Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance: Field Studies from Rural India 2008038839, 9788178298603, 9789353289676, 9788132100898, 9789352801022

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Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance

Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance Field Studies from Rural India

Edited by

BS BAVISKAR AND GEORGE MATHEW

Copyright © Institute of Social Sciences, 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. First published in 2009 by SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd B1/I-1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044, India www.sagepub.in SAGE Publications Inc 2455 Teller Road Thousand Oaks, California 91320, USA SAGE Publications Ltd 1 Oliver’s Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP, United Kingdom SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd 33 Pekin Street #02-01 Far East Square Singapore 048763 and Institute of Social Sciences 8 Nelson Mandela Road New Delhi 110 070 Published by Vivek Mehra for SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd, typeset in 10.5/12.5 pt. Bembo by Innovative Processors, Delhi and printed at Chaman Enterprises, New Delhi. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Inclusion and exclusion in local governance: field studies from rural India/edited by BS Baviskar and George Mathew. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Panchayat—India—Case studies. 2. People with social disabilities—India— Political activity—Case studies. I. Baviskar, BS (Baburao Shravan), 1931– II. Mathew George. JS7013.I63

320.808'0954—dc22

2008

2008038839

ISBN: 978-81-7829-860-3 (HB) The SAGE Team:

Elina Majumdar, Maneet Singh and Trinankur Banerjee

Contents

List of Tables List of Abbreviations Preface 1. Introduction BS Baviskar and George Mathew

vii x xiii 1

2. Including the Excluded: Empowering the Powerless through Panchayati Raj in Maharashtra BS Baviskar

19

3. Power to the Excluded Groups and Panchayati Raj in Coastal Orissa BB Mohanty

43

4. Negotiating with Empowerment: Panchayati Raj in Andhra Pradesh Vinod K Jairath and Srinivas Sajja

79

5. Panchayati Raj or Party Raj? Understanding the Nature of Local Government in West Bengal Manasendu Kundu

107

6. On the Floor and Behind the Veil: The Excluded in the Panchayati Raj in Haryana SR Ahlawat and Neerja Ahlawat

137

7. Including the Excluded through Panchayati Raj in Karnataka BS Bhargava and K Subha

169

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8. Understanding Grassroots Power and Excluded Communities in Kerala TG Suresh

199

9. Caste, Party and Democratic Decentralization in Karnataka Lalita Chandrashekhar

229

10. Gender, Caste and Politics in Rural Tamil Nadu L Thara Bhai

263

11. ‘Brushed under the Carpet’: Inclusion and Exclusion in Manipur N Vijaylakshmi Brara

285

12. Changing Power Relations through Panchayats in Maharashtra RB Patil

317

13. Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion in Uttar Pradesh Santosh Singh

353

14. Devolution of Power through Panchayats in Rajasthan Shashi Bhushan Singh

379

15. Local Governance and Social Change in Gujarat Satyakam Joshi

407

About the Editors and Contributors Index

433 441

List of Tables

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6

Caste Distribution of Voters in Mandurne: 2000 Composition of Mandurne Gram Panchayat: 2000–2005 Caste Distribution of Voters in Alwadi: 2000 Composition of Alwadi Gram Panchayat: 2000–2005 Caste Distribution of Voters in Pilkhod: 2005 Composition of Pilkhod Gram Panchayat: 2000–2005

3.1 Profile of Kendrapara District 3.2 Profile of the Selected Panchayats 3.3 Caste-wise Population,Voters and Landholdings in the Selected Panchayats (%) 3.4 Socio-economic Background of the Members of Marshaghai Panchayat (1997–2002) 3.5 Socio-economic Background of the Members of Silipur Panchayat (1997–2002) 3.6 Socio-economic Background of the Members of Dashipur Panchayat (1997–2002) 3.7 Distribution of Beneficiaries of Major Schemes Implemented through Panchayats (1997–2002) 3.8 Development Works in Marshaghai Block (1997–2002) 4.1 Land Ownership for SCs, STs and ‘Others’ in Amangal Mandal of Mahabubnagar 4.2 Akuthotapalle Gram Panchayat 4.3 Land Distribution among SCs, STs and Others in Akuthotapalle 4.4 Cherikonda Gram Panchayat Body 4.5 Land Distribution among SCs, STs and Others in Cherikonda

22 23 27 27 31 36 45 47 48 52 58 62 67 70 84 87 87 88 89

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4.6 Mangalpalle Gram Panchayat Body 5.1 Elected Members in West Bengal (1998) 5.2 Distribution of the Gram Panchayat Members according to Caste, Religion and Gender 5.3 Educational Level of the Interviewed Gram Panchayat Members 5.4 Party Affiliation of the Interviewed Members 5.5 Members With and Without Previous Experience of the Job 5.6 Structure of the Residential Buildings of the Panchayat Members 5.7 Members With and Without Prior Political Experience 6.1 Caste-wise Distribution of Voters in Balamba Village 6.2 Caste-wise Distribution of the Elected Panchayat Members (2000–2005) 6.3 Developmental Works Undertaken by the Balamba VDS/ Gram Panchayat during the Two Years (2000–2002) 6.4 Caste-wise Distribution of Voters in Kharkara Village 6.5 Developmental Works Undertaken by the Kharkara VDS/ Gram Panchayat during the Two Years (2000–2002) 6.6 Caste-wise Distribution of Voters in Madina Village 6.7 Developmental Works Undertaken by the Madina VDS/ Gram Panchayat during the Two Years (2000–2002) 6.8 Chief Minister Grants for Developmental Works 2000–2001 8.1 Mananthavady Gram Panchayat Council—2001 8.2 Thirunelli Gram Panchayat Council—2001 8.3 Vellamunda Gram Panchayat Council—2001 9.1 Party Support in Zilla Panchayat and Taluk Panchayat in Hoskote Taluk in 2002 9.2 Demographic Profiles of Gram Panchayats 9.3 Education, Health and Animal Husbandry in the Three Gram Panchayats 9.4 Party Support in the Three Gram Panchayats 9.5 Uncontested Election/Contested Election of Gram Panchayat Members 9.6 Land Ownership of Members in the Three Gram Panchayats

90 108 115 115 115 115 116 116 139 142 145 147 151 155 158 162 208 215 219 232 237 238 240 247 250

List of Tables

9.7 Education among Women Gram Panchayat Members 10.1 Caste Structure of the Study Area 10.2 Land Use Pattern in the Villages 10.3 Ownership of Land 11.1 General Information on the Gram Panchayats in Imphal West District (As per 1991 Census) 11.2 Demographic Data of the Three Gram Panchayats (As per 1991 Census) 11.3 Socio-economic Profile of the Three Gram Panchayats (As per 1991 Census) 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4

ix

258 267 268 268 294 295 296

Elected Members in Panchayats in Maharashtra: 1997 Gram Panchayats in Kolhapur District Gadmudshingi: Caste Distribution of Voters Composition of Gadmudshingi Gram Panchayat 2000–2005 12.5 Vasagade: Caste Distribution of Voters 12.6 Vasagade Gram Panchayat Body (1997–2002) 12.7 Caste Distribution of Voters in Sangawade 12.8 Sangawade Gram Panchayat Composition 12.9 Karvir Panchayat Samiti Members 12.10 Kolhapur Zilla Parishad: Members Interviewed

318 319 321 323 327 329 335 337 344 347

13.1 Households in Chchitapura-Motipura 13.2 Community-wise Panchayat Members

358 359

15.1 Panchayati Raj in Gujarat: Women, ST and SC Members 15.2 Demography and Amenities in the Three Gram Panchayats

412 419

List of Abbreviations

BC BCM BDO BJD BJP BPL BPS BT CEO CPI CPI(M) DDO DRDA DSP DSS EAS GAIL GP IAY ICDS INLD IRDP ITDP ITI IUML JD(U) JGSY

Backward Class/Caste Backward Classes and Minorities Block Development Officer Biju Janata Dal Bharatiya Janata Party Below Poverty Line Block Panchayat Samiti Backward Tribe Chief Executive Officer Communist Party of India Communist Party of India (Marxist); also known as CPM District Development Officer District Rural Development Agency District Superintendent of Police Dalit Sangharsh Samiti Employment Assurance Scheme Gas Authority of India Limited Gram Panchayat Indira AwasYojana Integrated Child Development Scheme Indian National Lok Dal Integrated Rural Development Programme Integrated Tribal Development Programme Industrial Training Institute Indian Union Muslim League Janata Dal (United) Jawahar Gram Samruddhi Yojana

List of Abbreviations

KHAM KMLP KSSP LC LDF LSP MBC MLA MLC MP MPCS MPP MPTC NCP NSCN (IM) NSS OBC ONGC PESA PLDB PRI PUC PWG SC SFCS SNDP SSLC ST SUDA TAPCMS TDP TP TPS TRS TSP UDF VDS

Kshatriyas, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims Kisan Majdur Lok Paksha Kerala Sasthra Sahitya Parishath Local Committee Left Democratic Front Laying Silk Preparer Most Backward Caste Member of Legislative Assembly Member of Legislative Council Member of Parliament Milk Producers Cooperative Society Mandal Praja Parishad Mandal Parishad Territorial Constituency Nationalist Congress Party National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak Muivah) Nair Service Society Other Backward Class/Caste Oil and Natural Gas Commission Panchayat (Extension to the Scheduled Area) Act Primary Land Development Bank Panchayati Raj Institution Panchayat Union Council/Pre-University College People’s War Group Scheduled Caste Silkworm Farmers’ Cooperative Society Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam Secondary School Leaving Cerificate Scheduled Tribe Surat Urban Development Authority Taluk Agricultural Producers’ Cooperative Marketing Society Telugu Desam Party Taluka Panchayat Taluka Panchayat Samiti Telangana Rashtra Samiti Tribal Sub-Plan United Democratic Front Village Development Samiti

xi

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VJ VLW VSS WUS ZP ZPTC

Vimukta Jamati Village Level Worker Vana Samrakshana Samiti Water Users’ Association Zilla Parishad Zilla Parishad Territorial Constituency

Preface

One of the thrust areas of the Institute of Social Sciences (ISS) has been, how to make the local government including village councils (panchayats) instruments of social justice and social transformation. After more than one and a half decades of specialized work in this area, we found that exclusion was still the hallmark of the system even after several years when the village councils had been placed under Part IX of the Constitution. Therefore, the Institute took up an all India study to assess the level of inclusion of excluded groups and communities in the local government system. Prof. BS Baviskar, who had over thirty years of teaching and research experience in rural development at the Department of Sociology, University of Delhi, was invited to coordinate the project. With his extraordinary fieldwork skills, scholarship and social science research ability he worked out a unique research programme. He identified nineteen researchers interested in working for the programme, and launched the project in January 2001. The researchers visited their respective areas of fieldwork and met at the Institute to discuss their research outlines. Several scholars, administrators and panchayat leaders, along with Prof. Baviskar, commented on the research outlines and critically looked at the fieldwork undertaken by the team of researchers. The research team undertook sixteen studies in fourteen states. Three studies were undertaken jointly by two scholars each. Each study covered three panchayats in the same taluka/block and the same district. One panchayat was headed by a woman sarpanch, another by a scheduled caste or scheduled tribe sarpanch, and the third one was headed by a sarpanch belonging to the locally dominant caste.The researchers spent one month in each gram panchayat and one month to observe the working of taluka/ block panchayat samiti and zilla parishad. Thus, each researcher spent

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four months in the selected area doing intensive fieldwork or practising participant observation. While Karnataka and Maharashtra were covered by two studies each, the remaining twelve states were covered by only one study each. The workshop we had at the ISS in September 2002 was special. The nineteen researchers presented their sixteen studies covering fourteen states. The researchers revised their papers in the light of the critical comments received from the peer group and the discussions at the meeting. Thus, the original drafts went through several revisions. The present publication, Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance, is the outcome of continuous hard work put in by a group of dedicated scholars in our country. Two of the studies relating to local government in Mizoram and Tripura, authored by Professors C. Nunthara and Nikhlesh Kumar, respectively, could not be included in the volume.They have been separately published by the Institute in its Occasional Paper Series. The studies in this volume have two special characteristics. One, they are sharply focused on the issue of inclusion and exclusion. They address the question of empowerment of scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and women. Have they been empowered? If yes, then in what sense, and to what extent? If not, why? Second, these questions have been explored not by using a quantitative or questionnaire method but by using intensive interviewing and observation, also called participant observation. We believe that this method has enabled the researchers, all trained and experienced social scientists, to understand the phenomenon as clearly as possible with valuable insights. We are deeply indebted to the Ford Foundation for the financial support to the project and to the Foundation’s then Programme Officer, Mark Robinson, who showed keen interest throughout. We have been helped by several colleagues in the Institute in conducting the project. Priti Sharma, Anita Lodhi and Jasmeet Bawa worked as Research Assistants for the project at various times. Molly Bino single handedly carried the burden of managing vast correspondence and making numerous drafts of papers with exceptional competence and smiling face. The Administrator, Madhu Nair, and his team of willing workers provided valuable support at all the stages of this work.We record our sincere gratitude to all of them. George Mathew Director Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi

1

Introduction

1

Introduction BS Baviskar and George Mathew

The love of the intellectual Indian for the village community is of course infinite if not pathetic. It is largely due to the fulsome praise bestowed upon it by Metcalfe who described them as little republics having nearly everything that they want within themselves, and almost independent of any foreign relations…. That they have survived through all vicissitudes may be a fact. But mere survival has no value.The question is on what plane they have survived. Surely on a low, on a selfish level. I hold that these village republics have been the ruination of India. I am therefore surprised that those who condemn provincialism and communalism should come forward as champions of the village. What is the village but a sink of localism, a den of ignorance, narrow-mindedness and communalism? (AVARD, 1962: 24)

These were the words of BR Ambedkar, the man behind the Indian Constitution, when the debate in the Constituent Assembly was taking place on 4 November 1948. Jawaharlal Nehru’s views on the Indian village were also not different. In reply to a letter from Gandhiji, Nehru wrote: ‘I do not understand why a village should necessarily embody truth and non-violence. A village, normally speaking, is backward intellectually and culturally and no progress can be made from a backward environment. Narrow-minded people are much more likely to be untruthful and violent.’ 1 Thanks to Ambedkar’s and Jawaharlal Nehru’s rather uncharitable views about the Indian villages, the Constitution makers placed panchayats as units of self-government only as part of Article 40 (Directive Principles of

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State Policy) in the Constitution. India’s quest for an inclusive governance system at the grassroots thus received a serious jolt. Consequently, whatever institutions were created at the district level and below after 1950 remained strong in form, but weak in content. Social justice through social transformation and democratic processes remained a far cry for decades. The Balwantrai Mehta report (1959) did institutionalize the panchayati raj, but it was viewed primarily as a development agency of the State. India had to wait for another two decades before panchayats were accorded the status of democratically elected political institutions. The pioneering work of the CPI(M)-led government in West Bengal (1977), the Janata Party government in Karnataka (1983) and the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) government in Andhra Pradesh (1985), pushed the grassroots democratic institutions to come to the centre stage of democratic discourse. In a sense, the reservations voiced by both Ambedkar and Nehru about the marginalized and excluded communities being able to take over the reins of power were grounded in the social realities of Indian villages. What was the utility of creating democratically elected and politically powerful institutions in the villages without creating the enabling conditions? The traditionally dominant sections of people in rural India would have throttled these institutions in their infancy. Such a fear was not without basis. But the other side of this argument is that if democracy is given a chance to prosper at the grassroots, it does in the long run create powerful institutions, transforming the very hierarchical, iniquitous and caste ridden society into a modern one. After all, Gandhiji had given a clarion call to ‘Go to the villages, that is India, therein lives the soul of India’2 which showed us the way to move forward. And it was precisely this hope that propelled Gandhiji to promote gram swaraj or village republics. It took nearly four decades for the Indian Parliament to pass the epoch-making Constitution (73rd and 74th) Amendment Acts, on 23 December 1992 to be precise. It was a turning point in the history of local governance with far reaching consequences for Indian federalism, decentralization, grassroots democracy and people’s participation in planning for development, gender equality and social justice. Thus, when finally after years of discussion, discourse and debate, on 24 April 1993 and 1 June 1993 the panchayats and municipalities became Parts IX and IXA in the Constitution, respectively, they were defined as ‘institutions of self-government’. Panchayats and municipalities will be endowed with such powers and authority to function as institutions

Introduction

3

of self government with respect to ‘preparation of plans for economic development and social justice’ and ‘implementation of schemes for economic development and social justice’ [Article 243(G) and 243(W)]. And the most important Article impacting on social change was: Seats and offices will be reserved for scheduled castes (SCs), scheduled tribes (STs) in proportion to their population (and for women not less than one-third) at all levels of panchayats [Article 243(D)] and municipalities [Article 243(Q)]. The new age panchayati raj system opened extraordinary possibilities for building a new India with the effective participation of every citizen of this country. When nearly three million men and women get elected every five years from all sections of society at the sub-state level, it naturally unleashes tremendous energy. At another level, the amendments have created the potential for a third stratum of government taking the country to a multilevel federal system. However, since the panchayati raj or the local government is a state subject, the states took their own sweet time to reconcile to the radically altered situations enjoined upon by the Constitutional amendments. The Amendment to the Constitution was viewed as a powerful instrument of social change in the country. However as the two Acts (the 73rd and 74th) were all about distribution of power it was not realistic to expect that a silent revolution would take place in our traditional, hierarchical society. Predictably the revolutionary potential was to face stiff opposition from powerful and dominant social forces. Thus, in the last one decade or so, we witnessed social conflicts of various degrees and dimensions because the traditional power holders targeted the weaker sections to undermine the authority bestowed on them by the two amendments to the Constitution. As the democratic functioning and governance is conditioned by the social system and its dynamics, after the introduction of the new generation of local governments, we were witnessing a dialectics of social conflicts and silent revolution.The present study centres around this theme.

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY When the ten year journey of the passing of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts was nearing its completion, the Institute of Social Sciences, given its ongoing interest in issues of local governance and

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BS Baviskar and George Mathew

social change, felt the need to undertake a reality check. A systematic and comprehensive study was needed to review the functioning of the new generation of panchayats, specially focusing on the excluded communities (SCs, STs and women) vis-à-vis the panchayati raj. The Institute decided to undertake a focused and rigorous study based on primary data collected through field work. A meeting of social scientists interested in issues of local governance was held in early 2001 to discuss the approach and methods and to identify scholars willing to join the research team. Seventeen scholars, fourteen sociologists and three political scientists volunteered to join the team. They decided to undertake fourteen studies in twelve states. They also discussed the theoretical issues involved in the study. Bringing about a change in the distribution of power was the core issue. The team noted that for a long time social scientists have been interested in understanding the distribution of power in society. It was agreed that in no society is power equally distributed. While some people enjoy or exercise greater power, many others have hardly any power. How to explain this inequality in the distribution of power in a given society? Of course the distribution of power in a society may change over a period of time. The question is, how to explain such changes? What are the forces and processes underlying such changes? In literature one finds two major schools of thought debating this issue during the 1950s and 1960s.They could be identified as elite theorists and pluralists. The elite theorists such as C. Wright Mills (1956) and others argued that political power always went to those who enjoyed high status and wealth. In other words, the upper classes always rule. As against this view, the pluralists, represented by Robert A. Dahl (1961) and Nelson W. Polsby (1962) and others argued that it was too simplistic a view to assume that upper classes always enjoyed greater power. According to them, the distribution of power in a society was generally determined by the combination of resources and skills enjoyed by people. There are many resources other than status and wealth which enabled people to acquire power. Besides, the skills for using one’s resources are not evenly distributed, nor are they necessarily acquired by one’s status and wealth. Thus, it is not just status and wealth but a plurality of factors that enable people to acquire power. This is the pluralist view. The Indian Constitution introduced in 1950 adopted adult franchise, thus creating a political resource for all citizens. When the Indian Parliament passed the 73rd Constitutional amendment in 1992 reserving

Introduction

5

seats for women, SCs and STs in panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) they were in a sense following the pluralist line. They were creating another resource through reservation in the hands of these deprived sections to enable them to acquire some power even if they did not enjoy high status and wealth. Of course, occupying formal positions of power is not enough. That does not make one necessarily powerful. The real test of power, as Max Weber told us categorically, is one’s ability to influence decision making in a public action affecting the community.The formal position only gave an occupant a better opportunity to participate in the decision making process. The pluralists always emphasized the importance of studying the process of decision making for this purpose. It follows that if we want to find out whether the women, SCs and STs have been empowered or not, we must study the process of decision making at the various levels of PRIs. If we find these sections influencing the decisions in panchayats, that would be the proof of their empowerment and a sign of their being included, overcoming their earlier state of exclusion. Thus, the main objective of our research was to find out the degree of inclusion of the hitherto excluded groups and categories such as SCs, STs and women in the rural power structure. What was the extent of their empowerment? We thought that this could be found out only by going to the field. That is why in our preparatory meetings we decided to undertake case studies in particular districts and follow the method of intensive fieldwork or participant observation. Thus, the consensus was that the focus of the study should be: how far reservation of seats in the panchayats has given representation to SCs, STs and women? Were they truly empowered? Had the panchayats become participatory? The objective of mandatory meetings of gram sabhas was to involve the general body of village population in the decision making process and make the functioning of panchayats informative and transparent. Have the gram sabhas achieved this goal? It was decided that the study should find out the interface between panchayats and the wider social structure and their mutual impact on each other. The fieldwork was designed in such a way that each scholar would select three panchayats located in the same taluka and the same district in the state. One of these panchayats would be headed by a woman, another panchayat headed by an SC or ST man or woman, and the third panchayat headed by a man or woman of the local dominant caste. The researchers were to spend four months in the field, one month in each

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panchayat area. The fourth month was set apart for studying the taluka panchayat samiti (TPS) and the zilla parishad. This pattern of field study in the same taluka/district was to avoid, as far as possible, socio-economic and political diversities. The assumption was that these panchayats would share more or less the same social structure, including the caste system. They would also share the same economic structure in terms of land distribution, cropping pattern and climatic conditions. Moreover, it was expected that they would share the same political structure including the levels of political awareness and exposure to the penetration of political parties as well as the same administrative system and cultural ethos. The expectation was that this kind of broad commonality between the three panchayats would facilitate a reasonable comparison of changing power relations in them. Since the new panchayats were a potential threat to the established power holders in rural society such as the dominant castes and landed classes, it was essential to find out the response of these powerful sections to the functioning of the panchayat system under the new ethos. The researchers spent some time in the field areas of their choice for preliminary investigations and to formulate a research design suitable to the context. They were given an opportunity to present their research outlines to the team. The outlines described the socio-economic and political background of the area and the three village panchayats. They also shared the rationale for selecting those panchayats. In addition they discussed the research questions and also the methods and techniques they will use to collect and analyze their data. There was considerable discussion on inclusion, exclusion and empowerment. It was agreed that mere membership of local government bodies does not amount to inclusion or empowerment. It was pointed out that long before the passing of the 73rd amendment, there was provision for nominating one or two SCs, STs and women to represent the weaker sections. But it was seen as mere tokenism. Nobody took it seriously. The nominated members themselves understood this and occasionally attended the meetings, often keeping quiet and making no difference to the functioning of the panchayats. It was accepted that membership was only an initial step. The members should not only participate in the deliberations of the decision making process but should be able to influence, in part, if not in full, the outcome of the deliberations. That is the real sign of inclusion and a true indicator of empowerment.

Introduction

7

The task of the researchers was to find out whether the SCs, STs and women had been truly empowered as mentioned earlier. If the answer to this question was yes, then in what sense had they been empowered and to what extent? If the answer was no, then why not? This was the major research question to address. It was also crucial to indicate the future trends of development. After considerable discussions it was agreed that the method should be suitable to the research question.Thus, the methodology of data collection and fieldwork was a major concern for this research project. Since the research would be focusing on degrees of inclusion and empowerment, it was agreed that participant observation was the best method to follow. Casual visits to the field and collecting data through superficial questionnaire surveys was rejected as it would not yield the desired results. Each researcher had to observe not only who participates, but also who prevails in the decision making process, because answers to these enquiries were often found in non-verbal behaviour and body language of participants, which could only be captured by keen observation of the events, incidents and situations. It goes to the credit of all the researchers engaged in the project that collection of data and fieldwork, analysis of the research material and writing up of the case studies were completed within the assigned period. The draft of fourteen research reports were presented in a workshop of interested social scientists, political leaders and officials associated with local government. Their critical observations, comments and suggestions were extremely valuable for all the researchers to revise their work.

THE CASE STUDIES As mentioned earlier, we are presenting here fourteen case studies from twelve states conducted by seventeen scholars. Excepting two states, in all the other ten states we undertook only one study each. In the two states of Karnataka and Maharashtra, however, we undertook two studies each. This was done mainly for two reasons. First, being pioneers in panchayati raj from the beginning in the 1960s, we thought these states deserve a greater attention. Second, luckily we had scholars available who knew the local language and had done considerable research work in the rural

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BS Baviskar and George Mathew

areas of these states. Each of the studies dealt with three gram panchayats keeping in view their relationship with the taluka/block panchayat samitis and zilla parishads. Thus, these studies cover the functioning of forty two village panchayats addressing the question of inclusion–exclusion and empowerment of the hitherto excluded communities and categories such as the SCs, STs and women. We highlight briefly the main findings of these studies.

Scheduled Castes and Panchayats There is a great deal of diversity in the way in which SC men and women members as well as panchayat heads are treated by the dominant castes and upper classes. In most cases the dominant castes do not approve of the reservation accorded to the SCs. But they realize that they cannot undo what has been done by the Constitution. Resentful of this change, they have found ways and means to undermine the positions of SC members and heads of panchayats in these democratically elected fora. One way of humiliating them is to show their ‘true’ place by making them sit on the floor while upper caste members sit on chairs during panchayat meetings. This is a common practice in Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and Tamil Nadu. In Haryana (see Chapter 6) the SC sarpanch (man or woman) has to sit on the floor. Only the Jats (dominant caste) and other high castes are allowed to sit on chairs. They keep separate sets of plastic cups, plates and glasses for the SC members which have to be washed by them after use. Paradoxically, the same Jats do not mind drinking liquor with the SCs from the same glass. The dominant castes use various strategies to minimize the effective presence of SCs in panchayats. They engineer divisions among SCs and encourage them to fight among themselves, thus, weakening their collective strength. Alternatively, they support weak SC candidates in elections and control them after they get elected. If an SC man or woman is the sarpanch of the panchayat, the deputy sarpanch is often from the dominant caste and effectively runs the panchayat using his clout arising out of better education, higher status and wealth.Thus, the dominant caste leaders run the panchayat through manipulations and backseat driving. The SC sarpanch is helpless to assert his or her power because of his/her poverty, ignorance and economic dependence on the dominant castes.

Introduction

9

Untouchability is observed in subtle ways even in panchayat meetings. For example, in Orissa (see Chapter 3) the higher caste peons refuse to wash cups and plates used by SC members. Brahmin members sit aloof and refuse to accept tea or snacks in the meetings to avoid pollution. In Uttar Pradesh (see Chapter 13) they do not force SC members to sit on the floor but make them sit on separate plastic chairs which are washed after the meeting. Both in Orissa and Tamil Nadu (see Chapter 10) SC members are not allowed to speak on matters concerning higher castes. Even when an SC is a sarpanch, as in Orissa, he/she is not able to repair the school building in an SC locality with the result that the SC children have to attend school at a distance in the neighbouring village. The roads connecting their hamlet remain in bad shape. The same is the story in Tamil Nadu. Even though there is an SC sarpanch, piped water goes first to dominant caste areas. It rarely reaches the SC area. Again in Orissa and Tamil Nadu, only a negligible proportion of panchayat budget is spent for the welfare of SCs. They mainly get benefits of Indira Awas Yojana for housing, some economic benefits under the Antyodaya Scheme and provision of sanitary latrines. However, there is a silver lining in this cloudy and gloomy scenario. Realizing that the SC quotas are going to continue, the dominant castes in some states follow the course of conciliation and manipulation rather than that of confrontation. In Andhra Pradesh (see Chapter 4) the dominant Reddys prefer to support the SCs of their choice to have an indirect hand in running the panchayats. Similarly in Uttar Pradesh the dominant Rajputs allow them to sit on plastic chairs instead of sitting on the floor and allow them some benefits to serve their own interests. One Jain leader openly dines with SCs. The practice of calling the SCs pejoratively as Chamars is no longer observed. In certain respects, the situation is relatively better and positive in some states such as Maharashtra, Gujarat, West Bengal and Kerala. In Kerala (see Chapter 8), untouchability is hardly practised. In West Bengal (see Chapter 5) the SCs have benefited the most through panchayats. Having improved their economic position through land reforms, they were in a favourable position to take advantage of the panchayat programmes. The ruling left parties also favoured the SCs because they looked upon SCs as the lower class which deserved all help being economically poor and socially low in status. Ideologically the left parties found them most deserving for uplift and welfare.The SCs in West Bengal may be still poor

10

BS Baviskar and George Mathew

but they are no longer marginalized. In Gujarat also (see Chapter 15) the SCs have benefited to some extent through the panchayati raj. In Uttar Pradesh there is a mixed picture. Oppressed for long, the SCs have now started asserting their rights demanding egalitarian treatment in the panchayats. They may sit on plastic chairs but insist on sitting close to the Rajputs and not aloof. The money earmarked for SC welfare in the panchayat budget is spent for the assigned purpose. The SCs are much more confident and assertive. One dramatic example of this was an episode of an SC woman sarpanch hitting a Rajput man, who was an exsarpanch, with her chappals (footwear), the reason being she was provoked by the words of the latter. The upper caste gentleman and others around him were stunned but could not do anything about it. By far the best example of SC rise to power is in Maharashtra (see Chapters 2 and 12).The former untouchable caste Mahar (now converted to Neo-Buddhism) leads the SCs in that state. Their members and sarpanches, both men and women, exercise full rights in their panchayats. They are vocal, freely expressing their views and taking full advantage of various welfare schemes for themselves and for the village as a whole. They are critical of any discrimination against them. Their sarpanch sits on the main chair in the panchayat office and conducts the proceedings with confidence and dignity. Other members including those belonging to dominant castes treat the SC sarpanch with due respect even though she/he may be a poor agricultural labourer. The reason for their confidence is their leader,Ambedkar, who inspired them to educate, organize and agitate. Besides, Maharashtra has a long tradition of social reform going back to more than a century. The great social reformers such as Mahatma Jotiba Phule and Shahu Maharaj fought against the caste based injustices and created an awareness to fight for their rights. To some extent this applies to Gujarat also, where the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi had a great impact on the awakening among the SCs. Recently, under the leadership of Mayawati the SCs in Uttar Pradesh have acquired similar confidence which is evident from the above mentioned action of an SC woman sarpanch. Mayawati became Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh four times and this inculcated confidence and an aggressive approach to secure their share in power and political and social rights. In spite of all these positive developments the SC panchayat members have miles to go before achieving full and meaningful inclusion. Even in Maharashtra and elsewhere effective power is retained by the dominant

Introduction

11

castes due to their economic clout.And in many cases, including Rajasthan, the power enjoyed by the SCs is often symbolic. Although they have not been fully empowered, considering their past, what they have achieved through the new panchayati raj is certainly a significant march towards empowerment.

Scheduled Tribes and Panchayats The STs constitute 7.5 per cent of the total population in the country as a whole. The proportion varies from state to state. There is a great deal of diversity among the STs as well. The 73rd amendment, incorporating many path-breaking provisions for effective local self-government, was not automatically applicable to the scheduled areas because of the unique characteristics and special needs of the tribal people. Article 243M(4)(b) extends the provision of the Act to such areas subject to exceptions and modifications as may be specified in such laws and no such law shall be deemed to be an amendment of the Constitution. Subsequently, based on the Bhuria Committee Report, an Act titled ‘The Provisions of the Panchayat (Extension to the Scheduled Area) Act, 1996 (PESA)’ was enacted in December 1996 and it came into effect from 24 December 1996. The Act makes it clear that the organization and functioning of the panchayats in scheduled areas will be different from that of panchayats in non-scheduled areas. While the 73rd amendment visualized panchayats as instruments of participative democracy, the PESA Act conceptualized these institutions as representative democracy. The provisions of PESA extend to the panchayats in the Fifth Scheduled Areas of nine states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa and Rajasthan. In most states the STs live on the outskirts of the village.They are a small minority in terms of numbers. They are generally poor and educationally backward. Many are engaged as agricultural labourers or take up other odd jobs such as fishing, hunting or watch and ward work. Being in the midst of a predominantly Hindu population, they are influenced by Hindu religious practices while pursuing their own rituals and worship of tribal gods. The STs are elected to panchayat bodies at all the three levels both as members and office bearers according to their population in the area. At the other extreme are the tribals in the Northeast who constitute

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BS Baviskar and George Mathew

a majority. Most of them have converted to Christianity and progressed a great deal in education. They have village councils, but are not governed by the provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. By and large the STs are poor and socially and educationally backward. On several indicators they are behind the SCs. However, there is one difference. They do not suffer from the stigma of untouchability and are not subject to the kind of atrocities the SCs have been encountering. But they are lagging behind in political awareness and are not conscious of their rights. They enjoy the same privileges of reservation in legislatures, government jobs and educational opportunities. However, they have taken much less advantage of these opportunities as compared to the SCs. In Maharashtra, the Bhils are the largest in number among the STs but they remained backward as compared to the other ST groups such as the Kolis. Even when Bhils are elected to the panchayats they rarely attend the meetings. They say they cannot afford to lose their daily wages by attending the meetings. A Bhil panchayat member in Maharashtra said, ‘I get only Rs 10 as honorarium to attend the panchayat meeting, for which I have to sacrifice a day’s wages of Rs 50 which is so essential to support my family.’ Moreover, they do not comprehend what the panchayat decides and agree with whatever the others (dominant caste members) decide.Thanks to reservation, a young educated Bhil was elected sabhapati (president) of the taluka panchayat samiti in Maharashtra with the support of Nationalist Congress Party. He was mainly interested in the symbolic trappings of the office: an office car, big office, house and subservient bureaucrats. He did whatever the party bosses asked him to do. In Gujarat also, a Halpati (ST) sarpanch was treated with least respect by the dominant Anavils and Patidars. Even in Manipur with a large tribal population in the hill areas of the state, a Christian Kabui tribal sarpanch of a village in the Meitei area in the valley was least effective.The Meiteis discriminated against the tribals in subtle ways. Similarly in Kerala, known to be a progressive state, the tribals are deprived of their lands by the government and the immigrants. The panchayat funds meant for tribal welfare are used for benefits to the higher caste. Although forming 17.1 per cent of the population of the Wayanad district, the tribals are neglected by both the major political parties, the CPI(M) and the Congress.The tribals are just reduced to passive recipients. They are not involved in the high profile local government planning process. A number of development projects are announced in the name of tribals but ultimately they benefit the dominant groups. To check such

Introduction

13

distortions in the implementation of programmes, the state government has recently appointed social activists to monitor the schemes earmarked for tribals, women and other weaker sections. This does not mean that the tribals do not gain anything at all. Even symbolic gains have a certain value. In Rajasthan (see Chapter 14) the ST sarpanch tries to protect the interests of his community. Because of his intervention the government officers are now more accessible to the tribals.The gram sevak goes out of his way to help them.There are hardly any cases of atrocities against the tribals, thanks to the watchful presence of the tribal (Bhil) sarpanch. But the tribals are not fully satisfied. They expect much more from their leader. They do not seem to realize the limitations of the powers of their sarpanch. His power depends on the support of the dominant caste, the Paliwals. He has to keep them in good humour. Therefore, he cannot be too partisan towards his own people, however deserving they may be. The tribal leaders are generally opposed to reservation for women. They say women should contest along with men and win the seats. This is the feeling among tribal leaders in Manipur also. They say if a woman is a good worker she will win even against men. According to them reservation goes against the principle of merit.

Women, Empowerment and Panchayats Women enjoy reservation for not less than one-third seats for members and presidents of all the three tiers of local governments for the panchayats and municipalities. In all, nearly one million women get elected, which is the largest in any country in the world. Among the forty two village panchayats studied under this project, sixteen were headed by women. They present a microscopic picture of women’s role in panchayats in twelve states. The most noteworthy feature about women is the enthusiasm shown by them throughout the country to come forward to contest the elections for panchayat seats at all the levels across the states. During the debate in parliament on the 73rd and 74th amendments, some members had raised doubts whether sufficient number of women candidates would come forward to contest the elections. However, these fears have been proved unfounded and on the whole nearly five million women candidates file nominations to contest for one million posts. That means on an average

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BS Baviskar and George Mathew

there were five women candidates contesting every seat.What is even more remarkable is that some women managed to win general seats defeating rival men or women candidates. In Karnataka (see Chapters 7 and 9), for example, 44 per cent women have been elected to the panchayats. That is, 11 per cent unreserved seats have been won by women defeating rival men and women candidates. Unfortunately, this enthusiasm among women, partly boosted by the husbands and other male members in the family, is not reflected in their active participation.The phenomenon of proxy role performed by elected women’s husbands or sons is common across several states. For example, the researchers found that husbands of women panchayat members attend and speak at the panchayat meetings in several states including Karnataka, Orissa, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh. It is also a widespread practice for husbands to carry on the actual day to day official work on behalf of their wives heading the panchayats. This practice was noted in several states including Gujarat, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh. In Manipur the practice was stopped when members raised objections. Thus the informal institution of pradhanpati, where the wife is the pradhan (head) of the panchayat but the pati (husband) does all the work is not confined to only Uttar Pradesh. There is of course a classic example of a Rajput sarpanch/pradhan woman of a panchayat in Uttar Pradesh where the husband does everything and the wife is almost invisible. This pradhan woman is a graduate but never leaves her home, never attends panchayat meetings, and nobody is allowed to meet her. Her husband attends and conducts panchayat meetings, meets all outsiders in connection with panchayat work and obtains his wife’s signatures on the panchayat documents. A similar practice is followed in Orissa, where the husband does the work and the wife signs the papers. The wife is not invisible but it is very difficult to get both of them together. She refuses to sign any papers in the absence of her husband. In Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh a ‘pragmatic’ division of labour between husband and wife was observed. The woman sarpanch conducts meetings and signs all papers but refuses to deal with any outside men such as teachers, contractors and government officials to preserve the status and dignity of the family. All outside work including dealing with outside men is handled by the husband. There are also several examples where women themselves do all the work. For example, in Manipur a Meitei woman sarpanch does all the work herself and has successfully completed several development projects for

Introduction

15

the panchayat such as repairing roads, construction of panchayat ghar, cleaning the village ponds and renovating the school building. The reason for her accomplishments is her background as an activist in the women’s organization called Meira Paibies. Normally SC women members of panchayats suffer from a double disadvantage. They are looked down upon because they are from lower castes and they are often ridiculed with contempt because they are women. However, there are also exceptions to this general observation—a silver lining in a dark cloudy sky. In Orissa, an SC woman nayab (deputy) sarpanch won her seat by defeating a higher caste woman. Today the SC women in UP dare to take bold actions because the state is being ruled under the chief ministership of Mayawati, an SC woman who took firm action to protect the rights of SC men and women.Thanks to Mayawati’s rule and panchayati raj reservations, the SCs have acquired a great deal of confidence to assert their rights, indicating their empowerment. It is observed that upper caste status and a higher educational level enable women to perform their role effectively. A higher caste woman sarpanch gets support from higher caste men, and education gives her confidence. A Jat woman sarpanch in Haryana received her husband’s help to use the resources of the government sponsored Village Development Samiti which was under her husband’s control. In Maharashtra an illiterate SC woman sarpanch was seen performing her role confidently although she had to, at times, take decisions in line with the wishes of dominant caste leaders who helped her in getting elected. But she was able to execute a number of projects concerning her own community. In West Bengal women appeared to be disillusioned with panchayat work. They found it to be time consuming and tension ridden. They also felt that the left parties were not keen on women’s issues. Even successful panchayat women leaders were not recognized by the party organization. In Manipur it was observed that women panchayat leaders were more effective. They were work oriented and not corrupt. Generally men did not welcome women in power. In Orissa and a few other states, high caste men did not like to work in a panchayat headed by an SC woman which they considered below their dignity. In Kerala, it was found that women panchayat members were younger in age and better educated. But both the main parties, CPI (M) and Congress, do not recognize women’s importance and ignore them in party organizations.

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BS Baviskar and George Mathew

Both in Kerala and Uttar Pradesh, it was found that several factors discouraged women from actively participating in panchayat work. Women tend to suffer from inferiority complex. They lack confidence. Male domination, particularly in the public sphere, inhibits women in coming forward. Increasing criminalization of politics in certain parts of the country scares women away from panchayats. And lastly, the fear of scandals and character assassination prevents women from actively involving in village affairs and public life. Considering the long history of suppression of women under patriarchy, women seem to be on the path to empowerment although at a slow pace. The fact that women come forward to fight elections, come out of homes to attend panchayat meetings and sit with men of different castes and age groups is itself a step on the road to empowerment. In course of time this will lead to their active participation in the decision making process and they will acquire a legitimate share in power.

Concluding Observations What the 73rd Constitutional Amendment has done is to unleash the tremendous energies for social transformation in the Indian society. The floodgates have been opened and there is no way they can be closed. The strong political institutions at the grassroots level are a necessary condition for carrying out the new possibilities of the post-73rd Constitution amendment. Therefore, Ambedkar and Nehru on the one side and Gandhiji and his followers on the other have converged at one point. That is, Indian society with thousands of years of its oppressive, antihuman and status quoist history could be changed through democracy, practised through vibrant self-governing institutions at the village level. However, it is not a quantum jump but a painfully slow process. The field studies and cases cited in this research report point precisely towards this conclusion. As we have seen, the country is not showing a uniform picture but a mixed one. There is a great deal of variation and diversity across the country demonstrating the vast differences in local social structures and the regional histories.The regions with a tradition of social reform such as Maharashtra, Gujarat and parts of South India seem to have responded favourably to the Constitutional changes for inclusion of the hitherto excluded groups. As the process continues with the active participation of positive social forces, the very dynamics of these changes

Introduction

17

and the grassroots democratic institutions could usher in changes in the less progressive backward regions as well. India is on the crest of a new transformation. In the next decade or so the SCs, STs and women are bound to make further progress in their social status, leadership role, economic position, educational level and political awareness. This will enable them to claim and acquire a legitimate share in the power structure. Local government is only the beginning and for many it is a nursery of leadership. With elections every five years a churning process has begun, and that is the finding of this study by a group of scholars who could look at it objectively but with the sensitivity of social scientists.

NOTES 1. The letter was written in reply to Gandhiji asking Nehru to reconsider several things in the Constitution. About Hind Swaraj Gandhi told Nehru that we can realize truth and non-violence only in the simplicity of village life. See Jawaharlal Nehru, A Bunch of Old Letters, 1988: 508. 2. Quoted by L. Krishnaswami Bharathi in the Constituent Assembly debate, 22 November 1948.

REFERENCES AVARD. 1962. Panchayati Raj as the Basis of Indian Polity: An Exploration into the Proceedings of the Constituent Assembly. New Delhi: AVARD. Dahl, Robert A. 1961. Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City. New Haven: Yale University Press. Mills, C. Wright. 1956. The Power Elite. New York: Oxford University Press. Nehru, Jawaharlal. 1988. A Bunch of Old Letters. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Polsby, Nelson W. 1962. Community Power and Political Theory. New Havan:Yale University Press.

2

Including the Excluded

19

Including the Excluded: Empowering the Powerless through Panchayati Raj in Maharashtra BS Baviskar

THE BACKGROUND Maharashtra is known to be a progressive state in the field of panchayati raj. It had introduced the three-tier panchayati raj system in 1962 with a great deal of enthusiasm. The state authorities did not hesitate in delegating requisite powers to the newly created gram panchayats (GPs), taluka panchayat samitis (TPSs) and zilla parishads (ZPs). Excepting on one occasion (1979–92) they also held elections to these bodies on time. In fact the state decided to reserve 30 per cent seats for women in panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) on its own initiative in 1991, a year before the passage of the 73rd Constitutional amendment. After the creation of the unilingual state of Maharashtra with Bombay as the capital on 1 May 1960, the Congress Party, which had suffered serious losses in the general elections of 1957, again emerged as the dominant party and Chief Minister Yashwantrao Chavan as the acknowledged leader of the party and the government in the state. In line with the Nehruvian vision of that time, Chavan advocated creation of a democratic socialist Maharashtra with the help of the newly emerging PRIs and rural cooperatives. While PRIs were looked upon as instruments to extend democracy to the masses in rural areas, cooperatives such as the network

20

BS Baviskar

of cooperative sugar factories and district central cooperative banks were expected to usher in an era of economic prosperity and egalitarian society. The Congress Party controlled not only the state government but also the PRIs and the cooperatives. The dominance of the Congress Party coincided with the dominance of the Maratha caste which enjoyed a decisive dominance in the state as a whole, largely due to its numerical strength, economic and political clout, and relatively high ritual status. Both the PRIs and the coops were looked upon as the entry-points and training grounds for the younger political leadership emerging in rural areas. Thus, the Congress Party and its predominantly Maratha leadership continued to control the PRIs, coops and the state government until the early 1990s. However, the Shiv Sena and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) soon started challenging its position. They finally succeeded in ousting the Congress from power in the state in 1995 and claimed a share in controlling the PRIs and coops in some districts. This significantly changed the political scene in the state. When the elections to PRIs were held in 1995 (soon after the passing of 73rd amendment) a fragmented picture emerged with control over PRIs being shared by the Congress, BJP and Shiv Sena. The split in the Congress Party in 1999 and emergence of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) under the leadership of Sharad Pawar have further fragmented the local political scene. In the elections held in February 2002, only in five out of twenty seven ZPs, did any single party have a majority of its own. Besides, in four more ZPs the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance had a clear majority. In eighteen ZPs the verdict was fractured (for a detailed analysis, see Palshikar 2002:1278). In the elections to the Jalgaon ZP held in February 2002 the Shiv Sena–BJP alliance won a clear majority with eleven and twenty seven seats, respectively, out of the total of sixty eight seats. In the Chalisgaon TPS the total of fourteen seats were shared as follows: NCP six, BJP four, Shiv Sena two, Congress one, and Independent one. Any ideologically rational combination proved to be impossible. So the leaders of NCP and BJP set aside their ideological baggage and decided to come together. The sabhapati’s post was reserved for a scheduled tribe (ST) candidate. There was only one ST candidate (Hiraman Govinda Sonavane, a Bhil) among the fourteen. He was elected on the NCP ticket. Being the only eligible candidate, his getting elected as the sabhapati was a foregone conclusion. The NCP struck a deal with the BJP for a stable majority by offering them the post of upasabhapati. Thus, Ananda Fakira Patil, a BJP

Including the Excluded

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Maratha candidate from Pilkhod, was elected as upasabhapati unopposed. Both parties which had fought a bitter election campaign against each other now came together claiming that they did so in the interests of the development of Chalisgaon taluka. Such are the compulsions of pragmatic politics at the local level in Maharashtra. Soon after his election as sabhapati, Sonavane was taken in procession in the town and felicitated with garlands and speeches. At the party leader Subhash Chavan’s house, in the presence of a large crowd of party followers, Sonavane was welcomed by the party leader’s wife in the traditional Maharashtrian style by performing arti. Sonavane, a poor Bhil from Londhe village, could hardly control tears in his eyes. Sonavane aged twenty nine had studied up to the twelfth class. He was a gram panchayat member for two years but otherwise a novice in taluka level politics. He would therefore be guided by the senior leaders of the party. He seemed to be quite happy in the symbolic trappings of office. The honour of holding public office and the respectful attention bestowed upon him, the official vehicle, the honorarium and allowances would all mark a big change in his life style. In the process he would also learn the rules of the political game and may acquire certain political skills. At that moment the symbolic aspects of power appeared to be more important to him. Of course it was not a small gain for a tribal person from a poor family.

THREE GRAM PANCHAYATS According to the project design, I selected the following three gram panchayats in Chalisgaon taluka for intensive study: (1) Mandurne, where an OBC woman is the sarpanch, (2) Alwadi, where a woman from a scheduled caste (SC) is sarpanch, and (3) Pilkhod, where a dominant caste man (Maratha, OBC) is the sarpanch. The detailed analysis follows.

MANDURNE: THE VILLAGE Mandurne is situated on the left bank of Girna river on the border between Jalgaon and Nashik districts. It is a medium size village with 1,547 voters. The caste distribution of voters is shown in Table 2.1.

22

BS Baviskar Table 2.1 Caste Distribution of Voters in Mandurne: 2000

Sr. No.

Caste

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Mali Bhil Muslim* Maratha Mahar (Neo-Buddhists) Bhavsar Kumbhar Beldar Bhoi Koli

11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

Nhavi Bhikshu Sutar Shimpi Mang Chambhar Bhangi

Traditional Occupation Agricultural cultivation Agricultural labour Crafts, agricultural work Agricultural cultivation Agricultural labour Crafts and agricultural labour Potter Earth work Grain parching/roasting Water carrier, agricultural labour, fishing Barber Monk Carpentry Tailoring Rope-making, playing music Leather worker Scavenger

Total

Reservation Category OBC ST

– – SC

No. of voters 713 230 205 196 65

OBC OBC OBC OBC ST

30 26 25 19 09

OBC

07 06 05 03 03 03 02

– OBC OBC SC SC SC

1,547

Source: Field notes. Note: * A cluster of three castes.

Mandurne is a clear case of decisive dominance of the Malis. They are overwhelming in numbers and own most of the land. On the other hand, although the Bhils and Muslims have some numerical strength, they are poor, do not own any land and are economically dependent on the Malis. Unlike most of the villages in Maharashtra where the Marathas enjoyed Patilki vatan (village headmanship), in Mandurne the Malis have traditionally enjoyed both the positions of police Patil and Mulki or revenue Patil. In order to proclaim their special status, the Malis use ‘Patil’ as their surname, common among the Marathas all over Maharashtra. Until the early 1950s Mandurne was like any other dry village, neither poor nor prosperous. But then a few enterprising Mali farmers obtained permits to lift water from the Girna river, laid long pipe lines to irrigate their fields, and started cultivating sugarcane. Soon it became a prosperous village. They set up a school which was gradually upgraded up to the tenth standard. Recently, farmers in Mandurne are sliding into a gradual economic decline for two reasons. With inadequate and scanty rains in recent years the government has applied severe restrictions on lifting water from the Girna river bed. This has curtailed the acreage under

Including the Excluded

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sugarcane and other irrigated crops, resulting in an economic loss to the farmers. The second reason for the economic ruin of some families was addiction to alcoholism. Recently, there has been an attempt to create awareness about this problem through religious preaching and, thus, wean away people from drinking. Some families have joined the Vaishnavite Warkari sect which advocates vegetarianism and teetotalism. How strong is the impact of this movement is yet to be seen.

Mandurne Panchayat Following the example of the neighbouring villages, viz., Pilkhod, Saygaon and Tamaswadi, people in Mandurne also decided to reach a consensus in the panchayat elections held in April 2000. Accordingly, a general meeting of all the villagers was held and it was agreed to allot six seats to Malis and one each to the Marathas, Muslims and Bhils (ST). Since the post of sarpanch was reserved for a woman OBC candidate, it was given to Devakabai Chhagan Patil belonging to the Mali caste. The composition of the gram panchayat is shown in Table 2.2. Table 2.2 Composition of Mandurne Gram Panchayat: 2000–2005 Sr. No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Name Devakabai Chhagan Patil Suresh Rajaram Patil Vikram Sukhdeo Patil Dagadu Atmaram Patil Pratap Vikram Patil Jamid Nathu Mansuri Nimba Tanha Bhil Vatsalabai Laxman Mahajan (W) Dagubai Bhaurao Mahajan (W)

Designation Age

Caste

Sarpanch

35

Mali

Reservation Education Occupation Category OBC (W) Std IV Agriculture

Upasarpanch Member

40

Mali

OBC

50

Member

Std X

Agriculture

Maratha General

Std IV

Agriculture

30

Mali

OBC

Std X

Agriculture

Member

32

Mali

OBC

Std XII

Agriculture

Member

35

Muslim General

Std VII

Member

40

Bhil

ST

Std IV

Member

40

Mali

OBC (W)

Std IV

Mattress maker Agricultural labour Agriculture

Member

50

Mali

OBC (W)

Illiterate Agriculture

Source: Panchayat records. Note: W indicates women members.

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BS Baviskar

Although elected on the basis of village-wide consensus, the GP is now divided in two factions. Five members support the sarpanch. The remaining three are in the opposition, though they appear to be rather mild opponents. The sarpanch, Devakabai is educated up to the fourth standard. She narrated the background of her unopposed election. There was a general agreement in the village for some time to elect her husband (Chhagan Narayan Patil) as the sarpanch. They thought it was his turn this time. But the sarpanch post was reserved for an OBC woman.Then the choice fell on her. If not the man, let his wife be elected, the villagers said. At first she was reluctant. But she was persuaded to accept. She accepted only because her election was unopposed. She was not interested in fighting the election. Their’s is a leading family of the village and has contributed sarpanch candidates a number of times in the past. This was another reason for accepting the offer. She wanted to maintain the family tradition. However, the main reason was her husband’s support. He agreed to help in her work particularly in dealing with the outside world—school teachers, contractors, government officials and others. Devakabai is literate and well informed on panchayat matters. She chairs the meetings—her husband never attends meetings since he is not a panchayat member—and she signs all papers. He deals with people, particularly men. This overcomes her limitations as a daughter-in-law of the village. The arrangement seems to have worked smoothly. Chhagan Patil is educated up to the tenth standard. He is well to do, a farmer with irrigated land and a large poultry in partnership with an affinal relative. Devakabai donates all her honorarium to the panchayat. With that money they have purchased a public address system for the panchayat. Two other members have donated ceiling fans for the office. The panchayat participated in the state level village cleanliness campaign and competition with great enthusiasm. The leaders offered their own tractors and bullock carts free of charge to level the village lanes and remove the garbage. They were disappointed when they did not get the prize. When there was shortage of drinking water in Mandurne and the surrounding villages, and their own panchayat well dried up, they promptly solved the problem by paying a farmer in the neighbouring village to buy water from his well for the season, with the result that Mandurne people were getting daily supply of water while several neighbouring villages had to go without it for days. On the whole there is overall approval among the villagers of the arrangement worked out by the sarpanch and

Including the Excluded

25

her husband. The panchayat is functioning smoothly, although one of the opposition members in the panchayat was murmuring to me about the absurdity of the arrangement. Why should there be a reservation for women if they cannot do the work, he asked. According to some villagers, there is nothing wrong in this arrangement. This is bound to happen in the transition period. Earlier young women never entered the public sphere. Now young women come out and attend public meetings. That itself is a big change for a village like Mandurne. The next woman sarpanch will perhaps do all the work herself without depending too much on a man in the family. Devakabai’s is really a case of proxy sarpanch but luckily for her and the village the panchayat work has not suffered. Of course the objective of empowering women is far from fulfilled. Devakabai is a sarpanch for name’s sake. The other two women members of the panchayat are not very different.They attend the panchayat meetings but rarely open their mouth. They do not air their views even on matters affecting women such as low attendance of girls in school and lack of proper toilet facilities for women. There is one ST member belonging to the Bhil tribe. He has not been empowered at all. Although he has studied up to the fourth class, he is a poor agricultural labourer. There is not enough work in the village. So he migrates to Gujarat for sugarcane harvesting for six months in a year. That income helps him to support his family. Being away for six months, he is not active in the panchayat work. Besides, he has no ideas, energy and initiative to do anything for his community. In spite of reservation, and the government’s tribal welfare programmes, Bhils have remained uneducated, backward and poor, unlike the Mahars (SC) who are far more advanced. Mandurne gram panchayat is working smoothly thanks to the effective leadership of Chhagan Patil and the efficient gram sevak. Of course the objective of including the excluded and empowering the women and STs is far from achieved. The dominant caste and patriarchy continue to rule in the village. The women and STs have willingly submitted to their rule accepting continuation of their traditional subordination.

ALWADI: THE VILLAGE Alwadi is a relatively small village with a population of 1,088 according to the 1991 census. Its location has advantages as well as disadvantages.

26

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It is situated close to the reservoir of the dam on the Manyad river. Its wells are always full due to percolation of water from the reservoir. This has enabled the farmers to cultivate irrigated cash crops such as sugarcane, which has led to marked prosperity of the village and particularly of its farmers. Throughout the summer of 2002 when many neighbouring villages were faced with acute shortage of drinking water, Alwadi never faced any scarcity. On the other hand, being at least 6 km away from the main road, the people of Alwadi suffer physical inconvenience due to difficulty of communication and a sense of isolation. Being small in size means a smaller number of voters (only 800) which does not give the Alwadi people any political clout to bargain for political positions. In every election, they complained that the political parties including BJP, Congress and Shiv Sena do not take their claims for party tickets seriously. In Alwadi, the Marathas enjoy a decisive dominance due to their overwhelming numerical strength, economic power arising out of near monopoly of land ownership and high social status as Marathas. Bhils and Mahars are in good numbers but much smaller than the Marathas. They are economically poor and dependent for employment on the Marathas. Most of the 640 hectares of its cultivated land is irrigated and used mainly for sugarcane cultivation which has contributed largely to the prosperity of the Marathas and others. There are 106 wells, with equal number of electric motor pumps to lift water. Twenty one TV sets, eighteen telephones, twenty one motorcycles and seven tractors are some other signs of material prosperity. As against this the primary school is only up to the fourth standard. There are not enough children to enable the school to open higher classes, with the result that boys and girls have to commute to neighbouring Saygaon village to study in higher classes. The caste distribution of voters in Alwadi is shown in Table 2.3.

Alwadi Panchayat Being a small village, Alwadi was for many years part of a joint panchayat with another small village (Deshmukhwadi) in the neighbourhood. The joint panchayat was divided into two separate panchayats in 1993. The second election to the separate panchayat was held in June 2000 and the

Including the Excluded

27

sarpanch and upasarpanch were elected in September 2000 for a period of five years. The composition of the gram panchayat is shown in Table 2.4. Table 2.3 Caste Distribution of Voters in Alwadi: 2000 Sr. No.

Caste

1. Maratha 2. Bhil 3. Mahar (Neo-Buddhists) 4. Nandiwale 5. Koli 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Sutar Muslim Mali Dhangar Mang Gosavi

Traditional Occupation

Reservation Category

No. of Voters

Agricultural cultivation Labour Agricultural labour

OBC/General ST SC

354 210 117

Worship of Nandi; agricultural labour Water carrier, fishing, agricultural labour Carpentry Agricultural labour Agricultural cultivation Shepherds Ropemaking, playing music Mendicant

OBC

50

ST

39

OBC – OBC OBC SC OBC

10 06 05 05 02 02

Total

800

Source: Field notes. Table 2.4 Composition of Alwadi Gram Panchayat: 2000–2005 Sr. No.

Name

1.

Satabai Dhanraj Ahire Gorakh Malji Patil Madhukar Uttamrao Shinde Valmik Dala Patil Karbhari Irbhan Pawar Popat Ganpat Patil Chitrakalabai Pralhad Patil (W)

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Designation Age

Caste

Reservation Education Category

Sarpanch

55

Mahar

Upasarpanch Member

36

Maratha OBC

Std VII

42

Maratha OBC

Std XI

Agriculture and labour Agriculture + contractor Agriculture

Member Member

41 27

Maratha General Bhil ST

Std IV Std X

Agriculture Agriculture

Member

45

Maratha OBC

Std XI

Agriculture

Member

47

Maratha General (W)

Illiterate

Agriculture

Source: Panchayat records. Note: W indicates women members.

SC (W)

Illiterate

Occupation

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In the elections of June 2000 to the panchayat two panels of candidates were in the fray, one led by a BJP worker and the other put up by an NCP sympathizer. Gram panchayat elections are usually not fought on party lines. But the two rival factions were known for their different political affiliations. The BJP leader’s panel won five seats while the NCP workers could win only two seats—both Marathas but one man and one woman. In the meetings, the man is mildly critical of the ruling group. The woman does not utter a word. Madhukar Uttamrao Shinde is the leader of the ruling faction. He is a rich farmer educated up to eleventh standard and active in BJP politics. He tried for a TPS ticket but the party favoured a candidate from Pilkhod. He was complaining that the claims of workers in small villages were always ignored. Since it was known that the sarpanch’s post was reserved for an SC woman, Shinde and his group encouraged and supported Satabai Dhanraj Ahire, a Mahar woman. She is illiterate and poor, depending mainly on working as agricultural labourer with her husband. They are often helped by the Shinde family in times of need. With Satabai in the sarpanch chair, Shinde and his supporters thought that they could steer the panchayat work smoothly according to their plans. In return for playing the game according to the group’s design, Satabai has earned several benefits. These benefits are both social and economic. She sits in the main chair while presiding over the panchayat meeting. She does not talk much, but seems to understand the issues involved. Everybody addresses her with respect due to the chair. Being a former untouchable, who was not even allowed to enter higher caste houses, this must be a very satisfying experience for Satabai. When the meetings are in session, her husband Dhanraj Ahire takes rounds and watches the proceedings from a distance with a certain degree of pride. Going to the TPS office at Chalisgaon to attend meetings and to meet senior officials must also be a satisfying experience for a woman of Satabai’s background. Of course, she is always escorted by someone, either the gram sevak or the panchayat peon, who is also a Mahar. Satabai has also received some material benefits. She gets a modest amount as honorarium for being a sarpanch, which is important for a poor family. She has also obtained a bicycle for her daughter who commutes to the neighbouring village for attending school since the Alwadi school has no provision for higher classes.This is under a government scheme to enable girls from poor families to continue their education by using the facilities in the neighbouring villages.

Including the Excluded

29

Satabai has also succeeded in persuading the panchayat to construct a cement-concrete platform to arrange social functions for her Mahar community. She is now trying to get a community hall constructed. A drain has already been constructed in the Dalit locality by the panchayat for removal of dirty water. The panchayat has also accomplished other works for the village as a whole, such as adding a classroom to the school building and constructing dwellings for the poor under the Indira Awas Yojana. In all these achievements of the panchayat the gram sevak Pandurang Mahadu Ahire’s role has been crucial. He is hardworking and dedicated to panchayat work. Last year he won the award for being a model gram sevak in the taluka. He was judged the best among eighty gram sevaks. The Bagul episode provides evidence of empowerment of Dalits at the village level, thanks to panchayati raj. Ashok Bagul is a peon in the panchayat office. He is a Mahar (SC) like Satabai.They may even be related to each other. One issue about his duties had been discussed in panchayat meetings several times. In case of the village drains, the panchayat policy was that each household should clean the portion of the drain in front of their own house. This leaves the question of cleaning that portion of the drain which is not near anybody’s house. Who should clean that portion? The panchayat could not afford to employ somebody to do that work. It has no funds. The panchayat members suggested that this work should be entrusted to Bagul since he does not have much work as a peon in the panchayat office. Besides, the cleaning of a certain portion of the village drain, that too on certain days in a week, will not be too much of a burden on him. Bagul argued that cleaning village drains was not part of a peon’s duty, and that the panchayat should find some other solution. The issue was discussed in several monthly meetings of the panchayat. The same arguments were repeated every time by both the parties. The members used all means of persuasion, appeal for larger interests of the village and subtle threats of harassment. Under constant pressure, Bagul would agree to do the work, but did not do it in practice. He even approached the panchayat employees’ union at the taluka level.The union leaders promised to fight on his behalf and the matter was reported in the press. Some members felt that Bagul was defying the panchayat’s orders because of silent support from the sarpanch. The sarpanch Satabai denied such a thing. They asked her to openly order him in the presence of all. Her reply was that since she did not order anyone, why should she order Bagul? ‘Let the panchayat pass a resolution and follow it with an office

30

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order’, she said. The panchayat could not pass such a resolution. They knew that cleaning drains was not a peon’s duty. The Bagul episode illustrates an example of Dalit empowerment. Despite tremendous pressure by the panchayat leaders, Bagul tried to defend himself against what he considered to be injustice and dared to report the matter to the union leaders at the taluka level. What gives him so much courage? First, he is a Mahar inspired by Ambedkar’s teachings to fight against injustice. Second, he feels confident because the sarpanch is a fellow Dalit. Perhaps he expects her to stand by him if the matter reaches a critical point. In the actions of Satabai and Bagul one sees the beginning of Dalit empowerment, thanks to the 73rd amendment. As against this, see the record of Karbhari Pawar, the Bhil (ST) member of the panchayat. He is very passive and hardly takes any interest in panchayat work. He does not seek panchayat benefits either for himself or for his community. Such is the contrast between the Mahars and Bhils. When I asked Pawar why he was not active in panchayat work, and why he did not try to obtain benefits for his community—the Bhils, he just shrugged his shoulders saying he was not interested. ‘Besides’, he said, ‘the Bhils won’t appreciate if I tried to do anything for them. Then, why bother?’ A Mahar member would not have reacted like this.

PILKHOD: THE VILLAGE Pilkhod is located on the right bank of Girna river, 22 km from Chalisgaon, the taluka town. The road coming from Chalisgaon to Pilkhod is connected to the national highway (Mumbai–Agra Road) at a distance of 30 km near Malegaon town in Nashik district. In 1991, the village had a population of 3,736. Currently it is estimated to be around 5,500. The caste distribution of voters in Pilkhod is shown in Table 2.5. Most of the land in the village is owned and cultivated by the Marathas and Malis. Land ownership among other caste groups is marginal. They depend for their livelihood on crafts and services in addition to agricultural labour. Pilkhod as a whole has prospered since 1968 with the introduction of electricity in the village which enabled many farmers to install electric pumps on their wells to cultivate irrigated cash crops such as sugarcane,

Including the Excluded

31

Table 2.5 Caste Distribution of Voters in Pilkhod: 2005 Sr. Caste No. 1. Maratha (Kunabi Patil) 2. Mali 3. Koli 4. Muslim* 5. Bhil 6. Mahar (Neo-Buddhists) 7. Teli 8. Wani 9. Sonar 10. Nhavi 11. Gosavi 12. Chambhar 13. Jain 14. Shimpi 15. Sutar 16. Mang 17. Brahman 18. Gond 19. Dhivar 20. Mahanubhav 21. Marwari 22. Bhoi 23. Rajput 24. Panchal 25. Dhobi 26. Leva Patil 27. Garudi

Traditional Occupation

Reservation Category

No. of voters

Agricultural cultivation

OBC

669

Agricultural cultivation Water carrier, fishing, agricultural labour Agricultural work, crafts and petty trading Labourer Agricultural labour

OBC ST

512 382

_

259

ST SC

257 167

Oil pressing Trading Goldsmith Barber Mendicant Leather work Business Tailoring Carpentry Rope making, playing music Priest Agricultural labour Fishing Monk Business Grain parching/roasting Agricultural cultivation Iron craftsman Washerman Agricultural cultivation Snake charmer/magician

OBC – OBC OBC OBC SC – OBC OBC SC – ST OBC – – OBC OBC OBC OBC – OBC

Total

63 42 40 38 30 26 21 20 20 13 12 10 09 08 07 07 07 06 05 03 02 2,635

Source: Field notes. Note: * Includes several castes.

bananas and vegetables. With economic prosperity, there have come about other changes in the village. The village school has been upgraded up to the twelfth standard. The water supply scheme was set up in 1982. There are branches of two banks. More than 200 households have TV sets and over fifty have telephones. Frequent buses are available to travel in the direction of both Chalisgaon and Malegaon. Every day more than 450

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copies of local newspapers are sold in Pilkhod and its neighbourhood. There is also an agricultural school and an Industrial Training Institute(ITI) providing specialized vocational training to boys and girls from Pilkhod and surrounding villages. The relationship between the Marathas and Malis in Pilkhod is marked by a subtle distrust and rivalry, if not open hostility. Both the major groups are more or less balanced in terms of numerical strength, land ownership and social status. However, they differ in two respects. Traditionally the Marathas occupied positions of power in the village. They had the hereditary claim to the offices of police patil and revenue patil. This gave them access to and contacts with government administration at the taluka and district levels. This also gave them the confidence of being superior to others as they were the rulers, so to say. The other difference was that all Malis belonged to the Mahanubhav (Vaishnavite) sect preaching and practising strict vegetarianism and teetotalism. This religious cult enabled them to be industrious and parsimonious, which improved their economic condition. Some Maratha families lost their fortunes due to addiction to alcohol. When the democratic politics emerged and hereditary claims to power (including the offices of police patil and revenue patil) were abolished, with their improved economic condition the Malis started asserting claims to a legitimate share in the village power structure. The gram panchayat elections in 1995 gave indications of intense rivalry between Marathas and Malis. Two panels of candidates were put up, one led by a Maratha and the other by a Mali candidate, with representatives of some other castes. The elections created tremendous bitterness between the two groups. The results were mixed, with Malis having an edge over the Marathas who felt outmanoeuvred. Unfortunately for both the dominant rival groups the post of sarpanch was reserved for a woman of ST category. A Koli woman (the only ST female in the panchayat) was elected sarpanch. The Malis tried to control panchayat affairs through manipulation and backseat driving.The sarpanch was poor and illiterate. Her husband was also illiterate. The Marathas also tried to take advantage of the situation. In the process the rivalry between Marathas and Malis intensified to such an extent that for the first time in living memory there was a complete breakdown of social intercourse between the two. They stopped attending social events such as marriages and funerals in the homes of the rival caste members. This had never happened in the past. The Malis were very unhappy when the Marathas stopped all social interactions with them. They decided to retaliate by

Including the Excluded

33

boycotting the elections to the village cooperative credit society. When non-cooperation between the two caste groups reached extreme limits it created unpleasantness all over, which led to some rethinking in both the camps. The hostility between the two groups further intensified during the TPS elections in 1997. Prakash Ramachandra Baviskar of the Mali caste was the Congress candidate. The BJP put up a Maratha, Ananda Fakira Patil. Both belonged to Pilkhod. In the bitterly fought contest the Mali candidate won, defeating his Maratha rival. The atmosphere of hostility and distrust had an adverse impact on the functioning of the panchayat. The gram sevak took advantage of the situation and misappropriated a sum of a few lakhs (estimated to be over Rs 7 lakhs) from funds received under the Indira Awas Yojana and similar other development projects. The gram sevak could do this due to two reasons. The sarpanch was an illiterate poor woman belonging to the Koli caste, legally recognized as an ST. Her husband was also illiterate. The gram sevak could pressurize her in giving her thumb impressions on cheques and other documents, saying that it was a government order which she could not refuse. He also gave her some money from time to time to overcome her reluctance to cooperate. Perhaps one or two panchayat members were also involved. The gram sevak could indulge in such a big fraud because of lack of vigilance on the part of most members as they were engaged in fighting among themselves. When the fraud came out, it opened the eyes of the panchayat members and other village leaders. Some of them took initiative in bringing the two rival caste groups together in the wider interests of the village community. It was acknowledged that the village as a whole suffered because of their enmity, and unity among them was imperative to save the village from further ruin. Thus, the leaders of the two dominant groups, the Marathas and Malis, came together and complained to the higher authorities about the fraud.The government sent a special audit team which established the fraud and the gram sevak was suspended from service. Appropriate legal action against the gram sevak is in progress at the usual slow pace. The panchayat members passed a no-confidence motion against the ST woman sarpanch for being a party to the fraud. But she could not be removed from the post of sarpanch as there was no other female ST panchayat member. So the Koli woman continued to function as sarpanch till the end of the term, although a no-confidence motion was passed against her. The big fraud and the events surrounding it vitiated

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the atmosphere in the village and brought all development work of the panchayat to a standstill. The events relating to Pilkhod panchayat during 1995–2000 had far reaching consequences for the village as a whole during the next elections. When the elections to the panchayat approached in April 2000, the entire village community held a meeting to decide on a strategy. There was an overwhelming demand to have uncontested or unopposed elections. But how to reach a consensus among nearly 2,600 voters belonging to two religious communities (Hindu and Muslim) and more than twenty caste groups? And how to bring together two equally strong main contenders, Marathas and Malis? One thing was clear. The events of the previous five years had taught them a lesson. The fight between the two rival dominant groups, Marathas and Malis, not only deprived them of any share in power, but the development work of the whole village also suffered and the unscrupulous petty bureaucrat cheated them by misappropriating huge funds. They did not want this to be repeated. A compromise had to be reached on the posts of sarpanch and ten other panchayat members. After a great deal of debate, it was agreed that the major caste groups in the village will nominate one member each irrespective of their individual numerical strength among the voters. Thus the top ten caste groups (in terms of their numbers) were to contribute one member each (see Table 2.5). The Muslims, irrespective of differences among them, were treated as one caste group. The Bhils and Kolis, the only two ST groups, had three reserved seats. The Kolis were allotted two seats and the Bhils one, partly because Kolis were slightly larger in number than the Bhils. Thus, except the Kolis, all other caste groups including the Muslims got one seat each. Although the numbers were relevant in selecting the top ten groups, they were ignored in allotting the seats. Each caste group was given one seat irrespective of its numerical strength. Thus, Marathas and Malis got only one seat each even though they had over 500 voters each. Similarly, Sonars (goldsmiths) and Nhavis (barbers) also got one seat each even though they had less than fifty voters each. Mahars (Neo-Buddhists), Muslims, Telis and Wanis were also allotted one seat each. It means all castes were considered equal in the distribution of power above a certain threshold. Only Kolis got two seats because of reservation. The question of selecting a candidate from each caste was left to the individual castes. For this purpose each caste group held discussions in its own ranks in a general meeting or in small groups and agreed upon one candidate to be nominated on its behalf. Thus, when all castes gave the

Including the Excluded

35

names of their agreed candidates, they were asked to file their nomination papers. No one else filed any nomination. Since there were no other nominations, there was no contest and all the candidates were declared elected unopposed. The choice of sarpanch was also decided by arriving at a consensus. Since the post was reserved for an OBC this time, the choice was mainly confined to the two dominant caste groups, Malis and Kunabi Patils (that is, Marathas). It was agreed to share the office equally between the two groups for half the period each. Accordingly, Raosaheb Dharma Patil, a Kunabi Patil OBC, was elected sarpanch unopposed in September 2000. The understanding was that he would resign after two and half years and would be replaced by Eknath Jamrao Mali (OBC) by electing him unopposed for the remaining term of two and half years1 (this was done in March 2003). When the neighbouring villages of Mandurne,Tamaswadi and Saygaon came to know about the way the people of Pilkhod had handled their panchayat elections, they also decided to follow the path of consensus in place of contest though with one difference. Instead of asking individual caste groups to nominate a chosen candidate after holding its own internal discussions, the names of candidates representing different caste groups were decided in the general body meeting of the village community as a whole.

Pilkhod Panchayat Pilkhod being a larger village and having a larger panchayat provides a different kind of example for study. Composition of Pilkhod panchayat is shown in Table 2.6. Not only does it have a larger budget, larger staff, and larger number of clients and complaints to handle, but there is also a far greater complexity in each of its functions. Just supplying water on a daily basis to such a large population during the time of scarcity can be a tension ridden task.There are complaints galore every day. Even ensuring that all the street lights work can be difficult at times. Keeping such a populous place clean is often difficult. During the summer of 2002 water supply was the most critical issue. The sarpanch and panchayat members often met on daily basis and discussed the strategy to be adopted to keep the population satisfied. It was not easy.

Meenabai Nimba Sonar Sarubai Baburao Chaudhari Rukhmabai Dagadu Chitte Indubai Babulal More

Source: Panchayat records.

8. 9. 10. 11.

7. Rajdhar Rajaram Bhil Member Member Member Member

Member

Member Member Member Member

3. 4. 5. 6.

Purushottam Randas Deo Eknath Jamrao Mali Dagadu Kashinath More Shaikh Iqbal Shaikh Sandu

Sarpanch Upasarpanch

Designation

1. Raosaheb Dharma Patil 2. Mango Punju Yashod

Sr. Name No.

42 55 57 45

60

40 47 35 58

51 62

Age

Sonar Teli Nhavi Koli

Wani Mali Koli Muslim (Manyar) Bhil

Maratha Mahar

Caste

OBC (W) OBC (W) OBC (W) ST (W)

ST

General OBC ST General

OBC SC

Reservation Category

Table 2.6 Composition of Pilkhod Gram Panchayat: 2000–2005

Std XI Illiterate Illiterate Std VIII

Std V

Std XI Std VII + teacher training Std X Std XI Std X Std IV

Education

Agricultural labour Housewife Agriculture Agriculture Agriculture

Contractor Agriculture Bus driver Dari weaver

Agriculture Retired Teacher

Occupation

Including the Excluded

37

On the inclusion/exclusion or empowerment issue there is a mixed picture. Let us begin with the negative example. There are four women among eleven members of the panchayat. One woman is Koli (ST), doubly deprived or excluded being a woman and a tribal. She is educated and intelligent and understands what is going on in the panchayat. But she keeps herself aloof and avoids getting involved. She attends meetings but avoids expressing her views. She is scared of getting involved in village politics. Among the three other women who are all OBC, two are illiterate and rarely speak. The third woman is educated but very shy to speak in a meeting. For all these women coming to the panchayat office, sitting with seven men from different castes and age groups and taking tea with them is itself a new experience. No village woman ever comes to the panchayat office on her own. She will send a male member if she had any work. Given the tradition, active participation by these women is difficult. Another reason for their passivity could be their nomination instead of election. In the election based on compromise they did not willingly come forward to contest the election. They were persuaded to file their nominations and were elected without doing anything. They all belong to small and marginal artisan castes who have very little stake in the village problems. They all expressed anguish over difficulties faced by women in toilet matters. This is a problem common to most villages. Women have no convenient places to ease themselves. Again, they say this quietly, but do not raise their voice with determination to compel the panchayat leaders to take some action. There are two ST men, one a Bhil and the other a Koli. Both are educated and articulate.They often participate in discussions. But they are not taken seriously.They have no following even in their own community. In other words, they do not even have a nuisance value. They too do not seem to have been empowered. They might have acquired some status by their membership of the panchayat where prominent people sit. But the sarpanch and others do not attach much weight to their views. The only positive example of inclusion and empowerment is the upasarpanch, Mango Punju Yashod, a Mahar (SC) member. He is 62 year old and has retired after 38 years of a teaching career in different primary schools. In addition to being a good teacher and organizer he is also a social worker. After retirement in 1999 he has been devoting all his time and energy to social work, mostly for his own Mahar community. He has set up a credit society for poor Mahars and collected a capital of Rs 4 lakhs. He is also working for the construction of a community hall in the

38

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Mahar colony. He has been a vocal and active member of the panchayat after his election in 2000. As a panchayat member he has used his position to get a protective wall constructed in the area where Mahar women go for their toilet needs. According to the government directive 22 per cent of all grants received under Jawahar Rojgar Yojana have to be used for the welfare of the SC/ST population in the village. Most panchayats do not implement this directive. He constantly reminds the Pilkhod panchayat about this. He is vocal and articulate and expresses his views in meetings constructively with clarity. He often questions the sarpanch and the gram sevak about some of their decisions. Most others keep quiet. Naturally the sarpanch does not like him. As a panchayat member Yashod (popularly addressed as Guruji in the village) does not seek any personal benefit for himself. He does seek benefits for his Mahar community. But he is also willing to work for the village community as a whole. Whenever there is a crisis, he is willing to join the team to tackle it. Whether it is a new water supply scheme, or getting a health centre for the village, or persuading people to pay their house tax and water supply bills, he is ready to contribute his bit in whatever way possible. Among all the three panchayats, Yashod Guruji emerges as the best example of empowerment under panchayati raj. Why is it so? Again, one has to go back to his being a Mahar and the influence of Ambedkar’s teachings. Being educated and respected as a teacher, he does not suffer from any inferiority complex and speaks and acts confidently in any situation. Education and a certain degree of awareness about social issues seem to make a difference in the case of Yashod Guruji.

CONCLUSION We have seen a variety of responses to the process of inclusion or empowerment. The provisions of 73rd amendment are common to all the three panchayats. Then how to explain the differential responses? First let us understand that the process of empowerment is not one quantum jump. You do not jump from a zero power situation to an all power situation. Empowerment is a long journey and there are several stages on its path. Let us try to identify these stages. In my view there are at least five stages in this process.

Including the Excluded

39

1. Opening up or coming out: When women who never came out of their homes acquire enough courage to come out and sit in a public office along with relative strangers belonging to different castes and age groups, it is a first step in empowerment. This applies also to exuntouchable men and women who come out and occupy seats as equals in a panchayat meeting. 2. Acquiring symbolic features of power: A woman or a Dalit man may not take decisions and may accept decisions taken by others. However, presiding over a meeting and signing the papers as an office bearer is also a sign of empowerment, however limited it might be. Satabai may be putting her thumb impression on papers recording decisions taken by village notables. But for a former untouchable it is a stage in empowerment. 3. Using power for one’s self or one’s family: When Satabai obtained a bicycle for her daughter under the girl’s education scheme, it was an important stage in her empowerment. It made her learn the process of acquiring tangible benefits by using her position of power. 4. The next stage is to use power for the benefit of one’s own community, for example, using power for a higher purpose. Satabai got a platform constructed for the Mahar community. Yashod Guruji succeeded in getting a protective wall constructed for the Mahar women’s toilet needs. He was pressurizing the panchayat to spend 22 per cent of the Jawahar Rojgar Yojana grant for the welfare of SCs and STs. 5. Finally, when the women and Dalit members are able to work for the village community as a whole: This is the ultimate test of empowerment, that is, when they transcend the boundaries of their limited constituencies and work for the community as a whole. It also implies acceptance by the community of their larger role. Yashod Guruji is gradually moving in that direction. One should note that these stages need not occur discretely or sequentially. They are presented here mainly for analytical or heuristic purposes. They may also overlap in real life. How to explain the differential responses of panchayat members to the process of empowerment? It really depends on the nature of obstacles one has to overcome and the degree of favourable conditions available to the panchayat members. Gender disabilities are a major obstacle to overcome. Same is the case with ex-untouchables or Dalits. The obstacles they face in being

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accepted as community leaders are equally formidable. Given the long history of oppression of women and Dalits in our society it will take quite some time for these sections to acquire and exercise power given by the Constitutional amendment. Poverty is another obstacle. A panchayat member gets only Rs 10 as ‘sitting fee’ for attending a meeting. If he is an agricultural labourer he will lose Rs 50 as his daily wage. How will he feed his family with ten rupees? No wonder he decides not to attend the meeting. Both the Bhil members of Mandurne and Alwadi gave this reason for their absence from meetings. On the other hand,Yashod Guruji gets a modest pension. He does not go out for work. He has all the time for social work. Education makes a lot of difference. Greater the education, the greater is the possibility of empowerment. Throughout my fieldwork and interviews with all sections of society, education was emphasized. No one opposed reservation for women or SCs and STs. But putting minimum education as an eligibility condition was a universal demand. Again, Yashod Guruji is effective as a panchayat member largely because of his educational background. Social background of a member also counts a lot. Among the SCs and the STs of Maharashtra the Mahars are far ahead of others in education, social reform, employment, cultural achievements and political organization, thanks to Ambedkar’s legacy. When they sit in panchayat meetings all this background enables their members to perform their role confidently and effectively as compared to, say, the Bhils. Satabai may be illiterate, but she is doing better than the Bhil men and OBC women. All the factors listed above taken together boil down to acquiring resources and skills. If women and Dalits succeed in acquiring some of these resources and skills, they will be successful in their march on the path of inclusion and empowerment.2

NOTES 1. The positions of panchayat members are reserved for different categories of population such as Other Backward Classes (OBC), Scheduled Castes (SC), and Scheduled Tribes (ST) according to their proportion in the village population. In the case of women it is 33 per cent throughout. For the offices of sarpanch and upasarpanch there is a system of rotation among eight categories such as (1) OBC, (2) OBC-women, (3) SC, (4) SC-women, (5) ST, (6) ST-women, (7) Open/General, (8) Open/General-women.

Including the Excluded

41

Women are eligible to contest for positions reserved for them and also for those which are unreserved provided they belong to that category. For example, an ST woman can contest for a post reserved for ST-women as well as for a post reserved for ST where both men and women would be eligible. She can also contest under Open/General, and Open/General-women. But she is not eligible to contest under the remaining four categories, viz., OBC, OBC-women, SC, SC-women. 2. I am grateful to Professor A.M. Shah for his valuable comments and suggestions on the earlier draft.

REFERENCE Palshikar, Suhas. 2002. ‘Triangular Competition and Bipolar Politics: Elections to Local Bodies in Maharashtra’, Economic and Political Weekly, 37: 1273–80.

3

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Power to the Excluded Groups and Panchayati Raj in Coastal Orissa BB Mohanty

I At the time of independence the politics in Orissa was under the control of the feudal zamindars and princes of the native states who enjoyed the reverence usual in a feudal society (Jena 1966). In the post-planning era a systematic attempt was made for the modernization of agriculture to maximize agricultural output. As these measures were introduced without removing the prevailing inequalities, their advent generated further inequalities (Baboo 1992; Mohanty 2000). All the major political parties of the state are dominated by the higher castes (Mohanty 1990; Harriss 1999; Mohanty 2001; Manor 2001). Though the political necessities and democratic processes, set into motion by the Constitution, forced the political parties to enrol and train some lower caste members for reserved constituencies, these elected representatives remained the followers of leaders from the higher castes. Besides, the politics at the state level also operates within a strong patriarchal framework. All the political parties are dominated by males (Mohanty 1990). The representation of women in the state assembly and the ministry is negligible,1 notwithstanding the temporary ascendancy of a woman chief minister in the 1970s. Though a handful of women participate in the state politics, they belong to the rich section of the higher castes and ex-royal families. A majority of them are closely related

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to powerful higher caste leaders. Despite widespread atrocities against women, which often hit the headlines of media reports, there has been no organized protest against male dominance. The privileged groups, given their advantageous position in society structured in terms of unequal class-caste-gender relations and their dominance over political parties, find it easier to mobilize, in their own favour, the overwhelmingly poor, illiterate and ignorant rural masses. Against this background, the present study looks into various aspects of the impact of the inclusion of women, scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs) in the panchayati raj institutions in Orissa, with reference to the Kendrapara district. Its main objectives are (1) to examine the nature of representation and participation of women, SC and ST members in the panchyati raj institutions, and (2) to analyze their extent of empowerment2 and the consequent reaction of the dominant groups.

II Kendrapara, which was chosen for this study, is one of the newly created districts in coastal Orissa. It was carved out from the undivided Cuttack district in 1992. It is overwhelmingly rural with a relatively high concentration of SC population. The SCs are mostly landless and the bulk of them are agricultural labourers having minuscule holdings, or sharecroppers, or other types of insecure tenants. Constituting 20 per cent of the district population, the SCs control only 10 per cent of the total cultivated area, and over 93 per cent of these holders belong to the marginal and small holding groups.3 The district is also known for a high rate of atrocities on women. Some of the recent atrocities reported by the media generated heated debates in the state assembly. The profile of the district is given in Table 3.1. Like other districts of coastal Orissa, this district too is patriarchal with the upper castes being both more numerous and powerful. An analysis of the profile of the MPs and MLAs of the district, since the first general elections for the Lok Sabha and the state assembly, reveals that these leaders mostly belong to the Karan, Brahmin and Khandayat castes. The representatives belonging to SCs are mainly from the reserved constituencies.4 The same could be said about the panchayati raj bodies. Till the 1992 panchayat elections, there were hardly any sarpanches from the SCs or women.5

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Table 3.1 Profile of the Kendrapara District Sr. No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

Particulars Total population Percentage of rural population Sex ratio Rural sex ratio Percentage of SC population Percentage of ST population Percentage of literacy Percentage of female literacy Percentage of SC literacy Percentage of SC female literacy Percentage of ST literacy Percentage of ST female literacy No. of primary health centres Percentage of villages electrified No. of gram panchayats Average number of people per gram panchayat Percentage of main workers to total population Percentage of cultivators to total main workers Percentage of agricultural labourers to total main workers No. of atrocities against women No. of primary schools No. of secondary schools No. of colleges No. of agricultural credit cooperative societies Percentage of area operated by the SCs to total operated area Percentage of area operated by the STs to total operated area

Kendrapara

Reference Year

1,149,501 94.50 1007 1011 19.83 0.40 63.61 50.67 41.77 25.33 16.86 6.25 42 87.82 205 5,607 24.31 55.91 20.35

1991 1991 1991 1991 1991 1991 1991 1991 1991 1991 1991 1991 1996–97 1999 1996–97 1996–97 1991 1991 1991

119 1,255 314 53 121 10.12

1997 1996–97 1996–97 1996–97 1996–97 1990–91

Nil

1990–91

Sources: 1. Economic Survey, 1999–2000, Government of Orissa. 2. Statistical Abstracts of Orissa, 1996. 3. District Statistical Handbook, Kendarapara, 1997.

The gram panchayat general elections took place for the first time in 1967, and thereafter in 1970, 1975, 1985 and 1992. These elections were mainly targeted to meet the political interests of the ruling parties. Of late, particularly since the early 1990s, the political necessities made it difficult to neglect the panchayati raj bodies and the democratic rights of the rural masses. Amendments were made to the Orissa Gram Panchayat Act, 1964,

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in 1991 and 1992 by the Biju Patnaik led Janata Dal government. It made a provision for proportionate representation of SC and ST members and reservation of one-third of seats, including one for the post of sarpanch or naib sarpanch for women. It was widely perceived that this amendment was made to woo the people of lower castes who were unhappy with the Biju Patnaik government due to its anti-Mandal stand. Nevertheless, Orissa became the first state in the country to make provisions for the reservation of seats for elective functionaries in the local institutions at the village level in favour of weaker sections, even before the enforcement of the 73rd amendment. Besides the sarpanch, a parallel position was created at the panchayat level, namely, samitisabhya, to look after the developmental activities in the panchayat. The chairman of the panchayat samiti was elected from among the samitisabhyas of the panchayats of each block. The samitisabhyas of the block alone could vote in the election for the chairman of the panchayat samiti, as against the earlier provision of voting by the sarpanch and ward members. Hence, it curtailed the power of the sarpanch and the ward members considerably.The act was amended in 1994 and 1995 in conformity with the 73rd amendment, and a certain number of elective seats remain reserved for the candidates of SCs, STs, backward classes and women. Besides, fora like the pallisabha, gram sabha and gram panchayat were created at the local level.6 The election to panchayati raj institutions, as per the provisions of the 73rd amendment, was held in 1997. The position of samitisabhya continued and in most of the cases it was found that while the sarpanch position belonged to the reserved category, the samitisabhya belonged to the unreserved category, and vice versa. However, these reservation provisions, followed in 1997, changed the results of the panchayat elections.7 A comparative study of the three panchayats (one headed by a woman sarpanch, second by a sarpanch belonging to the SCs and the third by a sarpanch from the open or unreserved category) belonging to the same block, panchayat samiti and zilla parishad will provide a detailed picture of the nature of empowerment of hitherto excluded groups, and the caste and class8 based politics at the local level. The panchayat samiti of Marshaghai block and three gram panchayats of this block, namely, Silipur, Dashipur and Marshaghai were selected for this purpose.While the Silipur panchayat is headed by a sarpanch belonging to the open or unreserved category, the sarpanch of Marshaghai and Dashipur panchayats belong to the category of SCs and women, respectively. The general profile of the three panchayats is given in Table 3.2.

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Table 3.2 Profile of the Selected Panchayats Sr. No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

Particulars

Silipur

Dasipur Marshaghai

Total population 3,384 4,279 Percentage of SC population 19.56 18.46 Percentage of ST population 0.00 0.00 No. of households below poverty line 77 486 No. of primary schools 1 3 No. of secondary schools 1 2 No. of colleges Nil Nil No. of primary health centres – – No. of agricultural credit cooperative Nil Nil societies No. of banks – – Cultivable land (hectares) 290 768 Percentage of area under irrigation 88.82 42.28 (% to cultivated area) Double cropped area (hectares) 88 138 Treble cropped area (hectares) 6 18 Area under paddy (per cent to gross 64.73 74.30 cropped area) Area under food grains (per cent to 89.46 88.12 gross cropped area) Area under oilseeds (per cent to gross 2.37 3.26 cropped area) Area under total cash crops (per cent 9.46 10.56 to gross cropped area)

Reference Year

5,676 28.54 0.14 147 4 2 2 1 1

1991 1991 1991 1997 2001 2001 2001 2001 2001

3 380 27.45

2001 2001 2001

54 4 61.61

2000-01 2000-01 2000-01

83.33

2000-01

5.74

2000-01

15.98

2000-01

Sources: 1. Block office, Marshaghai. 2. Panchayat office of the respective panchayats.

Marshaghai Panchayat Marshaghai is one of the oldest gram panchayats in the district. Created in 1957, it consisted of five revenue villages, namely, Marshaghai, Juna, Purusotampur, Silipur and Tulsipur. In 1991 it was bifurcated into two panchayats. Silipur was made a separate panchayat and the other four villages remained with the Marshaghai panchayat. There are 921 households in the panchayat with a total population of 6,254. The higher castes (the Brahmins, Karans and Khandayats) constitute 43 per cent of the total population and 40 per cent of the voters (Table 3.3).The Khandayats

Marshaghai

Silipur

Dasipur

Population Voters Land Population Voters Land Population Voters Land Brahmin 5.74 5.07 10.44 8.80 9.74 15.57 8.15 8.30 10.21 Karan 0.37 0.32 1.93 – – – 1.81 1.28 3.51 Khandayat/Chasa 36.62 34.69 64.05 28.35 30.25 42.25 45.94 46.17 62.37 Higher castes 42.73 40.08 76.42 37.15 39.99 57.82 55.90 55.75 76.09 Gauda 10.54 12.99 10.63 24.88 25.00 26.86 19.53 18.58 13.33 Gudia 8.52 9.57 1.00 9.96 9.39 4.43 2.68 2.69 2.50 Bhandari 2.32 2.40 1.03 2.04 2.15 1.32 4.04 3.90 1.52 Thatari 0.14 0.11 0.97 – – – Badhei 0.62 0.73 0.26 – – – – – – Kumbhar 2.27 2.21 0.20 – – – – – – Kamar 0.30 0.38 0.10 – – – – – – Teli – – – 1.84 2.11 1.83 – – – Tanti – – – 2.66 2.59 2.56 – – – Backward castes 24.71 28.39 14.19 41.38 41.24 35.51 26.25 25.17 17.35 Kewat 10.54 10.03 7.36 11.65 9.82 4.34 9.46 10.85 5.47 Dhoba 3.28 2.96 0.97 1.77 1.80 1.13 1.65 1.65 0.68 Kandara 15.46 14.80 0.88 5.93 4.91 1.19 6.74 6.59 0.41 Pana 2.49 2.75 0.17 2.11 2.24 0.01 – – – Hadi 0.37 0.46 0.00 – – – – – – Scheduled castes 32.14 31.00 9.38 21.46 18.77 6.67 17.85 19.09 6.56 Other communities 0.42 0.53 0.00 – – – – – – All 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Source: Field notes. Note: * Land being heterogeneous in quality, due to limited availability of irrigation facilities, has been converted into unirrigated category, based on the revenue fixed by the Government of Orissa.

Castes

Table 3.3 Caste-wise Population, Voters and Landholdings* in the Selected Panchayats (%)

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are more numerous in the panchayat as a whole and they account for 37 per cent of the population. The backward or the intermediary castes constitute over 25 per cent of the population and 28 per cent of the voters. Among them, the Gaudas are dominant. Over 32 per cent of the population and 31 per cent of the voters of the panchayat belong to the SCs. The major SCs communities are the Kandaras, Kewats, Dhobas and Panas. Agriculture is the principal source of income and employment of the people. However, a significant number of them are engaged in petty business and trading. Cultivable land of the panchayat is unequally owned by various castes (Table 3.3). While the higher castes control 76 per cent of the total land of the panchayat, the backward castes and the SCs own only 14 and 9 per cent, respectively. Landlessness is more pronounced among scheduled castes. While the Hadis (SCs) do not figure in the landholding picture at all, the ownership of the Panas and Kandaras is negligible. The Kewats are the major landowners among the SCs. They are relatively well off because of their association with petty business and trading. Traditionally, they were not untouchables and it was only in the 1970s that they were included in the SCs list. Many of them have prospered through their business activities in the Marshaghai market. It is estimated9 that in the last twenty years they have acquired over 30 acres of land, sold by the other castes of the panchayat. Previously, the panchayat was mostly under the control of the higher castes. Prior to the enforcement of the reservation rules as per the 73rd Constitutional Amendment, elections for this panchayat were held in 1961, 1967, 1970, 1975, 1984 and 1992. In all these years the position of the sarpanch of the panchayat was won by the Brahmins and Khandayats. The contest was mostly among the members belonging to these two higher castes. The panchayat was headed by a Brahmin sarpanch up to 1970, and thereafter, the Khandayats occupied that position. All these sarpanches and ward members were mostly upper caste males. However, in 1992, when the provision of reservation was introduced, women and SCs ward members emerged. Following the new reservation rules during the 1997 panchayat elections, the sarpanch position was reserved for the SCs. The members of upper castes were disappointed. Initially there was mild resistance. A former Khandayat ward member said, ‘This is a prestigious panchayat and the government officials give this panchayat a lot of importance.When he (a Brahmin) was the sarpanch, he challenged the government officers.Who

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would care for a Kandara or Pana sarpanch? True, the earlier sarpanches were misappropriating funds, but they were also doing something good, and their words had some weight. A Dalit sarpanch can neither feed himself, nor others. We were thinking of boycotting the election.’ Having realized that it is impossible to change the rules, attempts were made by the local leaders of all the political parties (who are mostly from the upper castes) to elect a candidate who would be acceptable to them. Though, eight candidates contested for this position, the failure of most of the candidates was ensured because of the division of votes among the candidates having common support. A rich Brahmin landlord expressed his sentiments: We do not mind their becoming the sarpanches or samitisabhyas. We have never prevented them from contesting for these positions. But they should remember their past. All of them were working on our land. After each festival and function whatever was left over, we gave them alone. Whenever there is a flood, cyclone, etc., we provide them shelter. Their children study in schools and colleges, established by us. In return we do not need any thing from them except the respect due to us.

At present the panchayat is headed by a sarpanch who belongs to the Kewat caste. He contested for this position way back in 1967 and claimed to be a candidate of the Praja Socialist Party. Subsequently, he became a Congress Party worker. Now he is considered rich among the Kewat community. He owns 3.5 acres of land and two shops in the Marshaghai market. Consequently, he became close to the leaders of the district having influence over state politics. Hence, when the sarpanch position was reserved for the SCs, he was the ultimate choice. Similarly, the position of samitisabhya of the panchayat also went in favour of another rich member of the Kewat caste, supported by the Janata Dal leaders. The panchayat consists of seventeen wards. Of them, while fourteen wards have ward members, the other three wards belonging to Juna village remained vacant owing to the strong opposition against reservation of these positions for women belonging to OBCs, SCs and STs. Members of the upper castes mobilized the villagers for this protest. One of the former Khandayat ward members of the village remarked, ‘Selecting a woman as a ward member is as good as to remain without a ward member. Reservation, that too for a SC or ST woman! It is an utter shame for the village as a whole, and more so for the females as it is the prestige issue of their husbands, brothers and sons.’ The rumour that the absence of

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protest might lead to the continuation of the reservation system in the future was widely circulated in the village. Even though the women of these communities showed interest, they were discouraged.An SC woman lamented, ‘When the Brahmins and Khandayats of other wards are not opposing their women to become ward members, why were we stopped? Many of us were willing. For a ward member there is not much to read and write. Any one of us could have easily done it. We would have got at least the ward member’s stipend and allowance.’ In the case of some male ward member candidates belonging to the Khandayat and Gauda castes, there were no elections as they were elected ‘unopposed’. On the other hand, in some of the wards reserved for the SCs, the rich members of higher castes managed to get their labourers elected. For example, in Tulsipur for the ward no. 17, the members of the SCs unanimously proposed a Kandara for the ward member position. To counter this, a rich Khandayat encouraged his attached labourer (also a Kandara from the same ward) to file the nomination paper. After this, that person was temporarily sent to Mumbai by the employer to help in his business. Though he was not in the village at the time of the election, his employer managed to get him elected. As the sarpanch was a male, the naib-sarpanch position was reserved for a female candidate. Though there were four female members, two of them, who belonged to the higher castes, were reluctant for this position because the sarpanch was from a lower caste. Finally, the contest was between a SCs (Pana) and a higher caste (Khandayat) woman. While the SC woman worked as an agricultural labourer, the higher caste woman, though a housewife, belonged to a relatively poor family. Interestingly, a majority of the panchayat members supported the SC woman because of her docile behaviour. Moreover, her husband often worked as a labourer with many of the panchayat members. An analysis of the socio-economic background of the members of the panchayat (Table 3.4) reveals that out of the fifteen members, the SCs, backward castes and the higher castes have five each. The members belonging to higher castes are mostly the Khandayats. Among the SCs, the Kewats have two members, and the Panas, Kandaras and Dhobas have one member each. Four of the members including the naib-sarpanch are women. All the members are educated up to the elementary level only. Excepting the three (including the naib-sarpanch) who are landless labourers, the economic condition of most of the remaining members of the panchayat is relatively better. A large number of them have business as

Sarpanch Naib-Sarpanch (W) Ward Member (W) Ward Member (W) Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member (W) Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

54 35 53 50 45 44 40 36 35 59 42 36 39 45 32

Age

Education Level 10th 4th 5th 4th 11th 4th 5th 4th 9th 5th 10th 11th 10th 10th 6th 3.53 0.00 0.54 1.56 0.59 0.25 0.50 6.12 0.64 Not known 2.00 5.44 1.00 2.40 0.00

Land* (acres) Kewat (SC) Pana (SC) Khandayat Khandayat Khandayat Dhoba (SC) Kewat (SC) Gauda Khandayat Brahmin Kumbhar Brahmin Teli Khandayat Kandara (SC)

Caste Rich peasant Agricultural labourer Small peasant Middle peasant Small peasant Small peasant Small peasant Rich peasant Small peasant Landlord Middle peasant Middle peasant Middle peasant Middle peasant Agricultural labourer

Class Congress Congress Janata Dal Janata Dal Independent Congress Janata Dal BJP Janata Dal Congress Janata Dal Janata Dal BJP Janata Dal Congress

Party Affiliation

Annual Family Income** (Rs) 90,000 20,800 30,650 75,500 22,000 27,000 25,000 45,000 30,000 62,000 42,000 45,000 15,000 48,000 21,000

Source: Field Survey. Notes: W indicates the women members. * Converted land. ** Given the complexities involved in rural Indian economy, it is difficult to estimate household incomes accurately. The estimated values represent approximate annual incomes of all earning members of the respective families. It includes income from agriculture, livestock, salaried jobs, wage labour, business and trading, and other major economic activities. Though usury, commissions from contractors and beneficiaries of various development schemes, etc., are widely reported as a major source of income for some of these members, they have not been included. The accuracy of the estimated incomes, in many cases, is limited to the memory of the respondents. The income from agriculture has been estimated by converting the outturn of all crops into rupees as per the price prevailing in the local market at the time of data collection.

Positions

Sr. No.

Table 3.4 Socio-economic Background of the Members of Marshaghai Panchayat (1997–2002)

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the major source of income. As regards the class position of the members, it was found that while the sarpanch and a ward member are rich peasants, the Brahmin woman member is a landlord. Five of the other members are middle peasants, and the remaining belonged to the small peasant and agricultural labourer categories. Some of the members of small peasants category, elected without a contest, are obliged to the rich landowners for their support. Five of the panchayat members (including the sarpanch) claim to be with the Congress Party, eight members with the Janata Dal (now Biju Janata Dal, or BJD), one with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the last one is an Independent. The members belonging to the Pana and Kandara castes, who are landless labourers, are known to be supporters of the Congress, as they are guided by the sarpanch. The panchayat has met sixty two times during the tenure of this sarpanch. Except the occasional absence of two to three members, all the meetings have been attended by all the members.The women and the SCs members have regularly attended the meetings. It was reported that the allowance of Rs 30 per meeting had motivated them to do so. The meetings were held in the panchayat office, and were presided over by the sarpanch. As a number of members have their business in the Marshaghai market, the meetings were convened as per their convenience.The female members come with their husbands, sons or other male members of the family, who wait and watch from outside. The women (particularly those belonging to the Pana or Kandara communities) hardly participate in the discussion and remain silent spectators. Whatever little they speak is ignored and discouraged. In one meeting the naib-sarpanch proposed a discussion for the allotment of funds for the reconstruction of a nonformal school, located in a Harijan basti, which had collapsed in the cyclone, but nobody showed any interest in the matter. Some members commented, ‘Let us not open this issue now. It is already getting late. We have to go to the market.’ The matter was deferred to the next meeting. Then also it was discussed towards the end of the meeting and no decision was reached. But proposals for the construction and renovation of the boundary wall of a temple, an approach road and other works were finalized. Finally, the school building was not repaired and it had to be closed. The Dalit children of that village had to go to another school, which was far off. The panchayat secretary, who is a Brahmin landlord, is as powerful as the sarpanch. He addresses most of the members by name, and the members treat him respectfully. He participates actively in all the meetings

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and often influences the decisions. Because of his long association with the panchayat, he claims to be the most knowledgeable person about government rules and often interprets them as per his interest. He played a major role in preparing the list of beneficiaries for the Indira Awas Yojana, Antyodaya Anna Yojana and other schemes. In a meeting called for the identification of Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) beneficiaries, an SC member wanted to include a person from his community but the secretary opposed him, and when the former gave an example of a beneficiary from the upper caste, the secretary reacted strongly, and said, ‘You were born only yesterday. What do you know about the government rules regarding this scheme? If anything happens, I will be held responsible. Who will come to you, and who knows you? You should go home and ask your father. He will tell you about my experience in panchayat affairs. He never talks like this. Are you his son or somebody else’s?’ None of the members supported this member. Even the fellow SCs members remained silent. Once the panchayat met to discuss the low attendance in the gram sabha, and it was decided to extend a special invitation to prominent persons of the panchayat for the gram sabha meeting as their presence could increase the attendance. Interestingly enough, in the list of persons selected for the purpose, not a single woman or a member of SCs was included. Though the members are occasionally divided on party lines, such a division does not take place when issues are raised by the SCs members for their development. Usually debates and arguments are avoided. The proceedings are suitably written by the secretary who systematically bypasses many important points. Once, the District Panchayat Officer came to visit the panchayat while the panchayat meeting was going on. As soon as he arrived, the discussion was stopped and some members were asked to help the panchayat peon for attending to him and his assistants. The District Panchayat Officer delivered a speech where he emphasized regular attendance, maintenance of proper office records and discipline, etc. Then snacks were served to all the members and the meeting ended without discussing the other items on the agenda. Nevertheless, the points which were not discussed were also included in the record of the proceedings. It is pertinent to note that the panchayat peon cleans the glasses and plates of all the members including the sarpanch, except those of the two SCs members. Though, untouchability is not practised in the sitting arrangement for the meeting, the only Brahmin woman member sits at a distance to avoid touching the naib-sarpanch who belongs to

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the Pana caste. She does not drink water in the glasses used by other members. The gram sabha has met for only ten times during the present tenure and the sarpanch presided over the meetings. People do not show interest in these meetings, so much so that they have often been held without the required quorum. Many members prefer to go to the market rather than attend the meeting. People belonging to the Brahmin community avoid these meetings. One of them frankly admitted, ‘How could we attend the meeting when a Dalit, and that too when a paluni (the naib-sarpanch), sits on the chair, and we are asked to sit on the floor?’ Except the naib-sarpanch, the female members never attend these meetings. However, some of the members of the SCs (mostly the Kewats) attend them. In the last three meetings fifty to sixty people attended. But two of them were cancelled following violent disturbances by some rich people, belonging to the higher castes, as they were unhappy due to the exclusion of their names from the Below Poverty Line (BPL) list. One of these meetings was called to discuss the ‘Food for Work Programme’ and a large number of people belonging to the SCs were present. The palli sabha has met four times in each of the villages of this panchayat. However, in the village of Juna meetings were held five times. The first palli sabha of each village was presided over by the sarpanch and the beneficiaries of IRDP were identified. The subsequent palli sabhas were presided over by the elected ward members of the respective villages where decisions relating to the identification of beneficiaries for the Indira Awas Yojana, Annapurna Scheme, BPL list, etc. were taken up. Women were mostly absent in all the palli sabhas. However, the lower the caste, the greater is the attendance of women. Attending public meetings by the women along with the men is viewed as a symbol of low status of a family. The palli sabha presided over by the sarpanch in Purussottampur and Tulsipur had only ten to fifteen people attending. Most of them were rich landowners and businessmen. The list of beneficiaries of IRDP prepared by them in these two villages included the well-off households, and many of them are the beneficiaries of other schemes as well. However, in the case of the village of Juna, where 116 persons attended the meeting, the sarpanch found it difficult to select the beneficiaries of his choice. He included all the names proposed in the palli sabha but deleted some of them in the block office. Many recommendations made by the palli sabha have either been ignored or overruled. For example, the palli sabha of

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Tulsipur met in the Gateswari Thakurani temple to finalize the workorder for construction of a road in the Harijan basti. The members of the SCs who were sitting at a distance (as it was a temple complex) unanimously appealed for it. Though, some higher caste members were reluctant, the ward member who was presiding, agreed. But the final order was given to a Khandayat by the sarpanch. In another palli sabha of Juna, where 124 members were present, to select the beneficiaries of the Antyodaya Anna Yojana, the names proposed by the members of the SCs were changed. In almost all the palli sabhas held for the finalization of the BPL list, instead of inviting the names from the people present there, the ward members and the panchayat secretary read out the list of names prepared by them. Though, in some cases they included additional households, the earlier names were retained. In another palli sabha held in Purusottampur, a ward member and the panchayat secretary suggested a person’s name, to whom a work-order could be issued, and sought the opinion of the members. As the person in question was a rich and influential landlord of the village, no one dared to oppose him. He spent a negligible portion of the estimated budget, but got the bill approved.

Silipur Panchayat In 1991, this gram panchayat came into being, but prior to that it was under the Marshaghai gram panchayat. It consists of one revenue village called Silipur, which is divided into twelve wards. The total population of the panchayat is 4,067 consisting of 521 households. The higher castes form 37 per cent of the population, the backward castes and the SCs constitute 41 per cent and 21 per cent, respectively. The Khandayats and Gouds are the numerically dominant communities. Among the SCs the Kewats are the most populous (Table 3.3). The caste-wise distribution of voters exhibits almost the same pattern. Almost all the households of the panchayat depend on agriculture for income and employment. Compared to the other two panchayats, agriculture in this panchayat is relatively developed due to extensive irrigation facilities.The land distribution pattern closely follows the social hierarchy (Table 3.3). The major landowning groups are the Khandayats, Gouds and Brahmins. The SCs, particularly the Kandaras and Panas, are the most disadvantaged communities. The Khandayats and Gouds are

Power to the Excluded Groups

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the dominant groups in the village in terms of population, as well as land ownership. Since it is a new panchayat, elections have been held only twice, that is, in 1992 and 1997 and a Gauda has been holding the sarpanch position, consecutively for both the terms. In the first election, he contested against a candidate of his own caste, but in the subsequent term the contest was with a candidate of the Khandayat caste. A majority of the members of the SCs voted for him. As the sarpanch is a male, the naib-sarpanch position has gone to a woman candidate. A Khandayat woman has been elected as the naib-sarpanch. The socio-economic background of the panchayat members is given in Table 3.5. Out of thirteen positions, more than half are occupied by the Gaudas, including that of the sarpanch; the Khandayats hold three positions including that of the naib-sarpanch.There are only two ward members from SCs who are women. The samitisabhya of this panchayat is a Khandayat who has been elected as the chairman of the panchayat samiti. On the whole, the Khandayats and Gaudas are the most powerful castes. The sarpanch is a graduate and belongs to a rich, progressive and innovative farming family. He owns a double storied building in the village, 18 acres of land, a tractor, a pump set, a motor bike and other valuable household items.While three members belong to the rich peasant category (including the sarpanch and naib-sarpanch), the middle and small peasants have two and five members, respectively. The remaining two members are agricultural labourers who belong to the SCs. One of them works with the sarpanch as a labourer and the other is attached to the samitisabhya. Many of the small peasants work as hired labourers with the ward members of the rich and middle peasants.The panchayat secretary is a close relation of the sarpanch.The samitisabhya of the panchayat is also a rich landlord who has a double storied building, many assets and valuable household items. The sarpanch is a close associate of the chairman of the panchayat samiti and both of them support the Congress Party. As the Congress ruled the state in the first three years of their tenure, all the local level officials supported them. Eight ward members (including the naib-sarpanch) claim to be the supporters of Congress, and many of them were elected with the support of the sarpanch and samitisabhya. Three of the four other members, who identify themselves with the Janata Dal, forgot their political differences and joined hands with the sarpanch after the election. The sarpanch enjoys the support of almost all the members because of his close association with the chairman of the panchayat samiti and the block administration.

Positions

Age

Education Level Graduate 7th 5th 3rd 3rd 5th 6th 10th 12th 9th 10th 5th 4th

Land (acres)*

Caste

Class

Party affiliation

Annual family income (Rs)** 106,000 66,600 42,500 31,800 9,500 8,000 22,800 17,600 19,200 8,200 90,000 55,600 18,400

1. Sarpanch 38 18.00 Gauda Rich peasant Congress 2. Naib-Sarpanch (W) 36 10.25 Khandayat Rich peasant Congress 3. Ward Member (W) 35 6.50 Gauda Middle peasant Congress 4. Ward Member 32 3.66 Gauda Middle peasant BJP 5. Ward Member (W) 47 0.00 Kewat (SC) Agricultural labourer Congress 6. Ward Member 25 0.00 Pana (SC) Agricultural labourer Congress 7. Ward Member 50 1.22 Gauda Small peasant Congress 8. Ward Member (W) 39 0.77 Gauda Small peasant Janata Dal 9. Ward Member 32 0.23 Gauda Small peasant Congress 10. Ward Member 55 0.00 Khandayat Agricultural labourer Janata Dal 11. Ward Member 42 14.48 Khandayat Rich peasant Congress 12. Ward Member 52 0.50 Kewat (SC) Small peasant Congress 13. Ward Member 38 0.50 Gauda Small peasant Janata Dal Source: Field notes. Notes: W indicates the women members. * Converted land. ** Given the complexities involved in rural Indian economy, it is difficult to estimate household incomes accurately. The estimated values represent approximate annual incomes of all earning members of the respective families. It includes income from agriculture, livestock, salaried jobs, wage labour, business and trading, and other major economic activities. Though usury, commissions from contractors and beneficiaries of various development schemes, etc., are widely reported as a major source of income for some of these members, they have not been included. The accuracy of the estimated incomes, in many cases, is limited to the memory of the respondents. The income from agriculture has been estimated by converting the outturn of all crops into rupees as per the price prevailing in the local market at the time of data collection.

Sr. No.

Table 3.5 Socio-economic Background of the Members of Silipur Panchayat (1997–2002)

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The gram panchayat meeting has been held sixty three times in the last five years. Except for the occasional absence of the female members, particularly of higher castes, all other members attend the meetings regularly. The SCs members (both women and men) do not miss any meeting. In the beginning female members were given attendance if an adult member of their family represented them. Subsequently, it was decided that they had to come, at least to sign, and their male relations continued to be allowed to participate in the discussions. The sarpanch encourages all the members to participate in the discussions, but takes the final decision on the advice of a Khandayat member and the husbands of the naib-sarpanch and another female member. The opinion of other members is considered if it suits him.While the higher caste members give their opinion freely on matters relating to the SCs, the members of the lower castes are not allowed to participate in discussions on issues relating to the higher castes. For example, when a SC member wanted to intervene in the argument between two higher caste members about the allotment of funds for the renovation of a temple, he was discouraged. One member of the high caste retorted,‘You keep quiet. We have not sought your advice. You have become a ward member but that does not mean that you will interfere in everybody’s affairs.’ Whenever female members suggest or recommend a matter, the opinion of the male members of their families is taken into account. For identifying the beneficiaries of the Indira Awas Yojana and the Annapurna Scheme, the names suggested by the female members were included in consultation with the male members of their families. However, in the case of the Pana female member, the sarpanch himself took the decision. Though the practice of untouchability is not noticed in the panchayat meetings, caste- and class-based discrimination is certainly observed. While all the members address each other with respect or affection, the Pana woman member alone is addressed by her name. Even the peon of the panchayat does this. Once when there was a chair short during the meeting she was asked to sit on the floor, though all other members sat on chairs. The gram sabha was called eight times during the tenure of this sarpanch. Not more than twenty people attended these meetings and signatures of other people were obtained afterwards to get the quorum. Comparatively, the attendance of the SCs members was more because the panchayat office is located near a Harijan basti. The higher caste women did not attend these meetings. The sarpanch and the other members

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did not encourage free discussion. In a meeting after a cyclone, one SC member wanted to know the reasons for the unfair distribution of the blankets received by the panchayat from an NGO. The sarpanch felt annoyed. Keeping this in mind the next day he asked that SC person to pay back the Rs 250 borrowed from him. The sarpanch also deleted the poor fellow’s name from the Antyodaya Anna Yojana, under which he would have got 20 kg rice per month at a subsidized price. The palli sabhas of the panchayat hardly meet.The panchayat secretary has maintained records of six palli sabha meetings. As there are provisions for approval by the palli sabha for implementing various schemes and identifying beneficiaries, many fictitious records are maintained for official purposes. It was revealed by some people whose signatures are on record that they have neither attended those meetings nor signed the papers. Most of the signatures are against the names of the members of the SCs.

Dashipur Panchayat Originally it was a part of the Dumuka panchayat and was subsequently created in 1991. It consists of five revenue villages, namely, Palaspur, Balana, Adampur, Dashipur and Baghadia, which are divided into seventeen wards. There are nine castes in the panchayat composed of 719 households with a total population of 5,401. Compared to the other two panchayats, the SC population is relatively less here (17 per cent). Higher castes constitute 56 per cent and the backward castes 26 per cent of the panchayat population (Table 3.3). The caste-wise distribution of voters also follows the same pattern. The economy of this panchayat is almost entirely dependent upon agriculture. The cultivable land of the panchayat is unequally distributed among the nine caste groups. The higher castes control 76 per cent and the backward and the SCs own 17 and 7 per cent, respectively (Table 3.3). Among the SCs, the incidence of landlessness is pronounced, more with respect to the Kandaras.About 87 per cent of their households are landless. However, the position of the Kewats and Dhobas is relatively better. The Khandayats are the most privileged group in the panchayat owing to their numerical strength as well as their land ownership position. Like Silipur, the elections to this panchayat have been held only twice. The previous sarpanch was a Khandayat.The present female sarpanch also belongs to the same caste and the naib-sarpanch is a male of the Dhoba caste. Seven female candidates had contested for the sarpanch position

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and almost all of them were from the higher castes. Two of the ward members contested elections for the naib-sarpanch position. As a Dhoba member was proposed by the sarpanch’s husband, most of the members supported him. The socio-economic background of the panchayat members (Table 3.6) shows that seven (including the sarpanch) members out of the eighteen belong to higher castes (Khandayats). The backward castes have six members. While all the higher caste members are the Khandayats, the backward caste members are the Gaudas. The SCs have five members (including the naib-sarpanch), and out of them the Dhobas and Kewats have two each, and the other is a Kandara. Seven members are women, three from higher castes, and two each from the backward castes and the SCs. All the members have studied up to the elementary level while the sarpanch is a graduate. The members belonging to SCs are either tenants with miniscule holdings or landless labourers. In the latter case, they work for the landowners of the higher castes. The naib-sarpanch has leased one acre land and also works as a labourer with the panchayat secretary who is a Gauda.The panchayat secretary is a staunch supporter of the sarpanch.The members belonging to backward castes are mostly from the higher land owning group. In addition to cultivation, most of them do dairy farming. All of them belong to the better-off section of their community. Three of the higher caste members are also small holders and tenants-cumcultivators. Two of them have been elected without a contest because of the support from their landlords. As regards the class position, a majority of the members are small peasants including the naib-sarpanch. The sarpanch belongs to a landlord family and four members are rich peasants. The only member who belongs to the agricultural labourer category is from the SCs. The division of the members, on the basis of support to political parties, does not correspond to either their caste or class position. While the sarpanch and the naib-sarpanch along with another member of the Gauda caste identify themselves with the BJP; five members do so with the Congress; eight members with the Janata Dal and one member with the CPM. The sarpanch lives mostly with her husband (who is a government employee) in Marshaghai. He is associated with the BJP at the district level. He is close to a BJP leader of the district who is a minister in the state cabinet. The election of the sarpanch is attributed to her husband’s political connections and the family’s socio-economic base in the locality.

Sarpanch (W) Naib Sarpanch Ward Member (W) Ward Member (W) Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member (W) Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member (W) Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member (W) Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member Ward Member (W)

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

38 52 65 42 58 50 35 60 65 42 30 38 40 45 45 40 65 35

Age

B.Sc 5th 4th 5th 5th 6th 10th 4th 3th 4th 8th 7th 4th 5th 7th 10th 5th 7th

Education Level 4.26 1.00 1.00 0.50 4.50 7.56 6.12 4.44 0.25 3.00 1.52 0.20 8.50 1.03 2.00 9.70 0.25 0.25

Land (Acres)* Khandayat Dhoba (SC) Gauda Kewat (SC) Gauda Gauda Gauda Gauda Kandara (SC) Khandayat Gauda Khandayat Khandayat Khandayat Khandayat Baisnab Dhoba (SC) Kewat (SC)

Caste Landlord Small peasant Small peasant Small peasant Middle peasant Rich peasant Rich peasant Middle peasant Agricultural labourer Small peasant Small peasant Small peasant Rich peasant Small peasant Small peasant Rich peasant Small peasant Small peasant

Class BJP BJP Janata Dal Congress Janata Dal Congress BJP Congress Janata Dal Congress Janata Dal CPM Janata Dal Janata Dal Congress Congress Janata Dal Janata Dal

Party Affiliation 120,000 10,400 8,200 12,000 63,900 76,750 46,880 45,800 13,500 41,360 35,950 8,940 77,150 20,400 24,700 65,860 18,200 10,150

Annual Family Income (Rs)**

Source: Field notes. Notes: W indicates the women members. * Converted land. ** Given the complexities involved in rural Indian economy, it is difficult to estimate household incomes accurately. The estimated values represent approximate annual incomes of all earning members of the respective families. It includes income from agriculture, livestock, salaried jobs, wage labour, business and trading, and other major economic activities. Though usury, commissions from contractors and beneficiaries of various development schemes, etc., are widely reported as a major source of income for some of these members, they have not been included. The accuracy of the estimated incomes, in many cases, is limited to the memory of the respondents. The income from agriculture has been estimated by converting the outturn of all crops into rupees as per the price prevailing in the local market at the time of data collection.

Positions

Sr. No.

Table 3.6 Socio-economic Background of the Members of Dashipur Panchayat (1997–2002)

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63

Most of the panchayat members are the supporters of the sarpanch’s husband. The panchayat meetings have been held fifty seven times and all of them were presided by the sarpanch, except one, which was presided over by the Village Level Worker (VLW). All these meetings are held in the Dashipur Upper Primary School. The sarpanch attends the meetings mostly with her husband, and the meetings are convened as per his convenience and availability. The meetings are held on Sundays or holidays, on the pretext that they could be held in the school. Though a majority of the male members attend almost all the meetings, many female members remain absent.The female members come with the male members of their families.The decisions are mostly taken by the sarpanch’s husband in association with some members of the Khandayat and Gauda castes.The sarpanch’s husband indicates his opinion on important matters beforehand, and as a result other members find it difficult to oppose him. The secretary prepares the minutes and shows them to the sarpanch’s husband for his approval. Though, initially, two rich peasants of the upper caste opposed them, the sarpanch’s husband patched up by allotting IRDP loan and Indira Awas house as also distributing the old age and widow pensions to their kith and kin even though they are rich. Though untouchability is not practised in the meetings, the female members sit separately. Some of them sit humbly, putting their heads down and covered with sarees, to show respect to the elder males. The female ward members rarely participate in the discussion. One member pointed out, ‘We feel uneasy to speak something in his (sarpanch’s husband) presence in the meeting. His wife also keeps quiet. He is a qualified person. When we propose something he listens carefully and asks thousands of questions, which makes our position embarrassing before other men.’ The gram sabha has met nine times during the tenure of the present sarpanch. It is held in the same school where the panchayat meetings are held. All the meetings are presided over by the sarpanch. The latter’s husband remains present in all the meetings, from the beginning till the end. Only ten to twenty people attend these meetings and the same people have attended almost all the meetings. The female members do not attend these meetings. Except the naib-sarpanch, the SCs members are absent. However, one meeting called to identify the beneficiaries of the Indira Awas Yojana was attended by fifty persons, and many of them were the members of the SCs. Both the sarpanch and her husband were present. Though it was announced that the list of beneficiaries would be selected in the meeting, the sarpanch had finalized the list beforehand

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and she asked the panchayat secretary to read out the names for the approval of the gram sabha. A number of households included in the list were from the richer classes having concrete buildings. In some cases two beneficiaries were from the same household, but were treated as two families. Among the SCs beneficiaries, though a number of poor households were included, many were relatively rich belonging to the Dhoba and Kewat communities. Though, many of the poor Dalits and other low caste people felt the list was biased in favour of the richer classes, they were not able to oppose publicly as most of the beneficiaries were present. One poor SC member (Kandara) requested the sarpanch to include his name. Immediately a number of rich people also suggested other names.The sarpanch’s husband intervened and justified, ‘Compared to other panchayats our list is much bigger. This was possible because of my personal contact with the block officials and higher authorities. The number can be decreased, but it cannot be increased further. If any of the included names can be deleted, then I do not have any objection to include your (pointing to the SCs member) name.’ When the situation became noisy due to suggestions and counter suggestions, it was decided to adjourn the meeting. In the last five years the palli sabha of each of the four villages has met four times. Less than 5 per cent of the village population attends these meetings. The women and the members of the SCs are absent in almost all the meetings. While two of the meetings of each village were presided over by the naib-sarpanch, the other two meetings were presided over by the elected ward members of the respective villages. In all the villages the palli sabha, called for the finalization of the list of the BPL families, which serves as the guideline for the identification of beneficiaries for a number of other schemes, was presided over by the naib-sarpanch. The BPL list was prepared by the block office, but was referred to the palli sabha of each village for approval. Many of the rich and well-to-do households, mostly belonging to the higher castes, managed to enrol themselves in the list by entertaining the block officials and a large number of poor people were ignored.Though the palli sabha was given the power to modify the list in case of any irregularity, in most cases the original list was maintained. In a palli sabha meeting of Palaspur, the list was revised and some new names were included. But the sarpanch, in consultation with some influential and rich people, withheld the list, and did not submit it to the block office within the prescribed time limit. After five months another palli sabha was called. It was informed that the revised list was not accepted by the block office.

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The palli sabha was summoned for the finalization of BPL list in Dashipur. But the naib-sarpanch, who was to preside over the meeting, and the panchayat secretary did not reach there, even four to five hours after the scheduled time. They actually went to Marshaghai to consult with the sarpanch’s husband. Most of the people who came to attend the meeting were disappointed and returned home. Finally, the naib-sarpanch and the secretary reached in the evening and called the people still present, and finalized the list. Only thirteen people attended that meeting. Similarly, in another case, the list of beneficiaries of the Antyodaya Anna Yojana prepared by the palli sabha was bypassed. As per the rule, the beneficiaries were to be identified from among the BPL families. The panchayat secretary did not mention the rule, and advised the naib-sarpanch to include the names of Dalits who were not in the BPL list. But in the case of the upper castes, only the BPL families were included. Finally, in the block office the names of Dalit families were deleted, as they did not belong to the BPL families. Besides, not a single work order in any of these villages was issued with the consent of the palli sabha. Instead, the rich people had work orders issued in their names by colluding with the sarpanch’s husband. The local officials produced fictitious signatures of the palli sabha members and facilitated all this. In the first three years the sarpanch was independently managing all the routine matters. But after the occurrence of the super cyclone, when the panchayat’s activities increased owing to distribution of relief material, commencement of reconstruction work, etc., and more particularly after the formation of a BJP-BJD coalition government in the state, her husband became more active. Even the local level government officials including the Block Development Officer bypassed the sarpanch and consulted her husband. She was only asked to put her signature. As the sarpanch is from Dashipur, the major share of developmental work has been carried out in this village. Over 40 per cent of the developmental grants have been utilized there, mostly for the benefit of the upper castes such as the construction of a bathing complex, sports house, community centre, etc. Though, in other villages some road construction works have been undertaken, the approach roads in the Harijan basti, particularly where the Kandaras are concentrated, have not witnessed any improvement. In the naib-sarpanch’s own basti, the approach road is also as bad as it was earlier. The work order for the Harijan basti has been given to the contractors from the higher castes. A comparison of the construction of an approach road in the Harijan basti with that of the

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higher caste basti, involving almost an equal budgeted amount and which have been done by the same contractor, shows that the quality of work in the former is extremely poor and the contractor has been paid without murmuring. It is inferred from the analysis that the inclusion of members of the SCs and women in panchayats has only helped the rich to consolidate their economic position. A poor Pana member of the Marshaghai panchayat made the following comments about the sarpanch, ‘He is as bad as our earlier sarpanches.Though he belongs to the SCs, he is not our sarpanch. He is the sarpanch of the rich. He does not look upon the poor fellows of his own community and his attending to our problems is a far off thing. Our basti has not witnessed any notable improvement during his tenure. The only things, which have happened, are that the numbers of beneficiaries of Indira Awas Yojana and old age/widow pension have increased. These days even rich people are getting such benefits. Besides, he has taken money from us for that.’ Moreover, the inclusion of a woman sarpanch has created impediments for the poor sections,particularly the SCs,and they are put to inconvenience. To meet her they have to wait for long hours and often get bad treatment. A person of the sarpanch’s own caste lamented, ‘For every thing, she tells us to meet him (her husband). Whenever she is there, he is not there, and sometimes if he is there, she is not there. It is difficult to get both of them. Unless it is unavoidable, we do not like to go to them. In the case of ordinary matters we just pay the panchayat secretary twenty to thirty rupees and get her signature.’ The sarpanch herself remarked, ‘All the way they come, bare foot, and enter the house. I have told them to convey the matters through the secretary. Still they come. Even if they are told that my husband and I are not here, they wait for hours together. Sometimes my in-laws get irritated and shout at them.’ Besides, the participation of women in local affairs has not made them free from their traditional duties and obligations. Their participation is accepted, as long as it does not alter the existing order of gender relations and inequality. The husband of the naib-sarpanch of the Marshaghai panchayat mentioned, ‘Whatever she does, and wherever she goes, she informs me. She does all the household work. Of course, I am helping her in many ways. But I can not do the household work, such as cooking, cleaning the utensils, washing clothes, etc. As it is, the people have started telling us that she dominates me, and if I do these jobs, they will look down upon me.’

Total

SC

Silipur %

Total

No. of beneficiaries of 70 48 68.57 75 Indira Awas Yojana No. of beneficiaries of 8 3 37.50 5 Annapurna Scheme No. of beneficiaries of N.A N.A N.A 4 Disabled Pension Scheme 45 58 No. of beneficiaries of Antyodaya Anna Yojana Scheme 103 26 25.24 111 No. of beneficiaries of Old Age & Widow Pension (State Govt) Scheme 78 18 23.08 60 No. of beneficiaries of Old Age & Widow Pension (Central Govt) Scheme 4.38 760,294.00 Amount spent under JRY* 405,946.00 17,800.00 (Rs) Source: Panchayat Office of the respective panchayats. Note: * The benefit of wage labour has not been taken into consideration.

Particulars

29.31

7.21

11.67

17

8

7

96

189

75

9

11

75

Total

9.21 509,500.00

50.00

2

70,000.00

20.00

1

% 48.00

36

SC

Dashipur

20,000.00

9

11

21

3

1

45

SC

Marshaghai

Table 3.7 Distribution of Beneficiaries of Major Schemes Implemented through Panchayats (1997–2002)

%

3.93

9.38

5.82

28.00

33.33

9.09

60.00

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One way of assessing the nature of participation of the hitherto excluded groups in the decision making process at the local level is to make a comparative analysis of their share in various developmental schemes implemented through the panchayats. It is found that (Table 3.7) in all the panchayats the dominant groups have appropriated the major share of the benefits of the developmental schemes. The women and the SCs members have not been able to enhance their share in the panchayat where a sarpanch belongs to their groups. However, in some schemes like the Indira Awas Yojana the share of the SCs is appreciably better. The greater number of beneficiaries from the SCs, in the case of Indira Awas Yojana in Marshaghai panchayat, is largely due to a greater concentration of BPL households from that category. Moreover, nearly half of these beneficiaries are the Kewats. Though the number of beneficiaries is relatively more in the case of Antyodaya Anna Yojana and Annapurna schemes, it is negligible in absolute terms. The interests of women and SCs have largely been ignored in Jawahar Rojgar Yojana (JRY) schemes.

Panchayat Samiti The three panchayats studied come under the Marshaghai panchayat samiti. The elections in this panchayat samiti were held in 1967, 1970, 1975, 1984 and 1992. Right from the beginning, the chairman’s position in this panchayat samiti was held by the members of higher castes. The present chairman, who is the samitisabhya of the Silipur panchayat, is a Khandayat. He won the election against a candidate of his own caste.The vice-chairperson is also a woman of a higher caste. The panchayat samiti has forty elected members, consisting of twenty sarpanches and twenty samitisabhyas. Of the total members, seven belong to the SCs and one to the STs. Among the SC members, while three of them hold the sarpanch position, the other four are the samitisabhyas. There are 13 female members. While seven of them are samitisabhyas, six are sarpanches. Among the female members, two are from SCs (sarpanch and samitisabhya), and one from an ST who is a samitisabhya. Except for one member from the Kandara caste, the remaining members of SCs are the Kewats. Barring the SC members and, particularly, the women, the educational status of almost all the members is relatively better. The SC members have studied mostly up to the elementary level. The members

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are mostly rich land owning farmers, having multiple sources of income. Almost all the members have a motorbike. Excepting the Kandara female member, all the other SCs members are also relatively rich in terms of land ownership, and income from business and allied activities.The female members of the higher castes are mostly relations of local level leaders who could not contest the elections owing to reservation provisions, and hence used their womenfolk for the purpose. The Chairman belongs to the Congress Party and he is close to almost all the district level prominent leaders of that party. He is considered the most powerful person in the entire block. During the first three years of his tenure, when the Congress Party was in power in the state, he had complete control over not only the block level but also the entire district administration.The block officials treat the sarpanch and the samitisabhya according to their closeness with the chairman.Though, the sarpanchs are the members of the panchayat samiti, the samitisabhyas are given more importance in the block affairs. The panchayat samiti has met about twenty times during the tenure of this chairman and all the meetings had been presided over by him. Except occasionally, all the women and SCs members attend meetings regularly. Though the male members of their families come to the panchayat samiti office, they are not allowed to attend the meetings. However, most of them are trained by their husbands or other elder male members of the family.The female members hardly participate in discussions or follow up any matter at the official level. The SCs members also rarely open their mouth in the samiti meetings. Among the samiti members there are two distinct groups. While one group supports the chairman, the other group follows the ex-chairman (present samitisabhya of Akhua panchayat), who was defeated in the last elections. The chairman’s group is identified with the Congress and the other group with the Janata Dal (now BJD). The samitisabhyas and sarpanches, who are prominent in these two groups, are members of the higher castes and the SCs and female members are their followers. Some female members are given importance because of their male family members. Six standing committees (each consisting of five members) have been constituted by the panchayat samiti. The members of higher castes (particularly those who are close to the chairman) are in almost all the committees. Important committees relating to finance, planning, performance budgeting, poverty alleviation programmes, land reforms,

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rural housing, Jawahar Rojgar Yojana, communication and works, etc., are mostly under the control of higher castes. However, as per the rule, a majority of the members in the fourth standing committee, relating to the welfare of SCs, STs and women, should have SC members. Similarly, female members should be included in the third standing committee, which looks into subjects like education, cultural activities, health, sanitation, water supply, etc. But the Kandara female member has not been included in these committees. Many female members attend these committee meetings and decisions are often taken in consultation with their husbands. The expenditure on developmental works of the Block clearly shows that the dominant sections of the society have managed to appropriate a lion’s share of benefits and the SCs are neglected despite priorities given for their development. In each year only a negligible portion (about 2 per cent) of the total expenditure has been spent for their development (Table 3.8). The same could be said about women also. The elected representatives, belonging to the hitherto excluded groups, have not succeeded in preventing discrimination against them. Table 3.8 Development Works in Marshaghai Block (1997–2002) Year

Total No. of Works Undertaken

Per Cent of Works Done in SC Areas

Per Cent of Works Done for Women

1997-98 1998-99 1999-2000 2000-01 2001-02

223 216 346 398 348

5.38 4.17 4.91 4.52 4.60

1.79 2.78 1.45 1.76 1.72

Total Per Cent Expenditure of Amount in 000’ Rs Spent in SC Areas 12,317 20,999 10,282 6,374 6,584

4.47 0.73 1.84 3.23 3.25

Per Cent of Amount Spent for Women 1.25 0.53 1.05 2.57 2.48

Source: Block office, Marshaghai.

Zilla Parishad As the district was formed in 1992, elections for this zilla parishad were held for the first time in 1997. It consists of thirty two elected members, one from each zone of the district. Due to the reservation rules,

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the president of the zilla parishad is a woman. Out of the twelve female members, eleven are elected from the reserved seats, and only one is from the unreserved seat. The female member, who represents the unreserved seat, contested and lost the elections earlier as the Congress candidate for both the assembly and parliament. The socio-economic background of the members10 reveals that a majority of the members fall within the age group of thirty to forty years, with a fairly good educational background. All the members have educational qualifications above matriculation. About fifteen of them are graduates. A majority of the members belongs to higher castes (such as Brahmin, Karan and Khandayat). While eight members are from backward castes, six belong to the SCs and one to the STs. Most of the SC members are Kewats. The only ST member and two members of the SCs are women. Almost all members are from the affluent sections of the district. A number of them are large landholders and many of them have a regular income from some urban sources as well. As the elections for the zilla parishad are held on political party lines, using the party symbols, the state level political leaders directly involve themselves in these elections to consolidate their own base and party organization. At the time of the zilla parishad elections, the Congress was the ruling party in the state and one of the MLAs of the district was a minister in the cabinet. Of the five MLAs, while three belong to the Congress Party, the other two to the Janata Dal. However, the position changed in the assembly election held in 2000. These MLAs played a crucial role in the selection of the zilla parishad candidates of their respective parties. But the SC MLA from the reserved constituency had a limited role.11 The president of the zilla parishad is the sister of an MLA and many of the members are the relations of prominent leaders of the district. As many as twenty six members are with the Congress, five with the Janata Dal and one is an Independent. As most of the members belong to the Congress, the positions of the president and vice-president went smoothly in favour of that party. All the SCs and STs members are Congress candidates. Except one, who belongs to the Janata Dal, all other women are also Congress members. The zilla parishad has met eighteen times during the present tenure. Except for a female member (Congress), whose name was considered for the president’s position but dropped due to the opposition of MLAs,

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all other members regularly attend the meetings. So do the MLAs and the minister of the ruling party of the district. Members who belong to the higher castes dominate the debates and discussions in the zilla parishad. The members of SCs or STs hardly take part in the discussions. Even when decisions are taken against the interests of SCs, they have not opposed them. For example, the members of SCs and STs approved the proceedings, even when Rs 50,000 earmarked for them were diverted for a paan leaf farm owned by ten beneficiaries of the higher castes in 1998– 99.12 Similarly, in another meeting they failed to protect the interests of SC labourers who were not paid their remuneration for the work of a tank undertaken a year ago in Halabidhiha.13 These members are taken for granted by their party members. Instead of allowing them to freely participate in the discussion, the higher caste members often interfere and prevent this. In a meeting, in the year 2000, during a discussion on drought in the district, all the members presented the situation in their respective zones. But, for the zones represented by the SC members, the District Agricultural Officer was asked to give a presentation, on the basis of which the situation was assessed.14 Though it was decided to help the farmers, there was no discussion about landless agricultural labourers (who mostly belong to the SCs) who were unemployed owing to the drought situation. Initially, it was decided to provide diesel pump sets with 50 per cent subsidy to the farmers included in the BPL list. But due to pressure from the members of higher castes, this benefit was extended to all the farmers. In another meeting, though the list of the projects under the Jawahar Rojgar Yojana (JRY) and their estimated budget were approved by the zilla parishad, the bugdet on Indira Awas Yojana and sanitary latrines for the SC/ST persons was left to the District Rural Development Agency to estimate.15 While the members of higher castes see their own class and caste interests, the SCs members remain loyal to their party rather than caste or class. One of the members admitted, ‘Since our party is in power in the state and the president and vice-president of the zilla parishad belong to our party, we have been told not to criticize the government policy or zilla parishad decisions in the meetings. We discuss them with the president, other members or the collector privately.’ However, the female members belonging to the higher castes are assertive and often participate in the discussions. A female member sat on the floor and demanded the withdrawal of a work order of a road

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from a person whom she earlier opposed, and finally the parishad had to reconsider the decision.16 There are many instances in which the female members proposed developmental works in their zones, as per their choice, and got them approved. But they follow the principle and discipline imposed by their parties. For example, the female members of the Congress Party kept quiet when certain atrocities on women in the district in 1999 hit the headlines in the media reports and created an unprecedented social and political upheaval in the state as a whole. As the minister from the district and some of the zilla parishad members were allegedly involved, most members remained quiet, and there was only a casual discussion in the zilla parishad. The female members of the SCs hardly took part in the discussion. As per the rule, the members of the standing committees of the zilla parishad are elected from among the members. But in the meeting called for the formation of these committees, the minister suggested selection of the members through ‘a consensus’. As a result, the members were included in the committees on the advice of the president and vice-president. It was reported that the brother of the president, who is an MLA and member of the zilla parishad, had finalized the list earlier, in consultation with the vice-president and some other prominent members. As regards the composition of the various standing committees of the zilla parishad,17 all the important committees are under the control of the higher caste members. In the first, second, third, fifth and sixth committees, which look after the important portfolios, a majority of the members are from the higher castes. Though the third standing committee should consist of a majority of women members, as per the rules, none of them belongs to the SCs. Given the composition of the zilla parishad and its standing committees, the higher caste members find it convenient to promote their caste, class and party interests. For example, in a village called Aradapalli, a group of rich households belonging to the higher castes are beneficiaries under all the schemes. They have been provided with IRDP loans, housing under the Indira Awas Yojana and old age pensions. Three tanks were dug in that village under the ‘Food for Work Programme’ and one of them is located in a place that it is used for irrigation only by some rich farmers.18 The list of the projects carried out with untied funds, approved by the zilla parishad for 1997–1998, 1999–2000 and 2000–01, shows that a large part of the budget has been spent for the welfare of higher castes; the

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amounts spent for SCs and STs is negligible, and in certain blocks almost nil. Each member was given the discretion to spend Rs 75,000 per year for these three years for developmental work of their respective zones. It is disheartening to note that the members, not only higher castes but also SCs and STs, have spent this amount mostly for the benefit of the upper castes. A major part of these projects has been allotted for the construction of temples, their compound walls, roads, etc.The developmental measures undertaken by the zilla parishad have hardly benefited the SCs except the allotment of some Indira Awas houses and sanitary latrines. However, it is reported that the sanitary latrines are not used by the beneficiaries of SCs, and many of them have been sold by them to the higher caste households at a throw-away price.

III The power structure in the rural areas is a complex phenomenon. It does not correspond neatly to any of the established models. It operates broadly within the caste-based class framework. In order to meet the demands of the new constitutional amendment for inclusion of the members from the hitherto excluded groups in the panchayati raj institutions, the privileged groups have co-opted either the dominant members of those groups who could protect their caste-class interests or the loyal and faithful members who could act as namesake representatives. The women representatives are proxies for their men and they often act as namesake representatives. Nonetheless, a few of them who belong to higher castes are assertive. In fact, though the inclusion of excluded communities has not posed a serious threat to the upper caste-class and gender dominance, it has generated a kind of awareness among them on many aspects of local governance. Participation in the election process, becoming representatives, attending meetings and expressing viewpoints at various levels shows signs of a change in the lives of members of the hitherto excluded groups. On the whole, the provision of inclusion of the members of these groups in panchayati raj bodies has enhanced their participation in the decision making process at the local level, but it is inadequate for their empowerment.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author is thankful to BS Baviskar for his critical comments and suggestions on the earlier draft of the paper. Thanks are also due to BD Ghosh, Surindar S Jodhka, Bidyut Mohanty, Vinod K Jairath and Virginius Xaxa for their comments. However, the usual disclaimer applies.

NOTES 1. An analysis of the composition of the state assembly, beginning from the election of 1952, shows that the percentage of women members is over 3 to 4 per cent of all members. However, in 2000 the percentage increased to 8 per cent. As regards their representation in the council of ministers in the state, it is negligible at all points of time. They are not included at all many times. 2. Empowerment refers to access to resources, and the ability to participate and influence the decision making process. 3. District Statistical Handbook, Kendrapara, 1997: 29. 4. However, the district had a leader belonging to the SCs (Kandara community) who was prominent in state politics from late 1960s to late 1980s, and occupied key positions in the state cabinet and other bodies. But, it was revealed during discussions with some of the prominent leaders of the district, across caste and party lines, that during his career neither had he promoted any leader from the SCs nor had he done anything for the their development, in general, and of the district, in particular. Instead, he identified himself with the leaders of the upper castes. The greater his involvement in politics, the lower was his association with the members of his own community. This information was collected through informal interaction with some of the senior members of the leader’s village, belonging to his and other castes, which provides firm evidence in this regard. 5. District panchayat office, Kendrapara. 6. Any village or group of villages with a population of two to ten thousand constitutes a gram and for every gram there is a gram sasan composed of all persons on the electoral roll of the gram. The gram sasan is a body corporate by the name of gram to which it relates, having perpetual succession and common seal. The meeting of the gram sasan is called gram sabha. For every village within the gram there is a palli sabha. The gram panchayat is the executive body of gram sasan and it is composed of the ward members, sarpanch and naib-sarpanch. While the sarpanch (who is the head of the gram panchayat) and the ward members are directly elected by the people, the naib-sarpanch is elected from among the ward members. For details, see The Orissa Gram Panchayat Manual, 1994 (Acts, Rules, Notifications, Instructions). 7. The reservation of positions in 1997 election was as follows:

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BB Mohanty Name of the positions

Scheduled Castes 6 2

Scheduled Tribes 1 1

Zilla Parishad President Zilla Parishad Member Panchayat Samiti Chairperson Sarpanch 41 8 Samitisabhya 41 8 Ward Member 766 50 Source: District panchayat officer, Kendrapara.

Backward Class 9 71 1,051

Women 1 11 3 31 61 1,251

8. The class position of the members of panchayats has been drawn on the basis of the following broad criteria. Landlords are those who own large areas of land, but never participate in the process of cultivation. They get their land cultivated by sharecroppers. Rich peasants own substantial portions of land along with agricultural implements, but unlike landlords, they physically participate in the production process. They depend largely on hired labour and invest the surplus in further production. Middle peasants own an average area of land which makes them self-sufficient. Though, like the rich peasants, they also depend on hired labour, participate in the production process and try to reinvest the surplus for expanded production, their inevitable surplus and resources are much less than those of the rich peasants. Small peasants are not merely the smallest landowners, but are also rigorously engaged in trying to replace hired labour with household labour. They are unable to generate enough income for themselves through household production, and, therefore, sell their labour and/or lease some land to augment the family income. Agricultural labourers neither own cultivable land nor the agricultural implements. They earn their livelihood mainly by selling their labour for agriculture and allied activities. 9. The estimate is made by the secretary and his assistant from the panchayat (who are from the same locality), in consultation with the ward members and some senior persons of different villages, who are often consulted on matters of special importance. 10. See the profile of the zilla parishad members, office of the zilla parishad, Kendrapara, 1997. 11. Based on views expressed by some of the zilla parishad members on their own party. 12. See the proceedings of the seventh general meeting of the zilla parishad held on 29 April 1998. 13. See the proceedings of the emergency meeting of the zilla parishad held on 11 November 1999, p. 2. 14. See the proceedings of fourteenth general meeting of the zilla parishad held on 30 December 2000, p. 3. 15. See the proceedings of fourth general meeting of the zilla parishad held on 9 August 1997, Annexure-II. 16. See the proceedings of the twelfth general meeting of the zilla parishad, held on 20 December 1999, p. 2.

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17. See the proceedings of the second general meeting of the zilla parishad held on 23 May 1997, p. 89. 18. As reported by a member of the zilla parishad, See the proceedings of the second general meeting of the zilla parishad held on 23 May 1997, p. 3.

REFERENCES Baboo, Balgovind. 1992. Economic Exchanges in Rural Orissa. Delhi: Manak Publications. Harriss, John. 1999. ‘Comparing Political Regimes across Indian States, A Preliminary Essay’, Economic and Political Weekly, 34 (48): 3367–77. Jena, B. B. 1966. ‘Feudal Grip’, Seminar, November: 26–32. Manor, James. 2000. ‘Small-time Political Fixers in Indian States: “Towel over Armpit”’, Asian Survey, 51 (5): 816–35. Mohanty, B.B. 2000. ‘Agricultural Modernisation in Rural Orissa: Land Transfer and Ownership Pattern’, Sociological Bulletin, 49 (1): 63–90. ——— 2001. ‘Land Distribution among Scheduled Castes and Tribes’, Economic and Political Weekly, 36 (40): 3857–68. Mohanty, Monoranjan. 1990. ‘Class, Caste and Dominance in a Backward State: Orissa’, in F. R. Frankel and M. S. A. Rao (eds.), Dominance and State Power in Modern India. Vol. II. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

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Negotiating with Empowerment: Panchayati Raj in Andhra Pradesh Vinod K Jairath and Srinivas Sajja

INTRODUCTION In the political theory of democracy, a shift from ‘equality of citizens’ to ‘politics of difference’, emphasizing the rights of marginalized communities and groups, is observed. To attain these objectives, the policies of ‘positive discrimination’ were introduced (see Mahajan 1998). In India, the 73rd Constitutional Amendment of 1992 is seen as an important landmark for positive discrimination in the democratic decentralization of the process of governance. But formal institutional arrangements, by themselves, are not an adequate reflection of democratization of a society.A distinction between ‘making’ of democracy and ‘deepening’ of democracy is relevant here. Patrick Heller (2000:485) defines democratic deepening ‘as a process under which the formal, effective and substantive dimensions of democracy become mutually reinforcing. In much of the late-developing world, social and economic conditions have conspired to limit the capacity of subordinate groups to effectively exercise their rights and to secure substantive gains.’ It should be emphasized here that deepening of democracy is a process, whose trajectory is not pre-determined. We should make a distinction between ‘formal’ inclusion of excluded communities and the ‘real’ empowering inclusion. There is a relationship between the nature of inclusion/exclusion in civil society, and the way

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‘democratic’ institutionalization of inclusion functions during elections and meetings. From our study, it becomes evident that one ‘cause’ does not produce the same effect everywhere. Different regions and villages have their own peculiarities and respond differently. Similarly, the position of different stakeholders varies. This is likely to be the situation throughout the state of Andhra Pradesh. This chapter is based on the study of the process of negotiating with empowerment, in deepening of inclusion of excluded communities and groups, under the impact of the 73rd amendment in Amangal Mandal, one of the sixty four mandals of Mahabubnagar district, in the Telangana region of the state of Andhra Pradesh. It starts with a brief history of panchayati raj institutions in Andhra Pradesh, followed by a background of the field situation, that is, the socio-economic conditions in Amangal Mandal of Mahabubnagar district of the Telangana region. In the next section, a brief profile of the three selected gram panchayats, namely, Akuthotapalle, Cherikonda and Mangalpalle are given. This is followed by a discussion of the changes that have taken place in Amangal Mandal in the sphere of social inclusion/exclusion, particularly with reference to the Dalits.Three case studies are then presented to indicate the nature of negotiations between some of the stakeholders. This is followed by a discussion on ‘selection’ of candidates, rotation of reservations and other factors, like the role of party politics and use of financial resources in the election process. The state of gram panchayat finances is then briefly presented. We have dealt with the nature of negotiations at the levels of mandal parishad and zilla parishad. Finally we have presented our conclusions.

BACKGROUND The state of Andhra Pradesh consists of three distinct regions—the coastal region comprising nine eastern districts, generally called Andhra; the interior region called Rayalaseema consisting of four southwestern districts; and the Telangana region, consisting of the capital Hyderabad and nine adjoining districts in the northwestern part of the state. Andhra Pradesh was the first state in India that was created on a purely linguistic

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basis. Prior to the formation of Andhra Pradesh, the state was called Andhra, which consisted of the present Andhra and Rayalaseema regions, carved out of Madras Presidency on 1 October 1953. The nine districts in the Nizam’s dominions were added to form the enlarged Andhra (Vishal Andhra) or Andhra Pradesh. The coastal region is considered the most developed and prosperous, whereas Telangana is seen as the most backward.

PANCHAYATI RAJ IN ANDHRA PRADESH Even before the Balwantrai Mehta Committee Report of 1957, statutory village panchayats existed in Andhra Pradesh. Reservations for women, scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs) were introduced in gram panchayats for the first time through the Andhra Pradesh Gram Panchayati Raj Act, 1964.1 No major changes were made to the panchayati raj system in Andhra Pradesh till 1976. The 1976 and 1978 amendment acts extended reservation for SCs and STs to the posts of sarpanch of gram panchayats and the president of panchayat samitis.2 However, the decade of 1970s did not see any panchayat elections in Andhra Pradesh. Elections were held in 1959, 1964 and 1970, and after that only in 1981. This phase of decline, from 1970 onwards, was checked with the coming to power of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) in 1983, under the leadership of N T Ramarao. TDP had promised in its election manifesto to decentralize planning and administration, with a view to taking administration to the people. The Act of 1986 abolished 330 panchayat samitis and created much smaller sized 1,104 Mandal Praja Parishads (MPPs3) in their place. Elections to gram panchayats were held in March 1986 and to MPPs and Zilla Praja Parishads (ZPPs) in March 1987, after the amendment in 1986. The act of 1986 was considered an important event in the history of panchayat raj in Andhra Pradesh, as it led to an expansion of decentralized form of government at the grassroots level. Politically, it has very significant implications as it weakened the domination of Congress Party at the village level. Consequently, in the elections held to the newly formed mandals and gram panchayats, TDP performed well and, thereby, created a strong base at the grassroots level.

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After the 73rd constitutional amendment in 1992, the Andhra Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, replaced the earlier Acts of 1964 and 1986. Elections were held in 1995 to the panchayati raj institutions(PRIs) at all the three levels. Fresh elections were due for PRIs in 2000, but were postponed for some reason or the other for about a year. Finally, elections to mandal parishads and zilla parishads were held in July 2001 and gram panchayat elections were held in August 2001 in Andhra Pradesh. We have selected the district of Mahabubnagar, located in Telangana region, for the present study. The selected villages are located in Amangal, which is one of the sixty four mandals of Mahabubnagar district. Amangal mandal parishad has thirteen mandal parishad constituencies (MPTCs) and the Mahabubnagar zilla parishad has sixty four zilla parishad territorial constituencies (ZPTCs), with each mandal being represented by a ZPTC.

THE TELANGANA REGION In 1956, in order to facilitate the formation of Andhra Pradesh, a gentlemen’s agreement was signed, giving an assurance of fair play to the people of Telangana. It was assured that disparities in the levels of development in different regions of the state would be removed in about five years. However, large differences have continued to exist. The percentage of literate population in Telangana continues to be the lowest in the state4, that is, 57.7 per cent as compared to 66.2 per cent in south coastal Andhra, 61.1 per cent in Rayalaseema and 79.0 per cent in the capital city. The literacy percentage is lowest for Mahabubnagar district at 29.58. The situation of Telangana, and particularly Mahabubnagar, is worse with respect to irrigation, power and jobs. As a result, there have been agitations in Telangana, from time to time, for an independent existence and separate identity. The year 2001 once again saw a revival of the ‘separate Telangana’ movement with the formation of Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS), led by the ex-deputy speaker of the state assembly who used to be with the ruling party, TDP. This movement played a critical role in the outcome of the 2001 elections to mandal parishads and zilla parishads as the TRS Party gained seats at the expense of TDP in most of the Telangana districts. The People’s War Group (PWG) naxalites also support the separate Telangana movement.

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Mahabubnagar District The present study was conducted in three gram panchayats in Amangal mandal of Mahabubnagar district, which is adjacent to Hyderabad, the capital city of the state. Mahabubnagar district had a population of 35.6 lakh in 2001. It is one of the largest districts in Andhra Pradesh. Out of a total geographical area of 18.47 lakh hectares, with 14.13 lakh hectares of cultivable land and 2.68 lakh hectares of forestland, it has an irrigated area of only 1.47 lakh hectares.The district is drought prone and its agriculture is mainly rain fed. Mahabubnagar, being part of the backward region of Telangana, witnessed debates about a separate Telangana state during the ZPTC and MPTC elections held in July 2001. But the influence of TRS was not as much as in northern districts of Telangana, like Adilabad, Nizamabad and Karimnagar. Neither was the TDP as strong as it was in some of the coastal districts. Congress, and particularly Jaipal Reddy5, has a strong influence in Kalvakurthy constituency of Mahabubnagar district in which the study area is located. Mahabubnagar is an area that has seen neither caste based nor ideology based political mobilization. It is more of a traditional type of caste based society in a backward area that is being increasingly exposed to outside influences. In Andhra Pradesh, caste based parties, as in the case of Uttar Pradesh or Tamil Nadu, are not seen to have any influence. Naxalite activity exists in Mahabubnagar district, but with no influence on mass mobilization of subaltern classes. Similarly, left political parties have had no influence in this district. Even the Telangana armed struggle during 1948 did not have much impact in the district. However, reservations along caste lines have been introduced. This has expanded the circle of political class. Now some members from marginalized communities enter the citadels of power. A small proportion of them learns the art of politics quickly and is able to join the political class. Others have a small brush with politics for a little while and then disappear into oblivion. But overall, the politics of reservation has introduced very limited resistance to the traditional power structure. In most of the Telangana region, other backward castes (OBCs) have emerged as an economic and political force. The introduction of reservations coincided with this development. Now the OBCs have considerable percentage of reservations, and manage to get elected even to open category seats.

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The economy is backward and primarily agricultural. But the region is close to Hyderabad. Migration takes place on a large scale. So poverty is countered with migration and extraction of whatever is possible from the system, including PRIs, Watershed Committees, Vana Samrakshana Samitis (popularly known as VSS), Water Users Associations (WUAs), etc.

Amangal Mandal Amangal is one of the sixty four mandals in Mahabubnagar district. Amangal village is located to the south of Hyderabad, at a distance of about 70 km on the Hyderabad-Srisailam road. OBCs form nearly half the mandal population; SCs are about 15 per cent, whereas STs constitute 25 per cent of the mandal population. The main castes in the Mandal are Reddy and Vaishya among the upper castes, Goud, Golla, Padmasali, Muttarasi, Telugu and Telugu Ediga among the OBCs, Madiga among SCs and Lambada among STs. STs are to be found in large numbers in most of the villages, while some of them are highly concentrated in a particular village. There are also some castes whose population is very small and spread over the mandal—Velama among the upper castes, Munnuru Kapu, Kamsali, Kummari, Kammari, Balija, Voddera, Chakali, Mangali among the backward castes, Mala among SCs, and Erukula and Chenchu among STs and Muslims. Land ownership is skewed, but there are hardly any farmers with very large landholdings. According to the 1991 census 22 per cent of the population have land, while the rest are landless. Table 4.1 Land Ownership for SCs, STs and ‘Others’ in Amangal Mandal of Mahabubnagar Landholding Size (Acres) Marginal (0–2.46) Small (2.47–4.93) Semi-Medium (4.94–9.87) Medium (9.88–24.70) Large 24.71 Total

SCs Households (Total Land)

STs Households (Total Land)

Others Households (Total Land)

695 (788.60 acres) 1,205 (1750.62 acres) 2,400 (3279.13 acres) 294 (1037.25 acres) 943 (3295.79 acres) 1,673 (6717.46 acres) 156 (993.00 acres) 48 (658.49 acres)

543 (3607.66 acres) 1,371 (9584.08 acres) 138 (1996.02 acres)

642 (9332.84 acres)

2 (75.59 acres) 10 (362.40 acres) 133 (5353.04 acres) 1,195 (3553.93 acres) 2,839 (11012.69 acres) 6,219 (34266.55 acres

Source: Mandal Revenue Office.

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The main occupation of people in the mandal is agriculture. Most of it is rain-fed. Only about 14 per cent is irrigated area. As a result, during the rabi season, a large number of people (about 30 per cent) migrate in search of work. Most of them go to Hyderabad and some of them to neighbouring districts. In some villages, migration is as high as 60 per cent during the rabi season. During 2001–02, the situation could have been worse, due to the severe drought situation in the state, had it not been for the ‘food for work’ programme which provided work for the labourers from November 2001. There are no industries in the mandal except a cotton mill, which mostly employs women. The backward economy allows various forms of bondage of labour to continue. Money lending is considered as prestigious in the study area. Most of the OBCs who have recently improved their economic condition through various businesses and toddy selling have become money lenders in Cherikonda and Kadthal villages. Lack of educational facilities adds to the backwardness. There is only one junior college in Amangal, and that too is a private college. Recently, a government junior college was sanctioned and was announced during the Janmabhoomi Programme in June 2001. Naxalite movement is spreading in the mandal. It has increased particularly in the last two years. However, as mentioned earlier, the movement has had no influence in mobilizing the people. The mandal has sixteen revenue villages (out of which one is uninhabited) and eighteen gram panchayats. After visiting all eighteen gram panchayats of the mandal and talking to all the sarpanches over a period of about two months, we selected three gram panchayats for our study, according to the nature of reservations for the position of sarpanch. They are Cherikonda, Akuthotapalle and Mangalpalle. During the course of our study, elections were held and new individuals got elected to the posts as sarpanches to the MPTCs and ZPTCs. Due to the system of rotation, a new set of individuals replaced old leaders at the village, mandal and district levels. In Cherikonda, an OBC woman was replaced by an ST man as sarpanch after the elections in August 2001. In Akuthotapalle, a Reddy woman was replaced by an SC man as sarpanch and in Mangalpalle an SC man was replaced by a OBC woman as sarpanch.

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VILLAGES SELECTED Three gram panchayats were selected for the study in Amangal mandal on the basis of reservations.The elections of August 2001 and the consequent changes in reservations, due to the policy of rotation, were taken into account in the selection of villages.The three gram panchayats had an SC sarpanch, an OBC sarpanch and a woman sarpanch from the dominant Reddy caste before the elections. In these panchayats, the rotation of reservations resulted in an OBC woman sarpanch, an ST sarpanch and an SC sarpanch, respectively. The following are the three selected gram panchayats (GPs).

Akuthotapalle Akuthotapalle is nine km from Amangal. Earlier, it was the biggest panchayat in the mandal. Subsequently, it was divided into three gram panchayats, namely, Akuthotapalle, Shettipalle and Seetaramnagar Tanda. The village has been under the control of the Sripathi family of the Reddy caste for a long time and the panchayat was under their control from 1959 to 2001 (Sripathi Narsi Reddy, 1959–64; Sripathi Janga Reddy, 1964–88; Sripathi Srinivas Reddy, 1988–95; Sripathi Rajithamma 1995-2001). The main castes in the village are Reddys, Weavers, Vaishyas, Gouds, Vodderas and Madigas. Reddys, Madigas and Gouds are the largest communities followed by Weavers and Telugus. Rajithamma (a Reddy woman) was the sarpanch till July 2001. She was replaced by Pramod Kumar (SC) in August 2001. Her husband, Sripathi Srinivas Reddy (ex-sarpanch), fought and won the July 2001 election for the ZPTC seat from Amangal on a Congress ticket. He was also the chairman of the Watershed Committee. Rajithamma said that she did most of the panchayat work herself, and the outside work is done by her husband. She said that in the early period she was given written statements to read out at any meeting, but after a couple of years she was able to manage the meetings on her own. She was pleased with her achievement, because she had never ventured out in the village, except on family functions, since her marriage in 1977. As the Sarpanch position was reserved for SCs in the elections of 2001, it moved out of Sripathi family for the first time since 1959. That, by itself, was a big change in the village.

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Pramod Kumar is a follower of the ZPTC member Sripathi Srinivas Reddy. Out of the eighteen SC candidates in the fray, he was chosen by the ZPTC member to represent him and made a sarpanch. Table 4.2 Akuthotapalle Gram Panchayat6 Name 1. K Pramod Kumar 2. D Parvathamma 3. T Balraj 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

G Venkatanarayana M Satyanarayana V Sekhar K Sudhakar Reddy N Vijaya V Thirupathaiah T Yadamma S Narendhra Reddy

Designation Category Caste Party Edu. Land Sarpanch SC Madiga Cong. Inter. 10 acres Upa OBC Kummari7 Cong. Sig. 12 acres Sarpanch Member OBC Mala Cong. 5th class 3 acres Member Member Member Member Member Member Member Member

OBC OBC OBC Gen. Gen. (W) OBC SC (W) Gen.

Mangali Kammari Goud Reddy Reddy Goud Madiga Reddy

Cong. Cong. Cong. Cong. Cong. Cong. Cong. Cong.

10th class 8th class 4th class 10th class 10th class 10th class F.P 7th class

2 acres 2 acres 5 acres 5 acres 5 acres 2 acres 2 acres 5 acres

Source: Field Notes. Note: W indicates women members.

Agriculture here is mostly rain fed. Those who can afford to install borewells cultivate paddy and many of the Reddy farmers have been doing this for a long time. Land is concentrated in the hands of Reddy families in the village and the SCs have very little land. This is one of the reasons for their dependence on the Reddys, under whom most of them work as jeethagallu8. They are paid wages annually and are also given some rice at the end of the harvest season.They also come and work at the house of the Reddys in the morning, where they clean the front and back yards. Table 4.3 Land Distribution among SCs, STs and Others in Akuthotapalle Category

SCs Households (Total Land) 38 (51.32 acres) 27 (87.38 acres) 13 (83.68 acres) 2 (25.74 acres)

Marginal Small Semi-medium Medium Large Total 80 (248.12 acres) Source: Mandal Revenue Office.

STs Households (Total Land) 52 (82.07 acres) 43 (148.69 acres) 42 (266.53 acres) 5 (72.59 acres) 142 (569.88 acres)

Others Households (Total Land) 130 (194.56 acres) 133 (488.94 acres) 121 (820.24 acres) 71 (1070.22 acres) 8 (229.12 acres) 463 (2803.08 acres)

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Cherikonda Cherikonda is an interior village and the biggest in the mandal. In this village, the word of Narsi Reddy, former sarpanch of the village (1981–96), is supreme. The previous sarpanch (1996–2001) of the village, Yadamma, is from a backward caste (Gouds), and her family is the richest in her caste group in the village. She said that reservations have given ‘us’ (women) recognition in society. However, Narsi Reddy (previous sarpanch) selected her for the position of sarpanch on behalf of TDP. At that time, she was reluctant to contest the elections as she had a lot of work at home and also a small child to look after. But she was goaded to contest the elections by Narsi Reddy and others. According to her, next time also, the same set of village elders would play a key role in the selection of the candidate. She added that she would also be a part of the group that would decide the candidate for the next election. She said that she was free to work as she wanted, and was not controlled by the elders. On her part, she said, that she consulted them before taking any important decision. It was not because they were powerful but because they were elders of the village. She had picked up political skills during the last five years as sarpanch but due to the rotation system, had to move out. Table 4.4 Cherikonda Gram Panchayat Body

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Name Chakru K Dargaiah9 P Yadaiah C Beeraiah K Peddaiah G Jangamma K Yadamma P Suvaali Maisayya R Venaiah S Pentamma I Pillu G Jangamma

Designation Sarpanch U Sarpanch10 Member Member Member Member Member Member Member Member Member Member Member

Category ST SC OBC OBC OBC OBC (W) OBC (W) ST (W) ST General SC (W) ST OBC (W)

Caste Lambada Madiga Goud Kurma Goud Goud Telugu Lambada Erukula Vaishya Madiga Lambada Kurma

Party BJP TDP Cong. TDP TDP Cong. TDP TDP TDP Cong. Cong. Cong. TDP

Education 4th Class 7th Class 3rd Class 7th Class 5th Class Illiterate Illiterate Illiterate Signature11 10th Class Illiterate Illiterate Illiterate

Land 8 acres 1 acre 5 acres 4 acres 10 acres No land No land 5 acres 2 acres 10 acres No land 5 acres No land

Source: Field Notes. Note: W indicates women members.

In the elections held in August 2001, Chakru Naik of BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party)–TDP alliance won the election by sixteen votes against Deepla Naik of Congress. Chakru said he has been selected for the post

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by Narsi Reddy and other TDP members because they felt that he was young and, also, could spend enough money for the elections. He is continuing the tradition of ‘consulting the village elders’ before taking any decisions. The main castes in the village are Reddys, Gouds, Lambadas, Chenchus, Kamsalis, Kummaris, Kurmas, Gollas, Chakalis, Mangalis, Madigas and Malas. Besides, there are a few muslim households. Among these, the bulk of the population is made up of Gouds, Gollas, Lambadas and Reddys. Land is not concentrated in the hands of any particular caste. But one can find large farmers among Gouds and Gollas, apart from the Reddys. Table 4.5 Land distribution among SCs, STs and Others in Cherikonda SCs Households (Total Land)

STs Households (Total Land)

Marginal 35 (47.45 acres) Small 14 (41.20 acres) Semi-medium 9 (63.30 acres) Medium 3 (46.32 acres) Large Total 61 (198.27 acres)

31 (50.58 acres) 22 (80.58 acres) 8 (58.32 acres) 3 (38.99 acres) 1 (31.30 acres) 65 (259.77 acres)

Category

Others Households (Total Land) 86 (178.29 acres) 55 (214.07 acres) 41 (279.84 acres) 21 (354.51 acres) 2 (125.94 acres) 205 (1152.65 acres)

Source: Mandal Revenue Office.

Mangalpalle The main castes in the village are Reddys, Gouds, Gollas, Murrarasis and Madigas. Reddys and OBCs are the dominant groups in the village, although there is a significant change among the SCs as the previous sarpanch belonged to that category. Among the Reddy families, the Thippireddy family is the most dominant. Mangalpalle is just 2 km from Amangal and was under Amangal gram panchayat till 1981. Inspite of its proximity to the mandal headquarters, it is one of the backward villages of the mandal. Mangalpalle sarpanch, Jangaiah (till 2001), was earlier elected as sarpanch in 1981 as the seat was reserved for SCs, before being re-elected in 1995. The sarpanch seat in the 2001 election was reserved for OBCs (women). Therefore, Jangaiah had to make way for Kavitha. He became one of the main leaders in the village and part of the village elders. The former sarpanch of the village,

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Thirumala Reddy, used to be the most powerful man in the village until his sudden death in 1999, and after him, Jangaiah, who was his close follower, became more prominent in village politics. With the political skills acquired as a sarpanch, he grabbed the opportunity available. Table 4.6 Mangalpalle Gram Panchayat Body Name

Designation

Category

Caste

Party

Edu.

Land

N Kavitha K Jangaiah K Yadaiah A Ramaswamy E Narasamma V Yellaiah G Satyanarayana K Rosamma K Anjamma S Bhagwan Reddy13 K Ramulaiah

Sarpanch Member Member Member Member Member Member Member Member U Sarpanch

OBC (W) General12 SC OBC OBC (W) OBC OBC SC (W) OBC (W) General

Kammari Madiga Madiga Goud Telugu Voddera Voddera Madiga Muttarasi Reddy

TDP Cong. BJP BJP TDP TDP TDP Cong. TDP BJP

7th class Sig. Inter. B.Com F.P F.P F.P F.P F.P Inter.

3 acres 3 acres 2.5 acres 4 acres 3 acres 5 acres 7 acres 5 acres Nil 10 acres

Member

SC

Madiga

Cong.

F.P

4 acres

Source: Field Notes. Note: W indicates women members.

Even though it is a small village, it is extremely active in political affairs of the mandal. In the 2001 panchayat elections, several youth got elected as members of the gram panchayat.There was an intense fight for the post of sarpanch, which was finally won by the TDP faction by six votes in which the candidate of Jangaiah was defeated. Kavitha, the new sarpanch, is educated (7th standard) and young. But everything is being taken care of by her husband, Chandramouli, TDP leader of the village. This is in contrast to the earlier body headed by Jangaiah, who was more active and independent in decision making. Land14 is mostly in the hands of the Reddys. Most of the people are landless and migrate to Hyderabad in search of work.

CHANGES IN CASTE RELATIONS AND POLITICS Inclusion of hitherto excluded communities does not take place automatically through passage of bills in the legislature, giving them rights and power. It depends on several factors such as social discrimination, economic dependence, control over means of violence, access to

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information and nature of social movements to mobilize the excluded communities and groups. The Telangana region of present day Andhra Pradesh had been under the rule of the Nizams of Hyderabad. During that time, a village used to be run by three officials, namely, the patwari for land, mali patel for revenue and police patel for security. Traditionally, these posts were occupied by the Reddys,Velamas15 and in some places Brahmins.16 After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, also, their domination of village matters continued unhindered as the patwari system remained in existence. In 1986, the then Chief Minister, N T Ramarao, initiated changes in the village level bureaucracy. This led to the replacement of patwaris with village administration officers (VAOs). People recall that this was celebrated throughout Telangana as a big event by almost all the non-Reddys. They felt that they had gained freedom at last and could be free from the clutches of the patwari. This, to a certain extent, demonstrates the difficulties and troubles faced by the OBCs, SCs and STs in the Telangana region under the earlier system of village administration, in which Reddys,Velamas and Brahmins dominated. In the last two decades, significant changes have occurred in the social, political and economic structure of Telangana region. In Amangal mandal, OBCs, as elsewhere, emerged as a powerful community with ample support from the political parties, particularly TDP. On the economic front also, they became strong through businesses in Amangal, Kadthal, Cherikonda, Mangalpalle and Equaipalle leading to changes in the political relations. Some form of untouchability is found in most parts of Telangana, and it is widely practised in Mahabubnagar district. Temple entry of SCs is prohibited in almost all the villages. Inspite of this, in Amangal, the situation has improved significantly in the last two decades. In the past, the SCs were not allowed to walk through the main street of the village. The change accelerated with the election of SC sarpanches in the earlier system of panchayati raj (before the 1986 Act) in 1981 in Kadthal and Mangalpalle. Compared to other villages in the mandal, in Mangalpalle and Akuthotapalle Dalits are not supposed to enter the houses of Reddys. In Akuthotapalle, they come and clean the front and back yards of the Reddys every morning. For this they are given breakfast and tea. They have this in their plate and cup, which are kept outside the house in the back. They have to clean them before leaving. But the situation is slowly changing. In the recent panchayat elections, when the sarpanch seat was reserved for SCs, there were as many as eighteen candidates in the fray.

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The ZPTC member supported one candidate and this led to the defeat of his other followers. The ZPTC member later explained that all the other candidates were experienced people, as they moved with him in politics. So, he was afraid that they may, at a later date, not listen to him and supported Pramod (18 years), who is new to politics. The ZPTC member thought that he could be easily ‘managed’. The former sarpanch of Mangalpalle, Jangaiah (SC), is unhappy with the treatment from the Reddys even though they consider him important enough to be included amongst the village elders. During the meetings, he has to sit separately. Whenever he goes to a Reddy house, they come out and talk to him outside the house. However, Jangaiah said that compared to his childhood days, he is happy with the present treatment by the Reddys. He added that change would definitely come, although it may take some more time.Another significant development was the election of the SCs in open wards in the recent panchayat elections. In Mangalpalle, one of the wards has a larger SC population than the Reddys and OBCs and even though it was a open ward,17 an SC youth, supported by most of the youth including Reddys, contested against Jangaiah, supported by the Reddy elders and lost by just one vote. He was well supported by the youth of the village, and this was considered a sensational outcome as he almost defeated an experienced man supported by the elder leaders of the village.Thus, we can see that several forces are simultaneously at work and it is not possible to understand the present situation in terms of simple divisions based on caste. In contrast to these two villages, in Cherikonda, the situation has improved a great deal. The main reason for this is the economic development of OBCs and the lack of a sizeable number of Reddy families. This left the OBCs as the numerically dominant group of the village. Coupled with their economic development, they also grew politically. The coming of reservations led to the election of Yadamma (OBC) as sarpanch. Consequently, this led to a significant growth in the interest and awareness of politics among the OBCs in the village. As a result, the inter-caste relations, also, became more flexible in Cherikonda. The growth of OBCs is phenomenal in Cherikonda, and it represents the wider state level trend. Except Narsi Reddy, all the top leaders of the village, at present, are from OBCs. One can also see the emergence of STs, particularly the Lambadas, as a political force in the mandal in recent years. The former ZPTC member of the mandal was an ST from Maisigandi. He is now the deputy leader of Congress in the ZP. In the

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ST dominated villages, the local bodies are completely dominated by STs. The Vana Samrakshana Samiti (VSS) of Pallechilaka Tanda and Boingutla Tanda, hamlets of Cherikonda, are headed by STs. Patlavat Humla, VSS chairman of Boingutla Tanda, said that he and his caste associates learnt a lot about the outside world by being part of the VSS body, as they got a chance to go out for meetings and were more aware than before. Even though some of the OBCs and STs have done well economically, the case of SCs is different. Most of them are landless and dependent on daily wage labour. Several of them go to Hyderabad and other places in search of work. Their economic condition has not improved much. They are dependent on the dominant caste for their survival in the villages where they work as labourers in their fields. Another important feature is the lack of awareness, as they have no knowledge of many development schemes which provide loans and funds for the SCs.

CASE STUDIES Lazar—Accommodation and Resistance Lazar is actually an SC, he has become a OBC18 since he converted to Christianity. He is the chairman of the watershed committee of Akuthotapalle and a close follower of the ZPTC member. This does not prevent him from criticizing the ZPTC member in public. He argued that if he did not resist even this much, he would sit on their heads and crush them. He is very indignant about the submissiveness of the SCs and OBCs in the village to the ZPTC member.Thus, he protested against the ZPTC member when he felt the need to do so, while supporting him on other occasions. It is a process of context-dependent negotiation, and at least some members of the ‘excluded communities’ do not hesitate to contest the dominance of traditional elites. When asked of the collective resistance put up by the SCs in the village, Lazar said that there was no such thing. But he mentioned that thirty years ago, some SCs had beaten up some of the Reddys in the village. During that time drought was very severe and SCs had gone to cut down a very big tamarind tree outside the village which was on government land. Some Reddys, whose fields were nearby, tried to stop them and they were beaten up. Lazar did not know what happened after that.

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Venkataiah and Gudusu Jangaiah (SCs) have worked for S Narayana Reddy19 for the last forty years. Jangaiah stopped working some six years ago after the death of his father who was the Madiga20 of the family. But he still comes everyday and cleans up at the house of Narayana Reddy. He is given tea and breakfast for doing this. When asked why he was still doing this, he said that he is my Yajamani, so I have to do it. Lazar said angrily that it was people like these who were responsible for the continuation of this system. Balaram (OBC), watershed secretary, and another key supporter of the ZPTC member said that road widening work, a part of the ‘food for work’ programme, was not properly done. While at one place they did it well, by removing trees and extending the road inside the fields, they did not do this when it came to the fields of the Reddys. Lazar was very angry about this and blamed the ZPTC member for all this. The Reddy landlords refused to allow this as it would spoil their cultivable land. So, in order to manage the situation without conflict, Lazar took the initiative in first getting the work done on the side of OBC lands, so that the Reddys would also allow work on their land. But in the end, because of the ZPTC member’s interference, they could not finish the work properly. Pramod, sarpanch of the village, explained that he was being pressurized by the ZPTC member to not do the work on the side of the Reddy lands. But if he did not get it done, then he would get a bad name among the villagers, particularly the OBC farmers. He further said that the ZPTC member had expressed that in another year’s time a B.T. road could be laid in that place by the Roads and Buildings (R&B) department. Wherever the road was encroached the land would be taken back by them (R&B department). So the ZPTC member did not want to do anything at that time to hurt the sentiments of his caste people. He was trying to do the balancing act by keeping both sides happy.

Kavitha: Successful Challenge Kavitha, an OBC woman belonging to Kammari caste, replaced Jangaiah, an SC man, as sarpanch of Mangalpalle in the elections to gram panchayat held in August 2001 because of the system of rotation of reserved seats. Her husband is a local TDP leader and very close to some of the Reddys in the village. She is young, has studied up to seventh standard and is

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aware of the politics of the village. Till the coming of elections, she had never gone outside the house without being accompanied, and even now, she says, she cannot go out of the village on her own. Most of the work related to gram panchayat is being taken care of by her husband, Chandramouli. He is the leader of the OBCs in the village and has a strong following among the youth. During the elections, he challenged the Reddys and their power. Everybody in the village thought that all the Reddys would unite despite party differences and defeat Chandramouli’s wife. But he was well supported by Narasimha Reddy, the new village strong man, who is a friend of Chandramouli from their younger days. He is also in TDP, but the main reason for supporting him was not party or caste relations. It was because of the friendship they shared. Also, the Congress group was headed by a person who was his adversary. Because of Narasimha Reddy’s support, some of the other Reddy families also voted for Kavitha and she won by a mere six votes, against the Congress candidate, Lakshmi, who was supported by a majority of the Reddy families in the village. Thus, the power of the village elders had been successfully challenged. Chandramouli explained that, amongst the Reddys, there was a lot of cross-voting, and he was not sure of the victory till the results were declared. He said that if Kavitha (his wife), had lost the election, he had planned to file a case in the court. The government had disallowed any anganwadi teachers from contesting the elections and Lakshmi was an anganwadi teacher. When the results were out, out of the ten wards, Congress was able to win only three with great difficulty. But when it came to the sarpanch election, it became very close. Nevertheless, with clever alliances, Chandramouli succeeded in getting his wife elected as sarpanch. However, during the three gram panchayat meetings (observed during field work) that took place after the elections, Kavitha did not speak at all. She said, ‘Namaste! Welcome to all of you’ in the first meeting. This, also, she said with a lot of difficulty. She was accompanied by her husband in all the meetings. Some of the women members, including OBCs and the SCs, did speak about the problems in their wards.They were answered by Chandramouli. During the tenure of the earlier sarpanch, Jangaiah(SC) used to be very active in the meetings and had been given a place in the body of village elders. Compared to Jangaiah, Kavitha is not at all active. He (Jangaiah) was able to do all the work by himself as he had already served as a sarpanch before. Over a period of time, Kavitha may also

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become active. But she may have to quit at the next election, as part of the rotation system, when the seat may be reserved for a different category. During his earlier term as sarpanch (1981–87), Jangaiah was also just following the orders of his leader, Thirumala Reddy, and started asserting himself in a small way only towards the end of his tenure. He said that it was only because of his submissiveness that they allowed him to contest again as sarpanch and felt that his elevation to village elder position is the reward for his loyalty. But after the death of his mentor, Thirumala Reddy, he was able to assert himself more, and was recognized by the other elders as one of the leaders among them. Thus, gradually, available political spaces are being used for deepening democracy whenever an opportunity exists.

Narsi Reddy: Panchayat Leadership—Road to Riches Narsi Reddy is the former sarpanch of Cherikonda and the most powerful man in the village. He first became sarpanch in 1981 and had another term from 1987 to 1994. After him, with the introduction of the 73rd amendment, the sarpanch post was reserved for an OBC woman. He persuaded Lakshmaiah21 to put up his wife in that position. He is a close follower of Narsi Reddy. In spite of being away from power at the village level since 1994, he is still considered the village strong man. He has good contacts with the bureaucracy and senior politicians. Narsi Reddy was a poor man when he became sarpanch. During his first tenure he bought eight acres of disputed land from Vaishyas who were about to leave the village for Hyderabad. He never paid them any money except the initial amount of Rs 45,000. Later on, he bought another seven acres and occupied the land of SCs and grabbed some temple lands. Now he owns about twenty one acres of land. Similarly, Lakshmaiah became a big leader during the term of his wife, Yadamma. He belongs to the Goud caste (OBC) and his family earned a lot of money through toddy selling and agriculture. Dargayya is an SC and the chairman of the Water Users Association (WUA). Now, he is the Upasarpanch of the village. He is considered to be very close to Narsi Reddy. As part of maintenance works WUA got Rs 900,000. Villagers said that Dargayya must have spent a maximum

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of about a lakh for bunding. The rest of the money had gone into the pockets of other leaders and the irrigation bureaucracy. That is why panchayat leadership and control of various village committees is considered lucrative, and candidates and their supporters, decide to invest so much money in elections. Such processes, based on lack of transparency and leading to incorporation of some members of the excluded communities into the political class, weaken democracy.

SELECTION OF CANDIDATES, ROTATION AND ELECTIONS Before the implementation of the 73rd Amendment, many of the sarpanches in the mandal were from the traditionally dominant castes.The exceptions were the villages where Lambadas (ST) or OBCs formed the majority, for example, Maisigandi (ST) and Equaipalle (OBC). In other villages, it had been the dominant Reddys, for example, Akuthotapalle, where the position of sarpanch did not go out of the Sripathi family, since 1958, till recently. Despite the fact that there were reservations for SCs, STs, women and OBCs prior to 1994, the situation has changed significantly after implementation of the 73rd Amendment. During 1995-2001, out of eighteen gram panchayats, there were only two persons from the open category, that is, Reddys, but eight OBCs, three SCs and five STs as sarpanches. Six gram panchayats had women sarpanches. The situation was the same in the elections held for gram panchayats in August 2001. As required by the 73rd Amendment, reservation to posts in gram panchayats is being implemented on a rotation basis. Thus, in each village the posts of sarpanch and ward member will go to a different category each time.This constrains the opportunities for weaker sections of society, as a person who gets elected as sarpanch once will not get a chance for another fifteen to twenty years in a reserved category. Often this would lead to discontinuation of the work started by an outgoing sarpanch. For example, in Cherikonda there was no Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA) groups before Yadamma became sarpanch. She took the initiative in the formation of fifteen groups. Now that she has been replaced by another person, there will be a difference in the maintenance of these groups. Another important consequence to note here is that if an SC/ST/OBC person gets elected as a sarpanch, he/she is aware of the fact of having to

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return to their earlier role as a labourer or small farmer. Therefore, they may not be able to take decisions, independent of the local elite, as their occupation makes them vulnerable once they finish their term. This is a major problem in the successful working of the reservations and needs to be resolved. One of our suggestions would be to give consecutive terms to the sarpanch (same category of reservation for two consecutive elections) and allow them ample time to learn about the political process, and scope to do work. We are aware that this might lead to a possibility of monopolization of power but, given enough time, we feel that this will do a great deal of good to the morale of the excluded communities once they know that they can be in power for a sufficiently long time. However, the traditionally dominant families and caste groups continue to exercise their power by picking up malleable candidates of excluded communities, irrespective of party affiliation. During the elections held in 1996, almost all the candidates of the reserved categories had been ‘selected’ by the dominant groups/families of the village. Some of them became a bit independent and assertive in their functioning. Even during the elections, held in July 2001, to the mandal parishad (thirteen MPTC seats in Amangal) and zilla parishad, the practice of ‘selection’ of the candidates by the dominant groups/families continued. The main contest was between TDP-BJP combine and Congress in the mandal. Influence of TRS was confined to a limited number of mandals in the district; however, it was negligible in Amangal. Elections to the local bodies were due to be held in 2000 but were postponed and were held in July and August, 2001. In July, elections were held for the mandal parishad and zilla parishad bodies, and in August for the gram panchayats. In order to improve the chances of winning the elections, the candidates often give money to influential people in the village to be distributed among voters or to spend on the candidate’s local election campaign. Gudlakunta Dargayya, a Goud toddy tapper/farmer (four acres) said, ‘The contesting candidates give money to the influential people in the village. But these people will not spend the money or give it to us.They will take all the money, and come to us saying, “brother, uncle, father” and ask us to vote for their candidate.’ Showing resentment, he said that, since they did not give any money, they also could not ask the villagers, later, why they did not vote for their candidate. He did not know any thing about reservations. Krishnayya (Madiga, SC) also had no idea of reservations.

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When asked about the elections he said that he would vote as per the dictates of the village elders. Since he was cultivating the land of the temple, did he follow the advice of the priest? He replied in the affirmative saying that they were labourers for that family for two generations. So he would go according to their word. Thus, one can see the continuation of the hold of village elders and the lack of awareness/low awareness among the OBCs and SCs regarding the policy of reservations.

FINANCES—GRAM PANCHAYATS POWERLESS Many of the sarpanches in the mandals said that they had lost their powers with the creation of various committees outside the panchayat system at the village level. Some of these are watershed committee,WUA, VSS vidya committee, anganwadi committee, and various groups such as women’s thrift and credit societies and other self help groups. All these committees and groups are seen to function independently of the gram panchayats and their budgets are generally much larger than that of the gram panchayats.The critics argue that many of the committees are parallel power centres and, thus, weaken the panchayats. However, others see such institutions as having the potential to challenge the traditionally dominant castes and families, and to strengthen the gram sabha, which is necessary for increasing transparency and accountability in gram panchayats. Our information suggests that the same set of influential families from different castes corner most of the positions of influence in various committees. Only in a small number of cases, one can see the possibility of emergence of new leadership through these committees. One criticism against the present Andhra Pradesh government (TDP) is that there is diversion of development funds from gram panchayats to campaign-based programmes, such as Janmabhoomi and Neeru–Meeru, thus, starving the gram panchayats of funds and making them powerless. However, there is also a widespread opinion, even among many of the opponents of the government, that these programmes have created a lot of awareness among the illiterate villagers ‘who earlier used to run away and hide in their houses if some government vehicle entered the village’.These same villagers, including women, are now asking questions from officials and elected representatives without any fear. In a recent

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Janmabhoomi programme, in Kadthal, a woman (an illiterate DWCRA group member) had repeatedly disturbed the MLA’s speech till he assured her that her problem of water will be solved the very next day. But such instances are dwindling with every new round of Janmabhoomi, each round22 lasting for about a week, after a gap of 3-6 months. As per the 73rd Amendment there has to be a gram sabha meeting every six months in a village, which would discuss and decide on issues regarding the village. But after the coming of Janmabhoomi programme, gram sabhas are not being held anywhere in the state. The bureaucrats state that the Janmabhoomi meeting itself is the gram sabha; so no separate meeting is being convened.As mentioned earlier, during the Janmabhoomi meetings it is only a particular section (party) of people who attend the meetings, and even in this attendance has become poor over the years.

MANDAL PARISHAD Mandal parishad is the intermediary body between the zilla parishad and gram panchayat and was introduced by the TDP government in 1986 in place of the bigger panchayat samitis to make administration more accessible to the people. Elections to mandal parishads were held in 1986, 1995 and 2001. Each mandal parishad consists of about fifteen to twenty five villages and apart from the elected members, all the sarpanches, ZPTC members and MLAs are ex-officio members. The Amangal mandal parishad has thirteen Mandal Parishad Territorial Constituencies (MPTCs). In the 2001 elections, the reservation status of the body was five OBCs (two women), three STs (one woman), two SCs (one woman) and three general (one woman). But one OBC was elected to a general (unreserved) seat and one ST woman was elected from a general category (women) seat. Thus, the body is made up of six OBCs, four STs, two SCs and one member from the general category. We found that participation of members is limited in the decision making process as they are left with almost no choice by the bureaucracy. Although, most of the members attend the meetings, very few of them, actually three or four of them, were the ones who talked or questioned the officials. The reason for this could be the lack of awareness of the proceedings of the mandal parishad. What we concluded was that the elected representatives were trying to assert their power over the

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bureaucracy, but the bureaucrats continued to have control over planning and allocation of funds.

ZILLA PARISHAD The Chairperson of the ZPP, Seetha Dayakar Reddy (TDP), belongs to Reddy caste. She is a post–graduate, and wife of the Amarachinta MLA, Dayakar Reddy. Mahabubnagar Zilla Parishad has sixty four ZPTCs, with each mandal represented by a ZPTC. In the 2001 elections,TDP emerged victorious after capturing thirty one ZPTCs. Congress Party won twenty nine, BJP won two and TRS won two ZPTC seats. Out of the sixty four members there are thirty one members belonging to the general and OBC categories, eight SCs, three STs and twenty two women, of whom four are SCs and two STs. In contrast to the mandal parishad, participation of members is greater in the zilla parishad. But they do not really take the decisions, as is evident from the way they passed the budget without any discussion. Some of the experienced members did question the officials regarding the ‘works’ that were carried out in their mandals.

CONCLUSION We have seen that in Amangal Mandal, despite the overall dominance of traditional elites like the Reddys and Velamas, the lower castes improved marginally in their relationships with the upper castes. Many forms of exclusion, untouchability and bondage continue to exist, although in somewhat milder forms. In a very small number of cases elections to the post of sarpanch, through reservation, gave them some sense of inclusion and power. However, the backward castes have improved in their economic and social conditions considerably over the past two decades. Some of the members of the ST Lambada managed to access funds through the ST Corporation; many of them also flourished through liquor manufacture and trade. The OBCs and STs have, therefore, improved their political clout in the mandal, thus, spreading the net of the political class on the one hand, and weakening the dominance of traditional elite on the other.

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The panchayati raj institutions in the mandal, and in the state in general, have followed the reservations for SCs, STs, OBCs and women as envisaged in the 73rd amendment. The formal or the institutional aspect of grassroots democracy has indeed been put into place. The gram panchayats, by and large, continue to be dominated by the local elites which now includes the OBCs, apart from the Reddy caste. The domination is exercised through the process of selecting malleable candidates from the reserved categories. This is ensured through the use of financial resources and liquor, among other factors. Some of those elected to the position of sarpanch manage to pick up political skills over the years. However, we did not find any case where a sarpanch, elected through reservation, challenged the overall control of local elites. Thus, the substantive dimension of democracy continues to be weak, although many new political spaces have been opened up for the hitherto excluded communities. We found, in the field, that some of the sarpanches from reserved categories gradually picked up confidence and learnt to negotiate with the established political class and the development bureaucracy. However, the policy of rotation of reservations did not allow them to consolidate their skills and this was a major drawback for improving the bargaining strength of the excluded communities. The gram panchayats have very limited regular income (Rao, 2000). They are used as implementing agencies by the development bureaucracy. They are not involved in any planning of development projects. The general level of awareness is extremely poor. Routine meetings of gram panchayats are never held except during the Janmabhoomi rounds. There is no transparency and accountability in the functioning of gram panchayats. However, the major political parties do fight and negotiate for the distribution of spoils in terms of contracts for development works. As seen from the conduct of various meetings of mandal parishads and zilla parishads, the bureaucracy continues to hold ultimate control over the planning of development projects and disbursement of funds. In several cases the MLAs intervened to arrive at a compromise, when the lower level elected representatives tried to raise their voices. It is widely believed that the MLAs and bureaucrats are resistant to the idea of decentralization (see, for example, Baumann, 1998:33 and Mathew, 1995:62). In Andhra Pradesh, the institution of Janmabhoomi has been seen as a parallel institution to the PRIs. Our observation of the Janmabhoomi programme, during June, 2001, showed that the village meetings, which

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were supposed to be gram sabhas, showed extremely poor attendance and non-involvement of the village people. Those who attended were mostly from the ruling TDP. Such a phenomenon of limited party-based participation is reported even from a state like West Bengal (Ghatak and Ghatak, 2002:56). Similarly, institutions such as watershed committees, WUAs and VSSs, which have large funds at their disposal, have also been viewed as parallel institutions, eroding the power of the gram panchayat which have very limited development funds under their control. We found that both types of institutions were dominated by the same set of local elite families. In some cases, however, certain members of these committees were able to offer some opposition to the local elites (for example, our case study of Lazar, the president of the watershed committee). Nevertheless, these committees have much more funds available compared to the panchayats, and, in that sense, weaken the power of the panchayats wherever they were not dominated by the local elite. The successful implementation of panchayati raj in Kerala and West Bengal is to be seen in the light of the social and land reforms, and mass mobilization movements that took place there.We have seen, in our study, that the land distribution remains very skewed, with a large proportion the people being landless. Only 22 per cent of the mandal population have land. Therefore, at least one of the major factors for the limited success of the inclusion process of excluded communities in Andhra Pradesh is the lack of any basic structural transformation in land relations. The role of awareness campaigns and mass mobilization needs to be emphasized here. The anti-liquor movement by the women of the coastal Andhra district of Nellore, in the early 1990s, had a tremendous impact on mobilizing women and generating powerful political pressure to ban liquor in the state, at least for some time. This movement also gave impetus to the large scale organization of women’s thrift and credit societies. The women in the state have managed to save crores of rupees through small savings and freed themselves of the clutches of the money lenders to a significant extent. Such awareness campaigns, therefore, have a tremendous potential to create a vibrant civil society, which is necessary for the implementation of democratic decentralization at any level. Awareness and access to information are necessary for transparency in the local government. It is essential, therefore, to work towards strengthening of the gram sabha. It is ultimately only a strong gram sabha that can lead to deepening of the negotiation process towards the inclusion of

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excluded communities. This deepening process is a long drawn out one, where the different stakeholders bargain with others, in different arenas of social life.

NOTES 1. One seat was reserved for women if the total strength of panchayat members was seven or less, and two seats if the total was eight or more. One seat was reserved either for the SCs or the STs (Haragopal and Sudarshanam, 2000:48). 2. Five per cent reservations for STs and 14 per cent for SCs. 3. The MPPs were created for a group of villages with a population of 35,000 to 50,000, and the zilla parishad was renamed as ZPP, and made coterminous with the district. 4. The states average is 61.1 per cent compared to the national literacy rate of 65.4 per cent (2001 census). 5. Jaipal Reddy is a powerful leader of the Congress Party at the national level. He is the most popular leader of the area, and is supported irrespective of party affiliation. 6. This is the new committee elected in August 2001. 7. Kummari is potter and Kammari is carpenter. 8. This is no better than bonded labour, as they continue to work under the same Reddy for years together. 9. President of the WUA in the village. 10. We were told by the outgoing sarpanch that he was made Upasarpanch as he got the majority of votes among ward members. 11. Learnt to sign, but illiterate. 12. It is the reservation status of that particular seat and he contested from that ward as there are a sizeable number of SC households. He was elected MPTC member in the June 2006 panchayat elections from his village. 13. He won unopposed. 14. Land details could not be given about this village as Mangalpalle is part of Amangal revenue village. 15. Traditionally, they were big landlords during the Nizam period. Also, strong opponents of the Reddys in the Telangana region. 16. Generally, they worked as patwaris and were called Karanams and the Mali Patels; police patel posts were occupied by the Velamas and Reddys. 17. Because of the rotation system, the ward was not given any reservation. But the village leaders put up the SCs to contest since their population is larger. 18. Dalit Christians do not have SC reservation as they come under the OBC category. 19. Cousin of the ZPTC member. 20. As part of the jajmani system the Madiga was supposed to take care of the leather work, that is, making footwear and leather strips for pulling water from open wells for irrigation.

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21. Lakshmaiah is the richest man and the biggest landlord in the village with forty acres out of which twenty two acres is wet land, where two crops of paddy are cultivated. 22. Janmabhoomi was conducted every three months initially and later on twice a year.

REFERENCES Baumann, Pari. 1998.‘Panchayati Raj and Watershed Management in India: Constraints and Opportunities’. ODI Working Paper 114, London: Overseas Development Institute. Ghatak, Maitreesh and Ghatak, Maitreya. 2002. ‘Recent Reforms in the Panchayat System in West Bengal: Toward Greater Participatory Governance?’, Economic and Political Weekly, January 5–12. pp. 45–58. Heller, Patrick. 2000. ‘Degrees of Democracy: Some Comparative Lessons from India’, World Politics, 52(July): 485–519. Issac,T. M.Thomas with Richard W. Franke. 2000. Local Democracy and Development: Peoples’s Campaign for Decentralised Planning in Kerala. New Delhi: Left Word Books. Mahajan, Gurpreet. 1998. Democracy Difference and Social Justice. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Mathew, George. 1995. Panchayati Raj: From Legislation to Movement. New Delhi: Institute of Social Sciences. Rao, G. Bhaskar. 2000. ‘Strengthening of Panchayats: Beyond Contractor’s Role. A Note on Andhra Pradesh Experience’. Paper presented at the Workshop on Role of Panchayati Raj Institutions in Natural Resource Management, New Delhi: Society for Promotion of Wasteland Development.

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Panchayati Raj or Party Raj? Understanding the Nature of Local Government in West Bengal Manasendu Kundu

The current phase of the panchayati raj in West Bengal was set in motion on 4 June 1978, when the Left Front government held the long overdue election in all the three tiers of panchayats, in order to promote rural development through land reform and decentralization of power. The historical development of panchyati raj institutions (PRIs) in West Bengal is well documented in Status of Panchayati Raj in the States and Union Territories of India 2000 (Ghosh 2000a: 306-318). In West Bengal, a gram panchayat, at present, consists of several adjacent villages, from which the voters directly elect five to twenty five representatives. The body of voters in a constituency of gram panchayat is called a gram sansad, or a gram sabha. Currently, around 700 voters are represented by one gram panchayat member. The members of every gram panchayat elect a pradhan (chairperson) and an upapradhan (deputy chairperson) from among themselves. The second tier of the PRIs is called the panchayat samiti, and this oversees all the gram panchayats in a development block. Usually, there are a dozen or so gram panchayats in a block. Samiti members are also elected directly by the voters. Every gram panchayat is represented by two or three samiti members. In addition, all the pradhans within the block, the local Members of Legislative Assembly (MLAs) and Members of Parliament (MPs)—as long as they are not ministers—become ex-officio members of the panchayat samiti. The members of each panchayat samiti elect one

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sabhapati (chairperson) and one sahakari sabhapati (deputy chairperson) from among themselves. The upper most level of the three-tier PRI is the zilla parishad, that is, the district level council. Here also, the members are elected directly. Each block returns two to three members to the zilla parishad. The sabhapatis of all panchayat samitis, MLAs and MPs from the district also become members, by virtue of their official status. The members of the zilla parishad elect one sabhadhipati (chairperson) and one sahakari sabhadhipati (deputy chairperson) from among themselves. In West Bengal, the first major change in the Panchayat Act, since the election of 1977, was made in 1992 in anticipation of the 73rd Constitutional amendment.The 1992 amendment of the state Act reserved one-third seats for women in all the three tiers of PRIs. Seats were also reserved for the scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs), in each tier. For the SCs and STs, the reserved seats are in proportion to the percentage of their population in the area. The amendment of 1992 gave statutory recognition to the gram sansad/ sabha and made it mandatory for the gram panchayat to hold at least two gram sansad meetings every year. The gram panchayat was required to place its budget, annual report and audit report in the meetings of gram sansads. Any suggestions proposed at the gram sabha meeting were to be placed in the gram panchayat meetings for consideration. The state panchayat act was further amended in 1994 to reserve seats of chairpersons and vice-chairpersons for women (not less than one-third of the total number of such seats) and SCs/STs (in proportion to their population) in all the three tiers. In 1998, the last panchayat elections were held in accordance with this amendment. Since the panchayat elections of 1993, a sizeable number of women and SCs/STs have been holding offices in the PRIs of West Bengal. See Table 5.1. Table 5.1 Elected Members in West Bengal (1998) No.

Total Members 50,345

Gram Panchayat

3,330

Panchayat Samiti

341

8,579

17

723

Zilla Parishad

Source: Ghosh 2000a: 314.

SCs

STs

Women

14,131 28.06% 2,410 28.09% 279 38.58%

3,755 7.45% 613 7.14% 68 9.40%

17,907 35.56% 3,015 35.14% 246 34.02%

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Yet, very little research has been conducted so far to assess the specific impact of incorporating the previously excluded gender and castes in the political process at the grassroots. The existing literature on West Bengal’s panchayati raj system has, by and large, praised this institution and its various activities. Those who view West Bengal’s experiment with local governance for the last two and a half decades as a success, complement it for empowering the poor. GK Lieten’s comments could be considered a prototypal of such evaluations. In view of the dissimilarities across the GPs (Gram Panchayats), it is not possible to arrive at all inclusive conclusions. Nevertheless, the research findings at the micro setting show that, by and large, the poor people in the villages feel that their power over village affairs has increased and that, partially because of the gram sabha, their knowledge of and say in rural development programs has expanded. (1996: 223 –24)

West Bengal’s achievement in land reform since 1977 is outstanding as compared to other states of India.As of December 1995, vested agricultural land (land that is either owned or confiscated by the government) in the state amounts to 1.24 million acres, out of which 994,000 acres have been distributed (Ghosh, 2000b). One has to remember that West Bengal’s share in national vesting is 17 per cent although the state has only 3.5 per cent of the total agricultural land. For redistributing the vested land, the Left Front government sought the help of panchayats to designate the recipients, hoping that land would be handed over to the poor. The second component of the Left Front’s land reform was called ‘Operation Barga’, that is, registering the agricultural tenants, and increasing their share in the crops produced. It should be mentioned here that legislation against evicting the tenant-cultivators had existed before. But the onus of proving tenancy had been on the tenant. The Left Front changed the legislation and put the burden on the landlords to disprove the claim of tenancy (Bandyopadhyay and Eschen, 1996: 309). Also, the Left Front relieved the tenants from going to the government bureaucracy by establishing mobile camps for Operation Barga in the countryside.The panchayats played an important role in identifying the eligible cultivators. By registering the tenant cultivators, the Left front fulfilled an old demand of the sharecroppers. In 1945, the Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha’s 8th session demanded that no sharecropper should be evicted from the land unless it is kept fallow or uncultivated (Majumdar, 1993:79).

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Many scholars view that the combined impact of Operation Barga and the state sponsored redistributive intervention, through the panchayats, changed the economic as well as the political structures at the grassroots of rural Bengal permanently. The Left Front made some significant progress in terms of destratification: increasing the aid to the poor; registering tenants, frightening and undermining village elites, causing them to sell off some of their lands; and more generally shifting village power downward to other elements, such as party cadres, middle castes and the like. (Bandyopadhyay and von Eschen, 1996: 311)

Also, Kohli (1987) and Kumar and Ghosh (1996) came to the same conclusion regarding the changes in the power structure of rural Bengal. Besides promoting land reform, the panchayats in the early days of Left Front rule were engaged in implementing the Food for Work program.This programme, financed by the central government, provided employment to the poorest villagers during the off-season. A survey, conducted by Kumar and Ghosh (1996: 81), concluded that this developmental welfare programme, targeted towards the poorer classes, achieved a fair amount of success in West Bengal. However, the panchayati raj of West Bengal is not without critics. It is well known that one of the objectives of the decentralization of power to the panchayats was to ‘mobilize the masses’, and to increase social and political participation of the villagers. Researchers have raised the question whether PRIs are successful in mobilizing non-partisan masses. Glynn Williams (1999) studied three villages of Birbhum district, where he observed that popular participation was absent in the panchayats. For most villagers, the only involvement with the panchayat was just voting once in five years to elect the members. Consultation regarding developmental work ‘was universally restricted’ to the close friends of the members.A few of the villagers who challenged the decisions of panchayat members were better educated and more confident. Consequently, the poorest, who needed extra assistance, remained quiet. In the absence of popular participation, the panchayat members played a role similar to that of traditional village headmen. They behaved as if being ‘big men’, they were assisting people from their personal funds. Those who sought assistance approached the members as if, being tenants, they were asking for a loan from the landlord. Due to partisan behaviour of the panchayat members, assistance was frequently being directed towards their political

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supporters. There was gossip in the villages that all panchayat members were corrupt, and used public funds for personal gains. Another criticism against West Bengal panchayats is that they are primarily occupied with implementation of schemes sponsored by the state and central governments. Occasionally, they have been able to motivate people to create some community asset with the people’s own resources. If the redistributive programmes are withdrawn, the West Bengal panchayats may lose their importance among the people. The short-term goals of PRIs have overshadowed their long-term goals. An overemphasis on redistributing the resources available from the state has caused neglecting the task of capacity building of the villagers through participation in their own developmental projects (Kumar and Ghosh 1996:87-88). Some suggest that state sponsored redistribution is, in fact, counterproductive for cooperation. …redistribution and production are to some degree in contradiction, in that the conflict-oriented sentiments one needs to mobilize to pursue the former are incompatible with the cooperative sentiments one needs in order to pursue the latter. (Bandyopadhyay and von Eschen 1996: 319)

Perhaps, the far more serious criticism, against the panchayati raj of West Bengal, is that instead of following the principle of democratic decentralization, it is practising democratic centralism. Although thousands of people are being elected to the formal seats of power, the informal source of authority remains in the hands of a few party leaders at the respective levels. (Bhattacharya 2002: 188)

Kumar and Ghosh (1996:85) have observed that there is a general belief that by guiding and controlling the elected representatives, the party dominates over the panchayats. In some instances such domination may enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of panchayats, due to the constant vigilance of the party. Such party control is, however, against the stated purpose of the formation of the panchyati raj. Although, the panchayati raj is not just a delivery system for the higher levels of government, many villagers, however, view it that way. They treat it as another government office to place demands. The issue of selfgovernance remains ignored.

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Manasendu Kundu In the early 1980s, the Panchayat government of Midnapore and the Rural Development Center of IIT, Kharagpur, jointly introduced a new approach to rural development (as an experiment); the new approach authorized villagers to formulate their own village development plan…. So at the meeting (of village Ghagra-Pathri), a resolution was passed stating that the residents request the government to finance digging at least one electrically-powered deep tubewell in the village…. The meeting featured no discussion on home-gardening, social forestry management, or raising domestic animals. No one in the meeting mentioned that deep tubewells were extremely expensive to create and, consequently, only a few deep tubewells existed in the whole district. (Kundu 1993:146-52)

From the present discussion it is evident that some of the key objectives of PRIs are yet to be fulfilled in West Bengal.

THREE GRAM PANCHAYATS AND THEIR MEMBERS UNDER INVESTIGATION In the context of the 73rd Constitutional amendment, I have studied the current role of women and SC/ST members in three gram panchayats of Arambagh block, Hughli district, that are located 80 km north-west of Kolkata. Being adjacent to each other, all three gram panchayats of my choice are lying on the banks of Mundeswari river, which flows from north to south. In winter and summer, Mundeswari becomes a mere rivulet, maintaining a narrow flow of water, which can be crossed at ease by foot. However, during monsoons the river swells vigorously, and floods the area in most years. The gram panchayats under my study are well connected to local towns like Arambagh and Tarakeswar by road. Kolkata can be reached in less than three hours by express buses. The key economic activity in this region is agriculture. Farmers are practising modern agriculture in this region for almost three decades. Cultivation of paddy during monsoon and potato in winter forms the backbone of the local agrarian economy. In addition, jute, wheat, mustard and vegetables are grown by many farmers. To supplement their income, many well to do farmers prefer to be either retail distributors of seeds, fertilizers and pesticides in the local markets, or suppliers of potato, rice and jute to the urban wholesale market.

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Since the 1960s, they are educating their children to place them in the service sector. According to many farmers, agriculture is no longer a lucrative business for two reasons. First, in recent years, the cost of farming has gone up significantly, whereas both quantities and prices of their produce have remained more or less stagnant. Second, the agricultural labourers, due to their political consciousness, have become ‘arrogant, demanding and lazy’. Arambagh block constitutes fifteen gram panchayats, out of which the following three have been under study for the present investigation.

Malaypur II This gram panchayat has twelve gram sansads with a population of 14,247 (Census 2001) and has thirteen gram panchayat members; among them five are women, seven are SCs. The seat of pradhan in Malaypur II is an unreserved one, and is held by Sharadindu Ghosh, a member of CPM. Sharadindu, who is in his early thirties and a college graduate, belongs to a high caste named Kayastha. His father was a clerk in a local school. In his village Keshabpur, it was undoubtedly the Kayasthas who had formed the dominant caste before the Left Front came to power in 1977. Since then, the SCS have gained considerable amount of political influence due to their close association with CPM. Now, the Kayasthas are no longer the sole decision makers for the village.They, however, still hold an economic superiority, with income from agriculture, trade and service. This gram panchayat is represented by two other elected male members at the panchayat samiti of Arambagh block, one of whom belongs to the SCs.

Harinkhola I Just to the south of Malaypur II lies Harinkhola I. This gram panchayat is constituted of fourteen gram sansads with 19,481 people (Census 2001). Here, the seat of pradhan is currently reserved for a SC member and it is occupied by Asok Koley, a college graduate, who is Bagdi by caste. In Asok’s village Madhurpur, the Tilis, a middle ranking agrarian as well as trading caste, had enjoyed the status of the dominant caste before the Left Front came to power. Since 1977, land reform and minimum

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wage movements led by CPM have helped landless labourers who mostly belong to SCs in gaining a considerable amount of political influence. Harinkhola I has seventeen members; of whom six are women and seven belong to the SCs. At the panchayat samiti, Harinkhola I is represented by three other samiti members; of whom two are women who belong to the SCs.

Harinkhola II This gram panchayat is constituted of thirteen gram sansads with 16,806 (Census 2001) people, and is situated immediately south of Harinkhola I. The seat of pradhan in this gram panchayat is currently reserved for a woman candidate and is held by Asima Kundu, who belongs to a middle ranking upper caste. Out of fifteen panchayat members in Harinkhola II, six are women, including Asima. Harinkhola II is represented by three other elected members at the panchayat samiti. Two of them are SC men and the remaining one is a tribal woman. The total number of women representatives in these three gram panchayats is seventeen. Three other women from the area have been sent to the panchayat samiti. The total number of SC representatives in these three gram panchayats are nineteen. Five other SC members are representing these three gram panchayats at the panchayat samiti. The only tribal member in the area is a woman, who represents Harinkhola II at the Arambagh panchayat samiti. Malaypur II, Harinkhola I and Harinkhola II (hereafter referred to 9 as M II, H I and H II) are three of the fifteen gram panchayats under the Arambagh block panchayat samiti, which is one of the eighteen panchayat samitis under the Hughli district zilla parishad. At the zilla parishad M II, H I and H II are represented by a male member of a low ranking non-SC. As part of this study, a group of gram panchayat members were interviewed. The following tables (Table 5.2 to Table 5.7) present the socio-economic variability of the group interviewed. Some of the interesting observations are (1) there was no illiterate person among the interviewees; (2) among the interviewees, there was none without party affiliation; (3) nearly two-third of the panchayat members were new in their positions; and (4) more than 50 per cent of the members had no prior political experience.

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Table 5.2 Distribution of the Gram Panchayat Members according to Caste, Religion and Gender GP

Total Members in the GP

Members Interviewed

SC

General Caste (Non-SC/ST)

Muslim

Woman

M II HI H II Total

13 17 15 45

13 13 11 37

7 5 4 16

3 6 6 15

3 2 1 6

5 5 4 14

Source: Field notes. Table 5.3 Educational Level of the Interviewed Gram Panchayat Members Primary

Class V–VIII

Class IX–X

Passed X

Passed XII

Graduate

PostGraduate

4 0 0 4 1

7 2 3 12 3

1 2 0 3 2

2 4 1 7 5

0 1 1 2 1

2 5 1 8 2

0 1 0 1 0

SC General Muslim Total Women

Source: Field notes. Table 5.4 Party Affiliation of the Interviewed Members CPM SC 12 General 10 Muslim 2 Total 24 Women 8 Source: Field notes.

CPI

Forward Block

Trinamool Congress

3 4 3 10 4

0 0 1 1 0

1 1 0 2 2

Table 5.5 Members With and Without Previous Experience of the Job No. of First Time Members Scheduled Caste General Muslim Total Women Source: Field notes.

13 9 4 26 12

No. of Members with Previous Experiences 3 6 2 11 2

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Manasendu Kundu Table 5.6 Structure of the Residential Buildings of the Panchayat Members Mud-built 12

Partially Brick and Cement Built 1

Totally Brick and Cement Built 3

General

2

5

8

Muslim

2

2

2

Total Women

16 4

8 4

13 6

Scheduled Caste

Source: Field notes. Table 5.7 Members With and Without Prior Political Experience No. of Members Having Prior Political Experience Scheduled Caste General Muslim Total Women

11 7 3 21 4

No. of Members without any Political Experience 5 8 3 16 10

Source: Field notes.

EMPOWERMENT OF SCS BEFORE AND AFTER THE 73RD CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT I became familiar with the area in the late 1960s when as a high school student I was sent to a boarding school at the village Keshabpur of M II gram panchayat. The school was already twenty five years old and had a significant impact on the village culture. Being a co-educational school, it brought both male and female students from M II, H I and M I (Malaypur I is located to the north of M II and is not under this investigation) gram panchayats. Because of the distance and presence of a few nearby schools, students from H II rarely attended the school at Keshabpur. The teachers were primarily from three upper and upper-middle castes— Brahmin, Kayastha and Tili. Half of the teachers were from the four local gram panchayats and the rest were outsiders. Five of them belonged to the village, and interestingly all of them were Kayasthas. It shows how important and dominating the Kayasthas were at Keshabpur. Only one

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teacher, an outsider, was from a low class, but non-SC, family. Among the teachers, only two were women. One of them was Brahmin and the other was a Tili. Among the students of higher classes, an overwhelming majority were from upper caste Hindu families. A small minority came, primarily from the Muslims, but rarely from the SCs. Some of the latter used to attend primary schools but could not complete the primary education. Those who could were without familial resources to pursue secondary education. In the case of boys, the SC parents had virtually no choice other than sending their sons to one of the landowner’s home to labour as bagal. The bagals ‘primary duty was to take care of the cows of the landowners. Additionally, they were given responsibilities of various household chores. Sending them to work used to bring three benefits to their families. First, by withdrawing them from schools, the families used to save the expense on education. Second, by sending them to the landowners’ homes, the SC families used to free themselves from the responsibility of feeding those children. The bagals were provided meals at the home of the landowners. Third, for the labour provided by a bagal, his family was paid rupees five to ten per month. Consequently, secondary education remained beyond the reach of SC children. These children, after working as bagals for five or six years, used to become ‘adult labourers’ at the age of fifteen or sixteen. They got married in their late teens or early twenties with brides between fourteen and eighteen. Needless to say, the rule against inter-caste marriages was strictly followed. Parental control over children was so absolute that the so called ‘love marriages’, even within the same caste, were rare in the 1960s. However, incidents of extra marital liaison between married upper caste landowners and SCs female labourers were an issue of frequent gossip in the village. The rules of purity and pollution in relation to casual physical contact between upper castes and the SCs were quite relaxed at Keshabpur. Usually the bagals and other male labourers did not have access to the rooms of interior quarters. However, such a rule did not apply to those who were deeply trusted by the landowners and their family members. The maids, who were mostly from the SCs, had access to every room except to the room of worship. One point needs to be clarified here. At Keshabpur, an overwhelming majority of bagals and maids were from two related SCs—Bagdi and Duley. Both caste occupations, past and present, were not as ‘polluting’ as skinning dead animals or facilitating the cremation of human corpses.

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Manasendu Kundu The Bagdi are … notified as Bagdi, Duley in West Bengal … Fishing and cultivation are their traditional occupation. Now a majority of them are landless agricultural labourers, though some are sharecroppers. The Duley Bagdis were traditionally palanquin bearers. (Singh 1993: 64-65)

Many of the SC labourers were tenant cultivators on land owned by others. Meagre wages and insecurity of tenancy put labourers and tenant cultivators into permanent debt. Before agricultural modernization started in the area in the mid-1960s, most of the plots were cropped once a year. Consequently, the tenant farmers had to face a prolonged lean period before harvest. During this lean period they had no choice other than taking loans of food grains from the landlords. After harvest, the sharecroppers were bound to pay back twice the amount they had originally received. Before the 1970s, the political arena in this part of the Hooghly district was dominated by the Congress. The neighbouring Arambagh constituency was the seat of Prafulla Chandra Sen—the Chief Minister of the Congress government between 1962 and 1967. A few of the elites of Keshabpur had close ties with the Chief Minister. These elites were Kayastha by caste and had various sources of income. In addition to having large amount of agricultural land in the village, they owned transport businesses in Arambagh and hardware businesses in Kolkata. During elections, a few of these elites, did not only campaign for the Congress candidates, but also tried to rig the election in favour of the Congress. Before 1977, the local units of CPM and CPI were virtually nonexistent at Keshabpur and its vicinity, although a few staunch cadres as well as supporters of CPM were always present. From the mid-1970s, attempts to create a political base for the CPM started. Between 1975 and 1977, during the Emergency, many of the known CPM cadres were harassed, even threatened by the local elites and their associates. The SCs, however, had no role in the local politics other than to vote for the Congress, following the instructions of the elites. Things started to change for the SCs after the CPM led Left Front came to power in 1977. Immediately after forming a coalition government, CPM focused on strengthening its political base by opening local party offices and recruiting party cadres.The local unit of the party gave special emphasis on recruiting SC youth. The registration of tenant cultivators (Operation Barga), and a limited land reform called Pattadan (distribution

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of vested land to the landless) made CPM extremely popular among the SCs. Obviously, Barga registration created tensions between landowners and tenants. The non-tenant agricultural labourers, a bulk of whom were from the SCs, benefited in two ways—first, from the Left Front initiated distribution of vested homesteads and agricultural lands among them; and second, from the CPM led movements for higher wages for them. Overall, the twenty five years of Left Front rule has changed the position of SCs in society. Many of them are still poor, but feel less marginal in the society. However, it could be debated whether such changes are merely symbolic or truly substantial. The following facts indicate a slow but definite change among the SCs. One hundred and one students appeared in the madhyamik (secondary) examination from the school at Keshabpur in the year 2002. Out of 101, twenty belonged to the SCs. Of the twenty, twelve were boys and eight were girls. From the same school, in 1976, Mr Asok Koley the SC pradhan of H I had appeared in the madhyamik exam along with nearly fifty other students. Only two of them including Mr Koley were from SC families, and both were boys. Incidentally, about 35 per cent of the population in the locality belongs to SCs. There is a local agricultural cooperative at Keshabpur which is affiliated to the Hughli District Central Co-operative Bank Ltd. As of May 11, 2002, the Keshabpur unit allocated loans to 155 individuals. Of them twelve were from the SCs. Around the same period the neighbouring cooperative at H I provided loans to 320 individuals.Among them seventy two were from SCS families. There are some signs of limited political success of SC men. In the Arambagh block there are three individuals from an SC background who were elected to the panchayat samiti after contesting in ‘open to all’ seats. The irony is that although the SCs form an integral part of left politics, they are yet to hold the top leadership positions within the party. Anyway, the following case studies show how deep some of the changes at the grassroots are.

Case Study 1 Jahar Bag is in his mid-forties and lives in a brick-built house with his wife and children. He was born in a poor Duley family with five brothers

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and three sisters. As tenant cultivators, his parents were so poor that they could not feed their children with two meals a day, round the year. The daily two meals were available only during the post-harvest months, between December and February. Jahar attended the local primary school and studied up to class IV. Then his parents sent him to work as a bagal in one of the Kayastha landowner’s home. After a few years, he started contributing his labour to his family as tenant-cultivator. In the mid-1970s he became interested in politics. Since one of his elder brothers was an active supporter of CPI, Jahar became interested in left politics. He attended a few meetings of CPM and was fascinated by the idea of land reform. The party leaders in their speeches emphasized that some land should be taken away from the rich farmers and distributed among the poor landless. Soon, he became an active cadre of CPM. Local Congress supporters did not like his association with CPM.They harassed him in many ways. He was even taken to court, being falsely accused in a case. Later, he contested in one of the early panchayat elections and lost it by only three votes. Since then he has remained satisfied with organizational work for his party. In the early 1980s his tenancy as a cultivator with three landowners was registered. He got married in the late 1980s and encouraged his wife Basanti to join politics. In the 1993 election, their panchayat constituency became reserved for SC candidates and Basanti was nominated as a CPM candidate. She won the election. In 1998, the same constituency became reserved for women candidates. Basanti had no problem in getting the nomination of her party and winning the election. Locally, she is considered an active panchayat member, although she has studied only up to class V. A few years after getting married, Jahar’s joint family broke up and he became interested in moving out from his parental home with his wife and two children. In the mid-1990s, he learnt that an absentee owner was interested in selling his house in the middle of a Kayastha neighbourhood, but was unable to find a buyer. The owner had inherited the house from one of his deceased relatives, who had been a bachelor. The owner expected that one of the neighbouring Kayastha families would buy the house—a brick built, well maintained building with a concrete floor and roof. The original owner who had built the house in the 1950s was one of the top Kayastha elites. After an initial hesitation, Jahar approached both the absentee owner and the neighbouring families, to find out whether he would be welcome as a prospective buyer of the

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house. Since he had many friends among the Kayasthas, he did not face any opposition. Also, the owner agreed to sell the house to him. Then, as a tenant cultivator, he approached one of his landlords who had been interested in selling portions of his agricultural land. Jahar helped him to find a buyer. He was given 25 per cent of the sale amount for his role in finding a buyer and smoothening out the transaction, although, he had no right to claim any amount for this transaction. Only his tenancy would have to continue under the new ownership.With the money received, he made an initial payment for the building on sale. In fact, it was sold below the market price. The rest of the payment was made in a few instalments. Critics say that the owner of the house had virtually no choice other than selling it to Jahar who is politically well connected. After moving to his new residence among the Kayasthas he did not experience any hostility towards him, or his family members. CPM’s deliberate attempt at involving SCs in the left politics has created some local political leaders from this group.The second case study is about political achievements of an SC.

Case Study 2 Asok Koley, who is Bagdi by caste, is currently occupying the post of pradhan at Harinkhola I. He is in his early forties and is an active member of the CPM. After finishing his school education, Asok went to college in 1976 and became attached to left politics. Now, he is a high school teacher with B.Com., B.A, and B.Ed. degrees. He became a panchayat member after winning the first election in 1978. After losing the second, he won the third, fourth and fifth elections. In 1993, after the fourth election, he became the pradhan of Harinkhola I, even though the post was unreserved. In 1998, when the same post became reserved for SCs, Asok was obviously the most suitable choice. It is Asok’s education and experience which have made him powerful. His achievement as a member within CPM is also remarkable. In the 1980s, he became a member of the local committee (LC) of CPM. It is believed by many in the area that the LC members are more powerful than the pradhans, who are not LC members. Asok is viewed as a competent and powerful leader, who has reached the position of pradhan on his own merit. Before 1977, Asok’s village, Madhurpur, was dominated both economically and politically by the Tilis—a middle ranking upper caste. His leadership along with a few others’ has changed the scenario.

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EMPOWERMENT OF WOMEN—A MORE DIFFICULT TASK During my first contact with the women of Keshabpur and neighbouring villages in the 1960s, I found that the political arena was totally closed to them. Following cultural traditions, married women from upper caste families were usually restricted within their homes, apart from visiting relatives and female friends in neighbouring houses. They were usually accompanied by male relatives or elderly servants while travelling far. Participation in politics was beyond their imagination. Two categories of women from upper caste families had a little more freedom of movement, and they were (1) school or college going unmarried daughters and (2) educated married women, who were employed as school teachers or office staff. Needless to say, there were few such women in the 1960s, who belonged to the second category. Even the girls’ movements at the high school of Keshabpur were restricted. Since it was a co-educational school, both boys and girls attended the same classes.To restrict interaction between the opposite sexes, the school authority had imposed a rule by which girls had to leave the classrooms between classes. At the end of each class, the girls used to go out of the classroom with the teacher and wait in the girls common room until the next teacher came in. In these classes, almost all the girls were from upper caste families, a significant majority of whom were relatively wealthy. It is evident that the upper castes were interested in educating their daughters, although they were uneasy about co-education. In the 1960s, the SC women of Keshabpur were all illiterate. Their movement in the village was not as restricted as that of upper caste women.They had to go out to work as wage labourers, maid servants, sales women, etc. It was obvious that the SC women could not think of participating in politics. Women’s attitude toward politics did not change much with the Left Front’s coming to power in 1977. I have already discussed how the CPM’s strong emphasis on incorporating the landless and near landless to the party has changed the socio-political role of SCs permanently. However, CPM did not have such a determined agenda to empower women. In the last twenty five years, there has been no social movement in the area against the system of demanding dowry. Movements against the production of liquor have been organized in some areas, but not against the consumption of liquor. Movements against abusing women are weak unless the abuse is excessive. Interestingly, educational progress

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of women is still continuing. Among the 101 students who appeared in the Madhyamik exam from Keshabpur school in 2002, fifty one were girls. Fifty per cent of the women members interviewed did not finish high school. Except two, all of them were first time members. These two factors have created a situation where influential non-members can easily interfere with the gram sansad, village or even panchayat affairs. Except one or two, none of them are interested in contesting in the next panchayat elections of 2003. In private, they say that the job is time consuming, yet it does not bring any money to their families. Some of them indicate that they do not like to continue their political career because the selection of beneficiaries has created unnecessary tension with their neighbours and friends in the sansad. The 73rd Constitutional amendment has certainly increased the number of women members in the PRIs. The following women are some of the local panchayat members who have been ‘empowered’ by the 73rd Constitutional amendment.

Case Study 1 It has been already mentioned that Asima Kundu is the pradhan of H II. She is in her early forties, still unmarried, and lives with her parents and brothers. She belongs to the caste Tili. Besides having agricultural land, her family owns a grocery store in Kolkata. Her political career took off in the mid-1970s when as a college student in Arambagh she became an active member of SFI. Her activities as a student activist made her known to the local unit of CPM. Later, in 1993, she was first elected to the gram panchayat to a seat reserved for woman candidates. When the pradhan’s post of H II became reserved for women in 1998, she became the pradhan of H II after being re-elected. For the last few years, she is employed as an ICDS (Integrated Child Development Scheme) worker. Since she is unmarried, and lives in a large joint family, she gets enough time to pursue her political career. Daily, Ashima spends quite some time out of her home. She has to visit different villages, panchayat offices at various levels, and also the local party office, on different days of a week. There is no doubt that she is a hard working lady who enjoys tremendous freedom in her family.

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Despite her hard work, there is a widespread impression in the area that she is not allowed to take major decisions. The critical decisions, especially those related to the selection of contractors for developmental works, are made by the local unit of her party, and then the information is relayed to her. She simply executes the orders like a loyal bureaucrat. However, it should be mentioned here that she is well respected by many for her sincere hard work as a pradhan. I am not certain whether she would run for the panchayat again. When I asked her regarding this, she said that she would simply follow the wishes of her party, just like a true loyalist. Interestingly, she is yet to be included in the powerful LC of CPM. Two other male pradhans in my study area, however, have already been given LC membership.

Case Study 2 Rupa Pandit, an SC woman, who is in her early twenties, and has studied up to class VIII, holds the chair of upapradhan in M II gram panchayat. She lives in a joint family, with her husband, a child and her in-laws. Although, she had no interest in active politics or social work, she was nominated as a CPI candidate, because of the right family background and education. Most of her family members, including her husband, are actively involved with CPI for many years. Almost all of the residents of Rupa’s constituency are from the SCs; and Rupa is one of the most educated women in the constituency. Rupa’s nomination to a reserved seat for women was actually decided by her family and the party, in which she had no role. In the 1998 election, the seat of upapradhan in M II was reserved for a woman candidate. There was an agreement within the Left Front that a CPI candidate would hold the post of upapradhan here. After being elected, she rarely goes to the panchayat office. When she does go, she is accompanied by her husband. More than 75 per cent of the voters in M II do not know the face of their upapradhan.Yet, she is paid Rs 700 per month as honorarium for holding the post of upapradhan. It has annoyed the ordinary members. By the way, a pradhan is paid Rs 900 per month as honorarium, and Rs 250 as travelling allowance. The ordinary members are paid only Rs 40 monthly as travel allowance. When I visited Rupa’s house, she declined my continuous request for an interview. I suggested that we would communicate through her husband.

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Yet, I was refused. On both occasions, she did not say a word to me, simply remained staring at the ground with uneasiness.

Case Study 3 Shyamali Dhara is the upapradhan of Harinkhola 1. She is in her early twenties, from Mahishya a lower caste but non-SC family, and still unmarried. She has studied up to class X. My first meeting with her, in early 2001, took place in her office that she was sharing with the pradhan Mr Asok Koley and an office clerk. During my stay there for two hours, she was neither approached by any visitor, nor asked by the pradhan to do any paperwork. Her desk was empty. The only object that was lying on her desk was a ladies bag. On some other days, I saw her doing some minor paperwork. However, she comes regularly because as an upapradhan she is earning Rs 700 per month. She does not want to be criticized behind her back by ordinary panchayat members. In November 2002, I found that she was being taken more seriously by the pradhan, office clerks and the public. Perhaps, it was due to her regular presence and, consequently, understanding of the panchayat affairs. Watching the change in her status in the office, I asked whether she would be interested in contesting the next elections. Without hesitation she said no. She told me that she had contested the elections because her father had been approached by the left parties to allow her to be a gram panchayat member from a reserved seat.Then, she won the election without contest and held the post of upapradhan that was reserved for a woman member. Now she enjoys working for people, but finds herself a burden on her family. Three of her elder sisters got married easily. When her parents were ready to marry her off, the families of potential grooms rejected her because of her active involvement in the panchayat. They were afraid that she would never be submissive as a bride, and cause the breaking up of a joint family.

Case Study 4 Bharati Bera is in her late thirties and from the caste Mahishya. She is married, and lives with her husband and two children. She has studied up

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to class VI. Her husband has been an active party worker of CPM for many years. When their constituency became reserved for a woman member, Bharati was given the nomination because of her family background. Now, she walks about 4 km once or twice a month to reach the gram panchayat office. On the way, she has to cross the river Mundeswari.Yet, she tries to attend each of the monthly panchayat meetings, even the ones that take place during monsoon. She enjoys her work as a panchayat member. Her husband not only supports her going outside, but also helps her in panchayat duties. There is a gram sansad committee, which makes her job easy. The committee has fifteen voters of the sansad, almost all of whom are men. This is the committee which selects the beneficiaries for various projects. My understanding is that her role is of a messenger, who maintains a link between the gram panchayat office and the sansad residents. From the gram panchayat office she brings information about various projects, and after the beneficiaries have been selected by the sansad committee, she carries the list of proposed beneficiaries to the panchayat. By no means is her role that of a leader.

Panchayati Raj or Party Raj A large number of well informed villagers alleged that on behalf of the left party organizations, a group of influential party members interfere with the panchayat affairs, from behind the curtain. It has been stated by many that the parties pull the strings, while the majority of panchayat members act as mere puppets. Various examples were cited by the accusers, but as a researcher I could not judge whether those allegations were true. What I have been able to gather is that the boundary, between the panchayat and the party, is ambiguous in all of these three gram panchayats. Such ambiguity exists, both in the panchayat administration as well as the general public. The following incidents support my argument. 1. Mr X is a LC member of one of the two locally active left parties— CPM and CPI. Although influential and powerful, he never runs for a seat at the local panchayat. Instead, he selects the candidate on behalf of his party and organizes campaigns for his candidates. His critics say that he wants to enjoy power without direct responsibilities. X is accused of being involved with various anti-social activities of the local mafia. However, one of the state level party leaders once spoke on his behalf, and mentioned that X was a dedicated party worker.

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In the village of X, the upper caste landowners accuse that due to being pampered by the left parties, the SC labourers have not only become arrogant, but also cheat. Right before the harvesting of potatoes in February 2002, the landowners found that their crops were being stolen regularly. The landowners were certain that some SC labourers, who lived next to the fields, were involved in the thefts. Some of the accused were active supporters of one of the left parties. To resolve the crisis, the farmers directly approached X, bypassing his handpicked member of the panchayat, an upper caste youth. X suggested that the SC youth living next to the potato fields should be requested to guard those fields at night. In return, each farmer should pay 50 kg of potatoes per bigha (one-third of an acre) of his land guarded. This was 1.66 per cent of normal production. The landowners had no alternative other than accepting this suggestion. They believed that seeking help from police would have been fruitless, because police would not move an inch without being instructed by the Left parties and their top bosses. The party leaders would not dare to risk their popularity among the SC labourers by sending some of them into police custody. 2. Ram of Keshabpur is a Brahmin by caste and is married to Jamuna (both names are pseudonyms). Jamuna’s family did not know that Ram was mentally retarded, although he could perform many duties quite normally. After a few months of their marriage, Ram’s family accused Jamuna of having an extra marital affair. When Jamuna informed her family about the accusation, her brother took her back to her natal village, although she had no intention to leave her husband. After a few months, she quietly left her parental home and came back to Keshabpur, the village of her husband. After reaching the village she first came across a few youths who were actively involved with CPM. The youths feared that Jamuna would be harassed, or even physically abused, if she went to the house of her in-laws just by herself. To prevent her possible abuse, the youths called her to the CPM’s party office, located right next to the M II gram panchayat office.Then the pradhans and other panchayat as well as party leaders from both M II and the gram panchayat of Jamuna’s natal residence were informed. They all gathered at the party office to settle a smooth acceptance of Jamuna in the home of her in-laws. She secured the party’s support and started living with her husband with the family of her in-laws. Like Jamuna, a majority of villagers experience that CPM and other parties have social roles, and that is complementary to the functions of the panchayat.

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3. Mr Y is a primary school teacher in a village, a few miles away from his home. He is not only a known supporter of Congress, but also the member of a teachers’ association that opposes the CPM and other left parties. Mr Y has become senior enough to get a promotion to the post of the head teacher of a primary school. Recently, such a post had become vacant in his home village, where he is well respected for his knowledge, teaching and dedication. Many of his co-villagers, some of whom are staunch supporters of the CPM, want him to be the head teacher of the village school. He himself, also, wants to join the village school, because it would save time for commuting. But getting a transfer from his current school to the school in his village requires a complex bureaucratic procedure because the two schools belong to two different circles (regional offices of the state government). To ease his transfer he was given a proposal to join the other teachers’ association that is supportive of CPM. It is widely believed in the area that both the appointments and transfers of the primary school teachers depend to a greater extent on the political colours of the candidates. 4. After a Trinamool Congress candidate had filed a nomination for the gram sansad seat in the last panchayat election, his house was raided by nearly a 100 men armed with sticks.The Trinamool candidate was asked to withdraw his nomination. He knew all the raiders.They were active supporters of one of the left parties. The Trinamool supporters in the village did not dare to stand by him. Consequently, to protect his family as well as himself, the Trinamool candidate withdrew his candidature. The Left Front candidate won without a contest. It is quite interesting that nearly 40 per cent of the Left Front candidates in Harinkhola 1 and 2 won without any contest. 5. Interestingly, all the three gram panchayat offices subscribe to Ganashakti, a daily newspaper published by the West Bengal unit of CPM. Another daily newspaper subscribed by each of these offices is Ajkal, which is usually supportive of the Left Front government. Other newspapers, that are frequently critical of the state government, do not get access to the panchyat offices due to the panchayat administration. The discussion indicates that panchayati raj, in the area under study, is not truly democratic or self-governed. In many ways, the political parties interfere with the panchayati raj administration.

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GRAM SANSAD MEETINGS AND THE NATURE OF MASS PARTICIPATION Now I shall analyze the issue of popular participation after describing three gram sansad meetings of three different gram panchayats that were held in May 2002. Following the amendment of 1992, each gram sansad is bound to hold two such meetings a year. In these meetings the gram panchayats present the half-yearly audit reports. Also, through these meetings, the voters of each gram sansad are supposed to prepare a development plan for their own sansad area. All the three panchayats invited the voters nearly two weeks in advance with printed invitation letters mentioning the dates, times and venues of the meetings. Here are the three case studies.

Case Study 1 Nabasan East and Nabasan West are two of the fourteen gram sansads under Harinkhola I gram panchayat. Together the two sansads have nearly 1,300 voters. A joint meeting was scheduled for both sansads at three in the afternoon. The day was hot and humid. At 6 p.m. when the meeting finally started there were nearly forty participants. Out of forty, only four were women. Among these four, two were elected panchayat members from these two gram sansads.The third lady went there because she was the upapradhan of Harinkhola I gram panchayat, elected from a different gram sansad.The fourth woman was an ICDS (Integrated Child Development Scheme) worker who came as a companion of one of the lady members. Not a single woman from the two sansads appeared to participate in the gram sansad as an ordinary voter.

Case Study 2 The panchayat pradhan of Malaypur II, Mr Sharadindu Ghosh, is aware of the low attendance of voters at gram sansad meetings. Being inspired by a lecture by Dr Surja Kanto Mishra, the Minister of Panchayat, Rural Development and Health, Sharadindu came up with a novel idea.To attract

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the voters to the gram sabha meetings, he announced that additional funds for sansad development would be allocated to the top three sansads, on the basis of the percentage of voter attendance in the gram sansads. The voters of the winning sansad would decide the kind of development work to be done for their sansad area with the prize money. First, second and third prizes were Rs 10,000, Rs 7,000, and Rs 5,000, respectively. Keshabpur–41 (hereafter, K–41) is the sansad from where Sharadindu himself was elected.The literacy rate in K–41 is one of the highest among all the sansads of Malaypur II because it is dominated by the Kayasthas, and it has benefited from the presence of the high school mentioned earlier. Many Kayastha women who are in their forties and fifties have some school education. Some have college or even university degrees. More than 70 per cent of the married couples of child bearing age are practising birth control. The gram sansad was scheduled on a Saturday at 5 p.m. The venue was a Kali temple, located almost at the centre of the sansad area. Sharadindu did a massive campaign emphasizing the issue of monetary prize. Not only did he send the printed invitation letters to each family, but also personally requested as many voters as possible. He tried his level best to make his sansad the winner of the first prize. Prior to the K–41 meeting, four other gram sansad meetings were held at the same gram panchayat. In those gram sansads, the attendance was 9, 15, 17 and 33 per cent. K–41 had 710 voters, of whom 372 came and signed the attendance register. Out of them more than 100 were women. The meeting started around 6 p.m. Surprisingly, almost all the women left the venue right after signing the register.They had no interest in participating or even listening to the discussion. Among them a few ladies were highly educated. Mrs Medda and Ms Ghosh were two of the educated ladies. They belonged to two upper castes—Tili and Kayastha. Mrs Medda had settled in the village with her husband in 1963, when both of them got teaching jobs at the high school at Keshabpur. At that time, she had a B.A. degree with honors in philosophy. At her school, almost all of her colleagues were male teachers. After teaching for thirty eight years she had retired in January 2002. Ms Ghosh is in her late forties, and a daughter of the village. She had never married. She has a post-graduate degree in Bengali literature and a diploma in library science. In her school days she had been involved with extra-curricular activities such as music, drama, etc. She is now employed as a librarian in one of the local colleges, where most of her colleagues are men. With the example of these two ladies I would like to emphasize that a self-exclusion of these women from the

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panchayati raj is not due to lack of education, modern outlook or selfconfidence. It is due to something else, and that will be discussed in the concluding section. Finally, the meeting started with about two hundred men and three women. One of the three was an ICDS worker and the other two were her companions. In his introductory speech, Sharadindu emphasized the importance of mass participation in the panchayat activities. He encouraged the participants to demand development projects from the panchayat. He also reminded them that the projects should be reasonable. In the previous year’s gram sansad, villagers had demanded so many projects that, if all had to be completed, they would have required more than five years’ budget. After him, ten speakers, including the female ICDS worker, presented their demands. They demanded better road, more tap water connections, better drainage, improvement of the bus stand, etc.The female ICDS worker demanded repairing of the ICDS building. Ninety five percent of the attendants remained quiet. They, however, supported the demands of the speakers by clapping hands. After the meeting, Sharadindu told me that most likely, he would be able to fulfil all the demands for the year. To him, the meeting was quite a success. Eventually, K–41 received the second prize. Six months later (26 November 2002) I went to attend the following gram sansad meeting of K–41. Interestingly, it was cancelled due to lack of a minimum presence (that is, 10 per cent) of voters. The actual presence was only 1 per cent. No prize money was announced this time, and, also, this was the season of harvesting paddy and planting potato.

Case Study 3 From Sahapur gram sansad, Asima Kundu, the woman pradhan of H II won the panchayat elections in 1993 and 1998. This is the locality where she lives with her parental family. Out of 800 voters of the sansad, nearly 125 came to attend the gram sansad meeting. Among them only fifteen were women. Like other gram panchayats, H II invited all the voters by sending printed invitation letters. In addition, Ms Kundu personally invited as many voters as possible. The gram sansad meeting started around 5:30 in the afternoon.With her, the office secretary of Harinkhola II, Mr Ghosh, was also present to facilitate the meeting. At the request of Ms Kundu, Mr Ghosh gave an introductory speech to familiarize the

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attending villagers with the objectives and methods of participatory village development planning. The issue of village development was divided into six sub-issues, and those were development of (1) education, (2) health, (3) women, (4) small and cottage industry, (5) agriculture, irrigation and animal husbandry, and (6) infrastructure. To propose development strategies, six separate committees, each with five members, were formed from among the participants. Other participants were requested to submit specific development suggestions to the appropriate committees. The committees came up with too many demands, some of which were simply outrageous.Their demands included building a new health centre, constructing mini deep tube wells, etc. The plan did not say what they could do by themselves with the existing resources.

CONCLUSIONS In 1992, anticipating the forthcoming 73rd Constitutional amendment, the Left Front government revised the existing Panchayat Act and reserved seats for the SCs, STs and women, in each tier of the panchayat government. At present, after nearly a decade of reservation, a number of SCs and women leaders are found to be active in the PRIs of the area under study. When observations are superficial, the impact of the 73rd Constitutional amendment seems enormous. However, beyond such superficiality, the picture does not look so rosy. Many of these active members from the previously excluded categories play just a bureaucratic role, not the role of a leader. They cannot take major decisions by themselves, and simply follow the decisions made by others. Those who control them are usually some influential party members. The boundary between the panchayat and party is vague in these three gram panchayats. In many ways, the panchayat and the party act complementary to each other. In gram panchayats like these three, where the dominant political party of the region is strongly organized, a panchayat member, whether a pradhan or an ordinary member, may enjoy some freedom of decision making, only when he or she is powerful within the party. Otherwise, they would have to be satisfied just with bureaucratic roles. Many of those who are becoming panchayat members through reservation are not only less educated, less experienced, but also less acceptable to people as leaders. Such a phenomenon helps to consolidate power in the hands of extra-constitutional authorities, who

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prefer to pull strings from behind the curtain. Then, despite its objective of strengthening the grassroots democracy, the 73rd Constitutional amendment may have, unintentionally, strengthened the alleged tendency of the local panchayati raj to be transformed into a party raj. Between the two previously unprivileged categories, that is, the SCs and women, the former have achieved a relatively powerful position, compared to the latter, in the local political arena. However, the SCs’ achievements have their roots not in the 73rd Constitutional amendment, but in the coming of the Left Front to power in 1977.Their achievements are not only economic and political, but also socio-cultural. The credit should go to their association with CPM. The most prominent SC leader in the gram panchayats under investigation—Mr Asok Koley—is a product of the left politics, not of the 73rd Constitutional amendment. An emphasis on strengthening the rural poor’s position through barga registration, pattadan, increment of minimum wage, direct redistribution of assets through panchayat brought the SCs closer to the left parties and, consequently, elevated their economic, political and socio-cultural status to a relatively higher level. Yet, many of the SCs members at the gram panchayat level are poorly qualified to do the job. They were nominated simply to meet the constitutional obligation. Women’s attitude towards politics has not changed much during the rule of the Left Front. The issue of powerlessness of the lower class received far more attention by the party, while the issue of women’s powerlessness has been neglected. This may be due to an inherent weakness of the Marxist ideology itself. In Marx’s vision, the success of the class struggle would automatically remove the gender oppression through which women are exploited by men. It is true that CPM and the other left parties support seat reservation for women from gram panchayats up to the Lok Sabha. However, they do not follow the same principle to form the party organizations. As a consequence, from the Politburo at the top to the local committees at the bottom, women are severely under represented in the party organization. In the present committee of the CPM state secretaries of West Bengal, formed in April 2002, there are sixteen members, and all of them are men. Also, in the committee there is no SC or ST representative. It clearly shows that, at the higher level, the party organization is still dominated by upper caste men.The picture does not change much at the lower level. The Arambagh II LC (which is in charge of the party organizations at M II, H I and H II, along with a few other gram panchayats) has nearly twenty members. Only one of them is a woman, and two belong to the SCs.

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Although, both SCs and women are almost non-existent in the local committees, the grassroots situation further down is different for the two underprivileged groups. While ordinary SCs leaders, affiliated to the left parties, are easy to find in many of the gram sansads, politically active women leaders, however, are difficult to find. The current leadership of CPM and other left parties, although dominated by the upper castes, not only maintains close ties with the SC leadership at the grassroots, but also safeguards the interests of the SCs by attempting to protect the poor. And this is the difference between the current CPM leadership and the pre-1977 Congress leadership. The Congress leadership, led by the upper castes, not only ignored the SC interests, but also denied some basic rights to them. What prevents SCs and women from becoming members of the various influential committees of CPM, has not been investigated here because the issue remains beyond the scope of the present research. The gram sansad meetings suggest that the 73rd Constitutional amendment may have increased the number of active women members in the panchayats, but has certainly failed, in general, to attract women to participate in the activities of panchayati raj. Low attendance of women in gram sansads is a sure sign of this. The rural women in general try to avoid politics, viewing it as men’s domain. Consequently, the women of K–41, although some of them were highly educated, did not participate in discussions at the gram sansad. Shyamali Dhara does not wish to continue her career as a panchayat member because her active association with panchayat is hurting her chances of getting married. Asima Kundu can continue because she is long past the prime age of marriage. Interestingly, wives can contest in panchayat elections only when husbands and other in-laws allow them to do so. There is a widespread belief that women members are simply puppets in the hands of the more powerful family and party members. Those who overpower them are always men. Many pradhans, like Asima Kundu and ordinary panchayat members, are politically junior to the influential LC members. Is it possible for them to ignore the wishes of the senior party members? Perhaps not, and unless the powerful ones remain selfrestrained, or people start making decisions through mass participation, both of which are unlikely to occur soon. Gram sansad meetings express the weaknesses in people’s participation. After attending these meetings as an observer, one would come to the obvious conclusion that neither the gram panchayats nor their peoples are

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ready yet to prepare village development plans through mass involvement in gram sansads. The villagers perceive that the panchayati raj exists to fulfil their demands. And by fulfilling at least some of the demands, the resourceful panchayat members try to safeguard their own, as well as their party’s popularity. This attitude kills the ultimate purpose of the panchayati raj—self-governance through mass participation. At Nabasan East and West, the villagers’ presence was insignificant because they did not expect any benefit out of it. At the first meeting of K–41, official attendance was high because of the announced prize money. The full control over spending the proposed prize money was authorized to the gram sansad residents. Interestingly, at the same meeting, the development proposals for K-41 were supposed to be accepted to allocate the regular half-yearly budget of Rs 40,000. It did not provide enough inspiration to the residents to attend the gram sansad meeting in large numbers, and so the pradhan had to attract them by announcing the prize money. A lack of interest was, perhaps, due to the fact that the villagers viewed their participation would make no difference to the development of K–41. Moreover, the ultimate control over spending the regular budget lay with the gram panchayat, and not on the gram sansad itself. Consequently, the average villagers felt isolated from the decision making process of the gram panchayat. If the trend in the panchayati raj institutions of West Bengal is more or less similar to that of these three gram panchayats, then it can be asserted that without proper mass involvement, self-restraint of political parties and their leaders, the 73rd Constitutional amendment will remain virtually fruitless.

REFERENCES Bandyopadhyay, S. and D. von Eschen. 1996. ‘Electoral Communism and the Destruction of Co-operation’, in B.S. Baviskar and D.W. Attwood (eds), Finding the Middle Path: The Political Economy of Co-operation in Rural India. New Delhi:Vistaar Publication. Bhattacharya, M. 2002. Panchayati Raj in West Bengal. New Delhi: Manak Publications Private Ltd. Ghosh B. 2000. ‘West Bengal’, in Status of Panchayati Raj in the States and Union Territories of India, 2000. New Delhi: Institute of Social Sciences and Concept Publishing Company.

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Ghosh, Buddhdeb. 2000. ‘Land Reforms: Lessons from West Bengal’, in B.K. Sinha (ed.), Land Reforms in India: An Unfinished Agenda. New Delhi: Sage Publication. Kohli, A. 1987. The State and Poverty in India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kumar, G. and B. Ghosh. 1996. West Bengal Panchayat Elections 1993: A Study in Participation. New Delhi: Institute of Social Sciences and Concept Publishing Company. Kundu, M. 1993. ‘Finding a Common Model for Grassroots Economic and Environmental Development: A Study of Two Villages from West Bengal, India.’ An unpublished dissertation submitted to the University of California, Santa Barbara. U.S.A. Lieten, G.K. 1996. Development, Devolution, and Democracy: Village Discourses in West Bengal. New Delhi: Sage. Majumdar, Asok. 1993. Peasant Protest in Indian Politics. New Delhi: NIB Publisher. Singh, K.S. 1993. The Scheduled Castes. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Williams, Glyn. 1999. ‘Panchayati Raj and the Changing Micro-politics of West Bengal’, in Ben Rogally (ed.), Sonar Bangla? Agricultural Growth and Agrarian Change in West Bengal and Bangladesh. New Delhi: Sage.

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On the Floor and Behind the Veil: The Excluded in the Panchayati Raj in Haryana SR Ahlawat and Neerja Ahlawat

The present study was undertaken in Haryana state. The state is known to be less progressive in the field of panchayati raj. The first elections to panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) were held in 1994 with the introduction of four categories of seats: general or open and scheduled castes (SCs), separately for males and females. Since there is no tribe in Haryana, this special category was not included for the panchayat elections. In the panchayat elections of 2000, 1,978 women were elected as sarpanches of which 397 were SCs. Out of the 17,918 women elected as members of the panchayats, 3,851 belonged to the SCs.Thirty seven women were elected as chairpersons of panchayat samitis and out of them seven belonged to the SCs. Out of 806 panchayat samiti women members 161 belonged to the scheduled castes. Currently, there are only five women zilla parishad chairpersons, out of them one belongs to an SC. During the elections the main political parties, Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), Congress (I) and Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) were active. So far, two elections to PRIs (1994) and (2000) have been held. The main objective of the present study is to examine the extent to which the new provisions have enabled the hitherto excluded and underprivileged groups or categories, such as the SCs and women, to be included in the rural power structure. To what extent and in what way have they been empowered? And if not, what are the socio-economic factors for their exclusion? What is the response of the dominant

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communities to the inclusion and participation of excluded groups? Lastly, we propose to examine and explain the impact of these changes on the social structure and ethos of rural society at various levels. We studied three village panchayats in the same block and district. One panchayat headed by a woman, another headed by a sarpanch belonging to an SC, and the third panchayat had a sarpanch from the open or unreserved category. For the investigation we followed the method of participant observation.

THE SETTING We decided to study three panchayats in the Meham block of Rohtak district, which in our view is a fair representation of rural Haryana. In addition to the panchayats, we studied the functioning and composition of Meham block panchayat samiti and Rohtak zilla parishad. The three gram panchayats studied were (1) Balamba, with an SC sarpanch, (2) Kharkara, with a woman as the sarpanch and (3) Madina, with a male sarpanch from the general category.

Village Balamba Balamba is located at a distance of 30 km from Rohtak, towards the west, and lies on the national highway no. 10, connecting Delhi with Ferozpur in Punjab. It is a multi-caste village having a population of 19,760 people as per the 2001 census. The village is divided into four divisions (pannas). Each panna represents a village within the village (Lewis 1958), Balamba is the second largest village of Meham block and is divided into four panchayats. All four panchayats are reserved since 2001, with two having SC male sarpanches and two having women sarpanches from the general category. We studied Balamba Khas panchayat headed by a male SC sarpanch. During the household survey we noticed that a majority of the respondents did not know how many voters there were in their house.We obtained the voters list from the block development office for analyzing the caste composition and the number of households (Table 6.1). Around 87 per cent of the land is owned by the higher castes, mainly the Jats and

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the Brahmins. Among the backward castes in the village, only Khatis own land and a majority (around 96 per cent) of them are working as small farmers having less than 2.5 acres of land. All SC households are landless. Their main occupation is agricultural labour. The Chamars among the SCs are no more dependent on the landowners. During the fieldwork, it was observed that they had been able to achieve social mobility through education. Literacy, which among them was only 17 per cent in the year 1971, has risen to 43 per cent according to the 2001 census. This significant achievement has enabled them to shift from agricultural labour to government jobs, or other non-agricultural occupations. The other two communities among the SCs, namely, the Balmikis and the Sansis, having 103 and eighty two voters, respectively, did not achieve impressive occupational mobility. Literacy among them is less than 24 per cent. Table 6.1 Caste-wise Distribution of Voters in Balamba Village Sr. No.

Caste Hierarchy

Traditional Occupation

No. of Voters

No. of Households

Higher Caste 1. 2. 3.

Jats Brahmins Banias/Khatris (Aroras) Backward Castes 4. Khatis 5. Kumhars 6. Lohars 7. Chhipis 8. Nai Scheduled Castes 9. Chamar 10. 11.

Balmiki Sansi Total

Agriculture 1,667 (66.68) Agriculture/Priesthood 59 (2.36) Traders 48 (1.92)

504 (72.31) 12 (1.72) 8 (1.15)

Agriculture/Carpenter Potter Blacksmith Tailor Barber

263 (10.52) 21 (0.84) 26 (1.04) 14 (0.56) 28 (1.12)

47 4 4 2 5

(6.74) (0.57) (0.57) (0.29) (0.72)

Agricultural Labour/ Shoemaking Agricultural Labour Sheep rearing/ labour

189

60

(8.61)

(7.56)

103 (4.12) 82 (3.28) 2,500 (100.00)

32 (4.59) 19 (2.73) 697 (100.00)

Source: Field notes. Note: Figures in brackets represent percentage.

A survey of the households revealed that 66.68 per cent voters were from the dominant Jat caste. Among the backward castes, the Khatis

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(carpenters) dominated with 263 voters from forty seven households. One backward caste panch was elected unopposed from the Khati caste, in the 2000 panchayat elections, due to their numerical strength. The Chamars have sixty households with 189 voters. They are the dominant SCs. We tried to examine the relationship between various castes, the notion of untouchability, the political process of mobilization on caste lines and the emergence of a caste identity or the Dalit identity in all the three villages. Balamba experienced economic prosperity due to the green revolution. With the consolidation of land holdings, use of high yielding variety of seeds (HYV) and other inputs, the village as a whole experienced economic gains. It was not only the landowners who gained in this phase of agricultural development of the 1970s, but also the landless communities such as the traders (Banias) and the SCs. The trickle down effect was felt among all the sections of the village society (Bhalla 1974, Ahlawat 1988). It was only after the changes in the rural political economy that the Dalits could acquire a certain degree of autonomy, and began to assert themselves in village politics.

The Gram Panchayat in Balamba The gram panchayat elections of 1994 gave rise to factional politics of intense rivalry between the two pannas (divisions). Two candidates were put up, one by Buchain panna and the other by Mandian panna. The sarpanch post was reserved for a woman. Buchain panna was dominated by the Jats, Chamars and the Sansis, whereas the Mandian panna had a concentration of Jats, Brahmins, Balmikis and Khatis.The elections created tremendous bitterness between two pannas, and the old distrust and caste rivalry, between Jats and Brahmins, between Jats and Khatis, and within the SCs between Chamars and Balimiks turned into panna hostility. Both the pannas had Jats as the dominant caste, and the contesting candidates were also from the same caste. Therefore, it was not caste prestige but the honour of the panna which became the main issue during the elections. Ompati, an illiterate woman from Mandian panna, was elected sarpanch, defeating her rival from Buchain panna by a margin of eighty-nine votes. Buchain panna succeeded in getting ten members elected as panchs in the fourteen member panchayat. This gave Buchain panna the confidence of getting panchayat decisions in their favour. The atmosphere of hostility and distrust on a panna basis had an adverse impact on the functioning of the panchayat. Lewis (1958) has discussed

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panna factions as the basis for Jat dominated village politics. The panna factional gram panchayat politics created a crisis of legitimacy for the panchayat. The government officials took advantage of the situation and manipulated most of the decisions by taking the traditional panchayat into confidence. During the field work, it was observed that the traditional/customary panchayat known as ‘local panchayat’ is constituted by the elite Jat (the dominant caste) patriarchs (no women) and it has no legal standing, but draws its legitimacy from tradition. Ram Narayan, an eighty year old Dalit and a member of the gram panchayat said that the new legislation has created some space for the SCs and women in the gram panchayat, but the parallel centre of power, that is, the local panchayat and the government functionaries do not allow their participation in development programmes. ‘The higher caste members do not allow us to sit on the same cot in the gram sabha meetings,’ says Renwa, a Dalit member of the panchayat.The SCs panchayat members supported the woman sarpanch and, unitedly, voted against a no-confidence motion against her. For their support to the woman sarpanch, Mandian panna gave one acre of land for the Harijan chaupal.This donation of one acre of land by the landowners of Mandian Panna was a big gesture towards the Dalits for their support in the gram panchayat functioning. The panna faction politics over the gram panchayat, during 1994 to 1999, had far-reaching consequences for the village as a whole. During the March 2000 elections, it was not the panna politics but the SCs versus the higher castes. The post of sarpanch was reserved for a male SC member. Forgetting the panna factions, the Jats of both the pannas had a meeting to decide on a strategy. Each panna wanted its SCs candidate to be elected unopposed. Five meetings of the local panchayat were held during October 1999 to decide on a consensus candidate for the post of sarpanch. But, consensus could not be reached, and it was agreed not to project any candidate on either caste lines, or on panna basis. Ram Krishan an active member of the local panchayat commented on the decision saying, ‘the local panchayat members consisting of Jats and Brahmins realised their mistake of panna factional politics during the last five years of the panchayat’s tenure. The fight between the two pannas deprived us of any share in power. This time let there be a fight between the SCs.Why should we savarna Jatis (higher castes) fight? In any case, the power will go to the Dalits.’ The traditional panchayat decided to give a free hand to the SCs regarding the choice of their candidate for sarpanch. The Balamba gram panchayat is composed of fourteen panches (members)

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elected from various wards. Four women panchayat members were elected from the Jat caste and two from the Chamar caste (Table 6.2). Table 6.2 Caste-wise Distribution of the Elected Panchayat Members (2000–2005) Caste Jat Brahmin Bania Khati Kumhar Lohar Chamar Balmiki Sansi

Balamba 8(4F) 1 1 2(2F) 1 1

Kharkara 5(3F) 1 1 2 1 3(2F) 1(1F) -

Madina 8(3F) 2(1F) 1(1F) 1 3(2F) 2 -

Total 21(10F) 4(1F) 1 4(1F) 1 1 8(6F) 4(1F) 1

Total

14(6F)

14(6F)

17(7F)

45(19F)

Source: Panchayat records.

For the sarpanch elections, the fight was reported to be very tough between Dharma (Sansi) and the Daya Nand (Chamar). The villagers reported that each candidate spent around Rs 2 lakh for the prestigious post. The money lenders, mainly the Jat landowners, gave money to the contesting candidates and charged a very high interest rate, to the tune of 48 per cent per annum, four times higher than the market rate of interest. Both the candidates spent money on liquor and for around fifteen days both turned their houses into village bars. Free liquor offerings by the candidates eroded the notion of untouchability persisting between the higher castes and the SCs. Radhya Syami, a 50 year old villager reported that higher castes and SCs drank from the same glasses during elections, whereas they do not take water from the same earthern pot in their day to day life. During the panchayat elections, an atmosphere of festivity can be seen almost over the entire state. The villagers reported that the inflow of liquor assumed greater significance. The higher caste voters said, ‘Before the new panchayati raj reservation policy, we used to lure the SCs voters by offering liquor. Now, with the reservation for them, it will be their turn to repay us.’ There is a common saying in the entire Jat dominated areas, Jo pilaye Desi, Uski vote kaisi Jo pilaye Rum, Uski vote kum Jo pilaye Whiskey, Sabhi vote uski

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(He, who offers country liquor, no vote for him He, who offers rum, less votes for him He, who offers whiskey, all votes go for him) Political networking, during the panchayat elections, was confined to liquor offering. It played a major role for capturing the votes. Dayanand, a forty five year old from the SCs (Chamar) won the sarpanch election by a margin of 107 votes. He is an ex-serviceman, who had served in the army for twenty three years. The SCs and the backward caste villagers had many expectations from him regarding developmental work in their settlements. At the very first meeting of the gram sabha, which he called after fifteen days of his election, he constituted three committees. Committee one constituted of three women panchayat members from the Jat caste, headed by an SC woman panchayat member. Their task was to look after the welfare of the women in the village. The second committee constituted of five members, of which two were Jats, one Bania and one from the Sansi caste. The committee was headed by the village sarpanch to look after the village school and the village health centre. The third committee had five members led by a Khati caste gram panchayat member, three members from SCs and one from the Jat caste. Its main responsibility was to look after the construction work of the school building, village chaupal, etc. The formation of committees was perceived as the domination of the SC sarpanch over the claim to power by the dominant Jat caste. The eroding hereditary claim to power of the Jat dominant caste played a major role in bringing the two rival Jat panna factions together. The leaders of the two panna factions joined hands against the SC caste sarpanch. The Jat gram panchayat members wrote a letter to the Block Development Officer (BDO). They also asked the Bhola Nambardar to call the local panchayat meeting to discuss their poor representation in the three committees constituted by the sarpanch. The local panchayat members along with the BDO met the chief minister at the Meham rest house. The chief minister directed the BDO to constitute a village development Samiti (VDS), a parallel body, to subvert the panchayat power for all developmental work and, till then, no grant was to be released to the gram panchayat. The Jats (the dominant caste), who have traditionally been affluent and had monopoly over political power, could not digest the formation of the committees by the Dalit sarpanch, whose caste people still work in their fields for wages. This created hostility and distrust between the sarpanch and the Jat panchayat members. The relations between Dalit panchayat members and Jats came to a flash point

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when the Dalits objected to the interference of VDS members in the day to day functioning of the elected panchayat. Annoyed by their protest, Jagram, a Jat member of the panchayat, called a meeting of the higher caste panchayat members, and it was decided to ‘socially boycott’ the Dalit panchayat members. The Dalit panchayat members complained to the Deputy Commissioner-cum-Collector of Rohtak against the higher caste panchayat members decision of ‘social boycott’.The collector issued an office order against the ‘social boycott’ and directed the Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), Meham, to register a criminal case against the violators of the order.The district administration, the BDO and the DSP succeeded in bringing the two parties,that is, the higher caste panchayat members and the Dalit panchayat members to the negotiation table, and a deal was worked out that all the panchayat committees would be headed by Jat panchayat members.The Jat panchayat members agreed to lift their ‘social boycott’ of the Dalit members. During the fieldwork, we observed that the VDS has been purposely created by the state in order to bypass the statutory panchayat and, also, to rehabilitate the ruling party workers. The authority of the elected gram panchayat members has been marginalized by constituting the parallel centre of power in the name of VDS. In Balamba, the VDS was constituted by the local panchayat, consisting of Jat patriarchs, and state officials at the block level. It was formed to sideline the statutory panchayat headed by the SCs. The formation of VDS was never discussed in the gram sabha meetings. Signatures of the higher caste gram panchayat members, regarding their consent, were taken and the seven member VDS was constituted on 24 February 2001.The SC gram panchayat members along with the sarpanch reported the matter to the Deputy Commissioner (DC), at his office in Rohtak on 26 February 2001. But, due to pressure from the VDS members, who are active members of the ruling party, the DC did not take any action, and the VDS was shown to be a duly constituted body. The Jats combined with the state bureaucracy (BDO and others) to sideline the SC headed panchayat. The gram sabha is visualized as the main instrument in promoting the principle of people’s participation in planning and development. We observed that this has been negated in its actual functioning. The act stipulated that the gram sabha should meet four times in a year. Dayanand, the village sarpanch, and Ram Rati, a gram panchayat member, reported that due to infighting in the gram sabha meetings twice over the allotment of a village pond for fishing and the distribution of grain among the weaker sections, under the ‘food for work programme’, the Jat gram panchayat members, in connivance with the fish contractor and the BDO,

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insisted that these matters should be decided by the local panchayat or the VDS. On this issue the sarpanch pleaded that it cannot be entrusted to the local panchayat, and he postponed the meetings twice during 2001. In any stand-off between the local (traditional) and the statutory gram panchayat, the Jats want to assert their power through the local panchayat. Facing strong opposition from the dominant Jat caste and the government officials, the sarpanch, now, prefers not to call gram sabha meetings. He said that he was fed-up with the upper caste political domination through parallel institutions like the local panchayat and the VDS. On further inquiry, he elaborated that now he follows whatever directions come from the BDO or the VDS.The SC sarpanch is reconciled to compromise with Jats,VDS and government officers. Jats and the BDO are pocketing development funds.To survive in the village political structure dominated by the Jats, the sarpanch has compromised with the existing system and says that in the name of development work the VDS members and the BDO are pocketing the money. We took the list of developmental work undertaken by the VDS during the last two years (Table 6.3). Table 6.3 Developmental Works Undertaken by the Balamba VDS/Gram Panchayat during the Two Years (2000–2002) Sr. No.

Developmental Work

1. Brick lining of the streets 2. Construction of wall around the cremation ground 3. Construction of cow shed 4. Construction of two rooms in the school 5. Earth filling work at the girls’ school 6. Provision for latrines for the SCs 7. Provision for drinking water in the school 8. Potable drinking water 9. Cleaning and digging of the village pond 10. Repair of cattle ghat 11. Construction of water tank

12. Construction of primary health centre

Estimated Cost (in Rs)

Remarks, if Any

150,000 20,000 25,000 90,000 350,000 130,000 40,000 70,000 (grain) estimated at 2,00,000 10,000 2,500,000 Chief Minister’s grant through DRDA* 2,700,000 Chief Minister’s grant through DRDA

Source: Panchayat Records. Note: *DRDA is the district rural development agency.

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On our checking the development work undertaken by the VDS it was very surprising that only two construction works out of the twelve undertaken by them are completed because they were entrusted to the DRDA, said Parkash, the 29 year old junior engineer, working in BDO office at Meham. He was vocal in stating that 70 per cent of the development works allotted for 2000 have been completed.We ascertained the facts regarding the developmental works from the villagers themselves. Sewa Singh, thirty-five years old school teacher showed me two rooms without a roof, and the VDS members claimed that they were complete. Potable water is not available in the village. It was a shocking experience that in the name of rural development, VDS members along with the officials from the BDO office are looting public funds.

Village Kharkara Kharkara is situated on the main national highway no. 10, about 4 km from Balamba village. It is a relatively small village, having 374 households consisting of 1,558 voters. It is a multi-caste village having 9,380 people as per the 2001 census. The land is mainly owned by the Jats, Brahmins and the Khatis. Around 80 per cent of the land is owned by the Jats. Among the landowners around 76.3 per cent own less than 7 acres of land, and around 23 per cent are having less than 2.5 acres (Patwari Records, 2001). During the field work it was realised that the non-availability of jobs, apart from the agricultural sector, is the major factor for the agrarian crisis. Ram Phal Singh, an elderly man of eighty years, said, ‘Land is not rubber which can be stretched, that is, it can’t be asked to produce more and more and feed more and more people.’ ‘With limited production, and the dependence of people on land, the increasing population pressure,’ he said, ‘is the cause of all rural ills.’ Like Balamba village, Kharkara also experienced the green revolution. All sections of the village community gained substantially through the trickle down effect in the 1970s. ‘Two castes were the main beneficiaries, the Jats among the landowners and the Chamars among the SCs, due to the green revolution,’ said Ram Parshad, a trained agricultural scientist from this village. Traditionally, Chamars were working in agriculture as permanent labourers or attached labour, in the form of Siris, whose term of contract was one-fifth of the agricultural produce. The sheer hard labour by the Jat peasants and the

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Chamar agricultural labourers improved their economic conditions.With economic prosperity, they were able to get education. Literacy was as low as 18 per cent during 1971 census, which rose to 59 per cent in the 2001 census. Literacy among the SCs was only 5 per cent in the 1971 census, which rose to 51 per cent in the 2001 census. Table 6.4 Caste-wise Distribution of Voters in Kharkara Village Sr. No. Caste Hierarchy Higher Castes 1. Jats 2. Brahmins 3. Banias/Khatris (Aroras) Backward Castes 4. Khatis 5. Kumhars 6. Lohars 7. Nai 8. Chhipis Scheduled Castes 9. Chamar 10. Balmiki

Traditional Occupation

No. of Voters

No. of Households

Agriculture/Govt jobs Agriculture/Priestly work Traders, petty shop keepers

903(57.96) 174(11.17) 33(2.11)

261(69.79) 27(7.22) 7(1.87)

Agriculture/Carpenter Potters, agricultural labour Blacksmith Barber Tailor

99(6.35) 19(1.22) 23(1.48) 19(1.22) 16(1.03)

18(4.81) 3(0.80) 3(0.80) 4(1.07) 4(1.07)

168(10.78)

28(7.49)

104(6.67)

19(5.08)

1,558(99.99)

374(100.00)

Shoemaking and nonagricultural occupations Agricultural labour and sweeping

Total Source: Field notes. Note: Figures in brackets represent percentage.

According to the 2001 census, 38.7 per cent of the SCs have attained education up to matriculation. Unlike in the past, 93 per cent of the Chamar households are not working in agriculture, or as agricultural labour. As has been the case with much of Rohtak district, the Dalits of Kharkara too have dissociated themselves from their traditional casterelated occupations, and they even avoid working for Jat farmers on the land. Their diversification into non-farm activities has also brought some prosperity and economic independence. They have been able to construct pucca houses with hand-pumps and modern toilets, an undreamt of luxury in earlier times. Earlier, the Dalits lived in almost ghetto-like conditions outside the main village. There were no drainage facilities, and dirty water and other effluents would just collect on the lanes alongside their houses.

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The Dalit consciousness does not arise in a vacuum. It is only when they achieve some upward mobility that they feel that they must also get an equal share in the resources provided by the State. This fact is amply demonstrated by Jodhka (2006) in the case of Punjab and Sudha Pai (2001) in the case of Uttar Pradesh. A household survey among the Jats revealed that on an average at least one family member is engaged in a government job. Out of the government jobs, a majority of them are engaged as school teachers. Godhu Ram, 70 years old, ex-block samiti chairperson said, ‘A working woman is most preferred as a bride.’ He further said that the employment of women in government jobs takes care of the whole generation. On the contrary we observed women’s engagement in government jobs is only 1.5 per cent; a majority of them, that is, 56.3 per cent are engaged in agricultural and its allied tasks. It would not be wrong if one suggests that Haryana’s agricultural development and prosperity is due to the hard labour of women. They are the ones who take care of major agricultural operations, besides dairying and household chores (Bhalla, S. 1981; Ahlawat 1999).

Kharkara Panchayat The relationship between the Jats and Brahmins along with Khatis (a backward caste) in Kharkara is marked by a subtle distrust and rivalry, and sometimes open hostility.Though landholding concentration is more among the Jats and also they constitute greater number of households in the village, ritually Brahmins consider themselves as upper caste on the basis of purity and pollution and for the Khatis Brahmins are the reference group in the process of sanskritization (Srinivas, 1962). The Khati caste group prefers to call itself Jangra Pandits in Haryana and Ramgarias in Punjab. The emergence of middle ranked Jat caste as dominant caste by virtue of its domination in economy and polity of Haryana is a post independence phenomenon (D’Souza, 1983; Jodhka, 2000). The gram panchayat elections of 1994 gave indications of the intense rivalry between the Jats and the Brahmin-Khati combine. Traditionally, the majority of Jats voted for the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) and the Brahmins and Khatis were Congress supporters.The SCS in Kharkara traditionally voted for the Congress in the Lok Sabha and the state assembly elections. Traditionally, at the panchayat level, the Chamars used to support the Brahmin-Khati combine faction and the Balmikis used to support the Jats. Jai Bhagwan Singh, a thirty five year old Jat, won the election for the post of sarpanch, and as many as eight gram panchayat

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members got elected from the Brahmin panel, in which two members were from Khati caste and three from the SCs, of which two were women candidates. Three gram panchayat members who got elected were from the Brahmin caste. While speaking on the functioning of the gram panchayat during the period 1994–1995, Saba Singh, sixty year old active member of the Kharkara panchayat, said that the then sarpanch, Jai Bhagwan, never called the mandatory gram sabha meetings, but the required paper work was taken care of by the BDO, on the instructions of the local MLA. We enquired from the villagers regarding the functioning of panchayati raj and it was revealed by 73 per cent respondents that they perceived the panchayat as the private ‘corporation’ of the local Congress MLA, during its tenure from 1994–1999. The events during the previous gram panchayat had far-reaching consequences for the village as a whole; no development work was undertaken on participatory basis, that is, by taking the gram sabha or the local panchayat into confidence. On paper, we found that around Rs 35 lakh was spent on village development work, but in reality most of the money spent was shown in work like earthwork, tree plantation, etc. This was reported by an enquiry team constituted by the Deputy Commissioner regarding the use of grants given to the gram panchayat. To our surprise it was mentioned in the report that all the trees and earthwork got eroded due to heavy rainfall. The sarpanch and the gram panchayat members were so corrupt that the entire village lost confidence in them and strongly opined that gram panchayat is meant to make money out of grants given by the government. Radhey Sham, thirty six years old and a Jat member of the current gram panchayat, said: ‘If the government stops grants the PRIs would function in a better way by encouraging voluntarism which used to be there before the new Act came into force.’ He further stated that due to grants by the government the post of sarpanch or the membership in gram panchayat has become very lucrative. The Kharkara panchayat’s sarpanch post was reserved for a woman in the 2000 panchayat elections.There was no hostility or resentment against the reservation of the seat of sarpanch or for the gram panchayat members. Both the politically dominant caste groups, the Jats and the Brahmins, accepted this as it was beyond their power to alter. The two dominating political factions, therefore, followed the strategy of manipulating the situation to safeguard their own interests. The Brahmins decided to support the Jat woman candidate.This decision of the Brahmins alienated the Khatis who were traditionally supporting the Brahmins in the village

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power structure. The Khati faction along with a few Dalit voters were still with the ex-sarpanch, whose wife Krishna Devi was accepted as their faction’s candidate for the post of sarpanch. The atmosphere of hostility and distrust created during the 1994 elections between the two dominant factions turned into bitterness towards the ex-sarpanch, who belonged to the Krishna Devi faction.The Brahmin faction joined the Jat faction with the firm determination of teaching the ex-sarpanch a lesson. Raj Kaur, a thirty seven year old Jat woman, won the election by a huge margin of 730 votes. The coming of Jat and Brahmin factions together paved the way of friendship between these two caste groups who were traditionally hostile towards each other. Kharkara gram panchayat has fourteen elected members, of which six are women, three from the SCs and three from the Jats. Contesting the elections in the general category three backward caste candidates were elected as members, of whom one is a Lohar, and the other two belong to the Khati caste (Table 6.2). Raj Kaur, the elected sarpanch of Kharkara, is a matriculate. She said, ‘Due to my educational background, the local panchayat, in its meeting, decided to field me for the post of sarpanch.’ Regarding the village politics, she elaborated that at the very first meeting of the gram sabha, the village elders, who matter in the village politics, expected me not to intervene in the meeting and sit in one corner and leave everything for them to decide. She said that presiding over the gram sabha by a woman was the first of its kind experience of the village. She further stressed that though she is an elected sarpanch, she still behaves as a bahu (daughterin-law) of the village. She never hesitated to tackle and solve issues of women’s interest. On being asked how she felt being a woman sarpanch of the village, she replied that now she has got the power and official status, which is very important and provides a platform to solve various problems related to development at the village level. The government has done a great service by giving 33 per cent reservations to women. An interesting observation was that she, being from dominant Jat caste, had found herself in an advantageous position. No man could defy her. Lower caste men never questioned or raised their voice in her presence. She considered herself fortunate that she came from the Jat caste, and has overall control on the affairs of panchayat. At the same time, she knew the fact that her counterparts in the lower castes are not that lucky, and that they have to succumb to various pressures from the upper castes. They do not enjoy their new found status and cannot take decisions independently.

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As regards the conduct and schedule of the gram sabha meetings, it was observed that, though most of the meetings were held on time, sometimes, if some government official did not keep up the date, they were cancelled at the last minute. The lack of communication between the gram panchayat office and other officials at the block level and zilla parishad is the main hindrance as reported by the sarpanch. She said, ‘I take extra care that necessary information regarding the scheduled meetings of gram sabha reach the concerned personnel. But sometimes due to lack of communication meetings cannot be held on time.’ In the gram sabha meeting held in February 2002, sarpanch Raj Kaur put forward three proposals. She proposed to consider free school uniforms for the poor girls, a payment of Rs 1,000 to expectant mothers for meeting the delivery expenses and that the village should honour the widow of the Kargil hero, by presenting a cheque of Rs 2 lakh from the fund. It was adopted by the gram sabha and Rs 3 lakh were sanctioned for this purpose (Table 6.5). This proposal was welcomed by the majority of womenfolk. Seema Devi, a forty-five year old agricultural labour from the Balmiki caste, received Rs 1,000 from the sarpanch for meeting her delivery expenses. Paying tribute to the village panchayat, she equated the woman sarpanch with a goddess (devi) and said that it was for the first time in her life that she had got monetary help from the panchayat. Other developmental works were entrusted to the VDS, of which Raj Kaur’s husband was a member. Table 6.5 Developmental Works Undertaken by the Kharkara VDS/Gram Panchayat during the Two Years (2000–2002) Sr. No. Developmental Work 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Repair of the chaupals Construction of school wall Earth filling work Drainage paving Digging of village pond Development of war heroes park Free school dress to poor girls Provision for smokeless chulhas Aid to war widows Check dam Water tank repair Construction of houses for SCs Aid to expectant mothers Cleaning of streets

Source: Panchayat office records.

Estimated Cost (in Rs) 20,000 60,000 200,000 60,000 Rs 105,000 (Grain) 105,000 50,000 20,000 2,00,000 110,000 30,000 600,000 50,000 40,000

Remarks, if Any

GP Fund GP Fund

GP fund

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The development work undertaken by the VDS was examined and we observed that there was a long list of developmental works undertaken by the VDS during the last two years. When specific questions were raised regarding the priorities of the tasks, the sarpanch stressed on the need for improving the infrastructure in the school. If there is a building, then there are no chairs, benches, or blackboards and chalks. The position of health centres is similar. Pregnant women do not have access to adequate healthcare in the village. Although Rs 1,000 is being given to them from the panchayat’s resources, in times of distress, they are shifted to some nearby private hospitals, often run by quacks, where the quality of services is deplorable and there is no surety of survival. ‘Everything is left to God’ (Sab Ram bharose hai), as one villager commented. General health services, hygienic surroundings, clean drinking water, electricity supply, pucca roads are some of the other important necessities, which were stressed by the sarpanch. No doubt, the sarpanch, herself being a woman, was more sensitive to the needs of the people, especially women and small children. Her confidence, articulation and straightforwardness was seen and appreciated while interacting with her. She was able to communicate with other officials and present the problems faced by villagers in an efficient and constructive manner. Being optimistic in outlook she pointed out, ‘I have got the chance to set the things right and it is a very good opportunity. I do have difficulties in solving many of the problems due to lack of understanding, communication and information, but even then I always feel I am doing better than many of my male counterparts. At least, I am spending every government penny on the development of my village and not on myself or my family.’ Such revelations are relevant, especially in a situation where we do not have a history of women’s empowerment. It seems that the new beginning, where women are learning to show their potential to fight an unjust social order, is emerging as the result of their participation in panchayats. Apart from interacting with the sarpanch, a Dalit woman gram panchayat member was also interviewed. Ruldi Rani is thirty one years old and illiterate. Both husband and wife work as farm labourers and have two sons and one daughter in the range of six to thirteen years. She was asked, how she felt on becoming a member of the panchayat? Though initially reluctant, she came out with a significant observation. She stated,‘I am very proud to be a panchayat member. I could never think of it before. But since I was asked to contest and people voted for me, I am here as member’.

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At the same time, she was also aware of her social handicap. She is illiterate and belongs to the SCs. All this makes her vulnerable, and she cannot air her opinions and feelings strongly. She further stated that when one is not from the dominant caste then the task is not easy. Rather, one has to face a lot of hardships. Higher caste groups never accept a low caste panchayat member or sarpanch. What agonized Ruldi Rani most was the fact that though constitutionally, being at par with other caste groups, no discrimination should take place against SCs, but in social living untouchability is practised at all levels. Dalit gram panchayat members are asked to sit on the floor, away from other higher caste members. They are not allowed to drink water from the same pot. Not only this. When some serious discussions are taking place regarding some village issues, their opinions and feelings are ignored by saying ‘What does she know about the village?’ However, her positive attitude towards society and fellow beings makes her hopeful that things will change with time. She is the first Dalit woman member of panchayat of her village. For this, she is thankful to the government for the reservation policy without which a woman, and that also from the SCs, could not even dream of working with male members of higher castes in an elected body. Obviously, in spite of hurdles and hindrances, Ruldi Devi is a living example of a Dalit woman member who has the courage and confidence to work in difficult situations. She is fully aware of the value of education. She never forgets to highlight the importance of educating children in panchayat meetings or informal conversation groups. During the field work it was observed that the prevalence of veil (purdah) is found among the elected women sarpanch or panchayat members in the same spirit and intensity as it is observed among the other women of the village across caste and class lines. In the gram sabha meetings one could notice women panchayat members observing purdah while sitting together in a corner. We enquired about this practice from the sarpanch of the village. She stated, ‘This practice is not a matter of preference or non-preference. This has been practised over the ages. Though, we want to get rid of this, yet, we are unable to do it because whenever there is any violation of purdah, the negative sanctions are used by the village elders.’ Some significant observations were also made during group discussions with gram sabha members regarding the efficiency of panchayats, development tasks undertaken by the panchayats and various problems faced by them, especially by women. In one such meeting, while issues of common interests were being discussed like price rise, indebtedness, eve teasing, rape, etc., certain startling remarks were made by some women.

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Though, these are not directly linked with panchayat functioning, but such observations do show the magnitude of problems women are facing. One of them pointed out that we talk about those problems which are openly discussed, but what is not openly discussed, admitted or recognized is the extent of domestic violence that every third woman in this village is bearing. She further said, ‘I know that I am not safe outside my home, but what to do when I am not safe inside my home in the presence of my own kith and kin.’ On hearing this many women who had gathered there to attend the meeting supported her and came out with their own pathetic cases of beating, sexual abuse, verbal and mental torturing by their men folk. Men resort to violence even on the smallest pretext. Wife beating is a routine affair. One woman narrated, ‘My mother-in-law provokes her son against me every time he comes home in the evening, and he in turn, in order to please her, starts kicking me with blows till I start bleeding. This had reduced me into a mental wreck.’ Several such cases of domestic violence were reported by women and this issue was discussed at length with the woman sarpanch, who herself admitted the wide prevalence of domestic violence. She further stated, ‘Domestic violence is taken as someone’s personal affair. No doubt I try to solve their problems, but I alone cannot do much about it, unless and until women themselves unite and fight against it.’ The overall analysis highlights some interesting observations. The higher caste PRI members had greater acceptance among village people and, therefore, had less problems as compared to their counterparts belonging to lower castes. A significant aspect that came to light was that all the women, whether sarpanch or members, stressed upon those issues which are of immediate concern, for example, lack of healthcare facilities especially for women and children, declining standards of college and schools, problem of drinking water, irregular electricity supply, unclean surroundings and no toilets in the houses. The woman sarpanch and members knew quite well that they have got a very good opportunity to solve the problems of the village. At least, they have some platform to raise their voice.

Village Madina Madina is located on the main national highway no. 10 about 15 km from Rohtak, towards Hissar. It is a very large village, divided into two panchayats with a population of 20,300 inhabitants, as per the 2001

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census. Like the other two villages, it is also a multi-caste village. The village panchayat is led by a sarpanch from the general category. There are 522 households comprising of 2,505 voters. Among the voters, Jats were 1,447 having 306 households, followed by 230 voters and forty two households among the Brahmins from the higher castes. There are thirty seven households among Khatis with 181 voters, the highest number from the backward castes. There are 104 households and 493 voters among the SCs. Like in the other two villages, Chamar caste voters and households outnumber the other two SCs. There are 267 voters from fifty three Chamar caste households, followed by 202 voters from forty four Balmiki households, and twenty six voters from five Sansi households (Table 6). Most of the land in Madina village is owned by the Jats, Brahmins and the Khatis. Around 82 per cent of the land is owned by the Jats. The land ownership pattern suggests that 27 per cent peasants have less than 2.5 acres, 39 per cent have between 2.5 to 5 acres, 15 per cent owned land between 5 to 7.5 acres, 17 per cent had between 7.5 to 15 acres and only two per cent owned over 15 acres of land (Village Patwari Records, 2001). Table 6.6 Caste-wise Distribution of Voters in Madina Village Sr. No.

Caste Hierarchy

Higher Castes 1. Jats 2. Brahmins 3. Banias/Khatris (Aroras) Backward Castes 4. Khatis 5. Kumhars 6. Lohars 7. Chhipis 8. Nai 9. Maniyar Scheduled Castes 10. Chamar

Traditional Occupation

No. of Households

No. of Voters

Agriculture Agriculture Traders

306(58.62) 42(8.05) 07(1.34)

1,447(57.76) 230(9.18) 38(1.52)

Agriculture/ Carpenter Pot making Blacksmith Tailor Barber Banglewala

37(7.09)

181(7.22)

08(1.53) 06(1.15) 05(0.96) 06(1.15) 03(0.57)

14(0.57) 35(1.40) 21(0.84) 17(0.68) 14(0.56)

53(10.15)

267(8.06)

Agricultural Labour Shoemaking

(Table 6.6 Contd.)

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(Table 6.6 Contd.) Sr. No.

Caste Hierarchy

11.

Balmiki

12.

Sansi

Traditional Occupation Agricultural Labour, and Sweeping Sheep rearing, labour

Total

No. of Households

No. of Voters

44(8.43)

202(8.06)

05(0.96)

26(1.04)

522(100.00)

2,505(100.00)

Source: Field notes. Note: Figures in brackets represent percentage.

Gram Panchayat in Madina The relationship between the dominant Jat caste and Brahmins is not marked by any distrust or rivalry. Brahmins have more or less accepted the domination of the Jats due to their greater numerical strength, greater land ownership and social status. The Brahmins have accepted the Jats as their jajmans due to their domination in the socio-economic and political sphere. Hostility arises when the dominant caste groups are more or less balanced in terms of numerical strength, land ownership and social status (Lewis, 1958). One can hear villagers of both the caste groups, that is, the Jats and Brahmins talking against the SCs, and particularly against the Chamars. The upward mobility of the Chamar caste is perceived as a threat against their hegemony (Beteille, 2000). The agricultural labourers, a majority of SCs, revealed that they do not work in the fields at the will of the landlords but freely bargain for wages as per the nature of work.The traditional paternalistic relations no more exist between the land owners and agricultural labourers or the SCs.They have been replaced by masterservant contractual relations. Sheila Bhalla (1981) calls it as the emergence of capitalistic relations of ‘master and naukar’ in rural Haryana. Two factions emerged among Jats during the elections; one led by the local MLA and revenue minister, and the other faction was led by Sunil Kumar, a patron of Ch. Devi Lal’s Lok Dal Party and, also, husband of Shankuntala Devi. Madan Lal, forty three years old, a blacksmith, said, ‘It was not the sarpanch election, but the two big political party leaders were fighting against each other, that is, Anand Singh Dangi, of the Congress, and Sunil Kumar, of the Lok Dal. Their prestige was at stake.’ He, further, elaborated that leaders like Bhajan Lal, Devi Lal, Hukam Singh, etc., came to the village for canvassing. Anaro Devi, sixty years old, a Dalit woman, said that for the first time in her life she was offered Rs 500 for voting in

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favour of a particular candidate. Hari Chand, an eighty year old ex-school teacher, was of the view that the panchayat elections of 1994 was the turning point in the village. Distrust and the rivalry between the two Jat factions (the Congress Jat faction, which was supported by the Brahmins, Khatis and the Chamars, and the other the Lok Dal Jat faction supported by a majority of Jats, Banias, Lohars and Balmikis) intensified to such an extent that for the first time there was a nearly complete break down of social intercourse between the two factions. When the elections to panchayat approached in November 1999, the local panchayat called the meeting of the entire village for a consensus candidate. Not reaching a consensus among the voters in the meeting, two panels of candidates were put up, one by Kartar Singh, from the Anand Singh Dangi faction, and the other led by Sunil Kumar himself. Since the chairpersonship of Meham panchayat samiti was reserved for an SC candidate, Sunil Kumar, who was Chairman of the block samiti during the period 1994 to 1999, shifted from the block politics of the panchayat samiti to the gram panchayat politics of Madina village. He won the sarpanch election by a margin of ninety votes. Of the seventeen gram panchayat members elected, eight members were from the dominant Jat caste, of which three were women. Two illiterate women, aged 60 to 65 years, were elected from the SC ward along with two male SC members. One woman each, from the brahmin and Khati caste, got elected. For the first time in the history of the Madina gram panchayat, a Kumhar caste member got elected (Table 6.2). He contested the elections purely on the support of the Sunil Kumar faction, and was able to get as many as 130 votes, the highest among the elected members. Discussing the gram panchayat functioning with Sunil Kumar, the village sarpanch, thirty five years old, educated upto matriculation, it was revealed that he became very popular among the villagers due to his guts in swimming against the current. During his block panchayat samiti’s chairpersonship tenure, and also during the current sarpanchship, he functioned as a strong opponent of the ruling party. The ruling party, he stated, created problems through the government officials, like denial of government grant for development, or stopping the electricity supply of his panna, etc. He said, ‘I faced every challenge due to my voters’ support.’ The local panchayat and the elected gram panchayat meets, at least once a month, to discuss issues like construction work, auction of panchayat land, fund raising for common causes, settling disputes, monitoring of the school, etc. He said that in the gram sabha meetings, the villagers discuss, negotiate and arrive at consensus on issues of common concern. The mandatory gram sabha meetings, which he termed as the sarkari meetings,

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where issues are discussed are called by giving at least a fifteen-day notice to the members. We noticed while attending the gram sabha meeting that the sarpanch, in connivance with the local panchayat, has evolved a mechanism whereby all developmental work, which are government aided, are entrusted to the VDS. Whenever any issue pertaining to the government grant is announced by the Education and Panchayat Officer, the standard formulated practice is time and again repeated as ‘sarkari kam VDS ka naam’. All government works were entrusted to the VDS. The traditional panchayat nominated two women gram panchayat members to the VDS, which was mandatory, and nominated the sarpanch as its chairperson. Two active workers of the ruling party (INLD) were nominated as the members of the VDS. Further, it was observed that the local panchayat, along with the gram panchayat, have evolved a mechanism that the VDS is always projected as an agency to fetch government grants. Ram Parkash, fifty-one years old, an active member of the gram sabha, said, ‘the job of the VDS is to work independently for getting the governmental grants for the village and to keep good co-ordination with the panchayati raj technical staff who monitor the work.’ We observed that in one of the gram sabha meetings, the sarpanch invited the Deputy Commissioner, Rohtak, to show the work done in Madina village. Table 6.7 lists works undertaken by the panchayat during the last two years. Table 6.7 Developmental Works Undertaken by the Madina VDS/Gram Panchayat during the Two Years (2000–2002) Sr. No.

Developmental Works

Estimated Cost (in Rs)

1.

Repairing the platform in the grain market Earthwork in the school Provision for drinking water in both the schools Construction of Harijan chaupal Playground and stadium construction

50,000

2. 3. 4. 5.

6. 7.

Water tank construction for potable water Dam, earthwork around the village

8.

Pond cleaning

Source: Field notes.

Remarks, if Any

200,000 150,000 230,000 2,700,000

3,200,000 Nil 200,000

Half the money was collected from the village by panchayat DRDA Grant Voluntary work done by villagers Under food for work programme

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The positive aspect of development observed here is that the gram panchayat and the local panchayat executed some developmental works on a participatory basis. This was missing in the other two study villages. One worker from every household worked without wages on the ring dam around the village settlement for fifteen days along with the local panchayat members and the gram panchayat. It was a collective work which the villagers undertook, despite the rivalry between the two dominant political factions in the village. All the castes participated with a strong sense of collective interest, which acted as a silver lining in the process of rural development. Sunil Kumar, the sarpanch said, ‘we have to learn how to live without government support in the shape of grants.The government grants have made the panchayats parasites, and corruption regarding funds is reported daily.’ Ram Singh, twenty seven years old and a member of the gram panchayat, says that their panchayat led by the sarpanch keeps itself away from the grants related works, which the gram sabha through its resolution has entrusted to the VDS. Another remarkable feature of the self help concept of rural development which was observed in Madina village was initiated by the gram panchayat. Construction of a sports stadium was undertaken last year with an estimated cost of Rs 27 lakh for which the gram panchayat collected Rs 13.5 lakh from the village. Sarpanch Sunil Kumar organized door to door meetings with the villagers to raise funds.They were able to collect the required amount as the state government would sanction an equal amount as matching grant. The collected amount of Rs 13.5 lakhs was deposited with the DRDA office, who directed the panchayati raj technical staff to get the stadium constructed. The gram panchayat played the role of accelerator in motivating the villagers for collective work on self help basis. Block Panchayat Samiti

The block panchayat samiti is located at Meham, the block town. It has a building of its own, near the Bhani Bharu road on the national highway. The chief executive is the BDO whose office is in the same building. There are twenty four members, including the chairperson and deputy chairperson of the panchayat samiti. Of the total twenty four members, nine are women and three of them belong to SCs. The chairperson and two male members elected to the panchayat samiti belong to Chamar caste and two are from Dhanak caste, the two dominant castes among the SCs. Eleven members including the deputy chairperson belong to

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the dominant Jat caste. As in the village panchayats, the panchayat samiti and zilla parishad elections are not held on political party basis. Seventeen panchayat samiti members reported that they were active members of the ruling ‘INLD’ party before they got elected. Five members belonged to the Congress and two SC members belonged to the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). Congress and BSP members always take an opposite stand to INLD members. Unlike the village panchayats, the panchayat samiti members are young. Another difference between them is the educational level. Ninety three per cent of the panchayat samiti members are literate, of them 67 per cent are graduates and above, 38 per cent have studied up to matriculation and only 7 per cent were illiterate, whereas 24 per cent of the gram panchayat members were illiterate, 51 per cent had attained education up to primary level, 10 per cent up to middle level and 15 per cent have studied up to matriculation and above. We, further, observed that the majority of the educated unemployed youth is attracted towards the panchayat samiti. Majority of the members of the Meham panchayat samiti were in search of government jobs; around 71 per cent mentioned that they were in search of some government job. On the question of people’s response to the process of inclusion of excluded communities or categories of SCs and women in the PRIs, we noticed that the Jats and the Brahmin voters in Meham block showed resentment against reservation of seats for the Dalits and women.A majority of them (around 87 per cent) were of the opinion that in the coming years ‘the upper castes would be pushed to the status of untouchables, if government continues to give more and more privileges to the Dalits.’ The upper caste respondents gave their views only when they were taken into confidence that the researcher also belonged to the same caste. Tara Chand, a sixty year old rich Jat peasant, said,‘Without higher caste support no SCs gram panchayat member or the block samiti member including women can function efficiently. The SCs members should abide by the local panchayat decision at the village level and khap panchayat at the block and district level.’ He further said, ‘How can we allow the SCs to sit with us on the same cots and decide the village affairs’? He is a strong supporter of the traditional power structure. Regarding women’s participation, he said, ‘How can our daughters or daughters-in-law enter the village chaupal where only males are allowed?’ We exchanged the views of Tara Chand with Shakuntala, the exsarpanch of Madina and present member of the panchayat samiti, regarding

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the inclusion of SCs and women in the PRIs. She boldly argued,‘Hitherto, a woman was treated as a commodity and for the first time she had got the chance to participate in the PRIs.Women, themselves, must fight for their rights.’ She is very critical of women panchayat samiti members who do not participate in the meetings, rather, they send their husbands as a proxy. She said that when she was the sarpanch the proxy phenomenon was not allowed. She never allowed the kin of the women panchayat members to attend the meetings as proxies. Though many villagers criticised it, but, after two to three years, the women members themselves told me that they are thankful to her for shedding their inhibition of sitting along with men folk. Now also, she said, during her presence no proxy attendance takes place in the panchayat samiti meetings. Regarding the functioning of the panchayat samiti, she said, ‘On paper, the panchayat samiti is supposed to play a key role in formulating the policies regarding poverty alleviation, public distribution, primary education, agriculture, etc., but, in reality, the list of priorities and grants is supplied by the deputy commissioner to the BDO.’ ‘It is taken for granted that the panchayat samiti members would follow the dictates of the district officials because the majority of panchayat samiti members are INLD supporters, and support the government decisions. In fact, most of the grants for development works are announced by the chief minister during his Sarkar Aap Ke Dwar (government at your doorstep),’ she said. We procured the list of grants announced by the chief minister at Meham for development work (Table 6.8) to be executed in fifteen villages during 2002. Apart from the chief minister’s grant, the BDO claimed that Rs 5 crores and 28 lakhs were spent during 2001 for the development work in twenty four villages in Meham block. For development work in fifteen villages, Shakuntala Devi said that the BDO never discussed the grant demarcated for the development work with the panchayat samiti members. We observed during field work that in the evenings the BDO office is turned into a bar, where sarpanches,VDS members and panchayat samiti members are served liquor freely by the panchayati raj technical staff. The monetary burden of the liquor feast is shared by the contractors who do not mind spending some money for pocketing the major share in developmental works, said Rohtas, a twenty seven year old sarpanch of Bedwa village.

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Name of Panchayat Ajab Bhaini chanderpal Bedwa Bhaini Bharu Bhaini Maharajpur Bhaini Mata Bhaini Surjanpur Bharan Seikhpur tetri Farmana Ganganagar Krishangarh Mokhra Khas Muradpur Takana Madina Total

Grant Released 90,000 171,000 131,000 557,000 334,000 271,000 199, 000 90, 000 282, 000 172, 000 290, 000 273, 000 500, 000 130, 000 270, 000 3,500,000

Source: Field notes.

Manoj Kumar, a thirty seven year old Dalit, chairperson of the Meham panchayat samiti said that since all the gram panchayats in Meham block did not have the staff to maintain panchayat records, maintenance of panchayat records of all the villages is vested with the BDO and the chairperson of the panchayat samiti.The gram sabha decisions, regarding health, primary education, water supply, agriculture and rural development, approved by the VDS in each village, are executed through the panchayat samiti. We attended the panchayat samiti meetings where grants for health, primary education, water supply, agriculture and rural development were to be discussed and allocated to the gram panchayats. There were 598 proposals from all the gram panchayats to be discussed and finalized at the meeting held on 3 January 2002.There was a lot of chaos, the chairperson was not allowed to read out the listed agenda. Heated exchanges continued for two hours between the ruling INLD and opposition Congress members. We observed that the panchayat samiti meetings are held to discuss the proposals approved by the gram sabhas and the VDSs, but the final decision of accepting the proposals and granting money is left to the BDO and the panchayati raj technical staff. We discussed the matter with the BDO and pointed out that he had no power to take the decisions. He forcefully argued that if the government did interfere in the day to day functioning of the PRIs then the PRI members would distribute

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the grants among their caste members and a major portion of the grant money would not be utilized for the development works. We observed that the BDO represents the state and takes pride in violating the spirit of the Panchayati Raj Act. To our surprise, we noticed that during the meeting the SCs members sat on a mat in one corner, and the members from higher castes including higher caste women occupied the chairs. We sat along with the SC panchayat samiti members. To this, the chairperson said ‘Sir, you are from the Jat caste, please sit with the BDO.’ We ascertained some views regarding the kind of discrimination faced by the SC members. Ramphal, a twenty seven year old Dalit member of the panchayat samiti, said, ‘Nothing has changed, our caste people are not allowed to draw water from the same well, higher castes don’t eat with us in social functions like marriages.This segregation is a part of everyday life in the village.’ Rulia, a twenty nine year old Dhanak (SC) member, argued, ‘First we used to sit on the ground in the village panchayats, now we sit on the jute mat, the day is not far away when we shall occupy the chairs along with the higher castes.’ We observed that there is hope among the SCs members regarding the change in the power equation. Ram Rati, twenty-eight years old, an active radical member of the BSP and, currently, panchayat samiti member, on being questioned regarding the power equations between the SCs and the higher castes in PRIs said, ‘Unless we are given land in the villages, our dependence on landlords will continue.’ She further argued, ‘Merely giving some place in the PRIs, to the SCs and women, would not enable them to become powerful and assertive. Unless we unite and fight the unjust social order, the power equations would remain the same.’ We enquired from her about any instance when the SCs members and the women members together initiated any developmental work in the panchayat samiti. She bluntly said that the only occasion when they united together was to make a plea to the chief minister regarding enhancement in their travelling allowance for attending the meetings. She complained that for the sake of some monetary benefit, all the gram panchayat members get united to raise their demands before the chief minister. But, they never do the same against the misbehaviour of the BDO and panchayat technical staff members. Almost all members reported that they have neither access to funds from the state nor the power to make their own decisions about their requirements. In one of the well attended meetings of the panchayat samiti, we asked the members

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regarding the allotment of funds to the gram panchayats.What criteria do they adopt? The one line answer was that the list of priorities of works, along with their estimates, is prepared by the BDO and his technical staff, and the elected members of the panchayat samiti only have to sign the papers and nothing else. Raj Singh, a twenty three year old Congress supporter and panchayat samiti member, from Mokhara village said, ‘The majority agrees with the proposal of the BDO in the panchayat samiti meetings because the ruling INLD members are in majority.’ During field work, we realized that the PRIs are struggling for the devolution of power. Due to the government’s interference in the day to day functioning of panchayats they could not conduct their business according to the spirit of the 73rd Amendment. Zilla Parishad Rohtak

The zilla parishad (ZP) office is located in the district town of Rohtak. It has eighteen members; two members each are elected from the five blocks. Among the elected ZP members, six are women of which two belong to the SCs. Nine members including the chairperson belong to the dominant Jat caste. In addition there are a few other members representing various interests, such as cooperatives, grain market, professions, and others. The ZP in Rohtak district is controlled by INLD, the ruling party in the state. The INLD candidate Dharam Pal Makroli is the elected chairperson for the second term. Field work for collecting information from the ZP members was a very time consuming exercise as they pretended to be very busy in granting time to the researcher. Prem Lata, a forty-eight year old Dalit woman member of the ZP, when approached by us for the interview, agreed at the first meeting. Apart from her no elected member of the ZP showed his or her willingness in the first instance. Most of the ZP members were reluctant to talk with an open mind, and specially against the ruling party. She fearlessly elaborated the functioning of the PRIs, and specially the ZP. She argued, ‘Though, the ZP is an implementing, monitoring and evaluating agency and expected to act as the watchdog for all rural developmental work through the DRDA office at the district level, in reality the ZP is a saleable institution, where the members are purchased by commission agents of the contractors working on PRIs development related schemes.’ She took us to the DRDA office and showed us how lavishly the contractors were being treated by the officials. In the office of the SDO (civil), Rajkumari, an SC woman member of the ZP was sitting

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on the bench in one corner pleading some case relating to her native village, Awawali, but no official was paying any attention to her, and we were surprised to observe the treatment given to the two well dressed contractors; they were sitting on a sofa enjoying a cup of coffee with the DRDA officials. After visiting the ZP office time and again we were able to interview the chairperson Ch. Dharam Pal Makroli. On being questioned regarding the functioning of the ZP in relation to the role played by the SCs and women members, he shrewdly argued, ‘In the ZP we function like a team, without differentiating on caste basis. We treat women members like our sisters.’ When we asked him if it is so, why no SCs or women were being nominated in any of the committees formed by the chairperson? These committees had no representative from the elected SCs or women members. To this the chairperson said, ‘Since the ZP members are very busy in monitoring the development activities in the villages, it was decided not to overburden them by nominating them on the committees.’ The absence of SCs and women in the ZP committees, controlled by the dominant Jats, created a sense of neglect in the minds of the SCs. As a mark of protest the SCs members stopped participating in meetings. During the by-elections to the PRIs, held on 15 July 2002, violence took place between the Jats (dominant caste) and the SCs in Rorkhi village over bogus voting for a ZP woman candidate. Further, it was observed that the contestants from both sides invested a lot of money. ‘The money reached the Dalit voters in the form of a bottle of rum and Rs 100 for each vote,’ said Parbu Ram, a fifty nine year old Dalit, from Rorkhi village. The functioning of the ZP in Rohtak revealed strong effects of state politics. Instead of dispensing its duties efficiently and honestly, it has to depend on the ruling party of the state. Lack of coordination and improper vision of the functionaries has marred the day-to-day functioning of the parishad. By and large, the election to ZP is taken as a springboard for higher political positions at the state and national levels.

LOOKING FORWARD We conclude that the political processes set in motion by the 73rd and 74th Amendments are slowly beginning to make some impact on the rural power structure. It has given a sense of identity and dignity

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to the Dalits and women. Their being able to get elected as sarpanches or the chairperson of the panchayat samiti has forced the members of the dominant castes to renegotiate their relationship with them. We observed, in the case of Balamba gram panchayat elections, the dominant Jat caste and the Brahmins using all kinds of political networking to make the SCs their ally for winning the panchayat elections. The increasing influence of politics at the PRI level has led to the rise of caste based political mobilizations among Dalits.Though caste has lost its ‘moral basis’ ideologically, the subjugation of the Dalits was seen to be due to their dependence on the land owners. However, despite these changes in the rural power structure, caste related structures of domination have not disappeared in the day to day functioning of the panchayats. We noticed that the Dalits remain marginal in local politics, despite the fact that a Dalit became a sarpanch in the Balamba village panchayat. The dominant castes resist the power sharing process with Dalits, who they consider as their clients. Further, it was observed that when a Dalit or a woman from non-dominant caste becomes sarpanch, the dominant caste panchayat members create a crisis of legitimacy for the gram panchayat. The VDS has no legal standing, but draws its legitimacy on very strong footings from the dominant caste factions. The SCs and women PRI leaders are sidelined by the VDS. Their opinions in the gram sabha meetings do not carry as much weight as those of the dominant caste sarpanch. We also observed the domination of state level politicians along with bureaucrats stifling the growth of PRIs.They are the ones who helped forming the VDS in order to sideline the statutory panchayats headed by the SCs. The Jats dislike visiting the house of a Dalit sarpanch, unless they urgently need his/ her favour. The SC PRI representatives are not treated at par with the higher caste panchayat members. Despite changes in social composition due to reservation, decision making is largely in the hands of the Jats who control the panchayats with the help of government officials at the local level. Though Dalits have formal authority, yet, they have failed to acquire control over panchayats.The benefits of the programmes have not been utilized by Dalits, but the fact that the Dalits have acquired a new ‘opportunity and space’ due to PRIs, can not be discounted. Dalit assertion does not confine itself to state sponsored panchayats. The traditional panchayats use sanctions/social boycott against SCs and women, and force the underprivileged to obey their orders in the functioning of the PRIs. The power of imposing community sanctions goes on to prove

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that it will take long before these parallel structures give way to modern institutions. We observed that a few SCs panchayat members are forward looking. One Dalit member said, ‘The day is not far away when we shall occupy the chairs along with the higher castes in the panchayat meetings.’ Another woman Dalit panchayat samiti member forcefully argued that unless they are given land in the villages, their dependence on landlords from the higher castes would continue. To make the participation of women and the SCs effective, they need to be empowered economically and educationally, so that they are not exploited by the dominant castes and government officials. There is no doubt that the constitutional provisions, in the form of reservation for the excluded categories, have made a mark. The village power structure is experiencing new changes due to the participation of women and SCs. They have started asserting themselves. This is the beginning of their empowerment.

REFERENCES Ahlawat, S.R. 1988. Green Revolution and Agricultural Labour. New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publication. ———. 1999. ‘Political Economy of Agrarian Crisis: Peasant Suicides and Emerging Trends’. Paper presented at the National Seminar on Agrarian Crisis in India Punjab University, Chandigarh. Bhalla, G.S. 1974. Changing Agrarian Structure in India. New Delhi: Meenakshi Prakashan. Bhalla, Sheila. 1981. ‘Islands of Growth: A Note on Haryana Experience and Some Possible Implications’, Economic and Political Weekly, 23 June. Director Census, Govt of Haryana. 1991–2001. Census. Chandigarh: Government of Haryana. Jodhka, S.S. 2000. ‘Prejudice without Pollution? Scheduled Castes in Contemporary Punjab’, Journal of Indian School of Political Economy, XII(3 & 4). Lewis, Oscar. 1958. Village Life in Northern India. Urbana: University of Illinois. Pai, Sudha. 2001. ‘Social Capital, Panchayats and Grassroots Democratic Politics of Dalit Assertion in Uttar Pradesh, Economic and Political Weekly, February 24: 654–654. Srinivas, M.N. 1962. Caste in Modern India and Other Essays. Bombay: Allied Publishers.

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Including the Excluded through Panchayati Raj in Karnataka BS Bhargava and K Subha

In Karnataka, the dominant castes consist of Brahmins (mainly because of their apex status in the caste hierarchy), Lingayats and the Vokkaligas. The dominating non-Brahmin castes are the Lingayats and Vokkaligas. Then come the scheduled castes (SCs), who constitute a large community in the state. Due to the ritual, educational, economic and other factors, they had been politically irrelevant. They had no power and lacked resources. The disadvantages they suffered were derived from their status, ascribed to them by birth. It is evident from various studies that the SCs were highly exploited and discriminated against by the upper caste people.1 They were denied access to public places and offices. However, these communities have been receiving special attention from the government. Accordingly, the members of this community have a quota of reservation in educational and political institutions, and employment, supported by policies of special assistance. The 73rd constitutional amendment established laws and procedures to decentralise responsibilities to lower levels of the government, so that there is inclusion of all sections of the society (through reservations for various categories) in political decision making. In Karnataka the new Act came into force on 18 May 1993. The panchayati raj elections were conducted on separate dates. The second term elections were conducted in two phases, on 23 and 27 February 2000, to the gram panchayats, and on 2 and 6 June 2000, to the taluk panchayats and zilla panchayats.

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METHODOLOGY The study is based mainly on primary data, which was collected by administering a schedule to the respondents, and by different other methods, such as formal and informal interviews, focus group discussions, case studies and participant observation. Secondary data collection preceded the primary data collection.The main fieldwork was undertaken during the period January 2002 to April 2002. However, it continued in some form or the other, till the report/paper writing stage. The focus of research, as the title suggests, would be on the hitherto excluded communities, that is, SCs, scheduled tribes (STs) and women. It was decided to conduct the study in the Bangalore (Rural) district, one of the twenty seven districts in Karnataka State. Proximity, familiarity, convenience and economy were the major considerations for selecting this region within the district. Kanakpura taluk was selected, and in that three gram panchayats were covered for in-depth study. The reasons for selecting Kanakpura taluk were mainly two: one, it is economically backward but politically quite active; two, Vokkaliga is the dominant caste. In the taluk, the three gram panchayats belong to three categories: one is headed by an ST woman, the second one by an SC man, and the third one by a person from the general category.The names of these gram panchayats are Harohalli, Cheelur and Sathanur.

THE STATE Karnataka lies in the western part of the Deccan plateau. The growth rate of population, state-wise, shows Karnataka in the ninth place, with a share of 5.13 per cent of the country’s population.2 The SC population in Karnataka is 7,369,279 (16.4 per cent of the total population), and ST population is 1,915,691 (4.3 per cent of the total population) as per the 1991 census. The literacy rate has increased from 56 per cent in 1991 to 67 per cent in 2001.

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PANCHAYATI RAJ SYSTEM AND ELECTORAL RESERVATIONS The year 1983 was a watershed in the history of panchayati raj in the state. For the first time, the Congress party lost power and the Janata party formed the government. The party being committed to decentralization, displayed the ‘political will’ to reform the panchayati raj system in a ‘radical’ and ‘bold’ way. Patterned on the major recommendations of the Asoka Mehta Committee (1978), the Karnataka Zilla Parishads,Taluk Panchayat Samitis, Mandal Panchayats and Nyaya Panchayats Act, 1985, was passed, and elections were held in 1987 on party-basis to 887 seats in ninteen zilla panchayats, and to 55,000 seats in 2,465 mandals. A significant feature of the Act was that not less than 25 per cent seats should be reserved in a zilla panchayat for women. The Congress (I) came back to power in the 1989 Assembly elections, and the first term of mandal panchayats and zilla panchayats came to an end in the second week of January 1992. Instead of holding elections, administrators were appointed by the government to zilla panchayats and mandal panchayats. A new Bill was introduced, by the government, in the assembly on 1 April 1993, consequent upon the changes proposed in the Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992.The Act (conformity Act) on panchayati raj came into force from 18 May 1993. For reservations (for SCs, STs, women and chairpersons), the Act incorporated all the mandatory provisions of the 73rd amendment to the Constitution. The present panchayati raj system (under the KPR Act, 1993) incorporated all the mandatory provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment. This Act was severely criticized by many in different fora. Those opposed to it, pointing out that the 1985 Act was far more committed to the ‘ethos of democratic decentralization’ than the 1993 Act. The present government has been receptive to various criticisms; since then several amendments have been made in the Act based on recommendations of the P.R. Nayak Committee Report (1996). Under the present Act, panchayati raj elections in the state were completed in two phases, in 1993 (to gram panchayats) and 1995 (taluk and zilla panchayats). Zilla panchayat and taluk panchayat elections were conducted with one amendment relating to the backward castes (BCs) reservations. It is significant to note that it introduced two categories of BCs—A and B, based on social and economic criteria. The A category was considered most backward and the B category more backward. The

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former was given reservations to the extent of 26.6 per cent and the latter 6.4 per cent. Under category A, 190 castes were listed, and nine castes were listed under category B. In the 1987 elections, the dominant Lingayats and Vokkaligas could wrest ten out of eighteen zilla parishad presidentships in Karnataka. Though Lingayats formed 16.9 per cent and Vokkaligas 11.68 per cent of state’s population, they could, respectively, wrest 33 per cent and 22 per cent of chair positions.3 It was also found that non-dominant communities, though, able to win absolute majority, were not able to elect their pradhans to the mandal panchayats in 1987, while the dominant castes could wrest these positions in larger numbers.4 A few empirical studies (published) conducted, during the period 1960 to 1983, with regard to leadership in the panchayati raj system and the rural power structure, found political hegemony of the dominant castes. No doubt, electoral reservations were not available for BCs and women.5 In the 1993, 1995 and 2000 panchayati raj elections, 33 per cent of the seats in PRIs were in the hands of BCs. About 45 per cent of seats (mainly because of 33 per cent reservation for women across all the reserved categories, and rounding up the fractions for determining the number of seats in each case) are with women (these are distributed across SCs, STs, BCs and general categories). Thus, the physical power matrix at the local level has changed significantly. Together with the SCs and STs, the disadvantaged sections are holding over 60 per cent of political space in all the three tiers. The dominance of the numerically and economically strong caste members (Lingayats and Vokkaligas) is eroded mainly due to electoral reservation.6 Thus, as compared to the 1987 situation, the power base has witnessed dramatic change in favour of BCs. A similar situation came about in the 2000 elections, when over one-third of the chair positions of PRIs were wrested by BC members. The SC/ST members together hold about 30 per cent, and, thus, over 60 per cent of the decision making positions are with the disadvantaged sections. Thus, the physical presence of the weaker sections, within the panchayati raj system, is a significant change, as it tends to broaden the social base of grassroots democracy. Caste is an important variable to understand electoral and power politics at the state and national levels. These castes (Lingayats and Vokkaligas) controlled the states legislative power for about thirty years. Devaraj Urs, former chief minister, succeeded in methodically reducing

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theVokkaliga and Lingayat monopoly by mobilizing Muslims, BCs (minus the Vokkaligas and Lingayats) and the SCs. He was able to neutralise the dominant castes’ political monopoly and in the process the BCs emerged strongly in the state (Manor, 1989). At present, twenty seven zilla panchayats (890 members), 175 taluk panchayats (3,255 members), and 5,659 gram panchayats (80,114 members) are functioning in the state. The data collected from the selected units (one district, one taluk panchayat and three gram panchayats, as referred to earlier) are analyzed here. Institutions do not operate in a vacuum.The given socio-economic and political circumstances determine the ‘shape of the institutional process’. Therefore, here, while analyzing the data of five units, a brief account of the select variables of the environment are given in the beginning.

BANGALORE RURAL DISTRICT The district lies to the southeast of Karnataka.The geographical area of the district is 5,814 sq km. It consists of 1,713 revenue villages, and is famous for sericulture, floriculture, milk produce, vegetables and handicrafts. Granite quarrying is being done in Kanakapura taluk and the granite blocks produced are exported to many countries. The total population of the district (2001 Census) is 1,877,416, out of which 961,335 are males and 916,081 are females. The last panchayati raj elections in the state were held in the year 2000. In the zilla panchayat elections, out of the thirty-eight members, twenty two (58 per cent) were male and sixteen (42 per cent) were female; eight belonged to the SC category, one to STs, thirteen to BCs, and sixteen were from the general category. After probing further, it was found that out of the sixteen from the general category, fourteen were Vokkaligas and two Gaudas (BCs–B). An analysis of the data makes two things amply clear; first, with the participation of women in the electoral process, their presence in the panchayats ranges from 41 per cent to 44 per cent, whereas, their reservation quota is 33 per cent; second, the total number of members from SCs, STs and BCs categories, if combined, exceed the number of members from the general category at all the three levels of the panchayati raj system.

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THE ZILLA PANCHAYAT The zilla panchayat president is the executive head and the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) is the head of the zilla panchayat administration. The second term (twenty months) elections to the posts of president and vice-president positions were conducted on 13 March 2002. This time the reservation changed from BC–A category to general category for the president’s position and for the vice-president from general to BC–B category. At present, both the incumbents of these two coveted (authority) positions belong to the Vokkaliga community, since this caste also finds a place in the list of BC–B category. There are five standing committees consisting of a maximum of seven members; they are from among the members of the zilla panchayat. The president (adhyaksha) is the chairperson of the Audit and Planning Committee. Out of the thirty eight members of the zilla panchayat, twenty three belong to the Congress (I) and fourteen to Janata Dal. The remaining one belongs to the BJP. The leadership that has emerged in the zilla panchayat, irrespective of caste background, has three more features: More than 71 per cent of the total members belong to the thirty six to seventy years age group, and more than 50 per cent of the members belong to the upper middle and high income groups7; none is illiterate and thirty two have formal education, from SSLC to degree certificates. Mostly experienced (including in politics and administration), elderly and educated persons find a place in zilla panchayat. In this context, their ‘linkages’ with politicians in the parties and in power at higher levels (state, and to some extent national) assume great significance. At the same time, they have to nourish their respective constituencies at the lower levels (taluk and gram panchayats). It may be mentioned that out of thirty members, five (three females and two males) were elected for the second time to the zilla panchayat, in the last elections. It is to be noted here that following the provision of the KPR Act 1993, two MPs, nine MLAs and two MLCs in the district are associated with the ZP (with the right to participate and vote in the proceedings), but they can not participate and vote in the elections of president and vice-president of ZP. In order to provide ‘organic linkage’ between zilla parishad and taluk panchayat, all the presidents of taluk panchayats in the district become members of the zilla parishads, and are entitled to take part in the proceedings of and vote at the meetings of the zilla parishads.

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The PRIs have been entrusted with 665 plan and non-plan schemes in about twenty-nine development sectors. The total grants (plan and non-plan) which devolved to these sub-state levels from the higher government level account for Rs 4,828 crore during 2001–02. The zilla panchayat, under study, had to allocate to the downward institutions money to the tune of Rs 12 crore and Rs 184 lakh during 2001–2002. The zilla panchayat does not have any taxation power (it depends on government grants) and planning at zilla panchayat level is only sectoral planning. Still, planning is a top-down exercise. In these circumstances, the zilla panchayat and officials of different development departments, within the purview of the zilla panchayat, have to shoulder onerous responsibilities.Allocation of resources, within the broad parameters set by the state government, and included in the zilla panchayat budget, have to be released to lower level(s). Invariably, participation of women members in deliberations is numerically less as compared to male members. In the zilla panchayat meetings, supposed to be held every month, development activities (schools, health, agriculture and about different central and state programmes/schemes such as Swachcha Grama Yojna, Stree Shakti, Indira Awas Yojna, etc.) are discussed. Progress and problems communicated, and necessary steps to monitor progress are also discussed. When issues are raised, officials from concerned development departments, present in the meeting with CEO, try to respond to the queries of the members. Sometimes, debates are very lively and heated discussions between members of the party in power and opposition could be observed. It was observed in one of the meetings (on 14 June 2002) that members of each party sat together, and that women members did not sit separately as a block. They freely occupied chairs, along with their party’s male members. No social exclusion could be observed in the meeting. To our queries about caste, its role in electoral process and other related matters, one of the members reacted thus, ‘Yes! Caste is very important in our social and political life, it can be used for cultivating and sustaining vote banks by higher level leaders, but that alone does not ensure electoral success. With the passage of time, political factors are equally important, if not more. In zilla panchayat elections caste is less important than elections at lower levels. Contesting in elections is very expensive; sometimes muscle power is also required. How can people, irrespective of caste and communities, think of contesting zilla panchayat elections if they don’t have sufficient money and linkages with high-ups in politics, and in political parties?’ 8

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Another zilla panchayat member narrated her day to day experience, when persons of lower castes from villages interact with her in the office about their problems/grievances. She said, ‘We have an open mind. Irrespective of class or caste background of the visitors, they are asked to sit on the visitors’ chairs, and then we interact. But the lower caste people invariably sit on the floor. I have to convince such visitors, and make them sit on the chair, which they do hesitatingly. I feel that the caste feeling is embedded in the minds of the people; greater efforts are necessary to change the mind set.’9

KANAKAPURA TALUK The taluk is 56 km from Bangalore city. It is the biggest taluk in the Bangalore (Rural) district, in the sense that, it has the largest number of gram panchayats among the eight taluks. The rural population is 278,585, out of which 54,940 belong to the SC category, and 5,117 to the ST category. Vokkaliga is the dominant caste here. The total number of households in this taluk are 53,741, and the total area of the taluk panchayat is 1,603 sq km. Agriculture is the main occupation of the people. The main crops grown here are ragi, paddy and horticultural crops. Fruits and coconuts are also grown here. The taluk is known for a high degree of politicization. The two major political parties are Congress (I) and Janata Dal (U); the two state assembly constituencies are Kanakapura and Sathanur. D.K. Sivakumar (Congress [I]) is the MLA from Sathanur, and P.G.R. Sindhia (Janata Dal [U]) from Kanakapura. Both of them have a high political profile in the state. Besides these two MLAs, one MP of high political standing (former Prime Minister Deve Gowda) is also associated with the taluk panchayat as a statutory member. Though, the taluk was economically backward, now, because of the growth and production of milk and silk, it is developing economically. A huge dam called Harohalli dam is being constructed in this taluk.

The Taluk Panchayat Kanakapura taluk panchayat consists of twenty eight members; out of them seventeen are male and eleven are females. Coming to the categories, five

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members belong to the SCs, one to the STs, seven to BC–A, two to the BC–B and thirteen to the general category. Further probing into the caste background of individual members of the taluk panchayat revealed the domination of Vokkaligas, having twelve members (from the general and the BC–B category). The president is a Vokkaliga and the vice-president belongs to the Bestaru caste (BCs–A). Janata Dal wrested fourteen seats, the Congress thirteen and one went to an independent candidate. Later, the independent member joined the Congress. So the taluk panchayat is having an equal number from both the parties.The positions of president and vice-president have been keenly contested both the times (for a twenty month term). Other data collected, about the leadership that has emerged at taluk panchayat level, revealed that more than 53 per cent of the members belonged to the age ranging from thirty six to seventy years, and the rest are aged below thirty five years. Thus, the younger element is represented more here than at the zilla panchayat level. Coming to the literacy level, none of the members is illiterate; twenty had formal education, ranging from SSLC to degree certificates. There are three standing committees, namely, the social justice committee (with the vice-president as the chairperson), finance (production) committee (president as chairperson) and the general body committee. In these committees, members from the weaker sections find sufficient places.The available records show that women members are not regular in attending the committee meetings, mainly because of distance from their respective villages. President of the taluk panchayat is the ‘Executive Head’. Executive Officer (EO) is the administrative head of the staff. The taluk panchayat meeting is conducted once in two months. Officers of the concerned development departments (Agriculture, Horticulture, Sericulture, etc.,) also attend.The MLAs, MPs and MLCs of the region are members of the taluk panchayat with a right to vote (but not for the election of president and vice-president). In order to provide an ‘organic linkage’ between the taluk panchayat and gram panchayat, one-fifth of the presidents of the gram panchayats in the taluk become members of the taluk panchayat, by rotation, for a period of one year, and are entitled to take part in the proceedings of and vote at the meetings. A taluk panchayat meeting invariably covers a wide range of issues and problems related to development activities, programmes/schemes being proposed or implemented in different panchayat areas. The beneficiary’s selection list, for a programme, is prepared in the gram sabha, and then sent to the taluk panchayat by the concerned gram panchayat for finalization.

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The location of development activities in panchayats, also takes place in the taluk panchayat meeting. The annual action plan for the entire taluk, taking into account action plans of gram panchayats, is prepared at the taluk level, discussed and settled in the taluk panchayat meeting. Thus, all these and other related matters provide ample scope for taluk panchayat members to participate in the decision making process with regard to allocation of resources and locations of specific development activities. In one of the taluk panchayat meetings (held on 9 August 2002) the following was observed. First, the members were sitting in the meeting hall separately, party wise, irrespective of caste and sex considerations. Second, participation of male members in terms of speaking and articulation was more than the female members. Except for two or three women members (including Shakuntala), the rest of them remained quiet throughout the meeting. Shakuntala—age twenty eight, education PUC—is an active taluk panchayat member, elected from Dyvasandra ward (SC) on a JD ticket. Shakuntala was an anganwadi teacher before getting elected as a member and even now she helps other teachers and women in getting employment. She was motivated by her friends (including caste and party leaders, and influential persons of the area) to contest the elections. She gets cooperation and good wishes from her husband, and political support from the MLA, Sindhia, who has a high profile in the party. While interacting with her, at taluk panchayat headquarters, she had the following to say. Reservation certainly helped us (weaker sections in general, and SC women in particular). Being a woman, I have one advantage, that is, all kinds of women come to me with their problems, including sensitive ones, without any hesitation. They belong to all castes. For instance, problems related to widow pensions, fights in families and with neighbours. I try to solve them, and I have solved many. In Gullati Kavala, there is an SC colony; people worship Maramma (their local deity) in the temple. There is no ban on entry in other temples, but, generally and conventionally, they confine themselves to their own temple. Furthermore, in the SC colony, problems like drinking water, housing, lighting, sanitation, etc., have been solved to a great extend under various programmes for the weaker sections. Many times, getting loans available for SCs becomes a problem. He/she has to run from pillar to post and has to give money under the desk (bribe). I help in such situations. However, things are not that bad; the village was very

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poor, but now because of education, employment in Bangalore city and nearby towns, development is visible; roads and buses plying for town/city centres have helped a lot in the process of development. The concerned MLA evinces a lot of interest in solving constituency problems with us.10

It may be necessary to state that the taluk panchayat does not have taxation power like the zilla panchayat. Its action plan, mainly, depends on grants released by the government through the zilla panchayat. For instance, during 2001–02, Rs 6,547.03 lakh was released by the zilla panchayat to taluk panchayats of the district. In order to know the nature of social conflicts—open and violent— among and between castes and communities in the taluk area, out of three local newspapers, two could be contacted (one reporter of Vijaya Karnataka and the other editor of Kanakapura Dwani). The discussion with the both may be summarised as follows. We are of the opinion that there have been no open, major social conflicts in the taluk during the last ten years or so; we are aware of no such events that could be highlighted. Here and there, some minor quarrels/fights between the brothers, among the family, among the farmers for land takes place. Sometimes, conflict between two persons, one from the forward caste and the other from lower caste, may be branded by vested interests as conflict between two castes. Many conflicts/disputes are solved by compromise through the intervention of the MLA, Sindhia. He helps in many other ways, by managing water supply, electricity, houses (especially to the weaker sections).Though, he is from BC group, whose percentage is low in the area, he enjoys the respect of the people (including SCs and STs) because of his helping nature. Furthermore, he is considered by many as devaru (god) for them, because he extends monetary help in cases of delivery, travel, marriage functions, some ceremony, death anniversary, etc.This is the open secret for his popularity in the region and his success in three successive elections for the MLA seat.11

HAROHALLI GRAM PANCHAYAT AREA Harohalli gram panchayat is 17 km from Kanakapura (taluk headquarters). The village panchayat is situated on the Bangalore–Kollegal main route.

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The panchayat office building is in Harohalli, along the side of the main road. The market, bus stand, many good buildings, bank and the cooperative society are close to the office. It looks urban in character. The number of villages that come under this panchayat are eighteen; two are revenue villages (Harohalli and Marasandra and sixteen hamlets). The total population of the panchayat, as per the 1991 census, is 9,254 (male—4,788 and female—4,466). The SC population is 1,758 (male— 926 and female—832) and the ST population is twenty six (male—16 and female—10). There are two SC colonies with 225 households, whereas, the STs households are only four. It is a multi-caste/community panchayat (Brahmins, Vokkaligas, Bestas, Muslims, Lingayats, Christians, Edigas, Kanchutigas, Kumbara, etc.) The Vokkaligas and Bhovi are greater in number. The information obtained from the gram pancahyat office shows that there are 192 large farmers, 731 small farmers and 263 medium farmers. Many of the small farmers belong to the SC, ST and BC categories. The main crops grown here are ragi and paddy; mulberry plants are also grown.

The Gram Panchayat The panchayat consists of twenty four elected members (male—14 and female—10). Out of the total members, seven belong to the general category, five to BC–A, six to BC–B, five to the SCs and one to the STs. Out of twenty four members elected, four were elected for the second time (three male and one female; one SC, one ST and two from BCs–A). There was no contest for the positions of president and vice-president; they were elected unopposed. These positions were reserved for their categories (following the rotation system and tenure of thirty months). The panchayat is headed by a woman president (Gangamma, an ST from the Medaru tribe) and the vice-president (Bommaiah) belongs to the BC–A (Bestaru). Though, elections to panchayats are not conducted on a party basis (political parties and their symbols are not recognized officially), in reality, many elected members (also contestants) are affiliated to political parties, and get their support in the electoral process. This is what happened during the last elections. At the same time local elites have their own role.

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What/who motivated a person to contest elections? This is rather difficult to answer because many factors are at work, and vary from person to person. However, out of twenty four members, twenty one attributed their motivation to two main factors, that is, family members and friends. Further probing revealed that the factor ‘friends’ included caste members, local elites and party leaders. Furthermore, out of twenty four members sixteen belong to JD and eight to the Congress (I). Even for the election of president and vice-president, initiative and support came from the Congress (I) for the presidential candidate, and initiative and support came for the vicepresidential candidate from the JD. Hence, both were elected without a contest, based on an understanding developed between the parties. Role of local elites, in this case, is beyond doubt, as they have developed linkages with high ups in politics and political parties over a period of time. Some other interesting features of the members in the panchayat are: (1) five out of twenty four are landless, (2) fourteen members fall in the annual income bracket of Rs 5,000 to Rs 10,000, (3) twenty one (87.5 per cent) members are aged below fifty years; a further break up shows 50 per cent below thirty five years, and, (4) two are illiterate, eight have studied up to fourth to seventh standard, three up to tenth standard, seven (SSLC), two (PUC), one has a Bachelor’s degree, and one a post graduate degree. Coming back to other aspects of the panchayat, mention may be made of three standing committees; each committee consists of five members. For the social justice committee the vice-president is the chairperson, and for the production and amenities committee, the president is the chairperson. The SCs, STs and women find proper representation in these committees. For instance, the social justice committee consists of one SC female, one SC male, and two males and one female from the general category. For administration, a secretary appointed and also paid by the government is attached to the panchayat. Other staff (appointed and paid by the panchayat) consist of twenty-four persons (bill collectors, watermen, electricians, borewell mechanics, plumbers, sweepers, etc). The panchayat meetings were conducted once in two months, but from the year 2002 meetings are conducted every month. In the panchayat meetings, generally, problems regarding drinking water (bore pump repairs), sanitation, electricity (street lights), drainage, different central and state programmes/schemes, selection of locations and beneficiaries, implementation and progress, and problems confronted are discussed and decisions taken.

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Panchayats have taxation power and they also get grants. They also increase, howsoever limited, their sources of income by creating assets, or by undertaking productive activities. For instance, budget provision for the year 2001–02 was to the tune of Rs 1,166,323. Sources of own income to the panchayat (in 2001–02) were: house tax—Rs 54,500, shop license—Rs 8,500, building rent—Rs 2 lakh, water tax—Rs 40,000, shandy day (weekly market)—Rs 130,000. It is mandatory for a panchayat to earmark 20 per cent of its budget (for development activities) for the welfare activities of SCs/STs. In one of the meetings (held on 14 February 2002) attended, it was observed that the members, men and women, occupied seats separately; there was no inter-mixing in the sitting arrangement. It was quite reflective of ‘gender distance’, signifying separation in the public sphere. Husbands or close relatives accompanied women members, but remained outside the meeting hall. Most of the women members were silent spectators in the beginning but later three to four participated in the issue of shortage of water supply. The immediate motivating factor for this was that groups of women came into the meeting hall and questioned the women members regarding the shortage of water supply. The ST president was very bold and vocal during interview, but in the meeting she could not assert herself. Male members, who had more than one term’s experience, dominated the discussion. Disposable tumblers/ plates were used for coffee and snacks during the meeting. This does not allow the feeling of untouchability to creep in among the members. It was also noted that barring two to three members others did not display sufficient knowledge about the functioning of the panchayat—its powers, functions, role of the president, finances, etc., and its limitations. Even the lady president depended too much on the secretary for information, and for clarifying/answering queries raised by the members during deliberations.All this can be attributed to socio-cultural background and the ‘capacity level’ of the members. Most of the decisions were based on discussions and consensus. Gram sabha meetings should be conducted twice in a year. A few months ago the government passed an order to conduct four meetings of the gram sabha in a year. According to the records available in the gram panchayat office, three gram sabha meetings (6 June 2001, 20 November 2001 and 29 December 2001) were held during 2001–02. The third one was called to discuss Swarna Jayanthi Rozgar Yojana (SJRY) and its operational aspects, including potential beneficiaries. In

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reality, not many adults attend these meetings and women’s participation was negligible.

SATHANUR GRAM PANCHAYAT AREA Unlike Harohalli, the Sathanur panchayat area looks mostly rural in character; impact of urbanisation is not very visible because it is away from the main road. However, connecting roads are in good condition. There are eight villages coming under this panchayat, four are revenue villages and four hamlets. The population of the panchayat is 7,105 (1991 Census), out of which 1,448 belong to the SC category, while the ST category has only eight members. The panchayat area is known for milk and silk production in the region. As informed by some knowledgeable persons, small farmers are substantial in number. Most of the landless labourers and petty workers belong to the SC and BC categories. As reported by the respondents, other than Vokkaligas and Lingayats, the castes/communities found here are Brahmins, Muslims, Ganigas, Bhovis, Myadars, Bestarus, Kumbaras, Christians and Yalavas. Sathanur falls in a constituency (known as Sathanur constituency), for electing one MLA for the state assembly and, D.K. Shiva Kumar (Congress I), referred to earlier, has been representing this constituency for the last fifteen years.

The Gram Panchayat There are eighteen elected members in this panchayat; ten are male and eight are female.They were elected from different categories: four belong to the SCs, one to the STs, six to BCs and seven to the general category. Further probing into the general category revealed that four members belong to Vokkaliga caste. Furthermore, out of ten male members, two belong to the SCs, and out of eight women members, two belong to the SCs and one to the STs. The president of the panchayat (Chikkatimmaiah) belongs to the SC category. He was elected unopposed as there was no other contestant from the category of SCs, for whom the position was reserved (by rotation among different categories, for thirty month’s duration). Similarly, there was no contest for a woman candidate (Sadika Banu) for the position of

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vice-president, which was reserved for BC–A category. She belongs to the Muslim community. Since these two coveted positions were to be filled up from amongst the panchayat’s elected members, the entire event assumed great significance. Lot of informal discussions took place among different groups. The role played by the local MLA was equally important. The kind of leadership that emerged in the panchayat needs further elaboration. Out of eighteen members, thirteen (72 per cent) are below thirty five years. Out of eighteen members, seventeen have an annual income Rs 15,000 or below; only one earns more than Rs 50,000. It is worth noting that five (27 per cent) out of eighteen are landless. They are either labourers, or engaged in petty work/occupations. Generally, getting correct information about the annual income of an individual in rural areas is a very difficult task.Two members are illiterate, six in primary, four in higher primary, five in high school, and one is a graduate. As referred to earlier, panchayat elections were conducted on a nonparty basis. However, informal interviews with the panchayat members revealed that eleven members are sympathisers or active workers of the Congress (I). In a similar way, seven members belong to the Janata Dal. Hence, the majority power of the Congress (I) is obvious in this panchayat. In the panchayat area, these members including the president are known to common people for their party affiliation. The local MLA visits the villages in the panchayat quite frequently, evinces interest in understanding their problems and takes suitable measures to solve them to the extent possible. The panchayat has three standing committees, namely, the social justice committee, production committee and soukarya (finance) committee. In all these committees, members belonging to the SCs, STs, BCs and women find appropriate places. The administration is looked after by the secretary attached to the panchayat. Both the president and secretary sign cheques while making payment. The secretary is on deputation from the revenue department. Rest of the staff are twelve in number (bill collector, borewell mechanic, sweeper, etc.). They were appointed and paid by the panchayat. The records in the panchayat office show that the meetings of the panchayat have been conducted according to the mandatory requirements. Generally, in panchayat meetings development programmes and problems related to water supply, electricity and housing are discussed and noted.

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In one of the panchayat meetings (held on 20 May 2002) we attended, the following was observed. 1. The attendance was full including the women members. Two women members came with their husbands (though officially not permitted) and occupied seats in the meeting hall. 2. Women members were sitting in a block. No distinction/ discrimination on the basis of caste was noted among the women members in occupying seats. 3. Except two women members, others kept quiet for the entire duration of the meeting. 4. Husbands were seen replying to queries/questions on behalf of their wives (elected members). 5. On two or three occasions, male members silenced women members by saying, ‘Yes, yes, we know your problems (water supply and maintenance of bore pumps). We will look into it.You sit down and keep quiet.’ 6. With his personal achievement background, in the public sphere, the president conducted the meeting well; displayed his knowledge about the nuances of panchayat administration and political skill; he was quite articulate though he belongs to the SC category. Records of the panchayat office show that meetings of the standing committees are not held according to the mandate. Actually, depending on convenience and need, they are called and many a times conducted with the panchayat meeting the same day. One of the reasons given was that most of the women members are housewives and some members are landless labourers/petty workers, and for them it is difficult to attend meetings frequently. The panchayat gets funds under different programmes/schemes/ projects based on an action plan and its budget. There is no such thing as ‘five year plan’ or ‘perspective plan’ of the panchayat. Most of the grants are tied ones, and some fixed for specific purposes (establishment). Its own resources constitute a meager part (such as water tax, license fee, shop rent and shandy or weekly market day income) of the total income. For instance, the total amount of the budget (approved by the taluk panchayat) during the financial year 2001–02 was Rs 643,351. From the income and expenditure records, it became clear that the 20 per cent of the budget was spent on the welfare of SCs/STs and under Jawahar Gram Samruddhi Yojna (JGSY) for different works.

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In an informal interview with the president and secretary of the village panchayat the following points emerged.12 Yes, caste is important in many ways in the context of panchayats as they operate nearest in the given social structure of the geographical area. ‘Reservation and Rotation’ itself is based on caste/community considerations. But, to assume that a caste is a cohesive group and will act united, in the context of panchayati raj today is not correct; many intervening factors operate such as the role of political parties, local elites and influential local persons. It is very difficult to generalize; conditions vary from panchayat to panchayat and I would like to add from village to village. People think more politically than socially in the context of panchayats. It is also not correct to say that benefits are siphoned off by persons belonging to higher castes/dominant castes. Yes, sometimes manoeuvrings are done by persons having political, and to some extent social, clout. Allegations (against politicians and bureaucracy) of pilferage, leakages, under hand dealings, corruption and favouritism are quite often heard in day to day administration, but it is difficult to get at the truth.

The focus group discussion took place at Sathanur panchayat office (on 8 March 2002) in which all the elected members and others connected with the panchayat participated. Some important points that emerged in the discussion are given here: 1. There are no open conflicts among castes and communities; only during the time of elections, caste conflicts arise between parties. 2. About twenty years back there were people who did not like mixing with people from the SCs/STs; now, it has decreased but still exists to a limited extent. 3. There is very little caste discrimination. The other caste people are afraid of the SC/ST people because even petty matters may be politicized and become major public issues. 4. The MLA of this area evinces a lot of interest in our problems and tries to solve them to the extent possible. 5. The Congress is the ruling party at the state level. Since, the Congress is the leading party and in majority in the panchayat, works like electricity pole fixing, fitting of streetlights, drinking water taps and pipes, etc., are expedited. 6. There are separate SC colonies and petty conflicts arise only among

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them while fetching water from near their working place, or near the fields. 7. Though all the schemes/programmes are being utilized, people are still unhappy, mainly because of delay in payment either in kind or cash. For instance, the SJRY scheme has a payment component in the form of food grains (rice, wheat, etc.,); their delivery is usually delayed. According to the records available in the panchayat office, three meetings of gram sabha were conducted during the year 2001–02. Knowledgeable respondents informed that conducting a gram sabha is a formality; a few persons turn up as there is no fixed quorum for it in the Karnataka Panchayati Raj Act, 1993. Most of the women who attend it, do not participate in the deliberations. Generally the gram sabha serves as a forum for ventilating grievances. But when identification of beneficiaries under some scheme is there on the agenda, more people turn up. But the list of beneficiaries prepared in the meeting is not final; some names can be changed, either by adding new names or dropping names from the list. So the gram sabha decision is not final and mandatory. It was reported that three self help groups (SHGs) are functioning in the panchayat area and they are functioning reasonably well.

CHEELUR GRAM PANCHAYAT AREA The Cheelur gram panchayat is almost 11 kms from Kanakapura. The entire area of the panchayat looks totally rural in character. There are no connecting buses from different villages. In brief, transport facility is poor because the roads are not good. The area of the panchayat is 2,562.28 acres. There are five revenue villages and fifteen hamlets. It has two SC colonies. The total population of the panchayat is 6,603 (Census 1991), out of which 825 is the SC population. There is not a single ST family. The cultivable land is 1,763.85 hectares and uncultivable land is 798 hectares.The main crops grown here are paddy, ragi, coconut and some vegetables. There are eight overhead tanks and ten mini water supply centres. There is no hospital and in emergencies people have to go to Jakkasandra or Kanakapura.The need for good connecting roads and, at least, a hospital is being felt by the people, very badly. The population of Vokkaligas is more than the SC population. Other castes/communities such as

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Acharyas, Tiglaru, Lingayats, Agasaru, Hazamaru, Muslims and Marathis are also there.

The Gram Panchayat There are sixteen elected members in this panchayat, out of whom nine are male and seven female. Three members belong to the SCs (two females and one male); five belong to BCs (A and B); eight belong to the general category. The positions of president and vice-president were also reserved: president from the general category and vice-president from the BC category. Both the president (BM Raju) and the vice-president (Kumar Rao) were declared elected unopposed as there were no contestants. Informal interviews with the respondents revealed that the president being a Vokkaliga (dominant caste) could muster support of the other members from the general category. Many of them are quite influential. One of the respondent’s perception was that the panchayat is dominated by Vokkaligas or their supporters13. Other respondents also shared such feelings. One of the respondents remarked thus, ‘It is intriguing that Vokkaligas and Lingayats, considered as dominant castes, find a place in the list of BC–B.The condition of Rs 10,000 annual income can be easily manipulated for becoming a candidate in panchayati raj elections.’ A further analysis of the data regarding the panchayat leadereship that has emerged revealed the following. The data deals with only fifteen elected members as one member could not be contacted personally in spite of our best efforts during the field work. Out of fifteen members, nine (60 per cent) are below thirty five years. The remaining six belong to the range of thirty six to sixty years. As regards annual income, five belong to the bracket below Rs 5,000, eight were in the bracket of Rs 5,000 to Rs 10,000 and the remaining two fall in the bracket of Rs 10,001 to Rs 15,000. It is obvious that a substantial number of members are not economically sound, and in that some are also poor. Further, it is to be noted that out of fifteen, six (40 per cent) are landless and engaged in labour/petty works. As regards formal education, six (40 per cent) out of the fifteen are illiterate, two have primary education (one to third standard), three higher primary

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(fourth to seventh standard), one up to tenth standard, one has an SSLC (certificate) and the remaining two have degree certificates. Though political parties are not recognized officially in gram panchayat elections, it was reported by many respondents that political parties and their workers/sympathizers/members play a role in different ways (organizational, financial and moral support in the electoral process). While the ruling party at the state level looks at panchayati raj elections to strengthen its grassroots base for its continuity and sustainability in state governance, major parties in the opposition at the state level look at panchayati raj elections as a means to strengthen their organizational wings, keeping an eye on forthcoming state level elections. It was revealed that eight elected members were affiliated to the Janata Dal, four to the Congress (I), two to Karnataka Congress Party and one was reported to be an independent. The panchayat constituted three standing committees, namely, production committee (two females and three males), social justice committee (two females and three males) and amenities committee (three females and two males). Each committee consists of five members. The president is the chairperson of the production and amenities committees and the vice-president is the chairperson of the social justice committee. The panchayat office records indicate that meetings of the standing committees have not been regular. For instance, no meetings were held during 1999–2000, and during 2001–02 only two standing committee meetings were held. The explanation given for this was that unless issues of urgency and importance were there, the meetings would not be called. Therefore, in practice, the decision is left to the discretion of the president and vice-president. As far as administration is concerned, one secretary was serving two panchayats during the time of fieldwork, namely, Cheelur and Kaggalahalli. There are thirteen other staff (waterman, bill collector, attendant, etc.) appointed, and paid by the panchayat. The panchayat meetings are conducted according to the mandatory provisions of the KPR Act. Sometimes, for discussing important matters, special meetings are called; that is why the number of meetings held in a year, vary from year to year. According to the register of minutes, four meetings were conducted during 1999–2000, eight during 2000–01 and six during 2001–02. In one of the panchayat meetings (7 May 2002) attended, it was observed that out of fifteen, only eleven members were present; absentees included

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one male member and three female members.The women members came with their husbands, who sat in the meeting room while the meeting was on. The women members occupied chairs separately in a corner of the room. In other words, there was no intermixing in occupying chairs. It was also observed that interventions by women members were minimal; they did not exhibit articulation. Only three to four male members dominated in the discussions. The president was quite articulate and exhibited his ‘political and administrative skill’ and knowledge in responding to the criticisms and queries about panchayat administration. He conducted the deliberations well and, in between, announced the decisions taken and resolutions passed. The secretary assisted him in taking notes, etc. In the meeting, issues and problems related to works in progress, and problems such as water, electricity, connecting roads and transport in the panchayat were discussed, and proposals to solve them suggested. Action plan, an annual exercise, is done by the panchayat. Most of the guidelines and sectoral programmes with tied funds are made available with the approval of the taluk panchayat.The action plan of the panchayat is to be tailored accordingly, keeping in view the aspirations and needs, as and when expressed in the meetings, of the gram sabha. Panchayat resources are limited, though it has taxation power. It enjoys financial autonomy in a very limited sense, that is, in deciding the location of development activities in its area and a meagre percentage of budget, which it can spend on one of its choice. During the year 2001–02, its income was Rs 506,770 and expenditure was Rs 460,520. Its own resources, for instance, during this period were Rs 12,500 (water tax, electricity tax, building tax) and license fees Rs 13,500. Expenses are incurred mainly on salary of staff, water maintenance, electricity, street lights and other small development works. A focus group discussion (held on 13 May 2002) was organised at Cheelur, in which members of the panchayat and some other knowledgeable persons participated. The discussion moved around the main theme, and issues and problems related to it.The purpose was to get more information about the panchayats and related events that had taken place in the villages and hamlets under the jurisdiction of the panchayat. The relevant extracts from the information thus obtained from the participants are given below: 1. I along with others feel the need for a hospital and a need for repairing bad connecting roads in this panchayat area.

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2. I am an elected member of the panchayat. I am a carpenter (Acharya caste) by profession; my father and grandfather also had the same profession. I belong to backward class community. My information is that there are 800 Dalit families in Cheelur and 209 families are in Jakkasandra. As far as I know, there is no caste conflict in our area. Drainage and interior roads need to be altered. So far as my knowledge goes, there have been no communal clashes. Development has been taking place in our area but its pace is slow. 3. I belong to Jakkasandra village where Vokkaliga, SC and Maratha households live. Three members represent our village on the panchayat. There is a serious drainage problem in our village. One interesting thing of our village is that goddess Maramma’s jatra is held after Ugadi (Karnataka new year festival) every year, in which all participate, irrespective of their caste, community and sex, and that can be taken as a symbol of social harmony. 4. I am a member of the panchayat and was elected from the reserved category BC–A (Besta caste). I hail from Devara Kaggalahalli village. Its population is 500, with ninety households.There is a provision for mini water supply and two borewells, which feed the entire village. Light poles are sufficient.The drainage system needs urgent attention. In all, 90 per cent population belongs to Tigalas; as such, there is no caste or communal conflict. 5. One of the participants in the group stated as follows, ‘Reservation to the weaker sections in panchayats has been very fruitful in the moblization process and their participation in the political process. There are no open and violent conflicts between and among castes and communities in my area. Sometimes, petty quarrels are picked up over a piece of land, or trespassing in somebody’s fields either by a forward caste person or lower caste person. I can give one case: In Jogmarahosahalli, a dispute took place some months ago between a person from the Vokkaliga caste and a lower caste. The lower caste person (SC) had a piece of land in front of the village temple. He had been staying there for many years with his family. The Vokkaliga person asked him to vacate the land, which he refused to do. The dispute was to take shape of a major conflict between the two castes, but, because of the local MLA’s intervention, it could be solved by managing a separate piece of land for the lower caste person elsewhere.’

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6. I am a resident of Cheelur. I am a former member of this panchayat. One longstanding demand of constructing a bridge on Swarnamukki river, which is near this village, has not been met so far. During the rainy season, it becomes difficult to cross the river and people have to face lot of problems. My experience is that only promises are being made by the leaders during their visits to this village. I understand that a grant of Rs 1.5 lakh has been sanctioned through Mujrai Department under Aaradhana Yojana for constructing a temple, but so far nothing has been done. I am told that some influential people withheld its release for unknown reasons. The panchayat records show that four meetings of the gram sabha were conducted during the year 2000–01 and three gram sabha meetings were conducted in 2001–02. Some of the respondents informed that these meetings have not been effective as they are not functioning the way they were intended. But, when under a scheme, a list of beneficiaries is to be prepared then the attendance of people would be more. Women, generally, are in small numbers and their participation is minimal.

CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS Karnataka state has been following the ‘policy of inclusion’ of the hitherto neglected/weaker sections of the rural society in the panchayati raj system, in one form or the other, from the very beginning. Even before the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments, it introduced and practised 25 per cent reservation for women in panchayati raj. No doubt, the Panchayati Raj Act, 1993 (Conformity Act), took it further in the direction of inclusion. Thirty three per cent reservation to the BCs and a rotation system for the positions of president and vice-president (twenty months in case of zilla panchayat and taluk panchayat and thirty months for gram panchayats) and rotation of constituencies/wards for panchayati raj elections for different categories are also striking features. All these made possible for the weaker sections to have an access to PRIs in large numbers. In all the three gram panchayats covered here, women representation is quite impressive, irrespective of their castes/communities. Vokkaligas and Lingayats have been conventionally known as the dominant castes, but of late the ‘shifting of dominance’ phenomenon

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(towards BCs, SCs/STs and minorities) has been recorded in centres of power at different levels (state assembly, PRIs and to some extent in the number of MPs from the state). In panchayati raj it could be possible mainly because of the inclusion policy (including decades old reservation for SCs/STs and BCs in education and employment). The trend is quite indicative of broadening the social base of democracy. In other words, all these indicate a positive trend in the process of empowerment of the weaker sections. Contesting in panchayati raj elections without major, open and violent conflicts, among and between castes and communities, occupying seats as elected members and as office bearers (presidents and vice-presidents) in meetings without discrimination, intermixing in other related areas of the public sphere, discussing development issues and civic problems on a common platform, developing understanding, accommodating different views of opinion, etc., are positive signals for grassroots democracy operating in a rural society. Who motivated the elected members of the three gram panchayats covered in this study? Most of them attributed it to local elites, caste leaders, influential persons and family members. It appears that caste factor is more important in the electoral process at the panchayat level than at the taluk and zilla panchayat levels. The conventionally known ‘patronclient’ relationship has taken a new content and meaning in the context of panchayat politics. It is a relationship between two unequal partners, one (dominant person) bestowing favours in different forms (support for the candidature in all possible respects, including monetary assistance for election expenses), the other accepting them (favours) knowingly that after being elected, he/she has to return the favour. Situations, however, vary from panchayat to panchayat, but the informal power structure develops outside the formal structure of authority and power. It was gathered during the fieldwork that dominant persons try to get benefits from the panchayat administration (small contracts, benefits under different schemes, etc.). This precisely explains why so many allegations are levelled against panchayat administration, including the president and elected members, for indulging in favouritism, nepotism, rent seeking, kickbacks, underhand dealings and benefits to undeserving persons under the target oriented schemes/programmes. Contesting in elections for panchayats is quite an expensive affair. It may be considered as an investment for future returns, especially by those who wish to continue in a political career. Beneficiaries’ list under some

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scheme should be prepared in the gram sabha, but experience shows that the list is manipulated at a later stage (at the panchayat and taluk levels) by influential persons. Another dimension of politics can be understood by taking into account the ‘linkage politics’ phenomenon. Political parties, supposed to be secular in recruitment and ideology, have added another dimension to panchayat politics. As referred to earlier, MLAs, MLCs and MPs in the district are associated with the taluk panchayat and the zilla panchayat. They are interested in strengthening their base (vote banks) in their respective constituencies. Most of the panchayat members in the three panchayats are affiliated to two major political parties (Congress [I] and Janata Dal) in one way or the other. It is in the interest of leaders of panchayats that they develop/cultivate linkages—horizontal and vertical—with influential party leaders.The linkage politics phenomenon is more prominent in the case of zilla panchayats and taluk panchayats covered in this study because of obvious reasons. In brief, panchayati raj politics looks like a complex web. Notwithstanding the above, spectacular differences were not observed in the functioning of the three panchayats, though one is headed by a woman president (ST category), the second headed by an SC president and the third headed by a president from the general category. Although a high percentage of members belong to the below thirty five years age group (young and supposed to be active), the socio-economic background of many members, especially from the weaker sections (SCs, STs, BCs and women), was reflected by lack of articulation, understanding of nuances of panchayat administration, ‘proxy phenomenon’ in case of some women members, presence of husbands of some women members, ‘gender biases’ exhibited on some occasions in the meeting and percentage of illiterate members during deliberations of the meetings. All these and other related matters, discussed earlier, are quite indicative of impediments in the process of empowerment (specially political) of that section of rural society focused on in the study. But much better situations, in this context, were observed at zilla panchayat and taluk panchayat levels. The panchayati raj system has an inbuilt mechanism to protect interests of the weaker sections, especially of the SCs.The state and the centre have a number of schemes exclusively for them, for instance, Ashraya Housing Scheme and Ambedkar Housing Scheme. The impact of all such efforts could be observed in SC colonies in different villages of the three selected gram panchayats in the district.

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At the same time, some factors could be identified which can create situations of exclusion for the weaker sections. To count a few, mention may be made of the following. Rotation system as it is practised is not favourable for panchayat women members elected under reserved categories. A woman elected under a particular reserved category will not get a chance to be elected a second time because of the rotation system in the wards. The tenure for presidents and vice-presidents in PRIs (thirty months at panchayat level, and twenty months at zilla panchayat and taluk panchayat levels) has been felt insufficient for developing leadership skills. Gram sabhas have proved ineffective, thereby excluding the weaker sections from having choices and opportunities in the development process. How to make participation of the weaker sections effective in gram sabhas, is a major issue today. Experience shows that contesting in panchayati raj elections has become a very expensive affair. This trend excludes the weaker sections, in general, keeping in view their economic status. Pilferage in the process of implementation of various development programmes and schemes excludes the intended benefits to accrue to the target groups in the weaker sections category. Lack of sufficient ‘capacity’ and ‘capability’ needed for elected members and office bearers, especially at panchayat level, is the other exclusion phenomenon. Last but not the least, what needs serious attention and concerted action is the fact that the Panchayati Raj Act, 1993, is a conformity Act only in letter and not in spirit, notwithstanding many positive things in the composition and functioning of the panchayati raj system in the state. Karnataka has to go a long way in achieving the spirit of the 73rd constitutional amendment as envisaged in Article 243 (G). This assumes greatest significance for removing the ‘variables of exclusion’, for the people in general and weaker sections in particular, for achieving a vibrant democratic political system at the grassroots.14

NOTES 1. There is extensive literature on SCs in different regions of India, including on atrocities against them, see, for instance, Kamble 1981, 1982. 2. For related statistics, see Government of Karnataka 1999. 3. For other details see Amal Ray and Jayalakshmi 1987.

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4. For a detailed study of the Mandal Panchayat System in Karnataka and the Karnataka experience in decentralised planning, see Abdul Aziz 1993, 1994. 5. See, for instance, Bhargava et al. 1982. 6. A scientific study based on a big sample across the state on panchayati raj elections (1993–95) concludes in this context, ‘The percentage of Vokkaligas and Lingayats, the dominant castes in the overall leadership and which hitherto dominated grass roots institutions in local bodies has considerably declined…. The trend from our sample (4775 elected representatives) shows the domination of backward classes in the Adhyakshas and Upadhyakshas posts….’ (Subha 1997, Subha et al, 2001). 7. The respondents were asked to give their annual income in one of the brackets mentioned in the schedule which run as: below 5000, 5001–10000, 10,001–15,000, 15,001–25,000, 25,001–50,000, 50,001–75,000, 75,001 to 1 lakh, 1 lakh to 2 lakh and above 2 lakh. 8. The observations of the respondents are quite reflective as far as politics in the panchayati raj system is concerned; for a heuristic model of ‘linkage politics’, its theoretical nuances and practicability aspects, see Bhargava 1978. 9. The information given here is based on interviews conducted with two zilla panchayat members, at the zilla panchayat office, Bangalore on 14 June 2002. 10. Information based on two interviews with the taluk panchayat members on 9 August 2002 and 17 August 2002. 11. Based on interviews conducted on 18 May 2002. 12. Interviews conducted at the panchayat headquarters on 8 May 2002. 13. Based on informal interview conducted on 16 May 2002.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We thank Ms Mangala A Nayak, Research Associate, ISS, Southern Regional Centre, Bangalore, for her sincerity and commitment during the data collection phase and other staff members who cooperated with us.

REFERENCES Aziz, Abdul. 1993. Decentralised Planning: Karnataka Experience. New Delhi: Sage Publications. ———. 1994. Decentralisation: Mandal Panchayat System in Karnataka. Hyderabad: National Institute of Rural Development. Bangalore Rural District at a Glance: 2000–2001. 2001. Bangalore: District Statistical Office. Bhargava, B.S. 1978. Panchayati Raj System and Political Parties. New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House.

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Bhargava, B.S., C.R. Bada and V.N. Torgal. 1982. Panchayati Raj System. New Delhi: Jackson Publications. Government of Karnataka. 1999. Human Development Report of Karnataka. Bangalore: UBS Publishers. Kamble, N.D. 1981. Atrocities on Scheduled Castes in Post–Independent India (15.8.1947 to 15.8.1999). New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House. ———. 1982. The Scheduled Castes. New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House. Manor, James. 1989. ‘Karnataka: Caste, Class, Dominance and Politics in a Cohesive Society’, in R. Frankel Francine and M.S.A. Rao (eds.): Dominance and State Power in Modern India—Decline of a Social Order. Vol. 1, pp. 322–362. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Narayan, K.S. 2002. ‘Electoral Reservations for Backward Classes in Panchayati Raj Institutions in Karnataka’. Unpublished seminar paper, seminar on Reservations and the Political Representations of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, OBCs and Women: A Comparative Assessment, 22 April 2002. Delhi: CENTRE DE SCIENCES, HUMANES, DE. Nayak, P.R. 1996. Report of the Expert Committee on Karnataka Panchayati Raj Act, 1993. Bangalore: Government Press. News item. 2002. ‘Panel Spells out Steps to End Imbalance’, Deccan Herald, Bangalore, 26 June. Ray, Amal and K. Jayalakshmi. 1987. ‘Zilla Parishads Presidents in Karnataka: Their Social Background and Implications for Developments’, Economic and Political Weekly, 22: (42–43), October 17–24. Subha, K. 1997. Karnataka Panchayat Elections 1995, Process, Issues and Membership Profile, Institute of Social Sciences. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Subha, K., B.S. Bhargava and Mangala A. Nayak. ‘An Overview of Karnataka Panchayat Elections 2000’. Unpublished Report. Bangalore: Institute of Social Sciences.

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Understanding Grassroots Power and Excluded Communities in Kerala TG Suresh

The introduction of a new Panchayat Raj Act in 1994 and the People’s Campaign for Decentralised Planning, that followed two years later, have greatly transformed the lives of millions of people in Kerala. These changes have been most conspicuous among socially deprived sections in the rural areas of the state. While the Kerala experience has been the focus of a growing literature on development, too little has been written in terms of understanding its impact on the excluded communities in the state, particularly the tribals. The present study is, in a way, an attempt in this direction, which seeks to locate women and tribals in the sociopolitical milieu of the three villages in north Wayanad, that is, Thirunelli, Mnanthavady and Vellamunda, against the backdrop of new panchayati raj institutions. This paper has evolved out of a number of field visits to these lush and quiet villages, at various stages over the last two years, and also from the consultation of a wide range of sources, including official reports, academic writings, private leaflets and biographical sketches. A comparative analysis of the three village councils, in terms of their achievements in empowering excluded communities, is attempted at the concluding part of the paper. Keeping in mind the broad thematic concerns, this paper begins with a brief presentation of the Kerala context.What follows then, is a discussion on the social background of women representatives in the state.The third section provides a general survey of social indicators of exclusion in Wayanad. The case studies of three panchayats have, in the main, included

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a concise of socio-economic conditions, political composition of the panchayat councils, the distinctive problems of the area, and the various programmes and policies initiated for the empowerment of socially deprived sections. Instead of examining the political processes in the three village panchayats separately, by dividing them into independent units, we consider them as an integrated political region.

THE KERALA CONTEXT The passage of the constitutional amendments on panchayati raj, in 1992, was a defining moment in India’s quest for meaningful democratic governance. Following this, Kerala, with a marked background in varied initiatives for decentralization, made a serious attempt to establish enduring institutions of local self-government in the state.When the way was cleared for enacting appropriate legislation in the state assembly the United Democratic Front government (UDF), led by the Congress and under the combined influence of public opinion and constitutional obligations, enacted the Kerala Panchayat Raj Act, 1994, a comprehensive piece of legislation, incorporating the provisions in tune with the Constitution.1 Widely acclaimed as one of the most comprehensive decentralization legislation in the country, it ushered a new era of local self-government institutions in the state.The outstanding feature of the Act was the creation of a three-tier panchayati raj system, at the village, block and district levels. Each of these were designed to be independent institutional structures, having legal, administrative and political autonomy. In the subsequent elections to the local bodies the Left Democratic Front (LDF), led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI[M]), had won 60 per cent of the pachayat councils. In 1996, the LDF was elected to power in the state assembly and the agenda of decentralization was taken up with utmost priority. In a remarkably bold initiative the government decided to earmark 35 to 40 per cent of the Ninth Plan outlay of the state for projects drawn up by the local bodies. The local priorities of the people are to be made through meetings of gram sabhas, with village panchayats formulating the plans, which are then coordinated and evaluated at the block level and approved by the district planning committees. What followed was a state-wide movement that mobilized millions of people in the activities related to local development

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and planning. This was the People’s Campaign Decentralized Planning which came to be called the People’s Planning (Janakeeya Aasoothranam).2 In the words of EMS Namboothiripad the campaign is the ‘most radical development that has taken place in Kerala, since the attainment of Independence, formation of the state of Kerala, and the land reforms.’3 In the course of the campaign a number of imaginative programmes, for radically refashioning the initiative from below, were designed and earnestly implemented. They include beneficiary committees for constraining the intervening role of the contractors in public works, neighbourhood groups which have been envisaged as a support structure to strengthen the gram sabhas and Kudumbasree,4 and a government programme for poverty alleviation of women. Thomas Isaac, the leading theoretician and the architect of the campaign, proclaimed planning as an instrument of social mobilization and a movement for the creation of a new civic culture.5 Women’s empowerment was given particular attention in the local level plans in Kerala, and a Special Women Component Plan amounting to 10 per cent of the plan outlay was earmarked. The advocates of the campaign believed that development programmes for weaker sections, such as the scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs), would be more effective if they were incorporated into the overall local level planning process. Accordingly 75 to 80 per cent Special Component Plan (SCP) and Tribal Sub Plan (TSP) were devolved to the local bodies. The people’s campaign for democratic decentralization generated a great deal of euphoria in the state. It was launched under the stewardship of the State Planning Commission and, at the trumpet call, by mass organizations affiliated to the CPI(M). By activating grassroots organizations and bringing together a cross section of the society along with governmental agencies for the common goal of development, the campaign transformed into a popular movement. As a result, during 1997–98, the state witnessed unprecedented developmental activities, created by a rare fusion of treasury resources and popular energy.6

WOMEN AND LOCAL POLITICS: AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE In the elections to the newly constituted three-tier panchayats in Kerala, held in 1996, where 33 per cent of the seats had been reserved for women,

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a large number of women from a diverse social origins came forward to the mainstream of politics. The individual profiles of these new grassroots leaders indicate varying degrees of experience in public activities and administrative abilities. In addition, their educational achievements have also been vastly different. The Kerala Sasthra Sahitya Parishath (KSSP), in a seminal study of this kind, gathered personal profiles and other relevant details of more than 5,000 people’s representatives. The statistics, based on this survey, have been used by the State Planning Board to examine the social and political background of women representatives, which has brought out some very interesting points closely relevant to the present study. The survey suggested that women contribute young blood to the panchayats, that 26 per cent of women representatives are below the age of thirty.7 In the category of the below-30 age group, men constitute only 14 per cent of the total number of panchayat representatives. On the educational front women are well ahead of men, and 18 per cent of women have either a bachelor’s degree or a post graduation. It is important to note that the majority of women members are educated only up to the high school level. According to the KSSP survey, 33 per cent of women representatives are not employed anywhere. And those who work are engaged in the service sector. One of the most revealing factors being brought out by the survey is that 85 per cent of women are participating in the public domain for the first time. Out of this about a quarter had prior experience in the activities of women’s organisations. Another 7.5 per cent had taken part in student movements. On the question of what motivated these young women to enter local politics, a majority of them cited family environs as the main factor. However, many became candidates in panchayat elections by force of circumstances. Those who have come to the public space in response to their own ideological preferences, and with agitational experience are relatively few, forming only 10 per cent of the total. The increasing visibility of women on the public stage generated different kinds of reactions from the society at large. Most women members of panchayats have some unpleasant experience with their male colleagues or bureaucrats to recount. The gram sabhas have invariably been male dominated in their functioning and preferences. Illustrative of this tendency was the experience of Sisily Antony, who is of the opinion that the voice of women in the councils has been ignored, and the male colleagues hardly cared for the support of women representatives. To quote her:

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More often that not, the voice of women in the councils have been ignored. The usual manner of the male colleagues was such that they hardly care for the support of women representatives. Because they believed that women members have to come round to their view and they will comply with whatever decisions men take. Even if a woman gets up to raise a question or to make a suggestion she would be either ignored or dismissed by male members including the chairman … at many instances women had to face similar kind of mentality from the officers.8

Women representatives are not always encouraged to articulate their minds in the councils. It is an important aspect to be noted in the context of Kerala’s well organized party system that the policies of the parties are deliberated upon and formulated in exclusively male dominated committees.Therefore, it has been taken for granted that the participation of women in the decision making process is not necessary or relevant. In Mananthavady taluk also, the representation of women in the powerful district committees or area committees of the CPI(M) is negligible. Similarly, the Congress party has very few women local leaders whose opinions will in anyway influence the party’s policies. So, the two main political parties in the state have a strong inbuilt mechanism that effectively throttles the role and articulation of women. Shobhana Chandradasan points to this problem in her critique of what she calls the political fetters that exist in all political parties. A women representative is often been held back from carrying out her responsibilities by certain elements within the Party. It is not that the organization to which she belongs is against her but there exist a fetter formed mainly by private interests. It is like pulling the strings from behind. Generally speaking women leaders are rare to be seen in public sphere. The local leaders of the political parties time and again fail to accept and reconcile to the power and recognition of the new women represantatives.9

In a way this passage speaks volumes about the kind of gender relations that still persist in grassroots political power in the state. The male colleagues of all parties regard women as efficient organizers, activists, public speakers, and the like, but they are greatly influenced by traditional ideologies and refuse to accept women as real comrades or equal partners in political life.

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Wayanad: Society and Economy

Located in the northern Kerala, adjacent to Nilgiris and Mysore districts of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, respectively, Wayanad comprises an area of 2,126 sq km. The fall of Wayanad to the British army marked a new turn in the history of this region. The economic policies of the British, principally aimed at the systematic exploitation of natural resources of the region, seriously disturbed the indigenous social life. The British opened up the plateau for cultivation of tea and other cash crops. Roads were built across the slopes, from Kozhikode and Thalassery. And once this region was made accessible by roads, settlers from all parts of Kerala began to pour in, and the virgin forestlands turned into agricultural land, yielding cash crops. When the state of Kerala came into being in November 1956,Wayanad was part of Kannur district. Later south Wayanad was incorporated into Kozhikode district. In order to realise the developmental aspirations of the people, the northern and southern parts of the region were carved out and joined together to form the present district of Wayanad. This district came into being on 1 November 1980, as the twelfth district of Kerala. Wayanad has a distinct socio-cultural milieu. The three main religious groups in Kerala are, more or less, evenly represented in the district. One of the salient features of Wayanad is the presence of a large tribal population. They constitute 17 per cent of the total population of the district. Religious customs, ritual practices and faith of the tribals belongs more to the traditions of Hinduism. Wayanad has a small Jain community composed mainly of the gounders from Karnataka. Nearly one-fourth of the population is made up of the Christians and almost all sections of Christianity are well represented. Muslims constitute another one-fourth of the population. They are the Moplas, who came from Malappuram and Kozhikode districts. A large number of them are labourers. Hindus of different castes like the Nairs,Thiyyas, etc., who settled here from different parts of Kerala, form the rest of the population. This district has now been turned into an agrarian region, characterized by the cultivation of cash crops and spices. The major plantation crops include coffee, tea, pepper, cardamom and rubber. Coffee based farming system is a notable feature of Wayanad. Pepper is grown largely along with coffee in the northeastern parts of the district, especially in Pulpally and Mullankolli areas. Other major crops are rubber, coconut, cardamom, tea, cassava and ginger. The rice fields of Wayanad are in the valleys formed by hillocks. Unlike in other parts of the state only a single crop is harvested. Ginger

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cultivation in Wayanad has also substantially increased in recent times, and the ginger produced is mainly marketed in the form of green ginger. A variety of crops including coconut, areca nut, pepper, vegetables, tuber crops, drumstick, papaya, etc., are also cultivated in small land holdings in the district. Modern industry of any major kind is non-existent in Wayanad. The important industrial ventures in the district are the coffee and tea processing units in the big estates. Wayanad is the homeland for many tribal communities and the district has the highest concentration of the tribal population in the state10. They form roughly 17.1 per cent of the total population of the district and represent different stages in social and economic developments. The prominent communities living in the Mananthavady taluk are the following. The Paniyas constitute the vast majority of tribals in Kerala. The term paniyaan means worker, as they were the coolies of the landed gentry. Another numerically significant community is the Adiyas who have traditionally been called Ravulayar.The Kattunayakans, an extremely backward and deprived tribal group, have their dwellings in Wayanad, Kozhikode and Malappuram districts. Their main source of livelihood is the collection of forest products. The most important people to become settler-cultivators from the ranks of the tribals are the Kurichiars, who until recently had practised untouchability against other communities including non-tribals. Uralikurumas are mainly artisans, who claim their lineages from the ancient Kurumba or Pallava, who were once so powerful in southern India.

Mananthavady Panchayat: Society, Economy and Politics A brief introduction to social relations in Mananthavady will help us to understand how different communities interact with each other, and the ways in which they share local resources and power. As elsewhere in the state, this agrarian society is still pregnant with contradictions originating from traditional identities. Needless to say that caste, religion and gender continue to influence the social positions of individuals. The marginal communities in this region are mainly the tribals. They also constitute the major chunk of agricultural labourers, landless poor, artisans and other vulnerable sections. The differences arising out of caste identities are still in force. While in many other Indian states, discriminating social

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violence against subordinated castes is widely prevalent, it is largely absent in Kerala in everyday life. Public spaces and utility services are accessible to everyone, irrespective of their caste origin or social status. The active visibility of a large number of tribals and women in all the sites of the public realm is a distinctive feature of Wayanad. As in other parts of Kerala, Mananthavady also has a vibrant associational life, in which participation of people from subordinate groups is not really negligible. But, for many extremely backward communities, confident interaction with the institutions of mainstream society is still problematic. The subordinate groups and ‘others’ also have greater levels of interactions in village life, most conspicuously in festivals and political party activities. Subordinate groups constitute the large mass of the lower level cadres of main political parties, most notably the CPI(M). Many have emerged as village level leaders of these parties and many have serious organizational responsibilities in the CPI(M) and the Congress, such as the membership in the decision making bodies like the CPI(M) local committees and Congress mandalam committees. But the coming out of women into active public life is largely a new phenomenon in the post-reservation period. Mananthavady is located in the northwestern part of Wayanad. This revenue, divisional and taluk headquarters is also one of the most important towns in the district. It has an area of 80.10 sq km and a population of 37,836, according to the 1991 census. There are 19,076 males and 18,760 females.The population of tribals is 5,514. As elsewhere, in Wayanad a striking feature of tribal life is that of an increasing social and economic marginality.11 When most other social groups live in pucca houses built in their own land, the tribals have been ghettoized into colonies, or exclusive settlements, which in general lack minimum living conditions. Mananthavady panchayat was formed in 1935 with an area of 20 sq km. In the beginning its activities were very limited.12 Public institutions have made significant contributions to the associational life of the people in this area. Here, it is pertinent to mention the Pazhassi Memorial Library and the Solidarity Library which have made progressive interventions in the social and cultural milieu. Mananthavady is the centre of trade and mercantile activities in the region. A large chunk of the population, both agricultural cultivators and labourers, depend on this business. No major industrial unit operates in the panchayat. Out of the thirty-three units registered in the panchayat, sixteen are run by women, especially small scale industries and industrial

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training centres. As the taluk headquarters Mananthavady houses some important government offices and other public institutions. The panchayat has a strong presence of left parties, especially the CPI(M). The party seems to have considerable influence among adivasis, agricultural workers and small cultivators. Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) is the traditional political arm of the Muslim community. However, there is a marked difference in the case of IUML, being a religion based political party. Although the party is proclaimed to be an agency for the betterment of the Muslim community, over a long period of time, it has achieved remarkable social and political vision and has enabled itself to participate and contribute to larger societal needs and progress. The Christian settlers constitute the main social basis for the Congress party. At the same time it also has a following in all other social groups and communities. Like elsewhere, in Kerala an interesting feature of political loyalties is that of the composite nature of its constituents. It appears that ideological leanings largely influence political choices. In addition to these, a number of caste and religious organizations like the parish church, Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP), Jamaat Committee and Nair Service Society (NSS) have their local units in the panchayat area.

The Panchayat Council and Excluded Communities In the 2000, Mananthavady elected a woman panchayat president, Sarada Sajeevan, who belongs to a tribal community. She is one of the well known figures of CPI(M) and had contested the last assembly elections from North Waianae, as an LDF nominee. A couple of things need to be made clear in the beginning. The post of president of Mananthavady panchayat was reserved for STs, not only in view of demographic considerations alone but also because of the rotation system recommended by the State Election Commission. Moreover, the present incumbent, Sarada Sajeevan, is above all a party figure rather than someone belonging to an excluded group. In other words she has been identified more with the Communist Party than her social origin. These clarifications are very relevant for the purpose of the present study.At the same time it is also important to keep in mind that Sarada Sajeevan has been in active political life much earlier than the passage of 73rd Constitutional amendment. Therefore, she is neither a political novice or totally innocent of any ideologies, as the case with many other women leaders.

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TG Suresh Table 8.1 Mananthavady Gram Panchayat Council—2001

Ward No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Name of Ward

Representative

Category

Chirakara Pilakkavu Jessy Choyimoola Ondayangadi Cherur Muttankara

Manikyam Safia Moideen Entheen Muhammed Shaju George Klara Roy C. J .Abraham Maya Joseph

ST Woman General General Woman General Woman

8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

Payyampally Koyileri Valliyoorkavu Chettappalam Arattuthara Mananthavady Town Thazheyangadi Erumatheruvu Kachumottamkunnu Kaniyaram

Johny Kommath John K.P. Vijayan Maimuna Khadar Rathnavalli Berly E.J. Babu Saradasajeevan M.M. Sathyan Devaki Teacher

General General General Woman Woman General General ST Woman General ST

18. 19.

Ozhakkodi Kuttimoola

Rosa Joseph V.U. Joy

Woman General

Party Affiliation Congress (I) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) Independent Supported by UDF Congress (I) Congress (I) CPI(M) IUML Congress (I) Congress (I) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) Independent Supported by LDF CPI(M) CPI

Source: Mananthavady panchayat office records—2001.

Compared to other panchayats, Mananthavady is a larger village. It has a higher concentration of population and has nineteen wards (Table 8.1). Only three wards are reserved for STs. Erumatheruvu, which elected Sarada Sajeevan, Kaniyaram, represented by Devaky Teacher, an independent with LDF backing, and Chirakara, the lone seat secured by the Congress in this category with Manikyam as its nominee. Representation of women in the panchayat council is in tune with statutory reservations. The profiles of the seven elected women ward members indicate varied backgrounds of social origin, educational qualifications, religious faiths and castes as well as prior experience in political activities. An interesting feature, to be noted in this regard, is that an increasing number of women now prefer to contest as independents. In an intensely political state this tendency may look rather surprising.

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But at the same time one can easily make out a growing sense of popular discomfort with politics. At the micro units of community life, party loyalties are not very acute. The new generation of women leaders are inclined more towards having an independent identity. The development report Vikasana Rekha (1998:2) prepared by the panchayat has identified four factors that discourage women from actively involving themselves in public affairs, which include a sense of being inferior to their male colleagues in public affairs, lack of self-confidence, male domination and fear of being subject to scandals.13 This can at best be the most simplistic explanation of the way in which grassroots power has been constituted into an exclusive male enterprise. The first two factors presuppose the existence of a relatively free public domain, which can be explored by anyone irrespective of gender. In way the report put the onus on women for their invisibility in public life. This is a patently erroneous account of the relationship between women and the public sphere. In Mananthavady, there seems very little to suggest that the new panchayat has in some way strengthened the social identities of excluded communities, especially that of the tribals. The policies of the panchayat samiti, vis-à-vis the tribals, focused on development activities of various kinds, while the latter remained passive recipients without much say in the formulations of priorities, method of implementation, etc. The idea of development, widely encouraged during the plan campaign, did not redefine priorities of each social group. On the contrary, an uncritical approach to development was religiously followed in case of all communities and areas, regardless of their level of socio-economic achievement. It was roads, bridges, canals, electricity and houses all the way. However, some of these projects indeed fulfil the long standing needs of marginal groups. But in many instances they were thrust upon these people, as CK Janu, the most prominent leader of the tribals in Kerala has observed: In the name of Adivasis, the development schemes emphasise the benefits for the mainstream society. For instance, in Appapara colony not a single soul owns even a bicycle. But the Panchayat builds a tarred road mainly for the convenience of those who live nearby, mostly the non-Adivasis. There is no point in having roads for huts that lack even a little space in its front side where people can at least get some fresh air.…14

In this context, this paper argues that the real empowerment, the qualitative improvement in the social position and an increased ability in negotiating

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the structures of power, eludes the marginal groups in this area owing to their numerical insignificance in relation to other groups, and the lack of effective social capital. According to the 1992 census, the population of tribals in Mananthavady is 5,514, constituting only 14.57 per cent of the total population of the panchayat. The tribal communities are yet to be identified as an agency to reckon with in the constitution of local power structure. In this situation, tribals often find themselves in a very precarious social position, extremely powerless to influence the decisions of the very party they belong to. In various development projects for weaker sections implemented in the panchayat, the housing scheme was the most important one. The ability of the political parties to influence the execution of these programmes can be well illustrated in the case of Mallan, from the Payyampally village of Mananthavady, who is a beneficiary of the housing scheme for STs for building new houses. His is a typical story of official victimisation and political vendetta. Ten years ago, Mallan, an earnest young man in his early thirties from a deprived Adiya family, put up a makeshift hut near the Puthiyidam-Moothrakkolli road. Almost eight years down the line he obtained a possession record from the village that made him eligible for using that piece of land as he wished. In November 2000, he was sanctioned a Rs 35,000 grant by the panchayat, under the housing scheme to construct a house. As the money was being disbursed in instalments according to the progress in the house construction, he earnestly began the work of his house by organizing additional labour, support from friends and relatives, as well as mobilizing some money on his own. The makeshift shelter was dismantled and necessary work went on as has been planned. Without much delay he received the first instalment of four thousand rupees in March and the second in April 2001. He completed half of the work, the foundation and brick walls, with that money. But there was a rude shock waiting for him when went to the block office to collect the third instalment. He was told that the money cannot be given to him as his neighbours have lodged a complaint against him for cutting down a neem tree and it had to be examined by the Block Development Officer (BDO) and Rural Development Officer (RDO). According to Mallan, some of his neighbours had been instigated to lodge a complaint against him by the local leaders of the CPI(M) as he had joined issue with them on some problem. Only the branches of the neem tree had been cut to remove the obstruction to the house construction, and the tree is still there. He explored all possibilities to resolve the problem, including discussing the matter with leaders of all political parties. But many of his neighbours are Nambiars and Christians,

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with whom Mallan actually cannot negotiate on an equal basis. Most of them are members or sympathizers of the influential political parties in that area like CPI(M) and Congress, whose interests cannot be challenged by a lone individual. Upset and helpless, Mallan looked for another way out by taking the matter to the activists of Adivasis Vikasana Samiti, a small but dedicated collective for the cause of tribal people. But Vikasana Samiti is considered to be non-entity in local political environs and, hence, was unable to influence the institutions of the panchayat. When I was listening to Mallan’s tale of official harrasment, there was little to hope that he will receive the remaining instalments. The monsoon was just a couple of months away and Mallan’s brick wall house stands uncovered. If in this short period the BDO does not release the rest of the money, the first downpour in June will wash away his house along with it his dream to own a house. The appointment of social activists was a constructive programme introduced by the Left Front Government, which helped the effective implementation of tribal development schemes. During the People’s Plan campaign the terms of service for social activists had been brought under the panchayat.The social activists are educated tribal youth, selected from different tribal neighbourhoods. The activists are selected on the basis of the recommendations of the concerned Tribal Development Office. The minimum qualification for selection is matriculation.These educated boys and girls assist the Integrated Tribal Development Programme (ITDP) in identifying the main problems in respective tribal areas, and at the same time help the tribals to perform the required official procedures for getting the relief. In a way the social activists work as an effective link between the government agencies and the tribals. Under the aegis of Mananthavady panchayat the social activists had been given training in how to suitably involve themselves in various people’s initiatives like Kudumba Sree and neighbourhood committees, as well as awareness classes on the question of women’s empowerment and participatory planning.All these would certainly educate and prepare the new generation of tribals in effectively dealing with the agencies of local power, and in intervening in the larger civil society.

Thirunelli Grama Panchayat: Society and Economy Located in the northeastern part of Wayanad, Thirunelli has special significance in many respects. Bordering Karnataka with an area of

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201 sq km, it is one of the most picturesque regions in the district. A large portion of the panchayat area has been declared as reserve forests. A salient feature of the panchayat is that it has the largest tribal population in the state, which constitutes more than 33 per cent of Thirunelli’s population. The tribal communities in Thirunelli include Kurichia, Adiya, Kuruma, Paniya, Urali, Kattunaykar, Kumar and Vettunaykar.15 Comprising two revenue villages, that is, Thirunelli and Thrissilassery, the panchayat has a population of 23,539 according to the 1991 census. Thirunelli is predominantly an agrarian region. A majority of people depend on agriculture and related sectors, and are either cultivators or agricultural labourers. The most important agrarian practice was paddy cultivation. The land was owned by provincial gentry and the temple dewaswom. In fact, before the large scale immigration to this area from Travancore in the early 1940s, Thirunelli had a peculiar feudal order where tribals were controlled by a system of bonded labour, which in turn contributed to the process of primitive wealth accumulation in the Temple Devaswom Trust.16 But this traditional and unjust system of agrarian relations and social order was effectively challenged and brought down by a host of factors in the post-independence era. They include a powerful peasant movement, led by the Communist Party, progressive legislations and the arrival of immigrants. Large tracts of land in today’s Thirunelli are in the possession of pepper and coffee plantations owned by big companies and small enterprises. They control the lives of thousands of people who depend upon them for daily wage work. Brahmagiri Estate, M.S.Plantations, Peevees, Lourde Estate and Nirmala Plantations are some of these companies. Migration to Thirunelli started in 1941. Agricultural cultivation in the area underwent enormous changes with the arrival of migrant cultivators. Two of the historic marks of this panchayat are the famous Thirunelli temple which is also known as the Kashi of south and the Thrissilleri temple. Thirunelli has a history of bonded labour. It had a prolonged labour movement that secured workers their basic democratic rights. In this regard the local trade unions have played an important role. The first phase of the People’s Plan campaign witnessed enthusiastic participation of the people in the deliberations of the gram sabhas. An important factor to be noted here is the participation of a large number of women in the gram sabha deliberations.There was significant presence as well as active involvement of tribals in the gram sabha. According to the panchayat records, a total of 2,411 people attended the first stage

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gram sabha meeting out of which 734 were women and 568 were tribals and SCs.17

Political Parties and Social Service Agencies in Thirunelli Thirunelli has remained, all through the last three decades, loyal to the Communist party. At present, the CPI(M) seems to have a broad social base not only among plantation workers but also among the tribals. The local activists and sympathisers point out the historical role played by the Communist party in organising agricultural labourers, mostly tribals against the feudal tyranny in the early 1950s and 1960s, as the main reason for its strong popularity in the region. But at the same time CPI(M) is experiencing a perceptible decline in its ranks as well as a growing alienation of tribals as it moved away from the tribal land question and increasingly accommodated the interests of medium land holding settlers. In the late 1960s, the radical section of the Karshaka Thozhilali Union broke away from the CPI(M) and spearheaded a powerful Naxalite movement, demanding radical changes in agrarian relations. As the tribals were the extremely poor and marginalized section, they were the most enthusiastic agency of this rebellion. Inspired by the Maoist voluntarism of that time, the movement used selective violence against class enemies which resulted in the murder of local small traders and land owners. This instantly triggered massive deployment of the state police in the area and a reign of terror was unleashed on the hapless local population, especially the tribals who had to bear the brunt of brutal repression that followed. Owing to the numerical weakness of the Naxalites and the use of violence without popular support to sustain it, the movement was destined to collapse. The devastation was complete with the killing of Varghese, a legendary Naxalite leader of that area, by the state police in 1970. This was followed by an interregnum of social weariness, a period of political retreat and social apathy. The emergency in 1975 effected an eerie silence on the associational life as well as organized political activities. Following the fall of radical movements in Thirunelli, and especially the political devastation of tribals, Christian social service agencies began to work among the tribals. With sufficient funds and a network of agencies, their work achieved significant success in terms of bringing

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tribals under their social influence. During 1976–77, Wayanad Social Service led by Fr. Tharakan and the agency called Snehalaya attracted a large number of tribals. In 1980, yet another agency, Aware, which offered healthcare services and financial aid, became active among the tribals. But the most successful social service agency to be active in this area was Solidarity, based in Mananthavady. In a way activities and programmes of these agencies have depoliticized the tribal people for a long time to come. The local activists of the Communist party criticise these agencies for the kind of services they offered the tribals and hold them responsible for weakening the party in the area. At the same time the CPI(M) refused any kind of political engagement with other social agencies articulating a different line, emphasizing the distinctiveness of the tribal question and the need for an autonomous movement. The party severely attacked all such efforts from within as well as outside. The most important case in this regard was its hostility to CK Janu, who successfully campaigned for the land rights of the tribals. In the panchayat elections, the CPI(M)’s political campaign was focused against CK Janu in Thrissleri ward where she was an independent candidate, and they pulled all strings of political machinations to defeat her. One of the most important reasons for the social deprivation of tribals is taking away of their land by the government agencies and immigrant settler-cultivators. This problem has been well documented by scholars as well as concerned journalists and activists.18 Despite this being known so widely across Kerala, the successive governments could not do anything in this regard owing to political compulsions. As noted above, one of the striking paradoxes of Wayanad is that of dispossession of land from its original inhabitants, the adivasis. When immigrant settler families live on their own land, cultivable, demarcated, fenced and legally owned, the tribals were forced out of their erstwhile homeland and have now been driven into the local outskirts, where they live in congested clusters, with adjoining nondescript houses that lack essential facilities.These clusters are often called colonies, invoking a social pariahship. Most of them do not posses cultivable land and are generally denied access to local resources and opportunities. But at the same time they form a reserve of cheap labour. A majority of these colonies are situated far away from the urban centres. Hence, as people living in distant areas they face serious problems in getting access to public institutions, schools and markets.

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Panchayat leadership The president of the Thirunelli panchayat, PV Sahadevan, is an area level leader of the CPI(M) and belongs to the general category. For long, he has been the secretary of the area committee of the party and the most well known figure in Thirunelli. At present he holds two posts, the panchayat president and the president of the Wayanad Powerloom Cooperative Society. His long innings in politics, as well as experience in public activities, have earned him general acceptance. But at the same time Sahadevan is a classic party manager who always puts the interests of the party ahead of all other concerns. Table 8.2 Thirunelli Gram Panchayat Council—2001 Ward No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Name of Ward Thirunelli Appapara Aranappara Tholpetti Chekadi Panavali Chelur Bavali Kattikulam Alathur Edayurkunnu Thrissilassery Muthumaly

Representative K Ananthan Nambiar CR Sheela CA Sunilkumar PK Khadeeja KT Gopinathan K Sarada PK Sahadevan K Mohankumar NP Ramakrishnan AN Susheela Kelu C Jayachandran Pulparambil Mary

Category General ST (Woman) ST Woman General SC (Woman) General General ST Woman ST General Woman

Party Affiliation CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M) CPI(M)

Source: Thirunelli gram panchayat office records—2001.

In the 2001 elections the party was again voted to power. The panchayat has thirteen wards (Table 8.2). Except five wards earmarked for the general category the rest have been reserved for women, STs and SCs. There are three wards reserved for women, Tholpetti, Alatthur and Muthumaly. Interestingly these three wards elected women leaders belonging to different religious faiths. Tholpetty ward member PK Khadeeja is an activist of the CPI(M) and one of the first generation women leaders to emerge from the Muslim community in this area. The member of the Alathur ward, AN Susheela has long association with the CPI(M)

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affiliated Karshaka Thozhilali Union. Pulparambil Mary, who represents Muthumaly ward, belongs to a new generation of women leaders whose initiation in to public life began after the 73rd amendment. Three wards are reserved for STs, Appapara, Kattikulam and Edayurkunnu. Appapara is reserved for ST women and the present ward representative, CR Sheela, is a young organizer of panchayat sponsored programmes as well as the CPI(M) led agitations. At various stages, during my field visits to Thirunelli, I had significant interactions with these newly emerging women leaders of the panchayat. Moreover, I have witnessed their leadership performance at some of the public events organized by the panchayat, such as a free medical camp in Appapara. Besides these, I had conducted extensive interviews with them. In all these, what struck me most was their ability to articulate specific problems that women in Thirunell had to deal with. All of them demonstrated considerable understanding about the complexities involved in the relation between structures of local power and the agency of women. In this connection it is interesting to note that women members of the party are well aware of the organizational apparatus of the party being dominated by their male colleagues. But at the same time, they also acknowledge that it is the party that has enabled them to socially acquire the progressive political education and training. The new gram panchayat council in Thirunelli has also brought in long experienced leaders from marginal communities, whose public life began decades ago in response to their own circumstances of deprivation. An important figure in this context is NP Ramakrishnan, a veteran tribal social activist, who represented Kattikulam ward. The personal biography of Ramakrishnan in a way forms part of the political profile of the tribal movement in Thirunelli. He was initiated into social activities when he joined the anti-slavery movement in the early 1960s, spearheaded by the Adivasi Swayam Sevak Sangh. The Sangh was the early tribal collective formed on their own initiative to fight for their rights. The activities of the Sangh at that time were mainly focused on land reclamation struggles, especially for those fertile lands of adivasis forcefully taken over by Hindu upper castes like Warriers and Nambiars, and immigrant Christians. Due to social deprivation and a disturbed childhood, he missed the privilege of formal education. His studies began in an Asan Kalari started by Appukkuttanasan, an enlightened Eshava educationist. Armed with the knowledge of letters and ideas of rights, he remained active in mobilizing

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his people against injustices in that area. By the mid-1960s, Ramakrishnan shifted his area of activities to Sultan Bettery, one of the main towns in Wayanad, to wage a prolonged struggle against an influential catholic priest, Fr. Mathai Nooranal, who actually led land grabbing campaigns against tribals. Ironically this priest, intensely unpopular among marginal groups, was to be nominated by the LDF as its candidate in the last assembly elections. Ramakrishnan joined CPI(M) in 1967, as candidate member in Alathur branch, and two years later was conferred full membership by the Party.

Women’s Empowerment One of the major contributions of the People’s Campaign for Decentralised Planning has been the Kudumbasree programme aimed at the alleviation of poverty among women. This innovative scheme was originally experimented on in the urban milieu of Alappuzha, and later introduced in select pachayats. Under this programme, women’s representatives, of different neighbourhoods in a ward, are brought together into an area development society (ADS). And the ADS of all the wards in a panchayat are merged into a panchayat level development committee. John and Chathukulam describe Kudumbasree as a programme for poverty alleviation that seeks to bring all poor women organized for micro-credit under a governmental umbrella.19 In Thirunelli panchayat the Kudumbasree programme galvanised hundreds of women, mostly belonging to working class social background. By early 2002, 106 such groups had been formed.The average strength of each Kudumbasree is fifteen to twenty members. Every week the group meets as decided by it earlier, and collects Rs 10 from each member as contribution. An approximate estimate of the collection in February 2002 is more than Rs 4,20,000.20 Each group has contributed Rs 3,000 to 30,000. Fifteen Kudumbasrees have been registered by the adivasi women. In ward nine, Magistrate Kavala near Kattikulam, a Kudumbasree tribal, named Gramajyothi (the village lantern), are doing excellent work. They run a vegetable farming unit on five acres of land. In the tribal segment, we learned, that the panchayat is not envisaging any new programmes in the coming years as the new government, in a major policy change, removed the Tribal Sub Plan (TSP) funds from the panchayat.

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Vellamunda Panchayat: A General Introduction The Vellamunda gram panchayat was formed in 1950 under the Madras Panchayat Act by merging Thondarnad and Vellamunda villages. The first president of the panchayat was Jenab PK Ahamed Haji. In those days the powers of the panchayat were confined to a meagre local revenue collection and dispute mediation in the village. The present panchayat constituted under the Kerala Panchayat Act came into being in 1961.The panchayat has jurisdiction over 64.54 sq km. The total population of the panchayat is 30,498. Unlike the state average, the gender ratio is slightly tilted towards men, that is, 15,410 men to 15,088 women. Despite being an isolated and backward area located in hill ranges of Wayanad, there have been attempts, for well over a century, to collectively overcome the constraints imposed by geography and history on the social life. The early educational institutions in the panchayat were established first in Kollur in 1884, and then in Tharuvana, in 1904. A public library was established in Vellamunda in 1936.21 In the same period, a variety of institutions and associations, for public utility, had taken root, and subsequently grown into effective and sustainable social agencies. They include paddy cooperative societies, medical centres, milk cooperative sanghams, banks, veterinary centres, etc. Like in the rest of the state, Vellamunda has an active presence of civil society groups, such as sports and arts clubs, and women’s social associations. Vellamunda has a larger presence of the Muslim community than elsewhere in Wayanad district. Islam, in this area, has long historical legacy stretching over more than four centuries. There are many old mosques and houses.The Christian immigration into Vellamunda is older than half a century. It is said that the first batch of settler families arrived around 1948. The church in Vellamunda was established in 1950. Among the tribal people Kurichiars have a prominent position. Kurichiars are considered to be a martial tribe, who formed the main fighting battalions of Pazhassi Raja.The Commander in Chief of the antiBritish resistance army of Pazhassi was a Kurichia lieutenant, Thalakkal Chandu. Kurichiars follow a matrilineal succession line and live in joint families.

Women in Local Society It has been widely acknowledged that women in Kerala fare much better in education and employment as compared to other states in India.

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However, a gender bias, strongly influenced by patriarchy and other ideologies of social conservatism rooted in religion and caste, is a powerful cultural barrier to the advancement of women in Kerala. Vellamunda is no exception to this general situation prevailing in the state. Information from gram sabhas and panchayat census reports provide the main features of women’s profile in the panchayat. According to the 1991 census, the female population of the panchayat area was 15,088, out of which 271 were tribal women. In the panchayat area, a large number of women are jobless and basically look after the household chores.

Panchayat Politics Vellamunda largely remains a political stronghold of Indian Union Muslim League (IUML). The main reason why this constituent of the Congress led United Democratic Front exerts considerable influence is the large presence of Muslims. It is an interesting aspect of Kerala politics that the Communist movement does not have much following among religious minorities in the state. The Christians and Muslims have their own political formations with varying degrees of autonomy from ecclesiastical authority.The IUML has proved, over a long period of time, as the better political alternative for the Muslims in Kerala. Like all other political formations in the state, it is also a grassroots organisation with a web of affiliated unions in different sectors of public life, a students wing, workers union, women’s association, etc. Table 8.3 Vellamunda Gram Panchayat Council—2001 Ward Name of Ward No. 1. Kandathuvayal 2. Vellamunda Patham Mile 3. Pazhanjana 4. Vellamunda Ettu Nalu 5. Kokkadavu

6. 7.

Tharuvana Peechangodu

Representative KC Mundan MC Ibrahim

Category

Party Affiliation

ST General

Congress (I) IUML

K Abdullahaji General Kamar Laila Woman Vijayan Uppannada General

PC Ibrahim Ammu

IUML IUML Independent Supported by BJP General IUML ST (Woman) Independent Supported by IUML (Table 8.3 Contd.)

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(Table 8.3 Contd.) Ward No. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

Name of Ward Kellur Karakkavala Karinjali Paliyana Cherukara Ozhukkummoola Mothakkara Varambatta Pulinjal

Representative KK Jiberia PO Poulose PP George KK Valsala N Ibrahim Jincy George IC George Rukhia A M Chandran

Category

Party Affiliation

Women General General Woman General Woman General Woman ST

IUML CPI(M) Congress (I) Congress (I) IUML KC(J) LDF CPI(M) CPI(M) Independent KC UDF

Source: Vellamunda gram panchayat office records—2001.

The reconstitutedVellamunda Panchayat has sixteen wards (Table 8.3). Five wards have been reserved for women and it is led by a women president, KK Jiberia, who represents Kellur ward. Among those who have come to public life following the 73rd Constitutional amendment, Kamar Laila is a remarkable local organizer and a popular figure. Other women wards and their representatives are Paliyana won by VK Valsala of the Congress, Ozhukkummoola represented by Jincy George, an independent backed by the Kerala Congress (Joseph Group), a constituent of the CPI(M) led LDF. Varambatta ward has a CPI(M) member Rukhia. There are three seats earmarked for STs and among them one is for ST women. This seat was won by an independent candidate Ammu, who had the backing of the IUML. In a progressive departure from the usual political practice, IUML supported the candidature of a woman who belongs to a tribal community. This is a very significant development in terms of breaking the conventional idea of identity politics as well as building solidarity across party lines and religious identities. Local political dynamics, of course, would have played a role in IUML’s calculations in supporting Ammu, yet it has set off a very positive trend in micro level political practices. Ammu who represents Peechangodu ward had earlier been working as a helper in the village anganwadi. In many ways Vellamunda is a model village where native life is marked by a shared sense of camaraderie, a promising facet of provincial malabari culture.Although ideologies of traditional identities, like caste and religion, still cast an influence, social relations in the public life are largely a secular domain. What inspires people from different social strata and religious faiths to come together to work for a common goal is a shared urge for

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societal progress and economic developement. Well before the waves of organized movement for social reforms reached this village, there had been individual efforts to overcome social constraints imposed by traditional ideologies of all kinds. Usman, the patriarch in Kamar Laila’s household, is an important figure in this context. Now at eighty years of age, Usman had come to Vellamunda from Kozhikode about five decades back. The story of this grand old man, a cycle mechanic by training, is interspersed with ceaseless conflicts with social conservatism, especially those against women. In a long conversation on a rainy day Usman recollected his fights with the orthodox clergy. What he felt most intensely and fought for was education and personal freedom of Muslim girls. His narratives in a feeble broken voice reconstructed anecdotes from the struggle for women’s cause. To quote: In those days people used to say that Usman is incorrigible because I sent my daughters to school. At that time Muslim girls were not supposed to receive education. The mullas were against it. I defied the convention and the diktats of the moulavis. I was interested in arts and I used to play tabla. My daughter studied dance and performed in school festivals and other public functions. Then, you know, she became a sort of star in the neighbourhood. We did not miss a single social event that took place in the area. Of course, we were not following the traditions of the time.22

As the time passes by and traditions wane, the trend that Usman set off comes of age. No wonder his daughter became the first women panchayat president. His name was later entered in a village booklet released by the panchayat.23 My talks with Kamar Laila, the most popular ward representative in the panchayat, bear out the changes that happened in village life. Her introduction to social activities began when she became the coordinator of the Kudumbasree programme. Kamar Laila was quite well known to most of the village households and she had established a strong affinity with women folks. It is this factor, a spotless popularity, that brought her to panchayat elections. To my question about the circumstances and her own personal choice in contesting elections she replied, I have no political affiliations. And I don’t like the idea of being a candidate of any particular party. Because then others would not feel the way they used to. In fact I want to be friendly with everyone across

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TG Suresh party affiliations. My husband’s father had leftist leanings and through him the CPI(M) tried to field me as their candidate. But before them the IUML had approached me and I became their nominee.24

Kamar Laila’s reflections on her entering politics offer an interesting hint at the way in which women relate themselves to public life. Unlike their male colleagues, many women are inclined towards more an independent approach to local issues. There is a general longing for building social cohesion at the village level.This is particularly true about women who have been elected to panchayati raj institutions since the 73rd constitutional amendments. According to Kamar Laila, reservation is the single most important factor for women’s visibility in civil society. To quote: Earlier my community people did not like women going out and taking part in social activities. If ever a woman was seen moving freely in her neighbourhood, then the village rumour mills had a great time churning out all sorts of stories about her. I bet it will become a scandal. Fearing this, most women sit back at home. Who would like to hear such unsavoury gossip? But now things have changed for better. Today, you can see a whole lot of women coming to panchayat offices, getting involved in all kinds of activities and more importantly making an effort to change their lives. Had there been no reservation this would not have happened.25

The transformation brought about in the everyday functioning of the panchayat in Vellamunda is very much discernible. A few years ago pachayat offices like those in Vellamunda used to be quiet and resigned. For many villagers, a visit to panchayat office had been an unpleasant experience as they had to confront an unresponsive bureaucracy. In some ways people felt so powerless in panchayat offices, especially when the staff is often indifferent and at times hostile.Women or people from other disadvantaged groups would come only when there was an urgent purpose. However, after the new panchayat institutions have come in to being, the very atmosphere in the panchayat offices has changed. Women ward representatives now visit these offices more regularly.Their presence is also required in connection with meetings of one committee or the other, like the Kudumbasree, standing committee meetings of various projects, and so on.The women beneficiaries, of a range of schemes being implemented by the panchayat, also visit the officers. In addition, I could see a large

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number of tribals consulting the concerned officer in the panchayat on a variety of problems. The native enthusiasm for developmental activities had a remarkable effect on the social and economic milieu of the panchayat. Kudumbasree has activated women in most of the neighbourhoods, and made them active participants in a new kind of collective effort for self help and empower-ment. The relatively large number of Kudumbasree neighbourhoods registered in panchayat is an indication of how social action can play important role changing women’s lives. In sixteen wards 260 Kudumbasrees have been formed. The regular membership of each unit is fifteen to twenty, and each member has to deposit Rs 5 to Rs 10 every week. In addition a monthly contribution of Rs 2 is also collected. The average collection of each unit runs between Rs 15,000 to Rs 25,000. By the middle of January, Kudumbasree had collected around Rs 28 lakhs. This money has been earmarked, for the most part, for contingency assistance fund and self-employment loans. The relative backwardness of the region coupled with an acute crises in the agricultural sector, following the central government initiated economic reforms, have dampened the spirit of the otherwise enthusiastic women activists. In the recent past daily wages of women in agro-plantations, especially coffee and tea, have fallen sharply and many women complained of difficulty in even securing the meagre deposit amount for Kudumbasree. Apart from being an effective micro-credit arrangement, the Kudumbasree programme in Vellamunda also envisages a range of activities for enabling women in dealing with the local social problems in better way. In the neighbourhood gatherings, which take place four times in a month, a host of issues affecting the lives of women are discussed and informal counselling offered. Awareness classes against social evils like dowry harassments are being organized by the Kudumbasree. According to Subeida and Ramla these campaigns, and the coming together of a lot of women, have created a new sense of confidence as well as empowerment among them in the panchayat. The names of the Kudumbasrees, although symbolic in their social relevance, are interesting to take note of. In many a sense, they suggest the innate optimism of its members. They can be grouped into three diverse yet cohesive categories of social markers.Where religious faith operates as the main social bond or commonly accepted norm of collective activities, the women have had their Kudumbasree named after Islamic motifs. A

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few examples are Rahmath, Rahmania, Mubarak, Falah, AL-Ameen,Thaj, Ashina and Najaah. Most of the Kudumbasrees have names from native cultural traditions popularised by the village library movement of the 1950s and 1960s. For instance, Pulari, Pratheeksha, Sneha, Chaithanya, Keerthi, Jyothis, Rashmi, Namita, Bodhana, Manasi,Anugraha and Deepti. Other names are those inspired by modernist and liberal visions. They include Renaissance, Risala, Mahatma and Priyadarshini. Over the years, the panchayat has been evolved into an effective agency of social empowerment. A number of schemes, specially for excluded groups, have been formulated and implemented. In Kuttiyad the panchayat runs a women’s cooperative printing press. A working capital of Rs 2 lakh has been provided by the panchayat. There are 160 women working in the press who have been selected from the below poverty line (BPL) category. However, it will be an extremely difficult challenge for this block printing press to sustain in an uncertain market environment, especially when the technological advancement in the field of printing is fast changing. Another important entrepreneur endeavour of the panchayat is a hotel, by a Self Help Group (SHG), in Vellamunda Pathammile, exclusively managed by women. The initial investment for this project (Rs 75,000) was given by the panchayat from the People’s Plan fund, and, at present, there are ten women working in the hotel. In the year 2000, fourteen women received training in automobile driving and were given driving licenses for light vehicles, like autorickshaws and jeeps. The panchayat has also given monetary assistance for vegetable farming and a metal crushing unit in Peechamkoodu village.

CONCLUSION The passage of the Kerala Panchayat Raj Act in 1994 indicated a historic legislation towards substantial devolution of political power. The constitutionalization of the three tier panchayats in the state have undoubtedly brought the hitherto distant government much closer to the people. The most important factor that made an increasing visibility of women and other marginal sections in the local public space possible was the system of reservation. The introduction of reservation has initiated a large number of rural women into active public engagement in the state.

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It has, at present, opened up the possibility of becoming an instrument of social justice and mobilization of deprived groups. The Kerala experience in panchayati raj, especially in view of the three villages under study, suggests that genuine democratization of panchayats in terms of involving tribals in decision making processes is far from encouraging. Generally, it has been noticed, wide across the state, that tribals participate in village councils, often not as members of excluded communities but as spokespersons of their respective political parties. Even in Thirunelli panchayat, where tribals constitute a numerically significant community, their representation in the councils has scarcely brought out tribal issues on the agenda for deliberation. In a way, this can be interpreted as increasing levels of social inclusion. However, in this context that does not seem to be the case, but it points at a different social reality, where the overarching identities of political parties subsume the articulations from below. To a large extent this will explain the relatively passive involvement of tribals in the People’s Campaign for Decentralized Planning. Similarly, though at a different level, the public visibility of women does not actually indicate their political empowerment. To understand some of these apparent paradoxes in a state, otherwise acclaimed for its impressive human security indicators and progressive social relations, it is imperative to look into the distinct way in which grassroots power is organized in the state. To begin with, Kerala is a society where the traditional rural power structures, based on land holding and ritual status, had been broken down much earlier. Subsequent social change has also removed conventional means of social exclusion of women, SCs and STs. However, the society is still being influenced by ideologies of social conservatism. Central to this are the values of patriarchy and notions of hierarchies of castes. Every political party in the state is predisposed to them in varying degrees. Until the time when political parties come to terms with and become sensitive to these specificities originating from caste and gender, this scenario is unlikely to change. The experience of the some of the new panchayats discussed above like Vellamunda shows that they have the potential to become effective instruments of women’s empowerment. In this regard, innovative development programmes of the People’s Plan campaign, especially that of Kudumbasree, earns special appreciation. However, the social empowerment of women and other disadvantaged sections still remains far from adequate. A comparative study of three panchayats in north Wayanad

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suggests that owing to the distinctive social and political milieu prevailing in the region, the gender or caste identity of the panchayat president does not necessarily play a crucial role in the overall functioning of the council. The most active agency of grassroots power in these villages is still the political party, whose ideological orientations as well as sensitivity towards the questions of gender, caste and empowerment determine the functioning of the panchayati raj institutions.

NOTES 1. See The Kerala Panchayat Raj Act,1994. For the authorised English translation refer K.G. Ext. No. 675 dated 10-7-1995. 2. The People’s Campaign for Decentralised Planning has generated a great deal of attention from the developmental literature. The following are some of the important works, which may be referred to, to understand the theoretical vision as well as the programmatical details of the movement, Richard W. Franke and Barbara H. Chasin, ‘Power to the Malayalee People’, Economic and Political Weekly, 32(48),1997: pp. 3061–68, T.M. Thomas Isaac and Richard W. Franke, Local Democracy and Development: People’s Campaign for Decentralised Planning in Kerala, New Delhi: Leftword Books, 2000, P.K. Micheal Tharakan and Vikas Rawal, ‘Decentralisation and People’s Planning in Kerala, Social Scientist, Vol. 29, No. 9–10, Sept–Oct. 2001: pp. 1–6. 3. Quoted in P.K. Micheal Tharakan and Vikas Rawal, ‘Decentralisation and People’s Planning in Kerala’, Social Scientist, Vol. 29, No. 9–10, Sept–Oct. 2001: p. 2. 4. For introductory notes on Beneficiary Committees, Neighbourhood Committees and Kudumbasree, See M.S. John and Jose Chathukulam, ‘Building Social Capital through State Initiative: Participatory Planning In Kerala’, Economic and Political Weekly, May 18, 2002: pp. 1939–1948. 5. See T.M. Thomas Isaac and Richard W. Franke (2000). 6. However, the campaign did not sustain as expected in the beginning. Some studies have cited the financial aspect of decentralization as the main reason. For a critique focusing on this issue See K.P. Kannan, People’s Planning: Kerala’s Dilemma@ http: www.India-seminar.com/2000/485 7. Quoted in Janakeeyasoothranavum Sthree Munnettavum. 8. For the original quotation in Malayalam See Ibid p. 111. 9. For the original quotation in Malayalam See Ibid p. 112. 10. There exist too few accounts on the contemporary social history of tribals in Wayanad. Till date the most useful work in this regard is The Tribal Situation in Kerala by P.R.G. Mathur (1975). 11. See P.R.G. Mathur (1975). 12. The Development Report prepared by the panchayat is a very useful for preliminary study. It contains information regarding a wide range of aspects of the panchayats,

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13. 14. 15. 16.

17. 18. 19.

20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

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like the local history, agriculture, irrigation, industries, education, drinking water, health, social welfare, culture, women, Adivasis, and so on. The details given in the text are based on this report. Comprehensive Development Report–1998, Mananathavady Grama Panchayat, pp. 110. Interview with C.K. Janu. See Thirunelli Grama Panchayat Office, Scheduled Tribes Survey Details (2000). The social enslavement and deprivation of tribals under feudalism is narrated in the writings of K.J. Baby, a prominent Naxal fellow traveller turned playwright. See introduction in his radical plays like Nattugadhika and Mavelimantram. Development Report, 1998, Thirunelli Grama Panchayat. p. 2. A pioneering investigation in this issue was done by P.R.G. Mathur. See his ‘Alienation of Tribal Land’, Journal of Kerala Studies, 1979. M.S. John and Jose Chathukulam, ‘Building Social Capital through State Initiative: Participatory Planning In Kerala’, Economic and Political Weekly, May 18, 2002: pp. 1939–1948. Development Report 1998, Thirunelli gram panchayat records. Development Report 1998. Vellamunda Grama Panchayat. Interview with Usman. Janakeeyasoothranaprasthanam (2000-2001). Vellamunda Grama Panchayat, p. 43. Interview With Kamar Laila. Interview With Kamar Laila.

REFERENCES Franke, Richard W. and Barbara H. Chasin. 1997. ‘Power to the Malayalee People’, Economic and Political Weekly, 32(48): pp. 3061–68. Isaac, Thomas and Richard W. Franke. 2000. Local Democracy and Development: People’s Campaign for Decentralised Planning in Kerala. New Delhi: Leftword Books. Janu, C.K. 2001. ‘C.K. Januvinte Aathma Katha’, Bhashaposhini, Vol. 25, No. 7, December 2001. Janakeeyasoothranavum Sthree Munnettavum (People’s Plan and Women’s Empowerment) (Malayalam), (eds.) T.N. Seema,T. Kamala, N. Rajamohanakumar and E. Sindhu, State Planning Board and Kerala Institute of Local Administration, Thiruvananthapuram: Kerala Bhasha Institute, 2000. John, M.S. and Jose Chathukulam, ‘Building Social Capital through State Initiative: Participatory Planning In Kerala, Economic and Political Weekly, May 18, 2002: pp. 1939–48. Mananthavady Grama Panchayat Samagra Vikasana reekha (Comprehensive Development Report). Mananthavady Grama Panchayat 2000. Mathur, P.R.G. 1975. The Tribal Situation in Kerala. ———. 1979. ‘Alienation of Tribal Land’, Journal of Kerala Studies.

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P.K. Micheal Tharakan and Vikas Rawal. 2001. ‘Decentralisation and People’s Planning in Kerala’, Social Scientist, Vol. 29, No. 9–10, Sept.–Oct. 2001: pp. 1–6. Scheduled Tribes Survey Details (2000). Thirunelli Grama Panchayat Office. Trivandrum: Kerala Historical Society. Thirunelli Gram Panchayat. 1998. Vikasana Rekha, the development report of the panchayat.

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Caste, Party and Democratic Decentralization in Karnataka Lalita Chandrashekhar

That the institution of caste is widely extant in Indian society is a well established fact. A visit to any village in Karnataka will bring to one’s notice the castes who reside there. It is also well known that these castes are not equitably placed. There is both a ritual and a socio-economic hierarchy operating in the relationship between castes which impinges on their political role. While the brahmin has an exalted place in the ritual hierarchy, he is now practically non-existent in the rural areas, and, hence, does not figure in local politics. In the three gram panchayats under study, there was only one brahmin gram panchayat member. On the other hand, the Vokkaliga has a dominant role to play in the socio-economic hierarchy, with the requisite numbers and a not too low ritual status, being primarily a peasant caste. This makes him a formidable contender for power in the local arena. In addition to the Vokkaliga are a number of other castes in the old Mysore region, which is the area of our study. These are the Lingayat (followers of Basaveshwara, a twelfth century saint and social reformer), Kuruba (shepherd), Golla (cowherd), etc., who do have a political presence in the taluk under study, due to their numbers. There are others, such as the Agasa (washerman), Achari (goldsmith), etc., who have a minimal presence due to their low numerical strength. Then there are the two Dalits, or hitherto untouchable castes, known as Holeya and Madiga, as well as the Bhovi, who were not regarded as untouchables but are on the scheduled castes (SCs) list, and the Naika,

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which is the only group on the scheduled tribes (STs) list in this taluk. These groups have been singled out for affirmative action by the state. While the Naika or STs presence is low in the taluk, the SCs presence is high. The task before me was to examine the inclusion of these categories in the socio-economic and political life of the village, given their formal inclusion in the panchayat raj system, especially since the 73rd amendment to the Constitution came into force in 1993. I also had to view the inclusion of women, given their formal political inclusion under the same amendment in terms of 33 per cent of the seats. Earlier, they had been nominated to posts in the panchayat raj system. The design of the study required me to select three gram panchayats in the taluk. My research points out that in the taluk under study, namely Hoskote in Bangalore (Rural) district, the Vokkaliga have found a new vehicle to subserve their dominant interests, namely the political party. In this taluk, the Janata Dal (United) is firmly in the saddle and its leadership is entirely in the hands of the Vokkaligas. It wrested power from the Congress, the only other party with a strong presence in the taluk, in the early 1980s and has never looked back since. It was Chennabyregowda1 who built up the organization from scratch. In 1978, when Morarji Desai was prime minister and Devaraj Urs was chief minister of Karnataka, Chennabyregowda’s nephew Bache Gowda became a MLA on the Janata Party ticket. In 1983, the Janata Party got a majority and rode into power in the state with R.K. Hegde as chief minister and Nazir Saab as rural development and panchayat raj minister. This was a turning point for the party at the state level. A pro-farmer party, it’s symbol was a farmer with an axe. During its stints in power at the state level, Bache Gowda became a minister three times. He consolidated his position and that of his party in the taluk. Bache Gowda continued to wield power as the MLA from Hoskote, regardless of the party in power in the state. He is a force to reckon with even today.2 In Bangalore (Rural) district, at present, only two taluks, namely Hoskote and Nelamangala, are with the JD(U) today, the rest having gone to the Congress. Thus, Bache Gowda and his party have enjoyed power in the taluk for over two decades. How is all this pertinent to democratic decentralization? It is my contention that the panchayat raj institutions in Hoskote cannot be understood without reference to the overriding presence of the political parties in the taluk. To that extent, devolution of power stops at the taluk. At present, power emanates from the JD(U) and its leaders, particularly its MLA, whose electoral constituency is contiguous with the taluk and extends only slightly beyond it to the neighbouring taluk.

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The MLA rides the taluk like a colossus. In his meeting with me, he stated, ‘this is a one-man show.’ And indeed he is not wrong. He has an extremely affable image in the taluk. Even the supporters of the opposition Congress party conceded that he had done a great deal for the taluk.They ascribed the development of good roads in Hoskote, in which he was said to take a special interest, to him. All this is not surprising, as over the two decades that he has been in power, he has carefully nurtured his constituency. It was said of him that no one who approaches him goes back empty-handed. He gives generously to causes, be it building a temple, or organizing a community marriage ceremony. He has also cultivated the image of a modern leader. In his speeches, he extols the virtues of education, improvement in the conditions of the SCs, STs and women, unity of all castes and creeds, etc. A native of Bedigenahally village in Hoskote taluk, he comes from a family of jodidars (landlords), once owning large tracts of land in the taluk, which gives him an unmatched traditional respectability, and, hence, acceptance.3 A lawyer by profession, he is constantly on the move, being feted at various functions in the taluk. A good speaker, he holds the people’s rapt attention, peppering his speeches with humorous anecdotes. He knew every nook and corner of the taluk and was quick to praise the good work of his party men. In short, he has the stature of a demi-god in the taluk. With the liberal and savvy MLA as the public face of the party, the JD(U) also has a second and third line of leadership in the taluk, making for strong organizational control of the taluk. The second line of leaders consist of four or five individuals, all of whom are Vokkaligas, who have carved out specific areas of influence, so that the whole taluk is divided between them and is collectively under their control. This set of leaders, are no-nonsense men who presumably do the dirty work of the party, and have a lot of flak directed at them. They, therefore, maintain a low profile. Thus, the people said that while the MLA was good, these leaders resorted to every trick in the book from rigging to physical violence and likened the taluk to a ‘mini-Bihar’. Be that as it may, the second line of leadership has the taluk firmly within its grasp. And this is where panchayat raj institutions come into the picture. The second line of JD(U) leadership, or their wives, were ensconced in the zilla panchayat as zilla panchayat members. One of them had a son who was a taluk panchayat member. Incidentally, there are five zilla panchayat members from Hoskote and all of them are JD(U) members

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(see Table 9.1). One of the leaders said that it was imperative that either he or his wife be in the zilla panchayat, otherwise his vote-bank would go to the rival party. Table 9.1 Party Support in Zilla Panchayat and Taluk Panchayat in Hoskote Taluk in 2002 Tiers

Zilla Panchayat Taluk Panchayat

Party Support

Total

JD(U)

Cong

05 15

2

05 17

Source: Field notes. Note: There is no official party support at the gram panchayat level, though informally, parties do play a role in the elections.

Indeed, access to the considerable developmental funds, that devolve to the zilla panchayats from the state and central exchequers, is a major consideration for the players in politics of the taluk. With these funds, they are able to build schools, roads, etc., which in turn bring in the votes. The taluk panchayat was also packed with JD(U) men and women (see Table 9.1) but it was not seen as an arena of power. Perhaps, this was due to the fact that the taluk panchayat is a relative newcomer to the panchayat raj system, and has not found its place, having been introduced only in 1995. Prior to that, from 1987 to 1993, the panchayat raj system or mandal panchayat, as it was then called, had only two tiers, the mandal panchayat and the gram panchayat. To my mind, the taluk panchayat has come in handy in accommodating the growing number of well-to-do individuals from the countryside in positions of status and prestige, if not in power. This became evident to me when I visited the homes of the taluk panchayat members and found them to be substantial, and well endowed houses, for a countryside. Many factors have lessened the power of the taluk panchayat as compared to the other two tiers. The strong and overriding influence of the MLA and the executive officer (EO) at the taluk panchayat level is an inhibiting factor. At the two taluk panchayat meetings which I attended, there was a virtual overshadowing of the elected members by the MLA and the EO. This was reinforced by the total non-participation of the woman taluk panchayat president, who had a sort of ornamental presence. She did not utter a single word, either in these meetings or in the zilla panchayat meeting, where she was supposed to represent the interests and the grievances of the taluk panchayat to the

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zilla panchayat. Another reason for the eclipse of the taluk panchayat is that, unlike the gram panchayat, its members are not in direct and close contact with the electorate. This brings us to the third line of leadership of the JD(U). This line is also intimately related to panchayat raj institutions. It consists of gram panchayat presidents who have the informal support of the JD(U) and Congress, as political parties do not have a formal role in gram panchayat politics. In the twenty six gram panchayats in the taluk, twenty four had a majority of JD(U) supporters and two had a majority of Congress supporters. These gram panchayat presidents have close interaction with the MLA and party bosses to whom they owe their positions. It was said that the MLA has his men in every gram panchayat. These men act as trouble shooters for the party. They are expected to take care of all the problems that occur at the local level. Thus, the JD(U) strength lies in its organization and leadership, right from the taluk down to the grassroots level.At the same time, the Congress Party is in a state of total disarray. It has a considerable following in the taluk, but as they said in one voice, they are sans leaders. The collapse of the Congress is dramatically ascribed to the defection of one of its party leaders to the JD(U) in the late 1970s. Apparently, it has been unable to withstand the consequences of that defection, while the JD(U) has gone from strength to strength. Compared to the taluk panchayat, the gram panchayat was seen as an arena of power. This was largely due to the fact that its members were in close contact with the electorate and, hence, of immediate interest to the political parties. Two of the three gram panchayats under study had very lively meetings, where members had a free and frank exchange of views, and decibel levels were high. But here one may point out that decentralization of power largely stops at the gram panchayat headquarters and does not extend to the ten or eleven villages under its jurisdiction. Thus, the headquarters of the gram panchayat was the locus of power, and the members in the outlying villages had little power to speak of. And this is precisely where I will focus my analysis of the power structure of the gram panchayat.

THE PROBLEM My task was to study the inclusion of hitherto excluded groups and categories, such as the SCs, the STs and women, in the panchayat raj

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system. I was given a brief to study three gram panchayats, one with a president belonging to the general category, another with a woman president, and a third with an SC president. Selecting the last was not a problem as there were only two gram panchayats in the taluk with SC presidents. I chose the older president, as I felt that he would have more experience in politics. The other president was a very young man and a novice in politics. The choice of the other two was not easy. There were ten women presidents and nine general category presidents to choose from. Finally, I followed the advice of the EO with regard to the gram panchayats to be selected. The general category president was a Vokkaliga who, according to him, ran the gram panchayat in a very efficient manner, so that it was a model gram panchayat. The woman gram panchayat president whom he recommended had also shown great promise.Therefore, I decided to take up these two gram panchayats. On hindsight, it was a good decision.4 But, I may point out here that these posts are constantly rotating among the different categories. Karnataka has developed the categorization of castes and classes into a fine art. There are five categories, namely, backward castes–most backward (BC–A), backward castes–more backward (BC– B), SCs, STs and a gender-based category. I submit that rather than the formal power structure, which keeps on changing, one has to look at the informal power structure in the gram panchayat, which is of a more sustained kind and less amenable to change. In other words, presidents may come and go but the powers-that-be continue to rule the roost. Thus, while the party holds the strings of power firmly within its grasp at the taluk level, there is some leeway for the play of power at the grassroots level. Out of the fifty two gram panchayat members in the three gram panchayats selected by me, thirty seven belonged to the JD (U) and fifteen had Congress support, making for a somewhat greater variety of political support than at the taluk or zilla panchayat level. And, it is at this level that we will focus our analysis. Our intention is to see, how democratic and how responsive the gram panchayats are to people and their problems.The assumption is that the more democratic the gram panchayat is, the greater the inclusion of excluded categories.5 In doing so, I will concentrate on the following criteria: 1. Whether, the gram panchayat president exercises power independently or is subject to other powerful influences within the gram panchayat. As mentioned earlier, the gram panchayat president is subject to the power exercised by his/her party boss from above, but does she

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3.

4.

5.

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exercise power independently within the gram panchayat? Or, is there an informal power structure operating within the gram panchayat, which bears down on her and forces her hand. Whether there is a ‘unanimous selection’ of the gram panchayat member, or an election to the post, in which two or more parties have taken part. In the former case, it is often assumed that this unanimity is the result of a consensus reached by the villagers, but this matter cannot be taken at face value, and has to be probed. It may have been imposed by a dominant individual or caste or party or all three rolled into one. If there is an election, then one can say that the gram panchayat is more democratic in its functioning. Whether more than one party is represented in the gram panchayat membership. A perusal of the party support to the gram panchayat members is an indicator of democratic functioning of the gram panchayat. If two or more parties are found to support the gram panchayat members, it may be taken as an indication of democratic functioning of the gram panchayat. One-party dominance is generally taken to be less democratic than a multi-party presence. Whether the SC members of the three gram panchayats are exercising power independently.What is the difference, if any, in the political and socio-economic position of the SC members and the non-SC members in the taluk? This will give us an insight into the extent of inclusion of the SCs in the body politic at the grassroots level. Whether the women gram panchayat members are exercising power independently. If so, it points to the open and democratic nature of the gram panchayat and the extent of inclusion of women in the gram panchayat.

THE METHOD The interview method was used extensively by me. Both structured questionnaires and interview schedules were used. I was assisted in the fieldwork by V. Raju, a post-graduate in the social sciences. We walked around the villages, observing them in great detail. We attended meetings in all the three gram panchayats and in fact in all the three tiers of the panchayat system. We collected secondary data on three gram panchayats from the gram panchayat offices. The fieldwork lasted for a period of six months.

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THE FIELD: BANGALORE (RURAL) DISTRICT, HOSKOTE TALUK Karnataka is a large state with an area of 19,050 hectares and twenty seven districts.The Bangalore (Rural) district and within it Hoskote taluk, were selected as the area of my research. Bangalore (Rural) district lies to the southeast of Karnataka State. The district has eight taluks, namely, Channapatna, Devanahalli, Doddaballapura, Hoskote, Kanakapura, Magadi, Nelamangala and Ramnagar taluks. There are eight taluk panchayats and 228 gram panchayats under one zilla panchayat functioning in the district.The district is famous for sericulture, floriculture, milk produce, vegetables and handicrafts (GOK, 1998–99). Hoskote taluk is situated to the east of Bangalore (Rural) district with Hoskote town as the taluk headquarters. It has an area of 545 sq km having 254 inhabited villages and forty five uninhabited villages, according to the 1991 census. There are twenty six gram panchayats and one municipality in Hoskote.The taluk has a population of 188,499 of which 162,966 is rural and 25,533 is urban. The density per sq km is 346. The SCs population in the taluk is 40,713 and the STs population is 5,505. The main occupation of the people is agriculture. Hoskote provides fruits and vegetables, milk and flowers to the city of Bangalore, which is barely an hours’ distance away by bus. A well metalled road links Hoskote to the city, and there is a good bus service for daily commuters. Seri-culture is also practised by the people of this taluk. Hoskote has 3,607 hectares under mulberry cultivation and produces 3,080 ton of cocoon. It has fine milch cattle of which 19,012 are crossbred. One can see a few vineyards and mango orchards, and there are eucalyptus groves everywhere. Farmers plant these trees for their wood, since they require no labour and give good returns, though they deplete the water-table.

The Three Gram Panchayats The three gram panchayats are Godihalli, Kannur and Gubbi.6 Table 9.2 gives details regarding the three gram panchayats.

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Table 9.2 Demographic Profiles of Gram Panchayats Name of GP

Godihalli Kannur Gubbi

Total Geog. Area (in hectare) 3,911 2,793 4,684

Number of Villages 12 13 16

Total Population 6,946 3,975 7,987

SC

ST

1,626 1,432 1,937

691 565 80

Source: Annual records of gram panchayats 2001–2002.

According to Table 9.2, Gubbi has the largest geographical area, followed by Godihalli and Kannur. It also has the highest population. Regarding the SCs population, Gubbi ranks first, followed by Godihalli and Kannur. The population of STs is low, especially in Gubbi, where there are only eighty STs persons. Both Godihalli and Kannur have eighteen gram panchayat members each, whereas Gubbi has sixteen members. Land reform and fragmentation of land, due to inheritance, has ensured that there are very few large landholdings in this taluk. A landholding above 5 acres is regarded as a big holding and there are very few holdings above 20 acres.7 Thus, land is generally equitably distributed, particularly in Kannur. Some holdings are very small, for instance, in Kannur we found one family owning one gunta (40 guntas make one acre), and sometimes it may be a few square yards, which is turned into a vegetable patch. Land is cultivated by the owner and tenancy as a means of cultivation has disappeared completely from this rural landscape. The crops grown are millet (ragi) and maize (jola) in unirrigated holdings, while paddy and mulberry are grown in irrigated holdings. Mango and coconut are also extensively grown. The eucalyptus tree is found everywhere. Flowers and fruit, for the Bangalore market and for export, are also grown, especially in Godihalli. Irrigation is by means of borewells. Tanks, once the main source of water supply in Karnataka, have now largely become dysfunctional, due to silting and other reasons. The open wells which were there twenty years ago have also dried up. The minister for Rural Development and Panchayati Raj in Ramakrishna Hegde’s cabinet, Dr. Nasir Saab, is credited with introducing borewells in the rural countryside, for which he was given the epithet ‘Neeru (water) Sahib’. All the three gram panchayats have borewells as their main source of water supply, both for irrigation purposes and for domestic use.

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Table 9.3 gives the educational and health facilities available to the people and also considers facilities for animal husbandry in the three gram panchayats. Table 9.3 Education, Health and Animal Husbandry in the Three Gram Panchayats Gram No. of Panchayat Anganwadis

Education

Health

Animal Husbandry

Primary Middle High Primary Primary Cows School School School Health Health Centre Unit

Godihalli 10 9 6 Nil Nil Kannur 10 10 7 01 01 Gubbi 11 11 6 01 Nil Source: Annual records of gram panchayats, 2001–2002.

Nil Nil Nil

895 1,246 1,138

Buffaloes

Veterinary Hospital

626 694 789

01 02 01

From Table 9.3, it is clear that the number of anganwadis in the three gram panchayats is quite high, and so also the number of primary schools. Both Kannur and Gubbi have a high school each and Godihalli is close to Hoskote, where there is a high school and a college. Hence, educational facilities are quite good, in terms of accessibility of schools, particularly at the lower levels of education. But the medical facilities available are inadequate. Only Kannur has one Primary Health Centre. For any major illness, the villagers have to go to the government hospital in Hoskote. It was found that most of the villagers were going to private doctors where they were charged a high fee. On the other hand, medical facilities for animals, particularly milch cattle, were good. Many villages had dairy centres run by the MPCS (Milk Producers’ Co-operative Society) housed in compact buildings, white-washed and colourfully decorated, where veterinary doctors were available.The number of MPCS centres in Godihalli, Kannur and Gubbi gram panchayats were nine, eight and four, respectively. All the three gram panchayats had veterinary hospitals, with Kannur having two. There were three housing schemes operating in the three gram panchayats; two of them for non-SCs and the Ambedkar Scheme for the SCs and STs. Under the Indira Awas and Ashraya Scheme, non-SCs could get a loan of Rs 20,000 through the panchayat, while under the Ambedkar Scheme, the same amount was given as subsidy in three instalments. Let us now examine the various criteria mentioned above, which will help us to understand the extent of democratic functioning of panchayati raj in one taluk of Karnataka.

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The Informal Power Structure of Gram Panchayats Godihalli

Power in this gram panchayat rests wholly with one family belonging to the Vokkaliga caste. At present, the head of the family is the vicepresident of this gram panchayat. He is also the acting president. How does he occupy two posts? The president’s seat was reserved for the BC–A category and the vice-president’s seat for the general category. While the Vokkaligas leader occupied the vice-president’s post, no one in the gram panchayat was willing to occupy the seat above him. The post fell vacant, hence the vice-president is taking care of both posts. The acting president is a man in his early seventies. The real power in this gram panchayat resides with his forty three year old son. A PUC (pre-university college) graduate, he started his political activities as a youth leader in college. As a member of the Karnataka Raitha (Farmer’s) Sangha, he was arrested when he, along with others, tried to stop a train in protest against the forcible collection of bank loans given to farmers in 1982–83. As president of the Veera Hanuman Youth Sangha, for six years, he actively worked for the farmers’ cause, participating in streetplays and other cultural activities. In 1984, the present MLA approached him to join the Janata Party and he did so as president of Youth Janata Party in Hoskote taluk. Since then, there has been no looking back. He was appointed a director of PLD (Primary Land Development) Bank in 1985, an influential post in the taluk. He became the mandal panchayat president in 1987 with twenty three villages under his jurisdiction. He completed his term in 1992 and entered taluk panchayat politics, where he was returned as an elected member in 1994. He was president of the Bangalore Dairy from Hoskote taluk from 1997 to 2001. But most importantly, he is in the second line of leadership of the Janata Dal (U) party in the taluk, and as such, the right-hand man of the MLA. Reminiscing about his days as mandal president, he said that the mandal panchayat system was the beginning of panchayati raj, as we know it today. Before that, there were small panchayats, consisting of five to seven villages, with little revenue. With the mandal panchayat, funds began to arrive from the Centre and the State, and a considerable amount of developmental work could be achieved. He said that the mandal panchayat president had more powers than the present gram panchayat president. Most importantly, he had the power to issue the haq patra or ‘letter of right’ to the beneficiaries of the housing schemes. This power was earlier with the bureaucrats and in the present dispensation it is with

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a housing committee, chaired by the MLA and consisting of four or five nominated members. Thus, while the gram panchayat president may make recommendations regarding the beneficiaries, the final list comes from above and he has no say in it. He also said that money for the mandal panchayat came from above and was plentiful, unlike the present system, where the gram panchayats are starved of funds. He said that his mandal panchayat got the first prize for three consecutive years, for its good work for which it had received a trophy. In spite of being an efficient gram panchayat, which was specially commended to me by the EO, I found that the people in this gram panchayat lived in fear of the family of the vice-president. As one person said, ‘The villagers are helpless because we have to listen to the words of the (acting) president or else… We attend gram panchayat meetings and discuss issues but our problems are not solved. They will be solved only if the president wants them to be solved’. There was no open discussion of politics in this gram panchayat. All the gram panchayat members in Godihalli were supporters of the JD(U) and there were no Congress supporters (see Table 9.4). The fact that there was no political opposition in this gram panchayat was spoken of as an advantage by the leadership. The son mentioned at the gram sabha that in this gram panchayat, developmental works could go on unhampered by the political bickering that takes place in other gram panchayats. And he was right, in a sense. In Kannur, for example, we found that whole villages were neglected because their gram panchayat members came from the opposition Congress. The belief was that the credit for any work done would go to them. In one village, the Congress member was in fact relieved that the other gram panchayat member from his village was a JD(U) supporter, so that at least some facilities were made available in his village. In another village, a symbolic line was drawn, on one side of which we found facilities like stones to wash clothes on and garbage bins, and on the other side, these were absent. We were told that Table 9.4 Party Support in the Three Gram Panchayats Gram Panchayat

Godihalli Kannur Gubbi Source: Field notes.

No. of GP members

Party Support

Men

Women

JD(U)

Cong

11 10 09

07 08 07

18 10 09

08 07

Total

18 18 16

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the side with the facilities had a gram panchayat representative who had the support of the party in power, whereas the other side did not. Another difference was that in all the villages that came under Godihalli gram panchayat, public works were carried out entirely by the gram panchayat president and secretary, whereas in the other two gram panchayats, works were farmed out to the members to do in their respective villages in what was known as the ‘quota system’. According to this system, every member is given some work to do in his village, and he gets the funds as well. The gram panchayat meeting in Godihalli which I attended was dominated by the acting president and the secretary. The secretary read out the works which had been completed during the year and there were no comments. A few questions were asked by the members but there was no discussion. The few women, who came, sat at the back and did not participate at all. Their husbands were allowed into the meeting, an occurrence which would not be allowed by the opposition party in the other two gram panchayats. Altogether, the meeting was a damp squib. Kannur

This gram panchayat had an SC as president and a vice-president belonging to the BCM (Backward Classes and Minorities) category. The president was a man in his mid-50s, who had got his name Elenarayanappa from his occupation of selling betel leaves (ele), used in the making of the spicy, post-aperitif of betel nuts and other condiments wrapped up in betel leaves (paan), which is popular all over rural India. He lived in a village one km away from the headquarters, where his was the only SC family. He had studied up to the seventh class. He had been a member of the Dalit Action Committee from 1972 to 1985. Throughout his political career, he had been a member of the Congress (I). On the eve of the gram panchayat president’s election in 1999, he was persuaded to join the JD(U). Since there were an equal number of Congress and JD(U) members in the gram panchayat, his defection tilted the scales in favour of the JD(U). Subsequently, he became president of the gram panchayat. The vice-president Munishetty was an old, but robust man of seventy nine years, a ganiga (oil-presser) by caste. He had studied up to fourth class. His political roots with the JD(U) went back a couple of decades. Munishetty knew the founder of the Janata Party in Hoskote taluk, Chennabyregowda and had always worked under him in opposition to the Congress. He spent three and a half years in jail on a murder charge, and was acquitted by the High Court in 1971. He said he was falsely implicated

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and it was the price he had to pay for entering politics. Since then, he had worked relentlessly for the JD(U) and has been active in the local politics of Kannur. That he was a major leader in Kannur was evident from his ability to solve local disputes. He was always called on some errand or the other, and it was difficult to get an interview with him. He would leave the house at 8 am and return at 10 pm; sometimes he would get a call at night. He said that he solved disputes between individuals, or castes, or even villages. He was able to bring the two parties together and bring about a compromise, sometimes in front of the police station. For example, in one village, there was a clash between the Kurubas and Naikas or STs. A Naika had bought land from a Kuruba in 1953. There was a controversy over a road going through the land. The Naika said that the road fell in his land, while the Kuruba said that it was a public road where all had the right of way. The matter reached a flashpoint when, one night, two Kuruba women were hit by a Naika.They complained to the police and Munishetty was called. He went to the disputed spot, perused the documents relating to the land, measured it with a tape and proclaimed that it was a public road up to a point and Naika land from then on. He placed a stone on the spot in front of the villagers, the gram panchayat members and the police. Thus, the matter was settled amicably. Munishetty has close ties with the MLA whose man he is in the gram panchayat.When the latter comes to Kannur, he goes first to Munishetty’s house. They worked closely to keep the gram panchayat in the JD(U) orbit. On first appearances, it seemed that Elenarayanappa was the man in charge. He would talk at the gram panchayat meetings while Munishetty would remain silent. But Munishetty dispelled this notion. He would say, ‘Elenarayanappa talks a lot but his words carry no weight (tukavilada mathu). He does not take any decisions on his own. Rather, he consults me on every issue’. The difference in their positions became evident to me when I attended the functions in this gram panchayat. At the inauguration of a new Kuruba temple in Kannur, Munishetty was the chief organizer and the centre of attention.When the MLA and other dignitaries arrived, he sat in the front row, ensconced between the MLA and the head priest. Ele sat in a corner of the second row and took absolutely no part in the proceedings. There are many reasons why Ele, though president, was bereft of power. Firstly, he was all along a Congressman who has made a recent entry into the JD(U) and, therefore, he has no hold over the JD(U) organization in the gram panchayat. On the contrary, Munishetty has worked long and

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hard for the party, and was closely identified with it. But this is not all. Ele was seen to have certain flaws in his character; he had a tendency to drink heavily. In fact, when asked about his performance as president, people in the gram panchayat referred repeatedly to his drinking habit. However, while Munishetty’s power in the gram panchayat was impressive, it was limited compared to that enjoyed by theVokkaliga family in Godihalli. There are many reasons for this. First, he did not belong to the dominant Vokkaliga caste as the Godihalli president. Second, he was only in the third line of party leadership, whereas the Godihalli president was in the second line.While the Godihalli president is a taluk level leader who is also president of an important co-operative, Munishetty is only a local gram panchayat leader. Moreover, the opposition Congress presence is strong in Kannur, with eight out of eighteen of its gram panchayat members being in the Congress (see Table 9.4), while in Godihalli, the Congress had simply gone underground and the JD(U) was in complete control. The gram panchayat meeting which I attended here was a volatile affair. On the face of it, the Congress and JD(U) are almost evenly matched in terms of numbers, the Congress having eight gram panchayat members and the JD(U) with ten members (see Table 9.4). But in terms of sex, they are unevenly matched. The Congress has five women members out of a total of eight members and the JD(U) had three women members out of a total of ten members. Since the women keep quiet and do not participate in the gram panchayat meetings, they provide no opposition whatsoever to the JD(U).The arguments were found to be among the JD(U) members themselves. One JD(U) man in particular was intransigent. He repeatedly told the president that vouchers for street bulbs had been presented and paid for, but the work itself was not done. Later, I was told that he had not got his share of the money, so he had raised the issue in the gram panchayat. Incidentally, both he and the president had defected to the JD(U) from the Congress. The women sat at the back of the room and when decibel levels increased, they left the room and joined their husbands who were waiting outside for them.Thus, in Kannur, while the Congress, SCs and women members were physically present in the panchayat meetings, they were quiet and ineffective and did not exercise their power as representatives of the people. Altogether, the Congress opposition was weak, though better than the situation prevailing in Godihalli. Thus, this gram panchayat was run in a slightly more democratic manner than the gram panchayat discussed above. The informal power centre was in the hands of a person belonging to the party in power. But

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he was only in the third line of party leadership and he did not belong to the dominant caste. This opened up the gram panchayat to the possibility of the play of politics by the opposition party. Hence, here, the opposition Congress was visible in the gram panchayat meetings. But it was weak, being largely represented by women who were quiet and unassertive. Gubbi

Here both the president and the vice-president are women, the president belonging to the Golla caste (BCM category) and the vice-president, an SC woman. But here the vice-president plays no role in the gram panchayat affairs.Thus, it is different from the other two gram panchayats. And also, one may note, this is as it should be. The vice-president has a role to play only in the absence of the president. Here, as we will see below, there was no power centre other than the president. In other words, the president exercises power in her own right. Thus, there is no informal power centre in this gram panchayat, unlike in the other two gram panchayats. How did this come about? To understand this, one has to go into the recent political history of this gram panchayat. Chennabasappa, seventy years old and educated up to the seventh class, is the only JD(U) member who has some standing in the party and who could have developed as an informal power centre. A Lingayat by caste, his father, a stamp vendor and agriculturist, was a close friend of none other than the founder of the party, Chennabyregowda and was a panchayat member during the early panchayat (pre-mandal) period. Chennabasappa helped in the movement to wrest power from the Congress and build up the party organization in Gubbi. Being a Lingayat, he gave a multi-caste dimension to the party. Under the leadership of Chennabyregowda and his nephew, the present MLA, Chennabasappa inducted SCs, who had hitherto been loyal to the Congress, into the party. In 1987, Chennabasappa became the mandal panchayat president. During his mandal pradhan days, he had government land converted into an SCs colony, which is welllaid out and which today houses about twenty SCs houses and fifteen Achari (goldsmith) houses. Named after Chennabyregowda, it is called the CB Colony and is the pride of the JD(U). In another village called Kalapanahalli, under his leadership, the SCs received support in a land dispute with the Lingayats. All this brought him and the party the staunch support of the SCs for the first time. However, Chennabasappa retired from politics after he completed his term as mandal panchayat president. He is now content to be president

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of the local temple committee and tends his three acres of land. One can see him sitting in his son’s hardware shop in the mornings. As the reason for his retirement, he said that he considered it infra dig to join the gram panchayat after being the mandal pradhan. But there may be other reasons as well. He may no longer be comfortable in a party which is dominated by the rival caste of Vokkaliga. In fact, all the Lingayat gram panchayat members from Gubbi are with the Congress. Thus, there is a political vacuum in this gram panchayat, as far as the exercise of informal power is concerned. This makes the position of the president a relatively open and independent one, to be exercised freely by its incumbent. The present incumbent is an educated, young woman, who had been a teacher before her marriage. Gubbi has a high school and the gram panchayat members here were found to be well educated. In this aspect they were different from the Kannur gram panchayat members, who had low levels of education. Initially, they welcomed the new president, but when she demanded that she will do the works in the various villages herself, instead of farming it out to the gram panchayat members as in the prevailing ‘quota system’, there was strong opposition. What credit would they receive if she did all the works herself? They told us that this was the idea of her husband, who was interfering in the affairs of the gram panchayat, as he wanted to get the contracts. The gram panchayat meeting was a stormy one which went on for hours and neither side would back down. Finally, the MLA and the second line of JD(U) leadership stepped in to break the impasse. They told her that she should continue with the quota system and distribute the works among the members and the problem was solved. Thus, she was unable to do away with the quota system as had the leadership in Godihalli. At the next meeting we attended a month later, we found that, the problem of quotas having being solved and out of the way, a number of issues pertaining to the gram panchayat were taken up systematically and discussed threadbare by the members in a democratic way. Here, the Congress opposition is strong, consisting of well educated and well-todo young men, many of them Lingayats, who are in business. Unlike in Kannur, politics is merely a pastime for them. The discussions, we found, were not party-centric, where the members indulged in party-bashing, but were an attempt to solve the pressing problems of the gram panchayat.We also found that articulate members from the outlying villages participated in the meetings and put forward their views in a forthright manner. Another surprise was that the women members in this gram panchayat

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sat in the front row and eagerly listened to the proceedings, and when necessary raised their voices in favour of their villages. The SC member from CB Colony had an equal place with the others and could hold his own in the gathering. His being a graduate, perhaps, helped in this regard. In short, everyone spoke their minds and openly discussed whatever was agitating them regarding their village. And everyone got a fair hearing. Altogether, it was a pleasant experience to attend the meetings in this gram panchayat. This then was the most democratic of the three gram panchayats. We found that in all three gram panchayats the gram sabha has not yet come of age. As it functions now, it is merely an interface between the elected gram panchayat members and the officials of the various departments.The officials state some of the prevailing government schemes and the gram panchayat members query them on it.The common man is not involved. About fifty to sixty people attend from the different villages. After the sabha, a good rice dish is served. We also found that the procedure for holding meetings was not followed strictly. Thus, in all the three gram panchayats, minutes of the meetings were not maintained. Resolutions were passed but there were allegations that they had not been written down correctly. In Kannur, the book containing the resolutions could not be found.There was also a lack of transparency regarding the funds. Allegations flew thick and fast among the members that money had been paid without the correct bills being presented. Of course, there were no such allegations in Godihalli. In conclusion of this section, we may say that informal power centres prevail, though in varying degrees, which make a mockery of the president’s position. Of the three gram panchayats, the last was the most democratic in its functioning.

PARTY SUPPORT Soon after the Balwantrai Mehta Committee report was published in 1957, a controversy began on the role of political parties in local government. There were two schools of thought: 1. the Sarvodaya School 2. the supporters of parliamentary democracy The Sarvodaya School, espoused mainly by Jayaprakash Narayan, stood for non-interference of political parties in panchayati raj institutions. It

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advocated a communitarian approach, whereby a consensus would be reached by the village people regarding their leaders. Thus, the Sarvodaya School upheld the principle of unanimity in elections. The supporters of parliamentary democracy held that the above view was an idealistic one. In reality, where there was power and pelf, there would be politics and it was best to canalize this tendency in the form of organized political parties and direct elections. The principle of unanimity, in their view, was a ‘visionary’ concept and may in fact lead to some form of totalitarianism. In the three-tier system studied by us, the formal support from political parties came only at the zilla panchayat and taluk panchayat levels. At the gram panchayat level, the support was covert, but it was nevertheless present and very strong. Let us see the position with regard to our three gram panchayats. Table 9.4 gives the party support in the three gram panchayats.8 In Godihalli, all the gram panchayat members had the backing of the JD(U); there was not a single member getting the support of the Congress. In Gubbi, JD(U) members numbered nine and Congress seven, while in Kannur also, the support was almost evenly divided, with JD(U) having ten members and Congress eight. Here, we may recall that it was the president Elenarayanappa’s defection to the JD(U) which tilted the scales in favour of that party. Thus, in all three gram panchayats, JD(U) had a majority and in Godihalli it had an absolute majority.

Unanimous Selection or Contested Election Table 9.5 gives the number of gram panchayat members who were ‘elected without a contest’ and those who contested the election and won. Here, we find that in Godihalli, all the gram panchayat members were ‘selected without contest’, except for two seats where there was a contest. In the other two gram panchayats, all the members contested their seats. There were no members elected without a contest. Table 9.5 Uncontested Election/Contested Election of Gram Panchayat Members Gram Panchayat Godihalli Kannur Gubbi Source: Field notes.

Election without contest

Contested Election

Total

18 -

18 16

18 18 16

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On asking the gram panchayat members of Godihalli how the election took place, they said that either the vice-president or his son, along with the secretary of the gram panchayat, assembled all the village folk in front of the local temple. Then a ‘consensus’ was reached regarding the best man or woman for the job, keeping in mind the reservation for the post. Given the informal power structure of this gram panchayat, where the will of one Vokkaliga family, that of the vice-president, prevails, it is unlikely that any objections would be raised in the assembly. Thus, the consensus cannot be taken at its face value. In the other two gram panchayats, however, there were elections held for all the seats, in which at least two members, supported by the different parties, contested. Thus, in these two gram panchayats, there was a vibrant political life to the extent that in Kannur, while walking around the village, the Congress street and the JD street were pointed out to us, where the supporters of the two parties lived. We were told that on the eve of the elections, the political atmosphere was charged and had we come then, we would not have been able to conduct our interviews. At that time, people were afraid to go out at night and to talk to their co-villagers of the opposing party, for fear of being branded as a traitor. However, after the elections, the animosity was forgotten and we saw people of different political persuasions come together on social occasions like marriages and festivals. This reinforces our previous finding that Godihalli is the least democratic of the three gram panchayats and the other two gram panchayats have a vibrant political life. Could this be related to the inclusion of the SCs and women? This is the question which we will take up in the following sections.

SCs Inclusion The SCs have suffered from a number of disabilites for centuries. Not only were they regarded as lowest on the ritual scale, rendering them untouchable, but they were economically deprived and powerless as well. Since the first half of the twentieth century, concerted efforts have been made to correct this situation by national leaders such as Gandhi and Ambedkar, so that they attain their rightful place in a modern India. The reservation of seats in local bodies is part of this ongoing process of enabling this section of society to catch up with the rest of the population.

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With the passing of the Karnataka Panchayat Raj Act, 1993, a new three-tier structure was put in place. Under this Act, reservation of seats was extended to the posts of president and vice-president. In the case of women, the quota was raised to one-third of the membership of the zilla panchayat and the taluk panchayat. The BCs, who were previously nominated, also got reservation of one-third of the membership of these panchayat bodies. To help them to improve their economic condition, the SCs and STs are accorded 22.5 per cent of all central and state sponsored schemes, such as the Sampoorna Grameen Rojgar Yojana, an employment-cumfoodgrain scheme. In addition, they get help in the form of loans and subsidies from the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Development Corporation, an autonomous body under the Ministry of Social Welfare. Has the system of reservation of seats and government schemes helped these categories of people, and to what extent? In this section, we will consider the position in relation to SCs and in the next section, we will take up the issue of women’s empowerment. I have not gone into the STs situation because (1) their problems are different from the SCs and cannot be clubbed with them, (2) the time at hand was insufficient to go into their problems and (3) the population of STs is relatively low in this taluk. There is a difference between the SC and non-SC land holdings of the gram panchayat members (see Table 9.6). Taking into consideration the land owned by gram panchayat members, we find that the SC holdings were ‘very small’ and ‘small’ and there were no ‘large’ land holdings among them. The general category on the other hand, has no ‘very small’ and ‘small’ land holdings; rather it has eight ‘large’ holdings. Looking at land holdings of the population in the three gram panchayats, we found that most SCs holdings in the three gram panchayats are half an acre to one acre. At the same time, only 10 per cent of SCs possess even this small acreage. They had received this land as darkasth land given to their forefathers for performing the services of thoti-talawara, which was the lowest rung in the old administrative order. Thus, most of the SCs were agricultural or other coolies. Those who had small bits of land grew ragi to be consumed at home.

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Lalita Chandrashekhar Table 9.6 Land Ownership of Members in the Three Gram Panchayats

Category

Very Small (01 to 20 guntas)

Small (1/2 acre to 2 acres)

Medium (2 acres to 5 acres)

Large (5 acres and above)

General BCM BT ST SC

Nil Nil Nil 02 01

Nil 02 Nil 03 06

02 04 Nil 01 03

08 08 03 Nil Nil

Source: Annual records of gram panchayats 2001–2002. Note: 40 guntas make one acre.

Another distinction between SCs and non-SCs was in the nature of the land they owned. The SCs possessed dry land and grew rain fed crops such as ragi and jowar, while the non-SCs had borewells which irrigated their lands and enabled them to grow a wider variety of crops such as paddy, mulberry, vegetables and fruits for the Bangalore City market, and roses for export. Given the fact that agriculture, as it is today, is indeed a liability (the second agricultural revolution is yet to come, in terms of good storage facilities for farm produce, marketing and food processing facilities, etc.) we can well nigh dismiss the deficiency in the SC land holdings as of no great consequence to their economic position. But it is in two other areas that the SCs fall behind the non-SCs.The white revolution brought about by the success of the dairy industry in Hoskote has largely bypassed them, while it has added immeasurably to the prosperity of the non-SCs. Secondly, the prosperity that accrues to the people by participating in the silkworm industry has also given the SCs the go by. The dairy revolution in Hoskote is there for all to see. Every gram panchayat has a number of milk collection centres in its villages, which are housed in colourfully decorated buildings and are the pride of the village. Loans are easily available from banks for buying the crossbred cows that one sees in the countryside, which give up to 20 litres of milk a day. Facilities for the marketing of milk are good and at Rs 8.50 per litre, the owner makes a tidy sum, though he spends a good deal on bhoosa or cattle-feed. Government veterinary doctors are only a phone call away and are more readily available than doctors for humans. Given the Hindu reverence for cows, the cattle are given names and identities and are treated like revered members of the household. It is then no wonder

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that the dairy industry is a huge success in Hoskote taluk. However, only about 10 per cent of the SCs were seen to have cattle, and that too, they possessed only one or two cows. With the collapse of agriculture as an assured means of income, the villagers of Hoskote have developed silkworm rearing as a cottage industry, and here also they have met with success.We were witness to a great deal of enthusiasm, on the part of the villagers, from procuring the eggs to selling the cocoons. Muslims are engaged in the silk industry in a big way. In fact, there was one big village with a population of about 10,000 which was exclusively Muslim and in which every household was engaged in some aspect of the silk trade, including spinning the yarn.The silk industry too has bypassed the SCs. They are engaged in it largely as coolies who feed the silk worms with mulberry leaves for which they receive a wage of Rs 40 a day, or sometimes they are given one-third of the final produce. The villagers themselves set no store by agriculture as an assured means of income and instead said repeatedly that ‘silk and milk’ had come to their rescue. Indeed, these two cottage industries have enhanced the purchasing power of the villagers. There is a rising prosperity in the rural countryside, evident in the gleaming red tractors that have all but replaced bullocks in ploughing operations. Many houses have got LPG connections, particularly in the gram panchayat headquarters. Kannur has about fifty LPG gas connections. About 100 houses in Kannur have colour TV sets and about 200 have black and white TV sets. About 10 per cent SCs have TVs.There is one cable operator and about 125 houses in Kannur have cable connections. The well-off people in these villages live in big houses, have borewells, cultivate paddy and mulberry, and grow vegetables and roses. They have tractors, cars and motor-bikes parked in their front yard. They hold important posts in the local co-operatives such as president or director of MPCS, SFCS (Silkworm Farmers’ Cooperative Society),TAPCMS (Taluk Agricultural Producers’ Co-operative Society) and PLD Bank (Primary Land Development Bank), which give loans to farmers for various agricultural activities. They are educated up to Secondary School Leaving Certificate (SSLC) or even PUC and often send their children to private schools. The SCs, however, eke out a meagre existence by doing agricultural and other labour.The difference in their standard of living is immediately perceptible as one moves from a non-SCs part of the village to the SCs section. It is true that an SC house is no longer a grass hut. The housing schemes since the time of Devaraj Urs have taken care of that. But the

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houses are small, bare, one or two-room structures, made of brick and mud without the use of cement.Through the Ambedkar Housing Scheme, the SCs receive a subsidy of Rs 20,000 to build a house. A suggestion was made that houses be constructed by the government and given to the beneficiaries, as with the Janata Housing Scheme of Devaraj Urs.This will make for a certain uniformity and minimum standards in construction. On the whole, however, this scheme may be regarded as one of the more successful ones. There are many government benefits channelled through the SCs and STs Development Corporation on paper, but we were unable to see these on the ground. Our pleas to the Corporation to give us a list of the beneficiaries fell on deaf ears. Hence, this matter needs to be dealt with more thoroughly. However, there is one area where the SCs have made considerable gains, and this is in the field of education. Here, the government benefits have indeed reached them. The government helps in the form of books, uniforms, midday meals, scholarships and hostel facilities have been utilized by a growing number of SCs youth, so that today there is a sizeable section of educated SCs youth, both boys and girls, in the rural countryside. Some of them have got jobs through the reservation quota. The others have to fall back on the same old coolie work as a means of livelihood. We found educated SCs boys feeding mulberry to silkworms or hired for pruning roses. The problem of the educated unemployed is a general one, applicable to all. But it is more poignant in the case of SCs who lack the networks to get jobs. Next, we will discuss the issue of discrimination against SCs, arising from the institution of untouchability. The Constitution provides for a number of safeguards to protect the SCs from discrimination. Article 15(2) states that no individual be denied access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment on the basis of religion, race, caste, sex, etc. Also, that the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resorts, maintained wholly or partly out of state funds, be made available to them. Article 17 provides that any disability arising out of the practice of untouchability will be an offence, punishable by law. My finding was that SCs in rural areas of Hoskote now enter shops, hotels, etc. without encountering any resistance. This is undoubtedly the result of the Dalit movement of the late 1970s and early 1980s in Karnataka, which ensured that the constitutional fiat against untouchability was respected. At that time, Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (DSS) branches were established all over the state. The DSS members would converge on any

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village where there was an instance of untouchability, provide moral support to the aggrieved party which was often under an economic boycott, and make fiery speeches with the aid of a microphone which were audible to the entire village (Chandrashekhar, 1989). Many cases were filed against hotel owners for discriminating against the SCs. By the late 1980s, even though DSS activity had declined due to internal factionalism, their work had the desired effect. Non-SCs were afraid to say anything derogatory to the SCs as they may be taken to court, and many traditional forms of discrimination died a natural death. But there are certain spheres which the non-SCs have jealously guarded, such as entrance to the village temple. I found that in all the villages, temple entry by the SCs is frowned upon, and neither are they willing to risk the ire of the gods or the upper castes by forcing themselves in. We also found that upper caste households (Lingayat) do not allow SCs to enter. On one occasion, we accompanied an SC gram panchayat member to a Lingayat gram panchayat member’s house and found that while he sat outside the door, we were ushered in. He and his woman colleague, the host, belonged to the same party and had much to talk about, which they animatedly did, over the threshold. However, we found that the SCs entered the homes of many poor, backward caste people, as perhaps poverty is a great leveller. Party loyalties cut across caste, particularly in Kannur, where land distribution is equitable, and brings together the SCs and non-SCs in close social interaction. In fact, one can say with confidence that party loyalties are now as strong, if not stronger, than caste. This shows how modern our villages have become. Thus, while overt discrimination is no longer a major issue among the SCs, they often spoke of being at the receiving end of a subtle kind of discrimination. They said that the non-SCs did not like to see them improving or advancing in any way and often tried to obstruct their development. For instance, if the SCs came together to form a co-operative, the non-SCs would find ways and means to wreck it. It required a very strong hand such as that of the taluk panchayat member, Narayanaswamy, to whom we will refer to later to carry through any sustained development among the SCs. Before we end this section, we will consider the issue of political empowerment of SCs. We have seen that the SC president in Kannur exercised little power, and the informal power centre was with the vicepresident. Similarly, the SC president in the neighbouring gram panchayat was a youth and it was said that the resolutions of the meetings were

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in fact written in the house of the local gowda (Vokkaliga) strongman. However, we give below the profiles of two SCs leaders who have, in fact, done well for themselves and who do exercise a measure of power in their own right. Both of them are JD(U) members; one is the hobli secretary of the JD(U) and the other is a taluk panchayat member. Nagaraj, thirty eight years, is the hobli secretary of the JD(U); his wife is a zilla panchayat member. A graduate from the Bangalore Arts and Science College, he received government help throughout his educational career. In high school he received Rs 75 per year and in college the amount went up to Rs 800 per year. He said that there were many concessions which he availed of, for example, the college admission fee for general students was Rs 75 whereas he had to pay a token fee of Rs 2. Nagaraj is testimony to the success of the educational benefits accorded to the SCs and the STs by the government. He showed leadership qualities in high school itself. He was selected as president of the student body by his class teacher, and in this capacity he had to invite many dignitaries to the school. He met Ramakrishna Hegde, Hoskote MLA BN Bache Gowda, and others, and became interested in politics. In PUC, he became an active party member of the JD(U) and has been hobli secretary for the past eight years. His job is to settle disputes in the seventy five odd villages of the hobli. He cited the example of a recent case; a dispute between the SCs and the Gollas of a village. The Gollas had cut the eucalpytus trees belonging to the SCs. On a complaint from the SCs, he intervened and the Gollas agreed to give monetary compensation to the SCs. He said that he does not allow such disputes to go up to the top JD(U) leaders and instead solves them at his level. He made an interesting point. He said that he came from a family of thoti-talawaras of the right-hand Holeya caste and his grandfather also participated in the settling of local disputes. The latter would sit along with the Lingayats of the village under the ashwatha tree in the traditional village panchayat. This shows that the Holeya has always been an integral part of the village social structure. To that extent, Holeyas have enjoyed a measure of inclusion even in the traditional social structure.Thus, Nagaraj feels a sense of continuity with his forebears. He does not think that his role as a settler of disputes, an important function in the village context, is an entirely new development. Nagaraj is a member of all the important cooperatives in Hoskote; the MPCS, the SPCS and the TAPCMS. He believes that if the MLA seat was

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reserved in the next election, he would get it. He has two houses, sparsely furnished and adjoining each other, where he lives with his extended family consisting of four brothers and their families. The family has ten cows which are tethered outside their houses. M. Narayanaswamy is a taluk panchayat member bearing allegiance to the JD(U). He has passed PUC and made a successful business out of silkworm seed farming. He said that in Karnataka, only 7,000 people, out of them only seven are SCs, had the license of LSP, that is, Laying Silk Preparer, and he is one of them. He has a well equipped laboratory on the first floor of his house, replete with electronic weighing scales, three microscopes, a refrigerator and a air-cooler. He employs six persons, five men and one woman. His father had begun this work and he was also an LSP license-holder. Narayanaswamy lives in comfort; he has a modern, two-storied house, an Ambassador car, a Hero Honda motorcycle and two ferocious Alsatian dogs.He has been a party worker of the JD(U) for the past twenty years. However, he said that he has no interest in politics, his main interest being business. His main contribution is that he uses his influence and standing in the area to help the SCs. In this, he has often to overcome the resistance of the non-SCs. For instance, there was opposition to his making a road in the SC Colony in Ittasandra. Following a clash between the SCs and non-SCs, he lodged an FIR at the police station and got the work done. We visited the new SCs village of Gangasandra, where the twelve SC households are entirely dependant on him for help and succour. They were unable to get the khata (possession documents) for their houses till he approached the district collector and tahsildar and got it for them. This resulted in a clash between the SCs and non-SCs. He said that the higher castes oppose any help given to the SCs, but he continues doggedly with his work. ‘In this,’ he said, ‘I have the support of the MLA, who has no caste feelings and is interested only in the development of his constituency.’ The above two examples of Nagaraj and Narayanaswamy show that a few SCs have made it up the political party ladder and hold responsible positions in the party hierarchy. This not only results in economic prosperity for them but also gives a measure of legitimacy to the party in the eyes of the lower castes, and the party gains their loyalty and support. Through them, the lower castes gain access to the government machinery, which would otherwise have been very difficult to come by.

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Women’s Inclusion At first glance, women’s inclusion in the political system seemed impressive. Out of the fifty two gram panchayat members in the three gram panchayats, 22 or 42 per cent were women. However, conditions on the ground were quite different. Apart from Manjula, the Gubbi president, we did not find a single articulate woman in the gram panchayat meetings. Even the woman taluk panchayat president was completely silent during the taluk panchayat and zilla panchayat meetings. If they came to the meetings, which itself was problematic, the women gram panchayat members sat in the back rows and did not participate at all in the proceedings. If decibel levels of the shouting male members increased, they made a discreet exit to their waiting husbands outside, having signed the register. When queried Jayamma replied, ‘We don’t ask questions at the meeting. If necessary, we discuss the issues beforehand and the men raise them in the meeting.’ Some women brought their small children to the meeting and I was amazed to see the child sit very quietly for hours on its mother’s lap. Saraswatamma, who brought her one and a half year old son to the meeting, said that she had trained him to sit quietly and not even ask to go to the toilet. As soon as he reached home, the first thing he would do was to relieve himself. The women said that they had no interest in politics, and had been pushed into it by their husbands because of the reservation.They were completely immersed in the domestic domain and had not made an entry into the public domain, except in a formal sense. Of the twenty two women gram panchayat members, fourteen of them were from the young age group (twenty to thirty five years) and eight of them were of middle age (thirty five to fifty).There were no women above the age of fifty one. Given their young age, most of them had small children to take care of. While we could interview the men without interruption, interviewing women was a daunting task, as they would suddenly leave to attend to the myriad tasks that were awaiting them. Quite often, I was worried about what the two-year old was doing, while the mother was being interviewed. Or, a couple of hungry children would get back from school and put paid to our interview. In some cases, the woman gram panchayat member was there in lieu of her husband. He was a party worker and since the seat was reserved for women, his wife got it. The JD(U) hobli secretary, Nagaraj, told us that his wife was a zilla panchayat member (not a small post) because of the

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good work he had done. So also, the taluk panchayat president’s husband was a party worker. Thus, the women had not proved that they had any leadership qualities. It was the husband who did the work assigned to the gram panchayat member under the quota system, such as constructing drains or installing street lights. It was inconceivable that a woman would run around and interact with contractors, workers, etc., to get the job done. When we asked them about the government schemes, they would look hesitatingly at their husbands. Most of the women did not know the names of the government schemes available to the people through the gram panchayat. At the very least, I expected that as women gram panchayat members, they would have helped to organize the women in their village in some cooperative activity. But here also, I drew a blank. None of the women, except Manjula, had done any work among the women in the village or engaged in any activity related to social work. Thus, the field of women’s activism was found to be particularly sterile in this taluk. The husband’s attitude towards the gram panchayat women members was an eye-opener. As one husband put it, ‘Women have no intelligence (buddhi) as they are always engaged in mundane household chores. Therefore, the men have to do the work on their behalf.’ Another husband said, ‘She is illiterate. I don’t allow her to go out alone.’ In many instances, the husband insisted on answering the questions on behalf of his wife. Even in the case of the taluk panchayat president, the interview was conducted solely with her husband answering our questions, while she stood obediently beside him and then busied herself in making us a cup of hot coffee. Surprisingly, even at the zilla panchayat level, the women were incompetent. And there were four women zilla panchayat members and only one man. All of them sat quietly through the long proceedings and one of them had a child on her lap, again very well-trained. Thus, the taluk was poorly represented at the zilla panchayat level. However, a few of the women zilla panchayat members from other taluks were found to be very articulate and forcefully put forward the demands of their zilla panchayats. If the husband was away, women had a problem in reaching the venue of the meeting. Rajamma, whose husband was a lorry driver, said that she had to walk the distance of 3 km from home to the gram panchayat headquarters alone, and often missed the meetings. The Gubbi president also said that she experienced difficulty in moving around. Her husband, a

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bus conductor, was away most of the time. On many occasions, we found her sitting on the kerb, waiting for the bus to come. Since her village was not well connected to the headquarters, this could be a long time. One woman said plaintively, ‘My husband can go by cycle but I have to walk.’ The women gram panchayat members were largely in the young age group, with low levels of education. In terms of education, all the women members (except one) had low levels of education, regardless of the category to which they belonged (see Table 9.7).Thus, thirteen out of twenty two members or 59 per cent were illiterate, never having been to a school. And no one had a high school or a PUC-level education, with the exception of Manjula, who was a PUC graduate. Table 9.7 Education among Women Gram Panchayat Members Category

Nil

Primary

Middle

High

PUC

General BCM* BT* ST SC Total

01 03 01 03 05 13

01 01 Nil Nil 01 03

01 01 01 Nil 02 05

Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil

Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil 01

Note: *BCM – Backward Community, BT – Backward Tribe (Golla).

One reason for the low level of political participation by women gram panchayat members was given by the outspoken and articulate sisterin-law of one of the members. When I asked her why she had not joined politics, she said that they would not take her, as they wanted quiet, compliant women. She said, ‘They did not select me because I am a fighter.’ In other words, she implied that these women had been chosen by the political class because of their quiet demeanour, so as to lessen the political competition that they would otherwise have to contend with. The only woman who has entered the political arena in more than a formal sense was Manjula, the Gubbi president. She said that initially it was difficult for her even to stand for election because the villagers were strangers, this being her husband’s village. But being educated, and having worked as a teacher before her marriage, helped her to learn the ropes. The male gram panchayat members said that initially she did some good work, but when she tried to do away with the quota system, they strongly resented it. Then she had to fall back on the JD(U) leadership to steer her out of the conflicts with her fellow gram panchayat members. Once

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the problem was out of the way, she managed the affairs of the gram panchayat quite competently. I have already mentioned that the women gram panchayat members had not done any social work, even among the women in their village.The women micro-credit cooperative, called Stree Shakti, was a governmentsponsored cooperative which was run by the anganwadi teachers and was found to be operating in a few villages. About twelve to fifteen members form a group which meets once a week, and contributes a small sum, say Rs 20, towards a personal saving fund. When their collective savings have reached a certain amount and they have established their creditworthiness, they are advanced loans by the bank up to Rs 6 lakhs, to be repaid in five years. With these loans, they buy cows, sewing machines or whatever, and embark on a self-employment scheme. The cow loan was the most popular. All the members had well-maintained personal account books and the cooperatives were well run. It was found that all the members made their contributions regularly. However, Stree Shakti is only a year old and, as of now, operates only in a few villages. But it holds great promise and can be of great advantage to women’s development in the future. In conclusion of this section, one may point out that women’s roles are still defined by their culture, which confines them to children and domesticity. That they belong to the younger age group means that they have numerous responsibilities, and at the same time lack power, even in the domestic domain, which usually comes with age in the case of Indian women. However, as the system becomes more open, we may find more Manjulas. Her example, a young woman, thirty years old, with three children and at the same time being politically aware and able to hold her own among men, is the direction in which change is likely to take place, provided local bodies are strengthened.

CONCLUSION Panchayati raj is a fledgling institution which encounters a lot of problems on the ground, not least of which are the role of the parties and its MLAs and the informal power centres in the taluk. It is in this region that MN Srinivas developed his concept of ‘dominant caste’, a phenomenon which is all pervading in the area. Thus, the backward sections of the population

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have a long way to go to catch up with the rest of the population. However, given the representation of these backward castes and women in the panchayati raj institutions through its reservation policy, it goes without saying that if panchayati raj institutions are strengthened, then inclusion of these weaker sections into the body politic will follow. In Gubbi, both the woman president and the SC gram panchayat member were articulate and active. In Kannur, both categories of persons were not active, but they were physically present and in the case of the SC president, he was credited with making a lot of noise. In the case of Godihalli, the president who should have belonged to the reserved category was absent and the women were again only physically present and did not participate in the proceedings. Thus, we found the greatest degree of inclusion of both SCs and women in Gubbi, lesser inclusion in Kannur and least inclusion in Godihalli. Hence, all efforts should be made to strengthen local bodies so that they can perform the functions that the Constitution has devolved on them.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The project commenced in December 2001 and was completed in July 2002. I wish to thank Professor BS Baviskar for his guidance throughout the study. I also thank V. Raju who assisted me in the fieldwork. My thanks are also due to Professor CN Venugopal for providing me with insights into the culture and social structure of the old-Mysore region. Last but not least, I thank Dr Sarah Joseph for her encouragement and help, and for her comments on the first draft.

NOTES 1. Gowda is a term generally affixed to their first name by the Vokkaligas. 2. By the time this study went to print, Bache Gowda had lost his once invincible position, having lost the taluk panchayat elections in 2004 to a candidate from the Congress. I was told that the kuruba swing towards the Congress in the election brought about his downfall. 3. Jodidars were grantees of twin villages in the pre-British, feudal system prevailing in the old Mysore area. The British adopted this practice and retained the system of jodidars. The jodidars collected taxes from the people and gave them to the government, both Mysore and British. The jodidari system was an intrusion into an

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5.

6. 7. 8. 9.

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otherwise ryotwari system prevalent in the old Mysore area. Information given by Professor CN Venugopal in personal communication. However, it had its drawbacks. For instance, the woman gram panchayat president selected was articulate and outspoken, unlike the typical woman gram panchayat member in this taluk. It may be argued that inclusion cannot always be correlated with democracy. Some authoritarian regimes may also be inclusive in the sense that they may do a great deal for the excluded sections of their population. But my point is that this would be an inclusion only in the socio-economic sense. For inclusion in a political sense, it would, to my mind, only take place in a democracy where the voices of these excluded sections are heard. The villages have been given pseudonyms to protect their identity. Land holdings are big in the northern part of the state. At the gram panchayat level, elections do not take place on a party basis. However, unofficially the party plays an important role. Radical land reform measures were initiated by the then Chief Minister Devaraj Urs in Karnataka in the 1970s but they were only partially successful. See SV Deshpande and Vijay KN Torgal, 2003 for a discussion on the subject.

REFERENCES Chandrashekhar, Lalita. 1989. Social Mobility of the Scheduled Castes of Karnataka:A Case Study of the Madiga. Unpublished Ph.D thesis. Jawaharlal Nehru University. Department of Sociology, New Delhi. Deshpande S.V. and Vijay K.N. Torgal. 2003. ‘Land Reforms in Karnataka: Impact on Beneficiaries’, EPW. Nov. 1. Government of Karnataka, 1999. Bangalore Rural District at a Glance, 1998–99.

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Gender, Caste and Politics in Rural Tamil Nadu L Thara Bhai

HISTORY OF PANCHAYATI RAJ IN TAMIL NADU The history of panchayati raj in Tamil Nadu can be traced to 1802, when Sir Thomas Munro appointed indigenous officials as village headmen. However, the history of panchayat system had a landmark when The Local Boards Act was passed in 1884 and created union panchayats, each with a population of 5000, and each with a council of ten to fifteen members. One of the important features of the union panchayat was that it was connected with the taluk boards, district boards and above. The Local Boards Act and the Village Panchayat Act XV (both passed in 1920) democratized the panchayat system in Tamil Nadu. A full time executive officer was appointed in the village panchayat in 1946, through the Panchayat Act of 1946. But in 1950 the village councils were detached from the district boards and district development councils were created in 1958. The 1958 Act was in operation till 1994, when the Tamil Nadu government passed the Tamil Nadu Panchayat Act, in the background of the 73rd Constitutional amendment.

TAMIL NADU PANCHAYAT ACT 1994 Panchayati raj or the local government was ‘constitutionalized’ on 24 April 1993, and in that backdrop Tamil Nadu government passed the

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Tamil Nadu Panchayat Act, 1994, on 19 April 1994. The overall development of the villages through people’s participation was the main objective of the Tamil Nadu Panchayat Act of 1994. According to the above Act the structure of the panchayati raj consists of a three-tier system—village panchayat, panchayat union and district level panchayat. In each panchayat there is a gram sabha and all the adult members of the village are the members of the gram sabha. The sabha in Tamil Nadu is convened thrice a year, usually on national holidays such as 2 October, 15 August and 26 January. The gram sabha approves the annual plan, annual budget and other village level programmes. Villages with a population of 500 or more will be having a village panchayat consisting of five to fifteen people. These people are elected directly by the gram sabha. The caste and gender composition of the elected members has undergone a change after the 1994 Act. In the earlier system, a maximum of three seats were reserved for scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs) for membership of panchayats. This has been revised to enable them to have seats in proportion of their population to the total population of the panchayat area. Similarly, the reservation for women has been increased from 30 per cent to not less than one third of the total number of seats. Another important aspect of this reservation is that this has been extended to the office of the chairpersons at all levels in the new system (Subramaniam 1999). The second level is the panchayat union.The panchayat union functions at the block level, and each panchayat union will have many wards and each ward has a maximum of 5,000 people. The panchayat union had a reservation system similar to that of village panchayat, but the 1994 Act changed the membership pattern. ‘One member for every five thousand population of the panchayat union area, will be elected by the voters. The presidents of the constituent village panchayats will elect among themselves such number of members to panchayat union council which will equal to one fifth of the total number of directly elected members’ (Government of Tamil Nadu 1997). Apart for the members mentioned above the legislators and the parliamentarians also have a place in the panchayat union council (PUC). As per the new Act, the MPs and the MLAs, whose constituencies fall either partly or wholly in the panchayat union, and the MPs and the MLAs who are voters in these panchayat union areas are the members of the council. All these members are entitled to all the privileges including

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election to the PUCs. They can even contest for the chairperson or vicechairperson post in the PUCs. The members of the district level panchayat are elected from amongst the members of the PUCs depending upon the number of wards in the district panchayat.Therefore, all the elected members of the PUCs will not find a place in the district panchayat.The number of the panchayat union chairmen to be elected to the district panchayat will be one fifth of the total number of the ‘directly elected members’ of the district panchayats, and thus, they could aspire to become chairman or vice-chairman of the district panchayat, simultaneously (Government of Tamil Nadu 1997). The new Act provides room for an elected chairperson instead of the district collector heading the panchayat. Tamil Nadu, one of the larger states in India, is having more than 10,000 panchayats spread over the state.

VILLAGE PANCHAYATS IN TAMIL NADU Number of village panchayats in Tamil Nadu : 12,618 Number of block panchayat unions : 385 Number of district panchayats : 29 At the village level there are the panchayat assistants who deal with the economic affairs of the villages.The commissioner of the panchayat union appoints them. A new post of Chief Executive Officer, not below the rank of Joint Director of Rural Development, has been created, recently, at the district level. In Tamil Nadu, elections to the local bodies were held on 9 October and 12 October 1996, as per Article 243 (E) of the 73rd Amendment, which was later incorporated into the Tamil Nadu Act. The present study is based on this election. The state conducted last elections to the local bodies on 16 and 18 October 2001. As five years had passed after the introduction of a new law whereby the already excluded communities— Dalits and women—were included in the local government, it is time to analyze the impact of their inclusion to the administration of the villages. This study aims to do this by studying their participation in politics and development of the villages.

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METHODOLOGY Selection of Study Area Tamil Nadu has twenty nine districts, and for the purpose of this study Madurai district was selected, as it is one of the central districts. The rural areas of this district are both developed and underdeveloped, due to the prevailing socio-economic conditions and climatic conditions. After due consideration, Chellampatty panchayat union was selected for further analysis. Chellampatty panchayat is situated in Usilampatty taluk of Madurai district.The quality of life in the villages of Tamil Nadu is not uniform as there are villages which are well developed, and there are villages which are developing, and the last category of the villages are stagnant. The three villages selected come under the second or the third category. Vikramangalam and Pannian come in the second category, whereas the village Nattamangalam comes under the third category. For the sake of understanding the development, the issue is divided into two categories, namely, development related to material aspects and the development related non-material aspects (Preston 1996). In the first category the main issues are water, transport, including roads and building of latrines, and the second category includes caste relations and the outlook of the villagers in terms of global development. Chellampatty area comprises of twenty nine village panchayats. Chellampatty is approximately 25 km away from Madurai town. The panchayat union council of these panchayats is in the Chellampatty town and the district panchayat office is in Madurai Collector’s office. From Chellampatty, three village panchayats were selected for intensive study. The villages were purposely selected taking the headship as the criterion. The selected villages are as follows. Name of the village 1. PANNIAN 2. VIKRAMANGALAM 3. NATTAMANGALAM

Caste/Gender of Panchayat President General Category Woman Scheduled Caste

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A Brief Description of the Area Village Panchayat I: Pannian Pannian has 670 households with a total of 1,850 adult population. The president of the village is Mr Raju, belonging to MBC (Most Backward Class) and the vice-president is from BC (Backward Class). In the panchayat there is a total of nine members, of whom three are women, one SC and the other five members are from other castes1. Pannian is the main village, and a small hamlet called Chokkanathapuram is also included in this village panchayat. Nine members represent the wards and they are called ward members. All of them are elected, and nobody has any political affiliation. Mr Raju, the president said after elections that he had a slant towards DMK. The president of the village is an active thirty eight year old man, who has studied up to eighth standard. The village panchayat meets once in a month to consider policies and programmes to be implemented for the village. The women members seldom attend the meetings. The president of the panchayat goes to the panchayat union council whenever necessary. But it was found that there is no proper coordination among the village panchayat, taluk and the district level bodies. Caste Structure and Land Use Pattern

The caste structure of the village is such that 80 per cent of the total population are MBCs and out of these 99 per cent belong to Thever community and the rest of them are Asaries, gold smiths, etc. Fifteen per cent of the population belongs to SCs and 5 per cent belongs to other castes including some families of Nadars, Chettiars, Pillai, etc. Table 10.1 Caste Structure of the Study Area Sr. No.

Name of the Village

1. 2. 3.

Pannian Vikramangalam Nattamangalam

Caste Structure on the basis of total number of households Total (%) MBC* (%) SC*** (%) 536(80) 101(15) 6,70(100) 3,826(80) 718(15) 4,783(100) 1,163(66.4) 582(33.2) 1,752(100)

BC** (%) 33(5) 239(5) 7(0.4)

Total 279 5,525 1,401 7,205 Notes: BC – Backward Class; MBC – Most Backward Caste; SC – Schedule Caste; ST – Schedule Tribe *Piranmalai Kallars; **Nadars, Chettiars, Pillai, Naikkars, Asaries, Koil Poojary, etc. ***Pallars, Parayans and Chakkiliars

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The total area of the village is little more than 1,000 acres of which 600 acres are cultivable land. The cultivable lands are small pieces of land owned by a section of the population. The maximum land owned by a single family is twenty acres. There are two families who have twenty acres and five families have ten to fifteen acres of land. Around thirty families have five to ten acres of land, and the rest of the people who own land have only five cents to one acre of land (Tables 10.2 and 10.3). Table 10.2 Land Use Pattern in the Villages Sr. Name of the No. Village 1. Pannian

2. 3.

Total land Cultivable land Type of Major crops (in acre) (in acre) irrigation 1,000 600 Canal Colocasia (Chempu), paddy, groundnut and Jasmine Vikramangalam 2,000 500 Canal Sugarcane, paddy and Cotton (Occasionally) Nattamangalam 1,010 560 Canal Sugarcane, paddy and Cotton (Occasionally)

Source: Field notes. Table 10.3 Ownership of Land Sr. Name of the village No land < one acre 1–5 acres No. 1. Pannian 2. Vikramangalam 3. Nattamangalam

133 (19.85) 3826 (79.99) 1488 (84.93)

500 (74.62) 724 (15.13) 180 (10.27)

200 (4.18) 51 (2.91)

5–10 acres 30 (4.47) 20 (0.71) 25 (1.42)

10–20 acres 5 (0.74) 10 (0.21) 5 (0.29)

< 20 acres

Total no. of households 2 670 (0.3) (100.0) 3 4783 (0.062) (100.00) 3 1752 (0.17) (100.00)

Source: Field notes.

The cultivable land is under dry and wet cultivation. There is canal irrigation, which gets water from river Periyar. The important crops cultivated here are colocasia (Chempu), paddy, groundnut, and flowers (Jasmine). The villagers use these farm products for their livelihood by selling these products in the local market. The other facilities available in the village are two schools one run by the panchayat union council and the other one by the Kallar Reclamation. There is a Public Health Centre (PHC) in the village but the panchayat president complains that staff is not available most of the time.

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Village Panchayat II: Vikramangalam The panchayat presidents’ seat of this village is reserved for women. During this study the village was headed by Ms Thankammal, who is around forty years old. The village consists of fifteen hamlets as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Vikramangalam V. Koilpatty Chekkankoilpatty Keezahaiperumalpatty Thariyanpatty Manvattipatty Pandiannagar Vayyathanpatty Kalkuzhichanpatty Indira nagar

11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

MGR Colony Nallathangalpuram V. Nadavoor Malayoor Thariyanpatty Colony

The woman village panchayat president belongs to the numerically dominant caste, that is, piramila kallar which is recognized as an MBC. She is the third wife of her husband, who is seventy two years old. Almost everybody in the village says that the lady never goes to the office, nor does she have any power in the village. All the functions are carried out by her husband and she signs, whenever necessary. The panchayat president studied up to tenth standard, whereas her husband is an illiterate person. When we visited the panchayat office the president was not there, but her husband was there looking after the day-to-day affairs. The villagers say that Mr Picchai, husband of the president, is all in all in the village, and he never allows his wife to do any work. She does not know the economic position of the village and she is not permitted to go to the panchayat union council. She is not having any party affiliation. The village panchayat consists of thirteen members including the president and vice-president. Out of these members, four are women. Caste Structure and Land Use Pattern

Total number of the households are 4,783 with a total adult population of 14,349. Out of this 80 per cent are MBCs and 15 per cent belong to SCs. The rest of them are mostly BCs. The MBCs are piramila kallars and the SCs are Parayan, Pallar, and Chakkiliars. The other castes in the village are Chettiars, Pillais, Nadars, Naikkars, Asaries, Koli poojary, etc.

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(See Table 10.1). The total cultivable land of the village is approximately 500 acres, which is 25 per cent of the total area of the village. Seventy five per cent of the land of this village is covered by white rocks that cannot be used for anything. A few families possess most of the cultivable land and 80 per cent of the households do not have any land. Three families possess more than thirty acres each, ten families possess ten to fifteen acres each, approximately twenty families possess five to ten acres each, and many others possess thirty cents each.The panchayat president also works as a coolie. The important crops are paddy, sugarcane and plantain. The area is characterized by dry and wet cultivation (See Table 10.3). The village has two high schools of which one is a higher secondary school. The PUC caters to the needs of the villagers and a doctor visits the centre every day. The outpatient section works every day. There are fifteen overhead tanks in the village. One post office is also there.

Village Panchayat III: Nattamangalam Nattamangalam is a village panchayat where presidentship is reserved for the SCs. Mr. Yosanai, the village panchayat president, said that the SCs are not given proper representation and recognition in the village administration.The village panchayat is being headed by a SC for the first time in history, and he is so proud to be the head. He says that the cooperation he is getting from other castes is not adequate. The village consists of four hamlets, namely: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Ayyanampatty Chakkanampatty Nagalapuram Nattamangalam

Yosanai, the president of the village panchayat, is around fifty years old and he earns his living by working on the farm.2 He owns a small plot but that is not enough for his family. The village Panchayat has ten members and out of them three are women. They meet once in a month. According to the president, there is no politics in the village. Initially, he refused to become the president because he was afraid that the upper castes may not cooperate with him. Another reason to refuse was that there is a hereditary rivalry between the SCs and Kallars, who enjoy a majority in the village.

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Caste Structure and Land Use Pattern

The population of the village is 8,934, distributed in 1,752 households and the voters are 4,750. The main caste groups in the village are Kallars and the SCs. Two third of the population is piramillar kallar and the rest are SCs.There are Pallars, Parayans and Chakkiliars among the SCs. Apart from this there are three families of Asaries and Pillais each, and one family of Chettiar (See Table 10.1). The total area of the village is approximately 1,010 acres of which 560 acres are under cultivation. The main crops are sugarcane, paddy and cotton (see Tables 10.2 and 10.3). Both dry and wet cultivation is practised in the village. There are three overhead tanks and a school in the village. Overall, The physical condition of the village is very unhygienic.

METHOD USED FOR DATA COLLECTION The main tools used to collect data from the villages were the interview schedule prepared after a pilot study and pre-test. Through the interview schedule four aspects were studied, namely, development projects, evaluation on five years work, mobilization, and distribution of funds and opinions about the panchayat system. The socio-economic status of the village, land distribution in relation to caste composition, political characteristics of the village, inter-caste relations and caste violence/ conflicts were studied through observation. Keeping this as the base, the inclusion of the excluded communities, that is, Dalits and women, in the villages was studied with special reference to their role in development, after their inclusion in village administration. A few case studies were also undertaken to see the problems and prospects of the village leaders in terms of implementation of the development projects, either on gender or caste basis. From the three villages selected for the study, a group of respondents were identified for a detailed study. As far as the people are concerned a random selection was done, keeping age, gender and caste as the basis.The leaders were selected by identifying the office bearers of the panchayat. From Pannian forty four villagers and ten leaders, from Vikramangalam forty villagers and fourteen leaders, and from Nattamangalam forty five villagers and eleven leaders were selected.

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The analysis is mainly qualitative in nature, but the data from interview schedule is partially analyzed quantitatively due to the nature of the data. However, analysis has made taking into account only one variable, namely, the position of the individual in the village.

Socio-economic Background of the Villagers All the selected villages were backward and primarily dependent on agriculture.The area is rocky in nature and, therefore, some of the villages are engaged in cutting stones and related works. There are a few quarries and a few villagers are, therefore, engaged in quarry work. In Panniyan, around half the population is engaged in agriculture related work and the rest work as coolies in the quarries, or, are engaged in small business. In Vikramangalam all the villagers are engaged in wage work through which they earn a small amount. It was found that even the panchayat president goes for work every day. In Nattamangalam, also, except the children and the very old, all others go for work on daily wages. However, the income they are earning is so meagre that they are not able to make both the ends meet. A majority of the villagers in Panniyan and Nattamangalam are earning below Rs 500 per month though the third village seems a little above the average, as far as the economic status is concerned. In all the villages, only one or two people are debt free. All the other villagers are having permanent debts, which they say that they cannot avoid due to many reasons. According to the villagers, elections are also one of the reasons for incurring debts. During elections there is a tendency of spending a lot of money for the campaign. Apart from this, it is also observed that the villagers get into festive mood during the election period. There are moneylenders in each village, and they exploit the villagers to the maximum. It was found that some of the villagers have sold, or leased out, their entire land to the moneylenders as they were not able to repay their loans. The family structure is like any other part of the state.There is declining trend in joint families but there are still many people in joint families. Migration is the main reason for the change of the family structure. One of the problems of the villages is sanitation. Many rural people do not know the relationship between sanitation and health. Dysentery, cold and cough due to the unhygienic circumstances frequently affect children in the villages. A usual scene in the three villages is the pond, where

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people bathe along with their animals. In one of the villages, garbage is thrown into the pond during summer, when there is no water, and later in the rainy season the water is collected from the same pond without removing the garbage. Another major area of sanitation to be looked into is that people in the villages use the open spaces to fulfil nature’s call. The women go in the dark, men usually in the early morning and the children during any part of the day. Toilet facilities are not available in the villages. The whole village is dirty with human excreta. It was very difficult to walk in the villages freely. In between, there are petty shops full of flies. Anyway, according to the villagers the hygiene has improved to a great extent as compared to earlier days. The status of health has improved in all the three villages. The small family norm has been adopted in the villages, irrespective of caste and religion. Free medicines are given to the villagers through the primary health centre. Here again the villagers are not fully satisfied. For the women there are many schemes to improve their health and in Panniyan all the women are making use of this. The prenatal care given to the women is worth mentioning. In Vikramangalam and Nattamangalam, women’s health schemes are not implemented due to an indifferent attitude of the leaders. In Vikramangalam, where the panchayat president is a woman, no measure has been taken to improve the status of women’s health. Here the members also admit that they have not done anything to improve women’s health. In Nattamangalam also, the same trend can be seen.

Inter-caste Relations in the Villages Social relationships in all the villages are mostly within the castes and inter-caste relationships are not common. The two dominant castes in these villages have been known for their hatred for a long time, and this is reflected in these villages also. All the respondents know about the caste conflicts in the villages. The caste conflicts are not overt, but there is a cold war between castes. There are no inter-caste marriages and social relationships between the castes are minimal. A few inter-caste marriages have taken place in some of the villages in the area, but they are against the will of people and society. Almost all the villagers admit that caste conflicts are there in the rural areas of Tamil Nadu. Caste conflicts of the past five years give us an idea of the relationships between the castes. Observation and data show that the

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caste conflicts occur mainly during the village temple festivals and during the election time. During investigation it was found that during the last temple festival, the upper castes and the lower castes were given separate places during annadanam. One youngster, by name Kasi, questioned this in front of all caste leaders. Next day Kasi was asked to vacate his house. He did not vacate the house but in the same night, unknown people looted his house. Subsequently, there were violent exchanges between the two castes namely, Pallars and Kallars, continuously for a week, when one girl was murdered and several houses set on fire. For three months the situation was tense and then a compromise was reached, after several agreed steps were taken. In all the villages there are sporadic incidents, and these incidents turn violent at times. Local Government and Rural People

The villages of Tamil Nadu are not homogeneous either in terms of structure, or in terms of development (Beteille 1996). Majority of the villages of the state do not have the basic necessities, and almost all the villages are having agriculture as the main occupation (Beteille 1996, Chandrababu 1993). The caste system, in one way or another, prevails in the villages and also the presence of a dominant caste is visible in all the activities of the village. The housing pattern and the resources of the villages are mostly in favour of the dominant castes. Political awareness of the villagers is very high. Except 8.3 per cent of the villagers, everyone knows about their president. Not only do they know the name but they also know the person very well. All of them remember the date when the elections were conducted in the villages and a majority of them were able to name the different contestants. One of the old ladies was correcting another regarding the name of the contestants. According to the villagers, election in the village is one of the events they enjoy, as there will be a coming together of people, though they contest on different platforms. Many villagers also know about their ward members. All the elected members know not only their ward members, but they also know the members of the neighbouring panchayat. By politics, they mean only members, but other duties and privileges are unknown to them. Even reservation is not known to every one of them. A peripheral knowledge about reservations is there among the villagers. The leaders of the village know about the political reservation only through hearsay, and they are not bothered about educating themselves. The political

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participation at the time of the election is different from the other days. The elections are conducted in such a way that almost all the villagers will know about the election. However, there are a few people who could not exercise their votes due to some personal reasons. The villages of this study show that more than 80 per cent of the people voted in the last election. Political awareness among the villagers of Tamil Nadu is comparatively low. Therefore, caste and personality of the individual are the factors that decide the contest. Among these two factors caste is most important one. Though, the villagers say the individual is important, a close observation revealed that it is caste which plays a dominant role in the elections. One factor, which may be noted, is that a majority of the elected leaders accept the fact that it is due to their caste background they have come to power. In the reserved village 81.8 per cent of the villagers say that caste background plays an important role in the elections. One cannot say that people are happy about the elected panchayat. People are expecting much from the leaders as they feel that they have gained power by getting elected. People do not know the limitations of the elected people. On the whole, the villagers believe that the leaders can do many things for the upliftment the village and its people. The functioning of the panchayat depends on the cooperation of the villagers and the understanding among the various members of the panchayat. As far as these villagers are concerned, cooperation from the villagers is not very high.The village headed by a person from the general category is better in deriving cooperation from the people as compared to the other two villages. In Nattamangalam the panchayat president finds it very difficult as the people do not recognize him as their leader. In Vikramangalam villagers are indifferent, as everybody knows that the elected president is president only on paper. Usually on behalf of the elected president her husband conducts the meetings. The people are very much frustrated in this village.This Dalit reserved constituency rarely holds meetings of elected leaders or members and the villagers go to the traditional village panchayat where the caste leaders have the upper hand. Some villages conduct panchayat meetings regularly and some others very rarely, but the gram sabha is conducted three to four times a year on days like Gandhi jayanthi, Republic day, Independence day, etc. It is only during panchayat meetings that the women members come to the office. In one of the meetings attended by the researcher the husband of the panchayat president was presiding, and the woman president was sitting

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as a silent witness. In Pannian the panchayat meeting was conducted in a systematic manner. Even the timing was perfect. Here, too, the women members kept quiet. In the Dalit-reserved village, the meetings were not regular, as the president himself was hesitant to conduct the meetings. Though the villagers say that the leaders should be service oriented, they are of the opinion that many elected members are not service oriented towards work as the leaders of the village. Again, contrary to the common belief, the villagers say that the women leaders are the least service-oriented. This is due to the fact that the woman leader seldom comes to office. A woman as a leader, is a new phenomenon in the village for both men and women. The woman panchayat president and the other elected women members will go for work everyday in the farms and it is the men who attend to the work in the panchayat. Thus, the villagers never see women working in the office. Also, the women leader’s interaction with the villagers is very limited due to the customs and traditions in the society. Regarding the elected members, villagers were able to say who are the service-oriented people and who are not. A few villagers observed that the service of the ward members was good though a majority of them said the services could be improved. The ward members and the president meet the people very often, as per the opinion of elected leaders. However, the people say that the elected members could not solve all the problems of the villagers, as they are not able to understand the problems in a proper perspective. One of the complaints received was that the ward members sent their men to understand the problems and that they never came directly to the people. The villagers are very frank in articulating their problems. In Nattamangalam, one panchayat member had a very hostile relationship with the villagers and all the villagers said that he should be removed.The villagers complain that this person uses his power and office to grab the resources, which are meant for the villagers, for himself. In the reserved village the development is very slow as compared to the other two villages. People of Nattamangalam say that development is not possible due to misunderstanding among the various castes. Whenever the issue of development comes up the people of the village fight over which groups/castes it should go to, as there is a physical separation between the castes.

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CASTE, GENDER, DEVELOPMENT Power is the main factor, based on which, the decisions are made in the rural areas. In most of the rural areas of Tamil Nadu the real power is the traditional power based on caste or money. In most villages there is one dominant caste, which possesses 90 per cent of the resources of the village. It is this caste which enjoys maximum power in the village. In the areas selected for this study also, this is the pattern.Thever is the dominant caste, and it dictates terms in all these three villages. All the other castes in the villages are the dependent castes. Most of the dependent castes are now slowly resorting to protests due to the unnecessary interference of the dominant castes in the affairs of the village (Oommen 1990). The traditional panchayat still exists in villages. Almost every day, the traditional panchayat meets in the villages. There is a place in all the villages for the meeting of the traditional panchayat, usually at the centre of the village. There is a raised platform under a tree where the leaders/ members sit, and the villagers sit on the ground. In all the three villages this place is under huge banyan trees. It is to be noted that the people of the village still believe in this panchayat, rather than the elected one.They say, ‘.…the voted panchayat is only for roads, bathrooms and for getting loans for a few. The individual problems are solved by our panchayat’.5 It was found that the meetings are conducted early in the morning, around 6.00 am during working days, and on holidays the meetings were of longer duration. Marriage problems, property problems, family feuds, caste problems, etc. are solved here. Many villagers do not want to go to court, as there is a belief that they will not get justice because they do not have either money or men of power. During data collection there were many incidents which were taken up by the traditional panchayat, but two incidents should to be noted here. One related to a Dalit and the other related to a woman member who is an elected ward member from Vikramangalam Pannian ‘katta panchayat’6 met to inquire about SGSY (Swaran Jayanthi Gramswarajkar Yojana) funds given to a SC member by an elected leader. In the court the elected leader said that the SC member used the funds without his knowledge. Though there was nothing wrong done by the SC member, the case was turned against him and he was given a punishment by the court of law. Katta panchayat, after all inquiries, found the SC person not guilty. The people of the village accepted the verdict of the katta panchayat. He was asked to return the money given

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to him. In another case a woman was forced to sign a document. The woman was asked to sign on a piece of paper where it was stated that she gave permission to her husband for a second marriage. In fact the woman signed without knowing what it was. The katta panchayat intervened and settled the matter.

CASE STUDIES The goal of the central government in reorganizing the local government is to give an opportunity for villagers to develop themselves in their own way. There is a visible change as far as the villages are concerned though the villagers expect much from the government and the leaders. Another major area of development is supply of drinking water. In Tamil Nadu, all the villages are having potable drinking water. In the villages studied, protected water is given to all the villagers. In all the three villages there are sufficient overhead tanks and these tanks supply the water to the villages through pipes. Water, which is the main ingredient of life, is also problematic at times. In the villages water has a relationship with caste and gender. Caste is still a major institution in the villages of Tamil Nadu. Though, the 73rd and the 74th amendments to the constitution decentralizes power, and empowers the people who were hitherto not having any power, in most of the places this are only on paper and has not materialized in real life. In Tamil Nadu, the recent elections showed that in many reserved panchayats the elections could not be conducted due to the friction among the various castes in the villages. Dominant caste is a feature of the villages in Tamil Nadu. These dominant castes are not the traditional upper castes, but they wield power due to the resources they have in the villages. The villages studied here have a tendency to go with the major caste, as this caste is politically powerful in the state. The villagers say that they never go by the party politics in villages, as the individuals are more important here.Though the people know about the major political parties of the state, in the village it is the person who is important, and this is determined purely through his caste background. Dominant caste in the village is based on wealth as well as numerical strength.Village society is such that villagers cannot think of a person from a different caste holding the highest position in the village.

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The middle and lower castes did not have a representation till recently. The Dalit community of villages find it very difficult to take up leadership roles because of the attitude of the upper castes in the village. The upper castes are yet to accept Dalit leadership. The upper or dominant caste groups of the village rarely attend the meetings organized by a Dalit leader.7 In these villages the traditional panchayat is becoming stronger.8 There are villages in Tamil Nadu where the Dalit elected head sits on the floor, whereas the common people sit in chairs or benches. Though the elected Dalit is in the office the caste members take the decisions. The elected Dalit himself admitted that he was elected for the sake of the government order. Another disadvantage of the Dalit leader is that he is not recognized at the block level and the district level. For the block level meetings and the district level meetings the Dalit panchayat president sends a person who can converse with others freely.9 In Nattamangalam, the panchayat president who is a Dalit does not have any knowledge about the world though he is a literate person. He cannot even read or grasp the minutes of the meetings, either from the written record or from the discussions at various levels. He, thus, developed an inferiority complex that he does not deserve this post. In fact, it was observed that the Dalit leader is not neglected, at any time by anybody, in the village due to his caste status, but his lack of knowledge and leadership gives him a lower status in the village. He always depended on others to take decisions and requested help at the time of meetings with higher officials. Another issue in the villages of Tamil Nadu is the gender issue. Even today the people of villages have not recognized the role of women, and, hence, the women’s leadership is unthinkable for them. The Dalit and the women are the lowest of the lowest stratum and, therefore, their participation in the elected bodies is marginal. Though 33 per cent reservation is strictly followed for women, they are not participating in the activities of the panchayats due to the patriarchal tendency of the society. It was found at a district level meeting of elected women leaders of the panchayat that they are ignorant about the political system of rural Tamil Nadu.10 Most of these women were elected due to their close relationship with male leaders of the village. A few women were not able to talk independently. But even the women who were educated could not take an independent decision because they were not permitted to do so by their husbands, or by other close kin. Education, along with visibility, is the requirement for women to become effective leaders. The caste background of women leaders is another hindrance for the women

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leaders.The women of the dominant castes of villages are more respected than lower caste women. However, in the villages investigated it was found that the caste does not have a major role when the gender factor is involved. Water is the main issue in all the three villages. The villages which are mainly centred on water for development are facing acute water scarcity for agriculture as well as for day-to-day life.Though all villages have tanks and pipes, only upper/dominant castes get the water. There are pipes in areas where the lower castes are residing but as these are in the periphery of the villages, water rarely reaches these hamlets. Almost every alternate day, there are quarrels over this issue in all the three villages. The villagers of Pannian say that illegal connections in houses are a major threat to water. Vikramangalam people do not have sufficient water because the panchayat president indulges in malpractices. In Nattamangalam, water rarely reaches the belt where the lower caste people reside. When we visited Pannian there was a big fight going on between the villagers of Chokkanathapuram and the panchayat president was trying to solve the problem. The village did not provide household water connections and there are pipe points at regular intervals that if all the villagers could use them judiciously, there would not be any water problem. But we found that connections are made to many households near the points and that water was not available to many other households. Repeated requests of the villagers did not yield any results, and later on one group of people broke the pipelines at night. This had resulted into a problem between two castes. This went on for many days. The local police came but still the problems were not solved. Later the panchayat president came and took away all the pipelines going to houses and restored the original pipelines. In the second village, Vikramangalam, the problem of water is due to some other factors. The woman headed panchayat here is literally a male dominated panchayat as the woman panchayat president was not permitted to function here. Her husband was dominating, so that she was not able to take any decisions on her own. Added to this, the husband along with his friends indulged in illegal practices. One such area is in giving water connections. He will persuade his wife to sign only if he is getting the expected money from the people. As this was the practice, the water connections in this village were near the upper class houses. In the third village, Nattamangalam, the water problem is a caste problem. The village panchayat is headed by a Dalit residing in the periphery of the village.The whole area where the SCs people are living is segregated from

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the main village. And there is not much communication between these people and the rest of the villagers.Though there are tanks in all the areas but water is seldom filled in the tanks where the Dalits are residing due to various reasons. One of the main reasons is that water seldom reaches this area as it is far away from the main tank. These people go to the front of the village to collect water from the tank which is used by the dominant caste, namely Thevers. This was not liked by the Thevers and they refused permission to the Dalits to collect water from this tank. This resulted in a serious problem. There were clashes between the groups. Now, as a result of these problems, there was isolation between these groups and the Dalits do not go to the other tanks to collect the water. The above case studies of ‘water’ in the villages show the impact of water on the life of the rural people. In fact most of the problems in the villages are centred around water and it is one of the indicators of development. Water is considered as pure by the castes and, therefore, the various castes keep water of their own without permitting others to pollute the ‘water’. The government officials (police) or the elected representatives (panchayat people) were not able to solve the water problem. Major funding of the panchayats goes in laying roads inside the villages. All these roads are cement or concrete roads. One of the complaints of the villagers was that the roads are laid only in select areas and, therefore, they were unhappy over that. Even in the panchayat headed by a SCs, the villagers did not allow the roads to be laid inside the village where majority of the lower caste people reside. The main argument of the upper caste people was that the roads are to be in the main line. Thus, the periphery and interior parts of the villages are neglected. The main issue of this case is that the lower caste areas were always given less importance and, therefore, the roads in this area were in a bad condition and in some areas there are no roads at all. It was found in Nattamangalam that the area where the Dalits live is totally cut off from the main area, and there was no access to this area by any mode of transport. Even walking is difficult because of the unhygienic conditions, as the roads in this area will not be cleaned at all. The Government of India made revolutionary change by introducing the 73rd amendment in the Constitution, whereby, the hitherto excluded communities were to be included for political participation. The introduction of the reservation system in the local government made a real change in the attitudes of the people towards the lower castes and women. Common people now realize that all are equal before law though the

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internalization of this principle is yet to take place in its full form in the society. The leaders of the village today have changed their outlook, which is slowly penetrating to the other levels also. Public places and governmental institutions treat all the members in the same way. The villagers have stories to tell about the untouchability of the past and they say with happiness that it has been removed in a big way, today. Still, the temple festival every year marks some unrest.These conflicts are primarily due to old rivalries regarding land or the village headship. It was found that the caste leadership and the village leadership were synonymous in the past. The power of the village leader is unquestionable since all the decisions of the village are taken with the knowledge of the village leader. Though the caste relationship has changed considerably, the village leadership is still in the form of family leadership or caste leadership. Women empowerment is a major area of development in these villages. The awareness of women regarding their status has increased, and the knowledge regarding their rights has increased in the villages. The role of government and the NGOs in imparting this awareness has to be mentioned here. The economic empowerment which women achieve through various programmes gives them overall confidence and gives them an opportunity for status improvement. Programmes like prenatal and postnatal care, literacy, hygiene, small business, etc. are there to empower women. However, women feel that leadership training is required and change in the male attitude is essential to bring about a transformation in society.

CONCLUSION Rural Tamil Nadu has witnessed tremendous changes in the last fifty years. Local government in Tamil Nadu has a long history as it is functioning from the time of pre-independence days. Therefore, most of the people of rural Tamil Nadu are aware of local government though the traditional village panchayats are strong in rural areas. Though this seems to be paradoxical, the truth is that the two systems co-exist in the villages of Tamil Nadu. The caste system of the traditional type is not to be seen though the caste structure is the main basis of stratification here. Another feature of caste system is that the structure varies from village to village.

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The feature of dominant caste is very much there in the Tamil Nadu villages. The relationship between the castes mainly depends upon the relationship between the dominant caste and the lower castes, especially, in the villages where this study was conducted. The villagers are yet to accept the leadership of lower castes and women. The empowerment of women and Dalits are to be seen differently as the two categories are looked at differently by the society. As far as the Dalits are concerned, their marginalization still continues in the villages. The main reason for this is that inter-caste communication is almost absent. It is to be noted that even in the traditional panchayat and gram sabha meetings, Dalits are reluctant to attend, or if they do attend, they are usually silent spectators. Again, one point to be noted here is that they express their feelings, at times, by way of indulging in violence against the dominant castes, but they rarely have a cordial relationship with the other castes in the dayto-day affairs of village administration. They feel that the dominant castes never allow the Dalits to participate in the functioning of the villages. The other category, namely women, who are participating in village panchayats because of their inclusion after the 73rd amendment to the constitution, are in an ambivalent situation in the villages. The study revealed that their individuality is totally suppressed by the males in the political scenario. It is also noted that the same women are participating very well on the economic front and attaining the economic empowerment through self-help groups. But when it comes to the political participation, they become introverts and, thus, marginalized. This may be due to the fact that the society considers political participation as the male domain, or they feel that political participation gives women too much power, which they do not deserve. The erstwhile excluded communities are slowly becoming visible in the rural areas though they have to go a long way to be at par with other sections of the society. The society, the government and the civil society have to work together for a more meaningful participation of these communities in village administration and development.

NOTES 1. The Government of Tamil Nadu groups the castes for reservation as OC (Open Category), BC (Backward Castes), MBC (Most Backward Castes), and SC (Scheduled Castes) and ST (Scheduled Tribes). For this study this classification is used to identify the caste background of the population.

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2. Yosanai, the elected president, of the village is like any other person and he works every day on his farm, or some other farm for his livelihood. 3. & 4. During the data collection the researcher was shocked to see the elected leader’s husband presiding over the meeting in the village panchayat office. The elected member was a passive observer. Interestingly, the other members accepted this pattern of functioning. Likewise, in the the third village, we found the elected president sitting on the floor. Even when he was given a seat he refused to sit on that chair. 5. During data collection many villagers expressed this view. 6. In local language, the traditional village panchayat is referred to as katta panchayat. 7. During the village visits these facts were revealed by the villagers. 8. See note 7. 9. In Nattamangalam, it was found that the elected panchayat president depends on an educated young person from another caste, who helps him in the functioning of the presidentship. He sends this person to the district level meetings. 10. The researcher had an opportunity to attend one of the meetings of the elected women leaders in Karaikudi. There I observed that more than three fourth of the women were not able to talk, nor were they able to listen.

REFERENCES Beteille, Andre. 1996. Caste, Class and Power. Changing Patterns of Social Stratification in a Tanjore Village. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Chandrababu B.S. 1993. Social Protest in Tamil Nadu. India: Emrald Publishers. Government of Tamil Nadu. 1997. Panchayat Raj Laws (Revised). Oommen T.K. 1990. Protest and Change: Studies in Social Movements. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Preston P.W. 1996. Development theory: An Introduction. USA: Blackwell Publishers. Subramaniam A. 1999. ‘Efforts of Panchayat Raj in Tamil Nadu’. Panchayat Raj in India. Delhi: Kanishka Publishers.

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’Brushed under the Carpet’: Inclusion and Exclusion in Manipur N Vijaylakshmi Brara

We are embarking on a self evaluation journey. All over India, we are attempting to see whether the excluded have been included. The law makers have fulfilled their role by introducing the 73rd amendment to the Constitution, but whether society has obliged the law makers, remains to be seen. And, what to do when other issues such as development, right to self-determination, human rights, financial crunch and corruption cloud the issue of inclusion? These kinds of reflections came to my mind when I was in the field. One actually cannot keep them aside, even if one tries. At times, I was told that the issue I am dealing with is very trivial in the context of Manipur and that there are other ‘major’ issues confronting the society. Besides that, not many people were ready to dwell on the subject, especially the tribal issue.The reason being the recent hill-plain divide created in the aftermath of the protest against the ceasefire agreement between the NSCN (IM) and Government of India.1 For me, it was, sometimes, like walking on a tight rope. But like I have said in my earlier papers2, sensitivity is one of the major criteria for a researcher to accomplish his/her goal in this society. This is my yet another endeavour, keeping these issues in mind.

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A BRIEF HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF MANIPUR (OR THE HISTORY OF EXCLUSION) Manipur is quite characteristically rooted in its culture. I have also mentioned in my book,3 that, even while opening up to the outside world, Manipur, is at the same time, returning to its roots, its culture and its belief systems. It is informed with an understanding that such a return could help preserve the identity that is constantly being threatened by inroads made by more dominant cultures. Institutions of the modern political system, including local governments, are also seen as part of the mainland ethos, and, therefore, have not struck roots here. The people of Manipur have witnessed many invasions against their society over time. Hinduism invaded Manipur around the fifteenth century, but established a strong hold in the state only in the eighteenth century. Christianity, which crept in with the British invasion, got firmly entrenched in the hills after displacing the traditional beliefs, rites and rituals. Manipur came under the British Empire after the Anglo-Manipuri war. Before the British conquest it was not part of India. The people here feel that their king was made to forcibly sign the merger agreement, and Sardar Vallabhbai Patel forcibly ‘annexed’ Manipur to the Indian Union. Partly due to this feeling and partly because of the indifferent attitude of the Indian government till today, the centre has been unable to win the complete confidence of the people. The manner, in which the state of Manipur was included in the Indian Union, added to the feeling of alienation of the Manipuri people from the country of which they were being made a part. Even after the merger with free India, the people of the state were not free to choose their own rulers. With the coming into force of the Constitution of India, Manipur became a ‘Part C’ state.The Constitution empowered Parliament to create a Legislature as well as a Council of Advisors, or Ministers for Part C states. In exercising these powers, Parliament enacted the Government of Part C States Act, 1951. By this Act, a Council of Advisors or Ministers was set up in each Part C state to advise the Chief Commissioner, under the overall control of the President, and also a Legislative Assembly to function as the Legislature of the state, without derogation to the plenary powers of Parliament. Manipur was, thus, virtually governed by the centre through an appointed Chief Commissioner.

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A similar administrative set-up continued, even after the States Reorganization Act, 1956, when Manipur became a Union Territory. It took another fifteen years to formulate the North Eastern Areas (Reorganization) Act, 1971, that granted statehood to Manipur with a responsible government. Only then were the people of this state able to choose their government directly. Similarly, the Manipuri language was included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India only in 1993, forty six years after India’s independence and that too after a prolonged and, at times, violent agitation. Due to the geographical barrier of a mountainous terrain between Manipur and the rest of the country, accompanied by a lack of sincere effort made to bridge the communication gap with the mainland, the state was and, still, is isolated from the rest of the country, culturally and economically. This has fostered a sense of alienation amongst the people. And today, the people are being made to feel insecure even about their territory. Recently, due to insensitive and casual handling of the situation, the state witnessed unprecedented violence and massive popular protest against the extension of the ceasefire agreement between the Government of India and the NSCN (IM), without taking into confidence the majority of the people in Manipur. As many as fourteen people died in CRPF firing during the agitation. In some ways, things have not changed even after sixty years of India’s independence. The sense of alienation still persists. I will discuss all these aspects while discussing the issues of inclusion in the forthcoming pages. As I have already mentioned in the beginning, the question of inclusion cannot be separated from the question of nationality, corruption, human rights, and others like it. This is my honest realization as a fieldworker in the field.

BACKGROUND OF PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTIONS IN MANIPUR The plains area of Manipur comprises of four districts: Thoubal, Bishnupur, Imphal East and Imphal West. When the Manipur Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, was enacted, there were three districts in the valley area,

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that is, Imphal, Thoubal and Bishnupur. The Imphal Zilla Parishad was subsequently divided into Imphal East and Imphal West after the bifurcation of the erstwhile Imphal District into Imphal East and Imphal West districts. In 1964, Manipur implemented the panchayati system of governance under the adopted U.P. Panchayati Raj Act, 1947. The second general elections to the panchayats were held in 1971, also under the same Act. Subsequently, in 1975 Manipur enacted its own panchayat Act providing for a three-tier system of gram panchayats, panchayat samitis and zilla parishads.Though, elections to the gram panchayats and panchayat samitis were held, the zilla parishads were never constituted. The functioning of these institutions called for the involvement of people in governance at the grassroots level, but this was not to be. Our existing and ex-bureaucrats, as well as the concerned ministers stated various reasons and excuses. One could gather the, usual, passing on the blame to each other. Lack of infrastructure, lack of adequate funds and non-cooperation from the existing government departments in sharing power with them, the panchayats remained merely advisory bodies, rather than becoming vibrant democratic institutions. Perhaps, the most important stumbling block was the resistance from the local MLAs and ministers to allow them to function as autonomous bodies, as this would directly dilute the enormous influence and power wielded by them. Lack of infrastructure and lack of funds came as convenient excuses for the non-performance and stagnation of the panchayat bodies. The epoch making 73rd constitutional amendment, brought about the enactment of the Manipur Panchayat Raj Act, 1994. Even though the Constitution envisages a three-tier system, in Manipur Panchayat Raj Act, 1994, only gram panchayats and the zilla parishads are provided and there is no provision for a panchayat samiti. The inadequate population ratio is given as the reason for the missing middle level body by the state authorities.This argument does not carry much weight. In the earlier Act of 1975, a three-tier system of gram panchayat, panchayat samiti and zilla parishads were incorporated. In fact, the population ratio must have been even less than what it is at present times. Secondly, the state of Arunachal Pradesh, which has a much lower population ratio than Manipur, has already incorporated the panchayat samiti in their Act. The reason has more to do with the unwillingness of the ministers to further devolve or decentralize the existing bodies. The Manipur Panchayati Raj Act of 1994, too, as its predecessor, extends only to the valley area.The hill areas come under the jurisdiction

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of the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act, 1971, and the Manipur (Village Authorities in Hill Areas) Act, 1956. Thus, this Act is applicable only in the valley districts of Imphal East, Imphal West, Thoubal and Bishnupur. The municipal areas in the valley districts too, have been excluded from its operation. Elections to the three zilla parishads in the three valley districts of Manipur, that is Imphal, Thoubal and Bishnupur districts, and also to 166 gram panchayats were held in 1997. The Imphal Zilla Parishad was subsequently divided into Imphal East and Imphal West zilla parishads, after the bifurcation of the erstwhile Imphal District into Imphal East and Imphal West district. Wide ranging powers, touching almost all the important developmental functions of the state, had been envisaged for the gram panchayats and zilla parishads under Sections 35 and 61 respectively of the Act of 1994. However, soon thereafter, even before any elections could be held under the Act of 1994, the state government amended the said two provisions, that is, Sections 35 and 61 as per amendment Act of 1996. A provision was inserted, that the gram panchayats and the zilla parishads should perform such functions and activities in respect of items enumerated in the Eleventh Schedule of the Constitution of India, as may be notified by the state government and published in the official gazette. This amendment Act of 1996 was yet another retrogressive act on the part of the state government. Instead of making the powers and functions of the panchayat bodies as statutory provisions in the Act, these would be notified from time to time by executive orders, thus, subjecting local bodies to the political expediencies of the state government. Such manipulation of the provisions relating to the powers and functions of the panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) did not indicate any keenness on the part of the state government, to make the panchayat bodies a vibrant democratic institution. It was only after a sustained struggle by the elected members of the panchayat bodies, that the state government took certain steps towards identifying areas and devolving of powers to them. But even till today, there is hardly any executive role assigned to the panchayat bodies. Their role remains mainly supportive and advisory. The association of the PRIs in Manipur, and the Manipur State Panchayat Parishad, made several representations to the state government for further devolution of power.They also asked the government to make a clear policy under sections 35 and 61 of the Manipur Panchayati Raj Act.

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The state government ignored their pleas, which led to a mass relay hunger strike for about two weeks in January 2000, and again in June 2000. They also threatened mass resignations for fulfilment of their demands. The agitation ended after the minister in charge of the panchayats assured them of implementation of their demands. Till today, the devolution has been done only in some departments and, that too, mainly only on paper. In the 20th State Level Panchayati Raj Sammelan (conference) held in January 2000 at Imphal, the Secretary (Rural Development and Panchayati Raj), Government of Manipur, in his address openly stated that because of the unwillingness on the part of the politicians to part with their powers, the panchayat bodies, and in turn rural development itself, has suffered. And, in spite of the assurances and promises made by the politicians, things have not changed. The shortage of funds available with the panchayat bodies has been the greatest handicap to their effective functioning. There is no source for internal revenues because of non-devolution of powers and lack of any taxing power given to the panchayat bodies. The panchayat bodies have to depend almost entirely on the state government for meeting their establishment expenditure. It may be mentioned that most of the funds meant for development are diverted to meet the establishment costs of panchayats including payment of wages and salaries of the employees. However, in spite of the lack of power and sufficient funds, the panchayat bodies have been doing commendable work. It is at times of crisis, especially during operations conducted by the security forces, when the panchayat members take up the cudgels on behalf of the villagers and act as the mediators with the security forces. In the process the panchayat members, especially the pradhans, have borne the brunt of the excesses of the security forces. Many have been badly beaten and harassed by the security forces. They have been charged of sympathizing with the underground and also giving support to them. Ironically, they are also victimized by the armed underground on charges of giving information to, and collaborating with, the security forces. It is also true that on many occasions, the panchayats have had to seek the help of the security forces for health care and developmental activities, as these are almost non-existent as far as the government infrastructure is concerned. Thus, they are sandwiched between the devil and the deep sea. The bad law and order situation, because of insurgency, also makes it difficult for the panchayats to undertake developmental activity. They

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admit that the meagre funds meant for the developmental activities are also sometimes taken away by the underground groups against whom they have no means to resist. One important fact, which should be noted, is that Manipur, which is known for its strong women’s organization, Meira Paibis (torch bearing women) ironically, does not have any women leaders of reckoning in the panchayat bodies. On the other hand, women leaders of the PRIs are also not trusted by the Meira Paibis. They are considered to be part of the government machinery, who have little interest in public welfare.The women pradhans and adhyakshas are still at the stage where, by and large, they have to listen to their husbands or other male members of the family, and their male colleagues in political parties.Therefore, there is a chasm in the women’s movement and the women representatives of the PRIs. On the one hand there are women zilla adhyakshas, who have spent lakhs of rupees for their elections to remain in office as adhyakshas, and have not been any different from their male counterparts in matters of corruption and insensitivity to the problems of the people. On the other hand, there are women pradhans who belonged to the Meira Paibi movement and are more popular among the people than those who were sponsored by major political parties. I strongly feel that if more Meira Paibi women can be brought into the decision making processes of the local self-governments, the panchayat bodies will be understood better and appreciated by the people.

SELECTION OF CASE STUDIES The hill tribes of Manipur had been co-existing with the Meiteis in the plains since time immemorial. A major gap was created between them when the Meiteis became Hindus and the tribals, subsequently, became Christians. These two alien religions could not understand nor could adjust with the age old reciprocity between the two groups. When NSCN (IM) demanded all the ‘Naga inhabited’ areas of Manipur as part of ‘independent Nagalim’, the tension between the Meiteis (the majority community in the Imphal valley) and the tribals (specially the Tangkhul Nagas) living in the hills increased. There are other Naga as well as nonNaga tribes who are supporting the Meiteis with regard to the territory issue.

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In Manipur there are three geographical sections; the centre, the foothills and the hills.While the Meiteis dominate in the centre or valley, the tribes dominate in the hills, the foothills comprise of a mixed population of Meiteis and the scheduled tribes (STs) along with the pre-Hindu Meitei community and some Muslim pockets. Therefore, although there are no PRIs in tribal areas, there are tribal pradhans in these pockets. The situation of the scheduled castes (SCs) is a bit different from the rest of India. Here, they are not considered ‘untouchable’. They are those people who did not embrace Hinduism, when it was made the state religion in the eighteenth century. Till today, they believe in their traditional pantheon, therefore, the Hindu Meiteis consider them a bit low, but certainly not untouchable.They are now given the status of SCs.4 Also, since they were assigned specific areas by the erstwhile king, in the periphery of the valley, they are a majority in their own areas.The degree of their exclusion is not the same as in the rest of India. Therefore, they did not merit a separate case study.

THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC SCENARIO The ideal socio-economic state according to the Meiteis is watta padaba. The literal meaning of this expression is, to neither have a shortage nor an excess of the requirement of life. Most of the people, even till today, are engaged in agriculture. A loom is found in the outside corner of every household. Women, in their spare time, weave their own and family’s garments. They also weave to sell in the exclusive women’s market called Ima Keithel. Besides clothes, they sell goods ranging from fish, rice, vegetables and fruits grown in their own kitchen gardens, jute products, flowers, etc. Though the economy, even today, is based on self-sufficiency, due to the logic of the developmental process, population growth and the rise of consumerism, the trade and commerce has slowly come under the control of non-Manipuris, (the Mayangs).The present day educated youth does not want to continue with the occupation of their forefathers. There are very few jobs available with the security of a ‘government job’. Corruption is rampant, with each public post available at a price tag. It is in this context that Manipur is witnessing an increase in insurgency movements. The problems of unemployment, corruption, lack of infrastructure facilities,

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bankruptcy of political leadership and heavy reliance on the central funds have broken the confidence of the people of this state.

THE SPECIFIC FIELD AREA I studied the extent of inclusion of excluded communities in three villages of Imphal West district. One of the villages had a woman pradhan, one had a pradhan from the STs and one from the general category. The Imphal West district is not a secluded area, and, hence, prone to the outside influences. Hence, the social set-up and the attitudes of the people are susceptible to change, which makes it a dynamic society.This helped in understanding the inclusion of excluded communities through the study of continuity and change.

The Demographic Composition The Imphal West district comprises of two parts, part I and part II. It has four sub-divisions: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Lamphelpat sub-division Wangoi sub-division Lamshang sub-division Patsoi sub-division.

I studied three gram panchayats in this area as case studies, and also observed the functioning of others to compare the response of people. My first case study was Iroishemba in Lamphelpat sub-division where I studied the panchayat headed by an ST gram pradhan. The second was Phumlou village, in Lamshang sub-division, a panchayat headed by a woman, and the third was Yurembam gram panchayat, in Patsoi subdivision, a panchayat run by a person from the general category. Iroishemba is situated near the foothills of Langol hill range. It has a mixed population. Here, the areas of exclusion have, almost, come out in black and white. Its pradhan is a man from the Kabui tribe, which is one of the Naga tribes of Manipur.5 I selected the woman upapradhan from Phumlou for interviewing, because the pradhan, who is also a woman, was not available. I was

15

Imphal West - II

154.15

Total

SC

Population ST

11,479

71,602

0 1,614

19,475 122,968 8,126 3,983

No. of households

LP/JB: Lower Primary/Junior Basic. UP/UJB: Upper Primary/Upper Junior Basic. JHS: Junior High School. HS: Higher Secondary. ALC: Alternative Learning Centre.

Notes:

29

Imphal West - I

185.34

No. of Area GPs (sq. km.)

Name of the Block/Panchayat Samiti 47

12 21

51 13

32 21

28 36

34

5

16

4

7

PHC

0

0

CHC

No. of Health Centre

LP/JB UP/UJB JHS HS ALC PHSC

No. of Educational Inst.

Table 11.1 General Information on the Gram Panchayats in Imphal West District (As per 1991 Census)

0

0

RH

63

145

No. of FP Shop

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also impressed by her confident and forthright approach. This village is adjacent to a place called Sekmai, where people of the pre-Hindu Meitei faith live. The majority of the people of this area are employed in the Manipur spinning mill located here. The Yurembam area was selected for studying the pradhan from the general category. Its topography is marked by three kilns, a training institute for small scale industries, and a big power transmission station, in the otherwise completely non-industrialized scenario of the Manipur state. It made my work especially interesting because while the pradhan belonged to the general category the panchayat members included a Kabui and three women members. The fieldwork was not limited to these three interviewees. Many other ordinary people, the praja, as they are called, were also involved in the discussions. I also witnessed the hue and cry, when the date of elections, sometime in March, was announced. And, I also witnessed the whimpers, when it was postponed. Now the authorities say that the elections are going to take place sometime in September.6 The following data, though based on the old Census of 1991, will provide a broad idea of the demographic and socio-economic profiles of the aforesaid three gram panchayats. Table 11.2 Demographic Data of the Three Gram Panchayats (As per 1991 Census) Name of Village

No. of households

Phumlou Yurembam *Iroisemba *(Meitei Langol, Tharol & Tarung)

300 456 571 619

Population M F 822 792 1,368 1,413 1,903 1,898 1,875 1,798

Scheduled Caste

Scheduled Tribe

M 0 1 2 4

M

F 0 0 0 2

Literates

F M F 2 0 448 266 134 126 861 560 0 1 1,241 847 1,487 1,444 1,299 1,069

Notes: * It may be noted that when the Census of 1991 was published, no STs were shown under the Iroisemba village. After the Census of 1991 was conducted, parts of Meitei Langol, Tharol and Tarung were merged with Iroisemba. Thus, some of the STs residing in Meitei Langol, Tharol and Tarung were subsequently included in Iroisemba. Since the latest Census of 2001 is under publication, the actual number of STs in the Iroisemba area is not definitively ascertainable. However, in order to have a general idea the neighbouring villages of Meitei Langol, Tharol and Tarung village are also included in the chart above.

M 6 97 23 12

F 76 295 42 17

Agricultural Labourers

M 1 0 41 36

F 0 0 2 8

Livestock, Forestry, Fishing, Hunting and Plantation, Orchards and Allied Activities

M F 1 37 5 4 61 285 2 15

Manufacturing, Processing Servicing, and Repairs in Household and Allied Activities

M 6 1 64 17

F 0

Manufacturing, Processing, Servicing, and Repairs in Nonhousehold and Allied Activities M 25 2 113 17

F 10 1 21 22

Trade and Commerce

M F 4 0 1 2 0 57 59 0 5 23 4

Transport, Storage and Communication

M F 58 13 153 16 228 43 459 170

Other Services

M 4 0 6 3

Nonworkers

F M F 12 403 420 0 811 974 115 1,145 1,161 8 1,227 1,531

Marginal Workers

Note: * In this chart, the neighbouring villages have been also included. After the Census of 1991 was conducted, parts of neighbouring villages of Meitei Langol, Tharol and Tarung were merged with Iroisemba. Thus, the economic profile of the Iroisemba area has changed due to an increase in population.

F 224 121 73 3

Cultivators

M Phumlou 315 Yurembam 295 Iroisemba 235 * (Meitei 27 Langol, Tharol, Tarung)

Name of Gram Panchayats

Table 11.3 Socio-economic Profile of the Three Gram Panchayats (As per 1991 Census)

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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The questionnaire as well as the observations revolved around: z z z z z z z

z

z z

The history of power relations The introduction of PRIs The role of the gram panchayat in the development of the area The functioning of the woman gram pradhan The functioning of the STs’ pradhan The functioning of the pradhan from the general category The reactions from the people; their verbal, as well as non-verbal communications The role of bureaucrats and their attitudes towards the pradhans from the excluded category The response from the local MLAs and the concerned ministers Since the region is rife with insurgency movement and ethnic conflicts, the study focused on the reasons and the areas of exclusion in this context

The decision making processes in the panchayats and the gram sabha were assessed through informal conversations and observations during the actual meetings.The degree of empowerment, of the individuals from the excluded categories, could be assessed through the extent of their participation in the developmental work, by studying the scale of their popularity and the degree of power they exercised. Participant observation formed the core of the whole methodology.

The Case Studies of Excluded Categories Panchayat with a Woman Pradhan Nongmaithem Ongbi Ahanbi Devi, (meaning Ahanbi Devi married into Nongmaithem clan) the upapradhan of the Phumlou village gram panchayat, Imphal West is about forty four years old. She is the wife of N. Mangi, whose official name is Jugindro Singh. She is the daughter of a CPI activist. Her father died while she was very young. Her mother brought her up single handedly.

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She has studied up to class nine, at Nambol Higher Secondary School. She calls her self ‘under matric’. She said that she had been politically active even during her school days. She was the captain of the school. She was also an NCC cadet. Later, she also took part in various social activities. After her marriage in 1974, she became a member of the Nisha Bandh (anti-liquor movement) of the Meira Paibis of Phumlou village. In 1975 she was elected as Secretary of the Phumlou Nisha Bandh. She got this body registered as an association with registration no. 55 (1995). She was very proud of this achievement.Now, she is the Phumlou branch secretary of the All Manipur Nupi Marup (All Manipur Women’s Association). Along with that, she also holds the post of the publicity secretary of the Sekmai-Lamshang Apunba Nupi Tengbang Lup (Sekmai-Lamshang United Women’s Support Group), a local group. For managing the Nisha Bandh activities, they raised funds by organizing lotteries at the village level by selling tickets of Rs 2. Out of the funds so raised, they purchased a plastic tent worth about Rs 6,000 and distributed a sum of Rs 14,000 among the members of the Nisha Bandh Association, to acknowledge their efforts and to encourage other women to join their movement. Having such an active background it was not surprising that people pressurized her to become a member and upapradhan of the Phumlou gram panchayat. She was elected unopposed for the seat reserved for women. The local clubs and Meira Paibis had initially urged her to become the pradhan of the village panchayat. But during that time her son was killed in an encounter with the police (on 20 December 1994). She was mentally quite disturbed, and, therefore, declined to be the pradhan, instead she proposed the name of Shushila, another active woman activist of the village. Talking about Shushila, she said that her family was not financially sound, so she helped her materially and morally in the election for pradhan. One must point out here that Ahanbi Devi’s house also looked very modest. It was a kuchha house with a thatched roof. In spite of that they contributed bags of rice. She also sent her daughters to Shushila’s house for helping in distributing tea and snacks to the villagers. It was a tough contest, as some underground militant factions allegedly supported the opponent. They, along with the other people, were threatened by the underground elements not to support Shushila. The militants even fired

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at Shushila’s house during the election campaign.The police also arrested Ahanbi Devi’s husband before the counting of votes on false charges made by the opponents. In spite of such offensive methods used against Shushila, she won the election for the post of pradhan.This clearly showed that the people of the village showed complete faith in the leadership of Ahanbi Devi and Sushila and defied the dictates of the underground groups. I found this collective defiance a rare show of courage. After the task of elections was complete, Ahanbi Devi started having slight problems with Shushila. She claims that Shushila is very impulsive. She would make decisions on her own, without consulting the others, resulting into frequent confrontations. However, in spite of confrontations they are still very close to each other. The confrontations occur because both the women are very dedicated persons, with strong commitment, and left leanings. Another complaint was about Shushila’s husband. Most of the people in the village objected to his constant interference in panchayat matters. He tried to assert his identity, as what husbands of pradhans of the states like Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Haryana are called—the pradhanpati. But unlike in the above-mentioned states, where it is considered an accepted norm, people in this panchayat resented it. Even in Kunthoujam, another panchayat under study, we shall see later that one of the panchayat members resented the role played by the husband of the elected representative. Citing a list of various activities of their panchayat, Ahanbi raised the issues of financial crunch, corruption in high places and extortion by the underground groups. She complained that the funds released by the central government as per the 10th Finance Commission have not reached the panchayats till date. She was very active in the agitation against the Government of Manipur by the apex body of PRIs, demanding devolution of power as envisaged in the 73rd amendment. She participated in the strike launched against the government. She was in the third batch to court arrest. But, according to her, till today, the government of Manipur has only partially devolved the powers. The Ministers in charge of different departments along with the officials do not want to give away the money coming directly from the central government for the gram panchayats, even though it does not belong to them. In spite of meagre financial resources, Ahanbi showed me the work undertaken by them under various schemes.

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They had constructed the panchayat building. They helped in the repairs of the Phumlou Jr. High School with Rs 8,000 under a project. They spent Rs 10,000 for construction of two toilets for the school. Even the school students contributed. As there is no proper irrigation system, the panchayat improved and constructed the Kamengkhong to Mana Ingkhol irrigation canal. Under the Indira Awas Yojana (IAY), for the homeless, Ahanbi got a house constructed for Shanti, a mentally unbalanced woman thrown out by her brother, as her parents had died. They have also improved the intra-village roads, constructed the village bridge with pucca foundation and pillars. They had approached the local MLA for some contribution, and he contributed some cement bags. He also contributed a sum of Rs 10,000 for construction of Meira Paibi Shang (house), which has been completed with additional funds from the panchayat. The Phumlou gram panchayat has spent Rs 5,000 for construction of the stairs of the public pond. Out of the money received from the government, Rs 500 has been kept aside for the general panchayat funds. While listening to this, I became aware that the time of these happenings was the time when elections to the state assembly were about to take place. Therefore, I asked them to tell me about the role of the local MLA when assembly elections are not in the picture. This is the response I got, ‘Of course, the MLAs do not give much financial help to us. They only provide help to the party workers, political supporters, and their relatives. They do not want things to be done through the panchayat. We also do not get any financial assistance from the MP Local Area Development Funds.’ According to the 10th Finance Commission’s award, Ahanbi’s panchayat did not get its full share of the funds. The state government released only limited funds. Due to the paucity of funds, all the wards were not given their rightful share. Ahnabi, therefore, sacrificed her ward’s share. She requested other members of the panchayat to give her funds in the next round to be released by the 11th Finance Commission. Besides the above mentioned development activities, this gram panchayat has also dealt with all kinds of local disputes and complaints relating to land, family and detention by security forces. Ahanbi Devi was seen totally absorbed in resolving the disputes. The question of development did not get priority because, just like the general scenario in Manipur, her own village was also trouble torn with unrest, insurgency movements and army encounters. The roads are poor, unemployment rate is very high, giving further impetus to underground movements and alcoholism. Most of the people in the area are employees of the spinning

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mills situated there, and some are full time farmers growing paddy in their fields. This area is also famous for brewing local rice beer. I will narrate Ahanbi Devi’s experience in the first person: I would go to far off places within the panchayat jurisdiction even in the evening. My husband does not object to this. He accompanies me most of the time. Even when he cannot, I would go with the local people who would escort me back. Sometimes I have even spent the night outside my house to deal with problems. The people fully cooperate with me.

I maintain the records of the cases and disputes settled by us. While dealing with land disputes, we go to the site, get the statements of the local people and the neighbours. On the basis of these statements, the parties are asked to agree to a settlement. On reaching an agreement we call the Amin of the revenue department and get the parties to sign the agreement and, thus, settle the dispute and get it recorded in the land records. However, we have problems dealing with family, marital disputes as parties keep changing their stand and commitments. I also solve disputes referred to me by other panchayat members in their locality. In her panchayat there are nine members, of which five are men. However, the women never allow the men to dictate terms. They also make the men work when they see them neglecting their duties. The local people, whom I talked to, wanted women members rather than male members for their wards. According to them, the male members are more quarrelsome and corrupt. As regards the official machinery, Ahnabi felt it was too bureaucratic. According to her and other members, the district authorities do give them respect, and they even invite them to their official meetings, but the work done by the panchayat is not properly recorded in the government records. They do not get proper recognition for their work. They also admitted that perhaps they do not keep in touch with the officials regularly.

Panchayat with an ST Pradhan P.G. Ephrim is a Christian Kabui, aged about forty nine years. He is the pradhan of Iroisemba gram panchayat. He has completed class twelve in the school.

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There are three members from the STs in his panchayat. 1. Member of the Ward No. 20 10/10 2. Member of the Ward No. 21 10/11 3. The Pradhan himself He contested against another candidate who is also a member of an ST. His name is Salam Salu. He is a mao (another Naga tribe), married to a Meitei woman belonging to Salam clan. Ephrim feels, Salu cannot claim to be a tribal as he has married a Meitei. Probably Ephrim felt hostile as Salu was projected by an underground organization, and if it had not been for him, Ephrim would have been elected unopposed. In addition, according to him, Salam Salu is not very popular, even amongst the Meiteis as they are very high handed. Ephrim not only got most of the tribal votes, he even managed to get many Meitei votes because of the discontent against the mao tribe. He got 2,400 votes and Salam Salu got about 2000 votes. The elections were not issue based. Political parties were also not directly involved. Ephrim spent about Rs 1 lakh for the elections, contributed by supporters and general public. He feels the indirect pressure of being in minority. According to him: Even though I am the pradhan, being in the minority community, I dare not challenge the gram panchayat members of the majority community. I do not want confrontation. Therefore, I avoid any argument with them. Moreover, since the decisions of the panchayats are taken by majority vote, even though I am the pradhan, I have little say.Therefore, I have to manage with the majority.

He said that the benefits meant for STs are not released fully. Tribals are not given their full share in various projects/programmes under the employment assurance scheme (EAS), 10th Finance Commission’s award, Jawahar Rozgar Yojna (JRY) or IAY, etc. Most of the funds meant for STs are utilized for the other backward castes (OBCs). He did not understand the basis for utilizing the funds for OBCs, as they do not have any particular locality or area, as in the case of the STs. When he objected to the reallocation of funds from the STs quota, a majority of members overruled him. Even though, he could have refused to cooperate with the majority by exercising his power as the pradhan, he did not, as this would have caused a rift in which the entire panchayat would have suffered. So, he would relent most of the time.

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There is no panchayat ghar (office). The meetings were held either in the house of the upapradhan or in the zilla parishad office, which is not very far from his house. If he called a meeting in his house, the other members of the panchayat would refuse to come. He also attributed this to the fact that he has a very humble house. Therefore, he held the meetings wherever the other members suggested. He did not know much about other wards; neither did he feel powerful enough to verify the correctness of the reports for allocation of work in those areas. He was slightly troubled with the attitude of the zilla parishad.According to him the zilla parishad does not cooperate with the panchayat properly. The upadhyaksha of the concerned zilla parishad, also preferred to reserve his comments while discussing the performance of his adhyaksha. I will go into this in detail while analyzing the problem. During the course of our conversation, I was particularly intrigued by the fact that in spite of facing so much discrimination and bitterness he still wanted to contest again. He admitted this when I asked a hypothetical question, whether he would contest again for the same post if his constituency were again given a reserved status. He said, ‘I am interested in politics. I would like to continue in politics. I know that it will be helpful in future. At the time of election to the assembly as well as the zilla parishad, candidates would approach me for garnering support for them. It will help me economically (candidates will give him money to attract voters) and socially (he will be the contact man). Along with this, it will form a ladder to climb high in the power politics making me a familiar name in the political circles’. He could think of the possibility of contesting for the assembly from his hometown, which is in the hills, in Tamenglong district of Manipur.7 As stated earlier, the traditional topography is such that the hills belong to the tribals, while the valley belongs to the Meitei community, who are, by and large, Hindus. Tribals occupying the foothills are recent migrants. These people have come down for wider avenues. Therefore, their home, along with their identity, is still located in the hills.There are, of course, some traditional pockets of tribals, particularly the Kabuis, in the traditional Meitei localities, but this particular pradhan belongs to the first category. For the time being, he wants to confine his activities to his ward, as not many people out of his panchayat approach him. Even when they do approach him, he directs them to go to their respective elected member to sort out their problems. Socially, he does get invited to Meitei functions and festivals, but most of them are public functions and not private celebrations.8

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According to him, there are hardly any funds available for developmental work. He feels that even though corruption at the panchayat level is negligible, a percentage of funds, meant for panchayats, are deducted at the district commissioner’s (DC) level. He is told that this deduction is for the underground groups though he has no means of verifying the same. He, also, does not want to question it. Sometimes, the district authorities ask him to give a utilization certificate without actually getting the work done, allegedly for payment to the underground. The state government does not either release funds meant for panchayats in time or they are diverted to other heads. The higher authorities and the bureaucrats do not take any interest in panchayats. His area has a majority of Meiteis, who are cultivators. There is a zoo and an agricultural university, which mark the topography of this region. His priority seems to be to come in the centre of the political arena, and for this, he sees the seat of pradhan as a stepping stone. He laments the discriminatory attitude towards him and is also worried about tribal development, rather than the area development. According to him, even though he is the pradhan, people do not give him much respect, since he is not rich. The element of class seems to override the element of ethnicity. Since according to Ephrim, if he was a rich tribal, the disregard would be much less. Similar is the case with R.K.Maipaksana, the adhyaksha of the zilla parishad. Her high economic status seems to overshadow the fact of her being a woman. The secretary of the panchayat parishad, however, praised her work. Even the pradhan, M. Bira, from my case study on general category, praised her. During my field study, I came across another Kabui, who is a member of Konthoujam gram Panchayat. His name is Kh. (Khumbaron) Tomba Kabui. He is thirty five years old. The only difference between him and Ephrim is that he is not a Christian and his family had settled in the Imphal region around five to six generations ago, while Ephrim is a first generation settler. Although, he still considers Tamenglong (a tribal dominated district) as his home, his name Tomba, meaning the youngest in Meiteilon (the language of the Meiteis), indicates a long association with the Meiteis. He was elected from Ward No. 3 of the Konthoujam gram panchayat, Imphal West District, from a reserved seat. He had been a social worker, helping the villagers and local people in their problems. He does not have any landed property except the homestead land, although there are other Kabui villagers who own agricultural lands.When I asked him about the difficulties faced by him as

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an ST panchayat member, he did not sound very different from Ephrim. In his case, the matter was of release of funds meant for the STs. According to him, the other members of the panchayat tried to take funds allocated for the STs. Only when he insisted that he would take up the matter with the higher authorities, that is, the block development officer and the DC, they relented and released part of the funds for the STs. For example, out of the Rs 1 lakh meant for the scheme under Jawahar Gramin Svarozgar Yojna (JGSY), about Rs 60,000 to 70,000 were to be allocated for the STs. However, for the year 2000–01, only a sum of Rs 40,000 was given. Since he was the lone ST member and the youngest, he could not prevail upon them to release the entire amount and was content with the said amount. Similarly, for the year 2001–02, out of the allocated Rs 1 lakh, only Rs 35,000 was given to the reserved beneficiaries. Since the funds available were meagre, other members wanted the share of the STs had sacrificed. The pradhan and the upapradhan and most of the members being from the majority community, Tomba felt that he could not overrule them, even though they went against the regulations. However, he intends not to compromise in future. He would insist upon full allocation of funds meant for the STs. He felt that funds meant for reserved area/beneficiaries should not be utilized without the consent of the STs representatives. Out of the funds, which did get to the reserved area, a local club building and sheltered bus stop were constructed. Out of the money sanctioned for the Indira Awas Yojana, even though he was informed of the ST quota, no fund was allocated for the STs during his tenure. He said that if he were elected again, he would inquire about fund allocations from the DC and would insist that the funds meant for the STs should not be diverted. He intends to contest again, even if his ward is not declared a reserved seat. Even though given a choice, he would want his seat to be reserved permanently, since most of his ward members are tribals. On cultural occasions he is invited to Meitei ceremonies and festivals. He also invites his Meitei neighbours to his house for functions. Of course, he cooks different dishes for them since they only eat fish, and not beef or pork. He hires a brahmin to cook for them. There are three women members in his panchayat. Th. Loidang, Binakumari and Mema of Sagoltongba. According to him, Mema’s husband, Birchandra, controls her decisions. He, instead of Mema, used to come to the panchayat meetings for about three years, till Tomba objected

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to this, and asked him how could he represent his wife. Thereafter, he stopped coming and Mema herself started attending the meetings. He does not know why other members of the panchayat did not object, may be they did not want to quarrel with him. He has heard that her husband is planning to contest the elections to the panchayat. He was also very critical of his local MLA who never released funds for development of his area from the MLA Local Area Development Fund.

Panchayat with a Pradhan from the General category Mutum Bira Singh, aged sixty six years, is son of late Pishak Singh. He is a Metei, part of the Hindu community. He is a resident of Yurembam Awang Leikai in Patsoi sub-division. He has studied up to Class III. He could not pursue his studies further because of extreme poverty. His mother died when he was only sixteen years old. Within a year his father also died. He was brought up by a neighbour. He got married at an early age. He has three sons and five daughters. His second son is working as a teacher in a lower primary school. Mutum Bira Singh had been socially very active because of which he became very popular in the village. He first got elected as a member of the gram panchayat as early as 1964. He was again elected as a member of the gram panchayat in 1968. By sheer hard work, he managed to acquire a saw mill. From then on he has been called Mill Bira. Six years ago he lost his wife. In spite of such a personal setback, the villagers urged him to contest for election in 1997 as the pradhan of the Yurembam gram panchayat because of his popularity. He contested against Meisnam Mangibabu, who he defeated by a comfortable margin of 800 votes out of a total of about 3,000 votes. According to him, the election was not party based and political parties made little contribution to the election campaign. Yurembam gram panchayat consists of about 120 households and eight wards. Bira has donated his entire honorarium to the village, as he had promised during his election campaign, to show his sincerity and selfless sacrifice for the welfare of the people. He says he did not spend any money for his elections. For his personal income, he runs a saw-mill, which fetches about Rs 10,000 per month. He has undertaken many developmental activities in the village within tight financial limits. He got the intravillage roads improved, constructed a staircase for the village pond and constructed irrigation canals. Funds for the panchayat are scarce to come

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by. Centrally sponsored funds come to the state government, which sends them to the zilla parishad, which makes allocations for the panchayats. Mutum Bira Singh feels it is because of corruption that developmental activities suffer. Even when the government sanctions funds, officers misuse them, and this hinders development. He shook his head and said, ‘Corruption is the curse for this society.’ He did not feel that reservation of seats in the panchayats is necessary. Though he could remember only one tribal panchayat member before reservations were introduced, and no elected woman member. He feels that it should be left to the people to choose their representatives. According to him, anyone, whether he/she is a tribal or a woman, can contest and win elections if he/she is popular. If there is reservation, the choice of the people gets limited, since only those people who belong to the reserved category are eligible to stand for elections, even though they may not be suitable or qualified. As regards the present, with women and STs members under the reserved category, he did not have much to say about them. ‘Some of them,’ he said,‘were hard working’. Of course he could not vouch for their honesty. He, however, had a good opinion about one ST member Tomba Kabui (discussed earlier), and did not think much of the upapradhan, who is from a general category seat. He doubted his integrity. He felt that he was colluding with their panchayat secretary in corrupt practices. As regards women members, he did not have high opinion of them. He said he respected them as they were also elected representatives of the people. According to him, there is no discrimination and bias against the tribals. He participates in their social functions. He himself has dined and wined with them. He is also a non-vegetarian. He admits that there are very rigid gouria (orthodox Manipuri Hindus) who have problems mixing freely with the tribal population. But he has seen tribals participating in Meitei functions. He has seen no tension between the tribals and the Meities. During the last anti-ceasefire agitation,9 some of the tribal villagers wanted to flee the village. But the Meiteis stopped them from leaving, pleading that they have lived together as brothers and sisters for generations, and that no harm will come to them. The panchayat made sure that none of the tribals left their homes. He said that he respected the opinions of the elected members in choosing the beneficiaries from their respective wards. However, since he knew most of the villagers himself, if the members recommend any person who did not deserve such benefits, he would object to it and

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ask them to make another recommendation. The panchayat meetings are held on the 15th of every month. There has been a meeting of the gram sabha only once or twice, in his term. He said there were never enough people to constitute the quorum, even though the meetings were properly announced. He said that the security forces had never harassed them. In the same vein, he showed strong resentment against the militant underground groups. He felt that they were very unreasonable. They made huge demands without verifying the capacity to pay. He used to confront them and some of them had even threatened to kill him. He said that it was only for the last two to three years that the underground groups had not come to his house. He, too, like Tomba said that some portions of the panchayat funds were deducted in the name of underground groups at the district level before being released to the panchayats. He felt that Maira Paibis were also playing an important role, but he had serious reservations about their manner of working. According to him, they indiscriminately come down on drinking. He felt that they should not harass those who drink moderately and do not create any public nuisance. He was given training by the state government on matters relating to powers and legal provisions regarding PRIs. He could not, however, recall the 73rd constitutional amendment Act. The officials told the trainees about the various projects and schemes and on their own they would not have such knowledge. He did not want any of his sons to become a pradhan as he felt that it would be very demanding and frustrating, since they would not be able to live up to the expectations of the people due to the lack of funds and other problems.

ANALYSIS: THE EXTENT OF INCLUSION OF THE EXCLUDED COMMUNITIES According to the Manipur Panchayat Parishad members, the biggest problem faced by the panchayat members, the pradhans and the upapradhans, is that they are unaware of their rights and obligations as elected members. They also do not know of the various projects and schemes formulated by the state government, as well as the Central government. Because of the lack of this information, they can not demand

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the release of their rightful allocations from the state authorities. In this context, the members in the reserved categories, the STs/SCs, the women pradhans or upapradhans were no different. They also suffer from the added disadvantage of being new to office and responsibility. They can not effectively confront the largely apathetic state officials. Sometimes, the state officials also take advantage of their weaker status. The, by and large indifferent and apathetic, state government is largely responsible for this ineffectiveness of the panchayat system. The State Institute of Rural Development and Panchayats, a state level institute, established for imparting training to the members of the panchayat bodies, has not done much work. Five years after the introduction of the 73rd constitutional amendment, only about 300 to 350 chairpersons, vice-chairpersons of the zilla parishads, pradhans and upapradhans and panchayat members have been given training. The training given by the Institute also does not relate to the contemporary and fundamental problems faced by the people. There is hardly any training on how to approach and solve the daily problems faced by the rural people at the micro level. The training also does not focus on the scope and availability of various developmental projects and schemes, which can be undertaken by the panchayat bodies. The Manipur Panchayat Parishad has demanded from the state government that this institute be run by the panchayat parishad. They also complain that the panchayats and zilla parishads had been reduced to merely implementing a few centrally sponsored schemes, the funds for which are also not released on time, but in parts and irregularly. The PRIs do not perform any of the functions which the constitution has provided for in local administration and developmental activities, except for implementing a few centrally sponsored schemes. Another basic problem faced by the panchayat bodies is that because of the absence of the middle level body, that is, the panchayat samiti, there is a gap between the zilla parishad, which operates at the district level, and the gram panchayats, which operate at the village level. Section 49 of the Manipur Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, says that the zilla parishad shall consist of the elected zilla parishad members, the MPs and MLAs, representing part or whole of the district, and 10 per cent of the pradhans of the gram panchayats in the district.This representation of 10 per cent of the gram panchayats in the zilla parishad would have provided a link between these two bodies, that is, the gram panchayats and the zilla parishad. However, the state government has never issued any order nominating

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the members of the gram panchayats in the zilla parishad. There is, thus, no linkage between the two bodies, hampering any co-ordination in the developmental activities of the panchayats. Further, before the enactment of the 73rd constitutional amendment stage, when the panchayat samitis were in existence, the BDOs used to play a very crucial role by acting as an interface between the village level gram panchayat and the district authorities. However, under the present set-up there is no statutory role for the BDOs because the middle level panchayat samiti has been abolished. Due to this, the gram panchayat members are deprived of a valuable official link at the grassroots level. The gram panchayat members have to deal directly with the DCs. This kind of situation also puts women and SCs/STs pradhans, upapradhans at a lot of disadvantage. Apart from the odd assertive individual woman and SCs/STs pradhans, they have, by and large, suffered from this problem. It is true that there are women pradhans who allowed themselves to be influenced by their husbands in the initial stages of the constitution of the new panchayat bodies. However, later on, once they came to know of their powers and responsibilities, they asserted themselves, and many of them do not allow their husbands to meddle in their affairs. The secretary of Manipur State Panchayat Parishad told us that the reservation for women and SCs/STs in the panchayat bodies and zilla parishads should continue as these are quite beneficial to them. They have been able to project their problems in a better way. Without their representation, some of their problems might have gone unnoticed. Women in Manipur are very visible. Besides the phenomenon of Meira Paibis, we have exclusive women’s market called the Ima Keithe. The women here are mostly vegetable vendors and cloth merchants, who mostly sell their own produce. No man is allowed to establish his shop here. Manipuri women’s groups are the watchdogs of their society. They are the mothers. Like any mother, they can go to any extent to safeguard the lives and interests of their children and their society.10 The women members with whom we interacted in the field were socially very active. It was in recognition of their activities that they were easily accepted as members of the panchayat. The reservation of the offices of the pradhan and upapradhan for women, ensured their participation in the affairs of the village. In their official capacity they were very effective. People in the villages with women pradhans told us that women members are considered more sincere, less corrupt and less quarrelsome than the male members. The fact that initially they were part of the Meira Paibi movement gave their curriculum vitae a facelift.

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The husbands are often seen trying to influence their wives who are pradhans. I noticed this, especially when I was talking to the pradhans in the husband’s presence. Both the women pradhans and I would simply nod our heads to them and carry on with our discussions. Women members are seen to be preoccupied with the basic problems of development. Women’s issues, per se, did not get much priority on their agenda, except perhaps dealing with prohibition, etc. Lack of funds also inhibited their functioning and led to bickering amongst the members of the panchayat. Apparently, the woman pradhan’s position seemed to be quite secure and respected, but I also noticed some discriminatory attitudes in the responses of the people of that area. One often hears remarks such as, ‘what can a woman do?’ or, ‘a woman should look after her children and home rather than running here and there’. When asked to comment on the woman zilla adhyaksha, RK Maipaksana’s performance was referred to in the second case study, her own deputy, Merajao, the upadhyaksha smiled and evaded the question, by saying that ‘Boss is a Boss’. According to him, ‘People by nature (probably he meant habit) prefer a male adhyaksha. If reservation has to be done, two posts of pradhan should be created—one male, and another female’. Ahanbi Devi’s husband, in the first case study, is a drunkard. He troubles her. But in his presence she had to say that he fully supports her. Shushila’s husband, as stated earlier, always takes over from Shushila. In fact, people were seen actively resenting this. There is also a case of a woman gram panchayat pradhan, Lata, who was also a Meira Paibi member. Her family was completely non-supportive. Her husband and sons felt threatened, as they perceived her election to the position of pradhan as her entry into mainstream politics. They denounced her and threatened to leave the house if she ever contested another election. It must be noted here that the role of the woman of the house is accepted as a part of the pressure group in Manipur. Her entry into the formal arena of politics sometimes creates tensions in the domestic sphere. One could notice that even though reservation of seats for women has been accepted, respected and encouraged by the people at large, their struggle to be respected inside their homes will be a long drawn one. In other words, they will have to realize that the woman inside the homes can also make important decisions besides doing the usual household chores. There has to be a paradigmatic shift in the whole edifice of patriarchy. Reservation, then, is only the first step towards it. For Ephrim, the tribal representatives, reservation has not meant much. Reservation did not give him a sense of power, as he felt overwhelmed

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by the majority members of the panchayat. He was reluctant to assert his authority as the pradhan as he was not keen to confront the panchayat members of the majority community, the Meteis. Until he enjoyed the confidence of the majority of the members, there was very little he could do. S. Merajao, the upadhyaksha of Imphal West district parishad also confirmed this view. According to him, a tribal will be too afraid to even enter a Meitei dominated area, how could he even think of doing any development activity. Kh.Tomba, another Kabui pradhan threw some more light on the kind of discrimination they had to face. According to him, since the funds available to the panchayats are very meagre, there is always the tendency of the majority to usurp the funds meant for the reserved category. Since, the people belonging to the reserved category are not in a majority, they cannot make sure that the funds meant for the reserved category reach them.The lack of funds is also a serious handicap for the reserved category member in trying for proper distribution of benefits, since in the fund-crunched state the unreserved community seems to be equally deprived. In such an event, it becomes difficult on the part of the member to insist on benefits. In spite of such hurdles, Tomba was of the view that reservation has certainly helped the STs. It has ensured that funds, benefits meant for the STs, are not diverted completely. Sharing his feelings with me, he said that if the reserved candidates could win over confidence of the people, they can function smoothly. If the reserved candidates work sincerely, they can win the confidence of the majority community.There is no discrimination merely because one is from the reserved category. In a way, what he was saying carried some meaning, since the nature of discrimination is very subtle in this society. Another factor, which contributed to his optimism was the fact that he belonged to a very old settlement co-habiting with the Meiteis and, therefore, was easily accepted. While Ephrim was a very recent settler in his area and, therefore, he was still seen as an outsider by the people of Iroishemba. But, one also noticed that when Tomba invited the Meiteis to his house, he would get a brahmin cook for them. There were also some orthodox Hindu Meiteis who still keep separate utensils for the tribals use, but the bias is not shown outwardly. It reminded me of the ‘two tumbler system’ which is prevalent in the northern belt of India. According to the Commissioner (Panchayati Raj and Rural Development), Government of Manipur, it is good that reservation is done through rotation. If certain seats are permanently reserved for tribals

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in Meitei dominated area, the majority community may not tolerate this and angry sentiments will rise. According to him discriminations are there in this society against women, and much more against the tribals, but they are subtle, hidden and coated with refined mannerisms.The level of discrimination is also very low compared to other states in India. Mutum Bira Singh, the pradhan belonging to the general category, looked like a very satisfied person, especially with himself. He was very happy with the government and its people. Like many other members from the general category, he also believed that there is no need for reservation and that if people are capable they will rise and will be recognized. Citing the examples of two women members in his panchayat, he explained how they do not take their work seriously. Therefore, their husbands had to interfere. It was very clear in his argument that he did not approve of women joining power politics. About the tribals, he personally did not have any major objection, but at the same time he accepted the fact that the orthodox religious Vaishnav Hindus among the Meteis did find it difficult to amalgamate themselves with tribals.

CONCLUSION The Meiteis started calling themselves Hindus from the 18th century onwards. They worship Radha-Krishna and celebrate with gaiety all the festivals related to the lives of the divine couple. They have been given Kshatriya status in the caste hierarchy, which is the only element of caste present in this society apart from the brahmins. In fact, this society does not have a clear cut hierarchy. We can distinguish different exclusive groups and communities, but we cannot place them in a neat hierarchical order. The SCs of Manipur are not untouchables as in the mainland. Therefore, in the political sphere we do not have to encounter caste violence or caste conflict. This does not mean that the hierarchy is completely absent from this society. It is, instead, existing in a very subtle form, or as Mr Henry11 puts it, ‘all pushed under the carpet’. Tribals are fine, as long as they do not infringe in the Meitei domain. Similarly, women are respected, as long as they remain in the form of pressure groups and not enter the formal political arena. As regards the tribal pradhans, also, I felt the tolerance was there because of the system of rotation.The majority community knew that next time the seat would

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not be reserved. Therefore, the candidates from the majority community took it as a statutory compulsion and started their preparation for the next term. I was glad, that two of my respondents, in the reserved category, Ahanbi Devi and Tomba were determined to stand for elections from the same ward next time, even when it would not be a reserved seat. It will not be wrong to say that the decentralization process has started showing its impact and power zones have started shifting due to the 73rd constitutional amendment. The power has started percolating down. It is also shaking the traditional power structures of caste, gender and ethnicity. Castes considered low in hierarchy are asserting, women are becoming visible, and marginalized ethnic groups are seeing the doors opening and are eager to come to the centre fold. The conflict with the traditional power base is, therefore, inevitable. Somewhere this conflict is violent, like the caste violence in UP, Bihar, Haryana, etc. and somewhere it takes a more subtle form. As subtle as, for example, simply ignoring the presence of a pradhan from an excluded category or by creating such an atmosphere where the pradhan feels inhibited to function. It is also very easy to tell the new upcoming leader that he/she is not fit to be a decision making body. Specially so, in the case of women. Therefore, there is also a whole lot of interplay of socio-psychological factors in determining the area of exclusivity. The case of Manipur, as we have seen, falls under the second category, where the areas of exclusions are subtle, and yet very effective.

NOTES 1. Government of India, after a meeting with the NSCN (IM) leadership, agreed to extend the ceasefire between the Indian Army and the NSCN (IM) in all the ‘Naga inhabited areas’, which included the areas under Manipur. This gave rise to the recent tension between the Meiteis and the tribals (Nagas) in Manipur. 2. Refers to papers the author has presented in conferences on governance, women and culture in the Northeast region. 3. Brara N. Vijaylakshmi, 1998, Politics, Society and Cosmology in India’s North-East, OUP, Delhi. 4. Unlike the scheduled castes in other parts of the country, they are not considered untouchables in Manipur. 5. Others being Tangkhuls, Maram, Mao, Poumei, Rengmei Anal, etc. 6. I was not able to note them for the present study since I had to submit this report by the end of June.

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7. There are five hill districts in Manipur, one of which is Tamenglong, and the others are Ukhrul, Senapati, Churachandpur and Chandel. 8. He participated in public functions like Lai-Haraoba, a pre-Hindu celebration for pleasing the deities and witnessed the Hindu festival of Rath Yatra. 9. The tribals apprehending attack were fleeing to the hills and were at times even directed to do so. In June this year, the first anniversary of the uprising to save the territory of Manipur was observed. 10. They should not be seen as feminist groups as their main agenda is maintaining the order of the society. They are the groups ‘of ’ women but not necessarily ‘for’ women. 11. Mr Henry K. Heny was an efficient Commissioner of Rural Development and Panchayati Raj, Government of Manipur. He has been recently transferred.

REFERENCES Brara, N.Vijaylakshmi. 1998. Politics, Society and Cosmology in India’s North-East. New Delhi: OUP. ———. 2000. Status of Panchayats in North-East India. Unpublished project undertaken For ISS, Delhi. Director of Census Operations. 1991. Census of India, Manipur. District Census Handbook. Manipur. Dutta, B.B. and Karna M.N. 1987. Land Relations in North-East India. New Delhi: Peoples’ Publishing House. Hodson,T.C. 1989 (reprint). The Meitheis. Delhi: Low Price Publications. Kabui, Gangmumei. 1991. History of Manipur. New Delhi: National Publishing House. Nari Rustamji. 1973. Enchanted Frontiers. Calcutta: Oxford University Press. Sanajaoba, Naorem. 1991. Manipur Past and Present. Vol 2. New Delhi: Mittal Publications. Singh, M. Ibohal. 1992. A Study of Local Self-Government in Manipur. Imphal: PC Jain and Co. Sircar, Manjushri Chaki. 1984. Feminism in a Traditional Society. New Delhi: Shakti Books.

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Changing Power Relations through Panchayats in Maharashtra RB Patil

INTRODUCTION The 73rd amendment to the Constitution in 1992 was a major step towards democratic decentralization. It has led to greater participation and empowerment of scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs) and women in panchayati raj. After a decade, it has now become necessary to review the grassroots realities.The present paper is based on panchayati raj in Kolhapur district. The paper starts with a brief sketch on village administration in Maharashtra after independence, the socio-economic background of Kolhapur district and research methodology of the study. This is followed by data on three villages and taluka panchayat samiti and zilla parishad. After independence, the Bombay Village Panchayats Act, 1958, assigned the work of collection of land revenue and maintenance of land records to village panchayats. The state of Maharashtra was formed on 1 May 1960. The Maharashtra Zilla Parishads and Panchayat Samities Act, 1961, was enacted, and zilla parishads and panchayat samitis were constituted in May 1962. Maharashtra adopted a three tier system of zilla parishad, taluka panchayat and village level gram panchayat. The district was considered as an ideal institution for local development and we find district oriented approach in Maharashtra (Joshi and Mitragotri 2000).

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Maharashtra amended the village panchayat and zilla parishad and Panchayat Samitis Act of 1958 and 1961 through Act No. XXI, which came into force on 2 April 1994, to make them conform to the provisions of 73rd constitutional mendment. Table 12.1 Elected Members in Panchayats in Maharashtra: 1997 Nos.

Total Elected Members 303,545

Gram Panchayats

27,619

Panchayat Samitis

319

3,524

29

1,762

Zilla Parishads

SCs

STs

Women

40,766 (13.43) 409 (16.61) 206 (11.69)

35,150 (5.58) 453 (12.85) 232 (13.17)

100,182 (33.33) 1,174 (33.31) 587 (33.31)

Source: Joshi and Mitragotri 2000 p. 192. Note: Figures in parentheses indicate percentages.

KOLHAPUR DISTRICT The district is a former princely state situated in the southern part of Maharashtra. It has eleven talukas. The district lies in the KrishnaPanchaganga basin, and is fed by a large number of tributaries which originate in the western hill tops and flow over the slope of Sahyadri towards the eastern part of the district. The single contributing factor which has moulded and influenced socio-economic life of the residents of Kolhapur city is the famous temple of ‘Mahalaxmi’. By virtue of Mahalaxmi temple, the place is also called as the ‘Kashi of the South’ (Government of India). Rajarshi Shahu Chhatrapati occupied the Kolhapur throne in 1884. He laid the foundation of a new modern era. His authority extended to higher levels of socio-economic structures. He encouraged the opening of schools in villages and established high schools, colleges and students hostels in Kolhapur. He consciously encouraged the spread of education among the backward castes. In fact, under his leadership, Kolhapur became an important centre of the backward class movement. He reserved 50 per cent government jobs for backward classes in 1902.

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The people of Kolhapur have been practising informal cooperation in the form of phad system, bhishi and mustifund systems, which paved the way for spread of the modern cooperative movement. Since independence cooperatives have become all pervasive in the life of Kolhapur. The emergence of cooperative sugar factories has changed the economic and political life of the district. It has created a symbiotic relationship between cooperatives and politics. The presence of landowning and dynamic communities such as the Lingayats and Jains lends an additional dimension to the politics of Kolhapur. In most other districts of Maharashtra, Marathas are numerically dominant and uniformly distributed. Along with the Marathas there is relatively strong concentration of Lingayats and Jains in eastern talukas of Kolhapur district (Baviskar 1996). The details regarding gram panchayats in the district are as follows (Government of Maharashtra). Table 12.2 Gram Panchayats in Kolhapur District Sr. No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Panchayat Samiti Shahuwadi Panhala Hatkanangale Shirol Karvir Gaganbawada Radhanagari Kagal Bhudargad Ajara Gadhinglaj Chandgad Total

No. of Gram Panchayats and Group Gram Panchayats 106 111 62 52 117 29 101 83 94 74 89 109 1,030

Source: Field notes.

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY The following were the objectives of the study: 1. to examine the participation of SCs/STs/other backward castes (OBC) members and women in local government.

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2. to analyze whether the open category/SCs/women sarpanches exercise power. If yes, to what extent? If not, why not? 3. to observe participation of members and villagers in the gram sabhas.

METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION The interview schedule was used to collect data from sarpanches, deputy sarpanches, members of gram panchayats, panchayat samitis and zilla parishads.The secondary data from offices of the gram panchayat, revenue department, panchayat samiti and zilla parishad were obtained. The gram sabhas at the village level and meetings at panchayat samiti and zilla parishad were attended. The present paper is divided into five sections – (1) Gadmudshingi village, (2) Vasagade village, (3) Sangawade village, (4) Karvir Taluka Panchayat Samiti and (5) Kolhapur Zilla Parishad.

GADMUDSHINGI: POPULATION AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE Gadmudshingi village is situated seven km from Kolhapur towards the east. The population of Gadmudshingi in the last three decades was 7,007 (1981), 9,850 (1991) and 12,716 (2001). There were a total 1,231 households in the village. For Maharashtra state, 59 castes and 47 tribes have been declared to be recognized as SCs and STs, respectively. Apart from this, there is a category of OBCs which includes all village artisan castes.The British government had declared some castes as criminal castes. After independence, the Government of India freed these castes, so they are called vimukta (freed) jamatis (VJ). These are classified into VJ (A), VJ (B) and VJ (C), which indicates their backwardness. Table 12.3 clearly indicates that nearly half of the voters were from Maratha caste, a dominant community in Gadmudshingi. The other sizeable castes were Mahar, Dhanagar, Mali, Mang and Sindhi. The other castes have very meagre number of voters.

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Table 12.3 Gadmudshingi: Caste Distribution of Voters Sr. No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Caste

Traditional occupation

Reservation category

Maratha Brahmin Jain Muslim Christian Sindhi Lingayat Mahar

Agri.cultivation Priest Agri.cultivation Petty trading Petty trading Trading, business Agri. Cultivation Agri. Cultivation and Labour Rope making & Agri. Labour Leather work Shepherds Religious activities Basket making Stone breaking Religious mendicant Blacksmith Tailoring Water carrier Carpentry Barber Potter Washer man Agri. Cultivation Building construction, Mason Non-brahmin Priest

Open Open Open Open Open Open Open SC

9. Mang 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

Chambhar Dhanagar Gondhali Koravi Vaddar Gosavi Lohar Shimpi Koli Sutar Nhavi Kumbhar Parit Mali Gavandi

25. Gurav

No. of voters 3,430 83 12 89 03 233 134 1,478

Percentage (47.41) (1.14) (0.16) (1.23) (0.04) (3.22) (1.85) (20.43)

SC

256

(3.53)

SC VJ(C) VJ(B) VJ(A) VJ(A) VJ(B) OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC

237 452 02 11 21 177 66 02 18 32 17 38 16 418 04

(3.27) (6.24) (0.02) (0.15) (0.29) (2.44) (0.91) (0.02) (0.24) (0.44) (0.23) (0.52) (0.22) (5.77) (0.05)

OBC

05

(0.06)

Total

7,234

(99.98)

Source: Voters list in the panchayat office.

Economy and Cropping Pattern The cropping pattern (2001–02) shows soya bean (228 hectares), paddy (194 hectares), sugarcane (177 hectares) and groundnut (131 hectares) were the main crops. The total cultivable land was 899 hectares. There was one agricultural water supply cooperative, one nationalized bank, one cooperative bank, five milk cooperatives, one development

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cooperative and six credit cooperatives in the village. These had been established during 1964 to 2002. A majority of the cooperatives have Maratha chairpersons and vice-chairpersons. The membership ranged from 17 to 845.There were more men than women, and more open caste members than SCs and OBCs. The cooperatives are in profit and they run various schemes for their members. The directors, chairpersons and vice-chairpersons take active part in gram panchayat elections. Ved Textiles Pvt. Ltd., Maharashtra Cattle feed Plant and RB Patil Farmers Sale and Purchase Union, are the industrial units in Gadmudashing gram panchayat area.

Political System The gram panchayat was established in 1927. Most of the sarpanches were from Maratha caste.

Inclusion of excluded communities Gadmudshingi gram panchayat

Under the reservation of sarpanch post for SCs in 1995, the post was occupied by Mr. Subhashrao Sonule, Mang by caste, who has studied up to XII class. He was serving as daftari (a post in between a peon and a clerk) in the State Bank of Mysore, Branch Shahupuri, Kolhapur. He had got elected to the post by securing nine verses eight votes. The senior leaders in the village were forcing him to do work only with their consent. The decisions regarding approval/disapproval were planned in the homes of senior leaders. Sonule thought it was wrong on the part of villagers to do so. He insisted that the amount of 15 per cent reserved for SCs for facilities should be used only for them. When there was conflict between the sarpanch and senior leaders, a no-confidence motion was passed against him, which was set aside by the higher authorities and he continued as sarpanch. He contested the gram panchayat elections in 2000, but lost it by three votes. He also contested for the zilla parishad Mudashingi seat in 2002, but lost it too. The gram panchayat has the following members on the body since August 2000 (see Table 12.4).

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Table 12.4 Composition of Gadmudshingi Gram Panchayat 2000–2005 Sr. No.

Name

Designation

Age

Caste

Category

Education

Occupation

1. Shivaji Krushnat Patil 2. Gunda Aaba Yayadande 3. Neminath Shripati Gavali 4. Rajaram Dattu Thorwat 5. Shripati Ishwara Gosavi 6. Bhauso Nivruti Patil 7. Maruti Shivaram Mali 8. Babaso Gajanan Mali 9. Shivaji Sadashiv Patil 10. Sarjerao Anandrao Patil

Sarpanch 35

Maratha

Open

Deputy 45 Sarpanch Member 53

Mang

SC

Chambhar

SC

Member

36

Mang

SC

Member

53

Gosavi

Std. VII

Member

50

Maratha

Vimukta Jamati Open

Std. IX

Service in dairy Cultivator

Member

45

Lingayat

Open

Std. X

Cultivator

Member

32

Lingayat

Open

Std. X

Cultivator

Member

45

Maratha

Open

Std. XI

Cultivator

Member

50

Maratha

Open

Std. X

11. Popat Pandurang Dangat 12. Sonabai Vasant Lokhande 13. Yashoda Rajaram Mali 14. Anjana Nivruti Salokhe 15. Sindhu Raosaheb Yayadande 16. Mangal Sarjerao Mali 17. Savita Anandrao Patil

Member

33

Maratha

Open

Std. XII

Cultivator and press business Cultivator

Member

45

Mang(w)

SC

Std. VII

Housewife

Member

55

Lingayat(w) Open

Std. VI

Housewife

Member

46

Maratha(w) Open

Std. VII

Housewife

Member

35

Mang(w)

Std. IV

Housewife

Member

35

Lingayat(w) Open

Std. VII

Housewife

Member

39

Maratha(w) Open

Std. X

Housewife

SC

S.Y. Cultivator B.Com. Illiterate Factory worker Std. X Service in dairy Std. X Cultivator

Source: Field notes.

The table clearly indicates that nearly half of the members are from the Maratha caste which is dominant in the village and the present sarpanch belongs to this caste.

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Shivaji Patil is college educated and a young sarpanch. He has a sound financial position with agricultural background. His father won the gram panchayat elections in 1972 and was sarpanch from 1972 to 1978. His grandfather was a sarpanch from 1967 to 1971. So, here we find a tradition of sarpanch from father to son for three generations. Being educated and knowing the gram panchayat administration, he is in control. Gunda Aaba Yayadande, deputy sarpanch worked as a worker in a private factory at Kolhapur. In February 2002, he also contested for the taluka panchayat. He contested the election as a RPI-Athavale group candidate. He could secure only 11.02 per cent of the votes, which led to his defeat. Socio-economic background of panchayat members

A majority of the members live in nuclear families and the members in families were up to five. Few members, particularly from the agricultural background, had joint families and in one family there were twenty five members. A majority of the members had an annual income of up to Rs 25,000. Those who had an income higher than this, came from cultivator category. Eight members have not taken any loan. Five members have taken loans up to Rs 20,000 and it was for an agriculture-allied activity, that is, of keeping buffaloes. Four members have taken loan of more than Rs 20,000 for some domestic purpose; house-construction and paan shop. A majority of the members were having their pucca houses with three and more rooms. Gram panchayat elections

The family members and relatives of the majority of members have contested gram panchayat elections in the past. This indicates that the elected representatives have a background of contesting elections. A majority of the members reported that they do not belong to any political party. Amongst those who have reported their membership of political parties, a majority belonged to the Nationalist Congress Party and a few to the Indian National Congress. Women and reserved category members

The members who got elected on reserved seats and women members reported that the suggestion for contesting elections was made by their panels.The panels are group of like minded people, formed by the leaders. There were two panels in Gadmudshingi.

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A majority of the present sitting members would like to contest the next elections for social service and development of village. One of the members was not interested in contesting as he said that the opportunity should be given to young persons.The members felt that their contesting the elections has encouraged others in their caste. Participation in monthly meetings

Barring a few members, all responded that they do attend all the meetings. Some could not attend the meetings due to domestic reasons. There are no difficulties in expressing opinions in the meetings. Some members do get cooperation of other members and their suggestions are accepted. Few women speak in the meetings. They are shy and less educated. A few members admitted that there are differences in the panchayat on group lines. The members expressed that they cooperate with the sarpanch. There are no attempts to prevent participation of the SCs/OBCs and women members in gram panchayat meetings. Gram sabha

The concept of the gram sabha has been introduced with a view to solve the problems of people with greater coordination between the administration and people and to encourage participation of people. The gram sabhas have been allotted powers so that the benefits of government schemes should reach the common people. There are many schemes which are routed through gram panchayats. These schemes are house construction, preparing a list of the below poverty line (BPL) families, pension scheme, house repair of the needy, toilet blocks, vehicle training, well digging, distribution of farm implements, etc. It is expected that awareness would be created about these schemes through gram sabhas. Gram sabhas are the link between the panchayat and people. There is a need to exercise control over the gram pachayants. Gram sabhas are expected to perform that function. The researcher attended the gram sabha on 15 August 2001, 6 December 2001, 26 January 2002 and 4 June 2002. Views of members on reservation

Thirteen out of seventeen members favoured reservation of seats in the gram panchayats as it gives equal opportunity, encourages development and expression of opinions. Four members from the Maratha caste opposed reservation of seats, as reserved category members do not express

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their opinions. They have no knowledge of panchayat administration. Initially, members from reserved quota showed no interest in social work because they are preoccupied with their livelihood. All the members feel that training is necessary for the persons elected on reserved seats. The participation of women in the public sphere was favoured by sixteen members, as it gives equal rights to womens’ development and the difficulties of women can only be put forth by them. Only one male member from the dominant caste and upper class did not favour it on the ground that they do not have knowledge of panchayat administration. The participation of SCs/OBCs in the public sphere was favoured by fifteen members as it leads to their development. Two educated Maratha caste members expressed the view that it does not serve the purpose as they are illiterate and do not have knowledge in this field. A majority of the members (thirteen) reported that the benefits of reservation have reached the SCs/OBCs and women. Four members from the Maratha caste reported that these have been limited to the individuals who got elected from these categories. All the members reported that there has been harmony in the society due to reservation of seats. All the members also reported that there are no obstacles by dominant castes or men while power is exercised by SCs/OBCs and women. Due to reservation of seats in the panchayat, relations between castes have improved.The tensions have decreased. A Maratha member reported that the members from reserved categories look after the interests of their castes only and they have no perspective of development of the village as a whole. Ten out of seventeen members reported that there has been an improvement in the panchayat administration due to the 73rd amendment in the constitution. Nine members felt that it has improved the status of SCs/OBCs and women. The members from SCs/OBCs category reported that there were no difficulties from the dominant castes in panchayat administration. Similarly, women members also reported that there were no difficulties due to male dominated society.

VASAGADE: POPULATION AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE Vasagade village is situated 15 km from Kolhapur towards east. The population of Vasagade in the last three decades was 5,593 (1981), 6,780 (1991) and 7,517 (2001).There were a total of 1,377 (Census 1991) households in the village.

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Table 12.5 Vasagade: Caste Distribution of Voters Sr. No.

Caste

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Maratha Jain Lingayat Muslim Brahmin Mali Mahar

Traditional Occupation

Agri. Cultivation Agri. Cultivation Agri. Cultivation Agri. Labourer Priest Agri. Cultivation Agri. Cultivation and labourer 8. Mang Rope making and Agri. Labourer 9. Chambhar Leather work 10. Dhor Taking away skin of dead animals 11. Koli Water carrier and agri. Labourer 12. Kumbhar Pottery 13. Nhavi Barber 14. Lohar Blacksmith 15. Sutar Carpentry 16. Koshti Cloth making 17. Bagadi Fishing 18. Parit Washerman 19. Shimpi Tailoring 20. Vadar Stone breaking 21. Nandiwale Worship of Nandi 22. Koravi Basket making 23. Dhanagar Shepherd Total

Reservation Category

No. of voters

Percentage

509 1,540 073 112 015 009 1,052

(10.65) (32.25) (1.52) (2.34) (0.31) (0.18) (22.03)

SC

126

(2.63)

SC SC

160 064

(3.35) (1.34)

OBC

452

(9.46)

OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC V. Jati (A) V. Jati (B) V. Jati (A) V. Jati (C)

187 039 028 033 008 044 045 009 007 072 014 177

(3.91) (0.81) (0.58) (0.69) (0.16) (0.92) (0.94) (0.18) (0.14) (1.50) (0.29) (3.70)

4,775

(99.78)

Open Open Open Open Open Open SC

Source: Field notes.

The caste distribution of the voters in Vasagade village clearly indicates that Jains were nearly one third of the voters.The other prominent group of voters comes from the Mahar caste. The other castes, having a large number of voters, include Maratha and Koli. The trend observed in the geographical distribution of the households in six wards indicates that Jains are spread throughout the village, but they have a lower number of voters in the ward where SC voters are concentrated. The Maratha voters are concentrated in four out of six wards. Two wards have a greater number SC voters. The OBC voters are also concentrated in the wards where higher caste people reside.

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Economy The total area of village is 953.77 hectares. Vasagade has 889 hectares of cultivable land. A majority of the land holders (1,151 out of 1,439) had land up to one hectare only, and this is true for SCs and open (higher) caste land holders also. Only four families owned more than four hectares of land. They all belonged to the open category of castes. Vasagade has more irrigated land (783 hectares, that is, 88.97 per cent) than unirrigated land (97 hectares, that is, 11.03 per cent). The cropping pattern of Vasagade indicates more acres of land under sugarcane (378 hectares out of 880 hectares). This is followed by paddy (154 hectares out of 880 hectares) and soya beans (101 hectares out of 880 hectares). The other crops like jowar, pulses, groundnut, fruits and vegetables, are cultivated in the remaining land. In 2001 there were a total of 218 BPL families. One hundred and seventy two (78.89 per cent) families belonged to backward castes, whereas the remaining forty six (21.10 per cent) families were from open category. There are three development cooperatives, six milk cooperatives, one agricultural water supply cooperative, one cooperative bank and one credit cooperative in Vasagade. One of the development cooperatives was established in 1933. The posts of chairperson and vice-chairperson of the majority of the co-operatives are occupied by Jains, the dominant caste in the village. The number of members has ranged from 50 to 1,077. Except the Indira Women’s Milk Cooperative, which has only women members, all societies have more men than women members. The proportion of open caste members is more than SCs/OBCs members. All the societies are in profit, and they carry out different schemes which are helpful in their field. Many of the directors, chairpersons have a political background, and these are being used at the time of elections.

Political System The gram panchayat in Vasagade was established in 1934. With the exception of a Maratha sarpanch from 1940to 1941 and a SCs sarpanch, from 1997 to 2002, all other sarpanches were Jains. Bapusaheb Sidagonda Patil was sarpanch for ten years. His successor Sidagonda Dada Patil was sarpanch for twenty five years, and then his son Dr. Chamundray became sarpanch for five years. Due to 73rd constitutional amendment, the village had an SC sarpanch for the first time in the history of the gram panchayat from 1997 to 2002, and at present it has an OBC sarpanch.

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Inclusion of Excluded Communities Vasagade Gram Panchayat Table 12.6 Vasagade Gram Panchayat Body (1997–2002) Sr. No.

Name

1. Prakash alias Popat Siddhu Kamble 2. Krishnat Dhondiram Potadar 3. Prakash Aadinath Khul 4. Ashok Shamarao Pandharbale 5. Prakash Bandu Kamble 6. Kallava Janardan Kamble 7. Popat Balaso Chougule 8. Mangal Sidagonda Dhanagar 9. Sarjerao Aanna Lohar 10. Kamal Vitthal Dhanagar 11. Devagonda Aamagonda Patil 12. Housabai Kumar Koli 13. Devagonda Nemagonda Patil 14. Ashok Bandu Mardane 15. Lata Mahadev Gavali Source: Field notes.

Designation

Age

Caste

Reservation Education category

Occupation

Sarpanch 32

Mahar

SC

Std. VIII Cultivator and farm labourer Std. XI Hardware shop owner

Dy. 32 Sarpanch

Sonar

OBC

Member

48

Jain

Open

Std. X

Cultivator

Member

32

Mang

SC

Std. IV

Farm labourer

Member

42

Mahar

SC

Std. X

Cultivator

Member

60

Mahar

SC(w)

Illiterate

Housewife

Member

34

Jain

Open

Std. XI

Member

38

Dhangar

OBC(w)

Illiterate

Printing press owner Housewife

Member

41

Lohar

OBC

Member

35

Dhangar

OBC(w)

Std. VIII Cultivator and saw mill owner Std. VI Housewife

Member

35

Jain

Open

B.A.

Truck owner and cultivator

Member

35

Koli

OBC(w)

Std. V

Housewife

Member

40

Jain

Open

B.Com.

Cultivator

Member

35

Nhavi

OBC

Std. IV

Member

35

Chambhar SC(w)

Hair cutting saloon owner Housewife

Std. VII

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Socio-economic Background of Panchayat Members The two illiterate women from OBC/SCs community would put their thumb impressions on office papers and at the other extreme there were two graduates from the Jain community. The remaining eleven members had a high school level education. There was one widow from the SCs. All other members were married. Nine members lived in joint families having six and more members. This trend was prominent in the families of widows (seven), Dhangar (eight and thirteen), Jain (thirteen) and Lohar (twenty two). The remaining six members lived in nuclear families with not more than five members. Six members had an annual income of up to Rs 25,000, and this was particularly true for women members, saloon owner, sarpanch and ex-sarpanch. Nine members had annual income of more than Rs 25,000, as they were sugarcane cultivators and engaged in additional non-agricultural activities.A majority of the members had their own kaccha houses with three or more rooms. A few members had pucca houses with more than three rooms. During the interviews the members commented that they were just about able to maintain themselves on agriculture; there was no need to purchase grains from the market.The truck operator was also not satisfied with his work as there was not much gain from it. The members having unirrigated land were cultivating crops like groundnut and jowar. The women members had taken loans for purchasing buffaloes; they would supply the milk to cooperative dairies, which ensured a continuous flow of income for the major part of the year. Some women were not satisfied with dairy activities as they had to toil in the buffalo shed, but the major share of profit went to the cooperative dairy. Sarpanch

The post of Vasagade sarpanch is reserved for the SCs. It was decided by the majority party to give a chance to two SC members for a period of two and half years each. Accordingly, the post was first held by Ashok Shamrao Pandharbale and then by Prakash alias Popat Siddhu Kamble. 1. Pandharbale, from the Mang community, has studied up to fifth standard. He has a nuclear family. He has no land. He got elected due to the effort of the leaders in the village. His brother and uncle contested the gram panchayat elections and were elected as members in 1992. Due to reservation, Pandharbale got the post of sarpanch.

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Pandharbale, who was working as a farm labourer, became sarpanch. He stopped that work. The leaders arranged for payment of his grocery shop bills. The leaders paid for his purchases to control him fully. After the end of his tenure it became difficult for him to work as a wage labourer. He is now staying, most of the time, at his fatherin-law’s residence in Kolhapur. 2. Kamble has studied up to eighth standard. He is a Mahar. He comes from a joint family. He has seven gunthas of unirrigated land, where the crops of soya bean and wheat are grown. His grandfather was elected to the panchayat for the term 1945–52, and his father was elected for the terms 1956–60 and 1961–65. Thus, in earlier generations the SCs’ elected representative used to be only members, but, now they can become sarpanch.The present sarpanch belongs to Nationalist Congress Party. He got elected due to the efforts of the leaders in the village. The financial position of the sarpanch (Kamble) is weak. So, in the administration he cannot take a firm stand. He has to get cooperation and guidance of the dominant caste members and their leaders. After the tenure of the SCs sarpanch is over, it will become very difficult for him to work in the fields of others. One of the villagers commented about the SCs sarpanch: ‘The leaders in the village do not appoint wise SCs sarpanches. On the other hand the SC community does not elect a wise man as sarpanch. So there are problems.If a wise sarpanch is appointed then he will not be under the control of leaders. The SC community does not vote rationally, and there are other factors, such as money, and so it does not elect wise men as sarpanches. Here the post of sarpanch is held by a SC. The members, technically, cooperate with him. But some members expressed that they spent money for getting elected and the sarpanch chair has been given to a SC. Others expressed that the SC sarpanch is for name sake only. He has no capacity to get work done for the village. The dominant caste leaders do the work. Gram panchayat elections

Out of the fifteen members, six members reported that their family members/relatives have contested gram panchayat elections in the past. One member had contested the last election but lost. This time he has

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got elected. The elections fought by them were during 1945 to 1992. Six of the family members got elected, whereas two have lost the elections. A majority of the members indicated that they were not much concerned about the political parties at the village level. Some of them were active members of the Indian National Congress and Nationalist Congress Party. One member from unreserved category reported that he will not contest the next elections because he had to spend from his own pocket for the elections, and if the developmental activities are not undertaken by the gram panchayat then people abuse the members. Women and reserved category members

The members who got elected to the gram panchayat, under the reservation policy, were asked questions regarding their views on elections. They got support for contesting election from the political leaders from the Jain caste, which indicates that even for the reserved seats they have performed an important role. In some cases, the candidates themselves, or their husbands, or voters in their lane, took the decision for contesting election. One lady argued that she was poor; she had not gone out of house often, so she should not be a candidate. But it was not accepted. She contested and got elected. One of the OBC members reported that he was not ready for the election, but the leaders decided and he had to contest. Some members of the panchayat have a desire to contest the next elections also. This includes the sarpanch who wants to do more good work for the village. The women members do not want to contest elections because they do not get time from house work; they also felt that other women should get the opportunity. The elections were held in October 2002. The two rival groups of the 1997 elections joined hands this time and won all the fifteen seats, and all these members were first time entrants to the gram panchayat. Participation in monthly meetings

Half of the members reported that they do not attend all the panchayat meetings.The reason mentioned by the women members was no time due to housework and dairy activities and by men members the reason was going outside the village due to truck business. Some women reported that they attend meetings for ten minutes and return home. Some women

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333

reported that they sign the attendance register in their homes after the meetings are over. Those who attend the meetings reported that they have no difficulties in participating in the discussions and they were able to express their opinions. Most of the members do not need any advice before attending the meetings. Two members reported that they do take the advice of leaders and voters in their ward about developmental work. All the members get cooperation from other members in panchayat and their suggestions are accepted. Some members reported that even though their suggestions are accepted, the works of water taps, the tar road and rough road have not been implemented. The functioning of the panchayat body is smooth. The members reported that there were no occurrences of abusing SC/OBC/women while expressing their opinions in gram panchayat meetings. Gram sabha

A majority of the members reported that they attend gram sabhas. The women members used to attend these in their first year after election, but then they stopped. The women members feel awkward to attend. The scheme has been considered beneficial because the pending works are discussed, decisions are taken and voters speak for improvements in the village. But one member commented that the problems should come through the panchayat members and these should be discussed in panchayat meetings, and not in gram sabhas. The voters do not attend gram sabhas. Only a few voters, who are particular and have political interest attend the meetings, and the voters passing through the road are called to sign on the register. The voters have not understood the real authority and benefits of the gram sabhas. The researcher went to attend a meeting on 26 January 2002, which was postponed due to lack of quorum. Views regarding reservation

The members were asked about their opinions on reservation of seats in gram panchayats. A majority of them were in favour of reservation. They justified reservations as it gives equal opportunity, chance and right to everyone. It is an improvement. As everyone has a chance, the backward communities will be able to progress.Three members opposed reservations on the ground that untouchability has been removed, and so there should be equality to all castes. As the persons from SCs have no capacity, they

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should not occupy seats in the gram panchayat. These people go to the fields every day to work. The persons on reservation seats do not attend the meetings, and all that is required is getting their signatures after the meetings. Whenever the seats are reserved for SCs/OBCs/women for the panchayat samiti and zilla parishad, the voters do not go to vote. The training of gram panchayat administration for the SCs/OBCs/women is required, and this viewpoint was expressed by most of the members. But the trend observed here was that women members have not attended such training programmes. A programme was organized in 1998–99 for three days for eight villages. One of the open caste member expressed that even though training is given to SCs/OBCs/women, they do not have capacity to learn panchayat work. The gram panchayat members reported that there are no tensions in the caste relations of SC/OBC and dominant castes. Two of the members reported that there was no need for reservations for an SC sarpanch. The sarpanch from an unreserved category is able to spend money to get the work done. Due to the constitutional amendment, there is an improvement in the standard of living of the individual elected members, but there is no progress in the backward community as a whole. Due to 73rd constitutional amendment, most of the members reported, there is an improvement in the SCs/OBCs. They have got a share in power, so the attitude of people towards them has changed. At the same time the SCs sarpanch feels, ‘I am sarpanch. How shall I go to work on the fields of others?’ Due to 73rd constitutional amendment, as most of the members reported, there is improvement in the status of women. Earlier, the women did not come to panchayat office, but now they come to the panchayat office and act as members. But one of the members reported that due to the male dominated society, the status of women is still restricted to home, hearth and children. Views of villagers

The well-to-do voters do not attend the gram sabhas. On the other hand, agricultural labourers do not attend as they lose wages for that day. If the meeting is held in the morning, the voters go to the fields for agricultural activities. On the other hand, if the meeting is held in the evening, some drunken voters create trouble.Therefore, the gram sabhas are not attended by the voters in large numbers.

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Sangawade: population and social structure

Sangawade village is situated 15 km from Kolhapur towards the east. Sangawade is a famous religious centre of the Shri Narsinha temple, so it is also called as ‘Narasobache Sangawade’. The population of Sangawade, in the last three decades was 3,518 (1981), 3,428 (1991), lower due to bifurcation into Sangawade and Sangawadewadi, and 3,838 (2001). Table 12.7 Caste Distribution of Voters in Sangawade Sr. No.

Caste

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Jain Muslim Brahmin Maratha Lingayat Mahar

Traditional occupation

Agri. Cultivation Agri. Labourer Priest Agri. Cultivation Agri. Cultivation Agri. Cultivation and labourer 7. Mang Rope making and agri. labourer 8. Khatik Slotter 9. Chambhar Leather work 10. Dhor Taking away skin of dead animals 11. Kumbhar Pottery 12. Nhavi Barber 13. Gurav Priest 14. Koli Water carrier 15. Sutar Carpentry 16. Teli Oil pressing 17. Sonar Goldsmith 18. Nandiwale Worship of Nandi 19. Parit Washerman 20. Dhanagar Shepherd Total

Reservation category

No. of voters

Percentage

Open Open Open Open Open SC

745 025 004 511 004 498

(29.34) (0.98) (0.15) (20.12) (0.15) (19.61)

SC

141

(5.55)

SC SC SC

002 055 089

(0.07) (2.16) (3.50)

OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC OBC

119 064 113 092 019 024 015 010 007 002

(4.68) (2.52) (4.45) (3.62) (0.74) (0.94) (0.59) (0.39) (0.27) (0.07)

2,539

(99.9)

The caste distribution of the voters in Sangawade clearly indicates that the Jains had the highest number of voters (see Table 12.7). This is followed by Mang and then Kumbhar voters.This village has a large number of Gurav voters due to its being a religious centre. The general trend, observed in the distribution of households in four wards, is that of concentration of Jains and Maratha in some wards, and concentration of Mahar, Mang, Chambhar and Dhor in the other wards of the village.

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Economy

Sangawade has a total area of 581.70 hectares of land. The land under cultivation is 500.03 hectares. A majority of the landholders (423 out of 608) had land up to one hectare only, and this is true for all the castes. If a comparison is made between the open (unreserved) caste landholders and SC landholders, then the land ownership of open caste landholders had a greater area of irrigated and unirrigated land. Sugarcane (124), groundnut (94) and soya bean (166) are the main crops in Sangawde (The figures in the brackets indicate the hectares of land under that crop.) The other crops like paddy and jawar are sown on a smaller area. There were two development cooperatives, two milk cooperatives, two credit co-operatives and one water supply co-operative, operating in Sangawade. The development cooperatives were established before independence. The other co-operatives came after the 1970s. The board of directors consisted of persons from the open, SC, OBC and women categories. In one credit co-operative, all members and board of directors were from SCs. The chairpersons and vice-chairpersons of other co-operatives belonged mainly to dominant castes like Jains and Marathas. The directors were also from the same castes, except the quota directors. The number of members of these societies ranged from ninety two to 1,012. The number of women was less in every co-operative. The members were from the open castes, SCs and OBCs. The members from the SCs and OBCs were lower as compared to open caste members. All the co-operatives were running in profit, and the main purpose of all these co-operatives was to provide credit facilities and services in the field of agriculture. Political system

The gram panchayat in Sangawade was established in 1927. In the earlier phases, the sarpanches were appointed by the government. For the first time, at present, a woman has become a sarpanch. She is from the OBC. The tenure of a sarpanch is for five years. The researcher had an opportunity to meet Mahadeo Gopal Chougule, who acted as sarpanch for two terms, from 1967 to 1972 and from 1972 to 1976. During this period, the elected representatives were from different caste backgrounds like Maratha, Lingayat, Jain, Mahar, Dhor and Koli. The cluster of houses of different caste groups leads to the fact that the representative of that particular caste group gets elected from the ward. There used to be three representatives from the backward castes.

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INCLUSION OF EXCLUDED COMMUNITIES Gram Panchayat Table 12.8 Sangawade Gram Panchayat Composition Sr. No.

Name

1. Vandana Sonappa Koli 2. Ashok Aannasaheb Tirapankar 3. Dadasaheb Shamrao Ghatage 4. Vinayak Vaman Shirke 5. Baburao Vithoba Shinde 6. Sukumar Shripati Jaganade 7. Bhujagonda Nemagonda Patil 8. Vishnupant Mahadev Chougule 9. Parvatibai Sitaram Yadav 10. Akkatai Rajagonda Patil 11. Laxmibai Bajirao Kurhade

Designation

Age

Caste

Sarpanch 30

Koli

Dy. 34 Sarpanch Member

Reservation Education Occupation category OBC(w)

Std. III

Housewife

Maratha Open

B.Com.

Cultivator

31

Maratha Open

Std. X

Farm labourer

Member

30

Mahar

SC

B.A.

Cultivator

Member

65

Dhor

SC

Std. IV

Cultivator

Member

35

Teli

OBC

Std. X

Member

48

Jain

Open

Std. XI

Grocery shopowner Cultivator

Member

36

Nhavi

OBC

Std. XII

Cloth shop owner

Member

40

Mahar

SC(w)

Std. X

Housewife

Member

55

Jain

Open(w)

Illiterate

Housewife

Member

35

Maratha Open(w)

Std. IV

Housewife

Source: Field notes.

Socio-economic Background of Panchayat Members The majority of the members of gram panchayat were below forty years of age. Out of this age group, a majority belonged to the SCs and OBCs, which indicates that the younger persons from this group are entering

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the gram panchayat. The women members had primary level education, whereas the men had high school or college education. All the members were married and the majority were from joint families. In the nuclear families, the number of members has not exceeded five. In one joint family the number was fourteen and in two families it was eighteen. All the women members were housewives. They do not work in their own or other people’s farms. In the case of agricultural occupation, one was a labourer, whereas four were cultivators. In the case of cultivators, the land was both unirrigated and irrigated, and which ranged from half acre to five acres.There were two persons having grocery and cloth shops. The trend which emerges from the data is that women from the SCs/ OBCs were having less land as compared to the higher castes. Six members had an annual income of up to Rs 20,000, and five members were having a higher annual income, due to sugarcane cultivation.There were four persons without any loan and two of them from the SCs, were having an annual income of up to Rs 25,000, and two higher caste members were having an income higher than that. At the other extreme, four persons (one open caste and three SCs/OBCs) had borrowed more than Rs 25,000 + above.The members have borrowed loan for agricultural work, cloth shop, groceries shop and house construction. Out of the four members having kaccha houses of up to two rooms, three members were from the SCs/OBCs, and one was from the open castes. At the same time three out of seven members from the SCs/OBCs group were having pucca houses of three and more rooms. The members found it difficult to make ends meet.There is not much income from agriculture. A person can just keep himself alive on income from agriculture. Even the cash crop of sugarcane is not profitable. Crop loans are not granted, except for sugarcane. The wages of agricultural labourer are Rs 60 per day. Even though high wages are paid, the workers work for less time and so the production is low. On the one hand, expenditure on different items of inputs is more, whereas income is low, and so agriculture is not profitable.

Woman Sarpanch Vandana Sonappa Koli is the sarpanch at Sangawade. She has studied up to third standard in Kannada. So she can not read and write Marathi. She

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only signs in Marathi. She is a housewife. Her husband used to work in agricultural fields as a labourer, but he stopped doing so when she became sarpanch. The family is poor. She attends the meetings. But the main work is being carried out by her husband and the leaders in her party.The role which is expected from the sarpanch is not being performed as she lacks educational qualifications, a sound financial position and experience in public life. Her husband, sarpanchpati, is educated up to primary level and he acts like the sarpanch in the office. The administration of the village is carried out by other influential members. The researcher attended a gram sabha on 15 August 2002. In the case of earlier gram sabhas, only the paper work had been done.This was a real gram sabha. Corruption charges were levelled against the gram sevak, who was absent during the gram sabha. The meeting was held in the presence of the acting gram sevak. The villagers gave their written complaints and suggestions regarding tax rebate to Amit Spinning Mill. The tax levied was in lakhs. It was alleged that the gram sevak and some panchayat members gave a tax rebate in return for money, and it was a loss to gram panchayat. The other issues raised were of pollution of drinking water, road widening, village cleanliness campaign, permission for construction of a Maruti temple and grant to the SCs to be used for their welfare. A question was raised, ‘Who is the sarpanch and how many members are there in gram panchayat?’ The sarpanchpati stood up to answer. This was strongly objected to. The villagers forced the sarpanchpati to sit down. The gram sevak reported that Vandana Koli is the sarpanch. She stood up, folded her hands and sat down. She did not utter a single word in the meeting. A no-confidence motion was passed against the sarpanch, by nine votes versus zero votes, in a special meeting of the gram pachayant held on 13 September 2002. The sarpanch and one more lady were absent. The meeting was held under the chairmanship of Sanjay Patil, tahasildar of Karvir taluka.The no-confidence motion alleged that the sarpanch and her husband were carrying on the administration according to their whims and fancies; they had created obstacles in the developmental work and humiliated gram panchayat members.There were charges of tampering of proceedings of the monthly panchayat meetings and corruption charges against the sarpanch and village development officer, with reference to preparation of bond papers regarding the school building and tax charged to Amit Spinning Mill.

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Gram Panchayat Elections Questions were asked regarding gram panchayat elections contested by family members and relatives of the gram panchayat members. These relatives had contested elections during the period 1952 to 1995. Nine of the family members/relatives were elected to gram panchayat, whereas only one had lost. This shows that the SCs/OBCs have experience of contesting and wining the elections over a long period of time. One Nhavi and two Mahar families have played active role as sarpanches in gram panchayats in the past. Their family members have contested and won gram panchayat elections. The majority of the gram panchayat members belonged to the Indian National Congress, and one each to the Peasants and Workers’ party, Shiv Sena and Republican Party of India.

Women and Reserved Category Members The seven members who got elected under reservations were asked specific questions regarding gram panchayat elections. The suggestion for standing in elections was mainly made by friends, family members, neighours, and in few cases it was self-decision. The final decision was usually taken by the member himself. The assistance at the time of election was provided mainly by friends, the Mahila Mandal and political activists. Five out of seven members desired to contest the next elections under reservations. One of the members, aged 65, commented, ‘Nobody says no to you when you are contesting in democracy. I will contest till I am alive.’ Two members wanted to contest again to work for the village. One member from a joint family has fewer responsibilities in family and so he wanted to devote time for village work. Two members were not interested in contesting elections as they wanted to give this opportunity to others.

Participation in Monthly Meetings The members were asked whether they attend all the meetings. Nine members responded positively, and two women members reported that

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they were unable to attend some meetings due to household work. One woman reported that some of the meetings are attended by her son, though technically, it is not allowed. There were no difficulties on the part of members to take part in the discussions at panchayat meetings and they expressed their opinions without fear. Before the meetings, a few members had discussions with ward members, husbands of women members and senior leaders in the party. Two members reported that even though the sarpanch is a woman, the administration is looked after by her husband and other leaders.There is no obstacle to prevent views of SCs/OBCs/women members in the monthly meetings. One male member reported that even though they were asked to speak, female members didn’t speak in the meetings.

Gram sabha Except one woman member, others reported that they do attend all gram sabhas. The woman who suffers from blood pressure does not attend the gram sabhas. The members have a co-operative attitude at the time of gram sabhas. This scheme is viewed beneficial as people in the village know many things, the task of panchayat members is made easier and the people can put forward resolutions. The gram sabhas are declared in advance by posting a notice and making a public announcement as per the rules. But the people of the village do not take the gram sabha seriously and they do not attend meetings due to their agricultural work and since they also have not understood the importance of the gram sabha. There is a poor response to gram sabhas. The people do not turn up for the meetings. The meetings are postponed. The attendance for the meeting is recorded with the signatures of those who come for their office work in gram panchayat, or Talathi’s office and post office, as all these are located in one building. Office records are maintained, but the gram sabhas, in true sense of the term, are not held. The only gram sabha actually held was on 15 August 2002, in which the woman sarpanch did not utter a single word.

Views of members on reservation A question was asked about the opinion of the members regarding reservations of seats in the gram panchayats. Ten members favoured it.

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The reasons they put forth were, the scope of leadership for the common man, power to powerless, power from one class to another class, the feeling among SCs and OBCs, prestige of the downtrodden class, social welfare, difficulties of women, and solutions for problems of the SCs/OBCs. One member expressed that it was alright to provide reservations for members but it should not be for the post of sarpanch. The candidates from the reserved categories have their own limitations; they have no financial strength to work effectively, so the highest post of sarpanch should not be reserved. The members expressed the view that there is a need of training for the members who have got elected to the reserved posts as most of them have no experience of administration of the panchayat system. The members of Sangawade gram panchayat had participated in the training camp conducted at Uchagaon for three days. The members felt that the benefits of reservations have not been restricted to individual families but have reached to women and also the SC/OBC class. The present body of the gram panchayat has carried out activities in supply of drinking water, village well, tar road construction, bridge on stream, shed for funeral, toilet blocks, pre-primary classes, gutters, borewell for drinking water, health clubs, rooms for primary school, community hall for the SCs, school compound, etc. What type of change has occurred in caste relations due to reservation of seats in gram panchayat? When asked this, the members mentioned that positive changes had taken place and that there was peaceful coexistence of different castes without tensions. The members reported that with the introduction of the 73rd amendment to the Constitution, there have been changes in the functioning of gram panchayats. There is scope for development. The facility of gram sabha gives the people an opportunity to participate in deliberations.

Karvir taluka panchayat samiti: composition and functioning In Karvir taluka there are 129 revenue villages and 117 gram panchayats. This taluka has been divided into Karvir and Sangarul assembly constituencies. Karvir is being represented by Digvijay Khanavilkar (member of NCP), Minister for Health, Government of Maharashtra, and

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Sangarul is represented by Sampatbapu Pawar-Patil (member of PWP). Though NCP and PWP are two separate parties, they had fought the election in alliance against Congress (I) and other parties in the district. Congress (I) had a majority in the samiti with eleven members, followed by the NCP with four members. There was one member each of the Communist Party and PWP. Three independent candidates had also been elected to the panchayat samiti. Out of twenty members, seven belonged to different caste backgrounds like Mahar and Mang castes from the SCs, and Parit, Sonar and Gurav from the OBCs. The meeting was attended by the researcher on 5 June 2002, which was smooth. The questions put forth by members were answered by the officials. The women members and members from the reserved categories took part in the discussion. The Karvir taluka has MLAs from NCP and PWP. The Karvir Panchayat Samiti is ruled by Congress(I). A majority of the officials in the samiti function according to the advice of the leaders of NCP because of ministerial pressure. Due to this situation, the officials are not being controlled by the samiti members. There are many government schemes with the panchayat samiti. These include supply of agricultural implements, spray pumps and water pump engines for the backward castes, and sewing machines for women.

Profile of Members and their Views In the Karvir Taluka Panchayat Samiti, there were twenty members. It was decided to take the profiles of the SCs, OBCs and women members. There were twelve members under these categories (from the reserved category, five men and three women, and four women from the open category).The researcher personally met these members and explained the nature of the research project. The researcher made every effort through personal, telephonic and postal communication to contact the members. But in spite of the best efforts, the researcher could get response of only eight out of twelve members (from the reserved category four men and one women, and from the open category three women).

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RB Patil Table 12.9 Karvir Panchayat Samiti Members

Sr. No.

Name

1. Dattatraya Pandurang Kamble 2. Bhagawan Maruti Parit 3. Sadashiv Pandurang Potadar 4. Nandakumar Jnanu Gondhali 5. Seema Sarjerao Chabuk 6. Savitri Vilas Patil 7. Saraswati Shivajirao Mane 8. Vimal Ananda Londhe

Age

Caste

Reservation Category

41

Mahar

SC

37

Parit

45

Education

Occupation

Political Party PWP

OBC

B.A., B.Ed. High school Teacher B.A. Cultivator

Cong.(I)

Sonar

OBC

Std. X

Cultivator

Cong.(I)

45

Mang

SC

Std. X

Cultivator

Nationalist Cong.

32

Maratha Open(w)

B.Sc., D. Pharm.

Housewife

Cong.(I)

40

Maratha Open(w)

Std. VIII

Housewife

Cong.(I)

42

Maratha Open(w)

Std. X

Housewife

Cong.(I)

45

Mahar

Std. IV

Vegetable vendor

Cong.(I)

SC(w)

Source: Field notes.

One member had an annual income below Rs 25,000. Seven members had an annual income of Rs 25,000 and above. Six members had taken loans of Rs 6,500 to Rs 250,000.Two members had no loans.These loans were taken for house construction, house repair, agriculture, etc. All the members had their own pacca houses of three or more rooms. In the case of five members, nobody from their families had contested gram panchayat/taluka panchayat samiti/zilla parishad elections. There were three members who reported that their husbands, brothers or they themselves had contested gram panchayat/taluka samiti elections. These elections were contested in 1992 and 1997. In two cases the candidates won and in one case the candidate had lost. The members contested the elections due to the reserved seats. The suggestion to contest elections came from family members, local people/ leaders, friend circle and the zilla parishad president of the Congress (I). The final decision was taken by the husband, family members, local

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people and party leaders. Once the final decision was taken the party workers and leaders assisted in the election campaign. On getting elected to the panchayat samiti there was a good reaction from the members of their own caste.The men and women reported that their membership of the taluka panchayat samiti body had encouraged others in their caste to contest such elections. The women members reported that it had encouraged other women to contest such elections. Six members reported that they do attend all the meetings.Two members could not do so for personal and domestic reasons. There were no difficulties on the part of members to take part in the discussion at the meetings and to express their own opinions. The members do consult the party members/husbands before discussions in the meetings. Seven members do get co-operation of other members but in one case it was not so, because of the different political party background. The members reported that their suggestions were accepted by other members. All the members opined in favour of reservations of seats in gram panchayats, taluka panchayat samitis and zilla parishads for the opportunity to work, decentralization of positions, justice to everyone and opportunity for the deprived people.Two members reported that there were obstacles created by the advanced castes against SCs/OBCs while performing their role as taluka panchayat members. But six members reported no such obstacles. All the members reported that there were no obstacles by men against women while they worked in the taluka panchayat. Due to reservation of seats, there is an improvement in caste relations as the dominant castes also have accepted the role of members of reserved castes in administration. The members opined that due to the 73rd amendment there has been a change in the status of SCs/OBCs and women. Because their work is being done on a priority basis, they have become bold.

ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL PARTIES Karvir taluka had twenty two seats (an increase of two seats in proportion to the population as compared to the last elections) in the panchayat samiti and ninty three candidates were in the fray. The elections to the panchayat samiti were held on 17 February 2002.The Congress Party had an absolute majority (with thirteen seats) and it came to power.The NCP with five seats, Shiv Sena with two and the PWP with two seats were in the opposition.

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Kolhapur Zilla Parishad (ZP): Composition and Functioning The zilla parishad which was constituted in 1997 was controlled by undivided Congress (I). After the split, Congress (I) and NCP were enjoying the power by sharing the sabhapati posts of different committees. The attempts to change the president and vice-president could not succeed because the leaders of both parties did not meet to do so. Both the parties shared power and completed the tenure up to 2002. In the zilla parishad (1997–2002), Nandatai Pol and Pushpamala Mohanrao Jadhav became presidents. After the zilla parishad elections, it was decided to make a draw from various categories for a one year presidentship. Accordingly, the first year’s post was given to Nandatai Pol (backward caste woman), the second year’s post was given to Pushpamala Jadhav (woman from open category) and the third year’s post was given to Ramchandra Gurav (OBCs man). As noted earlier OBCs includes all the village artisan castes. When the post was occupied by Mr Gurav, the Government of Maharashtra declared that the president should hold the post for two and half years. So he held the post till the end of the tenure. The elected representatives felt that there was no use in getting elected due to the negative attitude of administration. The powers were concentrated in the hands of chief executive officer (CEO) of zilla parishad. The decisions on transfers and recruitment of teachers were not taken. There were limitations to the development work. Against this background, Pushpamala Jadhav (president) called a state level meeting of the zilla parishad elected representatives from Maharashtra in Kolhapur and demanded to implement recommendations of P.B. Patil Committee. The presidents of zila parishads have a status equivalent to a state minister but have no powers. This fact was put forth before the government. The discussions held at the Kolhapur meeting were taken into consideration by R.R. Patil, Minister for Rural Development. Then the departments of Social Welfare, continuing education and underground water survey were transferred from the government to the zilla parishad. Jadhav tried to get maximum funds from the government. When Mr Ramachandra Gurav became the president, much was expected from him as he had the experience of working as a gram sevak. In public meetings he used to announce that he was a gram sevak, moving around the villages on cycle. Though he knew about the administration

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of zilla parishads, he could not make any impact as president. He was unable to take concrete decisions and implement them because of his personal weakness.

Profile of ZP Leaders and their Views Table 12.10 Kolhapur Zilla Parishad: Members Interviewed Sr. No.

Name

Age

Caste

Reservation Education Occupation Category

1. Anandrao Krishnaji Jadhav 2. Balasaheb Ramchandra Ghodake 3. Pomana Tukaram Jadhav 4. Chandrashekhar Shamrao Patil

64

Mahar

SC

45

Khatik

47

Nhavi

45

Std. XII

5. Mahadeo Krishna Kore

52

Hanabar OBC (like Dhanagar but do not keep sheep) Lingayat OBC

6. Kashinath Satyappa Teli 7. Krishna Saduppa Sutar 8. Sanjivani Chandrakant More 9. Indutai Prakash Achary 10. Anandi NivrutiPatil 11. Pushpamala Mohanrao Jadhav 12. Shantabai Yevan Hegade

31

Lingayat

S.Y.B.A.

68

Kumbhar OBC

39

Maratha

Open (w) B.Com.

42

Brahmin

48

Maratha

S.Y.B.A. Open(w) Open(w) Std. IV

48

Maratha

Open(w) Std. X

55

Mang

SC(w)

Political Party

SC

SSC, D.Ed. Std.VII

Retired teacher Butcher’s shop

OBC

Std. X

Gas agency Nationalist Cong. Cultivator Congress (I)

OBC

Std.V

Std. XI

Bore machine owner Cultivator

Nationalist Cong. Nationalist Cong.

B.J.P.

Nationalist Cong. Cultivator Nationalist Cong. Housewife Nationalist Cong. Housewife Nationalist Cong. Housewife Nationalist Cong. Housewife, Nationalist supervision Cong. of agri.

Std. IV

Housewife Nationalist Cong. (Table 12.10 Contd.)

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(Table 12.10 Contd.) Sr. Name No. 13. Laxmibai Jagadish Mahajan 14. Mangal Prakash Koli 15. Shobha Bharat Koli 16. Kanta Jnandeo Badave

17. Shobhatai Shirish Shinde

Age

Caste

40

Koshti

Reservation Education Occupation Political Category Party OBC(w) Std. IV Housewife Congress (I)

47

Koli

OBC(w)

Std.V

Housewife Congress(I)

30

Koli

OBC(w)

Std. IV

32

Swakul Sali

OBC(w)

S.Y.B. Com.

37

Chambhar SC(w)

Housewife Congress (I) Housewife Congress(I) Ladies Beauty Parlor House Congress wife (I)

Std. X

Source: Field notes. Note: W stands for women members.

The women have responded in a higher proportion than men. So, their proportion is greater here. A majority of the members had an annual income of Rs 25,000 and above. All the women members were housewives, one ran a beauty parlour and one was supervising agriculture. The male members were engaged as cultivators, and some of them owned bores and gas agency. A majority of them had taken loans in the range of Rs 50,000 to Rs 1 lakh for house repairs, agricultural purpose, powerloom business, gas agency, etc. A majority of them had pucca houses of three or more rooms. The members were questioned whether anybody from their family or relatives had contested elections to the panchayat bodies. In the majority of the cases it was not so, which indicates that these members were first entrants in the field of politics. The family members who contested elections were brothers, husbands, fathers-in-law. A majority of them had won the elections. In one case, the father-in-law had become a deputy sarpanch and sarpanch of the gram panchayat. In another case, the motherin-law had contested the taluka panchayat elections, but she lost. Other relatives, such as sisters-in-law had also contested elections. The members had contested elections due to reservation of seats under different categories.The suggestion for contesting elections mainly came from political leaders, and in the case of some women the husbands suggested contesting the elections. In nearly half of the cases, the final decision to contest the election was taken by political leaders. In a few cases the decision was taken by the members themselves. In some cases the

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husband and the father took the decision. The members got utmost help from political leaders and political workers for getting elected. A majority of the members reported no difficulty at the time of elections. Some members reported financial difficulties and pressure from opposition political parties. The members from the SCs/OBCs have reported that their example had encouraged others to contest elections. The women members also reported a similar trend. The members reported that they attended all the zilla parishad meetings. Some members could not do so because of health reasons and domestic work. They have no difficulties in taking part in discussions at the meetings and expressing their opinions. For some members there was no need of discussions before meeting. Some members reported that they do consult the husbands, sons, party leaders and zilla parishad officials. The members reported that they got co-operation of other members in the meetings. One member reported that when a wrong decision was taken, he walked out along with his colleagues. All the members opined that their suggestions were accepted by other members. This was with reference to the grant for homeless SCs. It was Rs 15,000 earlier, which was increased to Rs 20,000. All the members have opined in favour of reservations.The benefits of reservations can be gained by imparting training in democratic processes, information of reservations to be passed on to everyone, incorporation in power positions, upliftment of reserved categories from all sides. The training is needed for the members on reserved seats, which will acquaint them about panchayat administration. The participation of women in the public sphere is appropriate. Similarly, the participation of SCs/OBCs in the public sphere is also appropriate. The benefit of reserved seats has not been limited to individuals alone but has reached their caste or women, as a category. The problems of women are regarded as the problems of all women, and as a representative, she tries to solve them. A majority of the members reported that there were no obstacles created by the forward castes while the SCs/OBCs were positions of power. But some members reported that the forward castes do not like it. They make fun of SCs/OBCs. A majority of the members reported that there were no obstacles by men while women were in positions of power. But some members reported that sometimes the pride of men gets disturbed and they feel hurt. Due to 73rd amendment to the Constitution the administration has improved in zilla parishad by involving all sections of the society. The

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status of SCs/OBCs and women has improved due to the amendment. It has created self-confidence in these sections, the women have got a higher status and they have started taking part in politics.

Elections and Political Parties The elections were held on 17 February 2002. Two hundred and ninty candidates contested for sixty nine zilla parishad seats. Though the Congress Party has won the highest number of seats (29), it could not capture power.The NCP (25) made an alliance with independents/others and came to power. The other parties like BJP (1) and PWP (2) had only few members.

CONCLUSIONS 1. The participation of SCs/OBCs men is comparatively more than women.The women, engaged as housewives, under the present study have entered in politics due to reservations, but their role has remained nominal. This is due to their lack of education and experience in panchayat administration. In most of the cases, they were dependent on their husbands for gram panchayat activities. 2. The SCs/women sarpanches at Vasagade and Sangawade play an official role in panchayat. They get a status in the village, but they are unable to take decisions by themselves. At Gadmudshingi the dominant caste sarpanch has full control over the panchayat. His college education, a financially sound background and knowledge of panchayat administration have played an important role in this case.At Vasagade and Sangawade the dominant caste men control the gram panchayats. The sarpanches here are less educated, less experienced in panchayat administration and economically weak, which lead to control from the outside. They have not become empowered in the true sense of the term, as the real power remained with the dominant caste leaders. The sarpanches are economically dependent on dominant castes for agricultural work.

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The reservation for the post of sarpanch is declared at the time of elections. If it is reserved, the dominant caste gives candidature to a financially weak and amenable person with low political skills. These persons are then not able to challenge the dominant caste leadership. 3. The villagers and panchayat members, except women members, took active part in gram sabhas at Gadmudshingi. The villagers were not interested and the technical formalities were performed in Vasagade. The only actual gram sabha held in Sangawade was where the woman sarpanch could not perform her role effectively. The politically interested voters of both parties do attend meetings in Gadmudshingi, but this factor is lacking in Vasagade and Sangawade. The only meeting at Sangawade was mobilised by the ex-sarpanch and members of the gram panchayat who were against the interference of sarpanchpati in administration.

REFERENCES Baviskar B.S. 1996. ‘Leadership, Democracy and Development: Cooperatives in Kolhapur District’, in B.S. Baviskar and D.W. Attwood, (eds.), Finding the Middle Path: The Political Economy of Cooperation in Rural India. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Government of India. 1991. Census of India, Series 14 Maharashtra District Census Handbook, Kolhapur. Government of Maharashtra. 2001. Socio-economic Profile of Kolhapur District. Joshi S.D. and Mitragotri N.P. 2000. ‘Maharashtra’ in George Mathew (ed.) Status of Panchayati Raj in the States and Union Territories of India. New Delhi: Institute of Social Sciences & Concept Publishing Company.

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Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion in Uttar Pradesh Santosh Singh

In reality you can not have economic and political equality without having some form of social equality. I think this is inevitable, and I don’t think our society will rise to its full maturity until we come to see that men are made to live together as brothers and that we can have genuine inter-group, inter-personal living and still be in the kind of society which we all long to achieve. Martin Luther King, excerpt from ‘Meet the Press’ television interview, 25 August 1963, New York.

The region, where Uttar Pradesh is located, has always been a rich and fertile area in terms of natural and human resources. Paradoxically, the backwardness and poverty has also been the scourge because of myopic planning and inept implementation of policies and programmes. As a result, people living in rural areas, marginalized communities and women, in particular, remained deprived of development as per their needs. I focused on Uttar Pradesh for two reasons: first, historicity of its sociopolitical system and of panchayats; second, the complex social fabric of the state. The focus of my explorations was on the interplay of two forces in the state: pressures for local level democratization and changing patterns of gender relations. It was also important because the problems of development and grassroots democracy are, by and large, intertwined there. I perceive that the vital changes underway will ultimately affect the state as well as national political dynamics.

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PANCHAYATI RAJ Uttar Pradesh was the first state to introduce panchayat legislation (Uttar Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1947). After independence that has repeatedly been amended.1 The first panchayat elections took place from 1947 to 1949, and by August 1949 about 35,000 village panchayats and 8,100 nyay panchayats were set up.2 Till 1988, panchayat elections were held as per their time schedule. It was only after 1988 that the process of panchayat elections got suspended and panchayats gradually ceased to play significant role in the social development of the state. In accordance with the provisions of the 73rd constitutional amendment Act, the Uttar Pradesh Panchayat Act, 1994, was passed, and as per the provisions of this Act, elections to panchayats were held in April and May 1995. As a result of the elections, 58,805 village panchayats, 904 kshetra samitis and eighty three zilla panchayats were formed.3 In January 2000, the state government appointed a study team to visit other states to study their panchayats and recommend steps to improve the panchayat system in Uttar Pradesh. Finally, it announced that panchayat elections would be held in April 2000 as the panchayats had completed their five years tenure. But later, the state government thought of promulgating an ordinance to postpone the village panchayat elections. It was proposed to conduct the same with the elections of kshetra and zilla panchayats, which were to be held in 2001. However, following an order of the Supreme Court, the State Election Commission announced the village panchayat elections would be held on 14 and 23 June 2000. This time elections were held according to schedule and 52,481 gram panchayats, 815 kshetra samitis and seventy zilla parishads were constituted.4 Uttar Pradesh took encouraging steps for strengthening panchayats, but, unfortunately, panchayats failed to emerge as vibrant local government institutions and elections of women representatives too, did not help them to merge into the mainstream of social development. During the five year tenure of panchayats, auditors pointed out many irregularities in spending of panchayat money. Many cases of malpractices in panchayats had been reported from different parts of the state.5 Lieten (2003) labelled Uttar Pradesh a ‘laboratory of community development initiatives’, and in the beginning such initiatives taken through panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) bore fruit, but gradually PRIs became non-functional, and rural development programmes/schemes were crushed under the burden of the stagnated wheels of PRIs.

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EXCLUDED COMMUNITIES Exclusion is, in common parlance, a process of socio-political and cultural denial and rejection. Certain communities have been excluded on the basis of caste, class, religion, etc., in most civilizations since antiquity. However, denial or rejection may be private or public. Sometimes exclusion is subtle, and at times it is accompanied by coercion. Degrees of exclusion are associated with the extent of instability/insecurity and conflict of interests. Exclusion may range from mild and personal to intense and collective on a continuum. The term ‘community’ cannot be used in a simple manner assuming that any community is one single homogeneous entity (Lele et al. 1998; Sarin et al. 1998). Various definitions and criteria have been used to identify excluded communities. In the Indian case, excluded communities can be sub classified into a range of castes, but broadly there are two categories as defined by the constitution—scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs) who constitute around 23 per cent of the total population. Women have also been conceptualized as an excluded category by radicals and feminists due to their inferior status and unequal treatment being meted out to them by the male members of the society. Women and SCs/STs in Uttar Pradesh politics have always remained on the periphery.Well, panchayats, for whatever reasons, present a different scenario to some extent. As far as women’s representation in panchayats is concerned, as many as thirty four posts of zilla parishad (ZP) presidents, which accounts for more than 50 per cent of seats, were captured by them in the 2000 panchayat elections, but the nature of candidature of these women was far from satisfactory. Most of them were wives of ministers, MLAs and political leaders of different political parties. Money, muscle and state power played a crucial role.6 Studies indicate that women face many problems in the panchayats in Uttar Pradesh (Mahipal 1998). It has been emphasised that unless reservations are accompanied by female literacy, independent voting rights and change in status of women in family and society, women will continue to act as mere namesake representatives of the male members of their families (Pai 1998). The status of SC women is lowest of all. The common age of marriage of SC women is less than fifteen years.The main reasons for their backwardness are poverty, burden of domestic chores, illiteracy and nominal education, low status of family in the village, etc.

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Now, the pertinent questions are: whether panchayats have helped in creating new positions and ways in which SCs, generally, and women, particularly, have dignity, self respect and a measure of power? Do SCs/STs use their position in panchayats as a location from where they reinterpret the existing social standards of behaviour, and do they question the already determined set of social norms and cultural values? An effort was made to find out the answers on the basis of an intensive field study in the villages of Agra district in western Uttar Pradesh. In doing so, members of the panchayats, panchayat officials and villagers were extensively interviewed. Agra—Not Devoid of Inequalities

Agra district comprises 2.17 per cent population of the state. Agriculture plays a pivotal role in the economy of the district. About 72 percent of the total land is under cultivation. Large scale growth of industry in recent decades has made Agra an important district of Uttar Pradesh. Agra is known to be a Rajput and Jat dominated area. Brahmins, Agarwals, Guptas and Jains also have place in professions and trade. Women in Agra district actively participated in the freedom movement and agitation launched to oppose the salt laws.Agra was the only district in the United Provinces where women participated in non-violent agitation against the land revenue system introduced in the area. The evidence of segmentation or demonstration of severe alienation of women and other communities from the main social order, is less evident in Agra. For example, during colonial India in Agra district, there were no mass conversion movements by lower castes to Christianity. Agra has a significant Muslim population (10.6 per cent of the district population), but Hindu–Muslim riots have rarely occurred over the last five decades after independence. Agra witnessed the Radha Swami Movement, a devotional, non-violent movement, and a reaction against caste barriers, Hindu rituals, idol worship and social inequalities. I am neither making any effort to label Agra as a relatively cohesive society, in any manner, nor is there any suggestion that a socially cohesive society is necessarily a harmonious society, or that Agra is devoid of inequalities. However, they do exist, patently and ubiquitously, and SCs and women face serious indignities at every turn. The low sex ratio (852) and female literacy rate 48.15 per cent demonstrate the same. In Agra, like other parts of Uttar Pradesh, panchayats have been constituted twice in 1995 and 2000. There are 991 revenue villages,

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797 gram sabhas, 114 nyay panchayats, fifteen blocks, six tehsils, five municipalities, one municipal corporation, one cantonment area, seven town committees and one zilla parishad in Agra district. Infrastructure and services in the district reflect the backward status of the state. Of the fifteen blocks of Agra district, Sainyan block was selected for the study (Annexure–1). General statistics on one block (Sainyan) indicate that the panchayat membership is a fair reflection of the socio-economic composition of the population.

Block Panchayat Sainyan The total area of Sainyan block is 22,969 hectares and the population is 111,932 and the SC population is 21,876. There are fifty four villages, thirty nine village panchayats and nine nyay panchayats in the block. Literacy rate, at 38.51 per cent, is very low. There are fifty members in Sainyan Block Panchayat; of them fifteen are Other Backward Castes (OBCs) and eleven SCs. The total number of female members in the block panchayat is twenty one, of them four are SCs. Manvendra Singh, a graduate from Agra University, a Gujar by caste, is the block panchayat pramukh. Mahesh Chand, a high school pass, resident of Thapeda village, is the upapramukh. Manvendra Singh lives in a joint family which owns thirty to forty shops, of which eight to ten are his own. He is the nephew of a prominent local leader of the block. He has been instrumental in bringing about perceptible all round development in this area; prominent amongst them are construction of water storage pond in Meharva village and construction of a small dam in Jajau village, and construction of link and approach roads connecting villages to one another. He also participates in social development activities. For example, he had got thirty to forty bicycles purchased from the panchayat funds and distributed among the poor. He also got a convention hall constructed for the panchayat in Sainyan block. He has been striving hard to get the inter-college upgraded into a degree college. According to Manvendra Singh, he organized extensive training programmes for educating the pradhans and panches of his block about government development schemes. He has been conducting weekly meetings with the block development officer (BDO) and has also been holding meetings with block panchayat members every month. ‘No confidence motion’ has never been tabled against him.

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In this block, most of the seats belong to the reserved categories. Of the thirty nine village panchayats, fourteen sarpanch seats are reserved for women, fifteen for OBCs and eight for SCs, and rest of them for the general category. As there are no STs in this region, hence, no seat is reserved for STs. Three village panchayats—Chchitapura-Motipura, with general category male sarpanch; Birai, having SC sarpanch and Tehra with general category woman sarpanch—are selected for study. Chchitapura–Motipura Village Panchayat

Chchitapura–Motipura village is 23 km from the district town, Agra.The approach road was full of potholes and kachha. According to the Census of 1991, the total population of the village was 2,097, of which 210 were SCs, 635 OBCs and 1,252 were upper castes. At present, the total population of the village is about 2,600 and total area of the village is 211 hectares. The total cultivated land is 819 bighas.7 Main crops are wheat and mustard. There are two majras (hamlets)—Kanharpura and Anuppura. There is only one Jain family in the village. Castewise distribution of households is given in Table 13.1.

35

50

25

40

50

3

5

80

1

Total

Jains

Muslims

Balmikis

Dhobis

Jatavs

Barbers

Potters

175

Carpenters

Brahmins

250

Kachchis

Rajputs

Households

Communities

Table 13.1 Households in Chchitapura–Motipura

714

Source: Field Data.

Agriculture is the main occupation of the villagers. Secondary occupations include milk and milk products, grocery and cloth selling, etc. Muslims usually deal in milk distribution, garments and agriculture. There are five women in the village panchayat and the upapradhan, Kamala Devi, is a SC woman.The panchayat secretary, Durga Das, lives at Bah, and whenever there is panchayat meeting or any other work, he comes to the village. Table 13.2 presents the community-wise representation in the panchayat.

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Table 13.2 Community-wise Panchayat Members SCs Women Men 1

1

OBCs Total Women Men 2

2

2

General Total Women Men Total 4

2

5

7

Grand Total 13

Source: State Government Records, Samanyaa Nirvachan Ke Ankade, Year 2000, Uttar Pradesh, Agra District.

Sarpanch Mahavir Prasad, 42 years old, matriculate, belongs to the Jain community. He is suave and sober. His tenure as a sarpanch has not been free from problems. At times, he too faced stiff opposition from the dominant group. Since the 1980s, this panchayat has been under the pradhanship of this family. Mahavir Prasad’s father was the first pradhan. After the 73rd Amendment, the panchayat seat was reserved for women. Hence, Mahavir Prasad’s wife entered the electoral fray and was elected. Now, since it has become a general seat, Mahavir Prasad has been elected as pradhan. This time there were only two contestants. The other contestant, Ajmer Singh, a Rajput was defeated by a margin of 112 votes. Mahavir Prasad claims that he had spent only Rs 500 on his election campaign. ‘Women members come with their husbands. They do not speak. Their husbands do,’ said the pradhan. But the former sarpanch, his wife who is a spirited young woman, did not remain behind the veil. She actively participated in the discussions on the problems of the village. Mahavir Prasad stated proudly, ‘In our panchayat one can not find cases of atrocities against women and SCs; everyone lives in a spirit of harmony and with a feeling of togetherness. Nobody is discriminated against on caste or community basis. I may offer food to a Jatav (SC) in my house, and I myself had taken food at a Jatav household’. This was confirmed by other sources too.

Village Panchayat Birai Birai, an insipid and niggling village is about 24 km away from district headquarters. It is a village that introduces itself through a kuccha, muddy with potholes, approach road to the village. As per the 1991 Census, the total population of Birai village panchayat was 3,083, SCs were 921, OBCs were 370 and upper Castes were 1,792. At present, the total population is about 5,000 and total number of voters

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is about 2,200. The total area of the village is 619 hectares and about 2,000 bighas of land is used for agricultural operations. The social stratification system of the village is reflected in the location of the three majras in the village—two of them (Nagla Purohit and Nagla Kesri) have been named after caste groups predominantly inhabiting that area. Social hierarchy and status of different caste groups can also be observed through the style and structure of their houses. Nagla Purohit, as evident from the name, is the area of Brahmins which has eighty Brahmin households. Baghelas, Thakurs and Jatavas are concentrated in Nagla Kesri Mohalla. There are 150 households of Rajputs, sixteen of baghelas and about 100 of Jatavas in this majra.The third, Bag Kisora majra envelopes kachchis and nats.There are three households of nats and thirty of kachchis. However, eight households of Muslims, four of Vaisyas, five of barbers, three of potters, six of khatiks, two of dhobis, four of bhangis and nine of koris are also there in the village. About 70 per cent houses are pucca, while the rest of them are semi-pucca with thatched roofs and some with mud walls. Nat households are kuccha with thatched roofs. There is one primary school and one senior secondary school in the village. Health services in the village are not easily accessible to the villagers as there is no Primary Health Centre or dispensary in the village. If somebody suffers even from the seasonal fever or some minor ailment, people have to take him/her to either to Saiyan or Agra. There is no panchayat bhawan in the village. There are no pucca roads in the village. All the approach streets in the village are either in the form of Kharanjas (streets made with broken stones and bricks) or paved with bricks. Drinking water is an acute problem since there is no sweet water source in the village. Drinking water has to be fetched from hand pumps, installed at a distance of fifteen to twenty yards from the village, on the Bombay–Agra national highway. There are seven to eight wells in the village, but water of only two wells is good for drinking. There is one separate well for bhangis and one for other SCs. There are fifteen members in the village panchayat. Of the total panchayat members, two women and two men are from the SCs, one woman and one man are from the OBCs, and two women and seven men belong to the upper castes.

Sarpanch of Birai—caught in a web of negative images In a village like Birai, which had only two elected panchayats, after the 73rd amendment, so far, people are still contending with the implications

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of what it means for hitherto insignificant people, like SCs and that too a SC woman pradhan, being voted to power for five years. A woman pradhan in a panchayat seemed an altogether strange phenomenon. The Birai sarpanch’s identity cannot be established without mention of her caste. Chamaria hai, though she is a weaver by caste. Nowadays the term Chamar is commonly used to address all SCs, which has been causing a sense of simmering discontent and anger in this part of the state. First, I was not allowed to visit her house located at the outskirts of the village. The villagers took me to former sarpanch Dhakre’s house and advised me not to go there, instead she herself would come to meet me. The idea behind the suggestion was not of my convenience but more a reflection on her caste status, as if she did not even deserve to be visited. Shiv Devi, forty five years old, illiterate, mother of five children, is the pradhan of Birai village panchayat. Earlier, in 1995 too, she was elected as village pradhan. ‘Hum to pahle bhi pradhan the,’ said Shiv Devi, clad in blue printed sari, a small red bindi on her forehead and five or six red bangles, which was common persona of rural femininity. A one and a half year old infant, barely clad, was lying on the floor and crying with its full strength. A girl, about seven or eight years old was cleaning the vessels in one corner of the courtyard of the house. Why was she so disturbed? Was she having some problem with her husband or from her office, the panchayat? Suppression of emotions is perceived as a male ethic, whereas the expression of emotions, feelings and sentiments is commonly viewed as a feminine trait. Rational discourse is generally viewed and propagated as a male attribute. She, too, made an effort to talk reason, value neutral and opposed to emotion. She informed me about her achievements during her tenure as pradhan in a mechanical manner. The ‘Kharanjas was laid, hand pumps were installed, panchayat bhawan was constructed, and one primary school building on an area of 5–6 biswa land was built.’ (Though, there is no panchayat bhawan in the village, but she mentioned that with ease, and without any sense of guilt that she was telling a lie.) Why did the sarpanch of Birai model herself on gendered, rational discourse? Clearly, she was positioned as ‘her husband’s choice’, as a sarpanch. ‘Hum sab kutch karte hein [We do everything]. Panchayat meeting hum karte hein’.And who are these ‘we’? Unknowingly and subconsciously, perhaps, she included her husband with her sarpanch identity whenever she talked about her sarpanch role. She made each and every answer with feigned professionalism and a sort of overconfidence. Though

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every answer was marked with her side glances towards her husband, and at times directly, she looked at her husband to answer. She does not know how many households are there in her village. She does not know whether the panchayat collects any taxes. She does not have any idea of her area. She could not mention the name of the block panchayat. The reasons obviously are the hostility she faces and her status in the village in getting the information on the one hand, and on the other, her own inability, inefficiency and illiteracy. At the same time her position, as Birai pradhan is intoxicating for her. ‘Hamein badaa mazaa ataa hei jab log hamein sarpanch saab, yaa phir PRO saab bulaate hein [I really feel very nice when people call me sarpanch saab or PRO (panchayati raj officer) saab’.] She smiled radiantly the first time when she mentioned this. Though, she cannot handle things on her own, her husband manages panchayat affairs, goes to meet the BDO at Saiyan to liaise with him, gets funds and information, yet she does not feel embarrassed. Opposition party people and other villagers have something else to narrate. ‘During her last tenure she made three to four lakh rupees. Embezzlement, she and her husband both did it,’ said Banwari Lal Jatav (upapradhan), who is an SC himself. But both do not see eye to eye. Another panchayat member who is a Muslim said, ‘She has accumulated money, about five lakh by illegal sources.’ Stories did not end here. Everyone had an incident or a tale to narrate. ‘She got her house constructed by using bricks purchased for kharanjas in the village.’ ‘She has two musclemen for her protection. No one can dare to harm her. Those musclemen would immediately kill the person.’ Then stories are also doing the rounds of her clandestine affairs with local dominant leaders and musclemen. Despite all this, Birai village panchayat is ushering in a period of relative calm. There are fewer quarrels in the village, and if there are any they are settled privately because the upper caste men feel too embarrassed to have their disputes sorted out by a female SC sarpanch. The upapradhan said, ‘She has never consulted or informed me about any panchayat programme or scheme to be implemented in the village.Till date, I have never signed on any paper or document. She does everything by hook or by crook.’ Banwari Lal Jatav was full of anger and disgust. ‘I have never seen such an obstinate, headstrong woman in this majra.’ It was stated by the villagers and other panchayat members, time and again, ‘She could not have won the election, but Mandleshwar Singh (a local rajput leader), by using his position and muscle power, made her

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victory possible by doing ghapalas [unfair means] in counting. He belongs to this area. His words carry weight.’Banwari Lal Jatav said, ‘I was heading for a victory, but all of a sudden she was declared the winner.’ Respondents maintained, ‘SC pradhan has made significant moves to improve her own living conditions. She spent about one lakh rupees in her election campaign and has made 5 to 6 lakhs of her own. Under the scheme of Indira Awas Yojna, pattas for quarters were allotted in her son’s name. Her own house has been turned into a bungalow. But the road condition is still poor. Nobody has benefited from the development schemes except she and her men.’ A SCs woman sarpanch misuses resources and makes money in lakhs. During her two tenures, Shiv Devi has traded on the political clout of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). Her success in ensuring the assistance of state ministers is also said to be a result of her style of operation, and her ‘who cares’ attitude, which she admits. The SCs, both men or women, have benefited from an increase in the stringency with which the Scheduled Castes Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989 has been implemented in the state.8 In the summer of 1999, an SC woman pradhan of Birai hurled abusive language and hit the former pradhan, of the Rajput caste, of the village with her chappals in full public view. About 65 years old, the former pradhan could not even raise his hands. Reason given, ‘She is a woman. Being a Rajput how could I hit a woman? And, second, she being an SC has Mayawati’s and Mandeleshwar’s support. She has a few musclemen too; they can commit any kind of crime for her sake.’ However, Shiv Devi’s position in panchayats has led to some changes in the pattern of social relations in Birai. Insofar as processes of political empowerment of women in the Agra district is concerned, the bargaining power of SCs has certainly improved.

TEHRA VILLAGE PANCHAYAT–RAJPUT HEGEMONY Tehra village is about 25 km away from Agra city. The total area of the village panchayat is 920 hectares.The village is fully irrigated by tube wells and almost everyone ploughs by tractor. The main crops are wheat, gram, mustard, millet, bajra, jowar and vegetables like potatoes, cauliflower and cabbage. Total cultivated land is about 4,000 bighas. The total population of the village, according to the 1991 Census was 7,448, of which 1,343

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were SCs, 3,196 OBCs and 2,409 upper castes. The present population of the village is about 15,000 and total number of voters about 5,500. Of the 2,493 households in the village, 1,000 are of Kachchis, 600 of Rajputs-Dhakares, 500 of Jatavas, 200 of Brahmins, 20 of Muslims, 20 of Khatiks, 50 of Dhobis, 30 of Vaishya castes, 10 of Barbers, 10 of Potters, 3 of Goldsmiths and 50 of Gadarias.The focus of the fieldwork was on the core Rajput, Khatik and Jatav majras. Though a majority of households in the village belong to Kachchis, about 90 per cent land is owned by the Dhakare Rajputs. Tehra village is subdivided into seven majras, namely Kanchanpur, Ulhaspura, Ghana, Nagla-ballu, Naglachari, Gadhi-kana and Bakhtupura. There are six schools, one middle level and five primary level, in the village. There is one girls’ school and one government school. Rest are private schools.There is one primary health centre and one dispensary. In case of emergency, villagers go to hospitals in Agra city. About 95 per cent houses are pucca.Water resources are basically hand pumps and borewells. Electricity poses a dire problem. There is only one transformer, which needs repair and maintenance almost on a daily basis. There are about ten temples, but there is no mosque or church, and one or two takias (raised platorm constructed on the grave of a Muslim saint) in the village. Since independence, Rajputs’ control over land ownership in Tehra village has been significantly undermined by the acquisition of land by former tenant farmers belonging to the SCs and OBCs, like Jatavas and Kachchis. The agricultural labourers of the village belong to the Gadarias and other SCs, while village crafts and services are still provided by designated service caste households. Tehra village panchayat’s sarpanch seat is reserved for women. The sarpanch is 35 years old, a graduate and Rajput woman named Gita Rani. Total number of panchayat members are fifteen, out of whom two women and two men are SCs, two women and two men are OBCs, and one woman and six men are upper caste. All women panchayat members, except the sarpanch are illiterate or semi-literate and are silent as well as invisible, like their sarpanch.

Tehra sarpanch—the question of visibility and silence Gita Rani, young, upper caste woman sarpanch, a graduate, is not allowed to meet any body concerning panchayat matters in the absence of her husband. The election of Gita Rani as sarpanch was not a premeditated

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strategy to empower her, it was a spontaneous expression of her family members, that is, her husband’s aspirations being achieved through her. She came out with the support of the powerful Dhakre Rajput family she married into.At the age of 18, she was married into the Dhakre household, a highly respected family of landlords, who owns 800 to 900 acres of land. The clan also enjoyed political power. Amar Singh (an influential national level Samajwadi Party leader) himself came to support her during her election campaign. As patrons of the village, Dhakres influence all major village decisions. There was much apprehension about the election results. The closest contestant was also a Rajput woman. Gita won the election with a narrow margin. ‘I was really scared. My husband’s prestige was at stake. The opponent belonged to our rival group in the village,’ Gita said. On being asked where the pradhan lived, the villagers refused to venture into the compound of her house uninvited. Is it the symbol of her exclusive status which makes her different from others? Gita was not allowed to meet us because her husband had gone to Gwalior. Her father-in-law sent somebody in advance to warn her not to come out. It happened four times. Later, villagers informed that she had been directed by her father-in-law to refrain from talking to us in the absence of her husband. Is she a puppet sarpanch? The answer is yes, as she did not, or could not exercise her authority as a sarpanch without her husband. Gita Rani, though the pradhan of Tehra Panchayat, is not seen at public and political places. Even for her election campaign, she did not cross the threshold of her private space. ‘Janai ko kya kaam panchayatan mein?’ [What business do women have in the panchayats?] stated Ramvir Singh, a villager. Others said, ‘We have not seen her even once, and you are asking about holding of panchayat meetings by her.’ When an upper caste, dominant community woman sarpanch chooses, or is forced to remain invisible, at the political office for which people had given her a mandate, it can easily be understood what would be the fate of rest of female panchs. Obviously, invisibility is her identity. Gita Rani has strong support of Samajwadi Party and its leaders. Rajputs were divided on the question of supporting her in the panchayat elections. There were three Rajput women in the fray for the post of sarpanch, all fielded by different factions of Rajputs in the village. Gita Rani had an edge over her rivals because she was supported by the SCs due to the support of Samajwadi Party. She could win the panchayat polls only due to the fragmented and fractured dominant Rajput votes.

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PYGMY LAND FOR WOMEN Constitutionally, women are not excluded from political bodies at the grassroots level, but they are practically pushed towards the periphery in rural Uttar Pradesh. Women panchayat members find it difficult to participate in PRIs. They are organizationally weak and dependent on local dominant leaders. They face tremendous pressures from their husbands’ families to conform to a traditional role that allows little scope for pursuing an active role in panchayats. Patriarchy is the solid force of exclusion for women. Men confine them within the smallest possible compass, enslaving them beneath traditional norms. Transformation, for women, is taking place, but in negligible measures, as their limits are always being decided by menfolk. The basis of women’s participation in panchayats lies in their social and cultural pursuits within the domestic territory. Household chores and their private space are significant aspects of their life. ‘I cannot leave my children to do the panchayat work. For that, my husband is there,’ said most of the female panchayat members in both villages. They depend on their husbands for panchayat work.Whenever women are asked to contest the election, they do it dutifully. But once elected, they are ordered to remain behind the four walls, and obey their male family members. Whether it is Gita Rani of Tehra or Shiv Devi of Birai, they all belong to the same community—an excluded class insofar as political participation is concerned. Gita, still, performs her household chores behind the veil and the four walls, and her husband fulfils her public responsibility, that is, attending meetings at the block and district levels, getting funds and information of development schemes, construction work, etc. She signs all the papers she is asked to. Tehra and Birai seem to be resistant to constitutional change and division of labour based on gender lines, which operates with the irresistible authority of men. Domestic responsibilities, lack of financial resources, criminalization of politics and the threat of character assassination, make it difficult for women to play an active role in panchayati raj system.They are organizationally weak and dependent on local dominant leaders. They face tremendous pressures from their husband’s family to conform to a traditional role that allows little scope for pursuing an active role in panchayats.

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POLITICS OF EXCLUSION The social hierarchy and ideology of purity and pollution govern the caste system in Agra district. A highly elaborated and systematised setup of principles of inclusion and exclusion of individuals on the basis of castes come into play. Sheobaran Singh Dhakre, a 50 year old rajput, specified the categories with which people of his caste can sit and take food. ‘Chamar, Khatik and Dhobi, these three will never invite us in their family or community functions. (Nyota nahin denge, voh log. Hum apna vyavhar bhej deten hain). We send the gifts in the form of rupees, cloth or grains.’ Chamars point to Khatiks and Bhangis as inferior to them, and as evidence of their superiority they do not accept food and drinking water from the Khatiks and, paradoxically, Khatiks give the same treatment to Chamars. Similarly, a Dhobi will never invite other SCs on the occasion of his daughter’s marriage and they too will not attend the wedding. Members of a particular caste are included in one context, living together, and excluded in another, and this applied all along the line. However, all these practices are followed as unwritten rules and they all conform to them. Untouchability is observed by untouchables themselves in dealing with fellow untouchables. At times, the position occupied by a caste in the local hierarchy is not clear, and a caste’s own worldview of its position differs from that assigned to it by its neighbours. In Tehra, for instance, the sub-caste of Bhangis is able to point to another as its inferior caste.

SOCIAL NORMS NOT VIOLATED Patterns of interaction between communities are not only contextual but also a matter of degree. In Birai village, there were two wells side by side—one meant for Rajputs, and the other one for SCs. Both the wells are hardly at a distance of two to three yards, but people do not violate the norm of purity of water. Communities take water from the well which is meant for them only. None keeps vigil on the wells. Still, nobody has been punished for breaking the rule of fetching water from the prescribed well, so far.

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Here, it is pertinent to explain that the exclusion of SCs, for the purpose of using a separate well, is not an indicator of exclusion of certain communities from the village. Exclusion in rural areas has different meanings and connotations in different situations. For instance, in Tehra, SCs perform many essential services at the annual fair of the local deity organised by an affluent landlady Laxmi Devi, a rajput woman. Earlier, Chamars used to remove the pattals, (used dining plates made of dry leaves) of others as well as their own. Now, they neither pick up nor throw their own pattals, nor do they pick up those of others. Hence, they are not invited in such community/village or family lunches or dinners. Anyway, they are given food at the end when their caste people sit together in rows for having food.9 However, removing pattals is now considered a degrading symbol of inferiority and exclusion by SCs as well. But dominant communities are trying to coerce them into conformity by applying a sort of social boycott—a form of social exclusion again. Now, they are not invited for food because they do not remove their pattals.

INTERMINGLING OF COMMUNITIES WITH POLITICAL MOTIVES Panchayats can be seen as institutions primarily serving the emerging SCs. They are proving to be successful instruments for mobilising the SCs through panchayat elections and intermingling with the upper castes, for instance, Dhakre Rajputs and SCs intermixing in Tehra village for their political ends. This is closely related to the provisions of the 73rd constitutional amendment, which gave panchayats a constitutional status and reservations of seats for women and SCs and STs in the local bodies on the one hand, and BSP, esposing the cause of lower castes, coming to power in Uttar Pradesh, on the other. In Tehra village panchayat, the position of a former sarpanch, Khatik by caste, helped him in wielding power in the village. He could win the elections because rajput votes were divided among five SCs candidates, as the sarpanch seat was reserved for SCs in 1995. Rajputs were left with no choice. Different factions of rajputs not only fielded the SCs candidates of their own choice but also openly supported them during their election campaign. The SCs and rajputs try to use each other for their own interests.

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Rajputs supported SC candidates due to two reasons: (1) they had to support due to political compulsions, as the seat was reserved for SCs; and (2) they fielded the SC candidates taking them as their proxy candidates. However, they were not fortunate enough to turn the forces in their own favour. The SCs, too, took advantage of the situation of upper caste support and after being elected and having got the position and political space, they turned their backs towards them. However, this intermingling also generated some sort of affinity amongst the SCs and upper castes as it removed strong social segmental and caste distances to a certain extent. Once they mingled for political ends, they moved together, talked together, touched each other and, of course, they dined together too, but clandestinely. Rajputs and SCs try to use each other for their own interests. Political compulsions bring the SCs and Rajputs closer. Defecating time is the time of socialising and revealing secrets related to inter-personal relationships for village women.10 However, such secrets are, at times, revealed deliberately and sometimes accidentally. For example, the secret of a Brahmin boy having non-vegetarian food cooked by an SC woman was not disclosed deliberately to a dominant community villager, yet, it was neither made an issue nor was the Brahmin boy socially boycotted. He was not asked to perform difficult rituals of penance and punishment.The upper castes have it both ways—use them and condemn them. They label SC women as unclean, and yet want to have mutton or chicken cooked by them, or have clandestine affairs with them, and then, finally, typecasting them as untouchable and immoral. The Role of BSP

The BSP has emerged as a party projecting itself as a representative of all socio-political interests of the SCs, and it has also been successful in mobilizing the lower castes using fierce anti–upper caste rhetoric. It was successful to a greater extent in enhancing the process of inclusion, which was already underway at a slow pace among the SCs. The increase in the confidence and assertiveness of SCs coincided with the 73rd amendment and emergence of BSP as a political force in Uttar Pradesh.These changes combined to open up opportunities as well as inculcating courage in them to appear in the local institutions of governance. In a way, the party support led the SCs to assert for their rights which at times gave rise to clashes over land with upper castes.

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For example, the former Khatik sarpanch of Tehra village, one fine morning, claimed a piece of land, which belonged to a Rajput landlady, to be his own. She donated the land to the temple for the purpose of holding an annual fair. After fighting the legal battle in court for years, the Khatik sarpanch won the case during the BSP rule in Uttar Pradesh. It is said that he not only forged documents but also used clout in getting the decision made in his favour. Once he got the land, he sold it, by making small plots, to the people of his community and minted money. Lakshmi Devi could not win the case despite being the legal heir to the land. The hitherto dormant behaviour of the SCs, vis-à-vis discrimination by the landed upper castes, has been replaced either by open challenge and confrontation on both sides, or wherever that is not possible by a quiet acceptance of the SCs enhanced status. A rajput of Tehra village, who is now residing in Agra, advised his confidante to maintain a low profile and not indulge in any kind of dispute with the Jatavas (SC community) in the village after Mayawati took oath as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. His words, ‘Mayawati bahanji has come to power, so be careful, otherwise be ready to face the consequences. She would have your hands chopped and nobody would know of it.’ However, brutality and violence in caste conflicts, which at times do take place in other panchayats of Uttar Pradesh, are not reported in Tehra, Chchitapura-Motipura and Birai villages. Villagers have their own explanations of events, which took place in the decade of 1990s. An explanation offered by a member of the upper caste is as under: Many changes have taken place in the pattern of relationship between SCs and upper castes. Earlier, they were not allowed to sit with upper caste Hindus and touch anything. Now I have purchased six plastic chairs and couple of glasses and cups made of pottery for them. They are sarpanches or panches. Whenever they come to meet us, I offer them tea or water. It does not look nice that they should sit on the floor. They can sit on those chairs. Once they go, the chairs and glasses are washed and kept aside to be used again when they visit us next time. We do not use those things. They cannot sit on the cots in my house. I sit on the cot and they sit on the chair.

The dominant castes keep plastic chairs, glasses and cups for the SCs separate to avoid pollution. They had also stopped referring to any SC person as Chamar, of course, publicly. In private, they are still referred to as the Chamars. In an atmosphere of political support for the SCs, the

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rajput woman pradhan of Tehra village panchayat has also accepted certain rights of SCs. She has secured certain government funds for the SCs, and utilising some of the money for construction of a new community hall for Jatavas, worth Rs 90,000. Where state assistance has been combined with local level SC political representation, the increasing flow of resources and access to protection has been especially pronounced. Insofar as processes of political empowerment of marginalized groups in Agra are concerned, the bargaining power of SCs has certainly increased. The SCs benefit from state power and political awakening. Rajputs, typically, register this degree of SCs upliftment in their observations, particularly in demeanour, style and behavioural patterns of the SC panchayat members. Dhakres of Birai and Tehra frequently mentioned that SCs used to sit at some distance from a rajput gathering in earlier times, but the situation now has phenomenally changed. They now sit closer to Rajputs. Though SCs have gained more and wider political influence at the central, state and village level politics, the growth rate of literacy has been higher than the all India figure, and a section of them, called the ‘creamy layer’, has undergone a transformation of cultural style and living patterns. Yet, social mobility has been relatively slow. Limited improvement was noticed in terms of social roles. About 70 per cent of the SCs are still pursuing the traditional roles in rural areas, and about 50 per cent of them are below the poverty line. They still continue to remain in a position of extreme marginalization and deprivation. Panchayats—Symbols of Dominance

Whether panchayats in Uttar Pradesh have taken the shape of significant socio-political structures, which they are assumed to be? The answer is in the negative. Political leaders like Amar Singh and Mulayam Singh control the panchayat politics. Panchayat powers do not rest only with the caste status in Agra district. Panchayats are emerging more as institutions of the political and sociocultural dominance but less as the institutions of local governance in the district. Panchayat members, oblivious of the objectives and responsibilities of panchayati raj, are basically more preoccupied in wrestling political and economic power through the panchayats. Panchayats are yet to emerge as self-governing bodies, in the full political sense, in Uttar Pradesh. This refers to the manner in which they formulate the relationship between villages and the wider political

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system. While the payment of grants and part of state taxes to panchayats is mentioned in the State Finance Commission’s Report, it is generally stated that the payment to panchayats has always been erratic. In Tehra village, sarpanch Gita Devi’s husband mentioned of his frequent visits to the government departments to get things done. He admitted giving lump sum amounts to office workers as bakshish. Mahavir Prasad also mentioned the delay in getting funds. State government released crores of rupees to panchayats on the eve of panchayat elections in 2000. It was alleged that many of the panchayat representatives did not expect to be re-elected because of rotation in reservations; therefore, they spent the money freely, and without adhering to norms. Such instances of misappropriation of funds are many, for example, in Agra zilla parishad, the grant received from the Finance Commission for development programmes is mostly utilised as payment of salary and pension of zilla parishad members. This practice has come into force following implementation of a government order passed during September 2001. Despite the fact that they are paid a monthly salary, they also abuse other funds allotted for development of villages, and, as a result, development programmes for the villages suffered. An office worker advanced the same idea at zilla parishad Agra, ‘At least there was some raj during collector raj. Now there is no raj, only mismanagement, misrule and misuse raj.’ As to the reason why panchayats could not fulfil the expected role, the pradhan and members differ considerably. By and large pradhans, including males and females, are quite explicit while enumerating all the tasks they have completed: school buildings repaired; new classrooms constructed; roads constructed; panchayat bhawans repaired, or constructed; houses built under Indira Awas Yojna; pensions distributed; employment given to village youth, etc. Pradhans, however, want more powers for using their discretion in allocating and disbursing welfare funds. They all complain about not having sufficient funds or getting funds not on time. Corruption—Deep Rooted

Sarpanches demand more money, more powers, but are likely to become more corrupt and more unwilling to deliver for the betterment of the village. Panchayati raj is perceived by the cross sections of the society as ‘village level corruption and village level muscle raj. It is in no way decentralisation of democracy. It is decentralisation of corruption’. Such

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pronouncements reflect the despair of villagers and their lost faith in the rule of local government institutions. Sarpanchs blame panchayat officials for corruption. According to them, they take their share before giving the allocated money. Birai sarpanch is known as the corrupt pradhan in the village and neighbouring areas. She also blames the government for giving insufficient and untimely allocation of funds. Ironically, she herself does not even go to collect the funds, or to pursue the development programmes. Her version was not different from the rest of her counterparts. I want to work for the upliftment of my village, but I have no money. People in the village, especially dhakeran rajputs do not give me any support. I have to pay middlemen, and some local gundas. All of them are the dhakeran’s men. They create problems.

On the contrary, the upapradhan of Birai stated that the sarpanch herself is a part of all illegal operations; that she is very shrewd and does everything on her own, and block officials deal only with her husband. In Tehra village too, members expressed similar views. Most of the members put all the blame for the non-execution of work on the sarpanch’s husband.The sarpanch herself is considered incompetent, indifferent and irresponsible. A more or less similar opinion was expressed by others. According to the pradhans, there was little which they could do. They repeatedly asked officials for money under various schemes, and the reply was, there is no money. There was a feeling among panchayat members, especially at Tehra and Birai village panchayats, that the pradhans were in league with the block officials and were siphoning funds meant for village welfare. The greatest contradiction that emerged in this study was between the pradhan and the members. On the one hand members resent the fact that so much power is given to the pradhan, and on the other hand there is no corresponding increase in the role of the members. This had alienated both the Block Development Committees and the panchayat members. The pradhan does not seem to be accountable to his/her panchayat any more. There seems to be no platform where pradhans could be questioned. Panchayat and gram sabha meetings are rarely held. As a result the pradhans do what they like, without consulting the members and at times going against their wishes.

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EMERGING SCENARIO Our reference point here is the experience of marginalized rural segments in the changing power relations in the village. Keeping this in mind we can discern the following trends in the developing rural political institutions. Changing villages, with its new political fabric, is the product of a process of setting up political institutions with a new force and a new structure. For example, local government institutions, elected by the people and having a constitutional status. Special provisions assure the election of representatives from SCs/STs and women. While the representation of the SCs/STs is in proportion to their population in the area, women have been given one third seats at all levels of panchayats. But, whether this new structure signals a major shift in the exercise of political power in villages, is yet to be seen. Whether, dominant groups have again succeeded in using panchayat power for maintaining their control on rural politics? The answer is, inequalities in rural Uttar Pradesh are still a major concern.

NEW AND ASSERTIVE RURAL PEOPLE The emergence of a new and assertive rural people, irrespective of caste and sex, as a result of panchayat positions is a definite trend today. It is coupled with awareness and exposure of villagers on the one hand, and rural development programmes and politicization of castes on the other. New caste alliances are striking their roots in Uttar Pradesh. The result is that old and traditional social patterns of interaction are becoming less relevant. Whereas, new social and political alliances, and formations are gaining strength. Changing ethics and behavioural standards are constantly maintaining pressure on the rural social structure in Uttar Pradesh. The social and cultural practices are assuming new shapes and sizes. It can be argued that pressures for change have by no means affected a small segment of dominant and wealthy groups, and large chunks are still in the traditional mould. The lower castes and women, in villages, are breaking out of isolation, asserting for their rights yet not close to success.

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Haste and Duality

A new form of political ideology is emerging in rural Uttar Pradesh. Political alignments and nexus now decide social alignments, irrespective of caste and class. By grabbing panchayat money through corrupt practices, the panchayat representatives are emerging as a new dominant class. A sense of haste and excitement has been noticed among them.This particular segment is practising atrocities and violating human rights, not only in the context of upper castes, but in the lower and same castes as well. The new, dominant panchayat leaders or relatives of sarpanches and panchayat members, often play a dual role, claiming greater power from the government on the one hand, by cornering and accumulating benefits for themselves, and excluding the marginalized segments in the village from such gains, on the other. Tehra sarpanch’s family, who sought the support of the Samajwadi Party, is one of such instances. Political processes presently unfolding at the village, block and district levels reflect these trends in all kinds of interactions in rural Uttar Pradesh. President of Zilla Parishad Agra, Smt. Prem Kumari Parmar, is known for such practices in this area. Marginalized Segments—To Safeguard Their Own Interests

Political power in panchayats is gradually taking a non-upper caste form. But, of course, social power and resources are still under the control of the upper castes. The SC panchayat members have learnt to use the muscle power of the upper castes for the purpose of wresting political power. It has been possible to a certain extent due to pro-Dalit Acts. Now, both SCs and dominant castes have been trading charges against each other of being violent, cruel and corrupt. It is not true that through panchayats all the SCs and women would be included in mainstream politics, nor will they be empowered to the extent that centuries old caste hegemony of certain communities will be abolished with a single stroke. Still, some sort of change is visible. And this is not a temporary phase. To a certain extent the tendency of subjecting and inflicting atrocities on the SCs and women is retreating. The caste system is an important issue today because there is a strong bond between politics and the caste system in Uttar Pradesh. With growing political consciousness in all the castes, a dynamic active group is emerging in all the communities. They have also developed a collective class-consciousness for the protection of their rights and interests. The

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SCs making their claim for political partnership, employment, economic resources, education and social position, is an emerging scenario which is clearly visible in grassroots politics. This is a direct fallout of panchayati raj. Marginalised communities have taken up upper castes as their role models so far as the consumerism is concerned.Traditions and customs of upper castes like marriages and dining practices are being followed. Their newly achieved political position and prosperity are the indicators of the fact that this new class has acquired quite a bit of wealth which they do spend on the necessities of life like education, business, land, house, amenities of modern living and lifestyle. There has been a perceptible change in the thinking of SCs; they have been making use of panchayats for socio-political gains.

CONCLUSION Panchayats have yet to emerge as strong local bodies of governance in Uttar Pradesh. Dominant communities in the rural areas of Agra do not appreciate grassroots democratic process implemented after the 73rd amendment. Hence, in terms of panchayati raj no tangible development seems to have taken place in the district. Despite a whole range of mandatory and discretionary responsibilities and functions, the formal structure of panchayats in Agra appears to have remained weak. But, there has been its positive side too. Panchayats have brought about social acceptance, to a certain extent, amongst upper castes and menfolk for women in a political role. This is clearly visible in the social, economic, cultural and political spheres. With social acceptance, new customs and traditions are taking shape, so are new values. Panchayats do function as the third tier of governance between the state and rural folk. Panchayats do stand as the platform where government policies and their implementation may merge smoothly. There is hope that panchayats will build a strong link between bureaucratic systems and traditional village authority. Panchayats will intermingle democratic paradigm with autocratic power of village elders. Panchayats will blend customary patterns with that of modern values.

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NOTES 1. More than 29 amendments have been made in Uttar Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1947. 2. The Congress Village Panchayat Committee in its report put the number at 36, 139 and 8,543 respectively. See, Status of Panchayati Raj in India 2000, Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi: Concept Publishers, 2000, pp. 291. 3. Ibid. pp. 299. 4. Number of panchayats decreased because Uttaranchal was carved out of the state. 5. In Bulandshahar district sarpanchs’ irregular spending of about 3.5 lakh rupees came to light during the audit of panchayat accounts. Such cases have been reported in many panchayats in the state. See, Panchayati Raj Update, vols. 1995–2002. 6. Panchayati Raj Update, July 2000. 7. Twenty biswas are equal to one pucca bigha, whereas seven biswas are equal to one kaccha bigha. 8. During Mayawati’s rule, the state government breathed new life into this legislation, which is directed at reducing caste based atrocities and discrimination. Mayawati initiated fast track investigation of any claims of abuse, jailed the accused while the case was investigated and awarded Rs 6,000 to assist with legal expenses to any victim of caste based crime. This signalled changes in official attitude towards high and low castes in this area. 9. On such occasions, people in the village take food community wise. People belonging to one community come and have food together. Such are common statements, for example, ‘aab babhan kha rahen hain’ or ‘Aab Dhakeren ko number lagego.’ 10. It is the time of sharing and releasing stress too, for village women in this part of the country. It is also related to their idea of cleanliness and purity. Defecating within the four walls of the house is considered unclean and impure. A few have constructed toilets in their homes, but they are used in exceptional cases, by guests, or if somebody is ill.

REFERENCES Census 2001, Series 10, Uttar Pradesh, Directorate of Census Operations, Uttar Pradesh. Government of Uttar Pradesh. 1985. Panchayati Raj in Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow: U.P. Panchayati Raj Department. ——— 1992. Karyakalap Evam Uplabdhiyan. Lucknow: Panchayati Raj Vibhag. ——— 1947. Sanyukt Prant Panchayat Raj Adhiniyam. Lele, S., K.S. Murali and K.S. Bawa. 1998. ‘Community Enterprise for Conservation in India’, in A. Kothari, N. Pathak, R.V. Anuradha and B. Taneja (eds.), Communities and Conservation, pp. 449–466. New Delhi: Sage Publications and UNESCO.

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Lieten, G.K. and R. Srivastava. 1999. Unequal Partners: Power Relations, Devolution and Development in Uttar Pradesh. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Mahipal. 1998. ‘Women in Panchayats: Experiences of a Training Camp’, Economic and Political Weekly, January, No. 4. pp. 150–152. Pai, Sudha. 1998. ‘Pradhanis in New Panchayats’, Economic and Political Weekly, 33 (18), May. pp. 1356–1361. Sarin, M., L. Ray, M.S. Raju, M. Chatterjee, N. Banerjee, and S. Hiremath. 1998. ‘Gender and Equity Concerns’, in A. Kothari, N. Pathak, R.V. Anuradha and B. Taneja (eds.), Communities and Conservation, pp. 323–348. New Delhi: Sage Publications and UNESCO.

ANNEXURE - 1 Blocks in Agra District: Area, Population, Literacy, Primary Schools Sr. No.

Blocks

Area Sq. km

Population

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Achchnera Akola Bah Bamrauli Ahir Bichpuri Etmadpur Fatehabad Fatehpur Sikri Jagner Jaitpur Kalan Khandauli Kheragarh Pinahat Sainyan Shamsabad

275.45 164.35 272.42 238.17 121.29 223.17 349.41 310.38 319.30 313.41 214.63 244.01 297.08 229.14 266.35

123,026 93,864 100,658 159,657 87,566 11,2143 131,971 103,222 73,112 91,563 123,995 106,717 85,284 111,932 135,225

Density per Sq. km 447 571 369 670 722 502 378 333 229 292 578 437 287 488 508

Literacy %

Primary Schools

41.01 43.84 44.88 37.88 42.11 49.38 31.48 40.55 36.29 50.41 43.49 40.01 38.07 38.51 36.55

60 51 68 84 60 64 66 66 45 78 55 67 49 58 70

Source: Census 2001, Series 10, Uttar Pradesh, Directorate of Census Operations, Uttar Pradesh.

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Devolution of Power through Panchayats in Rajasthan Shashi Bhushan Singh

The basic question the study is concerned about is how much the new panchayati raj, through the 73rd amendment to the constitution, has led to inclusion of the hitherto excluded communities in the political order, and has given them a say in the local power structure and decision making. The study has been conducted in three panchayats—one general, another headed by a scheduled tribe (STs) sarpanch and the third by a woman scheduled caste (SCs) sarpanch. The study, simultaneously, envisages two types of comparisons—diachronic, in which the difference has been seen in relations among different communities, in the pre- and post-reservation era, and synchronic, in which the difference in the working and efficacy of panchayats has been explained in terms of occupants of the office. Some clarifications are necessary before the issue is taken up. In Rajasthan the panchayati raj election was held in 2000 and fieldwork was conducted in 2001. These constituencies, which fall under the study area, were reserved for the first time, so, there was not much scope to see how many relations among the dominants and the subordinates had changed in that short period of time. Consequently, there are not many events to show the changing nature of relationship among the communities. Nowadays, a narrative is used to get more information in a shorter period of time, but a narrative is probably not the best method to study politics, which is based upon the notion of who gets how much and where. Another reason why there were not many events to show the changing relationships among the communities is that developmental

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and welfare schemes are well structured, and components are separately allocated for SCs and STs, leaving much less scope for a struggle among different groups for cornering the benefits from a common pool of resources. Thirdly, there is always a difference between a candidate who is defeated through competitive electoral exercise and a candidate who has been debarred from contesting elections by the state’s intervention. Since, most of the dominant communities as well as entrenched individuals, have not been eligible to contest elections, they do not see the result of panchayat elections in terms of victory and defeat. This leaves less scope for bitterness and urge to revenge. On the contrary, it is the dominant communities who sponsor candidates for different posts, and rather than the election being fought between dominants and marginalized, it becomes a contest between two dominant factions. But there are many invisible aspects, which a social scientist can trace, to understand the impact of these measures, which is beyond the understanding of a group involved in panchayat politics and the common man. Thus, the study gives some valuable insights on these aspects.

INCLUSION AND EXCLUSION Democracy, particularly liberal democracy, is a great philosophy of inclusion, and this provides a high degree of social cohesion because everybody has, at least theoretically, a say in decision making. ‘The normative legitimacy of a democratic decision depends on the degree to which those affected by it have been included in the decision making processes and have had the opportunity to influence the outcome’ (Young 2000). If one talks about whether inclusion has been possible through state’s intervention, it is important to know the ground for exclusion. Only if the law is able to undo those things, which are responsible for disempowerment and exclusion, the inclusion of the communities would be possible. Empowerment means getting or attaining power.‘Power is the probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in position to carry out his own will despite resistance, regardless of the basis on which this probability rests’ (Weber 1964). Inclusion of a community within the system empowers it, and empowerment of a community includes it within the system. When inclusion takes place by putting a community in the institutions of power, it is sponsored inclusion and when an empowered community makes its way into the power structure, it is called contested

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inclusion.This paper is more concerned about sponsored inclusion. But if this has to be assessed, it has to be seen in its natural context. How much is possible within the context in which these communities are placed, because the law is a social fact, and ‘a social fact is normal for a given social type, viewed at a given phase of its development, when it occurs in the average society of that species, considered at the corresponding phase of its evolution’ (Durkheim: 1982).

ECOLOGY AND PHYSICAL STRUCTURE The study area covers the Rajsamand tehsil of Rajsamand district in Rajasthan. The tehsil headquarter is located in the twin cities of Rajnagar and Kankroli, which is also the headquarter of the district. The national highway divides the tehsil into two parts, the western part being mountainous and the eastern, plains. The panchayats are located on the western part, which is mountainous. Though Rajasthan is a dry area, the annual rainfall in this area is more than 150 cm. Since the area is mountainous, there is not much arable soil, and consequently not much land is available for cultivation. Agriculture and animal husbandry remain dependent upon the rainfall, which is erratic and periodic. Groundwater table is also low in this area because of low rainfall and excess exploitation. Most of the material culture has evolved in a way to cope with the harsh environment. Though man has tried to change the ecology to some extent, harsh ecological conditions are the limiting factor.Human settlement is dispersed. Since the carrying capacity of land is low, a large settlement is not possible. Rather than looking after the land from a distant place, people prefer to settle near agricultural land. Thus, one village is dispersed over a large area. The main settlement is the biggest, and also oldest, surrounded by satellite settlements, which are locally called bhagals. It is a typical Indian village where jajmani system is developed and most of the villages are multicaste villages. The main settlement is the centre for social, economic, political and cultural activities. All the government buildings, schools, hospitals and panchayat headquarters are located in the main settlement. So the interaction is most intense within one settlement, and between two settlements it is weak. People visit other settlements for some specific purposes. This gives the main settlement and castes a decisive say in the village affairs. This type of settlement makes politics

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rather complicated. Many times the castes, clans and lineage members are scattered over large area. Socially close people, stay at distant places, geographically and socially distant people stay as neighbours.

SOCIAL STRUCTURE The most expressive aspect of the social structure is the caste unit. This is not only the unit for interaction among social groups, but also in many of the government’s policies, caste is given due importance.The caste system not only guides the behaviour of people towards each other, but also plays a major role in the social, economic and political spheres, though religion and kinship coupled with territory become important occasionally. The three broad caste groupings important in government’s policies have been taken for analysis here.

Upper Castes Brahmins constitute a sizeable population in the area. They are high caste and also have government jobs, due to the fact that they are educated. They also have land and connections in the Congress Party have made them politically strong. Rajputs have remained the ruling clan in this area. There are clearly two groups of Rajputs, unequal in status, power and wealth. Chauhans, Sisodias, Rathores are the ruling classes of Rajputs, whereas Kharwar and Bhati have a status lower than the former. They have regional dominance and by virtue of the fact that they were the ruling castes, they have political dominance in the area. Mahajans are of two categories, Hindus and Jains, but since they are engaged in the same occupation they are treated as one by others. Their status in this area is high because they were the main financers to the rulers, but they are not dominant.

Other Backward Classes (OBCs) Although, the Jats have remained a force to reckon with in Rajasthan after independence, in this area the population of Jats is not much. But they

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are concentrated in some villages. Among the backwards, it is the Gurjars who are numerically most dominant in this area. After independence they have been the main beneficiaries of the democratic frame of development, where, due to their numerical strength, they have command over many of the panchayats, and constitute a very important segment at the higher level politics. They are agricultural communities; a few are also involved in trade and business.

The SCs The most dominant among the SCs are Khatiks. Literally, Khatik means kasai (butcher). Their main occupation is trade in goats. With urban development, the trade in goats has become very profitable, and since it is a polluting job, other communities do not engage in this occupation. So, the community as a whole has benefited. Once they have money, they have benefited the maximum from the state’s development programmes made for SCs. They are also very active politically. Since the assembly seat is reserved for SCs, their caste men have also been MLAs of the area. There are other poor SCs like Salvi and Bhambi, but they are not so developed. Neither do they have numerical strength, nor any economic security. They are the marginal groups, and have hardly any say in the power structure. They are dependent upon other castes and follow the dominant faction in political affiliation.

The STs The STs comprise around 25 per cent of the population. These people are landless and they stay outside the village. Now they have got some government land. They are basically labourers. Caste, village and the family are the main units of social structure. The society is divided into various segments.Though caste still influences the behaviour of the people, when individual and groups interact, caste is not the sole factor which determines the relations among different units. Economic development has led to differentiation within a caste. So, almost all castes are divided politically because their interests vary. Now, the village is more closely related to the city, and people take little

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interest in village affairs. The society is still male dominated, and women, particularly the upper caste women, live in purdah. Men occupy the public space. The society is now more differentiated and a complex web of relationship exists. The sense of togetherness is now lacking because part of people’s livelihood is not coming from the village. As far as the family is concerned, the joint family has broken due to drought and migration to the cities. Since the individual is working as a labourer the corporate group sentiment is lacking. All these factors have far reaching consequences for social solidarity.

ECONOMIC SYSTEM The region is predominantly agricultural, which is subsistence in nature. Most of the land is owned by rajputs, followed by Brahmins and Gurjars. Better quality land is with the upper castes and Gurjars. Since the region is mountainous, only 10 per cent area is arable, the rest being pasture and barren land. The land is the most important economic resource in the region. Not only agriculture, but also animal husbandry is dependent upon land.This has led to an increasing greed for land, leading to encroachment on common property resources. But land is not the most important source of economic dominance. There are very few large holdings and most large size land operators in Rajasthan generate too little productivity to exercise economic and political dominance (Narain 1990). Rajasthan is not characterized by severe disparities, either in terms of distribution of land or livestock. So, those who are involved in secondary and tertiary activities have more wealth. This has led to a complex situation. Now, every caste, in general, has diversified its occupation. Those who have wealth, have transport and business, and those who are poor work as labourers. Marginal farmers and landless people survive by doing labour. Every caste, or community, has some members working as labourers in agriculture, mining or construction industry. Since the locus of economic dominance lies outside the village, politics of the village has not been dominated only by the landlords. Because new occupations are free of caste, the social basis of politics is more plural. Secondly, occupations are now more diversified. Almost all castes are involved in every kind of occupation except for some polluting works. Since the livelihood of the people is not in the village, the village has

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become outward oriented, leading to many people not taking interest in what is happening in the village. People do not want to dominate in every sphere of the village, leading to less hostility towards the upward mobility of the lower castes. Many a times, in urban centres, individuals from different castes work together, and this has an impact in village.

POLITICAL STRUCTURE Broadly, two types of political institutions operate in the villages, one is the traditional panchayat (also called the village council) that has a non-fixed membership in composition, but operates in a particular way. Most decisions in the village are taken, and disputes settled through this panchayat. Statutory politics operates at three levels in every village, that is, the panchayat level, the state level and the national level. So, every adult member participates at three levels of politics. As the level of politics increases, the intensity and number of the participants from the village, decrease. Participation is maximum at the local level. There are two main political groupings, the Congress and the BJP, with other parties either having a marginal presence, or are non-existent. Generally Brahmins, Mahajan, Gurjars and the SCs/STs are with the Congress. The rajputs are with the BJP. But, in course of time, members from all castes are in all the parties though their numbers is more in one and less in another party. But at the local level, which also influences the higher level politics, personality, local composition of caste, jealousy and many contenders for the same post, have made the political situation complex. The situation becomes even more complex because, in a political party, different people are engaged in different types of politics, that is, panchayat and assembly level politics. So, sometimes their interest becomes diametrically opposite to each other, depending upon the context. Two types of linkages exist between the panchayat and the higher level politics—formal and informal. The informal one always mediates formal relations. Panchayats get grants from the panchayat samiti, budgets have to be passed and sanctions have to be taken for various projects. The MLAs and the MPs are the members of panchayat samitis and of zilla parishads, and they have a say in these meetings. But the important point is informal relations. One level politician needs the support of the other level politician. Though elections for the sarpanch is held on non-party

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lines, it is important to get one’s candidate elected, so that they can help the higher level politicians at election time. The sarpanch also needs the help of the higher level politicians, not only at the time of crises but also to get projects sanctioned. Those who have better linkage get more funds and developmental projects. The most important aspect of this relationship is between the panchayat, village and party. In democratic politics, in order to capture power, one has to win elections for which a support base is necessary. Till the 1980s, the Congress was a dominant party in the state. There were charismatic leaders, and people were directly aligned to the leaders and the party, and getting the party ticket was, perhaps, the most important step towards winning elections. But by early 1990s, the Congress was no longer a dominant party, and more and more political parties occupied the political space vacated by it. These parties were conglomerations of many leaders who were representing the ideas and interests of their caste men. This led to the emergence of a politics where more parties were competing for votes as near-equal rivals. There were, now, very few electoral constituencies where there was no intense competition among the rival parties. In these situations, winning elections became the most important criteria for getting ticket from a political party, thus, shifting the onus of winning elections from the party to individuals. Apart from more and more individuals, vying for party tickets, panchayati raj also threw some leaders into the body politic and they were also competing for party tickets. Due to these processes operating within the political system, today, competition is not only among different parties but also from within the party, and the biggest problem for any political party is to allocate the tickets during elections. Those who are denied tickets try to harm the interest of the official candidates. Most of the supporters of a political party are related to one or another faction of the party, headed by different individuals. Today, those who are in politics need a band of committed supporters to win elections. And one can create a support base only by extending patronage to the grassroots level political activists. But the most important sources for extending patronage are the state resources. During the license-quota raj, politicians used to influence bureaucracy and provided patronage to their supporters by getting their work done. But now, with more and more deregulatory measures in place, things have changed. The hold over the state’s resources has gone down, also, because there

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are different parties ruling at the centre and the state level. If an MLA is from one party, and the state government is from different party, his influence over administration is even less. But the worst attack has come from panchayati raj, which has maximum resources at its command and panchayat representatives have their own band of supporters to oblige. So in the course of time, there is also a marginalization of panchayats by various measures the state has undertaken. For example, the MP and MLA local area development funds have been created to bypass the panchayat. Many other developmental plans like watershed development have an independent existence outside the panchayat. Though technically the panchayat can ask for all the information, it hardly ever does so because there is tension between the sarpanch and head of these committees. Thus, it leads to parallel power centres and, consequently, marginalization of panchayat. This has impacted on the empowerment of communities.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND POLITICAL DIFFERENTIATION If society is like a system, there exists a dialectical relationship between the social, economic and political sub-systems. So, change in one component has an impact on the other components, which in turn affect the former. Democratic institutions started functioning in the area within the framework of old social, economic and political orders. During the pre-independence period, land tenure was based on the jagirdari system, where rulers used to assign land to an individual, who in return, for payment of a set fee/or service, had the right to collect revenue from his jagir. Being part of the Udaipur state, this region was also aloof from the changes which were taking place in British India. The area was also poor because before the arrival of the British, the Udaipur state was constantly involved in wars. But during the British rule, some people, particularly Brahmins and Mahajans, achieved modern education outside the state. During the independence movement there was no Congress Party in the state, and the Mewar Prajamandal, which was affiliated to the Congress was involved in agitation for reforms. Many times, those in prajamandals had to leave the state due to suppression.The leadership of the prajamandals was in the hands of the new elites whose main strength was education and contact with the Congress. Brahmin and Mahajans were in the forefront in the

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prajamandal. The most important leader was Manik Lal Verma whose protégé, Mohan Lal Sukhadia, later became the chief minister. The first phase of politics started with the merger of Udaipur state with the Indian Union. So, when the Udaipur state merged with the Indian union and became a part of Rajasthan state the prajamandals merged with the Congress. Not reconciled to the new order, the rajputs stayed away from the Congress and were represented in the Swatantra party and Jan Sangh. The Congress always had difficulty in getting the support of the majority because old subjects were still loyal to the old rulers. Still, many factors were responsible for the Congress dominance in the region. Firstly, the opposition was never very strong because, at the state and the centre, the Congress leaders were able to incite people against the old order, and presented themselves as the champions of the lower castes and classes. Secondly, since these people were ruling at the state level, it was easy for them to extend patronage. Thirdly, later on, the Congress was able to convince many of the rajput leaders to join the party. The upper castes and classes were the leaders, and the lower castes and classes were followers. The brahmins had government jobs and other benefits, and the marginal communities benefited from land reforms and other government programmes. So, there was no clash of interest, and the arrangement worked well. But in spite of all the measures Congress took, the rajputs had such a hold over their former subjects that Congress always had difficulty in securing a majority in the state legislature. The second phase started with the breakdown of earlier arrangements, which was disturbed in the 1970s.Two types of processes, fusion and fission, were taking place in the Congress. While at the leadership level fission was taking place, at the lower level a process of fusion was operating. One of the strategies of the Congress was to break the dependency syndrome of the lower castes to rajput and to organise them horizontally, in which the caste sabha played an important role. So, some castes who were in the middle and lower in caste hierarchy used their numerical strength and staked claims for leadership. One Bajai Ram Gurjar, who was sarpanch of Piparda and was aspiring to become the local MLA gave a call to the Gurjars to unite. Though it helped the Congress, and many of the castes, like Gurjars, became the supporters of Congress, the implication was that there was tension between the traditional supporters of Congress at the village level. Once the lower castes staked their claim for leadership at the local level, it led to tension between the brahmins who were beneficiary of new arrangement, and the lower castes. Since the Congress had to see the interest of the party at the state level, and it supported lower castes

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at the local level struggle, so in some villages brahmins changed their political loyalty, for higher level elections, to BJP. By the 1970s the assembly seat was reserved for SCs, so most of the tehsil level politicians were engaged in panchayat samiti level politics. It also had a political significance, and SCs, who till the other day were supporting Congress, got divided because both the parties, the Congress and the BJP, were putting up candidates from SCs. Among the upper castes differentiation was taking place because a new locus of power had emerged, and these leaders wanted to share power. These new people, who were not traditional rulers, were drawing their strength from the new idiom of politics based upon competitive politics, and they were able to utilize this idiom in a better way. It led to division and groupism in the Congress Party, and the most important grouping at the panchayat samiti level was between Gunsagar Karnawat and Raghubir Singh Rathore, for the post of pradhan. Before the 73rd amendment, the sarpanchs used to play an important role in the election of pradhan, so both tried to get as many of their people elected as sarpanch as possible so that they could have a majority in the panchayat samiti. Thus, at the leadership level it was not possible to accommodate everybody because of the increase in the number of claimants for a particular post.The emergency provided a chance, and all the people who had got disenchanted with the Congress system joined the Jan Sangh leaders. Though, there was a Janata Party government for a brief period in 1977, again the BJP, which became a successor to the Janata Party in the state, came to power in 1990. It had many implications, but some are important for the present study. Firstly, the BJP also played the policy of patronage through panchayats, so the contest became more intense at the panchayat level. Secondly, BJP also became a serious contender for posts in panchayati raj institutions. And thirdly, in 1994, the BJP government introduced the policy for reservation for SCs, STs and OBCs. The law also has the capacity to break social groups. The difference was that when the assembly seat was reserved, only SCs were divided, and mostly they were divided along caste lines, but in the new scheme even the OBCs were divided, and this division was also within the castes because panchayat level elections are held at the village level. The SCs and STs, who were generally with the Congress earlier, were now divided since two candidates could not side with the same party. In order to win, one has to go with the opponent for support. And once a section has voted against a party it becomes difficult to gain support for the same party.

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THE THREE PANCHAYATS Sundarcha Panchayat (ST Sarpanch) The panchayat consists of as many as six villages and many other Bhagals. Sundarcha is the biggest revenue village. Whereas Sundarcha proper is the main settlement, there are many other satellite settlements. The main village of Sundarcha is inhabited by the Paliwal Brahmins, whereas Gurjars and Bhils stay away in satellite settlements. The caste composition of the village is as follows (households in numbers): 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Sundaracha—Paliwal Brahmin 95, Gurjars 56, Bhil 100 Depty—Paliwal Brahmin 46, Bhil 26 Depty Kheda—Gurjars 96 Dewathari—Paliwal 10, Kumawat 45, Bhil 22 Tukra Khurd—Paliwal 12, Bhil 25 Dobar—Rajput 16, Mahajan 12, Bhil 55

Upper castes Paliwal Brahmin (163 households)—These people dominate the panchayat by virtue of land, modern education which has given them access to government jobs and government departments, and connection with the higher level Congress and BJP leadership. Most of the Paliwals are with the BJP, though some are with the Congress Party. Rajputs (16)—The population of rajputs in the panchayat is not much and they are only in one village. They are with the BJP. These people do not have much influence in panchayat affairs and have a marginal say in panchayti raj elections.

OBCs Gurjars (152)—The numerical strength of the Gurjars in the panchayat is more than any other caste except the Bhils. Most of them are marginal and small farmers, engaged in agriculture, which is the backbone of their economy. These people have been supporting the Congress Party.

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Kumawat (45)—They are present in only one village, and earlier this village was part of a different panchayat. Their role in new panchayat has not yet crystallized.

STs Bhils (228)—These people have a high representation in numerical terms, but have not been able to convert this into political power because of their low social and economic position.They have the maximum number in the panchayat but they were not a power till they were provided reservation. In Sundarcha panchayat much of the politics of the panchayat has to be seen in the historical perspective. Initially the politics of the panchayat was in harmony with the higher level politics. The Congress party was the ruling party, and Mohanlal Sukhadia, who was the chief minister of the state, was from the area. Sundarlal Paliwal from Sundarcha became sarpanch. One Mr Gobardhan Nai did contest, but he lost. Sundarlal Paliwal remained sarpanch for thirteen years. After that, a mahajan, Roshanlal from Dobar, became sarpanch but the Paliwals did not allow him to function and he resigned. It is generally said that he was locked in the panchayat bhawan that is located in Sundarcha. The first challenge to the brahmin Mahajan alliance came from within the party, which was to a large extent influenced by panchayat samiti politics. Gunsagar Karnawat was trying to expand his base among the sarpanches, so he supported Shankarlal, a Gurjar for the post of sarpanch against the Paliwals. The 1980s were the beginning of the second stage of politics. Shankarlal won, and remained sarpanch till 2000. In order to mobilize the lower castes, he used the same argument as Paliwals had used against the rajputs. He made an alliance with lower castes and Bhils (tribals) and continued to win. This phase saw the intense struggle between Paliwals and Gurjars in every area. In the meantime, Congress had to take sides, and the party sided with lower castes, and this drove the major Paliwal faction to the opposite camp, with the BJP. The biggest site for the struggle between the Paliwals and Gurjars was the common property in the form of pasture. The government started a pasture development programme and Sundarcha was taken for pasture development. A village committee was formed to oversee the management of the pasture. The Paliwals have better animals and the

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lower castes have animals of local breeds. Since the Paliwals were at the receiving end from Gurjars in panchayat elections, they decided that there would be no open grazing. The watershed department appointed a sarpanch from Sundarcha. While the pasture was a panchayat property in legal terms, the Paliwals contested it by saying that Sundarcha village had a customary right over the pasture. The Gurjars protested and Sankarlal took the Gurjars and Bhils in the pasture forcibly. The Paliwals filed an FIR against these people. Sankarlal says that poor people had no resources to fight court cases and they stopped the claim. In 1994, the third phase of politics started. The seat got reserved for the tribals. This divided the votes of Shankarlal and the candidate put up by him lost. The Paliwals, en bloc, supported Bholi Ram. Shankarlal was a panchayat samiti candidate from some other area and was not available in the village. Till the other day, the Bhils used to support the Shankarlal group, but now their vote was vertically divided. The opponents voted against the candidate put up by Shankarlal and Bholi Ram who was from anti Shankarlal faction won the election. The election of a Bhil for the post of sarpanch has not made any difference as far as the voting rights are concerned. Because the tribals had been voting according to their own will.This is because these people were brought into electoral politics due to competition among the main political parties. Due to competitive politics the socio-economic condition has also improved. Because in order to get the votes political parties have been taking interest in the development works. It is important to see whether tribals have been able to participate in other areas of the political system. As far as the participation of tribals in the decision making process is concerned, it has not been possible in the gram sabha, the main forum from where the decisions related to panchayat are taken, since there are few tribals who attend gram sabha meetings. But since the sarpanch is a tribal, he always has in mind his own people and their habitation area. So, he does take interest in the allocation of development projects and funds for the tribals. The tribals feel more confident in bringing their problems to a tribal sarpanch. But the biggest benefit has been symbolic. Now, tribals see that their caste man is sitting with the higher castes and also presiding over the panchayat meetings. The government officials were earlier not approachable. Now, it also appeals to the tribals that higher officials generally come to their area. The biggest benefit is that the gram sevak (panchayat secretary) is always available, which was not

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possible earlier. Another benefit is that with a Bhil being sarpanch, atrocities are not possible against the tribals. This is because the people are aware of the SCs’/STs’ atrocities acts. People always take care that in front of the sarpanch they do not say anything against the tribals. The sarpanch has got some hand pumps in tribal areas. But the sarpanch also faces problem from his own people. Many times Bhils expect the sarpanch to do many things which are not possible under the law. They are ignorant about rules, and they do not understand the limitations under which a sarpanch has to work. For example, it is government policy not to give loans to defaulters. Many tribals have been in the defaulter list, being ineligible for the loan. But they blame the sarpanch for not doing enough if they do not get the loan. In the village affairs, the sarpanch does not have much of a role to play. The villagers generally keep the sarpanch in some committees to enhance the legitimacy of the committees. The sarpanch does not command the same respect among people as an upper caste sarpanch would. Many a times the sarpanch himself does not want to get involved in a contentious issue. The biggest issue in the panchayat was opening of the pasture, but since he is dependent upon the Paliwals, he could not do anything for the tribals. The Gurjars are his rivals. The Paliwals, who were his supporters want total loyalty, which is not possible because, after all, the sarpanch is for the whole panchayat. Many a times even Bhils get jealous and do not co-operate with the sarpanch.

Piparda Panchayat (SC Woman Sarpanch) The panchayat is composed of two villages, Piparda and Shankarpura. Piparda is a big village having the main settlement and many bhagals. Sankarpura is only one village with only twenty households. 1. Piparda—Rajput 154, Gurjar 72, Jats 76, Brahmin 35 Khatik 97, Salvi/Chamar 54, Bhils 76 2. Sankarpura—Rajputs 20

Upper castes Brahmins (thirty five households)—The Paliwals are the most dominant among brahmin groups. Economically they are dominant because they

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have land; they are also educated and have government jobs. They also have private white-collar occupations,for example, some are lawyers and private school teachers. A majority of these people are with the Congress party. Rajputs(174 households)—They are numerically most dominant. Rathore, Chauhan, Solanki and Bhatis are the major groups. They have land, and also have business and transport. Mostly, they are with the BJP.

Other Backward Castes Jats (76 households)— They are an agricultural community and their main source of strength is their representation at the state level. They are with the Congress. Gurjars (72 households)—This community is most intensely involved in panchayat politics.They are basically an agricultural community.They are with the Congress party.

SCs Khatiks (97 households)—This community is involved in the trade of goats. They have business in Surat and Ahmedabad, also. Economically they are dominant. A majority of them are with the Congress party. Presently, the woman sarpanch is a khatik woman. Salvi, Chamar (54)—Both are landless communities, engaged in manual labour or in their traditional occupation, that is, leather work. Salvis are with the BJP due to local political compulsion; Chamars are with the Congress. This is due to the fact that the seat is reserved for the SCs.

STs Bhils (76 households)—These people are landless labourers. They also move from one place to another in search of labour. These people are generally with the Congress. In the first phase Bajai Ram Gurjar dominated the panchayat.Till 1977, Bajai Ram Gurjar remained sarpanch and had the support of the higher level Congress leadership.Voting was conducted by raising of hands, and nobody dared to contest against Bajai Ram. Rajputs did not take interest because they were not comfortable with the new arrangement, which was based upon competitive politics. The political space was the virtual monopoly of Bajai Ram. The second phase started with the coming of

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the Janata government at the centre and state in 1977. Rajputs were with Janata Party and Nahar Singh Bhati, a Rajput, became sarpanch and remained so till 1988. People had got disenchanted with Congress and supported the BJP and Nahar Singh. Again, in 1988, Girdhari, the son of Bajai Ram became sarpanch. But in 1995 Nahar Singh again became sarpanch and stayed till 2000. The third phase started in 2000, when the seat was reserved for the SC women.There were already two groups, Rajputs and Gurjars.The Gurjars and Jats, who are predominantly with the Congress party, supported a Khatik woman. The rajput and BJP group supported a Salvi woman. There was division in Salvi votes. While the Congress group aggressively supported their candidates, Nahar Singh being senior could not go to that level. Then, there was an MLA from the Congress party, as well as government of the Congress party in the state. One important fact about the en bloc support for the Khatik woman, by the Khatiks, was that they stay in one bhagal, which is away from the village, and they saw it beneficial to support her because that bhagal was underdeveloped. More than this, the husband of the woman candidate works in the electricity department and many people need his help, so they voted for his wife, or at least could not go against her openly. When it is the matter of ex-officio (the presence of the sarpanch is mandatory) the woman sarpanch is present. She even attends all the panchayat samiti meetings. Many times I saw her even talking to the BDO. On Independence day, the main function was held in the school, and the sarpanch was sitting in the front line in the dais with all the upper caste powerful men. Though she was in purdah her presence in the gathering was symbolic of the changes, at least in the public sphere. Even when some announcement had to be made in the school, it was a supporter of the sarpanch who did it. The villagers had demanded that a statue of Sarswati should be installed in the village.The demand was made by the deputy sarpanch, who was from the same faction as the sarpanch. After that, it was the deputy sarpanch who announced that the sarpanch had accepted the demand. On the same day a gram sabha was held, and it was again the deputy sarpanch who was doing everything in the meeting. The involvement of the sarpanch was the least in village affairs. Being a woman and an SC, was the double disadvantage. She never visits the village women by going home to home. There is a dilemma, for if she does not do anything she will be called inefficient and if she does take interest, it will be against the maryada. She prefers the first course; she does not take much interest. This event was one of the reasons that the announcement was made by the deputy sarpanch.

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This has an impact on the girls in the school. Some of them wanted to become like the sarpanch.The sarpanch had provided the reference point, which was easily accessible for women living in villages, and inspiring others to come out of the private sphere and take a role for themselves. Even the men have now started thinking that their women should take a role in the panchayat because it enhances their prestige. In the gram sabha meeting some women had come, though they were not participating is the discussion.When the government officials come they have to interact with the sarpanch. Though it is the male who talks to the officials other males also want their womenfolk to become sarpanch so that they also have a say in the panchayat affairs. It seems that in other affairs it is the husband of the sarpanch who does everything. People in general, as well as lower level officials, deal with her husband. On those forums where her presence is necessary it is the deputy sarpanch who does everything. As far as the effectiveness of the sarpanch is concerned, it has gone down because her husband and relatives utilize the power. People accuse that all her relatives are sarpanches because everybody interferes in panchayat affairs.

Farara (An Open Constituency, A Rajput Sarpanch) The panchayat has three villages—Farara, Kanadev ka Guda and Dhanmal. Farara is the biggest village. Farara has one of the most revered shrines (temple) for the Hindus. Perhaps, the temple has played the most important role in the politics of panchayat. The caste composition is as follows (number of households): 1. Farara—Rajputs 220, Gurjar 20 , Puri 4 Bhil 75, Rewari 25, others 35. Mahajan 5, Others (SCs and OBCs)—17 2. Kanadev ka Guda—Rajput 5, Mahajan 10, Brahmin 25 3. Dhanmal—Gurjar 50, Brahmin 15, Kumhar 2.

Upper castes Rajputs (225 households)—The panchayat has major population of rajputs. These people have lands and are engaged in other activities like transport and business. Mostly they are with the BJP.

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Mahajan (5)—These people are in all the three villages. They have land, but business in the urban centre is their main occupation. Mostly, Mahajan are with the Congress.

Other Backward Castes Gurjars (70)—Gurjars are in majority in Dhanmal, but they are also in Farara. Agriculture is their main occupation. These people are with the Congress.

STs Bhils (75)—These people work as labourers. Majority of them are with the Congress, but some are also with the BJP. The politics of panchayat is very much influenced by the temple located in the village. The first person to become sarpanch was Puri, a priest of the temple and a Congress supporter. From the next election Badan Singh became sarpanch. Two factors were responsible for his staying sarpanch for such a long time. First, Badan Singh was an honest man. Second, the villagers considered Puri a ‘thief ’ because he used to make money from the temple. This arrangement continued for a long time. After the death of Badan Singh, the seat got reserved for women and his wife became sarpanch. But his son, Bahadur Singh, looked after the affairs of the panchayat. When the seat was de-reserved, Bahadur Singh himself became sarpanch. The main leader of the Congress party is Shantilal Kothari a Mahajan. But there is an understanding between him and Bahadur Singh. So, both support each other during the local level elections. Puri who is also a ward panch and a Congress supporter does not get enough support to dethrone Bahadur Singh. Farara presents a different example of the panchayati raj. Here, the sarpanch is in command of the panchayat. Not only this, by virtue of being the sarpanch of the panchayat, he has command over other village affairs. He has a Robin Hood image. The gram sevak and patwari are afraid of him. He has the support of his caste men. He has, also, the support of other communities because he is fighting with the priest of the temple who is considered corrupt by the people. The Farara panchayat spent maximum money for the development work, and this has given Bahadur Singh, the sarpanch, additional support among the people. Very

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few disputes go outside the village. In Piparda and Sundarcha, even if the dispute is settled in the village the sarpanch plays a minor or negligible role, whereas in Farara, Bahadur Singh plays the leading role. He has some trusted supporters always willing to do anything for him. He daily visits Rajsamand panchayat samiti. He has got the maximum funds (Rs 65.64 lakhs in five years) allocated for his panchayat. The biggest benefit is that he knows everything about the panchayati raj. Even the officials listen to him. His own clansman is the pradhan of the panchayat samiti and he can count upon his support.The government had directed that in every tehsil, the panchayats that have spent maximum money should hold jan sunwai (public hearing) of the developmental works. In the jan sunwai, Bahadur Singh was present along with his supporters, who outnumbered his opponents. There was a minor scuffle and his men beat his opponents (basically Puri).While in other panchayats there was a deadlock on many issues, in Farara ultimately Bahadur Singh had the last word. I myself saw him throwing the application of many people who had applied for red card saying ‘you don’t need it’. In Piparda and Sundarcha this was not possible.

INCLUSION OF EXCLUDED COMMUNITIES

Village Community and Panchayat Though the rural society has changed a lot during the last fifty years, still there is continuity in many of the aspects. The importance of caste as an institution to govern the relationship between various communities in villages cannot be underestimated. Still, lower castes cannot sit together with upper castes. Many upper caste people do not want to share a dais in public meetings with the lower caste sarpanch. The society is not a harmonic system where an achievement in one sphere, say political and economic, automatically changes the social status of a person, particularly for those who are below the pollution line (Bailey 1957). Land has lost its importance, and for many people economic dominance is due to trade, transport and government jobs.The most important aspect

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of this change is that once the livelihood for a majority is not totally located in the village, there is migration to the cities. People take less interest in village affairs, and due to this the intensity of politics has gone down. So, who is coming to power in panchayat has a marginal impact on the socio-political and economic structure of the village in a profound way. Today, the panchayat has less to do with village affairs and functions and more as an arm of the state. Thus, the panchayat does not interfere in everyday life of the people. The government has not only decided what the panchayats have to do, but also how they have to do it. In most of the development projects the components are fixed, and the panchayat has only to select the beneficiaries. Most of the panchayat elections have resulted in aggravating factional rivalries in the villages, leading to a decline in active participation by the people. There is also the question of perception and people think that panchayat is a corrupt institution, manned by corrupt people. People hardly go to the gram sabha meetings. The panchayats have been co-opted into the wider political structure to a large extent. This character of the panchayat has both advantages and disadvantages.The advantage is that the dominants do not feel threatened due to change in composition of the panchayat and, consequently, less hostility from the dominants, and the disadvantage is that subordinates never feel so much integrated.

Nature of the Included Communities In a democratic set-up, three types of exclusion operate. Firstly, it is system exclusion. Hence, due to poor social and economic condition a particular group does not participate in the electoral exercises. Second is regime exclusion, in which, though people vote in elections, they always vote for others, and never for themselves. They are outside the decision making process.Third is issue-based exclusion, which happens in everyday democratic practice among those groups who have the potential to influence the decision making process. This is related to the struggle for common resources among different groups, which are part of the political system. As far as the inclusion within the system is concerned, these groups are very much part of the system.This is not only due to government’s effort,

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but also the nature of competitive politics, since, during elections the dominant groups court the weaker sections for their votes. In Sundarcha panchayat, Shankarlal had a rivalry with Paliwals, and both these groups brought the Bhils into system for their votes. But they were just voting for others and not for themselves. Same is the case with women, where it is the men who take the women to the polling booths for their votes. Though they were benefiting from various programmes started by the state for these segments, still, they were onlookers to the political drama played by dominant factions. Now, with reservations, they have been voting for their own candidates. Then, through reservations the state has brought these communities into the regime. There are different reasons for exclusion of the SCs, STs and women from the regime.Whereas, the exclusion for SCs and STs has its root in the economic sphere, the root of women’s exclusion lies in the social sphere. It is voluntary in nature. In a sense, an upper caste woman finds herself more excluded from the political sphere than a lower caste woman. Since in the past fifty years, the government, through various measures, has not been able to change the socio-economic conditions for natural inclusion, most of the other forums, traditional, as well as modern, continue to be dominated by the elite.The best example is again Sundarcha, where the population of tribals was more than any community, but they never staked a claim for the leadership, either on their own, or through any party. This is also the case with the women. Though their population is half of the total population, they never contest elections from general constituencies. Even in Farara, though a woman was sarpanch for five years, when the seat was de-reserved the woman sarpanch did not contest again. There is one difference between an SC/ST sarpanch and a woman sarpanch. The former signifies caste and to some extent a class because at the lower level of hierarchy in the social system, caste and class are often coterminous. But women are found in all the classes. So, it becomes difficult for women to put a united front for empowerment. Panchayati raj has not been able to undo the basis for exclusion of these communities. Even if these communities have been given some posts, they think it necessary to work within the old social framework. They do not want to hurt the sentiments of the dominants. Their weakness has been accentuated since they have to depend upon the majority for support because the SC/ST population is not more than 25 per cent in a constituency. Besides, once they have been brought under the ambit of reservation, they are vertically divided into at least two groups. The

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even bigger issue is that, most of the times, dominants support those candidates from the weaker section who are seen as less harmful and are more amenable to the pressure of the dominants. Most of the time, those who have won on a reserved seat have been co-opted. Three types of cooption can be seen. 1. Personal co-option: Women generally are co-opted by male members, son-mother, husband-wife. The sarpanch of Piparda, Chhagnibai, is the case. Most of the people say that her husband, who is an employee in the electricity department, is de facto sarpanch. Critics say that her brothers, relatives, husband, and sons all are sarpanches. But it is true that people generally approach her husband if they have some work from the panchayat. 2. Factional co-option: Many of the sarpanches are co-opted into a faction because without factional support they cannot win, or they have been just co-opted into the existing faction operating in villages and panchayats.The sarpanch of Sundarcha, Bholi Ram, comes under this category. Bholi Ram has become sarpanch because Paliwals supported him against the candidate of Sankarlal. He is now part of a factional dispute, which is going on for the past twenty five years. 3. Political co-option: Since, there is now close relation between panchayat and the wider level political environment, more and more sarpanches are part of this or that political formation, and they have to keep this fact in mind while in office. Probably, all the three sarpanches are part of some political formation. While Chaganbai is with the Congress and has to keep the sentiments of village Congressmen in mind, Bahadur Singh and Bholi Ram are with the BJP. The people, who have been supported by these political parties during elections expect them to remain loyal to the concerned parties. But, in spite of all these limitations, the law has been able to at least give these communities a forum from where they are not only close to the power structure, but also can influence the decision making process, though in a limited way. Though the post of sarpanch does not have much power, certainly some status and prestige is associated with the post. And, in a society where the individual and the communities see their personalities in each other, the whole community gets the sense of being the part of the system. ‘The promotion of inclusion or social cohesion aim at making social and economic deviants fit into dominant norms and institutions, as well as to give them opportunities for political

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participation’ (Young 2000). The measures taken here, to a certain extent, have been able to do this. One can see this in the increasing attendance of women and lower caste representatives in almost all formal meetings because they feel more comfortable when a person from their category is sarpanch. But the third and most important process of inclusion is the issuebased inclusion.Though the measure has been able to correct the external exclusion by putting the marginalized into the formal power structure, still, a different kind of exclusion called the internal exclusion continues to operate, thus, limiting the efficacy of the measures. First, these people are not able to put up their demands in an articulated manner and are even not able to speak in the meetings. Women representatives are the worst victims of this process. Second, their points are not taken seriously; so many times they withdraw themselves from the meetings. This was very much visible in a panchayat samiti meeting where Chhaganbai said something, but probably it did not even become part of the minutes. There are many other aspects which make the issue based inclusion problematic. In all the three panchayats under study, the panchayat bhawan is located in the main village, and historically the SCs and tribals have lived in separate settlements. This makes these people dependent upon the dominants. Of course, Bholi Ram attends the meeting and sits in panchayat bhawan, but other tribals hardly come and sit with dominants in gram sabha meetings. Moreover, it is the rotation policy of reservations that makes them not very assertive. The sarpanch knows that next time the seat will not be reserved, so he does not want to assert. In Sundarcha panchayat Sankarlal fought with Paliwals, snatched the post of sarpanch and remained sarpanch for twenty years. Because he knew that in course of time he would be able to remain sarpanch, so he fought with all his opponents. But now Bholi Ram knows that things would be different next time. Then it is also related to the perception of the reserved candidates. Those who win elections from reserved constituencies are treated as a separate class.Their image is more like a dummy. Bholi Ram is considered a Paliwal candidate and Chhaganbai is considered merely as a wife of her husband.This reservation has put them in a class where they are excluded from the general seats. There is ghettoization of these reserved segments. Even people from wider worlds, including those from bureaucracy, do not take them seriously, initially. By the time the newcomer learns, the term is over. Once there are separate programmes for tribals and SCs, it is

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generally considered that they have no right to general funds, made available through the panchayat.This is related to the nature of settlement. Whenever some development projects come for the village, it is considered to be the property of the main settlement where the dominants are settled, and since these marginal communities are settled separately, they do not have much legitimacy to take the project in their areas. Chhaganbai has taken a road in Khatik’s areas. People in the main village say that when Nahar Singh was sarpanch he used to get the project in the main village, but Chhaganbai has taken it to her area thus blaming her for partiality. But Nahar Singh used to stay in the main village so he brought the projects over there. If one compares the position of the reserved category sarpanch with those of un-reserved category, it seems that there are clearly demarcated areas of institutions.There are some core areas where only the incumbent has the right to do something, irrespective of the fact whether the person is weak or strong. It is Chhaganbai who attends the office and participates in the panchayat samiti meetings. But the institution has a wider area of operation. Whether this area will remain under the domain of sarpanch will depend upon the holder of the office. Bahadur Singh has control over panchayat affairs. All the bureaucrats take him seriously because he has the support of the people. Until a sarpanch has the support of the majority of people, even bureaucrats and politicians do not listen to him. And once Bahadur Singh has control over panchayat affairs he has more support among the people because people need various things from the state. Bahadur Singh has control not only over the affairs of panchayat, but he has used his power to expand the jurisdiction of panchayat in other areas. He is seen in all the affairs of the village and the panchayat. The reason is that since he has won defeating the strongest possible rival he has more legitimacy and power, thus enforcing his authority.The power of an institution expands and contracts with the holder of the office. But the important point about this measure is that there are few intended but many unintended consequences. Though tribals have not been able to achieve much, but indirectly there are many benefits. Now, tribals have also got a leader who can negotiate with others for their benefit. The sarpanch has now become familiar with the working of the system and this helps the community. Earlier the tribals used to go to the house of sarpanch for some work, but now they are happy that the dominants come to their areas for some thing. This also gives them symbolic satisfaction because earlier hardly any of their caste men used

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to sit in the main panchayat building, and this gives them a sense of empowerment. As far as women are concerned, their empowerment is coming by default. Since it is the male who generally commands the power, they want their women to come forward. But there are many things where the presence of the sarpanch is needed, a consensus seems to be emerging among the dominants that there is nothing harmful if women are able to occupy public space. Indirectly, it has also given a boost to girl’s education. India is one country where there is no dearth of laws for women, or any other marginalized section of society, but lacunas lie in implementation. The election of Chhaganbai as sarpanch has more of a symbolic value, which would help the women in the long run. She has provided a reference point for women, which is achievable for a large number of women. She is approachable to the women from the village. Then the male also gets a taste of the state’s commitment to the welfare of women. They know that the state is serious about the welfare of women and it puts a deterrent on their behaviour. The measure has given the women a new identity.

CONCLUSION The reservations in panchayat have given these marginalized communities a sense of empowerment though in the real sense, they have not been able to get much. Today, panchayat acts more as an arm of the state. It is also getting more and more integrated to the wider political system, thus, more and more office bearers are co-opted into it. So, it seems that rather than the marginalized being included in the system, it is the powerful that have been excluded from the system, albeit for a short period of time. And if a community is part of a power structure, even for a short period of time, it helps it in the long term in other affairs. This has remained the positive aspect of these measures.

REFERENCES Bailey, F.G. 1957. Caste and Economic Frontier. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Durkheim, E. 1982. The Rules of Sociological Methods. London: Macmillan Press Ltd.

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Narain, I. and P.C. Mathur. 1990. ‘The Thousand Years Raj: Regional Isolation and Rajput Hinduism in Rajasthan before and after 1947’, in Francine R. Franket and M.S.A. Rao (eds.), Dominance and State Power in Modern India: Decline of a Social Order, pp. 1–58, Vol. II, Delhi: Oxford University Press. Weber, M. 1964. The Theories of Social and Economic Organisation. London: The Free Press of Glencoe. Young, I.M. 2000. Inclusion and Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press.

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Local Governance and Social Change in Gujarat Satyakam Joshi

This chapter is on and about the inclusion of excluded communities through panchayati raj in Surat district of Gujarat.The 73rd constitutional amendment is a landmark in the ongoing process of democratic decentralization. It brought out many significant changes in the structure of panchayati raj institutions (PRIs). Now, more than ten years have passed after the passage of this amendment, it is time for stock taking of the impact on hitherto excluded communities. The main objective of this study is to find out the extent to which the new provisions have enabled the hitherto excluded groups and categories, such as scheduled castes (SCs), scheduled tribes (STs) and women, to be included in the rural power structure. To what extent, and in what way, have they been empowered? And if not, then why not?

A PROFILE OF GUJARAT STATE The separate state of Gujarat came into existence on 1 May 1960, following the bifurcation of erstwhile Bombay state.There are altogether twenty five districts in the state, of which seventeen are placed in the mainland, and eight fall in its peninsular part. A major portion of mainland Gujarat was under British rule, excluding north Gujarat, the princely state of Baroda (now Vadodara), ruled by Gaikwads, covering parts of central, south and

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the hilly regions in the east. After independence, this entire region formed part of Bombay state. The state of Gujarat has an area of 1,96,024 sq. km. The area of the state represents about 6 per cent of the area of the Indian Union. It has a population of 41 million. Gujarat is recognized as one of the leading industrialized states in the country. There are 2,059 large and medium and 140,000 small-scale industrial units. The per capita net income at current prices in Gujarat was reported to be Rs 4,474, which ranked sixth highest amongst the various states and union territories in 1988-89. With regard to education, the total literacy rate of the state is 68 per cent, which is higher than the national average. Health is another major indicator to assess a state’s human development progress. In Gujarat, the average life expectancy among males is 61.5 years, while among females it is 62.8 years, which is lower than all India average of 62.4 years and 63.4 years, amongst males and females, respectively. The infant mortality rate per thousand is sixty four. There are twenty five hospitals, 984 health centres and 7,274 sub centres in the state. Total BPL (below poverty line) families in the state are about 38 per cent, while 10 per cent and 39 per cent families are BPL families in the case of SCs and STs, respectively. Out of the total population of SCs and STs in the state, 61.29 per cent of the SC population and 36.41 per cent the ST population is literate. Women constitute over 48 per cent of the total population. Female literacy rate in the state is 48 per cent.

SOCIAL STRUCTURE The upper castes, comprising brahmins (4 per cent), Banias or Vanias (3 per cent) (trading caste) and rajputs (5 per cent) form about 12 per cent of the total population. Banias are mainly engaged in business and trading. They also occupy a leading position in industry. A majority of them are living in urban areas. Brahmins are the other important forward caste.They are mainly in white collar jobs.Their presence is also visible in professions like doctors, engineers, teachers and lawyers.They also occupy a leading position in literature, media and educational institutions. Rajputs, like in the rest of India, were traditionally rulers of princely states.They were also landlords, but after the introduction of land reforms in post-Independence India the status of rajputs as landlords had changed.

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Most of the princely states were in Saurashtra. Land reforms brought about a number of important changes in agrarian relations in Saurashtra. The Land Reform Act, 1951, gave occupancy rights to 55,000 tenant cultivators over 12 lakh hectares of land, in 1,726 villages, all over Saurashtra. This land was acquired from the Girasdars. The patidars, traditionally known as kunbis, have improved their economic condition over this century. They constitute 13 per cent of the total state population. They are unevenly distributed in the state. Traditionally, they have been farmers, but many of them entered into business, industry and white collar professions. What is more peculiar about the patidars is that they represent the largest section among the Gujarati migrants to Africa, Europe and the United States. In last six to seven decades, the patidars have elevated themselves from middle caste to higher caste. Today, they occupy a leading position in the economic and political sphere. The other backward castes (OBCs), constitute 52 per cent of the total population of the state. There are about 157 castes classified as OBCs in Gujarat. Among these, 65 per cent of the castes belong to different segments of the Kolis, constituting around 24 per cent of the population. A large number are poor peasants and agricultural labourers. The Kolis, like upper caste brahmins and Banias, are prevalent throughout the state, and some of them prefer to introduce themselves as Kshatriyas in central and north Gujarat, and as Koli Patels in south Gujarat. The SCs and STs constitute 7.41 per cent and 14.92 per cent of the total population, respectively. The SCs are settled almost throughout the state, whereas STs are found in a few districts of eastern and south Gujarat.Apart from being small and marginal farmers and agricultural labourers, some of the SCs are still engaged in their traditional occupations: scavenging, carrying carcasses, etc. Similarly, a majority of STs also happens to be small and marginal farmers and agricultural labourers.

DYNAMICS OF POLITICAL MOBILIZATION IN GUJARAT Gujarat was a stronghold of the Congress party from 1952 to 1967. It won all the elections held. Owing to their higher status in terms of educational background and landed assets or business, it was basically the Brahmins and the Banias who dominated the Congress party after Independence.

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Congress remained in power till early 1970s.This was possible largely due to the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, Sardar Patel and Morarji Desai. In 1969, the Congress got divided into two factions, that is, Congress Ruling (Congress-R) and Congress Organization (Congress-O) headed by Indira Gandhi and Morarji Desai, respectively. The impact of this split was probably more fundamental in Gujarat than in any other part of the country. The then Chief minister Mr. Hitendra Desai, who was an arch supporter of Morarji Desai, had to face dissidents within the party. Indira Gandhi’s use of radical rhetoric of social change and economic empowerment of the have-nots attracted many Congress leaders in Gujarat. These leaders had used Mrs Gandhi’s radical image and popular slogan Garibi Hatao for mobilizing the poor.This led the Congress-R to a comprehensive victory in the assembly. Congress-R alone bagged 140 of the total 168 assembly seats in the 1972 elections. Despite such a massive majority in the Assembly, the Congress party remained a divided house. The state had experienced intense infighting within the ruling Congress and eventually lost power. The then Chief Minster Chiman Patel had to face the Nav Nirman agitation, which forced him to resign as the chief minister. The end result of all these events was the emergence of an antiCongress front called the Janta Morcha, comprising the Congress(O), The Swatantra Party, the Jan Sangh and the Socialist Party. In the next assembly election (1977) the Janta Morcha won 86 seats, while Congress won seventy five seats and KMLP (Kisan Majdur Lok Paksh, established by ex-chief minister Chiman Patel) came on the third position. With the support of KMLP, Janta Morcha formed the first non-Congress government in Gujarat. This government lasted for about two years. By this time, Indira Gandhi had already emerged as a popular and powerful leader at the national level. She adopted a populist strategy to attract weaker sections and minorities so that their realignment could work as a winning formula for election. It was known as KHAM (Kshatriyas, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims) strategy. These, hitherto, politically suppressed communities comprised nearly 60 per cent of the total population of the state. This strategy worked well, and as a result Congress won 140 seats out of 182 seats in 1980 assembly elections. Congress ruled for nine years till 1989. The domination of the Congress was slowly replaced by that of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), which in November 1989 gained a significant political victory. With this turn of events began the development of a new political phenomenon and the evolution of a novel experiment of

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the BJP to be replicated in other states of India (Shah 1991). The work of mobilizing voters on the lines of religious identity got momentum. The BJP began to reap the benefits of these endeavours in the early 1990s and captured power in 1995. From 1995 to till date BJP is ruling the state (except for a brief period in 1997 when Sankarsinh Waghela revolted from BJP and formed his own government with the support of Congress). In the December 2002 assembly elections, for the third time, the BJP got a convincing majority to rule the state.

PANCHAYATI RAJ IN GUJARAT Gujarat has had a very powerful tradition of PRIs. It is one of the few states that had accepted panchayats as institutions of self-governance since preindependence period. The PRIs continued to function in Guajrat, even when other states chose not to follow the directive principles mentioned in the Constitution. After the creation of Gujarat in 1960, one of the first steps the state government took was setting up a committee under Rasiklal Parikh (then revenue minister), to examine the recommendations of the Balvantrai Mehta Committee Report (1957). The recommendations of the Parikh committee, on democratic decentralization (1961), were incorporated into the Gujarat Panchayats Act, 1961. The Parikh Committee had accepted the three tier system of panchayats envisaged by Balvantrai Mehta Committee Report. However, in terms of distribution of powers and functions, it drew inspiration from both the Maharashtra and the Rajasthan models. However, in PRIs, the process of decline had started since 1975, and since 1980 certain serious indications of decay have been noticed. These are related to a lack of administrative efficiency and integrity, negative profile of its emergent leadership and political culture. This decline has essentially been in terms of the changed character of the new leadership that has emerged at the village, taluka and district levels. Politics became more populist and manipulative rather than responsive to the needs of the people (Sheth 1996). The Guajrat State Act, 1993, on panchayati raj was formulated as per the guidelines set in the 73rd Constitutional amendment. However, the Act has also preserved many of the strengths present in the previous Act.

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The Act came into force in the entire state on 14 April 1994. Panchayati raj, under the new dispensation, is a step forward in the direction of democratic decentralization. The weaker sections including women, SCs, STs and OBCs have a strong presence in the PRIs.Again, at all levels, PRIs are expected to take measures for amelioration of the conditions of weaker sections and removal of untouchability. Failure of PRIs on this point will attract punitive actions in the form of withholding of government grants. Also, State and District Equalization Funds are provided for panchayats in the area populated by backward classes. At present, there are 13,316 gram panchayats, 225 taluka panchayats, and 25 district panchayats in Gujarat. The total number of elected representatives in these bodies are 123,470, 3,814 and 761, respectively. Out of these, the total numbers of STs, SCs and women representatives are as follows: Table 15.1 Panchayati Raj in Gujarat: Women, ST and SC Members Gram Panchayat

Taluka Panchayat Women 41,180 1274 STs 9,550 561 SCs 4,739 279 Total 55,469 2114 Source: Panchayati Raj Update; August 1998; 56.

District Panchayat 254 114 57 325

Total 42,708 10,225 5,075 58,008

In view of the above description the present chapter aims to investigate: 1. To find out the extent to which the hitherto excluded groups, such as SCs/STs/OBCs and women, have been able to play their legitimate role in the new panchayati raj framework; 2. Have these groups acquired their due share in power and decision making structures? 3. Have they been able to improve their social and economic status? In order to probe these questions through purposive sampling method we have selected one district panchayat, one taluka panchayat and three gram panchayats. All three gram panchayats have been selected from the same taluka of the same district. Names of the selected gram panchayats, taluka panchayat and district panchayat are as follows:

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1. Surat district panchayat, 2. Choryasi taluka panchayat in Surat district, and 3. Vesu, Magadalla and Sania Hemad gram panchayats in Choryasi Taluka of Surat district.

Surat Zilla Panchayat The district is divided in two zones, that is, tribal zone and non-tribal zone. Out of fourteen talukas of the district, nine talukas are having more then 50 per cent of tribal population. Surat district panchayat came into being in 1964. At present, the district panchayat has forty six elected representatives out of which seventeen are female (out of which eight females are tribals), twenty two males are tribals, and the remaining are Dalits, OBCs and others. The Surat district panchayat has been functioning well since its inception. Prior to reservations of seats for the weaker sections in panchayats, Surat district panchayat was the pioneer in delegating power to the weaker sections. In 1972, the then Surat district panchayat president, Mr Jhinabhai Darji, an OBC, volunteered to vacate the presidentship and nominated Mr Nathubhai Rathod, a tribal from Halpati tribe and landless agricultural labourer, as president of the Surat district panchayat. From that day onwards, tribals have been appointed as presidents of the district panchayat. Thus, tribal presidents have been controlling the Surat district panchayat since the last three decades. Ever since the Surat district panchayat inception, the Congress party remained in power. It was only between 1995 and 2000, when the Congress lost and BJP ruled over it. Even during BJP regime a tribal was appointed as president. In 1995 panchayat elections, the Congress lost in the majority of districts and taluka panchayats. However, in October 2000 elections, the Congress party recaptured the district panchayat. After the 73rd amendment, one noticeable change in the composition of elected members of the district panchayat is about reservation of 33 per cent of seats for women. Today, there are twenty two women representatives in the panchayat. I attended two general body meetings of the district panchayat on 29 September 2001 and 2 January 2002. In both the meetings all women representatives were present. But strikingly enough, hardly any women representatives spoke in the meeting. In the first meeting the opposition BJP members raised a question regarding

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distribution of low quality seeds to tribals. The inquiry committee appointed by the president found that no such irregularity had taken place. Immediately, the opposition members stood up and showed the low quality seed bag. The president asked one of the ruling party members to bring the plant which was grown out of the same seed. The plant growth was good and ready for yield. The opposition members did not accept the ruling and walked out of the meeting. I pursued the matter and found that there had been an irregularity in distribution of low quality seeds. I sounded the ruling party tribal representatives on this, but they were not ready to correct the irregularity. They said that they would not go along with the opposition line. This shows that at the district and taluka panchayat level most of the decisions are taken on the basis of party politics. Holding real power by the weaker sections seems to be a distant dream.Till 1995 the tribal president used to exercise power. It was mainly dynamism, able leadership and the hold of the president over panchayat representatives, bureaucracy and political party. But this was not true in the post-1995 period. In 1995, during the BJP rule, the then tribal president, Harshad Chaudhary, was a weak leader. A patidar vice-president, Raman Patel, was totally in control. In the present body, also, the tribal president, Mavji Chaudhary, is playing in the hands of the rajput vice-president Ganshayam Mahida. In both the general body meetings, I observed that Mahida had conducted the meeting. Mavji Chaudhary takes most of the decisions only after consulting Mahida. At the general body meeting held on 2 January 2002, one important thing happened which has direct relation with the 73rd amendment. Sonal Misra, the newly appointed district development officer (DDO), started taking decisions without consulting the president and the executive committee. These decisions related to the suspension of one class III panchayat employee and transfer of one primary health centre doctor. Since the 73rd amendment does give recruitment and transfer powers of panchayat employees to the president, the DDO should have consulted the president before taking decisions. But the DDO did not do that. This matter became public and a number of elected representatives took up this matter. Finally, in the general body meeting the president quoted the clause of the rule and asked the DDO to revert her decisions, which the DDO implemented immediately. The point is that after the 73rd amendment one observes some kind of awareness among members, and they do exercise their power.This incident can be seen as a process of empowerment of panchayat representatives.

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The majority of members feel that the 73rd amendment is beneficial to panchayats and poor people. But when I asked in what way was it beneficial, none was able to spell it out. They were making general statements like increasing women’s representation, more power for utilizing funds, transferring more developmental schemes to panchayats, etc. Some also said that nothing much has changed.Tribal, Dalit and OBC members were of the opinion that they did not find any discrimination by the upper castes. Their position remained the same. I asked one of the tribal representatives, Dansing Chudhary, about vice-president Mahida’s domination in the district panchayat. He said, ‘There is nothing like this. Since Mahida is a well educated and an experienced man, the president does seek his advice. In our panchayat, we believe that the party is supreme, and not any individual. There might be some ego problems between individuals, otherwise everything is functioning well. The 73rd amendment is good for us and for the panchayat.’ One of the tribal women representative, and Chairperson of the District Education Committee, Gajaraben Chudhary said, ‘Thirty three per cent reservation for women in the PRIs is good for women as a whole. I became chairperson because of this reservation system. Being a woman I take every care to improve the education standard of the district. I do take part in discussions, and also take important decisions on my own. Men representatives do give respect to me.’ The above narratives indicate that the 73rd Amendment does give some space for weaker sections to exercise power. However, compared to the old generation of leaders, the new generation leadership are more cautious about power and their own political career. Party does play a pivotal role in selecting and monitoring the working of the panchayat. Representatives considered road, electricity, drinking water, health and education as the main problems for development of the district.Very few representatives were concerned about poor people and their problems. Our study on panchayati raj in Gujarat in 1997 where we had interviewed 198 districts panchayat members also brought out the same finding. One of the young elected representatives,Vipul Vahia, aptly said, ‘There is a lot of scope in the new panchayati raj system to work for the people. There has been good work done through panchayats, but still we need committed and honest leaders. Any decision that we take should be in the interests of poor people. But, due to power and party politics development of the district and people is hampered.’ It should be noted here that when one of the tribal women representatives raised her voice about irregularities

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in identifying BPL families in Songadh taluka, the president and other influential representatives did not take the issue seriously.

Choryasi Taluka Panchayat From the fourteen talukas of Surat district, we have chosen Choryasi taluka as one of the taluka panchayat for the proposed study. Choryasi taluka is situated on the western side of the district. The taluka has a total area of 643 sq km. The taluka has eighty five villages, out of which fifty one are situated on the coastal belt. The taluka has a total population of 1,730,833. Out of which 6.5 per cent are STs and 4.3 per cent are SCs. The single biggest caste group in this taluka is of Koli Patels, they are OBCs. Their population is approximately 65 per cent. They are small and marginal farmers. The other castes are Patidars, Rajputs, Brahmins and others (including muslims). Choryasi taluka panchayat came into being in 1964. Today this taluka panchayat has twenty seven elected representatives.The social composition of the representatives is as follows. Fourteen members are OBCs (all are Koli Patels), five members are STs, one member is SCs and seven members are from upper caste groups (six members belong to the Patidar community and one is from the rajput community). There are nine women representatives. At present, the president of the taluka panchayat is a woman. Her name is Kalpana Patel. In the present body, Congress and BJP have an equal number of representatives (each has thirteen members). One representative is independent, and he is supporting the Congress. So, presently, the Congress is ruling the panchayat. BJP was controlling the panchayat during the earlier term. In the last term also, a woman was the panchayat president. It is interesting to note that at present in Gujarat, a majority of district and taluka panchayts are in the hands of the Congress, while the state power is in the hands of the BJP. Due to this, the panchayats are facing a lot of problem. The state government many times violates the rules of panchayati raj and undertakes developmental activities directly. For this, the government uses bureaucracy to implement its plans. In the taluka panchayat, BJP has a majority in the executive committee. Due to this, the panchayat president finds it difficult to pass any resolution. The situation is very fluid and volatile. Each and every matter has been politicized. Before taking any decision the president and members first have to

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think how it will affect their party. For example, the taluka panchayat office is located in a rented house. The panchayat has its own office plot in Surat city and the general body has already sanctioned funds for a new office building construction. But the present ruling body does not want to start construction right now. Because they think that if they complete the construction of the office building immediately, then one of the BJP ministers will come for the inauguration and will take the credit. Hence they have deliberately postponed the construction. They will start construction after the assembly elections.The climax of political bickering was to take away the Congress elected representatives and one independent representative to an unknown some places, immediately after taluka panchayat elections in order to safeguard the votes. All fourteen representatives were kept for eight days at some unknown places, and were brought back only during voting time. The BJP frantically tried to find them but could not succeed. Even today, the Congress party always keeps a watch over its members. At present the entire body’s main agenda is to remain in power by hook or by crook. I asked elected representatives of ruling party regarding their single most achievement in taluka panchayat after assuming power in October 2000. They said, ‘Because of government’s negative attitude, we are not in a position to implement any new programme. Since the last two years we are not getting enough grants for developmental activities.’ As mentioned above, the taluka panchayat president is a woman, hence, it is worth mentioning her views on the panchayti raj system. President Kalpana Patel is a Koli Patel (OBCs) and has entered PRI for the first time. She has passed higher secondary and is twenty seven years old. She is a housewife. Her husband is a building and road contractor. When I met her in the taluka panchayat office, two of the senior most male representatives of the ruling party were sitting on her left and right side. And, on opposite side of her chair, her husband was sitting. As soon as I started talking to her regarding PRIs, immediately the two senior most representatives started giving answers. I requested them to allow the president to speak. I asked her about her role in the panchayat. Does she take decisions by herself? What are the important things she has done for her taluka, how is the response from officers and employees to her, etc. In replying to my questions she said that in the beginning it was difficult for her to perform her duties because of lack of experience and nonacceptance by the senior male representatives. Without the thirty three per cent reservation for women in the new panchayati raj Act, it would

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have been impossible for her to become president. After two and half years, now she is comfortable with this position. But she still has to face a lot of difficulties. For example, her office has one jeep; this jeep is for the combined use by the president and the taluka development officer (TDO). Under the law, priority should be given to president’s work and then the TDO can use it. But in her case, without her knowledge the TDO uses the jeep. Whenever she asks for the jeep he says he has work, so she should go by an auto. When I asked Kalpanaben, why are you not taking steps against the TDO, She said, ‘Since he is an officer I have to respect him.’ With regard to male representatives’ attitude towards her, she said, ‘ A majority of male representatives do not like a woman to be the president. They think that a woman can not run the office. But due to law they can not do anything.’ With regard to her status in family and society her opinion was, ‘In my caste my status has been elevated. In most of the social functions my caste organization gives me a seat on the dais. People are giving respect to me, which I was not getting earlier. At home also, I get respect.’ However, she was not in a position to give answers to some of the questions like what are the provisions in the 73rd amendment, funding source of taluka panchayat and major problems of the taluka. Instead, her vice-president, Maganbhai Patel, gave all the answers. Maganbahi Patel, vice-president of the taluka panchayat, has been with this panchayat since the last two decades and plays a major role because of his knowledge and experience. He said, ‘Choryasi taluka has an acute problem of water shortage. Due to the coastal area, drinking water is a major problem in the taluka villages. Another problem is of coastal area industrial development. Thousands of hectares of fertile land has been acquired by the big industrial houses like Reliance, Essar, Larson and Toubro, Cell India Ltd, Kribhaco, ONGC, and others. Due to this, people got the money but not the land. Hence, employment is a big problem in the taluka.Very few people are able to get jobs in the industries, or get some contracts. Barring a few, a majority of people are facing unemployment problem. According to the new panchayat Act, before establishing any industry, the gram sabha of the respective village should be consulted. But most of the industries have not observed this rule. There were protests from the villagers, but nothing has been achieved. There is a lack of coordination between gram panchayat and taluka panchayat, and between taluka panchayat and district panchayat. The PRIs should take up this issue, but panchayat members and leaders are not interested.’

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What emerges from the discussions and participatory observation of functions and functionaries of the taluka panchayat is that the party and power politics has been a priority for members. The majority of members are from OBCs, STs and are women. These groups of excluded communities are controlling power. Upper caste representatives are marginalized, and they do not have any major say in the functioning of the panchayat. But one thing to note is the good rapport between the STs, SCs and OBCs representatives. They do not have any biases or prejudices amongst themselves. They do come together whenever the situation arises and their interests are in jeopardy, but the moment they go back to their own caste or village, they get fragmented. So the consolidation of excluded communities is for a limited purpose. This process has not culminated in consolidation of power against dominant sections of society. The lack of knowledge among members is another major road block for implementing various developmental schemes. Due to this, they are not in a position to exercise their power. Vice-president is working as a proxy president. The woman president is unable to take decisions on her own. It should also be noted here that there is a lack of co-ordination between taluka panchayat and district panchayat. Earlier, the taluka panchayat president was an ex-officio member of the district panchayat. But under the new Act, this provision is not there. Due to this, the taluka president does not represent his/her taluka at the district level.

Vesu, Magdalla and Sania Hemad Gram Panchayats Demographic details and basic amenities in these villages are given in Table 15.2. Table 15.2 Demography and Amenities in the Three Gram Panchayats Details Population Area (in hectares) Total No. of Households School Health Drinking Water

Vesu

Magdalla

3,298 898 717

2,021 248 400

Up to 10th Std. Private clinics Tap, Well & Hand pump

Up to 7th Std. Private clinics Tap, Well & Hand pump

Sania Hemad 2,377 324 423 Up to 7th Std. Private clinics Tap, Well & Hand pump (Table 15.2 Contd.)

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(Table 15.2 Contd.) Details Post Office Transportation Road Electricity Irrigated land (in hectares) Forest Panchayat Office Distance form taluka HQ Major Caste groups

Total ST population Total SC population Literacy rate in the village Communication

Vesu

Magdalla

Sania Hemad

Available Bus, private vehicles Pucca Electricity for all purposes 385

Pucca Electricity for all purposes 80

Pucca Electricity for all purposes 293

None Available 5 Km

None Available 6 Km

None Available 12 Km

Koli Patels (OBC), Halpatis (ST), Dalits (SC), and others 748 430

Koli Patels, Halpatis (ST) and Others

Patidars, Rajputs, Halpatis (ST) and Dalits (SC)

Nil 20

929 97

69 per cent

70 per cent

63 per cent

43 Telephone connections 85 121 1,289 641

66 Telephone connections 358 240 1,170 825

73 Telephone connections Agricultural Labourers 302 Cultivators 80 Non-Workers Total Main Workers 1,266

Available Available Bus, private vehicles Bus, private vehicles

Source: Field notes.

Vesu Panchayat

Vesu is a fringe village. It is very close to Surat. From Vesu village, the city limit is just one kilometre. In 1987, when the Surat city limit was reorganized, Vesu came closer to the city. At present, the Surat Urban Development Authority (SUDA) is the revenue authority, and it also provides some basic amenities, like roads and buildings. Because of Vesu’s proximity to Surat, land prices have gone up. Many of the cultivators have sold their land for building, commercial and educational purposes. In this connection the Vesu gram panchayat is very important. One observes many industrialists and builders visiting Vesu gram panchayat office. At present the Vesu gram Panchayat has ten members. Two are Halpatis, one is Dalit and remaining seven are Koli Patels. Among them three are women. The sarpanch is a Koli Patel and he is a building contractor. Economically, he is well off.

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In 1995, in the gram panchayat elections, the sarpanch seat was reserved for a Dalit. This was the first time in the history of Vesu gram panchayat that a Dalit was the sarpanch. So far, Koli Patels were controlling the panchayat. In 1995, for the sarpanch post, Dalpatbhai Solanki (SC, Rohit caste) had filed his nomination and he had the support of Dalits, Halpatis and some Koli Patels. His chances of winning were bright. He was enthusiastic and committed to do good work for poor villagers. But, he was not acceptable to Kolis. They thought that if Solanki got elected, their hold over panchayats would be marginalized. They were also of the opinion that this man would give more importance to Dalit and Halpati problems and would also siphon off the funds allocated to village development. Due to this, the Kolis supported another Dalit, Bipin Parmar, who belonged to the Mochi (cobbler) sub-caste. He has a grocery shop in the village and stays in a Koli locality. Although he was a Dalit, he had no contact with poor Dalits and Halpatis. He had a close relationship with Kolis. It was not that all Kolis were united; there were factions within the Kolis. But on the issue of selecting a Dalit sarpanch—who is more amenable to them—they were all one. Koli leaders had mobilized Koli voters on caste basis and en bloc voted for their man. After result was declared villagers brought out a procession of those who had got elected to the panchayat. They deliberately took the procession to Dalpat Solanki’s street and tried to provoke him. Some of the youths had also passed some nasty comments about Dalpatbhai and his supporters. As a result, there was a small altercation amongst rival groups. Dalpatbhai registered a complaint against some of the Koli leaders under Prevention of Atrocity Act, 1989. Due to this, tension prevailed for more than two years between Dalits and Kolis. After a lot of efforts and intervention of village elders some amicable settlement was arrived at, and cases were withdrawn. This incident brought changes in the attitude of the elected sarpanch Bipinbhai. He tried to woo Dalits by providing basic amenities to Dalit and Halpati locality. During his tenure as sarpanch, he personally took interest and constructed houses for landless Halpati labourers. He also tried to win over another Dalit elected representative. But when I spoke to some of the Dalit and Halpati leaders they said,‘Bipinbhai had favoured Kolis during his sarpanchship. He did not do any thing for us. On the contrary, he created hurdles in providing facilities to us. Constructions of Halpati houses were not his effort, but it was a government directive to strictly implement it’.

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In the 2000 election to Vesu gram panchayat, a Koli sarpanch got elected. He is mainly busy in expanding his business. He is not concerned about village development. There are allegations of corruption against him. But because he is economically and politically influential, people do not want to raise this issue. Dalit and Halpati representatives are totally disillusioned with the new panchayat body. However, they are of the opinion that, say some twenty to twenty five years ago, Dalit representatives in panchayat were not able to speak, or raise any objection. Non-Dalits were not giving respect to Dalits, but now the situation has changed. Non-Dalits do give respect, and ask for their views. But in implementing programmes or availing any facilities, still, Dalits and Halpatis get discriminatory treatment. The only Dalit representative in the panchayat, Arvind Solanki, an auto rickshaw owner who is thirty six years old, higher secondary pass and has been with the panchayat since last six years, said in this regard, ‘Changes in Panchayati Raj Act are always beneficial to poorer sections of society. But dominant sections of the village will not transfer power to us. In my village Koli Patels are in majority, and they are economically well off.They always try to remain in power. Though, there is no untouchability observed in the village, there is hidden discrimination by them. We are not allowed to hold power in any of the village institutions. Most decisions are taken by them and some times they do not even inform us of the decision. I have repeatedly asked the sarpanch to repair our locality approach road. I raised this matter in gram sabha also, but nothing has happened so far. If the Koli patel locality is facing such a problem, then they will immediately do something’. I also met a few Halpati leaders. From the Halpati Vas (locality), Lilaben Rathod, a Halpati, is a panchayat member. This is the first time that she has got elected. She is a domestic worker and has studied up to 4th standard. She is not much informed about the functioning of panchayats. If any panchayat related work comes, she goes to Kantibhai Rathod (also a Halpati). Kantibhai is working as a peon at the university, located just half a kilometre from Vesu. He is also very active in his own caste organization. Almost 95 per cent of Halpati families are working as labourers. Many are also working in the fields of Kolis as agricultural labourers. The relationship between Kolis and Halpatis is like a masterservant relationship. Halpatis also feel that the panchayat is not doing much for them. In this regard Kantibhai said, ‘Our status in the village is of labourers. Till some six or seven years ago, we were totally dependent on Kolis. Only after expansion of the city and development of industry,

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we began to get work for the entire year. We are no longer dependent on the village economy. Hence, it is possible for us to raise our voice in the panchayat. The STs and SCs, together, are around 600 voters, hence, Kolis can not afford to ignore us. After the new Panchayati Raj Act, there are reservations for us, which gives us opportunity to represent our community. During elections Kolis do encourage some of our people to contest elections in order to create factions amongst us. Because of internal contradiction within us, Kolis do manage to get candidates elected who are amenable to them. Gradually, we started understanding their game. Now, we do try to elect candidates unopposed, but it is extremely difficult. Sometimes elections were inevitable, but for our community interest, we do unite and raise our voices in panchayat. But the response from sarpanch and other representatives is not that enthusiastic. We do attend gram sabha and participate in it. In November 1999, we had a gram sabha in our village and in that meeting we proposed that a road to Halpati Vas should be constructed. The gram sabha had approved it. But there was no implementation, in spite of a Dalit being a sarpanch. From our locality we went to the panchayat office and asked the sarpanch to implement it. We also had approached taluka and district panchayat, but we failed. Finally, in October 2000, during taluka and district panchayat elections our road was constructed.’ The above narrative clearly shows that in Vesu village the relationship between OBC, SCs and STs was hostile. Here, OBCs were a dominant caste group. This group is behaving similar to upper caste groups. It is essentially an economically powerful group, irrespective of its caste background, and it tries to usurp all the advantages. One finds that caste based hierarchical inequality was absent in the village, but economic and occupation based inequality prevailed. Due to reservation for SCs, STs and women as sarpanch, weaker sections of the village do get an opportunity to come to power. But dominant sections of the village manage to hold power in their hands by selecting amenable candidates from weaker sections. Because of economical and social dependency on dominant caste, weaker sections were not in a position to appoint suitable candidates as sarpanch. The only solace they get in a democratic polity is that powerful sections can not afford to ignore them. It is also important to note that there are many revolutionary provisions in the new Panchayati Raj Act, but village people are hardly able to take advantage of them. This is due to village panchayat not being financially independent. Majority of schemes are funded by state or central

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governments. Bureaucracy is not allowing people to exercise their rights. Whatever the gram sabha decides remains just on paper. No actions have been taken on the decisions. The village panchayat’s role is just restricted to providing drinking water and construction of village roads. I have gone through gram sabha proceedings of Vesu panchayat and found that a majority of decisions were related to either constructing roads in village, or informing villagers about the schemes available for poor people.There was not a single agenda on what should be the village developmental plan. Even BPL family selection had not been done. Caste system in Indian society is a stark reality. In Vesu, caste is a major force in mobilizing villagers on the issue of election or for taking important decisions. However, excluded communities do assert for their due share through democratic mechanisms, but these are not fully included into PRIs. The dominant castes feel that there is no discrimination against the SCs and STs. They are also of the opinion that most of the schemes in the panchayat are meant only for SCs and STs. Gram panchayat has a very limited role to play in village development. Besides, providing drinking water, roads and street lights, panchayat is not doing much.With all these limitations the gram panchayat is the only democratic institution at village level where, irrespective of caste, class and creed, all villagers come together and discuss the village problems. The 73rd amendment has brought changes in PRIs; these changes are manifold; but one of the most striking changes is about reservation for women in gram panchayats and direct election of sarpanch. Both changes are strictly implemented at village level. Due to this, one finds that the self-esteem of weaker sections has been raised substantially. This is the positive change in Vesu village. Magdalla Panchayat

Magdalla village is also a fringe village of Surat city. It is just three km from the city limits. We have chosen Magadalla because this village has a woman as sarpanch, and also it is an interesting village, because of the big corporate companies located near this village. Besides this, we have selected this village because it is homogeneous with regard to caste composition and, hence, it would be interesting to know the social dynamics in such a village. At present, the village has 248 hectares land. The total land in the village has decreased in the last ten years. This is due to establishment of big industrial plants near the village. Notably, the Oil and Natural Gas Commission (ONGC) and Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL) plants are adjacent to Magdalla village. These companies

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have acquired village land. Land losers were given promises of jobs in the plants by these companies, but very few were given. There are only 121 cultivators in the village. Both companies have business interests in keeping good relations with Magdalla village. They try to win over the sarpanch by giving contracts; hence, many individuals are aspirants for the sarpanch post. Magdalla village has 99 per cent Koli population. There are only five SC households and their number is just 20 persons. All gram panchayat elected representatives are Kolis. Unlike Vesu, here, the power politics is mainly between factions within the Kolis. This time sarpanch post was reserved for a woman. At present Anjanaben Patel is the sarpanch. She has passed tenth class and is a housewife. There were two panels in the gram panchayat elections this time. The rival panel was headed by the ex-sarpanch. His wife contested the election, but she lost to Anjanaben. The ruling sarpanch panel was headed by Anjanaben’s husband, Ketan Patel. He is very popular among the youth of the village. He is thirty two years old and a professional cricket coach. He is also giving cricket coaching to university students. Anjanaben Patel won the sarpanch seat for two reasons: one, her husband was popular amongst the youth, and two, corruption charges against the ex-sarpanch. When I met Anjanaben at her residence she was reluctant to talk. Her husband was not at home. She immediately sent some one to call her husband. She was not aware about the functioning of panchayat in her village. Her husband and Talati (the village accountant) are managing the panchayat. I asked her about her experience as a sarpanch, in reply she said, ‘I am still struggling as a sarpanch since this is the first time I have entered the panchayat and straight away became sarpanch. I do not know much about functioning of the gram panchayat. My husband is helping me in this work.’ What I observed during the frequent meetings with Anjanaben was that her husband was totally managing the panchayat. Even Talati, consulted him for decisions. She was not allowed to speak much.The village people are also not much interested in panchayat affairs. The ONGC and GAIL have provided certain basic facilities to the village, hence not much work is done by the panchayat. Because of the caste homogeneity in the village the issues of inclusion of excluded communities does not get much importance. Inclusion of women in the panchayat is the issue to be addressed. Hardly any one in the village knew about the provisions of the 73rd amendment. Panchayat meetings do take place regularly, but

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very few members attend the meetings. In the gram sabha also, very few villagers take part. During four gram sabhas, the average participation was not more than thirty people. Magdalla village is a unique village. Barring tribal villages, most of the villages in Gujarat, and also in India, are multicaste villages. In this village, all villagers belong to the same caste, hence, there is no scope for caste conflict or mobilizing villagers on caste lines. But things are not smooth and easy. There has been intense factionalism going on within the Kolis for capturing power. Factions in the village are on class line. Among the Kolis, one finds economic differentiation. Rich Kolis unite for their own interests, while the not so rich section of Kolis feels that the rich section never bothers for them. The existing panchayat body is dominated by the latter section.This section also aspires to become rich. After assuming power, representatives of the panchayat are busy in getting contracts from companies, and also from the panchayat. But one significant difference between these two sections is that the not so rich, or middle class section, is paying attention to the problems of poor strata of the village.They recently provided a hand pump to the poorest locality of Kolis and also constructed an approach road for them. The poor strata of Kolis are mainly engaged in labour work. Male members are working as labourers in industries or in the service sector, while female members are mainly working as domestic servants in nearby societies. This section has more affinity with the middle class Kolis than the rich Kolis.

Sania Hemad Panchayat

Sania Hemad is 12 km away from Surat. It is situated on national highway no. 8. Unlike the other two villages under study, this village has two forward castes as dominant castes in the village, that is, Patidar and Rajput. Numerically Halpatis are in majority; there are 225 Halpati households in the village. While, patidars and rajputs have 152 and 142 households, respectively. There are only twenty eight SCs (mainly mahayavansi) households in the village. Remaining thirty households are of other castes. Majority of people are dependent on agriculture. Land of this village is very fertile. Most of the village land is irrigated and a majority of farmers cultivate sugarcane as a cash crop, in return they get good money. Members of many Patidar households from this village have settled abroad. Besides income from the cash crop, the surplus from abroad is also sent to the village. As a result, Patidars are very prosperous; almost all Patidars and Rajputs households are having pucca houses with

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good facilities. Most of them have telephone connections. I found out that there are about fifty two air conditions installed in patidars houses. Patidars also have their own generator system, as power failures are frequent in this area. The village has a tribal as a sarpanch. Nareshbhai Rathod, a Halpati, is twenty five years old. He has a small grocery shop in the village.The gram panchayat has seven members. Out of these, two are STs and remaining are patidars (3) and rajputs (2). Ever since its inception the rajputs had dominated the panchayat. They always supported the Congress party, so also the Halpatis. Hence, rajputs have been enjoying the support of Halpatis in order to control the panchayat. Dhiraj Sinh Meghana, a rajput, remained as sarpanch for twenty seven years since the inception of PRI. After Dhiraj Sinh, his nephew Fateh Sinh became sarpanch, and continuned till March 2000. In the October 2000 election to the gram panchayat, the sarpanch seat was reserved for a tribal. Patidars of the village, who were deprived of power for all these years, grabbed this opportunity to capture power.They put up Naresh Rathod as their candidate. While rajputs put up Bhanabhai Rathod as their candidate. As long as the Halpati votes were united the rajputs could control the panchayat. But for the first time Halpati votes were divided. Patidars used money to win over sections of Halpatis. Lots of liquor was distributed to Halpatis at election time. Besides this, patidars also managed to construct a road to Halpati Vas before elections. Since, BJP is ruling the state and patidars have a close relationship with top ranked BJP minister of the state, they could persuade the BJP minister to provide road facilities to Halpati Vas. It should also be noted here that a large number of patidars of Surat district have migrated and settled in USA, England and some African countries. From Sania Hemad, around hundred and fifty patidars have settled abroad and are earning good money. It is very common in the patidar dominated villages in Surat district that, patidars settled abroad give big donations to their villages for water works, school buildings, roads and other village facilities. One finds, in these villages, concrete roads in patidar localities and also provision for drinking water. In Sania Hemad also, foreign settled patidars have given donations for road construction and water works, but these facilities were restricted only to patidar localities.When asked why it was not for the entire village, the vicesarpanch, Maheshbahi Patel, promptly replied, ‘So far we were not in the panchayat. Rajputs were controlling the panchayat. If we come to power, we will definitely bring money from abroad for village development.’

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After Naresh Rathod, another patidar nominee, became sarpanch. Patidars of the village brought money from abroad for village development. It is interesting to note here that so far Halpatis were taken for granted and they have been used as and when election comes. No one was paying attention to their problems. For the first time, thanks to the 73rd amendment, Halpatis felt that their tribal fellow was a sarpanch of the village. On the other side the Halpatis were not able to unite themselves against upper caste domination over the village. Though a Halpati became a sarpanch, he was essentially a puppet of the patidars. Patidars found out amiable candidate for themselves.Vice-sarpanch is Maheshbhai Patel, who is a patidar and literally managing the entire work of the panchayat. The sarpanch mainly comes to office for necessary signature. So far, patidars, who are landlords and economically prosperous, never considered Halpatis as equal human beings. But now, in order to remain in power, they have to please the Halpatis. After assuming power there have been many facilities provided to Halpati Vas by the present body.The Halpatis do understand the politics of patidars but they are also using the opportunity for availing facilities. Some of the Halpati leaders were of the opinion that the last election was the golden opportunity for them to elect the right person from amongst themselves. But due to division amongst them, they could not send a proper person to panchayat. The opposition candidate, Bhanabhai Rathod, was an experienced and knowledgeable person and also used to fighting for Halpati rights. The patidars were aware that if Bhanabhai became the sarpanch, then they would probably not be in a position to dictate to him, hence they put up Naresh Rathod. During the discussion Bhanabhai said, ‘Naresh is an inexperienced man and does not know anything about panchayat’s functioning. He is mainly interested in his business. Apart from his grocery shop he also makes country liquor, which is not legal. Our real problems are unemployment, proper minimum wages, construction of good roads, rooms for the school and regularizing our houses which are not on government land. Patidars do not want to solve these problems. They believe that if Halpati children get educated then who will work in their fields. Somehow they want Halpatis to remain under their mercy. Unfortunately, the Halpatis are not united, and are also habituated to drinking. Due to this they are not in a position to assert their rights. Today, Halpati children are going to school and getting educated, but there is no employment available to them. There are five

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to six Halpati boys in the village who are graduates and diploma holding engineers, but they are living a miserable life as there are no jobs. In this area there are many private industries, but they do not take tribal boys. On the other hand, there is no vacancy in government jobs. In such a situation they have to work as casual labourers. Most of the Halpatis work as agricultural labourers in the fields of patidars and rajputs. Today, as per government prescribed rate the daily wage is Rs 50, but they get only Rs 30 to Rs 35 per day. Though Patidars and Rajputs are traditional rivals, but on the issue of wages they are united. Naresh is playing in the hand of patidars.’ Further Bhanabhai narrated the problem of regularizing their houses. There are around 89 houses of Halpatis located on the private land. They have been staying on this land for more than 60 years. Now the revenue department has issued an order for collection of revenue on this land. The amount is around one lakh rupees. It is just impossible to pay so much money for them. Due to this, Halpatis staying on this land are not eligible for Indira Awas Yojana. Their demand is, if panchayat passed the resolution and forgo the revenue, then only it is possible. But panchayat representatives are not serious about this. During election time, the patidars did give them an assurance to regularize their land, but so far they have not done any thing. In the last gram sabha this issue was brought out by Bhanabhai. In response to this the vice-sarpanch had said that the process had already begun. During my stay in the village I found that the sarpanch does not know anything about panchayat. When I was sitting in the panchayat office, the sarpanch came for some work. Along with me there were other villagers, mainly patidars, sitting in the office. No one offered him a chair. On the contrary, some had asked the sarpanch to get water for them. Because of the class and caste character of the sarpanch, the dominant section of the village does not treat him as a sarpanch.When asked about this Nareshbhai said,’ This is how they [patidars] behave with us. One can not expect change overnight. It will take some time. After I became sarpanch, now, for the first time, patidars do come to me for necessary signature and also pay attention to our problems. They can not ignore us. This is a major change as far as our status is concerned.’ What emerges from the narratives is that caste and class is still very strong at the village level. Dominant sections do try to find amiable persons from the excluded communities to protect their interests. On the other hand, one observes an awareness on the part of excluded communities.They do think in terms of the larger unity of their own in order to assert their rights

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through the PRIs. Prior to the 73rd amendment, Halpatis were always taken for granted, and their problems were not taken seriously. But after the amendment, now the dominant section is compelled to consider the problems of the hitherto excluded communities. This is a major gain for the Halpatis. It is also true that the panchayat is not expanding its functions for the overall development of the village. Its functions are restricted to providing only basic facilities to the village. As long as patidar’s interests are protected, they will allow Halpatis to assert their rights. Unless the Halpatis become economically independent, they will not rise up to their expectations. For this, a larger unity amongst weaker sections is very much required. Economic weakness and dependence comes in the way of empowerment of Halpatis and similar other excluded communities.

CONCLUSION The 73rd amendment brought about radical changes through PRIs. One expected that hitherto excluded communities would get justice after implementation of this amendment. The crucial question is, what has been the people’s response to the process of inclusion of excluded communities? After the reservation of excluded communities in PRIs, how have the dominant caste groups adjusted to changes in local bodies? These are the questions we have tried to explore in the present study through case studies. The objective of PRIs is to share political power in society so as to tilt balance of power in favour of larger masses; enhance their political participation in the decision making process; and, thereby, bring social transformation for a just and egalitarian social order. Keeping these objectives in mind one would certainly agree that panchayati raj has brought a certain degree of social transformation in Gujarat. The traditional leaders, enjoying an ascriptive status, no longer enjoy command over the village society. With regular elections, deprived sections have gained confidence and learnt the art of electoral politics. They have begun to assert their rights, though in a small way. Panchayats have provided opportunities to younger persons for participating in public affairs. But with regard to development of marginal sections of society, not much has happened. It is observed that upper caste leaders accept the reservation provisions in PRIs without much opposition. This is due to their helplessness.

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Case studies also indicate that, dominant sections of village, taluka and district do manage to find amenable candidates to protect their interests from the excluded communities. Dominant sections of society also try to manipulate the situation by dividing the excluded communities in order to retain status quo. It should be noted here that panchayats have a restricted role to play in the village socio-economic sphere. Apart from providing basic amenities like drinking water, road construction, implementation of some schemes and street lights gram panchayats are not catering the needs of the weaker sections. Gram sabha, meets regularly but hardly any discussion takes place on planning, accountability and governance of the village. Women representatives are totally dependent on their husbands. They are not in a position to use the power which is given to them. However, some of the women representatives do find some space to put forward their views and agenda. Caste and class structure of the society does not allow the poorest section to assert their constitutional rights through panchayats. The elections to gram panchayats bring out the centrality of caste. Caste identity is used for mobilizing voters at village and taluka panchayat levels.These processes have strengthened the caste based politics. This is a major roadblock in creating a just and egalitarian society. At taluka and district panchayat levels, a majority of the decisions are taken on party lines. Party’s interests are considered primary. It was also found that taluka and district panchayat’s representatives were more conscious of their political career.They all aspired to become MLAs or MPs. For them panchayat is a ladder for achieving their political aspirations. There is a total lack of understanding about provisions of the Panchayat Act, among the SCs, STs and women representatives. However, one noticeable change among the excluded community representatives is about their awareness with regards to their status and position in society. These representatives are of the opinion that this is a good beginning, and it will bring a gradual change in the lives of deprived sections of society. It was also observed that economic dependency of weaker sections on the village dominant castes, which forced them to work for them, or work under them after occupying the sarpanch post. In the case of Vesu village, Halpatis are no longer economically dependent on Kolis, hence they assert their rights more forcefully.While in the case of Sania Hemad, Halpatis are very much dependent on patidars and rajputs, hence they can not assert their rights. It is necessary to create employment avenues for weaker sections in order to effectively include them into PRIs.

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REFERENCES Chaudhary, A.K. 1995. ‘Panchayati Raj: Concern and Issues’, Vikalp, 4(2): 11–18. Dwivedi, O.P. 1998. ‘Common Good and Good Governance’, The Indian Journal of Public Administration, 17(3). Government of Gujarat. 2000. Socio-economic Review of Gujarat State 1999–2000. Gandhinagar: Government of Gujarat. ———. Human Development Vision 2010. Gandhinagar: Government of Gujarat. Joshi, Satyakam. 2002. ‘Panchayati Raj Leadership in Gujarat’, ISSI Quarterly, JulySeptember. ———. 1995. ‘Congress Debacle in Gujarat Panchayat Poll’, Mainstream, 33(44). ———. 2002. Panchayati Raj: Samajik Nayay Samiti onu Saskatikaran (in Gujarati). Surat: Centre for Social Studies. Jena, A.C. 1995. ‘Panchayati Raj and Development: Analysis of Structural Features of Gujarat, West Bengal, Karnataka and Kerala’, Vikalp, 4(2): 20–30. Khare, H. 1998. ‘An Unending Struggle for Gujarat’s Political Soul’, Seminar 470:17–23. Nambiar, M. 2001. ‘Making the Gram Sabha Work’, Economic and Political Weekly, 26(33). Sheth, P. 1995. Gujarat: Panchayati Raj Development and Decay. Paper presented at the Western Regional Workshop on Panchayats, Organised by Centre for Social Studies, Surat, at Ahmedabad. UNNATI, Organisation for Development Education. 2000. Status of Panchayati Raj Institutions in Gujarat-1995–2000, Ahmedabad.

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About the Editors and Contributors

EDITORS BS Baviskar was educated at Pilkhod, Chalisgaon, Satara, Pune and Delhi in India. He was formerly Professor of Sociology at the University of Delhi. Currently, he is Senior Fellow at the Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi. He has held visiting appointments at the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex; Institute of Social Studies, The Hague; McGill University, Montreal and the American University in Cairo. He was President of the Indian Sociological Society during 2000-2001. His major publications include The Politics of Development: Sugar Cooperatives in Rural Maharashtra, (1980); Who Shares? Co-operatives and Rural Development, co-edited with D.W. Attwood, (1988); Finding the Middle Path:The Political Economy of Co-operation in Rural India, co-authored with D.W. Attwood, (1995); Social Structure and Change, five volumes, co-edited with A.M. Shah and E.A. Ramaswamy, (1996–98) and Themes in Indian Sociology, seven volumes (2003–05) for which he is the Series Editor. Email: [email protected]; [email protected] George Mathew is Director, Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi. His areas of specialization are grassroots democracy, local government system, democratic decentralization, gender equity and human rights. He obtained his Ph.D. in Sociology from the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. He was a Visiting Fellow at the University of Chicago (1981–82) and Visiting Professor, University of Padova (1988). He was awarded Fulbright Fellowship in 1991 for working at the University of Chicago.

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His studies and articles on state and society appear in national dailies, journals and books. His major publications include (1) Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, (2) Panchayati Raj From Legislation to Movement and the following edited/co-edited works: (1) Shift in Indian Politics, (2) Dignity for All: Essays in Socialism and Democracy, (3) Panchayati Raj in Karnataka Today: Its National Dimensions, (4) Panchayati Raj in Jammu and Kashmir, (5) Status of Panchayati Raj in the States and Union Territories of India 2000 and (6) Grassroots Democracy in India and China:The Right to Participate. Email: [email protected]

CONTRIBUTORS Neerja Ahlawat is actively engaged in research and teaching at the Department of Sociology, Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak. Her areas of interest include gender studies and population studies. Following her doctorate on women’s movement and social networking, she coordinated a UNICEF study on active aging and national development. Recently, she coordinated an IDRC funded action aid international project on adverse sex ratio. She has published extensively on gender studies, domestic violence and population studies. She has authored a book entitled Social Networks and Women’s Organizations. Email: [email protected] SR Ahlawat is Professor of Sociology at Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak. He was associated as Visiting Professor on a UNICEF assignment with the University of Nairobi, Kenya. His areas of interest are peasant studies, development studies and social transformation. He has published extensively on rural development and agrarian social change with particular reference to the global economy. He is a member of Haryana state committee on agricultural labour. His books include Green Revolution and Agricultural Labour, Economic Reforms and Social Transformation (edited). Email: [email protected] BS Bhargava, M.A. (Pol.Sc. and History), D.PA. (Lucknow), Dip. Dev. Admn., M.P.A. (The Hague), was formerly Professor of Development Administration at the Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore, and is currently a Senior Fellow at the Institute of Social Sciences, Bangalore Centre. His areas of interest include development

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administration, new public management, decentralized governance (urban and rural) and comparative public administration. He has more than fifty books and 250 research papers and articles published in Indian and foreign professional journals. He has more than forty five years of teaching and research experience in various teaching and research organizations. He is the recipient of two coveted awards “Panchayat Ratna” and “Smt. Shakuntala Sundarlal Puraskar” for his outstanding contributions in the field of panchayati raj. Email: [email protected] N Vijaylakshmi Brara did her graduation in Sociology and her post graduation from Delhi University. Her Ph.D. in Sociology is from Jawarharlal Nehru University, Delhi. The revised version of her thesis was published by OUP, Delhi, in 1998, under the title, Politics, Society and Cosmology in India’s North East. She has since then concentrated her research area in the North-east region. She has worked for IGNCA, Delhi, Institute of Social Sciences, Delhi and National Commission for Women. She has published various articles on culture, local self-governments and gender in the North-east region in edited books and newspapers. Currently, she is working with NERCORMP and a project funded by IFAD, DoNER/NEC, Government of India as Gender and NGO Coordinator. She is in-charge of institution building and gender components in the six districts of the North-east region. Email: [email protected] Lalita Chandrashekhar did her Masters in Sociology from Delhi University and her Ph.D. in the same subject from Jawarharlal Nehru University, Delhi. She taught for two years at Venkateshwara College, Delhi University and for six years at Jesus and Mary College, Delhi University, before migrating to Bangalore where she works as a freelance social science researcher. She has done two projects on local government for the Institute of Social Sciences, the current project as well as a project on parallel bodies and panchayati raj. Email: [email protected] Vinod K Jairath obtained his B.Tech. in Aeronautical Engineering from Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur and then went on to do an M.A. in Sociology from Delhi University, and DPhil. in Social Anthropology from the University of Sussex, U.K. He taught Sociology at the Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur and at the Delhi School of Economics;

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and is presently at the Department of Sociology, University of Hyderabad. He has carried out and supervized research in the areas of agrarian social structure and change, sociology of development, scientific communities, popular culture and Muslim communities. He has produced, directed and scripted more than three dozen documentary films in the area of participatory development and policy reforms in agriculture. He has published papers in various national and international journals and is the co-author of a book titled Scientific Communities and Brain Drain: A Sociological Study (1995). Email: [email protected] Satyakam Joshi completed his Master of Social Work (M.S.W.) from Nirmala Niketan, University of Bombay. He then joined the Centre for Social Studies, Surat as a researcher and completed his Ph.d. in Sociology from South Gujarat University, Surat. Currently, he is an Associate Professor at the Centre for Social Studies, Surat. He has published several articles in peer reviewed journals on tribal development, tribal identity and culture, panchayati raj and rural development, forest policy and tribal land rights, and Gandhian organizations and rural development. He is joint author of the books on Gandhian NGOs and Social Change and Empowerment of Panchayati Raj Members of Social Justice Committee in Gujarat. Currently, he is working on Gandhian organizations and their role in peaceful coexistence in Gujarat, and evaluation of NREGS in Gujarat. Email: [email protected] Manasendu Kundu is working as a lecturer in the Department of Anthropology and in the Environmental Studies Programme of the University of California, Santa Barbara (UCSB), USA. He received his M.A and Ph.D degrees in Social Anthropology from the same university. He was a recipient of UCSB’s Regents’ Fellowship and Social Science Research Grant. His paper on India’s Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) was presented at the 50th Annual Conference of the Society for Applied Anthropology. Currently, he spends six to nine months in the USA for teaching. Rest of the year he stays in India where he works as a research consultant and a writer. He has written several critical essays on society, environment, education and politics in wellknown Bengali literary magazine Desh. In 2000, he was invited by the ‘Semester at Sea’ Programme under the supervision of the University of Pittsburgh to lecture on society and culture of India as an Interport Lecturer between Mombasa and Chennai. Email: [email protected]

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BB Mohanty obtained his Ph.D degree in Sociology from Sambalpur University in 1993. Taught in undergraduate colleges of Orissa for five years (1992–1997). He joined as a Lecturer in Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune in 1997 and subsequently was promoted as a Reader in 2002. Presently, he is working as a Professor in the Department of Sociology, Pondicherry University, Puducherry since 2006. He has published many research articles in journals of international and national repute. He visited USA, France, Canada and Sri Lanka on academic assignments. He has undertaken ten research projects on issues of policy relevance. He is currently working on socio-cultural constraints of poverty alleviation among tribals of Eastern India. Email: [email protected] RB Patil is M.A., Ph.D. in Sociology. He joined Shivaji University, Kolhapur as Lecturer in 1979 and is presently working as a Professor in the same university. He is also Convener of the Research Committee on Sociology and Environment of the Indian Sociological Society. Moreover, he is a Coordinator of the U.G.C. sponsored Special Assistance Programme. He has presented papers at the national and international seminars and conferences and published papers in journals and books. His areas of specialization are Industrial Sociology and Sociology of Environment. He is the co-editor of the following books: Problems and Prospects of Rural Development (1994), Sociology of Environment (1998), Development in India: Anxieties and Alternative Paradigms (2004), Environmental Movements in India (2005) and Development in India: Emerging Concerns (2007). Email: [email protected] Santosh Singh secured her double Masters in Sociology and Education from Lucknow University and Agra University respectively. She holds a Doctorate in Sociology from Rajasthan University. She was also awarded post-doctoral fellowship by ICSSR, New Delhi. After a stint of teaching in BDKM Post-Graduate College, Agra, she was given a prestigious assignment of imparting training in secretarial work to the budding trainees of a friendly country, under the aegis of Internal Security Academy, Mount Abu, Rajasthan. She has been associated with the Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi since 1996. Her major works include Passion for Flames, Learning Societies—Shifting Patterns, Combatant Women. She has authored many short stories and contributed a number of research articles to national journals, magazines and newspapers. Besides participating herself, she has organized a number of national

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and international conferences, workshops and seminars on topics such as gender issues, local self-governance, federalism and human rights. She is currently concentrating on gendered violence, panchayats and women. Email: [email protected] Shashi Bhushan Singh completed his M.A. and Ph.D. in Sociology at the University of Delhi. Currently he teaches at the Department of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics. His research interests deal with the issues related to ‘agrarian democracy’. He has published papers on various aspects related to these issues drawing empirical material from the states of Rajasthan and Bihar. Email: [email protected] Srinivas Sajja obtained his Master’s degree in Sociology from the University of Hyderabad where he pursued his M.Phil. in the area of participatory irrigation management and is currently completing his Ph.D. on democratic decentralization and participatory natural resources management for which he had done extensive field work in Mahabubnagar district of Andhra Pradesh. His areas of research interest are sociology of development with specific reference to participatory development, social capital and political sociology. Email: [email protected] K Subha is the Regional Co-ordinator (South) of the Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi. She did her postgraduation in Political Science at the Bangalore University and later obtained a doctorate in Development Administration from the Institute for Social Economic Change (ISEC), Bangalore, under University of Mysore. She has published research papers and articles in professional journals. Her major publications include Women in Local Governance and Karnataka Panchayat Elections 1995: Process, Issues and Membership Profile. She has written extensively on decentralized governance (rural and urban) including women’s political empowerment and gender-related issues. Her other areas of interest are development administration, grassroots developments, participatory planning and issues related to marginalized sections of society. Email: [email protected] TG Suresh is an Assistant Professor at the Centre for Political Studies (CPS), Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He teaches courses on Comparative Politics and his current research focuses on labour and global transformations. His writings include themes on contemporary Chinese

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nationalism, dissent movement in China and human development in South Asia. Before joining CPS in 2003 he had worked in the Institute of Chinese Studies, Delhi; Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam; Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit, Kalady and the Institute of Social Sciences, Delhi. He has been a visiting scholar at the Osmania University, Hyderabad and the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), Beijing. He was a Fulbright Winter Institute Scholar in 2004 and currently he is an ASIA Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, Sichuan University, Chengdu, China. Email: [email protected] L Thara Bhai is Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology at the Madurai Kamaraj University. She has more than thirty years of teaching and research experience. She received her Ph.D. from Kerala University and later worked as a post doctoral scholar at the Auburn University, Alabama. Her areas of research include womens’ studies and ageing. Her major publications include Women’s Studies in India (2000), Ageing: Current Issues (2002) and Social Reconstruction: Indian Experience (2006). Thara Bhai has actively participated in the programmes of several national and international academic and professional organizations. Email: [email protected]

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Index

Aaradhana Yojana, 191 Adivasis Vikasana Samiti, 209 Adivasi Swayam Sevak Sangh, 214 Akuthotapalle gram panchayat, Andhra Pradesh, 80, 86–87 caste and land ownership, 87 composition, 87 All Manipur Nupi Marup (All Manipur Women’s Association), 296 Alwadi gram panchayat, Maharashtra Bagul episode, 29–30 composition of, 27–28 SC woman sarpanch and working of, 28–30 Alwadi village, Maharashtra, 25–27 caste distribution of voters in, 26–27 Maratha’s dominance in, 26 Amangal mandal, Andhra Pradesh, 80, 84–90 Ambedkar Housing Scheme, 250 Ambedkar Scheme for the SCs and STs, 236 Andhra Pradesh Amangal mandal caste and land ownership, 84, 87 profile, 80, 84–85 villages, 86–90 gram panchayats, 80–81, 86–104 accommodation and resistance, 93–94

candidate selection and rotation, 97–99 caste relations and politics, 90–93, 101–04 challenges, 94–96 Cherikonda gram panchayat, 80, 88–89 elections, 81, 97–99 finances, 99–100 leadership, 96–97 Mangalpalle gram panchayat, 80, 89–90 Mahabubnagar district, 83–84 mandal parishad, 80, 100–02 panchayati raj in, 81–82, 102–03 Telangana region, 80, 82 Zilla parishad, 80, 101–02 Andhra Pradesh Gram Panchayati Raj Act, 1964, 81–82 Annapurna Scheme, 55, 59, 68 Antyodaya Anna Yojana, 9, 54, 56, 60, 65, 67–68 Ashraya Scheme, 236 Ashok Mehta Committee (1978), 171 Balamba gram panchayat, Haryana, 140–46, 166 caste-wise elected panchayat members, 142 development works undertaken, 145

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Balamba village, Haryana, 138–40 caste-wise distribution of voters in, 139 gram panchayat, 140–46, 166 Balvantrai Mehta Committee Report (1957), 81, 244, 409 Bhuria Committee Report, 11 Birai gram panchayat, Uttar Pradesh, 357–61 Bombay Village Panchayats Act, 1958, 315 caste-wise distribution of voters in Alwadi village, 26–27 in Balamba village, 139 in gram panchayats in Kendrapara district, 47–49 in Kharkara village, 147 in Madina village, 156–57 in Maharashtra villages, 21–22, 26–27, 30–31 in mandurne village, 21–22 in pilkhod village, 30–31 caste-wise elected members, Haryana gram panchayats (GPs), 142 Chchitapura-Motipura gram panchayat, Uttar Pradesh, 356–57 Cheelur gram panchayat, Karnataka, 187–92 Cherikonda gram panchayat, Andhra Pradesh, 80, 88–89 caste and land ownership, 89 composition, 88 Choryasi taluka panchayat, Gujarat, 414–17 Constitution of India article 40, 1 article 243, 2, 11, 195 Directive principles of State Policy in, 1–2 Eighth Schedule, 285 Eleventh Schedule, 287

73rd Amendment Act, 2–4, 11–13, 16, 19–20, 30, 38, 79–80, 82, 97, 100, 102, 108, 112, 123, 132–35, 169, 171, 195, 205, 218, 261, 286, 306–08, 312, 326, 332, 352, 366, 405, 409 empowerment of SCs and, 116–19 74th Amendment Act, 2–3, 13, 192, 276 Dalits, empowerment of, 29–30 Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (DSS), 250–51 Dashipur gram panchayat, Orissa beneficiaries of schemes implemented through, 67–68 caste-wise population, voters and landholding, 47–48 profile of, 47 socio-economic background of members, 61–62 working of, 60–67 democracy, dimensions of, 79–80 Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA) groups, 97, 100 Disabled Pension Scheme, 68 District Rural Development Agency, 72 Employment assurance scheme (EAS), 300 Farara gram panchayat, Rajasthan, 394–96 Food for Work Programme, 55, 73, 85, 110, 144 Gadmudshingi gram panchayat, Kolhapur district, 320–24, 349 composition, 321 elections, 323

Index excluded communities inclusion, 320–22 gram sabhas, 323 meetings, 323 on reservations, 323–24 socio-economic profile of members, 322 Gadmudshingi village, Kolhapur district, 317–24 caste-wise voters, 319 economy and cropping pattern, 319–20 political system in, 320–24 population and social structure, 318–19 gram panchayats (GPs), 19 in Andhra Pradesh, 80–81, 86–104 accommodation and resistance, 93–94 candidate selection and rotation, 97–99 caste relations and politics, 90–93, 101–04 challenges, 94–96 elections, 81, 97–99 finances, 99–100 leadership, 96–97 Mangalpalle gram panchayat, 80, 89–90 in Gujarat, 410–29 demography and amenities in, 417–18 Magadalla gram panchayat, 417, 422–24 Sania Hemad gram panchayat, 417, 424–29 Vesu gram panchayat, 417–22, 429 in Haryana caste-wise elected members, 142 development works undertaken, 145, 151, 158

443

Kharkara gram panchayat, 142, 148–54 Madina gram panchayat, 142, 156–54 in Karnataka, 169, 173–92, 232–58 animal husbandry, 236 demographic profile, 235 education and health facilities, 236 Godihalli gram panchayat, 235– 39, 245, 258 Gubbi gram panchayat, 235–36, 238, 242–45, 258 Harohalli gram panchayat, 179–83 Kannur gram panchayat, 235– 36, 238–42, 245, 258 land ownership of members, 248 members education, 256 members selection, 233, 245–46 party support, 233, 238, 244–45 power structure, 237–44 Sathanur gram panchayat, 183–87 SCs inclusion, 233, 246–53, 258 women inclusion, 254–57 in Kendrapara district, Orissa beneficiaries of schemes implemented through, 67–68 caste-wise population, voters and landholding, 47–49 Dasipur gram panchayat, 47–48, 60–68 elections, 45, 49 Marshaghai gram panchayat, 47–56, 67–68 profile of, 47 SCs and STs representation in, 46 Silipur gram panchayat, 47–48, 56–60, 67–68 socio-economic background of members, 51–53, 57–58, 61–62

444

Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance

working of, 47–67 in Kerala, 203–23 council and excluded communities, 205–09 Mananthavady gram panchayat, 203–09 panchayat leadership, 213–15 political parties and social service agencies, 211–15, 223 Thirunelli grama panchayat, 211–15 Vellamunda gram panchayat, 216–23 womens empowerment, 215 in Kolhapur district, Maharashtra, 316–49 composition, 316, 321, 327 elected members, 316 elections, 322, 329–30, 338 excluded communities inclusion, 320–22, 327, 335, 348 meetings, 323, 330–31, 338–39 on reservation, 323–24, 331–32, 339–40 Sangawade gram panchayat, 334–40, 348–49 socio-economic profile of members, 322, 328–29, 335–36 Vasagade gram panchayat, 327– 32, 348–49 women in, 322–23, 330, 336–38, 348 in Maharashtra, 23–40 Alwadi village, 27–30 empowerment process, 25, 29–30, 37–39 factors effecting empowerment process, 39–40 Mandurne village, 23–25 OBC man sarpanch, 32–35, 37–38

OBC woman sarpanch, 23–25 Pilkhod village, 32–38 SC woman sarpanch, 28–30 in Manipur, 286, 291, 293–94, 299–304 excluded communities inclusion, 306–11 general category pradhan, 304–06 Iroishemba gram panchayat, 291, 293–94, 299–304 socio-economic profile, 294 ST pradhan, 299–304 woman pradhan, 295–99, 309 Yurembam gram panchayat, 291, 293–94, 304 in Rajasthan, 388–402 caste composition, 388–96 excluded communities inclusion, 396–402 Farara gram panchayat, 394–96 nature of included communities, 397–402 Piparda gram panchayat, 391–94 Sundarcha gram panchayat, 388–91 village community, 396–97 in Tamil Nadu, 263–82 caste issue, 275–77, 279 caste structure and land use pattern, 265–66, 268–69 development works issue, 275–80 drinking water supply issue, 276, 278–79 gender issue, 275–78, 280–81 inter-caste relationships, 271–75, 281 land ownership pattern, 266 local government and rural people, 272–75 Nattamangalam gram panchayat, 265–68, 277–80

Index Pannian gram panchayat, 265– 66, 278 road development issue, 279–80 socio-economic profile, 270–71 Vikramangalam gram panchayat, 265–66, 268–69, 279 in Uttar Pradesh, 356–74 Birai gram panchayat, 357–61 BSP role, 367–69 castewise distribution of households, 356–58, 362 community wise panchayat members, 356–57 corruption, 370–71 emerging new and assertive rural people, 372–74 interaction pattern between communities, 365–66 intermingling of communities with political motives, 366–71 marginalised segments, 373–74 politics of exclusion, 365–66 sarpanch images, 358–63 symbols of dominance, 369–70, 374 Tehra gram panchayat, 361–63 in West Bengal, 113–26, 129–32 elected members, 108 Harinkhola I gram panchayat, 113–16 Harinkhola II gram panchayat, 114–16 Malaypur II gram panchayat, 113, 115–16 meetings and participation, 129–32, 134–35 profile of members, 114–16 SCs empowerment, 116–22 women’s empowerment, 122–26 gram sabhas, 5, 46, 54–55, 99–100, 103, 107–09, 130, 141, 143–45, 149–51, 153, 157–59, 162, 166,

445

177, 182, 187, 190–91, 193, 210– 11, 238, 244, 394, 420 in Gujarat, 416, 421–23, 427, 429 in Kolhapur district, Maharashtra, 323, 331–32, 337, 339–40, 349 in Manipur, 295, 306 in Rajasthan, 390, 393, 397, 400 in Tamil Nadu, 262, 274, 281 in Uttar Pradesh, 371 in West Bengal, 107–08, 113, 123, 130 gram sansad meetings and participation, 129– 32, 134–35 in West Bengal, 107–08, 114, 126, 128, 134 Gram Swaraj (village republics), 2 Gujarat State Act, 1993, 409 Gujarat Choryasi taluka panchayat, 414–17 gram panchayats, 410–29 demography and amenities in, 417–18 Magadalla gram panchayat, 417, 422–24 Sania Hemad gram panchayat, 417, 424–29 Vesu gram panchayat, 417–22, 429 gram sabha, 416, 421–23, 427, 429 panchayati raj institutions, 409–29 political mobilization in, 407–09 profile of, 405–06 social structure, 406–07 Surat zillapanchayat, 411–14 taluka panchayat, 410, 414–17, 429 zillapanchayat, 410–14, 429 Gujarat Panchayats Act, 1961, 409 Harohalli gram panchayat, Karnataka, 179–83

446

Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance

Haryana block panchayat samiti, 159–64 chief minister grants for development work, 162 gram panchayats Balamba gram panchayat, 140– 46, 166 caste-wise elected members, 142 Kharkara gram panchayat, 142, 148–54 Madina gram panchayat, 142, 154–56 panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) in, 137–67 Rohtak zilla parishad, 164–65 villages Balamba, 138–40 Kharkara, 146–48 Madina, 154–56 zilla parishad, 138, 164–65 Hoskote taluk, Karnataka, 234 Imphal Zilla Parishad, Manipur, 286 Indian village, Nehru’s views on, 1–2 Indira Awas(Abas/Avas) Yojana, 9, 29, 33, 54–55, 63, 66–68, 72–74, 175, 236, 298, 300, 361, 370 institutions of self-government, 2 Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS), 129, 131 Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP), 54–55, 63, 73 Janata Housing Scheme, 250 Janmabhoomi programme, 85, 99– 100, 102 Jawahar Gram Samruddhi Yojna ( JGSY), 185–86 Jawahar Rojgar Yojana ( JRY) scheme, 67–68, 70, 72, 300 Kanakapura taluk panchayat, Karnataka, 173–74, 176–79

Karnataka Bangalore rural district, 173–74, 234 democratic decentralization in, 227–58 dominant castes, 169 gram panchayats, 169, 173, 179–93, 232–58 animal husbandry, 236 Cheelur gram panchayat, 187–92 demographic profile, 235 education and health facilities, 236 Godihalli gram panchayat, 235– 39, 245, 258 Gubbi gram panchayat, 235–36, 238, 242–45, 258 Harohalli gram panchayat, 179–83 Kannur gram panchayat, 235– 36, 238–42, 245, 258 land ownership of members, 248 members education, 256 members selection, 233, 245–46 party support, 233, 238, 244–45 power structure, 237–44 Sathanur gram panchayat, 183–87 SCs inclusion, 233, 246–53, 258 women inclusion, 254–57 Kanakapura taluk, 173, 176–79 mandal panchayats, 171–72, 230, 237–38, 242 panchayati raj institutions, 169–95, 227–58 and electoral reservations, 171–73 taluka panchayats, 169, 171, 173, 229–31, 237, 245, 247, 251–55 zillapanchayats, 169, 171, 173–76, 229–30, 234, 247, 252, 254–55

Index Karnataka Panchayati Raj Act, 1993, 171, 174, 187, 189, 195, 247 Karnataka Zilla Parishads, Taluk Panchayat Samitis, Mandal Panchayats and Nyaya Panchayats Act, 1985, 171 Karvir Taluka Panchayat Samiti, 316, 340–43 composition and functioning, 340–41 elections and political parties, 343 profile of members, 341–43 Kendrapara district, Orissa atrocities on women in, 44 gram panchayats beneficiaries of schemes implemented through, 67–68 caste-wise population, voters and landholding, 47–49 elections, 45, 49 profile of, 47 SCs and STs representation in, 46 socio-economic background of members, 51–53, 57–58, 61–62 working of, 47–67 panchayat samiti in, 67–70 profile of, 44–45 zillaparishad in, 70–74 Kerala gram panchayats, 203–23 council and excluded communities, 205–09, 217–18 leadership, 213–15 Mananthavady gram panchayat, 203–09 Thirunelli grama panchayat, 211–15 Vellamunda gram panchayat, 216–23 womens empowerment, 215–17

447

panchayat raj institutions in, 197–224 political parties and social services agencies, 211–15 society and economy, 203–15 Wayanad, 202–03 women and local politics in, 199– 203, 215–17 Kerala Panchayat Raj Act, 1994, 198, 216, 222 Kharkara gram panchayat, 142, 148–54 caste-wise elected members, 142 development works undertaken, 151 Kharkara village, Haryana, 146–48 Kolhapur district, Maharashtra gram panchayats, 316–49 composition, 316, 321, 327 elected members, 316 elections, 322, 329–30, 338 excluded communities inclusion, 320–22, 327, 335, 348 meetings, 323, 330–31, 338–39 on reservation, 323–24, 331–32, 339–40 socio-economic profile of members, 322, 328–29, 335–36 women in, 322–23, 330, 336–38, 348 gram sabha, 323, 331–32, 337, 339–40, 349 panchayati raj institutions, 315–49 panchayat samiti, 315, 318, 332, 341–43 taluka panchayat, 315–16, 322, 340–43, 346 villages caste-wise voters, 318–19, 325, 333 economy, 319–20, 326, 334

448

Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance

Gadmudshingi village, 317–24 political system in, 320–24, 326–32, 334–48 population and social structure, 318–19, 324–25, 333 Sangawade village, 333–40 Vasagade village, 324–32 zillaparishads, 315–16, 318, 320, 332, 342–43 Kolhapur district,Vasagade gram panchayat, 327–32, 348–49 Kolhapur Zilla Parishad, 316, 344–48 composition and functioning, 344–45 elections and political parties, 348 profile of members, 345–48 Kudumbasree programme, Kerala, 199, 209, 215, 219–20, 223 Land Reform Act, 1951, 407 Local Boards Act 1884, Tamil Nadu, 261 Local Boards Act 1920, Tamil Nadu, 261 local government, in West Bengal, 107–32 Madina gram panchayat, 142, 154–56 block panchayat samiti, 159–64 caste-wise elected members, 142 chief minister grants for development works, 162 development works undertaken, 158 zillaparishad, 164–65 Maharashtra bhil in, 20–21 dominance of malis, 22–23 dominance of maratha caste, 20 empowering powerless through panchayati raj, 19–40 education and, 40

gender disabilities and, 39–40 poverty and, 40 social background and, 40 stages, 39 gram panchayats in, 23–40 Alwadi village, 27–30 empowerment process, 25, 29–30, 37–39 factors effecting empowerment process, 39–40 Mandurne village, 23–25 Pilkhod village, 32–38 panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) (see Kolhapur district, Maharashtra) Maharashtra Zilla Parishads Act, 1961, 315 Malaypur II gram panchayat, West Bengal, 113, 114–16 malis dominance, in Maharashtra, 22–23 mandal panchayats, Karnataka, 171– 72, 230, 237–38, 242 mandal parishad, in Andhra Pradesh, 80, 100–01 Mandurne gram panchayat, Maharashtra composition of, 23–25 elections, 22 OBC woman sarpanch and working of, 23–25 Mandurne village, Maharashtra caste distribution of voters in, 21–22 dominance of the malis in, 22–23 Mangalpalle gram panchayat, Andhra Pradesh, 80, 89–90 Manipur demographic composition, 291, 293 gram panchayats, 286, 291, 293–94, 299–304 demography, 293

Index excluded communities inclusion, 306–11 general category pradhan, 304–06 Iroishemba gram panchayat, 291, 293–94, 299–304 Phumlou gram panchayat, 291, 293–99 socio-economic profile, 294 ST pradhan, 299–304 woman pradhan, 295–99, 309 Yurembam gram panchayat, 291, 293–94, 304 gram sabha, 295, 306 history and culture, 284–85 Imphal Zilla Parishad, 286 panchayati raj institutions, 285–89 panchayat samitis, 286, 308 socio-economic profile, 290–91, 294 zillaparishads, 286–87, 301, 307–08 Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act, 1971, 287 Manipur Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, 285–86 Manipur State Panchayat Parishad, 287, 308 Manipur (Village Authorities in Hill Areas) Act, 1956, 287 maratha caste dominance, in Maharashtra, 20 Marshaghai gram panchayat, Orissa beneficiaries of schemes implemented through, 67–68 caste-wise population, voters and landholding, 47–49 profile of, 47 socio-economic background of members, 51–53 working of, 47–56 Marshaghai panchayat samiti, 67–70 Meira Paibis, Manipur, 288, 296, 308

449

Nattamangalam gram panchayat, Tamil Nadu, 265–68, 277–80 Neighbourhood Committees, Kerala, 209 North Eastern Areas (Reorganization) Act, 1971, 285 Nyay Panchayats, in Uttar Pradesh, 355 OBC man sarpanch, and working of gram panchayat, 32–35, 37–38 OBC woman sarpanch, and working of gram panchayat, 23–25 Old Age & Widow Pension Scheme, 68 Operation Barga, 109–10, 118 Orissa, see also Kendrapara district, Orissa higher caste dominance in politics of, 43–44 Orissa Gram Panchayat Act, 1964, 45 pallisabha, 46, 55–56, 60, 64–65 Panchayat Act of 1946, Tamil Nadu, 261 Panchayat (Extension to the Scheduled Area) Act, 1996 (PESA), 11 panchayati raj institutions (PRIs), 3, 19 in Andhra Pradesh, 81–82 and electoral reservations, 171–73 empowering powerless through, 19–40, 44–74 in Gujarat, 409–29 in Haryana, 137–67 in Karnataka, 169–95, 227–58 in Kerala, 197–224 in Kolhapur district, Maharashtra, 315–49 in Maharashtra, 19–40 (see also Kolhapur district, Maharashtra) in Manipur, 285–89 in Orissa, 44–74

450

Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance

and party raj in West Bengal, 126–29 in Rajasthan, 388–402 in Uttar Pradesh, 352–74 in West Bengal, 107–12, 132, 135 panchayats, see also gram panchayats (GPs) beneficiaries of schemes implemented through, 67–68 dominant caste influence, 9 SCs and, 8–11 STs and, 11–13 untouchability observed in, 9 women empowerment and, 13–16 panchayat samitis, 46 elected members, 108 in Haryana, 137–38, 159–64, 166 in Kendrapara district, Orissa, 67–70 in Kolhapur district, Maharashtra, 315, 318, 332, 341–43 in Manipur, 286, 308 in Rajasthan, 383, 387, 389, 393, 396, 400–01 in West Bengal, 107, 113–14, 119 Panchayat Samitis Act, 1961, 315 panchayat union council (PUC), Tamil Nadu, 262–63 Pannian gram panchayat, Tamil Nadu, 265–66, 278 Parikh Committee, 409 People’s Campaign for Decentralised Planning, Kerala, 197, 199, 209, 222–23 People’s Planning (Janakeeya Aasoothranam), Kerala, 199 Pilkhod gram panchayat, Maharashtra composition of, 35–37 OBC man sarpanch and working of, 32–35, 37–38 Pilkhod village, Maharashtra, 30–35 caste distribution of voters in, 30–31

marathas and malis relations, 30, 32–35 Piparda gram panchayat, Rajasthan, 391–94 P.R. Nayak Committee Report (1996), 171 Prevention of Atrocity Act, 1989, 419 Rajasthan ecology and physical structure, 379–80 economic system, 382–83 gram panchayats, 388–402 caste composition, 388–96 excluded communities inclusion, 396–402 Farara gram panchayat, 394–96 nature of included communities, 397–402 Piparda gram panchayat, 391–94 Sundarcha gram panchayat, 388–91 village community, 396–97 gram sabha, 390, 393, 397, 400 jagirdari system, 385 jajmani system, 379 panchayati raj institutions, 388–402 panchayat samitis, 383, 387, 389, 393, 396, 400–01 political structure, 383–85 social structure, 380–82, 388–96 other backward classes, 380–81, 388–89, 392, 395 SCs, 381 STs, 381–82, 389–96 upper castes, 380, 388, 391–92, 394–95 socio-economic development and political differentiation, 385–87 zillaparishads, 383

Index Rohtak zillaparishad, Haryana, 164–65 Sainyan block panchayat, Uttar Pradesh, 355–56 Sampoorna Grameen Rojgar Yojana, 247 Sangawade gram panchayat, Kolhapur district, 334–40, 348–49 composition, 335 elections, 338 excluded communities inclusion, 335 gram sabhas, 339 meetings, 338–39 on reservations, 339–40 socio-economic profile of members, 335–36 women in, 336–38 Sangawade village, Kolhapur district, 333–40 caste-wise voters, 333 economy, 334 political system in, 334–40 population and social structure, 333 Sathanur gram panchayat, Karnataka, 183–87 Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Development Corporation, 247, 250 Scheduled Castes Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989, 361 Scheduled Castes (SCs) and panchayats, 8–11 woman sarpanch and working of gram panchayat, 28–30 Scheduled Tribes (STs), and panchayats, 11–13 Sekmai-Lamshang Apunba Nupi Tengbang Lup (SekmaiLamshang United Women’s Support Group), 296

451

self-government institutions, 2 self help group (SHG), 187, 222 Silupur gram panchayat beneficiaries of schemes implemented through, 67–68 caste-wise population, voters and landholding, 47–49 profile of, 47 socio-economic background of members, 57–58 working of, 56–60 social justice, 2–3 Special Component Plan (SCP), Kerala, 199 Special Women Component Plan, Kerala, 199 States Reorganization Act, 1956, 285 Stree Shakti, 175 Sundarcha gram panchayat, Rajasthan, 388–91 Surat zillapanchayat, Gujarat, 411–14 Swachcha Grama Yojna, 175 Swaran Jayanthi Gramswarajkar Yojana (SGSY), 276 taluka panchayats in Gujarat, 410, 414–17, 429 in Karnataka, 169, 171, 173, 229– 31, 237, 245, 247, 251–55 in Kolhapur district, Maharashtra, 315–16, 322, 340–43, 346 taluka panchayat samitis (TPSs), 19 Tamil Nadu gram panchayats in, 263–82 caste issue, 275–77, 279 caste structure and land use pattern, 265–66, 268–69 development works issue, 275–80 drinking water supply issue, 276, 278–79 gender issue, 275–78, 280–81 inter-caste relationships, 271–75, 281

452

Inclusion and Exclusion in Local Governance

land ownership pattern, 266 local government and rural people, 272–75 Nattamangalam gram panchayat, 265–68, 277–80 Pannian gram panchayat, 265– 66, 278 road development issue, 279–80 socio-economic profile, 270–71 Vikramangalam gram panchayat, 265–66, 268–69, 279 gram sabha, 262, 274, 281 panchayati raj institutions, 261–82 Tamil Nadu Panchayat Act 1994, 261–63 Tehra gram panchayat, Uttar Pradesh, 361–63 Tribal Sub Plan (TSP), Kerala, 199, 215 U.P. Panchayati Raj Act, 1947, 286 Uttar Pradesh Agra district, 354–55 excluded communities, 353–54, 364–66 gram panchayats, 356–74 Birai gram panchayat, 357–61 BSP role, 367–69 castewise distribution of households, 356–58, 362 Chchitapura-Motipura gram panchayat, 356–57 community wise panchayat members, 356–57 corruption, 370–71 emerging new and assertive rural people, 372–74 exclusion for women, 364 interaction pattern between communities, 365–66 intermingling of communities with political motives, 366–71 marginalised segments, 373–74 politics of exclusion, 365–66

sarpanch images, 358–63 sense of haste and duality among members, 373 symbols of dominance, 369–70, 374 Tehra gram panchayat, 361–63 panchayati raj institutions, 352–74 Sainyan block panchayat, 355–56 Uttar Pradesh Panchayat Act, 1994, 352 Uttar Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1947, 352 Vana Samrakshana Samitis (VSS), 84, 93, 99 Vasagade gram panchayat, Kolhapur district composition, 327 elections, 329–30 excluded communities inclusion, 327 gram sabhas, 331 meetings, 330–31 on reservations, 331–32 socio-economic profile of members, 328 women in, 330 Vasagade village, Kolhapur district, 324–32 caste-wise voters, 325 economy, 326 political system in, 326–32 population and social structure, 324–25 Vikramangalam gram panchayat, Tamil Nadu, 265–66, 268–69, 279 village development Samiti (VDS), 143–44, 146, 151–52, 158–59, 162, 166 Village Panchayat Act XV1920, Tamil Nadu, 261 Village Panchayat and Zilla Parishad and Panchayat Samities Act of 1958, 315

Index Watershed Committees, 84, 86 Water Users Associations (WUAs), 84, 96, 99 Wayanad, economy and society, 202–03 Wayanad Powerloom Cooperative Society, 213 Wayanad Social Service, 212 West Bengal gram panchayats (GPs), 113–26, 129–32 elected members, 108 Harinkhola I gram panchayat, 113–16 Harinkhola II gram panchayat, 114–16 Malaypur II gram panchayat, 113, 115–16 meetings and participation, 129–32 profile of members, 114–16 SCs empowerment, 116–22 women’s empowerment, 122–26 gram sabha, 107–08, 113, 123, 130 gram sansad, 107–08, 114, 126, 128, 134 meetings and participation, 129–32, 134–35 local government in, 107–32 panchayat raj and party raj, 126–29 panchayat samiti, 107–08, 113–14, 119 panchayati raj institutions in, 107– 12, 132, 135 zillaparishad, 108, 114 women empowerment and panchayats, 13–16 empowerment in Kerala gram panchayats, 215–17 empowerment in West Bengal gram panchayats, 122–26

453

inclusion in Karnataka gram panchayats, 254–57 in Kolhapur district gram panchayats, 322–23, 330, 336–38, 348 and local politics in Kerala, 199– 203, 215–17 pradhan and Manipur gram panchayats, 295–99, 309 in Sangawade gram panchayat, Kolhapur district, 336–38 sarpanch in Maharashtra gram panchayats, 23–25, 28–30 in Vasagade gram panchayat, Kolhapur district, 330 zilla panchayats in Gujarat, 410–14, 429 in Karnataka, 169, 171, 173–76, 229–30, 234, 247, 252, 254–55 in Uttar Pradesh, 352 zillaparishads (ZPs), 19, 46, 137–38, 160, 164–65 elections, 20 in Haryana, 138, 164–65 in Kendrapara district, Orissa, 70–74 in Kolhapur district, Maharashtra, 315–16, 318, 320, 332, 342–43 in Mahabubnagar district, Andhra Pradesh, 80, 101–02 in Manipur, 286–87, 301, 307–08 in Rajasthan, 383 in Rohtak, Haryana, 164–65 in Uttar Pradesh, 352–55, 370, 373 in West Bengal, 108, 114 zilla parishad territorial constituencies (ZPTCs) member, 82–83, 85–87, 92–94, 100–01 Zilla Praja Parishads (ZPPs), 81