac, Al p. 49 curalotodo Coll p. 49 curamagüey Ac, Al p. 49 curapié Al p. 43 chafacarros P, Al p. 33 chafacharcos Coll, P, Al p. 33 chafalmejas Al p. 37 chafanegocios Coll, P, Al p. 34 chafaoficios P, Al p. 34 chapacharcos Lamano p. 38 charlabarato59 p. 34 chotacabras Ac, I, Al p. 30, 31, 32, 55 chupacallo ML IV 556 p. 49 chupacensos Borao, P, Al p. 34 chupacirios A, I, Al p. 34 chupaculos I, Al p. 34 chupacharcos G. Soriano, Sevilla, A, Al p. 33 chupacharqui Solá p. 34 chupachupa Solá, ML IV 557, Revollo, Al p. 73, 74 chupacharsos I p. 33 chupadeos Suárez p. 65 chupaflor ML IV 557, Revollo, Al p. 54, 55 chupahuevos Revollo p. 55 chupalámparas Borao, P, Al p. 33, 55 chupalandrina Lamano p. 31, 69, 70 69
86
chupaleches Arriaga p. 69 chupamel Gili p. 49 chupamelona Alba, Al p. 31, 70 chupamirto Ac, ML IV 557, Al p. 54, 55 chupaoficios RM p. 34 chupapiedras A, Al p. 62 chuparrosa ML IV 557, Cerda p. 55 chupasangre(s) ML IV 557, J. Goytisolo, El circo, Barcelona, Ed. Destino, 1957, p. 100, Al p. 56 chupatinta(s) Ac, A, Al p. 31, 37 chupatomates M, Al p. 34 chupatorcías A p. 34 churrascavereas A p. 33 déjameentrar RM p. 43 dejaprenda Al p. 60 derramanublados (-ñublados) Gili, Al p. 35 derramaplaceres Ac, RM, Al p. 35 derramasol Al p. 35 derramasolaces Gili, Ac p. 35 desbaratabailes A p. 34 descalzaperros A p. 59 descuernacabras (es-) Ac, Al p. 49 descuernapadrastros Gili, Ac, Al p. 30, 43 desentierramuertos Gili p. 34 desgarrabandera(s) P, Gili, A l p . 33 deshonrabuenos (deshonora-) Gili, Ac, F, Al p. 34 despachapastores Baráibar p. 49 despeñaperro A p. 68 despidenovios I p. 49 destrabalenguas (traba-) M, Al p. 62 destrabayeguas A p. 33, 38 destripacuentos (es-) Ac, Al p. 34 destripaterrones (es-) Gili Ac, Al p. 34, 37 destrozapeines A, Vergara p. 33, 36 destrozatormos Borao, P, Al p. 37 desuellacaras (dessolla-) Gili, Ac, F, Al p. 33, 37 detienebuey Gili, Al p. 49 duermevela Ac, Al p. 74
These terms came to me through personal information rather than written sources : buelebicbos and tio de tocamerroque from Robert Whyte Olea of Medrid, charlabarato from Juan José Grandes of Las Arenas (Vizcaya), mascanubes from Juan Menocal of Cuba, and revuelvesalsas from José Zubizarreta of Bilbao.
echacantos Gili, Ac, Al p. 33 echacuervo(s) Ac, F, Al p. 18, 29 echachina Gili p. 70 echapellas Ac, Al p. 38 echaperros Ac, I, Al p. 33, 38 echapiedras RM p. 33 echavino Al p. 60 emborrachacabras Ac, Al p. 31,49 engañabobos Gili, Ac, A, Al p. 35, 55 engañachiquillos I p. 68 engañadioses Gili p. 35 engañamajaderos Al p. 35 engañamochil Rohlfs p. 639 p. 54 engañamuchachos A, RM, Al p. 69 engañamundo (s) Gili, Ac, RM, Al p. 31, 35 engañanecios Ac, RM, Al p. 35 engañaniños Al p. 70 engañaojos Alba, Al p. 69 engañapastor(es) Ac, G. Soriano, Al p. 54, 68 engañapichanga Bayo, Solá, Al p. 69 engañasimples RM p. 35 engrudabotanas RM p. 80 engullefisgas Al p. 36 enjuagadientes Gili, Ac, Al p. 58 enjugamanos P, Al p. 43 escachamatas I, Al p. 69 escachatormos L. Puyóles, P, Al p. 37 escalatorres I p. 38 escaldahogares P, Al p. 34 escaldaoficios Coll, P. Al p. 34 escalfafulleros Gili p. 33 escampavía Ac, Al p. 63 escampavías I p. 36 escarbaculos P, Al p. 49 escarbadiente(s) Dellepiane, Al p. 30, 43 escarbaorejas Ac, Al p. 40 escarnamusa Sevilla, Al p. 43 escondecorreas Al p. 61 escondecucas (escondí-) Gili, Ac, Borao, P, Al p. 61 escondefraile A, Al p. 67 escondicucas (esconde-) I p. 61 escondivirijas G. Lomas, Al p. 61 escuchagallo, a Gili p. 71 escuchapedos I, Al p. 34 escuernacabras (des-) G. Lomas, Rato, Al p. 49
esculabolsas P, Al p. 38 esculafuegos P, Al p. 43 esculcamantas A, Al p. 55 escupejumos A, Al p. 34 escurreplatos Ac, Al p. 43 escusabaraja(s) Gili, Ac, Rato, Al p. 43 escusamoza(s) G p. 31, 41 esgarrachupas I, Al p. 33 esgarrarropas Coll p. 57 esmangamazos Borao, P, Al p. 33 espantabestias Gili p. 70 espantabobos Al p. 34 espantacaimán ML VI 81, Suárez p. 55 espantachicos P, Al p. 34 espantagrajos RM p. 80 espantagustos Ac, RM, Al p. 35 espantahombres P. de Alarcón, El sombrero de tres picos, Obras de D. Pedro de Alarcón, Madrid, 1924, Ch. 8, p. 61 p. 75 espantalobos Ac, I, Gili, F, Al p. 30, 43,49 espantamoscas Ac, A, Al p. 49 espantaniños Gili p. 58 espantanublados Gili, Ac, Al p. 35 espantapájaros Ac, A, Al p. 43, 75 espantapastores Al p. 49 espantapueblos Al p. 37 espantapulgas A, Al p. 49 espantarraposo(s) I, Al p. 49 espantarruines Gili p. 70 espantasueño A, Al p. 68 espantavaqueros Al p. 49 espantavillanos Gili, Ac, F p. 69 espantazorras L. Puyóles p. 49 esperalaúltima G. Soriano, Al p. 49 espetaperro (s), a Ac, W, Al p. 71 espulgabuey A p. 55 espulgamanteles Al p. 37 espulgaperros A, Al p. 33 espumaollas Gili, RM, Al p. 34 esquilafraile I p. 59 estancasangre Gili p. 69 estiracuellos I p. 49 estirafloxa Gili p. 61 estiraviejos F, Al p. 59 estragarecados Gili p. 37 estrechapuertas Coll p. 60 estripacuentos (des-) Borao, P, Al p. 34 estripaterrones (des-) A p. 37
87
estripaterruecos (-torruecos) Coll, P, Al p. 37 fallahueso P, Wilmes, Al p. 49 fortacán Ac, Al p. 38 franhueso Ac, Al p. 55 friegaplato(s) ML VI 87, Tascón, Al p. 49 fuiabollos Acevedo p. 68 furtainés Borao, Al p. 69 ganapán Ac, Al p. 31, 36, 38 ganapierde Ac, I, Al p. 74 gastaplaceres Torres Naharro, Comedia soldadesca (ed. J. Gillet), 1354 58 p. 35 gastapotras RM p. 37 girapliega F, Al p. 74 girasol Ac, Gagini, Al p. 34, 49 guarda(a)migo Ac, F, Al p. 43 guarda(a)xila Al p. 31, 65 guardabajos p. 65 guardabandera(s) Ac, Al p. 65 guardabaos Al p. 64 guardabarrera Ac, Al p. 38 guardabarranco ML VI 267, Al p. 55 guardabarro(s) Ac, Sevilla, Solá, Al p. 40, 65 guardabauprés Al p. 64 guardabolinas Al p. 63 guardabosque Ac, Al p. 38 guardabrazo Ac, Al p. 65 guardabrisa Ac, M, Pichardo, Al p. 40, 72 guardacabo W, Al p. 64 guardacabras Ac, Al p. 38 guardacadena W, Al p. 40 guardacalada Ac, Al p. 31, 67 guardacalor W p. 43 guardacamino ML VI 267 p. 55 guardacandela Suárez p. 38, 43 guardacantón Ac, Al p. 40, 43 guardacarne P, Al p. 43 guardacarril W p. 43 guardacartuchos Ac, Al p. 64 guardacenizas W p. 43 guardacoimas Ac, Al p. 6, 30, 38 guardacomidas Al p. 40 guardacorazón Al p. 65 guardacostas Ac, Al p. 6, 63 guardacuerda Al p. 40 88
guardacuerpo Al p. 43 guardaniños Ac, Al p. 38 guardachoque M p. 40 guardadamas Ac, Al p. 30, 38 guardadespensa Eduardo Barrios, El hermano asno, Santiago de Chile, 1937, p. 28 p. 38 guardaespaldas Al p. 38, 63 guardaesquinas A, W, Al p. 33, 40 guardafango M, Cerda, Tobón, Al p. 40 guardafrenos Ac, Al p. 38 guardafuego Ac, Al p. 64 guardaguas Ac, Al p. 64 guardagujas Ac, Al p. 38 guardahumo Ac, Al p. 63 guardainfante Ac, Al p. 43. 64, 65 guardaízas Ac, Al p. 30, 38 guardajarcia Al p. 64 guardajoyas Ac, Al p. 38 guardalado F, Ac, Al p. 66 guardalmacén Ac, Suárez, Al p. 38 guardalobo Ac, Al p. 49 guardalodos W p. 40 guardalomo P, Al p. 43 guardaluz Tobón p. 43 guardallamas Al p. 43 guardamalleta Ac, Al p. 31, 43 guardamancebo W, Al p. 64 guardamangel F, Ac, Al p. 67 guardamangier Ac, Al p. 38, 67 guardamano F, Ac, Al p. 43 guardamarcas Al p. 30, 38 guardamateriales Ac, Al p. 38 guardamigo Ac, A p. 43 guardamecha Al p. 64 guardameta W, Al p. 38 guardamocordos Arriaga p. 38 guardamonte Ac, M, G. Icazbalceta, Bayo, Solá, Al p. 38, 43, 66 guardamuebles Ac, Al p. 38, 67 guardamuertos M. de Unamuno, El sentimiento trágico de la vida, Buenos Aires, Col. Austral, 1950, p. 3 9 p . 75 guardamujer Ac, A l p . 38 guardanapos Lamano p. 66 guardanieve W p . 43 guardapapo Ac, Al p. 43 guardapatio Solá p. 43
guardapelo Ac, G. Icazbalceta p. 43 guardapesca Ac, A l p . 63 guardapeso RM, A l p . 43 guardapierna Kp. 31,66 guardapiés F, Ac, Al p. 66 guardapolvo Ac, Medina, A, Tascón, G, Al p. 30, 66 guardapuente W p. 38 guardapuerta Ac, Al p. 31,43 guardapuntas Ac, Al p. 43 guardarraya Ac, Pichardo, Suárez, G. Icazbalceta, M PR, Vigón, Revollo, M, Al p. 31, 67, 72 guardarriel W, Al p. 43 guardarrío Ac p. 55 guardarropa Ac, Al p. 31, 38, 67 guardarruedas Ac, Alp. 43 guardasalud Al p. 65 guardasellos Al p. 38 guardasilla Ac, Al p. 31, 43 guardasol F, Ac, Al p. 40 guardatierra G. Icazbalceta p. 39 guardatimón Ac, Al p. 64 guardatinaja ML VI 267, Al p. 57 guardatrinchera Al p. 38 guardatúnel Al p. 39 guarda vacas Al p. 67 guardavajilla Al p. 31, 43 guardavela Ac, Al p. 64 guardaventana W p. 43 guardavía Ac, Al p. 39 guardavientos Al p. 43 guardaviñas Alba, Al p. 39 guardavivo(s) W, Al p. 44 guardavoz I, Al p. 39 guardaxila Al p. 31, 65 guindamaina Ac, Al p. 65 halacabuyas Ac, Al p. 65 halacuerda(s) Ac, Al p. 65 hallacuchillo Solá p. 68 harbadanzas RM p. 37 harbalabor RM p. 37 hazmerreír Ac, Al p. 1, 4, 36 hazteallá Al p. 4, 36 hinca-hinca (jinca-jinca) Revollo p. 73 hincapié Ac, Al p. 72 hincapuertas I, Al p. 62
huelebichos 68 p. 34 huele de noche Gagini p. 49 hueleflor M, Al p. 34 hueleguisos M, Al p. 35 huelehuele Revollo, M, Al p. 73 huelenoche Gagini p. 49 hurgamandón A p. 34 hurtacordel, a DonQuijote, II23 p. 71 hurtacuerpo Al p. 60 hurtadineros Borao, Al p. 69 hurtagua Al p. 31 hurtarropa Al p. 31, 61 jinca-jinca (hinca-hinca) Revollo p. 73 lambecazuela Revollo p. 35 lambeladrillos Tobón p. 34 lambelambe ML VII 315, Revollo p. 73 lambeojos M PR, Al p. 34 lambeplatos Al p. 35, 37 lameculos Sevilla, Medina, G. Soriano, I, Al p. 34 lame-lame A p. 73 lameplatos Ac, A, M, Medina, Al p. 35 lanzabombas W p, 47 lanzacabos Ac, Al p. 47 lanzacohetes W p. 47 lanzadiscos W p. 40 lanzaespumas W p. 44 lanzafuego Ac, Al p. 40 lanzahélices W p. 40 lanzallama(s) Ac, Al p. 40 lanzaminas W, Al p. 47 lanzaplatos W p. 40 lanzatorpedos Ac, Al p. 47 lavacaras Ac, M, Al p. 34 lavacoches W p. 39 lavadiente(s) Ac, RM, Al p. 60 lavafrutas Ac p. 44 lavagallos M, Revollo, Al p. 58 lavamanos Ac, Revollo, Alp.44 lavaojos Ac p. 44 lavaplatos W, M, Alba, ML VII 318, Y, Medina, Cerda, Al p. 39, 40, 44, 49 lavarrostros RM p. 69 lavatiquevoy A p. 73 levaataválvulas W p. 40
89
levantaventana W p. 44 ligamaza Ac p. 66 limpiabacines ML VII 321, Suárez p. 57 limpiabarriga Tascón, Tobón p. 36 limpiabarros Ac, Al p. 40 limpiabotas Ac, Tascón, Al p. 1, 39 limpiaculos A. Carpentier, El siglo de las luces, Mexico, 1962, p. 144 p. 76 limpiachimeneas Ac, Al p. 39 limpiadientes Ac, Tovar, ML VII 321, Al p. 40, 49 limpialimas W p. 44 limpiamanos M, P, Al p. 43 limpiametales W p. 67 limpianieve W p. 44 limpiaoídos Alba, Al p. 40 limpiaojos Al p. 69 limpiaparabrisas Ac p. 44 limpiapeines Al p. 44 limpiapiés Gagini p. 44 limpiaplata Al p. 49 limpiaplumas Ac, Al p. 44 limpiapolvo A p. 44 limpiapozos RM, Al p. 39 limpiatubos P, Al p. 44 limpiaúñas Ac, Al p. 44 limpiavía W p. 40 limpiavías W p. 39 limpiavidrio W p. 44 lloranduelos W, Al p. 35 lloralástimas W p. 35 llorasangre Tovar p. 49 majagranzas Ac, Al p. 34 majagua Gagini, Al p. 50 majamama Al p. 31. 70 majapola, a la Al p. 71 majasiega Sevilla, G. Soriano p. 70 mamacallos Ac, Al p. 34 mamaflor Al p. 55 mamateta ML VII336, S. Arévalo, Gagini, Al p. 56 mamaúvas A p. 34 mancacaballos Al p. 55 mancafiestas Al p. 35 mancamontero Pichardo p. 50 90
mancaperro Sevilla, Pichardo, G. Soriano, ML V n 337, Suárez, Al p. 50, 55 mancapotrillo ML VII 337, Al p. 50 manchacuartillas J. de Entrambasaguas, Lope de Vegay su tiempo, second ed., Barcelona, 1962, p. 265 p. 37, 75 mandamás Al p. 39 mandapotros RM p. 39 marchapié Ac, A, Al p. 64, 67 mascabrevas A p. 34 mascahabas A p. 34 mascanubes59 p. 34 mascapaja RM, Al p. 34 mascapalo ML VIII132, Al p. 50 mascarrabia Sevilla p. 34 mascatornas A p. 34 mascavidrios Suárez, Al p. 35 matabueyAc, Gagini, M, ML VIII 132 p. 50 matabuey(es) Solá, Al p. 31, 44, 50 matabués Lamano, Al p. 44 mataburro M, Gagini, Al p. 58 mataburros P, Cerda, Suárez, Al p. 37, 58 matacaballo, a Gagini p. 71 matacaballo(s) Tobón, Al p. 56 matacabra(s) Borao, I, Ac, P, Al p. 68 matacallos Ac, ML VIII132, Al p. 50 matacán Ac, A, ML VIII132,1, Borao, S. Arévalo, Sevilla, Acevedo, G. Soriano, Al p. 33, 44, 50, 57, 61, 69 matacandelas Ac, Baráibar, Al p. 41 matacandil Ac, G. Soriano, Sevilla, Al p. 50, 56 matacandiles I, Ac, Al p. 30, 50, 56 matacantos Alba, Al p. 44 matacara Solá p. 57 matacartago Gagini p. 50 matacochín, de P, Al p. 72 matacoyote Tovar p. 50 matacristos Baráibar p. 69 mataculos Al p. 48 matachicos L. Puyóles p. 50 matafalúa (-faluga) Ac, Al, Borao p. 50, 75 matafuego (s) Ac, Al p. 39, 40 matagallegos Ac, M, Borao, Suárez, A, Al p. 50 matagallina Ac, ML VIII134, Alp.31,50 matagallo A p. 50
matagallos Ac, Al p. 50 matagañanes A p. 68 matagarrote A p. 61 matagitanos I, Al p. 57 mataguagua Solá p. 34 matagusano M, ML VIII 134, Alba, Al p. 50, 58 matagusanos Cerda, Al p. 67 matahambre, a Ap. 71 matahambre Ac, Granada, Pichardo, Solá, Suárez, Al p. 50, 58 matahombres Ac, Sevilla, G. Soriano, R. Gullón, Insula, Año 17, No. 187, June 1962, 1, Al p. 34, 75 matahormigas Alba, Al p. 33 matahumos Ac, Al p. 44 matajudío Ac, Al p. 57 matajunta A p. 31, 67 matalahúga (-lahuva) Ac, Al p. 31, 50 matalascallando A, Al p. 73 matalobos Ac, Al p. 50 matamaridos A, Al p. 41 matamata Alba, Al p. 73 matamico ML VIII134, Solá, Al p. 55 matamontero Suárez p. 50 matamoros Ac, Rato, Al p. 34 matamoscas Ac, A Al p. 44, 50 matamuchachos ML VIII134, Al p. 50 matamujeres I, Al p. 68 matanegro ML VIII 134, Suárez p. 50 matanueces Al p. 40 mataojo ML VIII 134, Granada, Al p. 50 mataovejas Al p. 50 matapalo(s) ML VIII 134, Tovar, Tobón, Gagini, Al p. 50 matapán P, Al p. 33 mataparientes L. Puyóles p. 50 matapasiegos Baráibar, Al p. 58 matapaso M PR p. 50 matapavo ML VIII 134, Suárez p. 50 mataperico Pichardo, M, Suárez, Al p. 60 mataperro F, Al p. 58 mataperros Ac, I, K\ p. 41 matapez ML VIII134, Al p. 50 matapiezas I, Al p. 50 matapiojo L. Puyóles, Tovar, Solá, Y p. 50 matapiojos (-pioyos) Ac, ML VIII 134, Vigón, Acevedo, Y, Al p. 56, 68
matapolvo Ac, Al p. 68 matapollo Ac, Sevilla, Borao, G. Soriano, Al p. 50 matapuerco Borao, P, ML VIII 134, Al p. 50, 58, 69 matapulga(s) L. Puyóles, Ac, Al p. 31, 50 mataquinto(s) I, P, A, Al p. 69 matarrata Ac, Al p. 31, 61 matarratas Ac, I, P, Al p. 58 matarratón ML VIII 134, Revollo, Tascón, Tobón, Al p. 50 matarrotos M, Al p. 67 matasano ML VIII134, Gagini, Al p. 50 matasanos Al, Ac p. 37 matasapo Ac, Medina, Y, Gagini, Al p. 61, 71 matasarna ML VIII134, Al p. 31, 50 matased RM p. 58 matasellos Ac, Al p. 44 matasiete Ac, Solá, Al p. 34, 47 matasoldados Al p. 63 matasuegra M, Medina, Al p. 39 matasuegras A, I, P p. 62 matasuelo(s) M, Medina, Al p. 59 matatías A, Al p. 37 matatoros M, Al p. 59 matavirgen ML V m 134, Al p. 50 matavivos RM, Al p. 34 mazagatos (amaga-) la de Al p. 72 meaperros P, G, Borao, I, Al p. 36, 60 meapilas I, Al p. 35 meneacolas I, Al p. 34 mermasangre Coli, P, Al p. 31, 50 metemuertos Ac, A, Al p. 34, 39 metepatas I, Al p. 34 metesillas y sacamuertos Ac, Al p. 39 metomentodo A, Sevilla, Lemus p. 73 mientefuerte Coli, P p. 36 mirabolano(s) Ac p. 50 miracaimán Suárez p. 55 miracielo(s) I, P, G, Baráibar, G. Lomas, Al p. 50, 58 míralotodo RM p. 34 miramar Borao, Al p. 67 miramelindo A, G p. 1, 33, 36, 66, 69 miramelindos ML VIII141, Bayo, Al p. 50 mirasol Gagini, ML VIII 141, Bayo, Al p. 50 91
mojabobos M, Al p. 68 mojarrabos Rohlfs p. 640 p. 53 mondacapullo Suárez p. 50 mondadientes Ac, Mp. 17, 23, 30, 40 mondaoídos Ac, Al p. 40 mondaorejas Ac, Al p. 30, 40 mondapozos Ac, Al p. 39 montacargas A, Al p. 44 montaescaleras Al p. 44 montambanco Al p. 35 montaplatos Alba, Al p. 44 muerdehuye A, Pichardo, ML VTU 149; Suárez p. 73 muevecola Rohlfs p. 638 p. 53 papafigo F, Ac, Al p. 55 papahígo Ac, Borao, P, Al p. 30,33,44,55 61, 63, 66 papahuevos Ac, Al p. 34 papalata Al p. 31, 61 papaleísón Acevedo, Al p. 34 papamoscas Ac, Al p. 34, 55 papanatas Ac, Al p. 7, 31, 34 paparrabias Ac, Al p. 34 paparrasolla (-resolla) Ac, F, Vigón, p. 31, 70 papasal Ac, Al />. 61 papatierra A\p. 31, 57 papatoste Ac, RM, Al p. 34 papaviento(s) RM, Al p. 34 parabrisa(s) M, Ac, Al p. 40 paracaídas Ac, Al p. 44 parachoque(s) M, Ac, Al p.44 parafangos Alba p. 40 parafuego Al p. 67 paragua(s) Y, Ac, Al p. 31, 40 parahuso Ac, Al p. 44 paramar Alba, Al p. 62 pararrayo(s) Ac, Al p. 44 parasol Ac, Al p. 40 parlaembalde Ac, Al p. 36 parteavellanas A p. 44 parteluz Ac, Al p. 61 partenueces A p. 40 partepiñones A p. 40 pasabalas Alba, Al p. 44 pasabarda A p. 55 pasabola A p. 31, 61 92
pasabolo G. Lomas, Al p. 61 pasabombas Alp. 44 pasacaballo Ac, Al p.44 pasacalle (-o) Ac, Pichardo, Al p. 60 pasacampana Alba p. 31, 68 pasacantando Al p. 36 pasacarne Gagini p. 50 pasacólica Ac p. 31, 68 pasacuentas P p. 60 pasagonzalo F, Ac, Al p. 59 pasahilo Alba, Al p. 44 pasajuego Ac, Al p. 61 pasallá I, Al p. 60 pasamacho M, Al p. 60 pasamano (s) Ac, I, F, Al p. 30, 64, 66 pasamontañas A. Garrote, A p. 66 pasamuro RM p. 47 pasapalo Al p. 58 pasapán F, I, Ac p. 68 pasapasa Ac, Al p. 74 pasaperro, a Ac, Al p. 72 pasaportodo I, M, Al p. 36, 44 pasarodrigo Al p. 59 pasarrato M, Al p. 60 pasarnos W p. 57 pasatapas W p.44 pasatarde RM, Al p. 36 pasatiempo Ac, Al p. 30, 60 pasatoro, a Ac, A, Al p. 71 pasavante Ac, Al p. 39, 65 pasavino G, Al p. 44 pasaviolín (-vigolín) A p. 60 pasavolante Ac, Al p. 60 pasavoleo Ac, Al p. 61 pegamoscas Ac, Mp. 31,50 pegapega ML X 322, Tovar, Solá, Gagini, Suárez, Revollo, M, Al p. 73 pegapollo ML X 322, M PR p. 50 pegatoste Ac, Al p. 67 pelaburros I, Al p. 36 pelacachos I, Al p. 36 pelacañas Borao, Lemus, G. Soriano, Al p. 68 pelaespigas A, Al p. 33 pelafustán Ac, Al p. 33 pelafustre A p. 33 pelagajos Al p. 33 pelagallos Ac, Al p. 33
pelagatos Ac, Al p. 33 pelamesa Ac, Al p. 31, 59 pelamimbres A p. 33 pelamingas I, Al p. 33 pelamorros I, Al p. 35 pelapinga Tobón p. 58 pelaputas A p. 34 pelarruecas Ac, Al p. 39 pelavaras A p. 33 perdonavidas Ac, Al p. 34 pesabebés Al p. 44 pesacartas Ac, Alp. 44 pesalicores Ac, Alp. 44 pésame Ac, Al p. 70 pésamedello Ac, Al p. 59 pesaniños Alba p. 44 pesaombre Sevilla, G. Soriano p. 59 picaazadón G p. 44 picabejero G p. 50 picabuey A p. 55 picacaballo ML X 328 p. 56 picacantones Al p. 80 picacarne Alba p. 44 picacena Alba, Al p. 31, 59, 70 picacerdos Wilmes p. 55 picacoz A p. 59 picaculo ML X 328, Pichardo, Suárez, Al p. 56 picaculos I p. 48 pica el cardín G. Rey p. 55 picachova Alp. 44 pica el pez G. Rey p. 55 picaespalda L. Puyóles, P p. 51 picafigo Ac, Al p. 55 picafina A p. 55 picaflor (es) Ac, ML X 328, M, Suárez, Tascón, Granada, Medina, Tobón, Al p. 1, 36, 55 picagallina Ac, Al p. 31, 51 picahuye (pica y huye) ML X 328, Al p. 31, 73 picalamposta I p. 55 picamaderos Ac, Al p. 55 picamorro, a Coll, P p. 72 picamuertos Velasco p. 39 picamulo Ac, Al p. 39 picapedrero Ac, Al p. 39 picapelón (re-) Borao, I, P, Al p. 72
picapez (-ees) Rohlfs p. 641 p. 54 picapica Ac, Arriaga, M, M PR, ML X 328, Tascón, Gagini, Pichardo, Suárez, A, Alp. 73 picapiescos G. Lomas p. 55 picapiojos Al p. 37 picapleitos Ac, Pichardo, Al p. 37 picapodre Vigón p. 58 picaporte A, I, Borao, Mp.44 picaposte Ac, Al p. 55 picapuerco Ac, I, Al p. 55 picarrelincho Al p. 55 picasarna L. Puyóles, P p. 51 picatoste Ac, A, Al p. 58 picatronco(s) I, P, G, Magaña, Al p. 55 picatueros P p. 44 pierdecasas I p. 33 pierdemisas Al p. 39 pierdetiempo Al p. 70 pillamoscas A p. 44 pillapájaros A p. 44 pillapilla A p. 74 pinchabujas Arriaga p. 56 pinchacarneiro Acevedo p. 60 pinchaúvas Ac, A, Al p. 33, 39 pintabollo Revollo p. 51 pintacoda P, Al p. 31, 60 pintacopas M, Al p. 51 pintamentiras RM, Al p. 34 pintamonas Ac, P, Baráibar, Al p. 37, 67 pintapanderos RM, Al p. 37 pintarroja Ac p. 31 pintarrojo Ac p. 55 pisabalagares Vigón p. 55 pisabuey I, Al p. 55 pisacallos Y p. 35 pisacardos RM, Al p. 37 pisacorto Al p. 36 pisahuevos Solá p. 36 pisalargo Al p. 36 pisapaja Al p. 37 pisapapel(es) Ac, Revollo, Al p. 44 pisapavas A, Al p. 36 pisatinteros I, Al p. 36 pisaúvas Ac, A, Al p. 59 pisaverde Ac, Al p. 36 pisiacamas I, Al p. 51 ponemesa Tascón, Tobón p. 56 93
ponteduro Al p. 58 ponteentodo P, Al p. 34 portaaccesorios Al p. 44 portaaguijón Al p. 56 portaagujas Al p. 44 portaalmizcle Ac, Al p. 44 portaaviones Ac, W, Y, Al p. 63 portabandera Ac, Mp. 31, 44 portabombas W p. 44 portabotellas W p. 44 portabrocas W p. 44 portacaja Ac, Al p. 31, 44 portacamisa Dellepiane p. 31, 66 portacandado W p. 44 portacandelillas Al p. 44 portacaño W p. 44 portacarabina Ac, Al p. 31, 44 portacarboncillo Al p. 44 portacartas Ac, Al p. 30, 39, 45 portacauchos Al p. 45 portacáustico Al p. 45 portacauterio Al p. 45 portacojinete W p. 45 portacomida(s) M, Revollo, Tascón, Tobón, Al p. 40 portadiscos W p. 45 portaequipaje(s) W p. 45 portaescobillas W p. 45 portaestandarte Ac, Al p. 37, 39 portaféretro W p. 39 portafrasco Al p. 45 portafusible W p. 45 portafusil Ac. Al p. 45 portaguantes W p. 45 portaguión Ac, Al p. 39 portahachon W p. 39 portaherramientas Ac p. 45 portalámina Al p. 31, 45 portalámparas W, Al p. 45 portalápiz Ac, Al p. 45 portalechino Al p. 45 portaleña W, Al p. 31, 45, 64 portalibros Ac, Al p. 45 portaligaduras Al p. 45 portaligas Al p. 66 portalimas Al p. 45 portamantas Ac, Al p. 41 portamanteo Ac, Al p. 45
94
portaminas W, Al p. 45 portamira W, Al p. 39 portamoneda(s) Ac, Y, Al p. 31, 45 portamorso Al p. 45 portamoxa Al p. 45 portamozo A p. 45 portanudos Al p. 45 portanuevas Ac, Al p. 39 portanveces P p. 39 portaobjetivo W p. 45 portaobjeto (s) Ac, Al p. 45 portaollas W p. 45 portapáginas Al p. 45 portapapeles W p. 45 portapaz Ac, Al p. 31, 45 portapelo Al p. 45 portaplacas W, Al p. 45 portapechos W p. 66 portapliegos Ac, Al p. 45 portaplumas Ac, Al p. 45 portarremos W p. 45 portarretorta W p. 45 portarriendas W p. 45 portarronzal Al p. 45 portarrueda Al p. 45 pórtasenos W p. 66 portasonda Al p. 45 portateléfono W p. 45 portatintero W p. 45 portatostadas W p. 45 portaútil W, Al p. 45 portaválvula W p. 45 portavasos W p. 45 portavento Dellepiane p. 66 portavianda(s) Ac, Gagini, Y, Al p. 31, 40 portaviento Alba p. 45 portaviones W p. 63 portavoz Ac p. 39 posafuelles Vigón p. 67 posaverga Ac, Alp. 31, 64 pringamoza ML X 343, Tascon, Suárez, Pichardo Al p. 51 probayerno A p. 51 pudreoreja Gagini p. 51 pueblahospitales RM p. 33 pujaguante M, Al p. 45 pujavante A, G, Al p. 23, 45, 68, 75 pujavino G p. 51
quebrantahuesos Ac, Al p. 17, 18, 35, 55 quebrantanueces A, Al p. 55 quebrantaolas Ac, Al p. 63 quebrantapiedras Ac, Al p. 31, 51 quebrantatinajas A p. 51 quemaculo Al p. 51 quemaquema ML X 347 p. 73 quemarropa, a Ac, Al p. 71 quiebraarado ML X I 1 2 5 p. 51 quiebrabarriga (-o) ML X I 125 p. 31, 51 quiebracajete ML XI125, Al p. 51 quiebradientes RM p. 58 quiebrahacha Ac, ML X I 125, Suárez, Gagini, Pichardo, Al p. 31, 48, 55 quiebramuelas ML XI 125, Gagini p. 51 quiebranuez (-ees) A, Acevedo, Al p. 31, 55 quiebraojo ML X I 125 p. 51 quiebraojos RM p. 37 quiebraollas ML X I 125 p. 31, 51 quiebrapalito Gagini p. 51 quiebrapiedras ML X I 125, Gagini, p. 31, 51 quiebraplato ML XI125, Gagini p. 51 quiebrasogas A p. 33 quiérelotodo RM p. 36 quitacalzón Gagini, M, Tovar, Tobón, Al P• 51, 57 quitacamisa M, Suárez, Al p. 31 quitacimbra A, Al p. 45 quitaguas Ac, Al p. 40 quitagusto M, Al p. 35 quitahipos A, Al p. 69 quitahucho ML X I 129 p. 51 quitalápiz Revollo p. 45 quitalodos W p. 40 quitamanchas Ac, I, Al p. 39, 67 quitameriendas Ac, Al p. 31, 48, 49 quitamiedos Baráibar, Al p. 31, 45 quitamotas Ac, Al p. 34 quitanieve(s) W, Al p. 44 quitapelillos Ac, Al p. 34 quitapelos RM, Al p. 34 quitapenas P, Al p. 60 quitapepenas Al p. 39 quitapesares Ac, Al p. 60 quitapesos Al p. 35 quitapiedras W, Al p. 40 quitapintura W p. 67
quitapistas Arriaga p. 58 quitaporquería ML X I 129, Al p. 32, 51 quitasol Ac, ML X I 129, Al p. 40, 51 quitasolillo Ac, ML XI129, Pichardo, Suárez, Al p. 51 quitasueño (s) Ac, A, M, RM, Al p. 70 quitatinta Revollo, ML X I 130 p. 32, 51 quitaveneno Baráibar, Al p. 51 rabiazorras Ac, Al p. 68 rachabodega(s) RM, Al p. 35 rajaboca M, Al p. 45 rajabroqueles Ac, Al p. 34 rajacincha, a Solá p. 71 rajamacana M, Al p. 36, 70, 71 rajamantas A p. 34 rajatabla, a Ac, Al p. 71 rajatabla(s) I, M, Tobón, Tascón, Al p. 35 rapabarbas Ac, Al p. 39 rapabolsas Vergara, Al p. 36 rapacejo(s) A, Al p. 69 rapacodelas Acevedo, Al p. 57 rapaculos A, Al p. 57 rapapájaros I, G. Lomas, Al p. 55 rapapelo RM p. 39 rapapiés Ac, Al p. 68 rapapobres I, Al p. 39 rapapolvo Ac, Al p. 60 rapaterrón, a G. Rey, A p. 71 rapaterrón G. Rey, Al p. 60, 71 rapavelas Ac, Sevilla, Al p. 37 rascabarriga Pichardo, ML X I 132, M, Suárez, Al p. 45, 51 rascaboñigas G. Lomas, Al p. 33 rascacaballos AI p. 30, 39 rascacielos Ac, Al p. 67 rascaculo I, Al p. 48 rascachimenea(s) (arrasca-) I, G p. 39 rascadulce M, Al p. 31, 68 rascagarganta ML XI132, M PR p. 31, 51 rascalino Ac, Al p. 51 rascamiajas (casca-) Borao, P, Al p. 36 rascamoño G. Soriano, ML XI132, A, Ac, M PR, Al p. 45, 51 rascamulas RM p. 39 rascanubes Al p. 63 rascapieles Vergara p. 36 rascapulgas Tascón, Tobón p. 34
95
rascarrabias A, Gagini. Cerda, Y, Al p. 34 rascarasca Revollo p. 73 rascasobacos RM p. 34 rascatripas Ac p. 37 rascavieja(s) A, RM, Al p. 51 rasgatabla, a A p. 71 raspabuche Al p. 58 raspacanilla Gagini, Revollo, M, Al p. 51, 59 raspaclavos Al p. 39 raspaguacal Gagini, ML X I 1 3 2 p. 51 raspalengua Gagini, ML XI132, Pichardo, Suárez, Al p. 52 raspalejón (-lijón) Lamano p. 68 raspapolvo(s) M, M PR, Suárez, Al p. 60 recalcaperro, a A p. 71 recogeabuelos Ac, Al p. 66 recogemigas A p. 46 refrescabocas RM p. 58 regañadientes, a Ac p. 71 remediavagos Ac p. 69 repicapelón, (pica-) P, Al p. 72 repicapunto, de Al p. 72 reprieta Maria, a la A p. 72 restañasangre Ac, Al p. 31, 69 retorcicuelos I, Al p. 55 revientacaballo, a A p. 71 revientacaballo ML XI 135, Pichardo, Suárez p. 52 revientacinchas, a Gagini, Echeverría p. 71 revientafilas I, Al p. 57 revientaholgando A p. 33 revientaperros A p. 52 revientatinajas A p. 52 revientatripas Al p. 52 revientayeles A p. 36 reviravolta Acevedo, Al p. 60 revuelvepiedras Ac, A p. 55 revuelvesalsas69 p. 39 robachitas I p. 55 robaperas I, G, Al p. 33 rodachina Ac p. 32, 68 rodafuegos I, Al p. 46 rodapié Ac, Al p. 46 rodapiés I p. 68 rodaplancha Ac, p. 32, 46 rodeabrazo, a Ac, Al p. 71 roealtares Al p. 35 96
roezancajos A. Machado, Juan de Mairena, I (Obras Completas), México, 1940, p. 465 p. 36, 75 rompearados P, AI p. 52 rompeátomos W p. 46 rompebancos Coll, Al p. 33 rompecabezas Ac, Al p. 1, 47, 61 rompecaldera Ac, Al/>. 31, 52 rompecamisa Alba, Tascón, Tobón p. 68 rompecoches Ac, Al p. 52 rompecrismas I, Al p. 68 rompeespinas Revollo p. 69 rompe(e)squinas W, Al p. 34 rompefierros Arriaga p. 55 rompefilas Medina, Y, Al p. 69 rompegalas Ac, Al p. 33 rompehielos Ac, Al p. 63 rompehuelga Ac, Al p. 37 rompehueso ML XI 136 p. 52 rompenecios F, RM, Ac, Al p. 29, 35 rompenueces Ac, Al p. 30, 40 rompeolas Ac, Al p. 67 rompepopo Alba p. 58 rompepoyos RM, Ac, Al p. 33 rompepoyos RM, Ac, Al p. 33 romperropa ML XI 136, Al p. 52 romperosa ML X I 1 3 6 p. 52 rompesacos Ac, Al p. 52 rompesquinas Ac, I, A, W p. 34 rompetechos A, I, Al p. 35 rompevejigas Al p. 46 rompezaragüelles (-zaraguey) ML XI 136, Suárez, Pichardo, Al p. 52 rosigaltares Coll, Al p. 35 rozavillón Ac, Al p. 36 ruedabalsas P, Al p. 57 sabelección Ac, Pichardo, Suárez, ML XI 138, Al p. 52 sabelotodo Ac, Al p. 36 sacabais Ac, W, Al p. 31, 46 sacabalas Ac, W, Al p. 46 sacabasura Medina, Al p. 39 sacabocado (s) Ac, Pichardo, Suárez, Al p. 46 sacabolsas Al p. 60 sacabotas Ac, Al p. 46 sacabrocas Ac, Mp. 46
sacabuche Ac, ML XI139, A, Al p. 46, sacabuche Ac, ML XI 139, A, Al p. 46, 52, 57, 60, 64 sacaclavos Medina, Y, Al p. 40 sacacorchos Ac, Al p. 40 sacacuartos Ac, J. Goytisolo, El circo, Barcelona, Ed. Destino, 1957, p. 40 p. 35 sacacuentas Y p. 35 sacadinero(s) Ac, I, A, Al p. 31 sacafilásticas Ac, Al p. 32, 64 sacafondos Al p. 46 sacafuegos Borao p. 46 sacafuera Vigón p. 68 sacalagua M, Al p. 35 sácalastodas A p. 62 sacaleche Tascón 271 p. 40 sacamanchas Ac, Al p. 39, 67 sacamantas Ac, G. Lomas, Al p. 39 sacamantecas I, Al p. 70 sacamolero Ac, Al p. 39 sacamuelas Ac, Al p. 35, 39, 41 sacanabo Ac, Al p. 46 sacaniguas Al p. 68 sacanovias F p. 36 sacaojos A, G. Lomas p. 57, 70 sacapelotas Ac, Al p. 33, 46 sacaperros I p. 39 sacapintura W p. 67 sacapotras Ac, F, Al p. 37 sacaprendas Al p. 39, 70 sacapuntas Cerda, Tobón p. 40 sacasebo ML XI139, Suárez, Al p. 52 sacasile ML XI139 p. 52 sacasillas Ac, Al p. 39 sacasuelos Al p. 46 sacatacos A p. 40 sacatamal Al p. 58 sacatapón Ac, Al p. 40 sacatínta A, Gagini, ML XI139, Tovar, Al p.52 sacatrapo I, G. p 52, 57 sacatrapos Ac, Coll I, Al p. 35, 40 sacatuna ML XI139 p. 32, 52 salpafuera Suárez, M, Al p. 1, 59 salta(a)trás Velasco p. 35 sa!tabanco(s) Ac, Al p. 35 saltabardales Ac, Al p. 35 saltabarrancos Ac, Al p. 35
saltacaballo Ac, Al p. 67 saltacaballos I, Al p. 54 saltacapas I, Al p. 54 saltacerros Al p. 54 saltacharquillos Ac p. 35 salta(e)mbanco(s) F, Ac, Al p. 35 salta(e)embarca F, Ac, Al p. 31, 66 saltagatos ML XI141, Ac, Al p. 54 saltahieles A p. 36 saltalaire I p. 54 saltambanco Ac p. 35 saltambarca Ac p. 66 saltamontes Ac, Al p. 54 saltaojos A, Ac, Al p. 48, 69 saltapajas Ac, Al p. 54 saltaparedes Ac, Al p. 35 saltaperete G. Soriano p. 62 saltaperico(s) ML XI 141, M PR, M, Medina, I, P, Al p. 52, 54, 57, 68 saltapico A, Al p. 57 saltapiezas Baráibar p. 54 saltaprados Ac, G. Lomas, Rato, Vigón, Al p. 34, 54 saltapurriche M, Al p. 36 saltarregla Ac, Al p. 31 saltarríu Rohlfs p. 641 p. 53 saltarrostro F, Ac, Al p. 57 saltaterandate Ac, Al p. 66 saltatrás Pichardo, Al p. 35 saltatumbas Ac, Al p. 37 saltaviñas Magaña, G. Al p. 54 saltimbanco (-banqui) Ac, M, Al p. 35 salvabarros Ac, Al p. 40 salvaguardia F, Ac, AI p. 39, 70 salvamano, a Ac, Al p. 71 salvamanteles Ac, A, Al p. 46 salvatierra Ac, Al p. 29, 35 salvavidas Ac, Al p. 46, 64 sanalotodo Ac, ML, XI142, Al p. 52, 70 sanapotras F, Al p. 30, 37 secafirmas A, Al p. 46 secagarganta ML XI147, M PR p. 52 secalóndigas (-alhóndigas) I, Al p. 35 sepancuantos Ac, Al p. 30, 73 siguemepollo Ac, Al p. 66 socati ra I p. 74 soplamocos Ac, Al p. 59 soplapitos Al p. 33 97
soplavientos Al p. 80 soplavivo RM, Ac, Al p. 30, 70 subeárboles G. Lomas, Al p. 55 subitroncos I, Al p. 55 suéltalo A p. 62 sujetapapel(es) Ac, W, Al p. 64 sujetatubos W p. 46 tajacebollas I, Al p. 57 tajalápiz Tobón p. 40 tajamar Ac, Al p. 46, 64, 67 tajaplumas Ac, Al p. 40 talacebollas Borao p. 57 tapabalazo Ac, M, Suárez, Al p. 64, 66 tapabarriga Medina p. 68 tapabarro (s) M, Echeverría, Medina p. 40 tapaboca (s) Ac, I, F. Al p. 46, 59, 66 tapabullero Magaña, G, Al p. 62 tapacamino Ac, ML XI 162, M, Al p. 52, 55 tapacantos A, Al p. 40 tapaconde Borao, Al p. 62 tapacorona Al p. 32, 46 tapacubo(s) Ac, Al p. 46 tapaculo (s) Ac, ML XI 162, I, M, Tovar, Suárez, Medina, Al p. 55, 57 tapachiche Ac, Al p. 57 tapaestero Al p. 60 tapafunda Ac, M, Al p. 31, 46 tapagoteras Tascón, W, Tobón p. 39, 67 tapahuecos Tobón p. 39 tapajuntas Ac, Al p. 46 tápalo Ac, Al p. 66 tapalodo M, Al p. 40 tapaluz A p. 67 tapamorros G p. 36 tapaojo Ac, M, Tobón p. 46 tapapecho W p. 68 tapapiés Ac p. 66 tapapinche Tobón p. 66 tapapuntos A, Al p. 66 taparrabo (s) Ac, I, Al p. 66 tapayagua Ac, Al p. 68 tardanaos Ac, Al p. 60 tejemaneje Ac, Al p. 74 tentabuey Baráibar, Al p. 52 tentapantanos Lamano, Al p. 34 tentebonete, a A, F p. 71
98
tentemozo (tinti-) A, I, Al p. 46, 63 tentempié Ac, Al p. 58 tentenelaire Ac, ML XI168, Granada, Velasco, Al p. 35,55 tentenublo I, Al p. 60 tentetieso Ac, I, A, Al p. 63 tentetinaja RM p. 62 tientaguja W, Al p. 31, 46 tientaparedes W, RM, Al p. 36 tientayernos A, Al p. 52 tintimozo (tente-) I, p. 46, 63 tira(a)floja P, Al p. 62 tiraaguas G. Lomas p. 62 tirabala Ac, Al p. 62 tirabeque (-bique) Ac, I, G, Baráibar, A, Al p. 52, 62 tirabotas Ac, Al p. 46 tirabraguero Ac, Al p. 23, 46 tirabrasas Ac, Al p. 46 tirabuzón Ac, Al p. 40 tiracantos Ac, G, Al p. 34, 62 tiracordel, » I p . 62, 71 tirachinas Sevilla, G. Soriano, A p. 62 tirachino(s) Ac, A, Al p. 62 tirafloja I, P, Al p. 62 tirafondo Ac, Al p. 46 tiracuera Ac, Al p. 46 tirafuera, a G p. 71 tiragatos, a A p. 62, 72 tiragomas Ac, G. Lomas, G, Al p. 62 tirajala G. Lomas, Al p. 74 tiraleche Tascón p. 40 tiralevitas I, P, G, Al p. 34 tiralíneas Ac, Al p. 46 tiramira Ac, Al p. 74 tirapedo ML XI 173 p. 52 tirapié Ac, Al p. 47 tirapiedras G p. 62 tirasol F, Al p. 40 tiratacos Ac, G. Lomas, Al p. 62 tiratira Revollo, ML XI 173, Tascón, M, Al p. 73, 74 tiratiros Ac, Baráibar, G. Lomas, Al p. 5? tira trillo F, P, Al p. 47 tocadiscos Cerda, Al p. 47 tocamanetas Coll, P p. 57, 70 tocamerroque, tío de59 p. 34 tocaparte, a la Borao, I, Al p. 71
tocarropa, a l p. 72 tocasalva Ac, Al p. 32, 47 tocateja, a Coll, I, G. p. 71 tocatoca M, Al p. 74 tocatorre Ac, Al p. 32, 62 tocaverrojos G. Lomas p. 34 tornabodas I, Al p. 60 tomacorriente(s) W p. 47 tomalotodo G. Lomas, Al p. 36 tomapán G p. 58 tomatrago Tobón p. 35 torcecuello Ac, Al p. 30, 55 torna(a)trás Velasco p. 35 tornaboda(s) Ac, I, Al p. 31,60 tornachile ML XI 178, Al p. 52, 75 tornagallos Ac, Al p. 52 tornaguía Ac, Al p. 31, 70 tornajuma (-yunta), a P p. 72 tornalecho Ac, Al p. 47 tornalocos Baráibar, A1 p. 52 tornamesa Medina, Y, Echeverría, Al p. tornapedo Solá p. 70 tornapeón (-pión), a Ac, I, Al p. 71 tornapié G. Lomas, Al p. 47 tornapión (-peón), a Al p. 71 tornapunta Ac, Al p. 31, 47, 64 tornapurga Solá p. 32, 72 tornarruedres Vigón p. 40 tornasol Ac, Al p. 13, 18, 30, 49 tornatrás Ac, Al p. 35 tornavía Alba p. 32, 47 tornaviaje Ac, Al p. 60 tornavirón Ac, Al p. 59 tornavoz Ac, Al p. 47 tornayunta (-junta), a I, P p. 72 trabacuenta Ac, Al p. 32, 60, 70 trabalenguas (des-) Ac, Al p. 62 traba-los-payos Al p. 29, 39 trabayerno A p. 51 trabajasapos I, Al p. 62 trafalmeja(s) Ac, Al p. 31, 33, 75 tragaavemarías RM, Al p. 34 tragabalas A, Al p. 57 tragabolas Alba p. 34, 62 tragacanta Borao p. 52 tragacanto(s) Borao p. 52, 75 tragahombres Ac, Al p. 34 tragahumo A p. 47
trágala Ac, A, Al p. 70, 72 trágala perro, a A p. 71 tragaldabas Ac, Al p. 35 tragaleguas Ac, Al p. 36 tragalibros A, Al p. 36 tragaluz Ac, Alp. 31, 67 tragamallas Ac, Al p. 35 tragameriendas A p. 32, 52 ttagamonedas W p. 47 traganíquel(es) M, Al p. 35 tragaperras W, Al p. 47 traganudos A p. 62 tragaollas RM p. 35 tragasangre Al p. 37 tragasantos RM, Ac, Al p. 35 tragasopaenvino RM, Al p. 34 tragasopas W, Al p. 34 tragavenado Ac, ML XI 179, Al p. 32, 57 tragavientos Al p. 47 tragavino RM, Ac, Al p. 47 tragavirotes Ac, Al p. 36 trancahilo K\p. 47 trancaperros M, Al p. 59 trencapiñol Coll, Al p. 55 trepaencinas A p. 55 trepajuncos Ac, Al p. 55 trepasimón A p. 63 trepatorres A p. 55 trepatroncos Ac, Al p. 55 trincaesquinas RM, Ac, Al p. 47 trincafía Ac, Al p. 74 trincapiñones F, Ac, Al p. 34, 38 trocahilo Revollo p. 69 trompatalega, a I, A. Garrote, Al p. 71 ttonchamanceras A p. 55 tronchastiles A p. 55 trotacalles Ac, Al p. 33 trotaconventos Ac, Al p. 39 trotahuertos RM, Al p. 39 trótalotodo RM, Al p. 33 trucapeón I, Al p. 71 trucayunta I, Al p. 72 truecaborricas RM, Al p. 39 tumbacuartillos Ac, Al p. 35 tumbacuatro M, Al p. 34 tumbalolla Solá, Mp. 61 tumbaollas RM, Ac, Al p. 35 tumbapated Revollo p. 52
99
tumbatumba M p. 74 tumba y aguanta, a M/>. 74 tumba y deja M p. 74 tumbavieja M, A l p . 67 tuibafiestas Medinap. 35 uchamoscas Coll, Al p. 47 untamorros I, Al p. 59 vacíabotas A, A l p . 34 vagamundo Ac, Al p. 31,33, 75 vaivén Ac, Al p. 74 vartiaguas (vierte-) G p. 40 velaluz Acevedo, Al p. 52 velamuerto ML x n 177, M P R p . 52 vencetósigo Ac, Al p. 52 vendecristos I, AI p. 36 vendehúmos Ac, Al p. 35 vendemadera G p. 32, 47 vengainjurias Ac, A l p . 30,37 vierteaguas (varti-) Ac, Al p. 40 viravira (birabira) ML XII 180, Revollo, Al p. 73 vira y vira M, Al p. 74 visitaflor ML XII 181 p. 55 volapié Ac, Granada, Al p. 61, 71 vuelapié, a Ac, Al p 71
100
vuelapluma, a Ac p. 71 vuelveparvas A, Al p. 47 vuélvete loco Tovar p. 52 zafacoca Revollo, Al p. 32, 59 zafarrancho Revollo p. 59 zambacanuta Tascón p. 72 zambalolla Solá p. 34 zambapalo(s) Tobón, F, Al p, 59 zampabodigos Ac, Al p. 35 zampabollos Ac, Vigón, Al p. 35, 68 zampacuartillos W, Al p. 35 zampagranzas Vergara, RDTP II, 1946, 639, Al p. 35 zampalata Solá p. 35 zampalimosnas Ac, Al p. 34 zampalopresto Ac, Al p. 59 zampamplús Alba p. 35 zampapalo (s) Ac, Tascón, Al p. 59 zampatortas Ac, I, Al p. 35 zapacoca Tobón p. 59 zapapico Ac, Al p. 47 zarraculos I, Al p. 48 zurracapote G, Al p. 58 zurrapelo Ac, p. 61 zurrapié G, Al p. 68