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II trovatore
THE WORKS OF
LE OPERE DI
GIUSEPPE VERDI SERIES I: OPERAS . SERlE I: OPERE TEATRALI VOLUME 18A
Editorial Board . Comitato di Redazione Philip Gossett General Editor . Direttore responsabile
Julian Budden Martin Chusid Francesco Degrada Gabriele Dotto Ursula Gunther Giorgio Pestelli Pierluigi Petrobelli Kathleen Kuzmick Hansell Managing Editor . Redattrice coordinatrice
This edition was made possible through the generosity of BRENA D. AND LEE A. FREEMAN and by grants from the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES
GIUSEPPE VERDI
IL TROVATORE Study Score from the Critical Edition
Edited by • A cura di David Lawton
The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London
RICORDI Milano
The Critical Commentary for this volume, in English and Italian, is available free of charge at VerdiEdition.org.
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London Casa Ricordi Srl Original edition © 1992 by The University of Chicago and CASA RICORDI s.r.l. Study score edition © 2016 by The University of Chicago and CASA RICORDI s.r.l All rights reserved. Published 2016. Printed in the United States of America 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 1 2 3 4 5 ISBN-13: 978-0-226-41972-5 (paper) (University of Chicago Press) ISBN-13: 978-88-8192-001-3 (paper) (Casa Ricordi Srl) ISBN-13: 978-0-226-41986-2 (e-book) (University of Chicago Press) The introduction to Il trovatore was translated from the English by Marta Tonegutti. L’introduzione a Il trovatore è stata tradotta dall’inglese da Marta Tonegutti.
This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992 (Permanence of Paper).
Indice
Contents
PREFACE
vii
PREFAZIONE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ix
RINGRAZIAMENTI
INTRODUCTION 1
The History
2
The Sources: General Observations
3
Problems in Editing and Performing Il trovatore
xxxv xxxvii
INTRODUZIONE xi
1
La storia
xxvi
2
Le fonti: osservazioni generali
3
Problemi redazionali
xxviii
e di esecuzione de If trovatore
xxxix liv
lvi
FACSIMILES
!xv
FACSIMILI
!xv
INSTRUMENTS OF THE ORCHESTRA
!xxi
ORGANICO
!xxi
CAST OF CHARACTERS
!xxi
PERSONAGGI
lxxi
INDEX OF NUMBERS
lxxiii
lNDICE DEI PEZZI
IL TROVATORE
!xxiii
Preface
The Works of Giuseppe Verdi (WGV), a joint publication of the University of Chicago Press and Casa Ricordi, is an edition of the music of Verdi both rigorously faithful to authentic sources and suitable for performance. It is divided into six series: I. II. III. IV. V. VI.
Operas Songs Sacred Music Cantatas and Hymns Chamber Music Juvenilia
Each volume begins with a three-part introduction: the historical background of the work or works; an overview of the sources; and special problems in editing and performing. A Critical Commentary, normally published in a separate volume, provides detailed treatment of the sources as well as critical notes giving alternative readings and explaining editorial decisions. Derivative piano-vocal reductions and orchestral and choral parts are available. When works exist in two distinct versions (I Lombardi/Jerusalem, Simon Boccanegra, etc.), each is published separately. Less extensive revisions are accommodated in appendixes. The main text reflects the definitive state of a work, not necessarily its final state. Should more of Verdi's musical sketches become available, they will be published in a separate series. The music is derived from a principal source, almost always the composer's autograph manuscript. Additions to it from other sources in Verdi's hand are placed in pointed brackets: < >. Other additions are differentiated typographically: I. In italics: dynamics (f, p, cresc., dim.); trills (tr); missing words or syllables in the vocal lines; tempo markings (Andante); the number of woodwind or brass instruments playing (Solo, [, a 2); metronome markings (J = 88), etc. 2. In broken lines: slurs or partial slurs; whole or partial crescendo and diminuendo signs. 3. In smaller symbols: pitches; staccati; accents; fermatas. (Symbols that replace other symbols, e.g., > for A or J ~ for d, are printed full size. The replaced symbol is given in a footnote.)
Additions that extend symbols present in the principal source are not bracketed. Those derived from secondary sources (a manuscript copy, the first edition of the piano-vocal score, performing materials) are placed in parentheses: ( ). The source of such additions is specified in the Commentary. When an entire class of additions, (e.g., metronome markings or indications of [ or a 2) is derived from a specific secondary source, it is named in the introduction to the score and not repeated each time in the Commentary. Finally, additions deemed essential by the editor but not found in the sources are placed in square brackets: [ ]. As an exception, stage directions derived from the principal source for the libretto (usually the first printed edition) are given in roman type and placed in parentheses. The appearance of the music is modernized in a number of ways: I. Current conventions for the order of instruments and voices are usually followed. The arrangement of the autograph is given in the Commentary. 2. Vocal lines employ only treble, tenorized treble, and bass clefs. The original clefs, together with the range of each part, are specified in the list of characters. 3. Verdi's use of accidentals is adapted to modem practice. Only when doubt exists about his meaning are bracketed accidentals introduced. 4. Verdi's abbreviations and signs of repetition are realized according to modern conventions, as are his instructions for one instrumental line to be read from another. Only when entire musical sections are involved
(e.g., "Dall'A al B") or where the notation is equivocal (e.g., when violas are instructed to play "col Basso") are these abbreviations listed in the Commentary. 5. When two or three woodwind or brass instruments are notated on a single staff, Verdi writes "Solo" to instruct the first instrument (Ob. I, Tr. I) to play alone. WGV preserves this notation. When the part continues to a new system, WGV adds a roman I. Verdi uses double stems to instruct both instruments to play the same part. WGV eliminates the second stem and adds, in roman type, "a 2." 6. Three trombones are frequently placed on a single staff. Verdi is insufficiently explicit as to how many instruments should play when only one or two notes are present. Whenever possible, WGV seeks contemporary evidence from performance materials, annotating the trombones "(I)," "(II, III)," etc. 7. When two parts written on a single staff play homorhytbmically, WGV uses a single articulation for both parts even if Verdi provides
two(e·g·'r~· r~)·
8. Abbreviations are spelled out without comment ("AU.o" = "Allegro"). 9. Minor elements are normalized without note: whole rests added, signs of triplets or sextuplets ("3," "6") standardized, short slurs from a grace note to a principal note provided. A single missing staccato in the midst of a group of staccati is added without typographical differentiation, etc. There are, on the other hand, certain aspects of Verdi's notation that have not been modernized: I. Transposing instruments follow the principal source. 2. The notation of percussion instruments is left unchanged, as are the terms Verdi uses to designate them. Particular problems affecting the timpani and cassa/gran cassa parts are discussed in the introduction to the score. 3. Verdi's original instrumentation is given in WGV. When unusual or obsolete instruments (e.g., cimbasso) are involved, the introduction to the score makes suggestions for modem performance. 4. Verdi's manner of beaming notes together is preserved whenever it can be musically justified. 5. WGV follows Verdi's notation of a reduced score for the Banda sui palco. A possible interpretation is provided with the performing materials. The principal musical source is generally also considered to be the principal source for the literary text of an opera. A complete collation is made with principal sources for the libretto. Verdi's text is usually favored over the reading of the libretto. Verdi's incomplete punctuation is supplemented from sources for the libretto. Manipulations of the punctuation are noted in the Commentary only when they are significant. Normally Verdi's spelling is preserved when it reflects a historically correct alternative to the libretto or to modem practice. The syllabic division of words, on the other hand, is modernized. Punctuation is omitted at the dose of stage directions. Many elements of a Verdi autograph can be equivocal: I. Accents (» and diminuendi ( = = - ) cannot always be distinguished. WGV seeks a musically convincing interpretation of the principal source; uncertain passages are mentioned in the Commentary. 2. There are occasions in which Verdi's slurs are ambiguous to the point of incomprehensibility, especially when a general legato is intended. WGV offers an interpretation. From the score, footnotes, and Commentary, it is possible to reconstruct the original notation. 3. Some performance markings (crescendi, dynamics, etc.) cannot be assigned unequivocally to one staff or another in the context of an
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PREFACE
orchestral tutti. WGV nonetheless prints them as if they were associated with a single part.
are noted; the most significant ones in footnotes, others only in the Commentary.
Solo vocal lines for the most part follow precisely the principal source. Singers will find in the critical edition all the evidence they need to develop a personal interpretation of a role. Serious inconsistencies in orchestral and choral parts or in larger ensembles, on the other hand, are not allowed to stand. WGV seeks musically acceptable readings as close as possible to the principal source. All deviations from that source
A complete set of editorial norms is available from the University of Chicago Press. Departures from these norms necessitated by unusual situations in the sources or in the musical context are discussed in the Commentary. Philip Gossett General Editor
Acknowledgments
Many individuals and institutions have assisted me in the preparation of this critical edition, and it is a pleasure to thank them all here. The edition was made possible by a generous gift from Brena D. and Lee A. Freeman, and by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities. * Research grants from the University of Chicago Press, Casa Ricordi, and the State University of New York at Stony Brook provided welcome additional support for work on the edition. In 1977 Casa Ricordi asked me for a critical revision of II trovatore for a production planned for the opening of the bicentennial season of the Teatro alia Scala in Milan, 1978. In the course of my work on this revision I received invaluable assistance and many courtesies from Luciana Pestalozza, Fausto Broussard, and the late Luciano Petazzoni in the editorial department, Carlo Clausetti at the Archivio Storico, and Mimma Guastoni and Teresita Beretta at the downtown offices of the Casa Ricordi in Milan. Following the first performance of the new edition, Francesco Degrada made numerous helpful suggestions for further revisions, many of them in response to questions that had arisen during the rehearsals for the Scala production. Two years later Casa Ricordi proposed an "integrated" version of II trovatore that would include the revisions that Verdi made for the French version of the opera in 1857. For making all of the sources of Le Trouvere available to me and answering many questions I am grateful to Fran
2. See Verdi's letters to Flauto of 2 August, 31 August, 21 September, 17 October, 20 October, 7 November, 16 November, and 2 December 1846 in I copialettere di Giuseppe Verdi, edited by Gaetano Cesari and Alessandro Lurio (Milan, 1913): letters XXVill, XXX-XXXN, XXXVII, and XXXIX, pp. 23-32. 3. Copialettere LVIII, pp. 49-50. 4. Copialettere LIX, pp. 50-51. 5. Copialettere LX, p. 52.
6. Julian Budden, The Operas of Verdi, 3 vols. (New York 1:419.
&
London, 1973-81),
Three weeks later, on 14 October, Flauto wrote again, asking Verdi to consider preparing yet another new opera for Naples, in addition to the one already promised. 8 Four years and as many operas later, this suggestion would result in II trovatore. For the time being Verdi did not respond to Flauto's suggestion, but continued trying to postpone the existing contract with Naples because of his other obligations. Finally, on 14 February 1849, while again proposing to defer the first Neapolitan opera for another year, Verdi also committed himself to write a second one" On 8 March Flauto replied: Regarding the idea of moving your opera to the following year, I must tell you that the suggestion reached me too late. I have concluded an agreement with the government, the gist of which is that I am obliged to give your production next year. W Thus, Verdi and Cammarano began work on the first opera for Naples. The subject was to have been L' assedio di Firenze, but on 14 April the librettist informed the composer that the Neapolitan censors would not allow it, and suggested Schiller's Amore e Raggiro (Kabale und Liebe) instead." Verdi agreed to the change, and the new work became known as Luisa Miller. Flauto continued to press for a second opera, however, and on 7 September Verdi finally capittiIated, suggesting that Cammarano look at Victor Hugo's Le roi s' amuse as a possible source for a libretto. 12 After the premiere of Luisa Miller on 8 December, Cammarano had other obligations and was unable to settle immediately on a subject for the second opera. To Cesare de Sanctis, the librettist's (and later his own) intimate friend in Naples, Verdi wrote on 28 December: I am delighted that Cammarano has finished Virginia [a libretto for Saverio Mercadantel, because now he can begin the work we must do together. I do hope that he will write me something worthy of himself and of the subject we are treating; let it make good sense, a rare quality in the theater, but one worth being attempted by conscientious artists such as Cammarano and myself."
Nevertheless, by the end of January 1850 Verdi had dissolved the contract to write a second opera for Naples. He was, he lamented to his publisher Ricordi, "disgusted by the unworthy conduct on the part of the Management and the Administration," and therefore offered the projected work to his publisher, assuring him that "the subject having already been decided upon with Cammarano, I will be composing it just the same, and it will be finished, I hope, in four or five months." 14 Ricordi agreed to Verdi's terms on 19 March. " In truth, the two artists had not yet decided upon the subject. Cammarano wrote Verdi on 3 March that he had reread Le rai s' amuse but feared the reactions of the censors. In a letter of 28 February that must have crossed with Cammarano's, the composer had already suggested
I.
7. Copialettere LXIV, p. 55. 8. Copialettere LXV, pp. 56-57. 9. See the composer's summary of this letter in Copialettere LXXII, p. 69. 10. Copialettere, pp. 69-70n. II. Copialettere LXXIII, p. 71 12. Verdi to Flauto (Copialettere LXXXVIII, pp. 84-85). 13. Alessandro Luzio, Carteggi verdiani, 4 vols. (Rome, 1935-47), 1: 3-4. 14. Verdi to Giovanni Ricordi, 31 January 1850 (Copialettere XCI, p. 94). 15. Tito Ricordi to Verdi (Copialettere XCVI, p. 98). 16. Cited in Gustavo Marchesi, "Gli anni del Rigoletto," in Verdi: Bollettino dell'Istit.to di Studi Verdiani 8 (1970- 73): 858.
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INTRODUCTION
an alternative, Re Lear, and enclosed a detailed outline for a libretto." But in the end, for reasons that are not clear from the surviving correspondence, Cammarano backed out of his committment to write the libretto for the opera Verdi had promised to Ricordi. 18 Since the contract with Ricordi obliged Verdi to have the work produced by November 1850, the composer was under serious pressure. Moreover, he had received an offer from the Teatro La Fenice in Venice for yet another opera, to be produced during Carnival and Lent 1850-51. Eager to accept, Verdi signed the contract with La Fenice on 28 April.'" Since Cammarano was unavailable, the composer turned to Francesco Maria Piave for both new librettos. Stiffelio, chosen as the subject for the opera for Ricordi, was produced in Trieste on 16 November, while Rigoletto, the work for Venice, had its premiere on II March 1851 at La Fenice. With the production of Stiffelio Verdi had fulfilled the terms of his contract with Ricordi. Although Cammarano had been unable to provide that libretto, Verdi still wished to set another book by him. During the composition of Stiffelio and Rigoletto he had put aside the plan for Re Lear, and on 17 June 1850 had also turned down an invitation from Giulio Carcano, a Milanese friend and translator of English drama, to set a libretto based on another Shakespearean tragedy, Hamlet: "For now, I have also had to renounce Re Lear, and have commissioned Cammarano to arr;mge the drama at a more convenient time." 20 Verdi probably reopened negotiations with Cammarano early in December 1850, and on the nineteenth the librettist wrote him: "I have thought from time to time about Re Lear, yet speaking conscientiously and keeping in mind the constraints of time, another subject would suit me better, as you propose."" In his reply of 2 January 1851, Verdi suggested for the first time Antonio Garcia Gutierrez' play EI trovador as a possible subject: The subject I should like, and which I propose, is El trovador, a Spanish drama by Gutierrez. It seems to me very beautiful, imaginative, and full of strong situations. I should like to have two female roles: the principal one is the gypsy, an unusual character after whom I will name the opera. Of the other I will make a subsidiary part. So to work, little man, and make haste. It should not be difficult to find the Spanish drama. 22 The genesis of the libretto of II trovatore, which begins with this letter, is discussed below by Carlo.Matteo Mossa. 2 ' In the remainder of this section, we trace the events that led to the production of the opera in Rome. Once he had settled on the subject for his new opera, Verdi immediately began looking for a theater in which to produce it. While staging Macbeth in Bologna in September 1850, he had made a verbal committrnent to compose a work for the impresario, Alessandro Lanari. Now, on 18 March 1851, Verdi formally offered Lanari an opera to be performed at Bologna during the Autumn of 1851: "The libretto will be at my expense and, I hope, by Cammarano." 24 Because Lanari and Verdi were unable to come to terms about ownership of the score, however, negotiations soon fell through." During the same month the composer also refused another offer from the Teatro San Carlo in Naples. 2• 17. Copialettere, pp. 478-82. 18. Verdi to De Sanctis, 16 April 1850 (Carteggi verdiani, 1:4). 19. Copialettere Cll, p. 103. 20. Copialettere, pp. 482-83. 21. Cited in Marchesi, "Gli anni del Rigoletto," 860. 22. The letter is printed in Gino Monaldi, Verdi, 1839-1898, 2nd ed. (Turin, 1926), pp. 118-19, where its date is wrongly given as 1850. See David R.B. Kimbell, Verdi in the Age of Italian Romanticism (Cambridge, 1981), p. 282, from which this translation is in part adapted. 23. Francis Toye (followed by other writers) incorrectly states that Verdi had "indicated Gutierrez's drama E1 trovador to Piave before the composition of Rigoletto." See his Giuseppe Verdi: His Life and Works (New York, 1959), p. 76. The source of his misunderstanding appears to be a footnote on p. 124 of I copialettere: "The Spanish play from which the libretto of II trovatore was drawn had been pointed out to Piave by Verdi as far back as April 1850 (see Letter CI), even before the maestro had decided on Le roi s'amuse (Rigoletto)." Cesari and Luzio, editors of I copialettere, based this assumption on a phrase in Verdi's letter of 18 April 1850 to his friend Guglielmo Brenna at the Teatro La Fenice: "[ ... 1to gain time tell Piave that, should he not have found the Spanish play I indicated, I propose Kean. one of Dumas' best plays." (Copialettere CI, p. 103). But it is clear from Verdi's letters to Piave of 16 March and 28 April 1850 that the "dramma spagnuolo" referred to is not Garcia Gutierrez' El trovador, but rather Guzman el Bueno by Antonio Gil y zarate. See Franco Abbiati, Giuseppe Verdi, 4 vols. (Milan, 1959), 2:58-59. 24. Copialettere CXV, pp. 116-17. 25. See Lanari's reply of 21 March (Copialettere CXVI, pp. 117-18). 26. See his letters to De Sanctis, 29 March 1851 (Carteggi verdiani. I :4-5), and Cammarano, 4 April 1851 (Abbiati, 2: 122-23).
The summer of 1851 was filled with personal hardships for Verdi: difficulties with his father, the death of his mother, estrangement from many old acquaintances in Busseto over his relationship with Giuseppina Strepponi, and debts from the purchase of the property at S. Agata. Then, in September, Verdi notified his friend Antonio Gallo, a violinistturned-impresario in Venice, that he could not consider writing for the Teatro La Fenice. The composer used the unfinished libretto of II trovatore as his excuse: Even before you spoke of La Fenice, indeed since last year, I had commissioned Cammarano to do a libretto. Now even though this libretto is nearing completion, it is not entirely finished, and I have firmly decided not to sign any contract without first presenting the libretto to the censors of the city in which I would have the opera produced-this in order to avoid the immense troubles I went through for Stiffelio and Rigoletto. I note also that for the subject I am setting (to which I am greatly attached) the cast [at La Fenice], although excelleot, would be unsuitable. Above alII need an uncommon tenor, and thus far you don't even have a common one. 27
Verdi had anticipated the vocal requirements of the cast for II trovatore well before the libretto was finished, and before having composed any of the music. But there were other reasons for the composer's reluctance to promise Il trovatore to the Teatro La Fenice. As his letter to Cammarano of 9 September reveals, he was also considering the Teatro Apollo of Rome, which was offering a more suitable cast (including Teresa de Giuli, Gaetano Fraschini, and Filippo Colini), whereas Venice had contracted Erminia Frezzolini and Filippo Coletti. Yet Rome lacked a singer for the role he considered central: Azucena. So important was the part of the gypsy in Verdi's concept of the drama that he was willing to reopen negotiations with Naples if Rita Gabussi were available at San Carlo.28 When he learned from Cammarano's next letter, of 23 September,'" that neither she nor even the librettist were contracted for Naples, that Gabussi already had engagements elsewhere, and that her acquiescence would depend on Verdi's sending a letter of intent, the composer demurred: Since Gabussi will not be at Naples, it is all the same to me whether I write for one theater or another [ . . . ]. Tell Signora Gabussi quite frankly, therefore, that she should follow her own interests wherever and however it suits her. 30
He mentioned, furthermore, that negotiations with Rome had nearly broken off. Cammarano had appended a postscript to his last letter, communicating a request from the Administration of the Royal Theaters of Naples that he approach Verdi about writing a new opera for the Teatro San Carlo during the 1852-53 season. To this request Verdi replied, in the same irritated tone, that it was not his practice to make commitments so far in advance, though at the beginning of 1852 he might be willing to negotiate. He ended his letter with the familiar exhortation that Cammarano finish the libretto for II trovatore as soon as possible. Notwithstanding Verdi's pessimism about arranging for a Roman production, the possibility remained alive, as we learn from Cammarano's letter of 4 November. Vincenzo Jacovacci, the theater's impresario, had asked Cammarano to send him the libretto of II trovatore, or at least a scenario, adding that Verdi himself had authorized it in a letter of 15 October. But Cammarano was loath to proceed without the composer's assurance and, in any case, fearful of the reaction of the Roman censors: As for having abandoned negotiations with Venice for those with Rome, permit me to suggest that (as far as the subject [of the opera] is concerned) you acted unwisely; Venice would have approved fully that which Rome will do only with exceptions. One could send the scenario instead of the unfinished libretto, and not give up the fight-provided there were a suitable cast proposed. But instead of concerning ourselves in vain about what has already happened, let us see what can usefully be done. My advice (but do as you like) is to send Jacovacci my scenario as it is, so that he can present it to the censors, but strongly urge him that if difficulties arise (and you must expect them) concerning the scene in which Leonora would like to take the veil, he needs to be skillful enough 27. 28. 29. 30.
Copialettere CXXI, p. 124. Copialettere CXXII, p. 125. Copialettere CXXIll, pp. 125-27. Letter to Canomarano of I October (Copialettere CXXIV, pp. 127-28).
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to propose a change in that situation. It seems to me that the rest should not encounter difficulties. I cannot urge you enough, however, to be extremely cautious in this matter, for if by misfortune the rumor began to circulate that II trovatore was prohibited in Rome, then what would you do with this poor work of mine, which is costing me so much time and effort? Let's bear it in mind,)l Cammarano's next letter to Verdi, the last surviving one, is dated 25 November. It included a letter from Jacovacci of 18 November detailing the responses of the censors to the scenario. During the same period Verdi wrote Mauro Corticelli, a friend and theatrical agent at Bologna: "[ ... 1I have broken off negotiations with Rome, and that will be the fifth contract I have refused for this Carnival season, but the circumstances are such as to make it impossible for a good Christian to compose conscientiously. " 32 In view of Verdi's pressing need for money at this time, we might ask why he turned down so many offers. For one thing, the libretto of Il trovatore was far from complete (see Mossa's chronology, below), so that Verdi may not have wished to begin composing. Moreover, a substantial loan from Ricordi at the end of October alleviated his pressing financial difficulties. 33 After the distressing events of the summer, Verdi may simply have wanted a respite. In fact, he and Giuseppina left for Paris on 10 December 1851, where they remained until 7 March 1852. 34 From Paris Verdi reopened negotiations for the production of Il trovatore. On 20 February he wrote to De Sanctis, first expressing his regrets that Cammarano was ill, then complaining that the delay in the completion of the libretto had forced him to cancel several contracts and renounce the possibility of giving Il trovatore in Paris with an excellent cast. He now declared himself willing to reconsider Naples, provided there were "two women and an excellent tenor, as required for those parts," and outlined his terms for a contract. 3S On 7 March, the day of his departure from Paris, Verdi wrote De Sanctis again, asking for an early decision on the contract with San Carlo. Yet two months later, the matter remained undecided, while requests for new works continued to deluge him. Therefore, he cautioned De Sanctis, if San Carlo were serious, they had best send him a contract by 25 or 26 May. These were his terms: Subject: II trovatore. The company should include De Giuli, Mirate, Ferri, and another woman, such as Gabussi, for example, for the role of Azucena. The others can be chosen from the regular company. I would mount the opera's premiere between 20 and 30 November 1852. I would be in Naples by the end of October. 36 Carefully specifying his conditions regarding ownership of the score and libretto, his fee, and the method of payment, Verdi closed with an inquiry about Cammarano's health, adding: "Urge him to send me the rest of the libretto as soon as possible, and tell him that once this one is finished, if he wants to write another for me I will be delighted." Yet this last attempt to negotiate a contract with Naples for II trovatore failed, as had all the others during the previous four years. By writing to De Sanctis on 24 May that he would need the finished libretto by the end of June in case he had to submit it to any censors, Verdi showed his hand 37 : he was reopening the negotiations with Rome that would prove conclusive. A letter to Jacovacci spelled out his conditions: I will come to Rome to write an opera for the next Carnival season, to be staged about 15 January 1853, under the following conditions: 1) if I have satisfactory reports on the qualities of [Rosina) Penco; 2) if you find another dramatic prima donna to play the role of a gypsy in the drama I have planned to set; 3) if the Censors approve Cammarano's libretto, II trovatore. The property of the libretto and the score will remain entirely my own. You will have only the right to produce it at the Apollo during the single Carnival season of 1852-53. I will be in Rome on 20 December 1852 to take part in all rehearsals for this opera. 38
Ever apprehensive about the cast, Verdi reiterated the need for a special type of singer for Azucena, while seeking out candid evaluations of the soprano already on the roster of the Teatro Apollo. In letters to De Sanctis (probably June) and Cammarano (3 July) he asked for "precise and sincere opinions about Penco. " 3. On 19 July Verdi wrote his last letter to Cammarano, acknowledging receipt of the rest of II trovatore and proposing that they collaborate next on Re Lear; but Cammarano never saw the letter, for he had died on 17 July. By 5 August the composer could write to De Sanctis: "If the censors will permit it, II trovatore will be done in Rome." 40 Having learned that the Teatro Apollo had engaged the contralto Emilia Goggi as the prospective Azucena, Verdi had asked his friend, the composer Prince J6zef Poniatowski for information; on 24 August he requested more precise details: Thank you for having given me information about the talent and voice of Signora Goggi. I see there are some difficulties, but that does not frighten me. With talent and good will one can succeed. The role I intend for her is strange, original: difficult, indeed impossible for someone without talent, but simple for someone who understands. And since you have been so kind as to write to me a first time, 1 hope you will not mind writing a second, sending me a musical scale through the range of her voice, annotating each note, good bad, weak strong, etc . . . . If that disturbs you, Signora Goggi can do it herself without any fear of confessing her sins: it will be under the seal of the confessional, and will be of great assistance both to her and to me. 41 The matter of Verdi's own contract with the theater apparently remained unresolved for months to come. As late as 10 October he concluded a long letter to Ricordi with the assurance that, even were II trovatore not given in Rome, he would honor his contractual agreement with the publisher for the first opera he would write in Italy after the one commissioned for Venice. 42 In the meantime, the composer received more reports about the proposed Roman cast. De Sanctis wrote on 23 October: I am sorry to hear that [Carlo) Boucarde is still ill. Let us hope that in Rome he will have fully recovered his capacities. Under your direction Penco will be able to satisfy you: she has some defects, but many virtues. I feel that she is wrong to sing always in the high register. She is not a perfect soprano. I will tell you that she is very lovely; be careful, Maestro! I must inform you, however, that she is a devil! She will surely hit the other prima donna ... They tell me that Goggi is an old artist, but you will rejuvenate her with the magic of your music. I hear favorable reports about the baritone."
At last, in November, Verdi signed the contract with the Teatro Apollo, though not without further admonitions to J acovacci: Here is the contract [ . . . ). I warn you that for the role of Ferrando we need a somewhat baritonal bass. He certainly does not have to be a primo assoluto, but neither can he be one of the usual secondary parts. Think about this in time, because I am very attached to the Introduzione, which depends entirely upon this Ferrando. For this same Introduzione I need a large bell that can strike the hour of midnight." The composer did not return the contract for II trovatore to his publisher until 20 December 1852, after he had completed the opera. The Genesis of the Libretto by Carlo Matteo Mossa'5
1. The Sources The existence of a great number of autograph sources allows us to reconstruct in detail the genesis of the libretto for Il trovatore. These 39. Verdi to Cammarano in Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano; see also Verdi to De Sanctis
in Carteggi verdiani, 1: 8. 31. Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano 1843-1852. edited by Carlo Matteo Mossa (to be published by the Istituto Nazionale di Studi Verdiani, Panna). 32. Letter of 25 November 1851 (Ferrara. Biblioteca Comunale Ariostea). 33. See the letters from Giuseppina to Verdi. 26 October. and from Verdi to Ricordi. 1 November (Abbiati. 2: 145-46). 34. See Abbiati, 2: 148 and 156. 35. Carteggi verdiani, 1 :5. 36. Letter of 3 May (Carteggi verdiani, 1 :6-7). See also the draft of the letter (Copialetlere CXXXIX. pp. 147-48), with a slightly different wording. 37. Carteggi verdiani, 1 :7-8. 38. Abbiati, 2: 167, where only the month of the letter (June) is given.
40. Carteggi verdiani. 1: 9. 41. Modena, Biblioteca Estense; ttanslation after Kimbell, p. 289. 42. Copialettere CXL. pp. 149-50. Although the edition dates tltis draft as 10 September, the autograph of the letter actually sent (Milan, archives of the Casa Ricardi) is dated 10 October. 43. Carteggi verdiani. 1: 13. 44. Abbiati, 2: 177. The date has to be inferred from the context, for Abbiati does not provide one. 45. This chapter is derived from a longer study by Doctor Mossa, to be published in Stud; verdiani 8. The editors of The Works of Giuseppe Verdi wish to thank him for allowing a substantial part of his essay to be included in this introduction.
xiv
INTRODUCTION
documents are of three kinds: letters, pleliminary material, and manuscript librettos. a) Letters
Between the first half of December 1850 and 19 July 1852 (two days after the death of Cammarano), Verdi and Cammarano exchanged at least thirty-six letters related to II trovatore, of which fourteen are missing. 46 In some cases Cammarano included sections of the libretto with a letter; in others he sent the verses together with a short note or even without comment. b) Preliminary material
Parte prima, without Leonora's Cavatina [i.e., NN. 1 and 3 alone], in Cammarano's hand; Parte secontia, the first two scenes [i.e., NN. 4-6], in Bardare's hand; Parte seconda, the final three scenes [i.e., N. 7, without the cantabile for the Conte, and N. 8, in the long version], in Cammarano's hand, but crossed out; Parte terza, complete [NN. 9-11), in Bardare's hand; Parte quarta, the first two scenes [NN. 12 and 13], in Cammarano's hand; Parte quarta, the remainder [N. 14], in Bardare's hand, with corrections by Cammarano.
ISA:
TRANSLATION
THE FAIR COPY, USED BY VERDI
From Verdi's letter of 16 March 1851, lamenting Cammarano's silence about the choice of a subject for their opera'" we learn that Verdi had sent his librettist a manuscript translation of the Spanish play between February and early March 1851. Probably with the aid of the ItalianSpanish dictionary requested from Ricordi the preceding 6 December 1850, the translation had been prepared (or at least transcribed) by Giuseppina Strepponi. 48 Although this manuscript has not survived, fragments can probably be traced in Cammarano's letter of 26 April 1851 (see below).
The libretto Cammarano sent to Verdi in installments, and used by the composer during the composition of II trovatore, is preserved at S. Agata. The original pages are largely in Cammarano's hand, but they also include sections in Bardare's hand. In addition, ISA also contains revisions prepared by Bardare and sent to Verdi after Cammarano's death. A complete description of this manuscript, used by WGV as the primary literary source for the libretto, is provided in the first section, Sources, of the Critical Commentary.
PARTIAL PROSE SUMMARY
The collection at S. Agata also includes a manuscript libretto with corrections by the Roman censors. 54 In the hand of neither Cammarano nor Bardare nor Verdi, the libretto may be dated between July and September 1852.
Cammarano's prose summary of the last three scenes of the Spanish play is preserved in the Biblioteca Nazionale of Naples. 4•
MANUSCRIPT COPY CORRECTED BY THE CENSORS
"FIRST SUGGESTIONS FOR A SCENARIO"
On 27 March 1851, Cammarano sent Verdi a letter in which he must have discussed in some detail various aspects of the scenario on which he was then working. 50 Although this letter is no longer among the composer's papers at S. Agata, it is clear from the ensuing correspondence that its proposals did not coincide entirely with those of the definitive scenario. SCENARIO
Cammarano's complete autograph scenario for II trovatore, sent to Verdi early in April 1851 and preserved at S. Agata, has been studied and published by John Black. " FRAGMENTS OF INDIVIDUAL SCENES
Drafts for the versification of individual scenes, all in Cammarano's hand, have survived for the Introduzione [N. 1], the third-act Terzetto [N. 10], and the fourth-act Duetto for Leonora and the Count [N. 13]." c) Manuscript librettos
Four manuscript librettos of II trovatore have been preserved, documenting various stages in the history of the work. WORKING DRAFT
This working draft is in the hands of Cammarano and Bardare." By comparing it with the "fair copy" at S. Agata (ISA), we can date various phases in the preparation and mailing of the libretto. The working draft consists of: 46. For complete bibliographical details concerning these lette"', see Carteggio VerdiCammarano. 47. Cited in Nel primo centenario di Giuseppe Verdi. Numero unico illustrato (Milan, 1913), p. 11. 48. See Budden. 2:59. Verdi later mentioned the "translation of Trovatore which I also sent to Cammarano" in a letter to De Sanctis of 5 November 1852 (Caneggi verdiani,I:14). 49. Sezione Lucchesi-Palli. Ms. B. XII. carta 29. 50. Cammarano refers to his "primo cenno di Programma" in his letter of 26 April. 51. See "Salvadore Cammarano's Programma for '11 Trovatore' and the Problems of the Finale," Studi .erdiani 2 (1983): 78-107. Citations will be to Black's edition. 52. Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, Sezione Lucchesi-Palli (N. I [two drafts] and N. 10), and Naples, Archivio Civico di San Martino (N. 13). For the reader's convenience, all references to portions of the poetic text also note in brackets the corresponding sections of the score, where applicable. The fourteen numbers into which Verdi eventually divided the opera were of cou"," neither part of any of the drafts of the text nor of the printed librettos. 53. Naples, Archivio Civico di San Martino, st. 9, casso XXI, n. 40. This draft suggests that, even before Cammarano's death, some parts of the libretto may have been prepared by Bardare. For a full bibliographical description. which has important ramifications for the collaboration between Cammarano and Bardare, see Carteggio VerdiCammarano.
ANOTHER MANUSCRIPT COPY CORRECTED BY THE CENSORS
This manuscript libretto, with autograph annotations by Verdi, was sold at auction by Sotheby's of London on 17 November 1988." It bears the seal of approval of one of the three levels of Roman censorship: "Roma a di 9. Ottobre 1852 - Visto perla Deputaz.' de' pubblici spettacoli-G. Pulieri Conserv.'." The auction catalog reproduces one page of the manuscript. It includes Azucena's canzone (N. 4), "Stride la vampa," in the original version of Cammarano, but copied in this manuscript by Bardare. Alongside the original text, Verdi has transcribed the later version of "Stride la vampa" (prepared by Bardare after Cammarano's death) from the added pages in ISA. Although the buyer of this manuscript has chosen to remain anonymous and has refused to make a reproduction of the libretto available for study, from this single page we can ascertain that at least part of the manuscript must be in Bardare's hand. It seems plausible to hypothesize that the manuscript may be a complete, fair copy, largely in Bardare's hand, of the original version of ISA. d) A chronology of the sources
By coordinating details of the correspondence between Cammarano and Verdi with the structure of surviving documents pertaining to the libretto, it is possible to summarize the chronology as follows. Verdi sent the translation of the play to Cammarano between. February and early March 1851. From Cammarano (and Bardare), he then received the following material: Date 27 March 1851 early April 1851 12 April 1851 7 June 1851 19 July 1851 23 July 1851
9 August 1851 23 August 1851
Material "first suggestions for a scenario" complete scenario 1,2: Cavatina Leonora [N. 2] 1,1: Introduzione [N. 1] 1,3-5: Scena, Romanza e Terzetto [N. 3] II,3-5: Aria Conte [N. 7] (in its original version, without a cantabile) and Finale II [N. 8] (in the so-called "long" version). This manuscript never reached the composer IV,I: "Miserere" scene [N. 12], (without the cantabile of Leonora's aria) IV,2: Scena e Duetto Leonora-Conte [N. 13); also II, 3-5 [NN. 7-8], in Bardare's hand, to replace the manuscript sent on 23 July and never received by Verdi
54. Luzio reported on this libretto in Carteggi verdiani, 1: 8n, transcribing the censored version of the "Miserere" (from N. 12). 55. Auction catalog, lot no. 493, p. 213.
xv
INTRODUCTION
II, I (beginning): Coro di Zingari e Canzone [N. 4] (in its original version) and Racconto d'Azucena [N. 5] (through Manrico's line ''Che dici? .. "); also III,1-4 (beginning): Coro [N. 9] and Scena e Terzetto [N. 10] (including a Romanza for the Count and the Terzetto through Azucena's verse "Mi lascio! .. m'obblia l'ingrato!")'· 25 November 1851 IV,3-4: Finale Ultimo [N. 14] 9-10 July 1852 II,1 (end)-5: Racconto d' Azucena [N. 5] (final verses), Scena e Duetto Azucena-Manrico [N. 6], and Finale II (without the Aria Conte [N. 7] and with the Finale in the "short" version: the act in this form actually contains only four scenes); also III,4 (end)-6: Terzetto [N. 10] (the remainder) and Aria Manrico [N. 11] (the poetry of the Aria is in Bardare's hand, but is signed by Cammarano) 23 October 1852 Additional verses by Bardare, sent in a letter from De Sanctis to Verdi": Azucena's Canzone [N. 4) (definitive version); Aria Conte [N. 7] (cantabile); Aria Leonora [N. 12] (cantabile) 18 October 1851
2. El trovador It is not clear how the Spanish play El trovador by Antonio Garcia
Gutierrez, first performed at the Teatro del Principe in Madrid on 1 March 1836 with "glorious" (apoteosico) success," originally came to Verdi's attention. As other scholars have pointed out, there were no Italian or French translations. ,. But Verdi's library at S. Agata, in fact, contains a four-volume collection of Spanish plays assembled in Paris in 1840, and this collection includes an edition of El trovador. '" Thus, the composer apparently knew the play through its original text, which he probably obtained in Paris during one of his many visits between 1848 and 1850. Since Verdi and Cammarano strongly disagreed precisely about how to interpret the original Spanish play, it seems appropriate to begin with a brief consideration of El trovador. If one of the play's two principal themes is undeniably the love story (which results in Leonor's death), some ambiguity surrounds the theme of vengeance (which results in Manrique's death). This latter theme depends upon an understanding of the character of Azucena, precisely the issue about which Verdi and Cammarano disagreed, as we shall see.· l The first two "days" (jornadas) of El trovador are entirely devoted to the development of the erotic theme: Manrique and Don Nuiio (the Count), divided by political rivalry, are both in love with Leonor, who returns the love of the former and despises the latter. Azucena makes her appearance at the beginning of jornada tercera; starting here Garcia Gutierrez introduces his second theme. According to Verdi, Azucena is prey to a "fierce thirst to avenge her mother."·2 Yet in El trovador 56. It seems most peculiar that Cammarano would have sent N. 5 without its final verse and a half (Azucena's "Am! dall' orror I Sul capo mio Ie chiome seoto drizzarsi aneor!") and concluding stage direction. Nonetheless, it is difficult to interpret the physical evidence of the manuscripts in any other way. It seems equally strange that he would have sent the recitative and first quatrain alone of N. 10 (Azucena's strophe: "Ivi povera vivea, I Pur contenta del mio stato: I Sola spern.e un figlio avea! . . 1 Mi lascio! .. m'obblia I'ingrato'''). In this case, however, Cammarano may well have told Bardare to send the entire piece, which he had certainly finished on another page. But Bardare apparently neglected to follow Cammarano's instructions. Only in July 1852, after Bardare had added to this second page the text of the final number of the act (N. 11), dictated to him by Cammarano, did he mail the conclusion of N. 10 to Verdi. For further details, see Car· teggio Verdi-Cammarano. 57. Carteggi verdiani, 1: 10-14. 58. See CarlOS Ruiz Silva, "Introducci6n" to Antonio Garcia Gutierrez, El trovador (Madrid, 1985), p. 51. 59. Budden (2:59) hypothesized that since Madrid was "on the international operatic cireuit" Verdi probably got hold of the play through acquaintances: "It was not uncommon. for singers who were friends of the composer to send him plays and libretti from foreign parts." 60. The title page reads: "El Trovador, drama caballeresco en cinco jomadas en prosa y verso. su autor Don Antonio Garcia Gutierrez. Madrid. Imprenta de Repulles, 1837." 61. For a brief review of interpretations of Azucena in Spanish literary criticism, see Ruiz Silva, "Introducci6n," pp. 76-78. The numerous studies comparing the Spanish play with the libretto are treated in Anna Carlini, I personaggi e I' organizzazione dram· matica del "Trovador" di Garcia Gut;e"ez nel "Trovatore" di Verdi (thesis, University of Bologna, 1988), chap. 3. 62. Letter to Cammarano of9 April 1851 (Copialettere CXVII, p. 120).
Azucena is never overwhelmed by her re-echoing obsession as we find in Il trovatore: her cry for vengeance belongs only to her retelling of the past. When the obsession resurfaces in the present, it is primarily directed to the torture her mother suffered. In jornada quinta Azucena, imprisoned with Manrique, again evokes that torture, but in her memory there is room only for her terror of the stake, not for vengeance. Indeed, her disturbed mind envisions a future living in freedom with Manrique. Not until the final scene does Azucena seem aware of the inevitability of her destiny: the death of Manrique resolves the problem raised by the exchange of infants and fulfills, horribly, the vengeance demanded by her mother. Thus, Garcia Gutierrez emphasizes the tragic contrast between personal moral freedom and fate. The latter emerges even more explicitly in another section of the play: Manrique's dream. He is singing a "sad melody" for Leonor, which is borne away on the wind, when suddenly from the mists of the lagoon a ghost appears.·3 Manrique's dream brings back images similar to those he himself had vaguely perceived during Azucena's tale: the ghostly figure demands to be avenged, foreshadowing the sacrifice of Manrique. Hence, although the role of Azucena itself may allow room for various interpretations, the theme of vengeance pervades the entire second half of the play. Yet her final words, "Ya estas vengada" [I am revenged], are an assertion rather than a cry and, according to the stage directions, are to be uttered "with a gesture of bitterness." Verdi read them instead as though Azucena pronounced them "with exaltation." What is of greatest interest here, however, is not the dramaturgy of E1 trovador (although Verdi himself directs his debate with Cammarano toward this issue), but rather the different interpretations proposed by composer and librettist. These interpretations emerge most clearly as they seek to select those dramatic elements to use in reworking the play as an opera. 3. Il trovatore
The correspondence between Cammarano and Verdi demonstrates that the libretto of Il trovatore resulted from an encounter between two very different conceptions of the drama. Librettist and composer ultimately met in a neutral zone, where the final result coincided with the initial ideas of neither. In a hitherto unpublished letter of 26 April 1851, Cammarano attempted to organize the disputed points, and this source will be particularly useful in helping us understand the issues. The history can be treated in five phases: a} Verdi's observations on Cammarano's "first suggestions for a scenario" (through 4 AprilI851); b) the complete scenario and Verdi's reaction to it (through 9 April 1851); c) Cammarano's defense of his scenario and Verdi's response (through 5 May 1851); d) modifications of the scenario and the versification of the remainder of the libretto, until the death of Cammarano (through 19 July 1852); e) the final adjustments of Bardare to the libretto. a) "First suggestions for a scenario"
From the beginning, Verdi sought to concentrate his own creative ideas on the need for innovation. On 4 April 1851, reacting to Cammarano's "first suggestions for a scenario," the composer wrote a long harangue on the necessity of overturning conventions: 63. The extraordinary musicality and suggestive force of the Spanish verses recounting the dream undoubtedly struck Verdi and may explain why he would argue for retention of the dream (eliminated by Cammarano) in Il trovatore: Yo vi un expectro que en la opuesta orilla como ilusi6n fantastica vagaba con paso misterioso, y un quejido Ianzando lastimoso que el nocturno silencio interrumpia, y triste nos miraba, ya con rostro infernal se sorrreia. [ ... ] Y envuelta en hurno la feroz fantasma huy6, los brazos bacia mi tendiendo: "jVengame!" dijo, y se lanz6 a las nubes: "jVengame!" por los aires repitiendo. Frio con el pavor tendi mis brazos adonde estabas ill... 16 ya no estabas, y s610 hall" a uri lado un esqueleto, y al tocarle osado en polvo se deshizo, que violento llev6se al punto retronando el viento. [ ... ] For further discussion of this aspect, see below.
xvi
INTRODUCTION
As far as the distribution of pieces is concerned I should say that when I am given verses that can be set to music, every form, every distribution is good; indeed the more novel and bizarre they are, the more pleased I am with them. If in operas there were no cavatinas, nor duets, nor trios, nor choruses, nor finales etc. etc., and if the whole opera (so to speak) were a single piece, I should find it more reasonable and proper. For this reason I would say that if at the beginning of this opera it were possible to avoid the chorus (every opera starts with a chorus) and Leonora's Cavatina, and to begin directly with the Troubadour's song and make a single act from the first two [acts of the play], it would be a good thing, since these separate numbers, each with a change of scene, always seem to me more like concert pieces than opera. If you can, then do it. 64 Again on 9 April, at the point of suggesting substantial changes to Cammarano's complete scenario, he continued in the same vein: [ ... ] if in our theaters we cannot treat this theme with all the novel and bizarre characteristics of the Spanish play, we would do better to abandon it. It seems to me, unless I am mistaken, that many situations do not have the power and originality they had before, and that Azucena in particular does not retain her strange and unusual character: it seems to me that the two great passions of this woman, filial love and maternal love, are no longer present with all their power [ . . . ]." Verdi's objectives found a point of departure in the character of Garcia Gutierrez' play, which, from the beginning, contemporary criticism considered to be revolutionary." The composer's confidence during this first phase of their work contrasts sharply with Cammarano's insecurity. For the librettist, the play's innovative characteristics constituted an obstacle to surmount: reducing it to an opera meant compressing a complex body of material into the customary formal schemes. Cammarano's "first suggestions for a scenario," mailed to Verdi on 27 March,67 apparently included a series of objections and queries about the drama. Although Cammarano's letter has not survived, Verdi's response of 4 April shows the resoluteness and creative zeal with which he sought to surmount these problems. The composer briefly addresses four issues: 1) the scene in which Leonora seeks to take the veil; 2) the recantation of Azucena; 3) the vengeance theme; and 4) the wounding of Maurico. I) Not only does the composer demand that the scene in which Leonora seeks to take the veil be preserved, he suggests to Cammarano what would become the definitive solution for the second-act finale: You must include the scene of the veil-taking ["Monacazione"] (it is too original an idea for me to give up) and, rather, you must derive from it all the conflict, all the effects possible. If you do not want the nun [Leonora] to fiee [the convent] of her own free will, have her faint so that the Troubadour (with many of his followers) can abduct her." 2) In his letter of 27 March Cammarano apparently challenged the verisimilitude of Azucena's recantation. In replying, Verdi puts his finger on one of the most important and problematic moments in the opera, the scene between Azucena and Manrico in Act II: It is true that the Gypsy reveals that Manrico is not her son, but the words escape her during the narrative, and she withdraws them so quickly that the Troubadour, far from thinking anything of the kind, cannot believe they are true. 3) Furthermore, Verdi continues to stress to Cammarano how important he considers the theme of vengeance to be in the Spanish play: It is because her mother, at the stake, had cried out "Avenge me" that the Gypsy does not save herself and Manrico. Elsewhere we find "Stretching his arms toward me, the fierce apparition shrieked: Avenge me! ... And it hurtled through the clouds repeating Avenge me! ... " The last words of the play are "You are avenged."" In support of his position, Verdi chose at least one place in the drama that does not concern Azucena directly, for the second reference is to 64. Abbiati 2: 122-23; English tnmslation after Kimbell, p. 284. 65. Copialettere CXVll, pp. 118-19; English translation after Kimbell, p. 284. 66. See Ruiz Silva, "Introducci6n." p. 53. 67. On 29 March, before receiving Cammarano's letter, Verdi had written to De Sanctis complaining about the poet's delay: "he has not written a word to me about this Trovatore: does he like it or not?" (Carteggi verdiani, 1: 4). The poet had received the
translation of the play about a month earlier. 68. Cammarano would follow Verdi's suggestion when drafting (during the summer of 1852) the second, "short" version of Finale II, in which Leonora "falls unconscious in his [Manrico's] arms"; in the "long" version, on the other hand, "Manrieo drags Leonora with him," as indicated in the scenario. (Many early sources for the libretto of II trovatore preset;Ve the spelling of the Spanish drama, "Manrique." The English version of the introduction regularizes his name to "Manrica" in references Verdi's opera.)
ro
69. Verdi would stress the same ideas to De Sanctis on the eve of the publication of the libretto (letter from Rome, 1 January 1853; Carteggi verdiani. I: 16-17).
Maurico's recounting of his dream. The librettist, on the other hand, when drafting the prose summary of the last scene in the play, had gone so far as to eliminate Azucena's cry for vengeance. 70 4) Finally, Verdi protests that the wounding of Maurico ought to occur in battle, as in Garcia Gutierrez, and not in a duel, as proposed by Cammarano. There is one further reliable indication pertaining to the contents of the "first suggestions for a scenario": they included an aria for Leonora in Act IV, which was omitted in the complete scenario.71 Cammarano may have decided to omit this aria from his complete scenario because of Verdi's earliest observations concerning the opera (in his letter of 2 January), where the composer suggested that Leonora be made a secondary part. Most of these issues would be the subject of prolonged discussion in the ensuing correspondence, for they touch on the psychology of Azucena and Manrico, as well as the relationship between them, which would prove to be the moving force behind the entire opera. They give rise to problems of verisimilitude and internal coherence in the action (particularly the credibility of Azucena's recantation), to basic choices regarding what shape to give the role of the protagonist (heroic or erotic, depending on whether he is wounded in battle or in a duel), and to the entire plot (the weight to assign to the theme of vengeance). These choices pointed in two possible and opposing directions: diminish the originality of El trovador to a predictable love triangle (with the addition of a character like Azucena as the bearer of qualities existing in the irrational and psychological plane of the drama); or make the entire plot revolve around this character and her qualities.
b) The complete scenario and Verdi's reaction to it This clash of dramaturgical conceptions soon became sharper, signaling a rise in the psychological temperature between poet and composer. Before Verdi's reactions to the "first suggestions" could reach Cammarano, the librettist had sent a complete scenario to Busseto. Verdi responded on 9 April with what is certainly his most well-known and important letter on II trovatore, one in which he suggests substantial revisions in Cammarano's plan. 72 THE INTRODUZIONE
After restating several observations about the Spanish drama from his letter of 4 April, Verdi declares himself content with the "Coro e Racconto dell'Introduzione." A careful reading of Cammarano's scenario had apparently induced the composer to change his mind about the opening of the opera, for Cammarano's Introduzione follows rather faithfully the lead of Garcia Gutierrez." Even though Cammarano calls the piece "Coro e racconto di Ferrando," he already had in mind the scene he later versified, without a traditional opening chorus. In fact, the manner in which the scenario notes the presence of the chorus has more the characteristic of a stage direction 74 than the suggestion of an independent narrative or commentary function." Verdi accepted Cam70. "Azucena is roused: she is led to a window, from where she can see the execution of Manrique, and she exclaims that he was the brother of D. Nuna." In his letter of 26 April, as we shall see, Cammarano discusses at length the problem of the vengeance theme in II trovatore. 71. In hi, letter to Verdi of 26 April, Cammarano wrote: "You wish the alia for Leo-
nora? It was present in my first suggestions for a scenario; put it back." 72. Copialettere CXVll, pp. 118-21. The letter is also highly interesting for the light it throws on Verdi's relationship with Cammarano, which was marked by profound and unusual respect for the librettist. Verdi follows the first part of his letter, filled with formally restrained indications of respectful disagreement, with detailed revisions of Cammarano's plan. But he closes by reiterating: "I pray you to pardon my audacity: I am surely wrong, but I could do no less than tell you everything I feel." 73. Recall that Verdi had written on 4 April: "if at the beginning of this opera it were possible to avoid the chorus (every opera starts with a chorus) [ ... I it would be a good thing." In The Italian Romantic Libretto: A Study of Salvadore Cammarmw (Edinburgh, 1984), p. 194, Jobo Black read the librettist's intentions differently: "it is abundantly clear from Cammarano's original synopsis [Le., scenario] of Il trovatore that he intended it begin with a chorus in the usual way [ ... J." 74. Cammarano was not sboply a librettist. With his contract of 15 November 1843 he assumed the post of "dramatic poet and director of rehearsals" at the Tealro San Carlo. His job did not involve musical rehearsals (the prerogative of Mercadante), but was in certain respects equivalent to that of a modern stage director. For futher information. see Black, The Italian Romantic Libretto. pp. 272-90 and Gerardo Guccini, "Direzione seeniea e regia," in Storia dell' opera ;taliana, edited by Lorenzo Bianconi and Giorgio Pestelli, 6 vol,. (Turin, 1987- ),5: 123-74, especially 144-53. 75. This had not been the case in the scenarios of La battaglia di Legnano and Luisa Miller: in both instances, some linguistic element suggests a conventional opening chorus, just as they were later realized. Regarding Cammarano's drafts of these works, see the pertinent letters in Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano.
Verdi not only without objections but with satisfaction. One should underline the words Verdi used in his letter of 4 April, commenting that he sought in particular “poetry that can be set to music,” because it
xviii
INTRODUCTION In his letter of 26 April, Cammarano appears reluctantly to have accepted the suppression of the Cavatina, but with the belief that he could make up for the resulting omission of certain background elements to the story by adding details in the Terzetto that concludes the act. Verdi's response of 5 May recognizes the strength of the highly articulate arguments Cammarano put forth in defense of his plans: even though the composer did not find them fully persuasive, they were strong enough so that he henceforth left his librettist carte blanche in his treatment of the subject. This would imply that Verdi accepted the presence of Leonora's Cavatina. The poetry of the Terzetto sent by Cammarano to Verdi on 19 July, the only version he drafted, does not fully resolve the matter. On the one hand, it contains none of the additional details that would have been necessary were the Cavatina suppressed. On the other hand, not only did Cammarano number the scenes of the Terzetto beginning with "Scena 2," as though the Cavatina had been suppressed, but he also repeated the stage direction with which he had previously begun Leonora's Cavatina. And in his letter of 23 August, Cammarano wrote: "I shaped the first part in complete conformity with your wishes," probably intending that he had suppressed the Cavatina. It is not clear when Verdi decided to restore the Cavatina. In ISA Verdi himself corrected the scene numbers in the Terzetto, to take the Cavatina into account, and he canceled the stage direction at the beginning of the Terzetto, which became superfluous once the Cavatina was included. 83 c) Cammarano's defense of his scenario and Verdi's response
After receiving Verdi's remarks Cammarano prepared a very careful defense of his own .work, dated 26 April. 84 Its wealth of dramaturgical considerations marks what is perhaps Cammarano's fullest participation in the theoretical issues underlying the creation of the libretto. A proud reaction on the part of the poet to Verdi's letter of 9 April, his defense adopts some of the composer's own rhetorical tone: Your suspicion that I don't like Il trovatore is ill-founded, indeed unjust; I would not have betrayed you and myself by starting to work on it. Rather, I noticed some peculiarities in it and some unclear developments in certain dramatic elements, and I pride myself in having been able to emend them without tampering with the drama itself [ . . . 1." Cammarano begins by offering observations on three of the small changes he wishes to make in the Spanish drama: 1) that Manrico be wounded in a duel, not in battle; 2) that the wedding between Leonora and Manrico be about to take place before Manrico is compelled, in order to save his mother, to leave Castellor; 3) that Leonora take the poison somewhat later. 1) Cammarano wanted to portray Manrico in a more erotic manner than in Verdi's interpretation: Having Manrico wounded in a duel ties Part II better to Part I, and does not force one to seek for other reasons, other explanations to motivate his supposed death: his valor lies in his magnanimity and courage, and he is no less valorous because a sword thrust (delivered by the hand of a nobleman) finds his breast in the shadows of night; besides, from the verses that should have reached you by now [the Cavatina Leonora1 you will have seen that I arranged for the first sparks of Leonora's love to develop precisely from Manrico's valor; and since it is because she believes him dead that Leonora resolves to abandon the world, who can ready Leonora in the scenario, to Olimpia. Corrections restoring the original name in ISA are in Verdi's hand. Not having had the opportunity to study fully the papers at S. Agata, Budden (2:64) claimed that the Cavatina does not survive in the autograph libretto. Perhaps he was referring to the non-autograph libretto, bearing corrections of the Roman censors, which
in fact lacks the Cavatina. Black ("Salvadore Cammarano's Progranuna," 80) states more accurately that "this scene did not appear in Cammarano's final text." 83. Verdi's decision to reinstate the Cavatina was perhaps related to his intention, expressed repeatedly to De Sanctis, of honoring the memory of Cammarano. But it is also possible that, as with the Introduzione, Verdi regarded the verses of this piece so highly that he decided to set them to music. 84. Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano. 85. In concluding his letter, Cammarano again emphaaized the same notion: "[ ... J I believe that my scenario avoids the perils of the censors, serves the needs of opera, and removes some defects in the original, while preserving the strength and bizarre quality of the characters, the power of the dramatic situations. and the entire physiognomy of the play." This evaluation coincides strikingly with that of modem criticism. See, in particular, Piero Menarini, Dal dramma al melodramma. II: I tre libretti spagnoli di Verdi. (thesis, University of Bologna, 1977), p. 18.
deny that it is truer, more dramatic, more powerful to have her think that Manrico died for her, rather than fighting in civil war? Cammarano, in contrast to Verdi, sought to rid the play of even the most tenuous reference to the political theme. In this, he followed the need in opera to tighten up dramatic situations and to compress actions and emotional effects. Ultimately, Manrico would be wounded in battle in the libretto, and references to Manrico's valor would also be included in Leonora's Cavatina. 2) Cammarano was concerned about maintaining Leonora's morality, maintaining a positive portrayal of the character and holding at bay possible objections from the censors: Since Leonora is no longer a woman involved in a hopeless love, her position at Castellor is equivocal; preparing her wedding not only solves that problem, it also makes more incisive the situation of Manrico, who must leave Castellor in order to defend his mother. 3) The arguments Cammarano put forward regarding the poisoning of Leonora are related to the classic criteria of verisimilitude and unity of action: Leonora takes the poison (in the play of Gutierrez) before encountering De Luna. But how can she be certain that he will grant her Manrico's life, how can she calculate that the poison will give her enough time to talk with Manrico and convince him to save himself? It seems more realistic to have her take poison after having won over De Luna, in order not to fall into his power after Manrico's escape. Thus the main lines of Cammarano's interventions are traditional ones, with respect both to operatic convention and to the dominant moral climate (which exercised control over librettos through censorship). Anticipating the problems regarding Azucena, Cammarano then turned to Verdi's specific requests. In the surprisingly few lines with which he disposes of them, we catch another signal of the subtle psychological interaction between poet and composer: Let us take a look at what you are asking. Omit Leonora's Cavatina: although I explained in it part of the background, it would not be impossible for me to supply this information in the Terzetto. That Azucena tell the story of her mother's death, etc. to Manrico, rather than to the Gypsies, is possible if we assume that she is not entirely sound of mind. That Manrico recount his dream; well, let him tell it: perhaps it will suggest a good piece of music to you, and if it is a success, no one will think it excessive. You want the aria for Leonora? Even in my first suggestions for the scenario it was present: put it back. And finally, he addresses the central issue of the entire dramaturgy of II trovatore, namely Azucena: Azucena! Here is where we differ, but perhaps more in appearance than anything else. You say that Azucena is the contrast between filial love and maternal love, of affection for Manrico and a fierce thirst for vengeance: and yet I have read and reread her scenes [in the original play1 and do not find a syllable which refers to that. [ ... 1 My Azucena, on the other hand, still harbors thoughts of vengeance [ ... 1. You lament mightily that the character of Azucena no longer has the force and originality it had before, and that she is demented in the final scene. As for her force, I have shown you that in my scenario her desire for vengeance shines forth, giving strength to her character: and as for originality, what have I omitted or added? You don't want her demented in the final scene? Well then, it is you who wish to deviate completely from the original. [ . . . 1 The closer the actress seems to be telling the truth, the more Manrico will seem to play the part of an imbecile. The less clearly Azucena reasons, the more rational the drama seems. I don't intend, by the way, that Azucena be insane at all times; her mind wanders when she recalls the horrendous catastrophes endured by her mother and her son. 86 [ ... 1 The most interesting aspect of this drama is that one brother kills another: but the moment of greatest effect, when De Luna is made to understand this from the mouth of the Gypsy, is poorly developed in the original, where De Luna does not have the slightest hope or suspicion that his brother lives [ ... 1. I have fixed it for you: see the narrative of my Ferrando, where De Luna's father, dying, begs him to continue searching for his brother. [ . . . 1 It seems to me that the original also lacks another feature, and I have added it; Azucena, even in the midst of her deranged ideas, remembers that she can save Manrico: the thought of losing him through her silence (a thought in any case too horrible), as we have already seen, does not appear in the Spanish version, and I believe I have filled a gap. 86. Cammarano added this last phrase in the margin.
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INTRODUCTION
This long harangue demonstrates how wrong Verdi was in fearing a lack of interest and involvement on Cammarano's part. As in the case of Leonora's poisoning, the poet was primarily concerned with pursuing unity of action. Attempting to plane down the contradictions of the original, he proceeded in fact to regularize it. He wants to make Azucena's behavior realistic and, indirectly, that of Manrico too: in order that he not "play the part of an imbecile," he must consider Azucena's words (when she refers to having burned her own child) to be that of "a person who is not always in her right mind." 87 This difference of opinion about the personality of Azucena seemed irreconcilable, for Azucena's sanity or insanity was not a nominal issue. Verdi did not want her insane because he attributed to her the explicit intention of vengeance, pursued with calculation. Cammarano, for his part, saw the tragic nucleus of the drama in the character's psychological instability: Azucena finally avenges her mother despite her contradictory feelings, and she herself is the victim of the obsessional return of the two unresolved traumatic events. In fact, however, their opinions were not so far apart: rather, composer and librettist each sought to understand the character from a slightly different perspective. And just as Cammarano would retreat from the extreme presentation of his position by saying, "I don't intend, by the way, that Azucena be insane at all times; her mind wanders when she recalls the horrendous catastrophes endured by her mother and her son," so too did Verdi end up recognizing the psychologically obsessive and unstable element of her character. 88 Thus the librettist pointed out gaps between his own interpretation and that of Verdi, who had thus far demanded realism and coherence in some aspects of the plot (the wounding of Manrico in battle to render plausible Leonora's love for him), while obviously avoiding them in others (Manrico's reaction to the narrative of Azucena). Verdi sought to place all tragic conflict in the role of the gypsy, tom between her love for Manrico, whom she has raised as her own son, and her desire for vengeance, which leads ultimately to Manrico's death. Consequently, Verdi wished to include Manrico's dream, a premonition of impending destiny, thereby reinforcing his interpretation of the original play. Cammarano more successfully keeps distinct the dramaturgical problems of the original play and the needs of the libretto that must be drawn from it: if, on the one hand, he prepares the final coup de theiitre by introducing a series of details of his own making, he also eliminates Manrico's dream ("because it is superfluous and because we already have the narratives of Ferrando and Azucena," as he says in his letter of 26 April), which forcefully introduces the element of fate. Thus, Cammarano underlines the contradictory nature of Azucena, who in his drama remains the victim of a genuine compulsion to repeat the past. 89 Cammarano's long letter was surely awkward for Verdi. Writing his reply, he misdated it (5 April instead of May): 1 have received, read, and pondered your letter, by which you have persuaded me that my modest observations have been no more succesful in convincing you regarding the character of Manrico than was the Spanish play. 1 will not persist in making new observations, for you will answer them one by one as in your letter of the 26th. 1 am too frank to tell you that 1 am convinced, but since 1 have every respect for your poetic talent, 1 will let you handle II trovatore as you think best, only urging you to do so with all possible speed. OJ These assertions do not in fact clear up the unresolved problems: Verdi's letter simply gave the poet carte blanche on many of the issues they had been debating. In the end, however, Cammarano would indeed adopt a number of solutions desired by the composer: the wounding of 87. To reinforce this idea, Cammarano has Azucena get caught during her narrative in a slip of the tongue, heard by Manrico, but immediately withdrawn: "Col figtio .. . teea in braceia [ ... ]" ("With my son ... with you in my arms [ ... ]"). Retained in the Roman edition of the libretto (ROD), and still present in later editions, this verse was immediately emended by Verdi to the more neutral: "col figlio sulle braccia" ("with my son in my arms)." 88. This emerges particularly clearly in the analysis of the musical text carried out by Pierluigi Petrobelli in "Per un'esegesi della struttura drammatica del 'Trovatore' ," in Afti del III congresso internazionale di studi verdiani (Parma, 1974), 395. Petrobelli shows how "the musical ideogram of the flame which bums and consumes [ ... ] always appears at the same pitch level throughout the score," like a periodic recurrence of the horrible catastrophe. 89. A similar conclusion was proposed by Anselm Gerhard in a paper read on 19 September 1990 at Parma during the round table "Dall'Alzira aI Trouvere" at the Verdi Festival 90. 90. Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano.
Manrico in battle and not in a duel; the response of Azucena during the course of her interrogation in Act III (closer to the Spanish original, rather than as Cammarano had planned it in his scenario); and the emphasis at the end of the opera on the concept and on the word "vendetta. "91 d) Modifications of the scenario and versification of the remainder of the libretto, until the death of Cammarano
For the next two months, Cammarano worked on the first act, the Introduzione of which he sent to Verdi on 7 June 1851 and the Terzetto on 19 July. Then, in a letter of 23 July!2 the librettist again expressed various concerns over the structure of the remainder of the opera: The Finale [secondo1 is as we agreed." 1 have done the Coro degli Zingari and the Racconto di Azucena, so that ouly the duet between her and Manrico remains in order to complete Part II: but 1 must first ask you some questions about this passage, and about a few other points in the drama. 1 am not finding it very easy to create the duet in question, after Azucena (as you suggested) has told her story to Manrico: if he were to enter later, the material could be organized better. But if you are steadfast in your idea of having Manrico recount his dream in Part III, then it will be essential for him to hear Azucena's narrative, since the dream is born
of that narrative. As for having Leonora's aria interwoven with the song of the Troubadour and the offstage chorus, we are in agreement; but neither of us has giveu much thought yet regarding the musical form of the latter or of the final scenes. Cammarano had already written Verdi on 26 April that he had suppressed the narration of Manrico's dream. We do not know Verdi's exact response, since several letters have been lost, but ultimately he seems to have accepted the suggestion that the dream be omitted. The situation concerning the second-act duet, however, is less clear. Cammarano's insistence on keeping to the solution he had proposed in the scenario (deleting the dream and having Azucena deliver her narrative to the gypsies, rather than to Manrico) is probably the cause, rather than the consequence, of his difficulties with the Azucena-Manrico duet. The ultimate solution disregarded this logic: even though the compelling reason (the narration of his dream) was eliminated, Manrico is already on stage as the curtain rises on Part II. In order to arrange things so that Azucena could recount her story to him alone, Cammarano had to devise an exit for the chorus-evidence of just how conventional was its presence at the beginning of the act. While Azucena is prey to her obsessive hallucination, Manrico muses on her mysterious cry for vengeance, and an old gypsy man intervenes to urge his companions to leave the camp. It is a brief moment (Verdi devotes to it only six measures of music), yet the scene as a whole disintegrates: those present on stage are essentially unrelated to one another. Equally awkward is the start of the duet. Manrico, who naturally could not have helped but wonder about his own identity after having heard and seen Azucena driven to distraction in recounting the fate of her own son, quickly forgets this question and behaves as though he had never uttered the words "Non son tuo figlio? . . E chi son io, chi dunque?" ("I am not your son? .. Well who am I, who then?"). Instead, he suddenly assumes the tone of a valiant man at arms. Perhaps here, in Verdi's insistence on a solution contrary to all criteria of credi91. Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano documents the successive phases in the elaboration
and adaptation of this last part of the libretto, sent to Verdi on 25 November 1851. In the working draft of the libretto, this text, in Bardare's hand, reads: AZU.
Tarda vendetta, ma quanto fiera
CON.
Avesli 0 madre .... (cade a pie dellajinestra). (volgendo uno sguardo al supplizio, un altro a Leonora esclama cacciandosi disperatamente Ie mani Ira capellO E vivo ancor!!!!!
In lSA, these same lines are in Verdi's hand (but lack the stage direction for the Count). Finally, also preserved at S. Agata is the half-sheet of cardboard on which Verdi wrote out the definitive version before transcribing it in his letter to De Sanctis of 14 December 1852 (Carteggi verdiani, 1: 16): AZU.
CON.
Sei vendicata 0 madre! (cade a pie dellafinestra) E vivo anoor!
92. Cammarano entrusted this letter, together with his autograph copy of the first, "long" version of Finale II, to a certain "Cavalier Pipino," who was traveling to Busseto. The package never reached Verdi. The poet therefore recopied the letter on 23 August (Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano) and sent it together with another copy of the long Finale n, the latter now in Bardare's hand. 93. Cammarano is referring to the Finale proposed in the scenario, and accepted by Verdi in his letter of 9 April.
xx
INTRODUCTION bility, we find that "deliberate quest for elusiveness [ ... ], however unconscious," that the composer felt in some way obliged to pursue. 94 On 9 August the poet sent the "Miserere" scene from Part IV, followed on 23 August by the ensuing duet for Leonora and the Count, which he dispatched together with the copy of the "long" Finale II made by Bardare. Throughout this period, however, there are numerous gaps in the correspondence. Letters from Verdi of 21 July, 5 and 16 August, and 1 September seem to be lost. To judge by Cammarano's response, Verdi apparently expressed reservations about the long version of Finale II in his letter of 1 September. This is perhaps the most obscure and complex phase in their collaboration, since private matters interfered with their mutual commitment. The poor state of Cammarano's health worsened starting in August 1851,.' and from that moment the assistance of Bardare became a regular necessity, as did the mediation of De Sanctis. But "an accumulation of misfortunes, serious ones!" also prevented Verdi "from thinking seriously about II trovatore." 96 In addition to work on the libretto there were now initial contacts regarding the production of the opera, which soon intensified with the appearance on the scene of Jacovacci, impresario of the Teatro Apollo in Rome. And from the very outset Verdi was preoccupied about finding the right performer for the role of Azucena. Finally, there arose a certain lack of understanding between poet and composer, such that Cammarano on 4 November wrote Verdi these unusual words of resentment: [ ... ] I add only that this year I have learned a great lesson, that is, how with the best intentions in the world one can still be taken for neglectful, lazy, and perhaps even a half-hearted friend: in fact, although I refused all other connnissions, still this Trovatore proceeds slowly; and my whole fault lies in having started a piece of work about which we were not in full agreement [ . . . ]. You write: Do you want to finish the libretto? To such a question, how can I respond? When will it be finished? In a month. Besides, you have a flood of poetry to keep you busy [ ... ].97 The last surviving letter from Cammarano to Verdi, 25 November 1851, is also the last to discuss any element of the drama. While sending his verses for the finale of the opera, Cammarano also responded to some objection formulated by Verdi in a missing letter concerning the character of the Count, who was to be interpreted by the baritone Filippo Colini: As for matters that regard me, the original text and the question of Colini, I believe his character to be precisely as in the Spanish drama. As for his pieces, you already have them all:" Terzetto Part I Aria } Finale Part II Pezzo concertato__ Part III Duetto Part IV . . ] with the enclosed poetry you have the first and fourth parts complete;" still lacking are Azucena's duet in the second and Manrique's aria (I'm for the aria) in the third. "" By orienting yourself according to my scenario, and also to the one you yourself suggested, it seems to me that you can work while I finish the few remaining things. I want to redo the Finale of the second Part, but only when it is decided where the opera will be produced; otherwise I run the risk of having to do it over a third time. The post office is about to close. My head is so confused that I
94. Gabriele Baldini, Abitare la battaglia: La storia di Giuseppe Verdi (Milan, 1970),
pp. 251-52; English trans. by Roger Parker as The Story o/Giuseppe Verdi. (Cambridge, 1980), p. 210. 95. In his two-volume autobiographical manuscript, the poet's son Michele wrote:
"[ ... ] already two years before my father died his health had deteriorated, and the final eleven months he was confined to his bed" (Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, Sezione Lucchesi-Palli, Ms. B. XIII, I: 207). 96. Letter to Cammarano of 9 September (Copialettere CXXU, p. 125). 97. Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano. 98. But, as we have seen above, it is likely that Verdi did not actually have the end of the "Pezza concertato" (the Terzetto, N. 10), even though Cammarano had finished it and probably instructed Bardare to send it to the composer. Hence the composer's
perplexity. 99. Except for "a few verses from the last scene," in the poet's words. 100. Already in his letter of 23 August Cammarano had written to Verdi:
If you accept the omission of the narrative [of Manrico's dream], the part of Manrica remains without a solo piece. Should we alter to an Aria the scene that in the scenario is treated as a duet between him and Leonora? (You will tell me that these are conventions; the performers do not easily relinquish them, nor does the pUblic-even more important-when it is a maUer of its pleasure.)
hardly know whether I have told you everything I would have wished. If necessary, I'll write again the day after tomorrow. w, Thereafter, the correspondence disintegrates. In a missing letter of early February 1852 Cammarano informed Verdi of the state of his health, and he sent a final mailing of poetry on 9-10 July 1852. 102 In the spring of 1852 Verdi was informed of Cammarano's condition by De Sanctis, but up to the very last days he did not fully understand the gravity of the situation. Having received the final mailing of poetry, Verdi responded on 19 August (Cammarano had died on the seventeenth), asking De Sanctis whether the poet would be well enough to make whatever changes in the libretto might be demanded by the censors.103 On the same date Verdi wrote to Cammarano himself: I have received the rest of II Irovatore [ ... ]. With increasing pleasure I read and reread your verses, so full of originality, of life, of passion. Courage, my dear Carnmarano- We must do Re Lear, which will be our masterpiece. I hope that with the aid of your doctors and your friends you will soon leave that bed of pain, to resume your business, and console all your well-wishers, among whom, I hope, you would wish to count me, for I love and esteem you immensely. "" Cammarano's letters and other previously unpublished documents presented here give us a clearer perspective on a question usually taken for granted regarding the gestation of II trovatore. Many critics and biographers have believed that the libretto of II trovatore, as set to music by Verdi, follows essentially the shape Verdi outlined in his letter of 9 April 1851, in which the composer revised the scenario of the librettist. lo, We have already seen, however, that for the most part the scenarios of Verdi and Cammarano agree. As for those matters in dispute, Verdi did succeed in imposing his viewpoint in some cases, but the poet also played a decisive role regarding the actual distribution of musical numbers, contributing substantially toward making II trovatore the opera we know today. Cammarano was instrumental in: 1) retaining Leonora's Cavatina, and with it a retrospective appreciation of Manrico's valor (although this element is no longer linked to the question of whether he is wounded in a duel or in battle); 2) suppressing the narration of Manrico's dream; 3) modifying his own original plan by suggesting to Verdi that the final duet in the third act be replaced with a tenor aria; 4) substituting the Count's Romanza in Act III with the aria in the second act, and anticipating the insertion of the cantabile section, later written by Bardare; 106 5) reinstating Leonora's grand aria: while it is not present in the librettist's scenario, Verdi persuaded Cammarano to return to his initial idea. 101. Carteggio Verdi-Cammarno. 102. This date can be deduced primarily from De Sanctis' affirmation that "the last piece, written [by Cammarano] eight days before he died, was the tenor aria!" (letter to Verdi of 23 October 1852; Carteggi verdiani, 1: 13). Furthermore, on the very day Cammarano was to die, the Gazzetta musicale di Napoli published the notice that the poet had completed the libretto for Verdi: "Now with true satisfaction we can announce that during the past week he has finished his new work and at the same time has sent it to the Maestro. This is clear proof that the painful illness that has afflicted him for many months has not weakened his creative powers in the least" (17 July 1852, p. 11). The author of the obituary that appeared in the Gazzetta musicale di Napoli on 24 July (pp. 14-15) wrote that Cammarano .. died a few days after having dictated the last piece of his new composition," noting at the end of the article that "Cammarano had these verses assembled by his friend Leone Emmanuele Bardare, who throughout his illness was prompt to lavish on him the most assiduous and affectionate care." 103. Carteggi verdiani. 1: 9. As Verdi wrote to his Neapolitan friend on 5 August, he found out about Cammarano's death through a "stupid theatrical newspaper" (Carteggi verdiani,I:9-1O). 104. Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano; English translation after Kimbell, p. 252. 105. "Verdi turns it, one might say, upside down" (Abbiati, 2: 123); "He redoes it from beginning to end" (Carlo Gatti, Verdi, 2 vols. [Milan, 1931], I: 362); "Cammarano was content with Verdi's scheme" (Budden, 2:62). Through his publication of Cammarano's scenario, unknown to earlier commentators, Black understood the situation bet· ter C'Salvadore Cammarano's Programma," 79-81). 106. See Cammarano's letters to Verdi of 23 August and 25 November 1851 (Carteggio Verdi·Cammarano);
Here is the last half of Part IT: although the Count's aria in a single movement [tempo] was not specified in my scenario, I believe its position to be a good one, and I am considering deleting his Romanza in Part III, thus gaining the advantage of a fiery piece rather than a conventional one. [23 August] [ . . . ] an adagio could be added to the aria, and the verses I sent you would then serve for the cabaletta. You had some objection, but (begging your pardon) it seems to me that the situation calls for an effective, pas· sionate aria. [25 November]
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INTRODUCTION
e) The final adjustments of Bardare to the libretto
The entrance of Bardare on the scene preceded Cammarano's death and goes back to his lengthy illness. That some parts of the working draft of the libretto are in Bardare's hand, while corresponding sections in lSA were written out by Cammarano, might suggest a reevaluation of the young poet's contribution to the genesis of the libretto. But the most likely hypothesis is that Cammarano's degenerating health compelled him to turn ever more often to his young collaborator for help in transcribing or copying the verses. The principal source for reconstructing this final phase of work on the libretto of II trovatore remains Verdi's letters to De Sanctis. The last mailing of poetry before Cammarano's death brought the libretto to completion in the following form (the titles, where appropriate, are those of this edition): Parte prima:
Parte seconda:
Parte terza:
Parte quarta:
Introduzione [N. 1] Cavatina Leonora [N. 2] Scena, Romanza e Terzetto [N. 3] Coro di Zingari e Canzone [Azucena] [N. 4] Racconto d' Azucena [N. 5] Scena e Duetto [Azucena e Manrico] [N. 6] Finale Atto II: long version, with the stretta, and with an "aria in a single movement" for the Count [NN.7-8] Finale Atto II: short version, without the stretta Coro [N. 9] Romanza del Conte (suppressed by Cammarano); Scena e Terzetto [N. 10] Aria Manrico [N. 11] Scena ed Aria Leonora (without her cantabile) [N. 12] Scena e Duetto [Leonora e Conte] [N. 13] Finale Ultimo [N. 14]
On 5 August, although grieving the death of Cammarano, Verdi pointed out to De Sanctis several remaining problems with the libretto: [ ... ] this Trovatore seems to me a bit long; and tell me: what if there were need for some judicious cutting? What if the censure were to demand some small changes? What if I myself were to need some details modified or changed? (Understand that none of these things should alter in the least the work of our poor friend, whose memory I first of all wish to respect). In such a case, to whom should I turn? Did this Bardarni [sic] have Canunarano's confidence? Is he capable? Write to me at once, because there is no time to lose. [ . . . ] P.S. Since you have sent to Jacovacci the sections of poetry that were missing, note that I will probably use the finale of the second act as Canunarano originally wrote it. "n Thus, notwithstanding the length of the libretto, one of Verdi's first concerns was the restoration of the "long" version of Finale II. On 29 September he spelled out his requirements to De Sanctis. None of them went in the direction of shortening the opera: 1) He asked that Azucena's Canzone be modified. Cammarano had originally written two quatrains of settenari: 108 Stride la vampa, il popolo Urli di gioja innalza AI giunger della vittima Bruno-vestita e scalza. E gli occhi della misera Che al rogo si conduce, Fiammeggiano al riverbero Della sinistra luce ... In his letter to De Sanctis of 29 September, Verdi suggested that these be redone as two sestinas of quinari doppi: 109 Stride la vampa, la folla indomita Urli di gioia al cielo innalza. Cinta di sgherri giunge la vittima Bianco-vestita discinta e scalza ... Sorride, scherza la folla indomita Urli di gioia innalza al ciel. (four lines to be added)
Sorride, scherza, la folla indomita Urli di gioia innalza al ciel. Bardare's verses, sent to Verdi on 23 October 1852, read as follows in ISA:110 Stride la vampa! - la folla indomita Carre a quel foeo -lieta in sembianza! Urli di gioja - d'intorno echeggiano Cinta di sgherri - donna s'avanza! Sinistra splende - su' volti orribili La tetra fiamma - che s' alza al Ciel! Stride la vampa! - giunge la vittima Nero vestita - discinta e scalza! Grido feroce - di morte levasi L'eco il ripete - di baIza in baIza! .. Sinistra splende - su' volti orribili La tetra fiamma - che s' alza al Ciel! 2) Accepting not only the modifications that Cammarano had already made (the suppression of the Count's Romanza in Part III in favor of an Aria before Finale II), but also his suggestion that a cantabile be added to the Count's Aria, Verdi wrote: It will be necessary to fashion an adagio cantabile of eight or 10 lines
after the line novello e pill possente ella ne appresta etc., or wherever you think best. Then, after he says to his followers Vi quei faggi all' ombra celatevi, I would like to have the chorus sing a strophe (in settenari) while leaving the stage, to be performed in fragments and sot· tovoce, which I could then interweave with the following cabaletta, perhaps rather effectively. Bardare fulfilled Verdi's requirements to the letter: he alone was responsible for the cantabile of the Count's Aria, "II balen del suo sorriso." III 3) Verdi's last request was for "J!. or lQ passionate, very beautiful lines" for a cantabile section at the beginning of Leonora's Aria in Part IV. The resulting strophe, "D'amor sull'ali rosee," is entirely of Bardare's composition. 4) Finally, Bardare himself worked out a few lines of recitative for the beginning of N. 10 to replace the Romanza removed from Part III.112 Only two matters remained to be settled: the shape of Finale II and the very last lines of the opera. In both cases Verdi took matters into his own hands, then copied out his versions in a letter to De Sanctis of 14 December (in which he announced that he had completed II trovatore), so that they could be smoothed out a bit by Bardare.'" Verdi's interventions helped balance the additions earlier requested of Bardare: the composer made some changes in Finale II (eliminating, in particular, the stretta) and reduced the concluding lines of the opera from twelve to five. Thus, the libretto assumed its final shape. From Rome, on 1 January, Verdi responded to some objections raised by De Sanctis about his abbreviations in the two finales: We are agreed then about the second-act Finale, which I shall have printed as I transcribed it for you and, of course, with the stage direction etc. etc. Manrico carries offwith him Leonora etc.
The last finale is more of a problem, because I have had to compose the music without awaiting your reply, and the music is organized in such a way that it would be impossible for me to set the lines you mention. For my part I maintain that five lines of recitative will not spoil the effect, at least not as much as six rhymed lines would. You observe that ... Azucena must say these words, which are a consequence ... etc. etc. But permit me to say that I understand these matters very well. But the 110. See the letter of De Sanctis to Verdi, Carteggi verdiani. 1: 11-14. 111. The relevant passage is the conclusion of the recitative, the cantabile, and the
following dialogue and chorus of N. 7 (mm. 22-86). 112. His addition reads as follows: "All'Atto 3. Scena 2. (togUendosi la romanza del Conte) CONT:
FERRANDO:
107. Carteggi verdiani. I: 9-10; translation after Kimbell, p. 290. 108. Cammarano sent this first version of Azucena's Canzone to Verdi on 18 October 1851. 109. Carteggiverdiani.I:IO-11.
Come persecutor demone ovunque M'insegue! (Odes; tumulto) Scena 3 Che mai fu? D'appresso i1 campo"
113. Carteggi verdiani. I: 14-16. On problems regarding the adaptations Verdi made in the "long" Finale II given him by Cammarano, see Black, "Salvadore Cammarano's Progranuna," 81-87: all versions of the text are printed on 93-107. Concerning the final verses of the opera, see above, note 91.
xxii
INTRODUCTION
heart of the drama, as you say, is found not in these words, but in a single word . . . vendetta! To say sei vendicata 0 madre and to say tarda vendetta! . . . ma quanto fiera avesti 0 madre is the same as far as the drama is concerned. Except that the former is shorter and more suitable. However, if you don't think so, let's print all the lines Cammarano wrote, adding a note in the libretto: the following lines have been changed for the sake of brevity.''' Thus Verdi closed the circle in the work's genesis by emphasizing again the concept that had been at the root of his disagreement with Cammarano. The final scene, resisting from the outset all attempts to domesticate it into some semblance of verisimilitude and reasonable intelligibility, is perhaps the most Verdian in the entire opera. In it brevity and effect, true watchwords on Verdi's dramaturgical horizon, find their dramatic and musical raison d'etre precisely because the two are made one.
4. Censorship Throughout October 1851 the impresario Jacovacci had asked Cammarano to send him the scenario (if not the libretto itself). He finally received it on Saturday, 15 November. Three days later, inviting the poet to come to Rome to stage the opera, Jacovacci returned thtl censored scenario to Cammarano, who transcribed the impresario's entire letter for Verdi: Saturday I received your scenario for /l trovatore, which I immediately brought to the authorities. I enclose here a copy for you with their modifications, which in my opinion are not prejudicial to the substance of the drama. Instead of witches, as you'll see, they will be called gypsies. Exiles and partisans of various factions, which cannot be mentioned, have been removed ... Instead of the stake, which could be thought to refer to the sentences meted out by the Inquisition in that period, it will simply say death sentence. Leonora must not allow the audience to witness her taking poison, since suicides are forbidden, and the passage can be modified as you will find in the scenario. The type of music for the offstage chants may be as you wish, accompanied by a large harmonium [jisarmonica], which has the same sound as the organ, as done in StifJelio; but there should be no sacred or immoral words in any part of it. Leonora will go through a vestibule to enter the cloister. There will be no mention of church, convent, and vows. liS
Another significant document, dating from mid-November 1851, is probably related to the presentation of the scenario mentioned by Jacovacci. Although the deep concerns of Verdi and Cammarano about the character of Azucena might even appear to be exaggerated, the functionary who prepared this bare skeleton of the plot for the government dispenses altogether with the problem: he does not mention Azucena, omitting her from the dramatic action.1l6 After the projected production for the 1851-52 carnival season came to nought, the subject of censorship was raised again during the summer of 1852, when Verdi made his going to Rome conditional upon previous approval of the libretto by the censors. Few documents assist in reconstructing these events. The manuscript libretto bearing censorial corrections preserved at S. Agata is difficult to date. The only useful clues are that it has the second, "short" version of Finale II, which Cammarano sent Verdi about 10 July 1852, and that it lacks Bardare's last additions. This source thus represents an intermediate phase in the Roman censorship procedure, dating between July and September 1852. In fact, on 3 July Verdi had asked Cammarano to send the libretto to Rome, and in his letter of 19 July to De Sanctis he wrote: "I think that Jacovacci is traveling to Naples to confer with Cammarano" (who had, in fact, died that very day). Finally, from Verdi's letter to De Sanctis of 5 August we 114. Carteggi verdiani, I: 16-17; translation after Kimbell, pp. 292-93. 115. The text is taken from the transcription in Cammarano's letter of 25 November 1851, Carteggio Verdi-Cammarano. 116. Rome, Archivio di Stato, "Miscellanea carte politiche riservate," busta 140, fasc. 5111, carta 188: As of now the following operas have been corrected, reported on, and approved forthe forthcoming Carnival Season 1851-52. [ ... I 2. Il trovatore: a new play which Maestro Verdi is currently setting to music; corrected, reported and approved. = Outline of the Plot = The Troubadour is the brother of the Count de Luna. Leonora is in love with the Troubadour. The Count de Luna is the lover of Leonora and the rival of the Troubadour. - In order to marry Leonora he wants to get rid of the Troubadour. Leonora promises to marry the Count de LWla in order to save the Troubadour. - But unable to bring herself to unite her destiny with his, she poisons herself. [ ... I
can deduce that by then the entire libretto was in the hands of the Roman censors, sent presumably by Bardare and De Sanctis. It is to the manuscript libretto recently sold at Sotheby's, which bears Verdi's annotations concerning the censorship demanded by the Roman authorities, that De Sanctis evidently refers on 23 October 1852 when he recommends that Verdi have Ricordi print "the unexpurgated libretto and not the one mutilated in Rome." 117 Ricordi, in fact, did not publish the Roman edition, and RO·3 was most likely based on the censors' corrections found in the Sotheby's manuscript libretto. They reveal that the censor, when reviewing the definitive form of the libretto, after the emendations by Bardare and Verdi, reconsidered a number of his own earlier selections, censoring verses that had originally been left alone, and returning in a few cases to non-censored versions. 5. Conclusions
The libretto Verdi found in his hands during the summer and autumn of 1852 did not correspond exactly to his initial intentions. On the other hand, while (in his letter of 4 April 1851) he had asked Cammarano in a provocative manner for drastic changes in the way operas were organized formally, he knew that his own innovative ideas would be difficult indeed to put into effect: the lack of models to which the librettist could refer imposed severe limits on Cammarano, who was not disposed personally to overturn or even to press against the rules of the game. Because the composer was always aware of his own role in realizing the drama through music, he could relegate to a secondary level the incompatibilities or disagreements that might arise between his own vision and that of his librettist. Of course, Cammarano's premature death allowed Verdi to resolve directly some problematic issues of great concern. It was not fortuitous that he devised the basic shape of Azucena's canzone, immediately establishing her character, or that he forced the final scene (the concluding expression of Azucena's complex psychology) into that tremendously concise form that had from the first captured his imagination. In these two moments, as Verdi made clear in his letter to De Sanctis of 29 September 1852, musico-dramatic invention (or intuition) preceded and determined the verbal aspect.
The Composition of the Opera To reconstruct the compositional history of II trovatore is difficult because few letters survive, and the principal musical sketches are not currently accessible. The correspondence between Verdi and Ricordi has lacunae during the most crucial period, with a gap in Verdi's letters between 20 December 1852 and 13 August 1853, and one in Ricordi's from 11 March 1852 until 17 September 1853. The few surviving letters reveal little about the composition of the opera. Certainly, though, Abbiati's contention that II trovatore was "almost completely composed" in the month of April 1852 is without foundation. 118 Perhaps he made this inference on the basis of a passage in Verdi's letter to De Sanctis of 24 May: "I do not know when or where I shall write this Trovatore, which is almost finished; perhaps I shall write another opera, the one I requested from Cammarano [i.e., Re Lear]." 119 The phrase "almost finished" refers to the libretto, not the music. In fact, Verdi uses the future tense here, as he continues to do for the following two months whenever mentioning the opera. 120 He must have been waiting for a finished libretto before setting to work. Indeed, the first substantial clue that he was beginning to compose appears only in Verdi's letter to De Sanctis of 29 September, in which he specifies the changes he wishes Bardare to make in the poetic text. 121 The specific nature of his three requests suggests that he might already have sketched some of the music, or at least thought about it deeply. For Azucena's canzone in Act II he wanted a "popular theme," 117. Carleggi verdiani, 1: 12. 118. Abbiati, 2: 164 119. Carleggi verdiani. 1 :7. 120. For example, to De Sanctis in June 1852: "Thus I want to be informed in detail about this Penco, since perhaps I shall write II trovatore for her at Rome. [ ... 1I urge you to have Cammarano send me right away everything that remains to be done for II trovatore" (Carteggi verdiani, 1: 8); to Cammarano on 3 July: "1 shall write II trovatore for Rome. if I have good reports of Signora Penco, if they find me another donna. and if the censors permit the libretto. I entreat you therefore to finish it at once and send the rest to me [ . . . I" (Car/eggio Verdi·Cammarano, quoted after Kimbell, p. 289); to De Sanctis on 19 July: "Perhaps I will write II trovatore for Rome. I think that Jacovacci is traveling to Naples to confer with Cammarano. In case any changes were necessary for the Censors, do you think that Cammarano could do them? Moreover, I notice that this libretto is a little long, but I'll write you about these things at a more appropriate moment" (Carteggi verdiani. 1: 9). 121. See Mossa, above.
INTRODUCTION explaining that "it would be useful to me, musically speaking, in several parts of the drama"; 122 hence he needed two sestets of quinari doppi in place of the two quatrains of settenari that Cammarano had provided. Specific musical concerns likewise motivated his requests for changes in the texts of the arias for De Luna in Act II and Leonora in Act IV. This letter is quite similar to those Verdi wrote to Piave during the composition of Rigoletto, which allow us to date exactly the sketches of two numbers in Act II by comparing the content of the letters to the complete draft of the opera. 12' In the case of II trovatore, however, any hypotheses must be based on the fragmentary sketch material available and our knowledge of the composer's usual practice. By September, then, Verdi was probably sketching the music for II trovatore, and he undoubtedly prepared a continuity draft of the whole opera, similar to the one for Rigoletto published in facsimile in 1941.124 There may also have been some preliminary sketches, of the sort present in the abbozzo for Rigoletto. 12' In his iconographical study of Verdi, Gatti reproduced one page of a sketch for "Mira, di acerbe lagrime" from the fourth act of II trovatore. 126 It shows that the composer divided his twenty-four stave paper into eight systems of three staves each, and notated the vocal parts, mostly with text, for what eventually became mm. 56-111 ofN. 13. The music is in its definitive key, A' major, and the vocal parts are virtually in final form. The sketch is 51 measures long, that is, five fewer than in the final version, and reveals that Verdi added the music now found in mm. 103-107 at a later stage. Originally he had separated out as a "Piii mosso" the closing phrase (now mm. 108-111), which had been assigned to Leonora alone. I27 One other sketch fragment for II trovatore has survived: it is from the scene in the Finale Ultimo (N. 14) in which Leonora tells Manrico that she has taken poison. In an article about this fragment, Jesse Rosenberg argues persuasively that it is "a partial leaf evidently torn from Verdi's continuity draft for II trovatore. " 128 Rosenberg provides a facsimile and transcription, with thoughtful analytical commentary. In this case the differences between the sketch and the final version are more significant, involving not only the tonality (E major instead of E~ major), but also the melodic material. In the next phase of composition, Verdi would normally prepare a preliminary stage of his autograph manuscript, the "skeleton score," notating vocal parts and the bass line, with occasional instrumental cues. Although none of the surviving letters concerning II trovatore gives exact dates for this stage, some offer suggestive clues. In a long letter to Ricordi of 10 October, Verdi wrote: "I have received the paper, which you should charge to my account." 129 It is plausible to hypothesize that the paper was needed for the score of II trovatore, suggesting that Verdi began to layout the skeleton score of some numbers toward the middle of October. By the end of the month, however, he probably had to suspend work. The next two letters to Ricordi-dated 26 and 29 October-are both in Giuseppina's hand except for the signature, and the first offers the following explanation: "Suffering from rheumatism in one arm, I cannot write you myself; therefore I shall take advantage of a friendly hand to answer your letter of 15 October." 130 During this period Verdi used his enforced leisure to work on the libretto of La traviata with Piave, who came to Busseto for that purpose.I'1 No later than 12 November, the composer was able to work again; the letter he sent Ricordi on that date is entirely in his own hand. 132 Unfortunately, Abbiati provided no date for the letter Verdi sent to Jacovacci together with the contract for the production of II trovatore at the Teatro Apollo (see above, note 44), but its context suggests mid
122. Carteggi verdiani. 1: 10. 123. See Rigoletto. edited by Martin Chusid, in The Works of Giuseppe Verdi. Se· ries I, vol. 17 (Chicago-Milan, 1983), pp. xvii-xviii. 124. L'abbozzo del Rigoletto di Giuseppe Verdi. edited by Carlo Gatti (Milan, 1941). 125. They are listed by Chusid in Verdi, Rigoletto, p. xxii.
126. Carlo Gatti, Verdi nelle immagini (Milan, 1941), p. 186. 127. Verdi's autograph manuscript of the opera, however, shows no signs of hesitation about the final version. 128. Jesse Rosenberg, "A sketch fragment for II Trovatore, " in Verdi Newsletter 14 (1986): 29-35. 129. Copialettere CXL, p. 149, where it is misdated as 10 September. 130. The letter is in the archives of Casa Ricordi. See also Verdi's letter to Leon Escudier, which Abbiati (2: 179) assigns to the end of October: "I am making use of a friendly hand, because rheumatism in one arm prevents me from writing myself." 131. See his letter of 5 November (also in Giuseppina's hand) to the sculptor Vincenzo Luccardi (Abbiati, 2: 176). 132. The letter is published, incomplete, in Abbiati, 2: 185-86. The original is preserved at the archives of Casa Ricordi.
to late November. The composer's specific comments about the Introduzione to the opera imply that the piece was finished, at least in draft. What is certain is that, contrary to his usual custom, Verdi orchestrated the entire opera before leaving for Rome. His letter to Ricordi of 10 December 1852 furnishes unequivocal evidence in its last paragraph-a passage unaccountably excised in Abbiati: 133 Peppina's passport is in Milan: I urge you to take care of it promptly. I had hoped to send you the rest of II trovatore today, but one piece remains to be orchestrated. . . There will be enough time! In two letters of 14 December, the composer announced the completion of his opera. To De Sanctis he wrote: "II trovatore is finished, and on the twenty-fifth of this month I will be in Rome." 134 Verdi's letter to his Roman friend Luccardi also makes clear why the composer could not wait to orchestrate II trovatore until the rehearsal period, his usual practice:
[ ... ] go to Jacovacci, who will give you a piano, and have it put in my room so that, as soon as I arrive, I can write the opera for Venice [La traviata] without losing a moment. II trovatore is completely finished: not a single note is missing and I am pleased with it. 135
One other piece of evidence confirms the early completion of the orchestration of II trovatore: a manuscript copy of the full score preserved at the Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna (O.A. 367).136 First used for a production of the opera in Vienna during the Spring season of 1854, this score probably originated in Ricordi's copisteria. At the end of the Terzetto (No. 10) in Act III, the copyist wrote a completion date: "Li 13 dicembre 1852." The autograph score of II trovatore permits us to examine Verdi's compositional process in some detail: changes he made both at the skeleton-score stage of notation and during orchestration are visible in the manuscript. After having prepared a copy for his own purposes, Ricordi must have returned the score to Verdi so that he could use it during the rehearsal period in Rome. In fact, the autograph score of II trovatore contains a number of alterations and corrections that the composer made at a later date, probably during rehearsals for the premiere. Important structural revisions at the skeleton-score stage are apparent both from irregularities in the fascicle structure and from the presence of earlier, canceled layers in the Scena, Romanza e Terzetto (N. 3) concluding Act I and in the Coro di Zingari e Canzone (N. 4) at the beginning of Act II. Earlier versions of the orchestral introduction to N. 3 (mm. 1-16) and the music linking the Romanza of Manrico and the Terzetto (mm. 79-91), as well as of the opening measures for orchestra in N. 4 (mm. 1-20) and their partial repetition (mm. 49-64), are transcribed and discussed in Appendix 1. The orchestral introduction to N. 3 is particularly interesting because Verdi revised the passage drastically after having orchestrated it. The changes in mm. 79-91 of the same number, on the other hand, appear to have been made during orchestration. In the Coro di Zingari, by contrast, he revised mm. 1-20 and 49-64 while working out the skeleton score. Verdi's later changes in the manuscript can usually be identified by the color of ink. Some, in a faint brown ink, were probably entered while the composer was proofreading; others, in a bold blue ink, probably reflect last-minute interventions made during rehearsals. Many of these later alterations were not incorporated into the first edition of the piano-vocal score, pvRI. Of the changes belonging to the first category, some involve the simple addition of precautionary accidentals, as in Manrico's aria (N. 11), mm. 128-137 (natural signs in front of the note b in all parts) or in the Scena e Duetto for Leonora and the Count (N. 13), mm. 12, 16, and 20 (flat signs in the strings). But two revisions in the faint brown ink are of considerable musical interest. Though they clearly represent Verdi's final wishes, they have never before appeared in print. The first occurs in the flute part in the Scena e Terzetto (N. 10) at m. 83. For the original notes, e"-d"-b', Verdi substituted e"-g"-e", probably to remove the parallel fifths he had unwittingly created with the bass between this and the following measure. Far more striking is his modification in the Finale Ultimo (N. 14), at m. 222: he altered the harmony in the string parts from G major to E minor, a highly effective revision published here for the first time (see Plate 5). 133. The original is in the archives of Cas. Ricordi. Abbi.ti (2: 187) also neglects to transcribe the date. 134. Carteggi verdiani, 1: 14. 135. Abbiati, 2: 183-84. 136. See the Critical Commentary for a description of this source.
xxiii
xxiv
INTRODUCTION Of Verdi's seven late corrections in blue ink, nearly all concern the vocal parts: I) N. 6, Scena e Duetto [Azucena e Manricol, m. 7: Verdi changed Azucena's text from "I' atroce" to "il truce," restoring Cammarano's original words; 2) N. 7, Aria Conte, mm. 25-27: Verdi altered the vocal part; 3) N. 8, Finale II, m. 34: Verdi altered the note values in the vocal parts; 4) N. 8, m. 75: Verdi added fermatas for Leonora and the strings; 5) N. 12, Scena ed Aria Leonora, mm. 110-111: Verdi changed the text underlay in Manrico's part; 6) N. 13, Scena e Duetto [Leonora e Conte], m. 135: Verdi modified Leonora's rhythm; 7) N. 14, Finale Ultimo, mm. 295 and 299: Verdi added accidentals in Leonora's part. Only the change in N. 13 made its way into pvRI. For further information about these, and other late corrections and revisions, see the Critical Commentary. Verdi's autograph manuscript also contains a number of nonautograph entries, which fall into two categories. In the first category are additions to the musical text, which mostly serve to clarify points implicit in Verdi's notation. Probably made by copyists or engravers of the Ricordi firm (see below), they are in a heavy, dark brown ink that has often bled through the page. In the second category are annotations, entered at various times and in differing shades of pencil and ink, which divide the score into sections and pages in preparation for engraving pvRI and, much later, the full score.
The Premiere of the Opera In his letter to Luccardi of 14 December announcing the completion of his new opera, Verdi also informed his friend that he would be arriving in Rome on 25 December. As it turned out, he arrived several days later. He was in Genoa with Giuseppina on 21 and 25 December,137 and apparently traveled with her to Livorno, whence he seems to have departed on 28 December. 13' He was certainly in Rome on 1 January 1853, from which he notified De Sanctis immediately that the adjustments Bardare had made for the end of the opera would not be usable, because he had already composed the music to a different text. 139 In the same letter the composer reported that he had seen Giuseppe Cencetti (the "Direttore di Scena") in Rome, but not the soprano Rosina Penco. Even before he had finished writing, a letter from De Sanctis of 30 December arrived, and Verdi replied in a postscript, expressing his concern about Penco: [ ... j Yes, a complete fiasco here. What do you want me to do? I am here and this Trovatore must be given. If Penco is no good, why did all of you make such a fuss about her? We shall see! The little that remains of Verdi's correspondence during his stay in Rome contains hardly a word about II trovatore. He wrote Giuseppina frequently, and to judge from scattered references in her replies, he kept her well informed about the progress of rehearsals. But since his letters do not appear to have survived, we must construct our account from a handful of sentences in her affectionate responses. We learn, for instance, from a question in the second of her two letters of 3 Januaryl40_"Your arm is hurting you?"-that the rheumatic pains which had afflicted him late in October had returned. This condition appears to have restricted his activity greatly: in a letter of 16 February he mentions that he went out "very few times, in order to attend the rehearsals of II trovatore." 141 It must have interfered with his work on La traviata as well. 142 References in the correspondence to the cast for the premiere are scarce, but they give the impression that there were difficulties. In addition to Verdi's disparaging remarks about Penco in his letter to De Sanctis of 1 January, a passage in Giuseppina's first letter of 3 January 137. A letter to Francesco Regli is dated Genoa, 21 December (Novara, Biblioteca civica); another to an unnamed correspondent. dated Genoa, 25 December, was offered for sale in two catalogs of International Autographs (#19 in 1968 and #22 in 1972). 138. In her letterto Verdi of 2 January 1853 from Livomo (Carteggi verdiani. 4: 262), she implies that he had departed the previous Tuesday, 28 December 1852. 139. Carteggi verdiani, 1: 16-17. 140. Carteggi verdiani, 4: 264. 141. Gatti, Verdi. I: 376. 142. The opening of Giuseppina's letter of 17 January (Carteggi verdiani, 4:266) suggests that the composition of La traviata had not been proceeding well.
implies that both the soprano and the baritone (Giovanni Guicciardi) were either indisposed or else not meeting Verdi's expectations: I hope that Penco and Guicciardi recover. You know that Saint Stephen is a drunken saint and a harsh judge. Farewell, write me a nice letter and hurry up and give OUR Trovatore. '"
Her other letter of the same day ends with remarks about Emilia Goggi, the Azucena: [ ... j Goggi doesn't want to go to Penco's for rehearsals? If I were Penco I would have gone to Goggi and I would have told her with goodnatured superiority and a bit of mischief: Signora Goggi, I know that you find it diffiCUlt to come to me for rehearsals: I am therefore coming to you, because in this age of progress, theatrical conventions ought not to exist except in La prova d'un'Opera seria by Maestro Gnecco! I thought
that Goggi had less petty ideas. ,.. Giuseppina's letter of 17 January reveals that Verdi had written her about all the singers except Penco. Whatever his opinions of them might have been during rehearsals, however, in a letter to Luccardi written after his return to Busseto the composer remembered the cast with affection: "[ ... 1I hope to receive news from you soon: you will tell me about II trovatore and its dear performers, to whom I entreat you to say the kindest things." 145 Although Giuseppina had hoped that the opera would open on 15 January, so that Verdi could rejoin her in Livorno by the nineteenth,l46 the premiere itself occurred on 19 January, and the composer was originally supposed to remain in Rome until the evening of the twenty-second. 147 Verdi's account of the performances, contained in letters to his close friends De Sanctis and Clarina Maffei, is characteristically laconic and reserved: "/l trovatore didn't go badly," he noted to De Sanctis. l48 To Clarina Maffei he was slightly more forthcoming: You will have heard about II trovatore: it would have been better had the company been complete. They say that this opera is too sad and that there are too many deaths. But ultimately in life everything is death! What exists? . .
.149
In fact, /l trovatore was an enormous success. The reviews in the Gazzetta musicale di Milano, the Gazzetta musicale di Napoli, and the Bolognese journal Teatri, arti, e letteratura offer detailed accounts of the new opera's reception. Some observations in these reviews help clarify points raised in the correspondence already cited. The review in the Gazzetta musicale di Milano provides a good point of departure: Rome, 20 January 1853 Yesterday evening we attended the first performance of II trovatore. and we hasten to give you a brief report of the way in which it was performed and the reception that it was given by our audience. The theater was extremely full, packed to the rafters; the spectators all more or less intelligent, since they belonged to the best class of society, the prices for tickets and boxes being high; the expectation was great, the silence religious. The Introduzione was liked very much, and right from the beginning: after it, the composer was called to the stage two or three times. The cavatina sung by Penco (Leonora) was not very effective as far as the largo is concerned, but that was not the case for the very graceful stretta, after which Verdi was called forth twice. The romanza that follows was found beautiful; but the trio that concludes the act was partly ruined by the baritone who sings the role of Count de Luna. Being rather indisposed and overcome by stage fright, he was unable to make us fully appreciate the beauties of his role. Nevertheless, at the end of the first act, the composer was again called to the stage. The chorus which opens the second act was applauded. The duet between the Gypsy woman [Azucenaj and the Troubadour was found very beautiful, indeed sublime; in it Azucena's narrative is highly original and
143. Carteggi verdiani, 4:264. Saint Stephen's day, 26 December, was both the beginning of the merrymaking associated with Carnival and the opening of the principal operatic season in Italy. Apparently, the two singers performed badly on that occasion in Verdi's Luisa Miller, with which the season at the Teatro Apollo had opened. 144. Carteggi verdiani, 4:265. Francesco Goecco's La prova di un' opera seria (1805) was one of the most successful comic operas of the era. 145. Monaldi. Verdi. p. 122.
146. Carteggi verdiani. 4:265-66. 147. 148.
Verdi to De Sanctis, 22 January 1853 (Car/eggi verdiani, I: 18). Ibid.
149. Copialettere. p. 532. Verdi also wrote to Emanuele Muzio on 20 January. In this letter, which was offered for sale in the catalog Lettres autographes, documents historiques, photos signees of L'autographe (Geneva, 1992), item #150, the composer wrote: "Three pieces pleased the public: the Intnxluzione, the tenor Aria, and the Miserere."
INTRODUCTION
exquisitely crafted. The composer was called again. For the reasons mentioned earlier, the cavatina of Count de Luna could not be appreciated as it deserves. The choruses that accompany it were judged to be beautiful and novel. The end of this act is magnificent. More curtain calls for Verdi. The chorus opening the third act was applauded. Count de Luna's aria was heard with attention, and everyone will certainly find it beautiful when, once the baritone is recovered, he can sing it well.''' Stupendous was the duet between the Count and the Gypsy woman, which comes next. The Troubadour's cavatina during the preparations for the wedding was ineffably beautiful and frenetically applauded, both in the largo and in the stretta. The composer was called and recalled to the stage several times. The whole fourth act is so effective that one scarcely knows how to express it in words, especially the first scene, when Leonora's melody is intertwined with the offstage chorus and the Troubadour's romanza. The audience could not admire it and applaud it enough. Nevertheless, after the last trio in the prison, when Count de Luna returns, the atrocity of the action portrayed so upset the nervous sensitivity oftoo delicate hearts that the last measures of music seemed somewhat cold. Still, the composer was again recalled many times. In general, the music is completely worthy of Verdi. Boucarde, Penco, and Goggi (the Gypsy woman) sang with laudable commitment. Verdi has treated the role of the Gypsy woman masterfully, with that philosophy, that originality, that power of melody and harmony which distinguish him. While the opera is deficient in concerted pieces, it is eminently rich in dramatic and very beautiful melodies, which in three or four places make the audience cry out with enthusiasm. lSI
The same newspaper published another dispatch bearing the same date, which supplies additional information: The end of the third act and Act IV aroused so much enthusiasm, that one wanted their repetition at any cost. The performance was excellent with respect to Boucarde, Penco, the chorus and the orchestra, and sufficiently good as regards Goggi and the baritone, both of whom seemed overcome by stage fright. We hope they will be cured by tonight. '" The reviews confirm two points that emerged from the correspondence: Goggi and Guicciardi were having some difficulties, and the ending of the opera was found too depressing. A review of the second performance, in the same issue, notes that Goggi and Guicciardi had recovered. The Gazzetta musicale di Napoli devoted even more space to the premiere. A review dated 20 January confirms the notices in the Gazzetta musicale di Milano and adds some new information. In Act I, for "the Introduzione and narrative sung by [Arcangelo] Balderi [i.e., Ferrando], silence; for the stretta of the chorus interrupted by the bell, applause and two curtain calls for the composer." '" The reviewer notes that the trio at the end of Act I recalls that of Ernani, and adds that it was sung "very badly by the baritone Guicciardi." Most interesting are his observations about the opening of Act II: "Chorus of Gypsies with the sound of anvils: there had been too much talk about it well before the performance, hence it did not produce a great effect, besides which, the choristers did not sing in time." In the duet between Azucena and Manrico (N. 6), there was applause for the primo tempo ("Mal reggendo all'aspro assalto"), but the cabaletta ("Perigliarti ancor languente") was received in silence. Like the reviewer for the Gazzetta musicale di Milano, this writer also refers to the third-act Terzetto as a duet for Azucena and the Count, but he records a very different reception, noting that both the opening chorus and the "duet" were met with silence. Not so Manrico's aria: there was "applause for the largo, wild enthusiasm for the cabaletta, well sung by Bouccarde, and three calls for the composer." The review corroborates the enthusiasm of the audience for the "Miserere" in Act IV: In this aria one hears a melody for tenor from within the tower and a
beautiful chorus with a bell sounding his impending death in slow, funereal tolls: frenzy, enthusiasm, Verdi called out five times, and Bouccarde and Penco loudly applauded. After this beautiful piece, which is the high point of the opera, any cabaletta would have fallen flat, and so did this one, even though Penco sang it well. 150. There is some confusion in the review, since it is certain that, despite Cammarano's original plan to include a Romanza for the Count at this point, Verdi did not write a solo piece for De Luna in Act ITI. 151. Gazzetta musicale di Milano XI, no. 5 (30 January 1853), p. 23. 152. Ibid., p. 24. 153. Gazzetta musicale di Napoli II, no. 5 (29 January 1853), p. 35.
The reviewer suggests that the duet between Leonora and the Count was not understood because of the baritone's performance. The final scene, he concludes, "is good, but it is a far cry from the last finale of [Luisa] Miller," and he does not fail to point out that "the opera ends with three deaths." An even longer notice in the same issue of the Neapolitan newspaper, this one dated 25 January, analyzes the libretto in detail. 154 The commentary is important in the history of Verdi criticism, for it contains some of the earliest doubts about the credibility of the plot, questions that were discussed in the correspondence between Verdi and Cammarano and that still trouble critics and audiences today: First of all, how is it that Manrico has not realized that he is not Azucena's son, especially after the story she tells him in her delirium, where she recounts that, having thrown her own son right into the fire, Count de Luna's son had remained with her? These things are really quite incredible, and should not be added to the multitude of improbabilities that poets of the melodramma permit themselves. Then, too, after the duel between the Count and the Troubadour in which the latter has been given up for dead, when we find him later with the sorceress Azucena, why does he say nothing about the wound he has received?'" We know very well that a warrior defies everything; but a wound so grave that the person who has received it is presumed dead could hardly be such a trivial matter. Subsequent dispatches published in the same issue report that the theater continued to be jammed with people, and that appreciation of the new work increased from performance to performance. The third performance, on 22 January, was the last the composer was contractually obliged to attend. At the end of the evening, the audience presented Verdi with two laurel wreaths: The demonstrations of the Roman audience did not end here; after the opera was over they rushed to the exit of the theater where, with many candles and the sound of a brass band they greeted the celebrated composer. Having reached his residence, he found that other joyful sounds, other festive candles awaited him, and more cheering, which obliged him to present himself again to the people, from his balcony. Moved by so many demonstrations of esteem and affection, the distinguished composer wanted at all costs to postpone his departure from Rome by one day, in order to attend the fourth performance of II trova/ore. As soon as this was announced on the placards of the theater, all the seats and boxes in the house were sold out immediately. Then in the evening the audience showed how much it had appreciated the great composer's reciprocal gesture of affection with applause, cheering, flowers, and by waving white banners, etc., in a way that would move even the most calloused to tears. A short review of the premiere in Teatri, arti, e letteratura, signed "Fiori," mentions that the audience demanded the repetition of "variOttS pieces, which however were not repeated, given theatrical customs existing in Rome." 156 The reactions to the ending reported in other notices are confirmed here: "Only the heart-rending finale of this opera saddened the audience a little, but that is owing to the overly powerful way in which the story develops."
Later Stagings of the Opera After its triumphant premiere, Il trovatore circulated rapidly. In fact, no other opera of Verdi except Erttani enjoyed such instant and widespread success. Martin Chusid and Tom Kaufman have documented 229 stagings of Il trovatore during the first three years of the opera's existence. The work was produced throughout Italy, and in foreign theaters as distant as Constantinople, Athens, Lisbon, Madrid, Vienna, Warsaw, Budapest, Alexandria, Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, and New York. 157 As with other operas of which he was particularly fond, Verdi proved himself quite protective of Il trovatore. When Piave asked him if he would consider changing Leonora's Cavatina for the soprano Marianna Barbiere-Nini, who was scheduled to perform the role at La Fenice, the composer replied on 17 April 1853: Greet Barbieri and tell her that the cavatina of II trova/ore seems good to me, and therefore I cannot and must not change it. It would be suicide! If I am permitted to voice my opinion, why is Barbieri taking that part if 154. Ibid., p. 37. 155. For all the efforts of Verdi and Cammarano to clarify this matter, then, it is clear that this critic at least had been unable to follow the plot. 156. Teatri, arti, e let/eratura L, vol. 58, no. 1467 (27 January 1853), p. 184. A more detailed account of the premiere appeared in the next issue (3 February), pp.191-93. 157. See Martin Chusid and Tom Kaufman, "The first three years of Trovatore, " in Verdi Newsletter 15 (1987): 30-49.
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it does not suit her? If she still wants to do II trovatore there is another part, that of the Gypsy woman. Away with conventions, and let no one say that it is a secondary role: truly not: it is a principal part, the most principal; more beautiful, more dramatic, more original than the other. If I were a prima donna (a fine thing!) in II trovatore I would always play the part of the Gypsy. '" Appropriate casting continued to be a concern. On 13 August 1853 the composer wrote to Tito Ricordi: I absolutely do not permit II trovatore to be given, either with Salvini, or with Garibaldi, or with the rest of the cast that you indicate to me. If you supply the score you will be responsible for any damages that could come to me from it. The cast for the Carnival season at La Scala is better on the whole. And why can it not wait any longer? Is this opera worth so little that it is despised in this manner and thrown to the dogs to be devoured? ... '" Later, in 1855, when Torivio Calzado became impresario of the Theatre Italien in Paris, Verdi warned Tito Ricordi not to give his approval too readily to performances there: 158. Abbiati, 2:241. 159. Published in part in Abbiati, 2:242; the original is in the archives of Casa Ricordi.
[ ... 1 You know from experience that my operas are impossible here without my help. [ ... 1II trovatore, Rigoletto are operas for which we have high hopes, so be very prudent with both of them. I'" Although Verdi never staged Il trovatore again in Italy, he did personally supervise two productions in Paris, both at the Theatre Italien (23 December 1854 and 20 November 1855), for which he apparently made "some adjustments to Frezzolini's part [Leonora]." 161 Far more significant are the musical revisions he undertook a year later in order to produce the opera in French at the Opera (12 January 1857), under the title Le Trouvere. 162 Since these Parisian performances belong more properly to the story of Le Trouvere, they will be discussed in the introduction to the critical edition of that work, currently in preparation (vol. 18 B in The Works o/Giuseppe Verdi).
160. Letter of 8 July 1855 (Abbi.ti, 2: 298-99). 161. According to the letter from Tito Ricordi to Verdi of 25 November 1854, preserved at S. Agata. Unfortunately. no source has survived for the changes Verdi made for Frezzolini. It is possible, of course, that some alterations introduced for Le Trouvere in 1856-57 reftect solutions Verdi had already tried at the Theatre Italien in 1854. 162. These Parisian productions are discussed in David Lawton, "Le Trouvere: Verdi's revision of Ii trovatore for Paris," in Stud; verdiani 3 (1985): 79-119.
2. The Sources: General Observations The sources for II trovatore can be divided into four main categories: autographs, manuscript copies, printed music, and librettos. The first part of the Critical Commentary describes fully each source used for this edition. Here, we offer no more than a general account.
Autograph Sources The principal source for this edition of II trovatore is Verdi's autograph score. It is housed in the archives of Casa Ricordi in Milan, and is bound in four volumes, one for each act. The third volume also contains an arrangement for winds of the organ part in the tempo di mezzo of Manrico's Aria (N. 11). The arrangement, which bears the title "Armonia nel Trovatore," is transcribed in Appendix 2. Verdi wrote out the autograph of Il trovatore, as he did most of his scores, in two phases: he first wrote a skeleton score, and subsequently completed the orchestration. In the case of II trovatore, Verdi sent Ricordi the complete, orchestrated score of the opera before leaving S. Agata for Rome. The relatively neat appearance of Verdi's autograph suggests that he prepared it from a preliminary continuity draft, such as that for Rigoletto. Indeed, two fragments from this draft are currently available, as discussed above. Nevertheless, the finished autograph score is full of changes. These vary from simple corrections of mechanical errors (instruments entered on the wrong staff, mistaken transpositions) to more substantial modifications of melodic lines, and even to major revisions. Although in some instances Verdi's changes have obliterated earlier versions, it is usually possible to reconstruct this evidence of the creative process. Passages that underwent important modifications are published in Appendix 1. The Critical Commentary reports minor alterations as well, giving special attention to passages in which the modifications help to establish a definitive text. In spite of these changes, the autograph score of Il trovatore is a document of great clarity that, on most important musical matters, reflects precisely the composer's wishes. It has therefore been possible to base almost all editorial interventions directly on Verdi's notation; other sources rarely play an essential part.
Manuscript Copies During the second half of the nineteenth century, Verdi's publisher, Ricordi, had an unknown number of copies of the autograph score of Il trovatore prepared for distribution to theaters intending to perform the opera. Some theaters, seeking to avoid rental charges and the royalty payments these covered, made other copies illegally. It was as impossible to prevent the clandestine circulation of these copies, as it was difficult to protect the rights of the author. The history of the dissemi-
nation of the full score is therefore complicated and made yet more intricate by the fact that we know relatively little about the way that copyists worked during this period. Manuscript copies of II trovatore are scattered about the world's libraries. Of the fourteen studied in preparation for this critical edition, none shows evidence of direct intervention by Verdi, and none proved to be of more than passing importance. The Critical Commentary lists and briefly describes these copies.
Printed Musical Sources During the first thirty-five years of its existence, the orchestral score of II trovatore circulated only in manuscript. Possibly as early as 1888, Ricordi engraved a full score of the opera "in luogo di manoscritto." Bearing the imprint "R. Stabilimento Tito di Gio. Ricordi e Francesco Lucca," it has no plate numbers. A second edition appeared about .1895, also without plate numbers. Both scores were available for rental only, and there is no evidence that Verdi had a hand in their publication. Neither is a significant source for this edition, nor are the three editions published after Verdi's death: pI. no. 113957, ca. 1913; pI. no. 115340, ca. 1915; and PR 158, "nuova edizione riveduta e corretta," 1955. Although Verdi did not take a direct part in the preparation of the first piano-vocal score of II trovatore (pvRI), its date gives this source some importance. From Ricordi's libroni (large volumes in which the publisher analytically catalogued work in progress), we learn that engraving began more than a month before the premiere of 19 January 1853. Some individual pieces ("pezzi staccati") were advertised in the Gazzetta musicale di Milano of 30 January, but the complete score was not offered for sale until August. With a piano reduction by Luigi Truzzi, pvRI is in oblong folio format, 252 pages, with the plate numbers 2484224863. Even though pvRI is not a primary source, its readings reflect the opinion of musicians who were contemporaries of Verdi. These are particularly helpful when the notation of vocal parts in the autograph is unclear, or when Verdi omits essential dynamic markings. Another piano-vocal score has a certain historical significance, because it was offered for sale well before Ricordi announced the availability of pvRI. Published by the Stabilimento Musicale Partenopeo in Naples, this edition (pvPA) was announced as early as 11 December 1852 and advertised on 23 April 1853, almost three months before Ricordi's. There is no evidence that Verdi had anything to do with this publication, and it has not been considered a significant source for the critical edition. While the initial performances of II trovatore relied on hand-copied parts for chorus and orchestra, not long after the premiere Ricordi issued them in printed form. Indeed, the work's immediate success in-
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duced him for the first time to publish a complete set, rather than only choral and string parts, as had heretofore been his practice. He had the choral and orchestral parts (pRI) engraved in two groups, first the chorus and strings (pI. nos. 21278-21283),163 then the winds, brass, percussion, organ, harp, etc. (pI. nos. 21293-21309). They carry the imprint of Giovanni Ricordi, founder of the firm, and therefore their preparation must have begun before his death on 15 March 1853. Although it is not clear whether in extracting parts the engravers worked from the autograph or a manuscript copy of the score, or possibly even used previously hand-copied parts as models, Ricordi's usual practice was to make a careful copy of the full score from the composer's autograph for in-house work. For the purposes of this edition, the parts are most important for the evidence they contain concerning passages for woodwinds and brass. Verdi is not always explicit as to when a single instrument of a pair (oboes, clarinets, horns, etc.) should play a single melodic line, or when both instruments should participate. For the three trombones, there is often doubt as to the distribution of instruments when only two parts are notated. In all cases where the autograph is equivocal, WGV has depended heavily on the printed parts. In the score, all indications of (I), (a 2), etc., within parentheses reflect the readings of pRI. Both the piano-vocal score (pvRI) and the parts (pRI) have occasionally furnished dynamic indications where the autograph lacks them, models for essential slurs, and other signs of articulation. All emendations derived from printed sources are in parentheses, and the Critical Commentary states their source. Librettos The principal source for the literary text of II trovatore in this edition of the opera is Verdi's autograph score. When this source is incomplete, the critical edition relies on the manuscript draft of the libretto from which the composer himself worked, preserved in the archives of the Villa Verdi at S. Agata (ISA). Mainly in the hand of Cammarano, this draft also contains substantial portions written by Bardare, and some passages by Verdi himself. Another manuscript libretto, Cammarano and Bardare's working draft, fulfilled an important role in the genesis of the libretto but played no demonstrable part in Verdi's setting. While of historical interest, then, it had no practical application in this edition. 164 Two early printed libretti, R053 (published for the premiere in Rome) and MI 53 (the earliest of Ricordi's editions, without reference to a specific production), have served as guides when both the autograph score and !SA lack punctuation. Since the Roman libretto presents the censored text of the premiere, however, its readings often are primarily of historical interest. Except where punctuation is concerned, the Critical Commentary notes every difference between the autograph score and the principal libretto sources. Unless Verdi is clearly in error, the critical edition follows his autograph. Because the divisions into scenes and many stage directions do not appear in the autograph, however, they necessarily derive from !SA; parentheses around these designations signal their origin. Three further problems are best addressed separately. 1. Stage Directions
The manuscript libretto (ISA) contains a large number of stage directions. While Verdi adopted some of them unchanged in his autograph, he sometimes provided alternatives, and occasionally he omitted them altogether. In WGV, stage directions present in the autograph appear without parentheses; words derived from ISA are within parentheses. When there are important differences between the autograph score and ISA or the printed librettos, the edition follows the autograph, indicating Cammarano's text in a footnote; when the differences are minor, the readings of the librettos are printed only in the Critical Commentary. 2. Variations in the Literary Text
At Cammarano's death, as we have seen, the libretto of II trovatore was complete. Although Verdi complained about its excessive length, he could have set it as it stood. While the composer honored most of Cammarano's work, at a few points he envisioned solutions that departed from the original text. After Cammarano's death, he asked the poet's friend and collaborator, Bardare, for three significant revisions, as de163. Unfortunately, no copy of the original choral parts has been located. 164. For additional information concerning these librettos, see the chapter by Mossa, above. and the first part of the Critical Conunentary.
tailed in his letter to De Sanctis of 29 September 1852. 165 After the opera was entirely finished, Verdi wrote De Sanctis about two further passages in which his musical setting diverged from the literary text: the second-act Finale, and the ending of the opera. 166 De Sanctis appears to have accepted the suppression of Cammarano's stretta for the Finale of Act II, but objected to Verdi's abridgement of the opera's final scene. The composer defended his solution in a letter written soon after his arrival in Rome for the start of rehearsals. 167 The text printed in RO" offers a case study in political and religious censorship in Italy during this part of Verdi's career. Although forced to accept the textual variants for the printing of the libretto at the Roman premiere, Verdi did not incorporate any of them into his autograph score. 168 In addition to those variants discussed by Mossa above, the Critical Commentary records all variant readings. 169 The text in the vocal lines of Verdi's autograph score differs from Cammarano's libretto in various ways. In some cases the differences concern single words, and may be unintentional. For example, near the beginning of the duet for Leonora and the Count in Act IV ("Mira, di acerbe lagrime") Leonora has "ti basti il sangue mio" in the score rather than "ti bevi il sangue mio," as in the libretto. 17o Yet in Verdi's continuity draft of this passage (present in the page reproduced by Gatti), the text reads "bevi"; thus the variant in the full score is probably a copying error that occurred in transferring the passage from the draft to the autograph. In other instances, the discrepancies seem to be intentional. In the opening Scena for the Count in N. 3 ("Tace la notte!"), at m. 24, for example, Verdi changed Cammarano's "vampa" to "fiamrna." Here the musical setting may be the reason: the consonant "m" in "fiamma" is preferable to the "p" of "vampa" on the high f' sung by the baritone on the second syllable. Illustrative of Verdi's concern for the purely phonic aspect of the vocal text are the opening measures of the Terzetto in Act III (N. 10, mm. 55-57), where he replaced Cammarano's "Ivi povera vivea" with "Giorni poveri vivea." This change is certainly not the result of censorship, since the printed librettos follow Cammarano's text. More likely, the composer found disturbing both the proximity of the two "vi" sounds and the overabundance of syllables beginning with the letter "v." The Critical Commentary gives a full accounting of such textual discrepancies. 3. Spelling and Punctuation
Nineteenth-century Italian orthography often differs from that of modern times, and Verdi's presents its own peculiarities. This edition normally preserves the composer's spelling, unless it is obviously mistaken, as, for example, in the Introduzione (N. 1) to Act I, where he wrote "verroni" instead of "veroni" at mm. 39-40. Both Cammarano and Verdi were sometimes inconsistent in the spelling of certain words. For example, the opening list of characters in ISA (in Bardare's hand) includes "Uomini d'arme," using the poetic but archaic plural form of the noun "arma." Perhaps considered more elegant, this orthography is consistently employed throughout both printed librettos, R053 and MI53. In the opening stage direction of Act I in ISA, on the other hand, Cammarano wrote the modern form "uomini d'armi," which Verdi followed at m. 23 of N. 1. Both librettist and composer use the older form in the last stage direction of this first scene (at m. 304). Thereafter, all appearances of this phrase in ISA are in Cammarano's hand and are written "armi," whereas in the score Verdi vacillates between the two forms (compare the scene description at the opening of Act III, N. 9, with the chorus designations in mm. 1, 22, and 26). The dilemma arises because "arme" is also the old singular form of the word, while today the plural form "arme" is used only in heraldry. WGV employs the modern spelling throughout. Other words are also spelled inconsistently: "Zingana/Zingara," "Nudrice/Nutrice," "nudre/nutre," etc. In every case, the critical edition adopts the modern spelling, and notes variant readings in the Critical Commentary, although without registering each occurrence. A related problem concerns variations in the spelling of the name of the Count. When sending the first scene of his manuscript libretto to 165. The letter (published in Carteggi verdiani, I: 10-11) is cited and discussed in Mossa's essay, above. 166. Letter of 14 December 1852 (Carteggi verdiani, 1: 14). 167. Letter of I January 1853 (Carteggi verdiani, I: 16-17). 168. The text in one manuscript orchestral score, I-Nc l , described in the Critical Commentary, reflects censorial interventions. 169. See also Kimbell, pp. 28-32. 170. See N. 13, Note 62-63, in the Critical Commentary.
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INTRODUCTION
Verdi, Cammarano italianized the name as Di Luna, both in the opening scene description of Act I and in Ferrando's phrase "II buon Conte di Luna" (N. 1, m. 65). Afterwards, he evidently decided to return to the Spanish form, De Luna, for it remains thus in ISA for the remainder of the opera. With a single exception, Verdi followed the libretto, hence "Di Luna" in N. 1 and "De Luna" from there on, including the only other occasion on which the name is sung ("il rio De Luna" in N. 6, m. 36). Notice that in the scene description at the beginning of Act III, however, the composer produced the impossible combination "Conte di de Luna." Both Verdi and Cammarano tended to use the Spanish form in their correspondence, and this version preponderates in the opera.
Faced with the need to produce a coherent text, WGV adopts "De Luna" (or "Conte de Luna") throughout. Verdi often failed to punctuate his text, and sometimes the marks he uses differ from those in Cammarano's manuscript libretto. WGV usually follows Verdi's punctuation, when it exists, since it shaped his musical ideas. Where no punctuation is present in the autograph score, the edition usually follows ISA, but occasionally resorts to the printed librettos. The Critical Commentary does not list editorial interventions of this kind, except when the changes are of particular importance. When it is necessary to add commas because oftextual repetitions, WGV does so without further notice.
3. Problems in Editing and Performing II trovatore The problems that arise in preparing a critical edition of II trovatore, and in performing from that edition, can be divided into two distinct but related groups: those that stem from peculiarities in Verdi's notation; and those that depend on performance practice in mid nineteenthcentury Italy. Notational Problems Considering the pressures of time under which Verdi completed the score of II trovatore, his autograph manuscript is remarkably clear and accurate. Verdi's autograph scores are not fair copies of the sort that Wagner prepared for publication. Meant to be read by skilled copyists and trained musicians steeped in the compositional and performing traditions of the day, they are working scores in which traces of the compositional process are frequently visible. For the editor, interpretive problems in II trovatore stem from the composer's correction of earlier layers, from his frequent use of incomplete or abbreviated notation, and from inconsistencies (often a consequence of the way he worked).
1. Corrections and Revisions Verdi made corrections and revisions in various ways. He emended simple errors-incorrect pitches for transposing instruments or a few notes written on the wrong staff-by smearing away the ink while it was still wet and writing new music directly over the old. Although it can be difficult to decipher his final intention from a reproduction, the actual manuscript rarely leaves room for doubt. At times, when Verdi's pen began to run out of ink, he redipped it and traced over the original layer: though not actually a correction, this procedure can be mistaken for one. When making small changes after the ink had dried, he occasionally wrote directly over a previous layer without erasing it: the resulting notation can be hard to read. At m. 195 of the Introduzione (N. 1), for example, Verdi first wrote the tempo indication "Adagio" at the top and bottom of the page. Changing his mind after the ink had dried, he traced "And.'" over it. The appearance of the superimposed words is confusing, but the composer's intention is not in doubt. If changes were to be more extensive, Verdi scraped away ink from the earlier layer with a knife: since the paper was porous, vestiges of the notation remained. Frequently he had to redraw portions of the printed staves by hand. As a result, it can be difficult not only to reconstruct the earlier layer, but even to decipher the definitive one. This is particularly true when Verdi neglected to erase in the final layer markings that belonged to the earlier, rejected one. Thus, in the measures directly preceding the first vocal entrance in the Introduzione (N. 1, mm. 22-28), Verdi rewrote the string parts after scraping away a preceding version, yet elements from the original layer obscure the final reading. In the first violins at mm. 24-25, for example, two slurs and an accent belong to the earlier version, which Verdi had not erased thoroughly. In the autograph of II trovatore the most extreme example of this type of problem occurs in the orchestral introduction to the Scena, Romanza e Terzetto (N. 3). Its layers are sorted out and transcribed in Appendix 1. When Verdi's extensive revisions required him to cut away a folio or replace a section of a fascicle with a new one, measures immediately
preceding or following the replacement can pose problems. In the opening chorus of Act II (N. 4), for example, Verdi revised mm. 1-20 and 49-64 when preparing the skeleton score, inserting a replacement folio (f. 81) for mm. 10-18. On the immediately preceding folio (f. 80') he subsequently added the last, joining measure (m. 9) by extending staves into the right margin. To revise m. 8, originally the last measure on f. 80', he wrote new parts for the first violins and double basses directly over the earlier ones, which he had not erased sufficiently. With the resulting superimposition, it is difficult to determine the correct placement of accents. On the first page (f. 82') following the replacement folio, the earlier version remains visible in the first violins. Here, although the notation is still untidy, there is no doubt as to the correct reading. l7 ! The amount of ink Verdi had in the nib of his pen affected the clarity of his notation. When the ink did not flow evenly, blots and smears resulted; when his pen ran dry in the middle of a slur or crescendo sign, there is a crease in the surface of the paper, a phenomenon for which David Rosen has coined the term "dry-nib." 172 WGV takes such inkless pen scratches (often ignored in earlier editions) to represent Verdi's intentions. The autograph of II trovatore has a number of later corrections and! or additions not in the composer's hand. Made with a thick-nibbed pen and an ink that has turned dark brown with age, these marks have often bled through the page. Although in a facsimile reproduction they may be taken for marks of articulation (accents or staccati) or even note heads, in the actual manuscript their presence poses no such difficulties.
2. Incomplete or Abbreviated Notation To save time and effort, Verdi frequently used incomplete or abbreviated notation to indicate that a passage was to be repeated or that one part was to be derived from another. Few interpretative problems are posed by markings such as "From A to B" and "As the preceding 4," by a series of numbered blank measures corresponding to similarly numbered, fully notated measures, or by instructions indicating octave or unison doublings ("8.' Flauto" or "Unis. 1.0 V.,''). When the notation is equivocal, the problem is discussed in the Critical Commentary. Realizing the instruction "col Basso" for violas, for instance, can be problematic unless there is supporting evidence, such as a few notes before or after the passage, to suggest the intended register. More difficult problems arise when Verdi, in his skeleton score, has written out part of a passage that is to be repeated, but introduced differences between the original and the repetition. In the Introduzione (N. 1), for instance, the massive unison statement for full orchestra at mm. 7-10, ending in a sonorous complete triad, returns atmm. 31-34. Verdi numbered 7-10 with the numerical series "1" through "4." While drafting his skeleton score, he wrote out the first violin and double bass parts alone at 31-34 (there are no vocal parts), then labeled them "I" through "4," indicating their derivation from 7-10. In the 171. The original layer is reconstructed in Appendix 1. 172. See his introduction to the critical edition of the Messa daRequiem. in The Works o/Giuseppe Verdi, Series nr, vol. I (Chicago-Milan, 1990), p. xxix.
INTRODUCTION
notated parts at 31-32, however, he neglected to supply the accents over the triplets found in 7-8, while in the third measure of the phrase he wrote accents over every beat in the double bass part, instead of restricting them to the third and fourth beats alone, as in 9. Because this material is also played by strings alone at 15-18 in a pianissimo and legato version, the omission of accents over the triplets at 31-32 might be deliberate, and a different articulation desired. Were that the case, however, Verdi would probably have written the passage out in full. His use of the numerical series suggests that the repeat must extend to the articulation. The accent on the first note in the double basses at 33 is more tempting; but since there is no model for it in any notated part in the original passage, WGV consigns it to a footnote. The abbreviated notation of mm. 7-10 raises another problem, of which there are further instances in the autograph of II trovatore. From the fourth beat of 7 through the end of 9, the oboes are marked "8.' [FlautoJ." If the instruction is taken literally, the oboes would play a Iowa in the last triplet of 8, a pitch exceeding their range. In this case, WGV follows the early printed parts, pRI, and realizes the oboes at the upper octave from the fourth beat of 8 through all of 9. Literally repeated passages notated incompletely do not always "fit at the seams," to use Roger Parker's metaphor: "Verdi forgot the register of an instrumental part, or even that certain instruments were playing at all; or he failed to realize the beginning or end of certain instrumental parts in the 'abbreviated' episode did not connect fluently with the surrounding, fully written-out material." 173 In II trovatore, there is an illustration in the duet for Manrico and Azucena (N. 6). After notating incompletely mm. 115-120, which repeat material of the preceding six measures, Verdi resumed full notation at 121, following a page turn. But he did not resolve the flute part correctly; instead, he gave it the same first note as the piccolo, apparently forgetting that the two instruments had not been playing in unison. A related but more complex case occurs in the opening chorus of Act II (N. 4) at mm. 68-87, the repeat of an earlier section (mm. 28-47). At the repeat Verdi notated fully only vocal parts, violoncellos, and double basses, as well as first violins in 68-73 and the anvils in 74-79. For the rest of the orchestra he used an abbreviation that refers to signs located at the beginning and end of the earlier section, the first at the bar line of 28, the other at the bar line of 48. At 88, the first measure after the repeated section, he notated fully the vocal parts, violoncellos and double basses, but neglected to supply resolutions for the remainder of the orchestra. A copyist added them, using 48 as a model, even repeating Verdi's earlier error of writing the cassa part in the staff reserved for the triangle. As in all such cases, WGV suggests solutions in the score and discusses the problem in the Critical Commentary. There is an interesting example of faulty abbreviated notation in the cabaletta of Leonora's Cavatina (N. 2). At m. 177, the beginning of the reprise, Verdi notated the first measure of the vocal line without text. He then wrote the instruction "Dal A al B" to signal a literal repeat of mm. 147-169, and he drew twenty-two blank measures to account for this music. But the repetition requires yet another measure, and a copyist, to avoid possible error, added the number "23."
3. Inconsistencies Verdi's working method is often responsible for inconsistencies not only between parallel passages, but even between two or more instruments playing the same part. When he orchestrated a piece previously prepared in skeleton score, he gradually worked his way down the page. As David Rosen has observed: I. The way Verdi worked helped to produce unintentional inconsistencies of articulation, dynamics, and even note values among parallel statements of a musical line. 2. He rarely took the trouble to go back over the finished score to
reconcile these inconsistencies. 174
Thus, it is not surprising to find that the bass line, usually the first instrumental part notated in the skeleton-score, does not agree in every respect with instrumental parts added during orchestration. Discrepancies in the duration of notes, in phrasing and articulation, and in dynamic indications are common. Two examples of the first category are found in the fourth-act Finale (N. 14). In the skeleton score 173. See his introduction to the critical edition of Nabucodonosor, in The Works of Giuseppe Verdi, Series J, vol. 3 (Chicago-Milan, 1987), p. xxiv. 174. Verdi, Messa daRequiem, p. xxix.
Verdi had notated the downbeat of m. 42 as a quarter note in the bass line, but later, when orchestrating, he supplied an eighth note in the upper three string parts. The converse occurs at m. 276: the eighth note on the first beat in the bass becomes a quarter note in the upper string parts. In neither case did Verdi revise his first thought to conform to his final intention. WGV consigns the readings from the skeleton score to footnotes. There is a good example of a discrepancy in articulation between the bass line and the rest of the orchestra in "Di quella pira," the cabaletta of Manrico's Aria (N. 11). At the end of the first choral phrase of the coda ("All'armi!"), Verdi wrote accents over the two eighth notes on the downbeat of m. 228. Orchestrating this homorhythmic passage, he gave staccati to all other parts in which he included signs of articulation. Hence WGV consigns the accents, remnants of an earlier compositional stage, to a footnote. A related problem concerns accents found only in the instrumental bass. In mm. 110-111 of N. 13, at the final cadence of the "Andante mosso" ("Mira, di acerbe lagrime"), Verdi wrote accents over all three notes in the bass line. Although the whole orchestra is playing, no other instrument has them. Roger Parker has argued convincingly that Verdi used accents of this sort in the bass of his skeleton score as a shorthand, implying that the passage should be scored for full orchestra. 175 Sometimes the dynamic levels in the bass line do not conform with those in the other parts. At m. 176 of Manrico's Aria (N. 11), the beginning of Leonora's outburst between the two statements of the cabaletta theme, the If in the bass line is not confirmed in any other part; instead, several other parts are marked f. WGV prefers the latter reading, particularly after the If close of the preceding section. Problems frequently arise at page turns. Verdi might forget to continue writing a part for an instrument he had used on the previous page, as happens in the Introduzione (N. 1), beginning at the first measure (279) on f. 29'. At the start of this pppppppianissimo section on f. 28v , reproduced as Plate 1, the timpani double the bass line. Verdi wrote the first measure of timpani at f. 28v (272) in full, then used repeat slashes in each of the remaining six measures. On the next page, however, the timpani staff is blank. WGV assumes that Verdi forgot to continue the part, and suggests that timpani continue to play until the downbeat of 283. After a page turn Verdi sometimes changed the way he was writing a particular figure. In Leonora's Cavatina (N. 2), for example, beginning with the orchestral introduction to the cabaletta on f. 45', Verdi notated the double basses in quarter notes (mm. 138-141). After the page turn, he continued the part with eighth notes, retaining this notation for the remainder of the piece. There is no musical reason for the discrepancy; the composer simply neglected to correct the earlier measures. More problematic are cases in which Verdi left conflicting performance instructions. Incongruities in dynamics or phrasing and articulation are sometimes hard to justify on musical grounds. The first orchestral tutti in the Introduzione (N. 1), at m. 7, offers a discrepancy in dynamic levels. The composer marked the first violins 1If, whereas all other parts with dynamic markings have If. In this unison context the difference is pointless, and WGV consigns the IIf to a footnote. A passage that has caused confusion even in printed editions of the full score is the orchestral introduction to Leonora's Cavatina "Tacea la notte placida" (N. 2). At m. 40 Verdi marked the double basses mf, probably while notating the skeleton score. The bassoon parts, which double the bass line and were surely written later, have pp. At the partially notated return of this passage, m. 71, Verdi wrote out only the double basses, this time with the marking ppp. One could argue that Verdi changed his mind about dynamic levels when orchestrating, forgetting to adjust the part already present in the skeleton score. But in this case WGV has preferred to develop a series of dynamic levels that preserve and extend Verdi's indications. I? Incongruities in slurring pose difficulties for the editor of any Verdi opera. When there are discrepancies between a vocal part and doubling instrumental lines, WGV respects them. When instrumental parts playing the same melodic line have conflicting phrasing and articulation, WGV generally suggests a coherent reading. A characteristic example in II trovatore occurs in the cabaletta of the duet for Azucena and Manrico (N. 6). Beginning with the upbeat to m. 219, Verdi slurred the treble melodic parts (Fl, Ott, Ob, CI I, Fg I, and VI I) in different ways. 175. Verdi, Nabucodonosor. Critical Conunentary, p. 32, Note 132-133. 176. See Note 40 in the Notes to N. 2 in the Critical Conunentary.
xxix
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INTRODUCTION
WGV alters some of these slurs to conform with the prevailing model; footnotes show those slurs replaced by editorial ones and Notes in the Critical Commentary discuss the problems in detail. More generally, Roger Parker's observations about problems in the interpretation of slurs in the autograph of Nabucco apply equally well to II trovatore: It is far from clear what Verdi intended by his slurs, other than a general sense of legato. An added problem is that slurs may mean different things when applied to different types of performer: a vocal slur may well not have the same force as one on the violin, for example. In such matters, circumspection is all. The critical edition hardly ever suggests added slurs for vocal lines unless Verdi has himself slurred a passage identical in both words and music, and hardly ever suggests instrumental slurs from vocal models or vice-versa. The edition has also attempted to find a firmly neutral stance on whether, in equivocal cases, it is more "musi-
cal" to choose a longer slur over a shorter. or vice-versa. Nevertheless,
in order to achieve consistency between parallel instrumental parts, a good number of Verdi's slurs have had to be extended or shortened, and a good number of additional instrumental slurs suggested. When the chosen model is a longer slur, missing parts of the other slurs are rendered by broken lines. When the chosen model is shorter, the original slur is specified in a footnote. Suggested additional slurs are rendered by broken lines. Readers and performers are thus provided with all the evidence. and are equipped to experiment with alternative solutions. Particularly complex cases are discussed in the Critical Commentary. m
Performance Practice A thoughtful performance of II trovatore using the critical edition must take into account performing conditions and traditions under which the opera was first produced. Scholars have only recently begun to turn their attention to this topic. 17' Thus, while individual studies examine various aspects of operatic production in Italy and France during Verdi's lifetime, no comprehensive publication addresses the subject as a whole. In the following discussion, we consider first matters pertaining to the staging of the opera (physical characteristics of Italian theaters, set and costume designs, and the role of the "director"); then we examine musical issues (vocal style and ornamentation, the orchestra, and problems of instrumentation).
1. Production and Staging a) The physical arrangement of nineteenth-century Italian theaters Many Italian opera houses that were important during Verdi's lifetime are still standing: La Scala in Milan, La Fenice in Venice, the San Carlo in Naples, and the Pergola in Florence, to name a few. The main architectural features of these buildings-the outer shell, the horseshoeshaped interior with its vertical arrangement of boxes and galleries around a ground floor, a deep stage, etc.-have not changed significantly since the mid-nineteenth century, except in one respect: the theaters now have orchestra pits, a post-Wagnerian innovation. As Roger Parker has pointed out, at the time of II trovatore the stage stretched out approximately to what is now the fifth row of the parterre, and the orchestra sat at the same, or nearly the same level as the audience. 179 Many players could see the stage, and for important lyrical moments the singers moved downstage to the footlights. The acoustical characteristics of such an arrangement were quite different from those of today. While an orchestra pit helps mitigate problems of balance between singers and instruments, it also diminishes the presence of certain orchestral sonorities, and it makes visual contact between players and singers impossible. Until the 1860s there were no conductors (in the modern sense) in Italy. 180 The orchestra was normally led by the concert master, who played his own part from a short score, giving signals for tempos, entrances, etc. With such an arrangement, coordination be177. Verdi. Nabucodonosor, p. xxiv. 178. A noteworthy effort in this direction was the European premiere of the critical
edition of Ernan; at the Teatro comunale of Modena during the
1984~85
season. The
production was a collaborative effort between the theater and the Istituto di Studi Verdiani of Panna, and all artistic aspects were discussed with scholarly advisors appointed by the institute. The proceedings of the related conference have been published in Verdi: Bollettino dell'Istituto di Studi Verdiani 10 (1987). See especially "n progetto 'Ernani' nell' anno Europeo della musica," xiii - xiv, and Gianfranco de Bosio, "Un'ipotesi di regia dell"Emani· ... 324-27. 179. Verdi, Nabucodonosor, p. xxv. For additional information, see Marcello Conati, "Teatti e orchestre al tempo di Verdi," in Giuseppe Verdi: vicemie, problemi e mito di un artista e del suo tempo (Colomo. 1985). pp. 47-78. 180. See Luke Jensen, "The Emergence of the Modem Conductor in 19th-Century Italian Opera." in Peiformance Practice Review 4 (1991): 34-63.
tween singers and the orchestra depended more on attentive listening by individual players than it does today. b) Set and costume designs Some original set designs for Verdi's operas have survived-for example, Giuseppe Bertoja's for the premiere of Rigoletto I'I-but not for II trovatore. Eleven of Bertoja's designs for the La Fenice production of II trovatore in 1853 -1854, however, are preserved at the Fondazione Cini in Venice, as is one by Pietro Bertoja, possibly for Vicenza. In addition, the Museo Teatrale alla Scala in Milan holds several midnineteenth century set designs for the work. As for costume designs, the archives of Casa Ricordi contain thirty-three contemporary drawings by G. Palanti for II trovatore, and another eleven by Alberto Edel; the Bibliotheque de I'Opera in Paris preserves some designs prepared for the 1857 premiere of Le Trouvere. which Verdi himself staged. The whole subject of operatic scenography and costume design in Italy during this period will require a great deal more research. Two other aspects of nineteenth-century Italian stagecraft deserve mention: scene changes and lighting. While the number of scene changes in II trovatore frequently poses a problem for modern productions, nineteenth-century set designs, reflecting earlier practices, permitted quick changes, even a vista. Palianti's production book for Le Trouvere (see below) calls for changements a vue for all scene changes in Acts II, III, and IV. And, finally, the effect of lighting provided by oil lamps and candles, and later by gas, must have been quite different indeed from that of modern electric lights. 1'2 c) The stage director 183
In the case of II trovatore the librettist, Cammarano, who normally would have been responsible for staging the premiere, was no longer alive. The libretto for the first production (R053) lists as "Direttore di Scena" Giuseppe Cencetti, who probably assumed these duties. We know that Verdi met Cencetti immediately after his arrival in Rome; but not until twenty years later. in a letter of 1873, is there evidence of the composer's considerable respect for the man's work. 184 Neither Verdi's correspondence nor reviews of the premiere mention the original staging of II trovatore. Some notion of Verdi's ideas, however, may be gleaned from the livret de mise-en-scene. presumably reflecting the production four years later of Le Trouvere in ·Paris, under the composer's supervision. Prepared by M. Louis Palianti, it is similar to the disposizioni sceniche which Ricordi later published for Un baUo in maschera. Aida. Don Carlo. Simon Boccanegra. and Otello. though not nearly so detailed. The twelve-page mise-en-scene for Le Trouvere contains set descriptions, diagrams indicating the placement of actors in the most important moments of each scene, and "general indications" for costumes. i8S With due allowance for musical differences between II trovatore and Le Trouvere. as well as for idiosyncrasies of the French Grand Opera tradition, the document remains a valuable record of Verdi's own involvement in the staging of the opera. 2. Music
a) Tempo and metronome marks Verdi routinely began to add metronome marks for his operas with Attila (1846).1'6 Thereafter, he wrote them directly into most of his autograph scores: in Macbeth (first version, 1847), I masnadieri (1847),1'7 Jerusalem (1847), La battaglia di Legnano (1849), and Stiffelio (1850). Where he did omit them in the autographs-probably because he was 181. See Maria Teresa Muraro, "Giuseppe Bertoja e Ie scene per la prima di 'Rigoletto' alia Fenice,'· in Verdi: Bollerino deWlstituto di Studi Verdiani 9 (1982):
1582-87. 182. See De Bosio. "II progretto 'Emani· ... 326. On the subject of nineteenth-century theatrical lighting, see also G6sta M. Bergman, Lighting in the Theatre (StockholmTotawa. NJ, 1977). 183. For an overview of this topic, see Roger Parker in Verdi, Nabucodonosor, p. xxv. 184. Carteggi verdiani, 1: 17n. 185. This mise-en-scene is now housed in the Bibliotheque de I'Association des Regisseurs de Theatres, Paris. 186. The metronome marks for Attila are not in the autograph itself but on a separate sheet on which Verdi noted tempo designations and musical incipits for each number. The markings in the piano-vocal score for Attila, published by Lucca, generally agree with those on the autograph folio. See Roberta Marvin, "Verdi and the Metronome," Verdi Newsletter 20 (1992: forthcoming). 187. See Roberta Marvin, "Verdi's Tempo Assignments in I masnadieri," in Report o/the Fifteenth Congress o/the International Musicological Society, Madrid, April 1992 (forthcoming).
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INTRODUCTION
pressed for time-he presumably authorized their inclusion in the contemporary manuscript copies and published piano-vocal scores that contain them, as is the case for Luisa Miller, Rigoletto, and La traviata. l88 Verdi even took advantage of the opportunity which a new edition afforded to add metronome marks to an older work-I due Foscari (1844), for Escudier's 1846 publication of the piano-vocal score. IS9 Of all his new works after Atti/a, only in II corsaro (1848) are they completely absent: neither the autograph score-unusual in its lack of detailed performance instructions, dynamics, and other indications-nor the piano-vocal score published by Lucca include them. 100 Even before Atti/a, however, Verdi had stressed the importance of proper tempos in letters concerning performances of Nabucco, Ernani, and Giovanna d'Arco. 191 Together with his use of metronome marks, the evidence from these and other letters suggests that the composer considered proper tempos an essential element of a successful performance. While this is not the place to explore the significance of Verdi's metronome indications in detail, a brief overview is in order. In a recent article, John Mauceri has argued that tempo relationships have a structural function in Rigoletto. 192 Noting that Verdi uses the pulse of 66 beats per minute for crucial scenes in the opera, Mauceri adds: Verdi's use of tempo recapitulation not only works on the larger scale of the opera, but also within scenes to ensure continuity. Act 2, for example, is in three parts [ . . . J. The transitions and climaxes of each section have the same tempo, crotchet = 144, which is the fastest tempo indicated by Verdi throughout Rigoletto.''' A tempo plot for the whole opera allows many relationships to emerge; for example, the use of one basic tempo for transitional sections in Act II also governs the Rigoletto-Gilda duet in Act I. While Rossini and Donizetti often provided thematic links between sections of a duet (see, for example, the duet between Semiramide and Assur in Act II of S emiramide, or the Enrico-Giovanna duet in Act I of Anna Bolena), here Verdi operates differently. In the Rigoletto-Gilda duet of Act I, there is no thematic connection, but the tempo d'attacco and the tempo di mezzo are given the same tempo. As one might expect, there are also instances in which Verdi reinforces a thematic relationship through tempo, as he does elsewhere in the same duet. At other times he deliberately modifies the tempo of a recurring theme at its subsequent appearances: Riccardo's love theme "La rivedra nell'estasi" in Un baUo in maschera changes tempo according to its dramatic context. Charting the metronome marks in II trovatore yields equally telling results. One of the most striking relationships to emerge is that between cantabile sections in the arias. Verdi uses the same tempo, 50 beats per minute, throughout the opera: Leonora's "Tacea la notte placida" in Act I (N. 2) and "D'amor sull'ali rosee" in Act IV (N. 12); the Count's "n balen del suo sorriso" in Act II (N. 7); and Manrico's "Ah sl, ben mio" in Act III (N. II). As in Rigoletto, recurring tempos in II trovatore ensure continuity within scenes. In the Introduzione, for example, the tempo of the opening section, J = 88, returns at the beginning of each strophe of Ferrando's narrative. In the same number, there is a strict proportional relationship between the "Lento assai" ("E credenza": J = 72) and the final "Allegro assai agitato" ("Sull'orlo dei tetti": J = 72). Likewise, the fourth-act duet between Leonora and the Count (N. 13) maintains a proportional relationship between the tempo d'attacco ("Allegro vivo," alia breve meter, J = 88) and the "Andante mosso" ("Mira, di acerbe lagrime," J = 88). At the end
t
188. See Emanuele Muzio's letter to Giovanni Ricordi of 26 July 1850 (Abbiati, 2:67), regarding the addition of metronome marks in the piano-vocal score of Luisa Miller; see Also Chusid's remarks in Verdi, Rigoletto, p. xxvii. For these operas Verdi may well have written the markings on a separate folio, as be had for Attila.
189. See Verdi's letter to Marie Escudier of 28 July 1846, sold at auction in 1953 to an anonymous buyer, as summarized in Catalogo Otto Haas, no. 33. Roberta Marvin graciously brought this letter to our attention. 190. Verdi was not on good tenns with the publisher Lucca, who had conunissioned II corsaro, and did not participate in rehearsals or even attend the opera's premiere. His apparent indifference to all aspects of its performance undoubtedly accounts for the general paucity of indications in the score. 191. See his letter of 19 October 1842 to the president of La Fenice about Nabucco. and that of 18 April 1844 to Leone Herz concerning Ernani, in Martin Chusid, "Verdi's own words," The Verdi Companion (New York, 1979), pp. 175-76. In a letter of 28 March 1845, Verdi wrote to Pietro Romani in detail about the tempos in Giovanna d' Arco (1845): see Martin Chusid, "A Letter by the Composer about Giovanna d' Arco and Some Remarks on the Division of Musical Direction in Verdi's Day," Peiformance Practice Review 3 (1990): 7-11. 192. "Rigoletto for the 21st Centery," Opera 36 (1985): 1135-44. 193. Ibid., 1140.
of this movement, however, Leonora and the Count sing a reprise in octaves at J = 104 of material that was heard earlier at the tempo of J = 88-a procedure similar to that Verdi employed later in Un baUo in maschera. As one might expect, all appearances of the recurring theme, "Stride la vampa," are at the same tempo, J. = 60. Clearly, the question of tempo in Verdi's music is crucial. Yet the choice of a tempo depends upon many variable factors: the acoustics of the theater, the vocal technique of the singers, and the size of the orchestra (not to mention the rubato innate to the style). For modern performers the metronome marks offer a healthy corrective to what by now have become "traditional" tempos. Mauceri's observations regarding the performing history of Rigoletto hold true for II trovatore: fast tempos have generally become faster, and slow tempos slower than Verdi indicates. True, there is broad agreement between Verdi's metronome marks and standard practice for many pieces in II trovatore. But in others the composer's prescriptions differ markedly from the tempo now traditionally assumed. The usual tempo of about J = 120 for "Di quella pira," for instance, is much faster than Verdi's indicated J = 100. The slower tempo, which requires great rhythmic intensity and forceful articulation from both the singer and the orchestra, is more difficult to sustain. But Verdi's tempo is surely worth serious consideration, for it is part of a proportional scheme: the quarter-note pulse in the cabaletta is twice as fast as that in the "Adagio." b) Vocal style and ornamentation Important changes in vocal style were taking place during the early part of Verdi's career. To some extent the demands of his music reflect new trends already underway, but his treatment of the voice also influenced profoundly the development of vocal technique during his lifetime. Contemporary musicians were aware of the contrast between the singing style that had flourished in the 1820s and that of the most successful singers of the 1840s. In the Gazzetta musicale di Milano of 3 April 1842, Alberto Mazzucato wrote an important article that he intended as a preliminary study to a critical examination of Manuel Garda's Traite complet de l' art du chant. 194 Garda's treatise, a fundamental source for many aspects of bel canto style, contains not only a wealth of technical exercises, but also detailed instructions for vocal ornamentation with examples from the most famous singers of the day, such as Garcia's sister Maria Malibran. But by 1842, as Mazzucato suggests, Garcia's ideas, codifying practices of his youth, were out of date. Mazzucato contrasts the vocal style of the 1820s with that of the 1840s by analyzing the singing of two tenors: Domenico Donzelli (1790-1873) and Napoleone Moriani (1808-1878). In the first of what he originally planned as two articles, Mazzucato lists six characteristics of Donzelli's technique: 19' I) "the continuous use of that modification of the voice which, as we shall see later Mr. Garcia calls timbro chiuso (timbre sombre, that is la vou sombree of the French) [ ... J. In fact, it is that modification, or character, or vocal color [ ... J which occurs when the singer wants to give volume to his voice." In order to obtain this sound, according to Mazzucato, Donzelli added consonants or vowels to the written text. In Mercadante's II bravo, for example, Donzelli replaced the words "Tras-
corso e un giorno etemo" with "Troscuorso e un giuoreno etereno";
2) "the ostentatious, and most often also boring and almost ridiculous length of recitative phrases, particularly those of the character's first entrance (sortita)"; Mazzucato adds, "You certainly will not have forgotten those magnificent but long, long notes of our Donzelli"; 3) "certain solemn stretchings or ascending portamenti used at the beginnings of notes, which-and this is no exaggeration-had the range of an ascending tenth, often a twelfth, and sometimes even much more"; 4) "that kind of gruppetto, which is actually something more than a simple gruppetto, because it includes a greater range of incomprehensible notes";
5) "messe di voce-very frequent and long";
6) "the clear and true gruppetto, in simple, slow melodies-one of the most valued ornaments." Unfortunately Mazzucato never published the second part of his article, in which he would have analyzed the technique of Moriani. A clear idea of the differences in the two styles can be gleaned, however, from a revealing letter of 16 June 1847 that Muzio wrote from London to Antonio Barezzi about Jenny Lind: 194. The treatise was published in Paris in 1840. An English translation by Donald V. Paschke of Part II, Complete Treatise on the An of Singing, based on a collation of the editions of 1847 and 1872, was reprinted by Da Capo Press (New York, 1975). 195. Gazzetta musicale di Milano I, no. 14 (3 April 1842), pp. 55-56.
xxxii
INTRODUCTION
I have heard Lind in La fig/ia del reggimento, in La sonnambula, and in Roberto it Diavolo, and I tell you that she is an artist in every sense of the term. She is great in all three of these operas [ . . . J. Her trill is incomparable; her agility unequalled. But generally, in order to show off her vocal bravura, she sins by using too many fioriture, gruppetti, and trills-things that pleased in the last century, but not in 1847. We Italians are not accustomed to this style; and, if Lind were to come to Italy, she would abandon her mania for embellishments and would sing simply, since she has a voice that is even and flexible enough to su&tain a phrase in the manner of Frezzolini. 196
Some of Lind's embellishments have survived, including a complete set for the aria "Ab non credea mirarti" from La sonnambula. l97 The ornaments are generally graceful and attractive, rarely obscuring the essential features of Bellini's melody. In some cases, she substituted more elaborate figurations for those already built into the melody, as at the end of the first four-measure phrase, where she expanded Bellini's three-note tum around the main note to six notes. Two measures later, in place of Bellini's gruppetto on the word "amore" Lind sang a trill preceded by a three-note preparation and concluding with an elaborate resolution. Adding other complex trill figures and a number of gruppetti here and there, she undertook her most far-reaching variations by interpolating cadenzas at harmonically structural points of closure. Indeed, she even replaced Bellini's cadenza at the end of the aria with one of her own. Elaborate as her embellishments may be, they do not approach in complexity many examples in Garcia's treatise. By 1847, Muzio (undoubtedly reflecting Verdi's opinion) considered Lind's ornamentation excessive: a less ornate style of singing had evolved, and Verdi's music had led the way. Yet the flexibility often required by his vocal writing attests to the persistence of techniques associated with the tradition of bel canto. It remains unclear whether singers continued to improvise ornamentation in performances of Verdi's operas. In the absence of a comprehensive study of this question, we must rely on evidence found in the autograph score of II trovatore itself, as well as in other pertinent musical sources. The trend toward a simpler, less embellished melodic line is illustrated by the revisions Verdi made in Leonora's Cavatina, "Tacea la notte placida" (N. 2), and in the cabaletta of the Count's Aria "ll balen del suo sorriso" (N. 7). In Leonora's aria, Verdi wrote, then erased, four-note turns in mm. 48 and 52, leaving an unadorned ascending fourth both times. In the Count's cabaletta, at both returns of the cadence first heard at mm. 94-95, Verdi originally wrote out an ornamented variation (at the final cadence before the ritornello, mm. 104-105, and at its repetition in the reprise, mm. 132-133). But much later, after orchestrating the piece, he erased the ornamented version and returned to the simpler one of mm. 94-95. In this instance, Verdi may have made the change for practical reasons: the reviews of the premiere were uniformly negative about the performance of the baritone. But Penco encountered no such difficulties with her role: in the case of Leonora's Cavatina, then, Verdi clearly preferred the simpler, calmer melodic line. A related question about vocal ornamentation concerns the use of appoggiaturas. Often cited as evidence of Verdi's attitude toward improvised additions is his instruction in the last act of Rigoletto: "this Recitative must be declaimed without the usual appoggiaturas." But later in the same number (N. 13), in a similar triadic setting (mm. 34ff.: "Aspettate, mio fratello viene"), he wrote out appropriate appoggiaturas. By contrast, in II trovatore Verdi decided-perhaps while orchestrating the score-to eliminate appoggiaturas he had first notated for Azucena in the concluding Finale (N. 14), on the downbeats of mm. 29 and 30, replacing them with the principal notes. While he may simply have found disturbing the momentary clash between the vocal appoggiatura and the main note in the first violins, that he paid close attention to the pertinence of appoggiaturas in this example and in those from Rigoletto attests to his desire to exercise control in a domain traditionally left to singers. These examples, however, do not present the whole picture. Some sources for Le Trouvere contain ornamental variants that the composer apparently sanctioned. There are four surviving versions of Leonora's cadenza at the end of "Tacea la notte placida" ("La nuit calme et 196. Giuseppe Verdi neUe lettere di Emanuele Muzio ad Antonio Barezzi, edited by
Luigi Agostino Garibaldi (Milan, 1931), p. 329. 197. See Austin Caswell, Embellished Opera see also his preface, especially pp. x-xii.
Arias
(Madison, [1989]), pp. 11-14;
sereine"), two in Verdi's hand and two in sources connected with the Parisian production he supervised. As Will Crutchfield has pointed out: The solo cavatina was the most obvious and enduring locus of soloistic discretion in nineteenth-century opera [ ... J. This was still thought of as true during the first phase of Verdi's career, and it was true patticularly of the closing cadence. '" Furthermore, for the singer Adelaide Borghi-Mamo in the same production of Le Trouvere Verdi greatly expanded both the range and length of Azucena's cadenza in the stretta of her duet with Manrico (N. 6), while in the Terzetto (N. 10) he added a cantabile for her. Finally, in the French version of the Count's Aria (N. 7), at m. 55, Verdi wrote a melodic variant for the fourth and final statement of a measure which, in II trovatore, is repeated unchanged. The modification affects both the vocal line and doubling orchestral parts. Even before Verdi prepared the French version of the opera, Pauline Viardot-Garcia had requested changes in II trovatore. Although her letter appears not to have survived, Verdi's reply indicates more tolerance for a singer's ideas than one might expect: Paris, 24 April 1855 Madame Please pardon me for having delayed so long in answering you; but you cannot imagine all that I have to do at this moment. I have given some thought to the last measures of Trovatore, but everything I have devised has invariably seemed completely useless to me. Perhaps I have not understood your idea very well. On the other hand, in London you will find an excellent poet in Mr. Maggioni. He will be able to add the few lines of text you wish, as well as the notes. As for the cadence of the second-act Duo, you can simply repeat the last four measures:
I wish you all the success you deserve and pray that you accept, and convey to Mr. Viardot, this sincere expression of my esteem. G. Verdi'" Whatever changes Viardot may have suggested for the ending of the opera, her letter perhaps planted the first seed in Verdi's mind for the revised close of Le Trouvere. His reply shows in any case that he seriously considered her request to add both text and music, and when he was unable (or unwilling) to make the modifications himself, he referred her to someone else. As for the conclusion of the Duet (N. 6), Verdi suggests repeating mm. 299-302. Later, when revising this piece for Paris in 1857, he altered the ending so as to introduce a short cadenza "a 2." Though the evidence presented thus far is contradictory, it would seem that at mid-century some ornamentation was still added by singers. For today's performers, Will Crutchfield's ground-breaking study (cited above) provides helpful material for establishing the kinds of embellishments to use and where. His transcriptions of over two hundred examples of embellishments from recordings made at the tum of the century include the work of singers who participated in premieres under Verdi's direction or whose artistry he is known to have admired. Crutchfield classifies these ornaments according to their type and location within arias and recitatives. Many are consistent with practices described in earlier treatises, such as Garcia's second volume (1847), or Laure Cinti-Damoreau's Methode de chant (1849). In Crutchfield's 198. Will Crutchfield, "Vocal Ornamentation in Verdi: The Phonographic Evidence," Nineteenth-Century Music 7 (1983): 7. 199. This unpublished letter is preserved in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Papiers Viardot, Lettres iI Pauline 5- 7, n.a.f. 16273:
Paris, 24 avril 1855 Madame Veuillez me pardonner si j' ai tant tarde a vous repondre; mais VOllS ne pourriez imaginer tout ce que j'ai a faire dans ce moment- j'ai reflechi aux dernieres mesures du Trovatore, mais tout ce que j'ai trollve, m'a paru toujours et completement inutile. Peut-etre n'ai-je pas bien compris vatre idee. Du reste VOllS trouverez a Londres un excellent poete dans Mr Maggiani. Il pourra ajouter les peu de vers que VOllS desirez, ainsi que les notes. Quant it la cadence du Duo du 2d acte il n'y a autre chose afaire que bisser les quatre demieres mesures [EXAMPLE] Je vous souhaite tout Ie succes que vous meritez et vous prie d' agreer et de faire agreer aM. Viardot l'expression de man estime. I am grateful to Andrew Porter, who first called my attention to this letter, and to Will Crutchfield, who sent me a transcription. "Maggioni" is probably Manfredo Maggioni, an Italian poet resident in London: see Budden, I: 363.
INTRODUCTION words: "These, and numerous scattered examples of cadenzas attributed to various other singers of the day [ . . . 1 confirm that what we hear on early recordings does not by any means represent some latterday flowering of soloistic liberty, but rather (as one would expect) a stage in its diminution." 200 This discussion of vocal ornamentation would not be complete without some consideration of the interpolated high notes that audiences today have come to expect. Many of these were first introduced during the 1920s, and are uncharacteristic of Verdi's contemporaries. The celebrated high C in Manrico's "Di quella pira" may be a notable exception. It already appears at m. 216 in orchestral parts for Le Trouvere, dating from about 1867-70, preserved at the Bibliotheque de I'Opera. The annotation "Pour Villaret" refers to a singer who portrayed Manrico at the Opera in 1870. 201 Budden suggests the tradition may be even 0Ider. 202 Yet there is an important difference between today's interpolated high notes and the practice documented by early recordings. Modem singers tend to do the same thing every time, and their interpolations have become part of the demands of the role. Few opera companies staging La traviata, for example, would hire a Violetta who does not have a good high m, now the sine qua non to conclude "Sempre libera." By contrast, while there is broad agreement among singers on early recordings as to where embellishments should be added, their actual solutions differ not only from one singer to another, but also between performances by the same artist.
c) The orchestra Recent studies of nineteenth-century Italian opera orchestras provide a wealth of information with implications for performance. 2. ' As mentioned above, the physical arrangement of the ensemble was different. Not only was the orchestra at floor level in front of the stage, but the disposition of the various sections (even taking into account regional variations) also differed significantly from modem practice. A floor plan of La Scala in 1825 shows the players sitting in three rows in front of the stage, as they had in Italian orchestras throughout the eighteenth century. In the row nearest the audience, the "Capo d'orchestra" (in the center facing the stage) is flanked by 6 first violins to his left and 6 to his right. Farther left are the remnants of the continuo group: a violoncello, a "cembalo" (probably a fortepiano), and a double bass; then 2 violoncellos and 4 double basses at the far left. To the right, after the violins, are 4 violas, 3 violoncellos, and 3 double basses. In the middle row, the "Primo Violino de' Secondi" sits in the center (aligned with the "Capo d'orchestra"), with 6 second violins and 2 violas to the left, and 6 second violins to the right. The row nearest the stage has the "Banda" for "Turkish music" (i.e., the "Banda Turca") to the far left; then, to the right, 2 pairs of horns, 2 bassoons, 2 clarinets, 2 oboes, 2 flutes, 2 trumpets, 3 trombones, a serpentone, and timpani.204 Perhaps the most striking aspect of this plan is the maintenance of the old separation within the viola, violoncello, and double bass sections. Also worthy of note is the position of the "Capo d'Orchestra" in the center of the front row, facing the stage. Clearly, the location of the conductor in a modem orchestra pit derives from Italian practice; in French theaters, the leader stood directly behind the prompter's box in the row closest to the stage. 205 In a letter of 23 July 1869, Verdi recounted to Francesco Florirno his first experience conducting an orchestra outside Italy. Preparing for a production of Nabucco in Vienna in 1844, Verdi had been surprised to see the basses grouped together in the center of the orchestra. At first he was amused. But when he heard "therr powerful attack, their precision, their clarity, their softs, their louds, etc.," he realized why they
200. Crutchfield, "Vocal ornamentation in Verdi," 7.
201. Theodore de Lajarte,
Biblioth~que
historique, chronologique, anecdotique
musicale du ThI!dtre de [,Opera: Catalogue
(repr. Hildesheim, 1969),2:222.
202. Budden, 2:98-99. 203. See Marcello Conati and Marcello Pavarani, Orchestre in Emilia-Romagna neU'Ottocento e Novecento (Parma, 1982); Conati, "Teatri e orchestre al tempo di Verdi;" Gregory Harwood, "An Essay-Review of Orchestre in Emilia-Romagna
nell'Ottocento e Novecento," Verdi Newsletter 13 (1985): 30-37; and Harwood, "Verdi's Reform of the Italian Opera Orchestra," Nineteenth·Century Music 10 (1986): 108-34. 204. The plan was originally published in the Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung 27
(1825),131. For a reproduction, see Harwood, "Verdi's Refonn," 122. 205. See Harwood, "Verdi's Refonn," 121-24 and Jensen, "The Emergence of the Modern Conductor."
xxxiii
had been so grouped: "From this you will understand how I think violas and violoncellos, which play independent parts [concertano1 so often in modern works, ought to be arranged." 20" Verdi's experiences outside Italy, particularly in Paris, strongly influenced his later ideas about the orchestra. Although well before II trovatore he had encountered other arrangements for the players (not only in Vienna in 1844, but also in London and Paris in 1847), there is no evidence that he experimented with the disposition of the orchestra for the premiere of II trovatore; nor do we know the normal arrangement in Rome. On the other hand, we do know the size of the orchestra at the Teatro Apollo for the 1852-53 Carnival season, during which II trovatore was first produced: 23 violins (their distribution into first and second violins is unknown), 4 violas, 2 violoncellos, 5 double basses, 2 of each woodwind, 4 horns, 2 trumpets, 3 trombones, ophic1eide, harp, timpani, and bass drum.207 Although the overall number of players in the string section is smaller than that of other important theaters of the time, the proportions within the section-comparatively few violas and more double basses than violoncellos-are typical of Italian orchestras of the day. Verdi was clearly aware that these proportions, as well as the breaking up of the viola, violoncello and double bass sections in the orchestral seating arrangement, resulted from an older style of writing in which violas and violoncellos routinely doubled the basses.208 Even when, during the 1870s, he sought to change balances and modify seating arrangements, he still retained a preference for a large section of double basses, which he placed in two groups, one on each side of the ensemble: When the double basses, so to speak, encircled the entire orchestra, they covered with their dark sound, or at least smothered in part, the strident sonority of the brasses and the bad intonation of the woodwinds, so that the sonority in loud passages came out full and imposing. ""
If, in addition, we take into consideration the three-string double basses-preferred in Italy because of their more resonant sonority21Othen the lower octave of the bass line must have been much more prominent than it is in today's orchestras. Playing from a short score (the "Violino principale"), which included his own part and other important vocal and instrumental cues, the concert master led the performances. 2lI Indeed, two people divided responsibility for the musical direction of an opera during this period; they were, to use Martin Chusid's terminology, "the vocal director" (listed variously as "Maestro al Cembalo," "Maestro Direttore delle Opere," "Maestro Direttore della Musica," etc.) and the "orchestra director" ("Primo Violino e Direttore d'Orchestra," "Capo d'Orchestra," etc.).2!2 For II trovatore the libretto of the first performance lists a "Primo Violino Direttore d'Orchestra," Emilio Angelini, and a "Maestro Istruttore dei Cori," Pietro Dolfi. It does not mention a vocal director; Verdi himself surely assumed that responsibility. d) Problems of instrumentation To factors already mentioned must be added characteristics of the instruments themselves. The use of gut strings, on the one hand, and woodwinds and brass with a tone differing markedly from that of modem instruments, on the other, produced an orchestral sonority that was less brilliant and more favorable to the projection of the solo voice. The question of pitch is more complicated, for it varied widely from city to city. As in other musical matters, here too Verdi worked toward the establishment of a standard.213 Aside from these general matters, there 206. An extract from the letter, citing the first phrase, is quoted in Frank Walker, "Verdi e Vienna," in Giuseppe Verdi: Scritti di S. A. M. Bottenheim [et al.] raccolti in occasione delle "Celebrazioni verdiane" dell'VIII senimana musicale (Siena, 1951),
p. 50. A substantial portion of the letter is cited, in English, by Harwood, "Verdi's Refonn," 124. A photocopy of the original letter is found at the Istituto di Studi Verdiani in Parma. 207. See Harwood, "Verdi's Reform," 114. 208. See his letter to Giullo Ricordi of 4 April Harwood, "Verdi's Reform," 124.
1869 (Abbiati, 3: 262), quoted by
209. Letter of9 January 1889 to Giulio Ricordi (Abbiati. 4:368). 2\0. See Harwood, "Verdi's Reform," 109-10. 211. A manuscript "Violino Principale" part for Il trovatore is preserved among nineteenth-century rental materials formerly on hire from the Tams-Witmark agency, now housed in the Music Library at Princeton University. 212. Until recently neither these titles nor the responsibilities they entailed were well understood. Chusid has clarified many of the important issues through study of nineteenth-century Italian sources (see "A Letter by the Composer about Giovanna
d'Arco").
213. See Conati, "Teatri e orchestre," pp. 71-74.
xxxiv
INTRODUCTION
are five instruments that require consideration: the double bass; the cimbasso; the timpani; percussion instruments; and the organ. Italian double bass players tuned their three-stringed instruments in perfect fourths, notated A-d- g (but sounding an octave lower). In II trovatore Verdi often wrote pitches that went below this range, as in the Introduzione (N. 1) at mm. 233-234, where he notates a low E. Players of his day would have performed the note an octave higher. There is one passage in which Verdi wanted to ensure that double bass players did not leap an octave: at the entrance of the full orchestra, m. 71, of the "Miserere" (in N. 12), he wrote separate parts for the violoncellos and double basses, specifying a low A, as the first note for the double basses. Underneath the staff he added: "The double basses should lower the A string a half tone." Since a modem four-string bass player would find this instruction confusing, WGV has consigned it to the Critical Commentary. In II trovatore, as in most of his other operas of this period, Verdi specified a cimbasso as the lowest part of the brass choir. Renato Meucci's comprehensive study has finally resolved most questions about this instrument, heretofore poorly understood. 214 In his pre-publication reference to Meucci's findings, Roger Parker gives a capsule description of the cimbasso, equally appropriate for its role in II trovatore: [It was] a full-fledged member of the brass group: a band instrument typical of the flicorno family, with a narrow conical bore. Its timbre and volume were certainly far closer to a narrow-bore baritone horn or a modern bass trombone than to a tuba (an instrument in fact unknown in Italy before the late 1880s). '" Two aspects of Verdi's writing for timpani require comment. The first is the question of tuning. Like most Italian composers before the late nineteenth century, Verdi used justtwo timpani in II trovatore, normally tuned to the tonic and dominant of the prevailing key. In modulatory 214. Renato Meucci, "11 cimbasso e gli strumenti affini nell'Ottocento italiano," Studi verdiani 5 (1988-89): 109-62. 215. Verdi, NabucodonosoT, p. xxvi.
passages there was not always time to retune either of the drums, so notated pitches sometimes do not fit the harmony. With modem pedal timpani, it is easy to change pitches so as to avoid dissonances, and many players rewrite Verdi's parts accordingly. Yet the problem is complex, and each case deserves individual consideration. There may be moments when the dissonance enhances the overall musical effect: or the substitution of pitches may result in a succession of notes uncharacteristic of Verdi's idiom. 21 • The second question concerns the manner of performing the final notes of individual pieces. As in many Verdi operas, there are no rolls for timpani on the last note of any number in II trovatore. The ending of Finale II (N. 8) is characteristic. In the antepenultimate and penultimate measures, Verdi wrote three slashes above each whole note, indicating a roll; but in the last measure there are none. His notation suggests that rolls added by modem timpanists to these final notes are not only extraneous, but contrary to the composer's express will. As for percussion, it is not always clear what instruments Verdi intended with "Gran Cassa" or "Cassa." Since he sometimes writes "Cassa sola" to indicate bass drum alone, it is often assumed that with the other terms he meant the part to be played by cymbals as well as bass drum, possibly mounted in military fashion. Whether or not cymbals were in fact always included under the name "Cassa" is a problem requiring further study. Finally, in Manrico's Aria (N. 11), Verdi wrote a short part for "Organo nella vicina Cappella." Bound into the autograph, but not in the composer's hand, is an arrangement of this music, entitled "Armonia nel Trovatore invece dell'Organo." The Roman censors were nervous about the presence of an organ in the theater, and this wind arrangement may have been used for the premiere. In any case, its presence in the autograph lends it a certain authority, and WGV reproduces it in Appendix 2. Theaters lacking a suitable organ may find it useful. 216. In the Introduzione to Macbeth. for example, modern timpanists frequently alter the pitch of the notated roll on the low A. first to A~ then to G. in order to remain in unison with the violoncellos and double basses. But such a chromatic line would have
been impossible on instruments of Verdi's time.
Prefazione
The Works of Giuseppe Verdi (WGV), coedizione della University of Chicago Press e di Casa Ricordi, e una pubblicazione della musica di Verdi rigorosamente fedele aile fonti autentiche e utilizzabile per I' esecuzione. L'edizione si divide in sei sezioni: I. II. Ill. IV. V. VI.
Opere teatraIi Musiea vocale da camera Musiea sacra Cantate e inni Musica strumentale da camera Opere giovanili
Ciascun volume si apre con un'introduzione che consta di tre parti: un panorama storieo del lavoro 0 dei lavori, una rassegna delle fonti e una disamina dei problemi editoriali e di esecuzione. Un Commento critico, pubblicato generaImente in un volume separato, presenta un'analisi dettagliata delle fonti, oltre aile note critic he, che offrono altre lezioni e spiegano Ie decisioni editoriali adottate. Sono disponibili anche Ie riduzioni per canto e pianoforte e Ie parti orchestrali e corali derivate dall' edizione. Quando i lavori esistono in due versioni distinte (1 LombardilJerusalem, Simon Boccanegra ecc.), entrambi vengono pubblicate separatamente. Le versioni alternative di minor estensione sono sistemate in appendiee. II testo principale riflette I'assetto definitivo di un lavoro, rna non necessariamente quello finale. Se si potra disporre dell'insieme degli abbozzi musieali di Verdi, questi saranno pUbblicati in serie separate. La musica e derivata da una fonte principale, quasi sempre il manoscritto autografo del compositore. Le aggiunte da altre fonti di mano >. Le altre di Verdi sono collocate entro parentesi cuspidate < aggiunte sono differenziate tipograficamente come segue:
1. In corsivo: dinarnica (f, p, cresc., dim.); trilli (IT); parole 0 sillabe mancanti nelle parti vocali; indicazioni di movimento (Andante); numero dei legni 0 degli ottoni che suonano (Solo, I, a 2); indicazioni metronomiche per A 0 J i per J, sono stampati in dimensioni normali. II segno sostituito viene riportato in nota a pie di pagina.)
Le aggiunte che estendono i segni gia presenti nella fonte principale non sono messe fra parentesi. Quelle derivanti da fonti secondarie attendibili (una copia manoscritta, la prima edizione dello spartito per canto e pianoforte, materiali di esecuzione) sono messe fra parentesi tonde ( ). La loro fonte viene specificata nel Commento. Quando un intero gruppo di aggiunte (ad es. indicazioni metronomiche 0 di loa 2) viene estratto da una fonte secondaria specifica, questa viene indicata nell'introduzione alIa partitura e non ripetuta ogni volta nel Commento. Infine, Ie aggiunte che sono ritenute essenziali dal curatore, rna non presenti nelle fonti, sono poste tra parentesi quadre [ ]. In via eccezionale, Ie didascalie tratte dalla fonte principale per illibretto (in genere la prima edizione stampata) sono messe in tondo tra parentesi. L'aspetto della partitura e modernizzato in diversi modi: 1. Sono state seguite in genere Ie convenzioni correnti per I' ordine degli strumenti e delle voci. La situazione reale dell' autografo viene indicata nella sezione relativa delle note critiche. 2. Le parti vocali usano solo chiavi di violino, di violino tenorizzata e di basso. Le chiavi originali, insieme alia reale estensione di ogni parte, sono specificate nell'elenco dei personaggi. 3. L'uso delle alterazioni di Verdi e adattato alia pratica moderna. Solo quando esistono dei dubbi sulle intenzioni di Verdi sono stati introdotti alterazioni tra parentesi quadre.
4. Le abbreviazioni e i segni di ripetizione verdiani sono realizzati secondo Ie convenzioni moderne, come pure Ie prescrizioni autografe su una parte strumentale che rimandano a un' altra parte scritta per esteso. Solo quando sono interessate sezioni musicali intere (ad es. "DalI'A aI B") 0 dove la scrittura e equivoca (ad es. quando si prescrive aile viole di suonare "col Basso"), queste abbreviazioni sono state indicate nel Commento. 5. Quando due 0 tre ottoni 0 legni sono scritti su un unico pentagramma, Verdi scrive "Solo" per prescrivere I'esecuzione escIusivamente aI primo (Ob. I., Tr. I). WGV mantiene questo sistema. Quando la parte prosegue in una successiva accollatura, WGV aggiunge un "I". Verdi usa gambi doppi per indieare a due strumenti di suonare la stessa parte. WGV elimina il secondo gambo e aggiunge in tondo "a 2". 6. Spesso tre tromboni sono collocati su un unieo pentagramma. Non sempre Verdi chiarisce quanti strurnenti debbano suonare quando ci sono solo una 0 due note. WGV cerca di documentarsi su materiali d'esecuzione dell'epoca, indicando ai Tromboni "(1)", "(II, III)" ecc. 7. Quando due parti scritte su un unieo pentagramma procedono omoritmicamente, WGV usa un'uniea articolazione per entrambi, anche se Verdi ne introduce due (ad es. r~· r~
).
8. Le abbreviazioni sono sciolte senza renderne conto in nota ("AII.o" = "Allegro"). 9. I particolari secondari sono normalizzati senza specificazione in nota: sono aggiunte pause di intero, standardizzati i segni di terzina 0 sestina ("3", "6"), inserite Ie legature tra Ie acciaccature e Ie note principali. Un solo punto di staccato mancante nell'ambito di un gruppo viene aggiunto senza differenziazione tipografica ecc. Ci sono invece taluni aspetti della scrittura di Verdi che non sono stati modernizzati: I. La scrittura degli strumenti traspositori segue la fonte principale. 2. La scrittura degli strumenti a percussione e lasciata inalterata, cosl come i termini che Verdi usa per designarli. I problemi particolari riguardanti Ie parti dei timpani e della cassalgran cassa sono discussi nell'introduzione aJla partitura. 3. WGV segue I'organico originale di Verdi. Quando sono presenti degli strumenti insoliti 0 caduti in disuso (ad es. iI cimbasso), nell' introduzione vengono dati i suggerimenti per Ie esecuzioni moderne. 4. I tratti d'unione usati da Verdi per il collegamento di pili note vengono mantenuti laddove possano essere giustificati musicalmente. 5. WGV segue la scrittura di Verdi, conservando per la Banda suI palco la stesura ridotta. Una realizzazione possibile e contenuta nel materiale d' esecuzione. La fonte musicale principale e generaImente considerata anche la fonte principale per iI testo letterario di ogni opera. Questo testo e stato collazionato con Ie fonti principali del libretto. Si preferisce di consueto la lezione di Verdi a quella del libretto. La punteggiatura incompleta di Verdi e integrata con quella delle fonti del libretto. Gli interventi sulla punteggiatura sono descritti nel Commento solo quando abbiano una reale importanza. Di norma, I' ortografia di Verdi e conservata quando riflette un' alternativa storicamente corretta al libretto 0 all'uso modemo. Tuttavia la divisione di parole in sillabe e stata, ove necessario, modernizzata. La punteggiatura e omessa alIa fine delle didascalie. Molti elementi dell'autografo di Verdi possono essere ambigui: 1. Gli accenti (> ) e i diminuendi ( ===--) non sono sempre ben differenziati. WGV mira a trovare un'interpretazione musicalmente convincente della fonte principale, e i passi dubbi sono menzionati nel Commento. 2. Ci sono occasioni in cui Ie legature di espressione verdiane sono ambigue allimite dell'incomprensibilita, specialmente quando e sottinteso un legato generale. Un'interpretazione plausibile viene suggerita da
xxxv
xxxvi
PREFAZIONE
WGV; dalla partitura, Ie note in calce e iI Commento, e comunque possibile ricostruire la notazione originale. 3. AIcuni segni interpretativi (crescendi, dinamica ecc.) non possono essere attribuiti con precisione a un pentagramma 0 a un altro nel contesto di un tutti orchestrale. Tuttavia WGV Ii stampa attribuendoli a un singola parte. In genere Ie parti dei solisti vocali seguono esattamente la fonte principale. I cantanti troveranno nell'edizione critica tutte Ie indicazioni di cui hanno bisogno per dare un'interpretazione personale di ogni ruolo. D'altro canto non sono state conservate Ie disuguaglianze gravi nelle
parti orchestrali e corali, 0 nei concertati. WGV punta a un'interpretazione accettabile musicalmente, la pili fedele possibile alIa fonte principale. Tutte Ie differenze da questa sono state registrate: Ie pili significative nelle note in calce, Ie altre solo nel Commento. L'intero complesso delle norme editoriali e disponibile presso la University of Chicago Press. Le deviazioni da queste norme, rese necessarie da situazioni insolite nelle fonti 0 dal contesto musicale, sono prese in esame nel Commento. Philip Gossett Direttore responsabile
Ringraziamenti
Molte persone ed istituzioni m! sono state di aiuto nella preparazione dell' edizione critica de II trovatore; e un piacere poterle ringraziare in questa occasione ricordandole tutte insieme. La realizzazione del presente volume si e resa possibile grazie ad una generosa donazione di Brena D. e Lee A. Freeman e alle sovvenzioni della National Endowment for the Humanities. * Ulteriori e preziosi sostegni per Ie ricerche sono giunti inoltre attraverso Ie sovvenzioni della University of Chicago Press, di Casa Ricordi e della State University of New York a Stony Brook. Casa Ricordi, che nel 1977 mi incarica di approntare la revisione critica de II trovatore per l'inaugurazione della stagione del bicentenario della Scala l' anno seguente, ha messo a mia disposizione Ie sue strutture per Ie ricerche necessarie: validissimi aiuti e ogni tipo di cortesia mi sono stati prodigati da Luciana Pestalozza, Fausto Broussard e dal compianto Luciano Petazzoni, al settore editoriale, da Carlo Clausetti, all'archivio storico, e da Mimma Guastoni e Teresita Beretta alia direzione milanese della casa editrice. Dopo Ie prime rappresentazioni dell'opera bas ate sulla nuova revisione, Francesco Degrada mi ha comunicato Ie sue osservazioni, molte delle quali in risposta agli interrogativi sorti nel corso delle prove alia Scala, fomendomi numerosi ed utili suggerimenti per il prosieguo dellavoro. Due anni piii tardi, Casa Ricordi mi propose di curare un'edizione integrale de II trovatore, includendovi anche Ie modifiche volute da Verdi nel 1857 per la versione francese dell'opera. Fran>
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21
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dre?
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Poco piu mosso .J =
203
100
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8
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24 216
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25 225
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sempre piiJ cupo :
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quan
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loe
ne - ro
in
va - rie
for - me
si
aJ.trui
mo-stri!
con terrore!
'" Tenori 8
Coro di Famigliari
E Bassi :
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VI.
VI.
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oJ
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dim.
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ve-ro! con terrore! : ~'
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E
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8
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1':"\
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26
Tutti i Cori ed Orchestra dovranno eseguire questo tempo iI pill piano che sara possibile. . . fino al pill mosso Allegro assai agitato J. = 72 235 estremarnente piano fino al piu mosso
----.-
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-
T 8
SuI
Coro d'Armigeri
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-----
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72
enon
1\ 8
In
Coro di
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Famigliari :
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1\
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27 246
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--.----
8
spes
Cora di Famigliari
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la
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ri,
corne un larnento
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(tutti si pingono di superstizioso terrore)
:
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>
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pa - u - ra,
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ppp
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29 268
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8
Famigliari B
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8
d'Armigen B
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= J.
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va!!!
Coro di Famigliari B
T
Guar- da
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Guar- da
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Guar-da
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Coro d'Armigeri B
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legato
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(con subito soprassalto)
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mez-za-not
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Coro di
Famigliari
un grido! ~
:
B
Ah!
T
(con subito soprassalto)
" 8
un grido!
Ah!
Coro
d'Armigeri
un grido! :f!:.
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32
---
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MOSSO
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N. 2. Cavatina Leonora (Giardini del Palazzo: sulla destra marmorea scalinata che mette agli appartamenti; la notte e inoltrata, dense nubi coprono la luna)
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67 (SCENA
IV: Leonora, e detto)
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(Fine della prima parte)
92
ATTO SECONDO (Parte seconda: La gitana)
N. 4. Coro di Zingari e Canzone (Un) diruto abituro (sulla falda d'un monte della Biscaglia): nel fondo, quasi tutto aperto, arde un gran fuoco. I primi albori (SCENA I:) Azucena siede presso it fuoco, Manrico Ie sta disteso aceanto (sopra una coltrice ed) avviluppato nel suo mantello;
(ha l'elmo a' piedi e fra mani la spada, su cui figge immobilmente 10 sguardo:) una banda di Zingari
e sparsa all'intorno
Allegro J = 138
Flauto
Oboi Clarinetti in Do Fagotti Timpani inMi
tr Viole
Ob. Cl. inDo Fg.
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*Earlier drafts of 1-20 and 49-64 are given in Appendix 1. Per Ie precedent; stesure delle battute 1-20 e 49-64, vedi I'Appendice 1.
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T.~~fI.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~v~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ..
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8
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*A" Strings, 21-27: numerous variations in the slurring of this passage are discussed in the Commentary . . Archi, 21-27: numerosi variant; nel !raseggio di questa passo vengono trattali nelle Note.
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Con
Man.
[1,]
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10
stra -sci-nai qui
me - co ...
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te ...
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n VI.
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65
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J. =
60
a-
125
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72 ()
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= 92
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"
vol·go in-tor - no il guar-do,
~~;e:#
e in- nan - zi a me
veg - g'i - o ...
deH'em-pio Can
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te il
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Ve.
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p
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*A: VIe =
IJ J I J J IJ J J
J
~~
I. see Commentary. 'vedINote.
qf-
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131
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oj
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Cor.
in La
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inMi
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cresco sempre
cresco sempre
inMi
ff
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p
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oil
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fi - glio
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fi - glio!
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che
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bru - cia
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to!
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:= 1:-::: cresco sempre
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cresco sempre
cresco sempre
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ff
....
p
Ve.
fi -
cresco sempre
oj
Vie
mio
Ah!
di - cit
.-
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VI. II
0 ...
Manrico
8
VI. I
mi -
".U• ....
~
ff >
ff
ff
>-
ff
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?
132
Ob.
-
Fg.
a2
Tm·~I~~>~~~:>~~:>~
Cimb.(~
Cassa sola Cassa
ff
Azu.
" Mio
Ah!
Ii - glio!
mio .:>
:>
Man. 8_
Vie
ror ! _ _ _ __
Qua - Ie or - ror!
ah!
qua
Ie or
133
FI. )
or
ff
Ott'? "
----.L
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1+-----
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):
OJ" ff
-
"
Ob.
or "
Cl.
in Do
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ff
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ff a2
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Cor
in
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Tr in Mi
ff
ff
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1
I
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or ff r
:>
:>
(IJ.-
:::&. ,,&. ... .&.
(II,Il/)
--ff straziante fl
:>
:>
:>
il
fi-glio
Azu.
or
fi _ glio!
mi -
o!
il
fi - glio
mi
-
oa-vea bru -
cia-to!
Man,
8' -ror!
Or- ror!
== VIe
Ve. e Cb.
ff
134 146
r'fl ~
-------- ---
fl ~-----------
Ob.
---------------------
========== ========= ===-------
Fg.
'-'-----
--a2
Cor.
in La
fl
Tr. inMi
a2
OJ
(1)
,-,
Trn. (II. Ill)
Cimb. ========---
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fl
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fl
Man.
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s
Qua-Ie or-
Qua-Ie or-ror!
:
•
OJ
========== F=========
pp ••
VI. II? ===~------
pp
sempre dim.
"
~.
,j!6'"
.,....-.;-
sempre dim.
Vie
=========== ======------- pp
sempre dim.
======================------ pp
sempre dim.
Ve. e
Cb.
*A: Cb. (Ve. = Cb.) =
I~ I
**A: VI. I == PP f~lls on the third beat. PP 51 trova sui terzD tempo.
135 Sol 0
153
>".-
:
Fg.
--
-:--.
>
>
allarg
ppp
poco
a >
a2
'fl
Cor.
in La
,oJ ~
f}
Azu.
---
OJ
ca
Sui
-
>" po
-
mi
0
...
-e-
Ie
chio
~
-
-
sen
me
-
.. . to
driz-
"
Man.
8 -ror!
'fl
Vl. I
Vl.
~
II?
-
=-: ppp
OJ
-
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----
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fl
~'~____
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p.
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ppp
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:
Vc. e Ch.
=u7
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------
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>
>
>
>
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--
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--
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aIlarg. poco
160 a
I .:--> :
Fg.
--,
---
poco
un
167
ancora allarg. e morendo 1':'1
'f}
Cor. in La
--
>
----
1':'1
,OJ
allarg.
a
poco
a
poco
morendo 1':'1
f}
Azu. :>
OJ
-
- zar
si
=
-.....
:::: 17 fl
Azu. OJ
VI. I
~
sui pu-gna -ti cam-pi
di
Pe - Iii -la,
o·ve spen·to
fa-mati
dis - se,
a dar - ti
-
se- pol - tu
ra
non
fl
oJ
fl
VI. II?
f--
""-
OJ
Vie
Vc.
....
lti-&
~
Cb) 21
,-
fl
---
:>
Azu. OJ
VI. I
~
mos-si?
La fug - gen·teau-ra
vi - tal non i-seQ - vri,
nel
se - no non t'ar- re -
--- - -
fl
oJ
:>
;.
~
:>
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sto
-
p
fl
VI. II? OJ
p
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:
:
c;
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p
#n.-
:>
c;
p
:>
-
Arne, se vi-vi an -
"A: VI, I, VI. II, VIe =
n
t-n.
rna
-
ter - no af-
138 25 fI
:>
:>
.,
Azu. f)
-fet-to? fI
E quan-te
cu
-
re
non
spe - si
a
ri-sa-nar
Ie tan - te
Manrieo
fe- ri - tel (con nobile orgoglio)
8
VI. I
VI.
~
Che por-tai quel' di
" fa-
" or
:>
:>
!"
>
pp
fI
II?
f)
;-
1-.....
r--
-
Vie :>
Ve.
Cb.
;
~
pp
:>
-
-----
:>
pp
i
?
>
pp
30
Man.
" 8
-ta
Ie,
rna
tut
-
te qui
nel
pet-to,
io solfra mil-Ie giil sban-da-ti,
al ne-mi - co vol-gen -do an-cor
la
VIe ff
Ve. e Cb.
===,,=======-
P
ff 35
Man.
" ,j
fac·cia! ..
II rio
De
Lu - na su me
piom - b6
col suo
drap - pel-Io:
io cad-di,
VIe
ff===========-Ve. e Cb.
~
pp
ff
• A: Man. = "nel di fatale"
**A: Man.
=IJl Jl - da - ti,
7
))
Jl Jl ) 1
at ne-mi - co vol-
pe-
139 Allegro a tempo
40 Azucena
"
OJ
Ec -co rner-ce
l
s
nel sin - go -Iar cer-
a' gior-ni che I'in - fa - me,
-
/I
Man.
de
-ro _ _ _
da for - te io cad - di!
'Il
~
--
OJ
I
.-----.-.
----------
1)
VI. II OJ
;-------
:.------~--------- ~
----------~
Vie
...
p /,
Ve. e Cb.
Allegro a tempo
==44
",_-----_1
,p
--,
.....
,..--
Il
Azu. OJ
- ta - me, eb-be sal - vi da
tel
_-------_ ....
-
-
t'ae-de - ca
Qual
stra - na pie-ta
va
per
es - so?
/I
Man. B
VI. I
VI.
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Allegro *ISA: (da fiato anch'esso at como, che tien sospeso ad armacollo.); see Note 125-129.
vedi Nota 125-129,
'1'''
149 (SCENA
II: Un Messo, e detti)
134
(al Messo)
1\
Man. 8
1- nol-trail pie ...
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S
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4.
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ne dei tu per cen-no del pren-ce vi - gi- lar Ie di - fe-se:
i
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-ve ti e da-to af-fret- ta - tia ve-
(porgendo il foglio che Manrico legge)
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Messo
leggendo la lettera
8
teo
1\
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[p]
01 1\
VI. II " I;:e:_
[p]
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[p] Vc. e Cb.
[p]
==
140 1\
Man. S
•
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Messo
Giun-ta
la se-ra,trat-tain in-gan-no di tuamor-tealgri-do,
nel vi-cin c1au-strodel-la Cro-ce
il ve-Io cin-ge-raLeo-
" 8
VI.I~ :~ n
VI. II
-----====================~~~~~~~~===================== ====
I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ -----------------------
11 01 -:5'-
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Allegro agitato mosso b CQC - - -.~ ---
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zu.
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Commentary.
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cor! si accentino molto queste due note in levare >
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VI. I ~ VI. II?
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164 282
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v
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che par-la ate!
fer
rna,
o!
mi
la
fer
>-
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fer
scia,
mi
>-
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fer
rna, ah!
fer-rna,
fer-rna,
scia,mi
la
scia,mi
f\
Man. 8
VIe
Ve. e Cb . • A- F . g.
= c';
see Commentary.
do 3; vedi Note.
-
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165 290
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Ve. e Cb.
168
N. 7. Aria Conte Chiostro d'un Cenobio (in vieinanza di Castellor): alberi in fondo: e notte "
Andante
MOSSO
J
= 80
(SCENA III:) II Conte, Ferrando
pizzo
Violini I OJ
)
pp
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pp
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pizzo '--L
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pp
Andante
MOSSO
J
= 80
e seguaei inoltrandosi eautamente**
Reeitativo
7 Conte
.
Tut - toe de - ser - to!
.
ne per l'au-rean-co-ra suo - na l'u-sa - to
VIe
~
Ve. e Cb.
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12 :
Con.
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car -me ...
In tem-poio giun-go!
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Ferrando
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Ve. e Cb. *A: VI. I, VI. II, VIe
p
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**ISA: 11 Conte, Ferrando, ed alcuni seguaci, inoltrandosi cautamente, ed avviluppati ne' loro mantelli.
equal fu-ren-te a-
169
17
Con.
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22
Allegro
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Con.
no-vel-Io e pill pos-sen - te el - la ne ap-pre-sta!
- si -ri:
VI. I
L·
L
L
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:
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l'al-ta- ref
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non fia d'al - tri Le-o -no-ra
Ah no!..
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VI. II(
mf
f\ ~
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mf
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mf Allegro 27 ~
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Cl. in Si~
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Le - o-no - rae mi -
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pp
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170
J = 50
Largo 33
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173
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MOSSO
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inMi~
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174 64 ~
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o Il\
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pp (68 = 67).
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1)1,
0
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175 76 r"f)
CI.
in
Si~
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1
.
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Can. Tut
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m'in-ve -
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pj;j;;d assai staccate ansio, guardingo guarda dalla parte ove deve giungere Leonora
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steun fo
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co! Ferrando ed i seguaci dicono sottovoce
Ferrando :
Ar-dir! ..
an-diam! ..
sottovoce
Tenori 'f)
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Ar
Cora
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dir! ..
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sottovoce
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an-diam! ..
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ppp ed assai staccate
fl
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CI.
in
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T.~~~~§~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~§~ Cora
v -lia-mo-ci
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ce-lia-mo-ci
l;-om
bre .... vnel
fra l'om
bre .... nel
v v mi - ste-ro, nel ' mi-ster!
mi - ster! ar - dir!
ar - dir!
an-diam!
ar-dir!
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VI. II
Vie
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Vc, *A: Ve.
=
J1 (110 = 82).
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si-
an-diam!
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f
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me
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com
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01
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fl
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= 90).
ta ... La gio
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m'a-
178
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179
96 FI.
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ah! _ _ _ __
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ti a
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----~====~==~=
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181
104
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V
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>
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an-diam! ..
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(I Tempo) **A' C _ db; see Commentary. . on. - reb2: vedi Note.
ce -
sottovoc.e
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:
B
an-diam! ..
Fer. ce -lia-mo-ci
fra !'om
-
bre .... ne!
mi-ster! ar- dir!
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an- diam!
h
T.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~ B
.....
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fra !'om -
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bre .... ne!
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fra !'om
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bre .... ne!
mi-ster! ar - dir!
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VIe
.
Ve. *A: Coro T.
=
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"If
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'!"
ar-dir!
an-diam!
si -
183
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si com
zio!
pia il suo
vo-ler! ... ar - dirt
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p
...
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si
com
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V
vo -ler, il suo vo -ler! ...
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187
128
Ob. >-
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r
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--....-======================
>:.
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Con. mi -
0,
ah _ _ _ __
non puo
Vie
nem-men
un
Di
0,
don-na
ra - pir
ti a
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.
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188 132
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me!
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189
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non puo
ra-pir
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me,flo, no,
,., -
....
tia me,
:
Fer.
ar-dir!
ar - dir!
si -len
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ce -
si -len
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zio, ar- did
ar-dir!
ce -
fI
T
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8
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ar- dlr!
Coro
ar-dir!
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ah!
si
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ar - dir!
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VI. I
VI. II
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---~======= Solo
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----============= .==--:- ff. . .....,;,. .. ~ .,;,. :t: ~ ~ J~
0,
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Cra
0
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ra - pir
ti
a
Fer. J'l
---~~===============-:-
ffl
n
nel
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T.~~~~§.~~~.~~~~~~§~~~~~~~~ Coro
8
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Cr~l';mbre ... ~elmi-ster,ar-dir,
ar-dir, ce-lia-mo - ci ..........
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l'om
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nel
mi
ff
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sottovoce .If.
Con.
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me!
.,. . . * . .
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ra-pir- ti a me, ra - pir-ti a
pp :
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ar- dir!
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pp :
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= pppp
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-
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*A: Coro B., VI. I
ar- dir!
ar-dir!
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pp
Cb.
V
ar-dir!
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ar - dir!
PI'
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ar- dir!
V
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ar - dir!
1\ PP
-
.--
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192 149
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Ob.
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Solo
"
------=====================
" .•
Solo
,IJ,.
Fg. pp
----====================
1It:~
M.~
..... b...
., .....
nonpuo
ra-pir
tia me,
----============== ..... ~
........ * ...
Con. me, no, no,
no, no, no, nonpuD nem-men un
-----~-======.==:==~~=~=~=~=~=...==l= Fer. si-len
T.
-
zio, ar-dir!
ce - lia-mo-ci fral'om-bre ... nel mi-ster,ar-dir, ar-dir, ce-Iia-mo-
ar- dir!
-----=============================~
" 8
si -len
Coro
-
zio, ar-dir!
ce - Iia-mo-ci fral'om-bre ... nel mi-ster, ar- dir, ar-dir, ce -lia -mo-
ar-dir!
B. ah!
si -
len - zio, ar
- dirt
ar -
dir!
ce
-
Iia-mo-ci fral'om-bre ... nelmi-ster,ar-dir, ar-dir, ce-Iia-mo-
VI.I~~:~~~'!'.~~~ VI.
II?
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4-
7!f
•
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-
I'orn - bre ...
fra
I'orn
fra
nel
>
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>
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bre ...
'II'
pp
pp
...
--
pp
..-
q~'
:
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pp
pp
= c; see Commentary. do2 : vedi Note.
**A:CI., Vl.ll, VIe =
"t
w
>-
pp
l
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>-
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Cb.
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n
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VI. I
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pp
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195
167 ~()
Ob. OJ
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CL
in
Si~
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-steT! ... ce
T
lia
- mo
.
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-
lia
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lia - mo
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VI. I
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ci
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mo
.
lia - mo
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I'om - bre ...
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ci
1\
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allontanandosi
nel
mi
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nel
mi
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an
l'om - bre ...
ar
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dir!
>
l'om - bre ...
... .
ci
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ci
1\
Coro
VI.
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:
Fer.
...
4f-
:
Con.
an
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f0-
nel
mi
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ster!
ar
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dir!
an
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nel
mi
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Vc. e Cb.
H1 :>
172
176
"
Ob.
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CL
in
Si~
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morendo
r."\
:
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ar-dir!
ar-dir!
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r."\
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ar
-diam!
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dir!
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dir!
an
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r."\
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diam! r."\
B -diam!
II?
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dir,
an
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morendo
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ar
...,
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r."\
.
w
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Vc. e Cb. morendo *A: Fer. =
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pppppppppppplamSSlmo
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196
N. 8. Finale Atto II J=
Andante
"" Coro interno di Religiose
.""--..
76
.
==--
---.
Ah! se I'er-ror t'in - gom - bra
". " "
o
................
Ah! se I'er-ror t'in - gam - bra
-
Violoncelli e Contrabbassi
fi-gJiad'E- va i
ra -
a
i,
pres-so a ma-rir
ve -
dra - i
==--
---~====
""
.
...... --------~
==-
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"" ... ...
~.
fi·gIiad'E-va i
ra
""
_--
------- i
'---------i,
pres-so a mo-rir
ve - dra -
J = 76
Andante
7
pp
" " che u - n'om-bra, un so - gno
[u,
che u - n'om-bra, un so - gno
[u,
""-' -s-p-e---m-e-d"'-i--quag-
-_/
la
an - zi del so - gno u - n'om
- bra
la
spe -me di
quag-
Ve. e Cb.
nascosto fra Ie piante
Conte
:ottovoc:
t: nem-men un
No, no, non puo Ferrando
nascosto fra Ie piante
Dio
sottovoce
Co-rag-gio, ar,dir! " Tenori Coro Seguacl del Conte
nascosti fra Ie piante
II
~q.r~
Co.rag·gio, ar-dir!
OJ
pp
1\
VI. II OJ
Ve. e Cb.
pp
w-----------------------------------r~. pp
• A: Coro ReI. D. III, IV =
it suo va - ler!
1>,!"tf'!"~~ '!"
:
il suo vo -Ier!
'n
VI. I ~
VI. II
~
OJ
pp
" OJ
..
pp
VIe
pp'-Ve. e Cb.
.
il suo vo -Ier!
: pp
V
-6-
198 27
-
legato
"
Coro interno di Religiose
Al ________________________________
oJ
ciel
lel!.'!!!!.._~ ___ ======================
" ,OJ
Al _____________________________ Jo
ti
vol
==========---
-
ti "--~ ~Oi------------
ciel
---
•
Can. no, no, non puC>
me!
nem-men un
Dio
ra-pir-tia me,
ra - pir-tia
Fer. il suo vo -ler!
co-ralHlio, ar-dir!
co-rag-gio, ar-dir!
co-rag-gio, ar-dir!
co-rag.gio, ar-dir!
si com-pia il suo,
i>1!f'~""'!' il suo vo -ler!
co-rag.gio, at:-dir!
co-rag-gio, ar-dir!
si com-pia il suo,
il suo vo-ler!
si com-pia il suo,
."
T.
Cora Seguaci del Conte B.
.
~
l
'!'
.
.".,~.".,
'(j
~I
OJ
VI. II
"
OJ
VIe
-
Vc. e Cb.
"
29
--........
~-------
""".,
Coro interno di Religiose
- gi,
e
il
ciel
si
-gi,
e
il
ciel
si
schiu
-
de
-
de
-
ra
per
" .~.
,oJ
Jo
:t:
+
schiu
'"
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ra
----'"
per
l'
Can. nem-menuo Dio
no, no, non puo
me!
ra- pir-ti a
ra- pir-ti a me,
~
Fer. si
COffi- pia il suo,
il suo vo -ler!
co-rag-gio, at:-dir!
co-rag-gio, ar-dir!
co-rag-gio, ar-dir!
co-rag-gio, ar-dir!
si com-pia il suo,
i>1!f'~"'" il suo vo-ler!
co-rag-gio, ar-dir!
co-rag-gio, ar-dir!
si com-pia il suo,
il suo vo -ler!
'(]
.
T
Coro Seguaci
8
.
del Conte B
:
l
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q~
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.
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VI. I
oJ
"
VI. II
oJ
-
VIe
Ve. e Ch. *A: Con.
" =
.h 'I
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RI' eq (also at 29); see Commentary. . mi~ (anche a 29),' vedi Note.
-
-
--
--
199
),.,1 Coro interno di Religiose
0)
"
---
--
-----------
te, _______________________
si
---============---
---=====---
te,_______________________
'r--. -
.,
-
be Conte
ne
n.con-giun.ger-mi un
Ter-ge - tei
di.
ra
-
i,
e gui-da
-
te - mial-I'a
ra ... - "*'
irrompendo ad un tratto ~-
~
'"
:
No ...
~
VI. I
VI.
::
ti al mio pel'du-to
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__ 61
Allegro assai (I)~~
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= 84
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Leo.
" OJ
Giu - sto ciel!
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Co-tan
II Con-te!
'tL Cora di Donne
I1Con-te!
Co-tan
toar-
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toar-
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II Con-tel
1..4.
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.,... il-fIl.
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Per te
-mai ...
"U""
U"
========-==--
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non
av - vi
che I'a - ra d'l - me - ne
..-
-
0 ••.
>-
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VI. II
toar-
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VI. I
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~~~
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Cb. Allegro assaI
J
84
II,.;
~~
~~
202 65
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ff b.a.
--
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ff
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Ob.
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in Lab
pp
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Cassa
ff
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comparisce il Trovatore
"
Leo.
.,
Ines
In-sa - no e qui ve - ni -
-di
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di Donne
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ff ....
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Cora
8
Seguaci del
Ah! :
Conte
Ah!
VI. I
VI. II
"
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~~
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*lSA: (E si dicendo scagliasi verso Leonora, onde impadronirsi di lei; rna fra esso e la preda trovasi, qual fantasma surta di satterra, Marique [sic]. - Un grido universaIe.)
-e--
~
=
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--
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--
-
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ff b~
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ff
203
E
69
J
76
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MOSSO
1':'1
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Fl.
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250 108
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Coro Tutti
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f:
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254 125
to
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255 129 (a 2)
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allarg. morendo
133
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136 ~
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dim. ed allarg. ~
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Coro Tutti
pre
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dae
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:
a1larg. morendo
Attacca subito N. 10
256
N. 10. Scena e Terzetto II Conte, uscito dalIa sua tenda, volge un bieco sguardo a Castellor)
(SCENA II: Conte
Allegro
4-
:
. ..
0,..
In brae-cio at mio ri - val!
.-
Que -sto pen - sie-ro
eo-meper-se -eu-tor
.-
de-mo-ne
o -vun - quem'in-
fI
~
Violini I
OJ
:>
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Violini II ( OJ
:>
:>
Viole
Violoncelli e Contrabbassi
5 :
Con,
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"
.
.
-se-gue!
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In brae-eio at mio ri - val!
Ma
...
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If-
cor-fO,
sur-ta ap-pe - na I'au -
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fO -
ra,
io
cor
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9 :
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0
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entra Ferrando
t:'I
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VI. I
(SCENA III: Ferrando e detto) Allegro agitato J = 92
(odesi tumulto)
p~
-
Allegro agitato
J
.....-= 92
-
257 15 :
Con.
fu? Ferrando
~
:
cam-po s'ag- gi - ra - va
Dap·pres·so il
VI. I) " OJ
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VI. II( " OJ
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si vol - se
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in
fu - ga;
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... 23 Conte :
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VI.II(
OJ
fI OJ
Vie
Vc. e
Cb.
--
Fu
rag-giun-ta?
Vi
-
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VI.
..,
:
E
pre - sa!
-
sta l'hai tu?
No!
del-la scor-tail con-dot - tier
m'ap-pre - se
l'e -
258
(SCENA IV: Azucena eon Ie mani avvinte, e strascinata dagli Esploratori, un eodazzo di altri Soldati, e detti)
27 Allegro " Azucena
A- i
tal
Mi
(tumulto pili vicino)
Con. Ec - co-la!
Fer. -ven·to ...
""
Tenori
(Esploratori)
8
In-nan-zi,
Coro
0
stre
-
--
ga,
..
.... in-nan -
In·nan - zi! ..
zi! ..
... --
Bassi
In-nan- zi,
'"
VI. I
-.
-
-
.
'-"
I"'
.
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-----
0
stre
-
-
.
ga,
in-nan - zi! ..
--j'
'-"
In-nan - zi! ..
.
-. -
Allegro
31 Azu.
~
" if)
- scia- te ...
ah!
fu
-
ri -bon
-
-
ill!
chemal
'"
:
Can.
fe - c'i - 01
-S'ap-pres -
'/I
'"
T 8
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In-nan
Coro
...
B
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In-nan .~.-=--,
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ri! ..
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f
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la-
259 35
(Azucena
"
Azu.
e tratta innanzi a1 Conte)
~
loJ
..."'"
~
Con. - si.
'"
VI.
I~
VI.
n( "
ri - spon-di,
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__ ... b..... vai?
Che!
oj
~
l-~
I;:e;
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"
40
"
AagIO d'J5 -8
......
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--
D'u·na zin-ga-rae eo - stu
I~ .,
Vl.n(
:.-
-
me
-
'II
VI.
o -ve
~
Vle
Azu,
b....
e tre-madalmen-tir!
IOJ
Ve. e Cb.
Nol so ...
Chie - di.
mov-er sen - za di - se
-
il pas-so va- ga-
gno
-
....
pp
"
;;
oj
'I'
....
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'f
.s-
''I'
'I'
Vie pp
Ve. e Cb.
"
~
pp Adagio .I
=
58
43
Azu.
:>-:>-
"
"
- bon - do,
ed
e suo tet-to il
"
ciel,
:>-
suapa - tria il
mon-do.
Da
Bi - sea - glia,
,.
Conte :
E vie- ni?
VI.I~ VI.
'" "
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p
n( "
-4
"
P
Vie P
Ve. e Cb, *A: Azu. =
:
n
p
0
- ve
si
-
260 47
Allegro
fl
Azu. oj
- no - ra Ie ste - ri - Ii mon - ta - gne eb - bi
ri - cet - to. b••
Con.
.
b•
(Da Bi - sca- glia?)
Ferrando :
(Che in-te - si!
I~
VI.
Oh!
qual
so -
fl
q!
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qlt!"
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VI. II? OJ
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:>
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---
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•• :>
Allegro
==52
Andante mosso Jl = 120 con espressione
fl
...
:>
Azu. Gior-ni
vi
ri
po - ve
-
---
~
ve-a,
pur con-
Fer. - spet- to!)
.---.:.......-.
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(Fine della Parte terza)
321
ATTO QUARTO (Parte quarta:
n supplizio)
N. 12. Scena ed Aria Leonora (Un'ala del palazzo dell' Aliaferia: all'angolo una torre con finestre assieurate da spranghe di ferro: notte oscura) Clarinetti in Si~
Adagio
r"'"
J = 60 ",
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pp
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33
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Violoneelli e Contrabbassi
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J = 60 (SCENA I:) Si avanzano due persone ammantellate: Ruiz e Leonora tr 3 3
IFr~~~~~~~~fi~~~~~~~~~~~~~fi~~~~~~fi~~~~~~~~~~
Fg. Vc. e Cb. allarg. CI. r"'" in Si~ OJ
3
(Recit.)
3
3
3
I· ... '" ~.'" allarg." .... '" =f .,. "
t-4-; r4-; r+-; r4-;
I
Fg. ,.. Ruiz D'
7
D'
7
D'
7
D'
7
sommessamente
8
Vc. e Cb.
Siamgiun-ti:
=="15 Leonora
ec - co la tor - re
o - ve di Sta-to ge-mo'lloipri - gio-
(Reclt.)
Van-ne ... Ia-scia-mi,
ne ti-mor di me ti pren-da ... Sal-var-Ioiopo-tro
Ruiz - nie - ri ... Ah! I'in - fe - Ii - ce
- vi
fu trat-to!
Vc. e Cb.
==
20
CI. r"" in Sib OJ Fg.
"
Leo.
OJ fI
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me! ..
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pre - sta e la mia di -
(Ruiz si allontana)
Ruiz VI. I VI. II
l
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0)
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Vie 'PP
Ve. e Cb.
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(/ Tempo)
pp
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(I suoi occhi figgonsi ad una gemma che fregia la sua destra)
In que-st'o-scu - ra
=
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rav-vol-ta pres-so a te son
ppp
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==29 Leo.
"
oJ -
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nol
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che in-tor - no spi - ri,
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spi
323
36
,.,
Adagio
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con espressione
= 50
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tr
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ro
VI. I
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del _ _ _ pri-gio-nie
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46
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dolcissimo secondando il canto tr
49
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mf
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Leo.
0)
cor! Primi Tenori
mezza voce
---
'1\
II 1\
Coro interno
Mi - se - re - re d'u - n'aI-ma giA Secondi Tenori
vi-ci - na
aI - la
par-
V al - la
par-
al -
par-
mezzo voce ---------------~--
.. II
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b
b
b
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Mi - se - re
- re d'u - n'al·magiiL
la
Vie
Vc. e Cb.
"
Andante assai sostenuto
J
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==65 Camp. in Mil>
T. I
==-
'"
pp
8
- ten - za che Coro T. II interno
non ha
ri - tor -
no;
mi
pp
1\
se - re -
re
di lei Bon-til
di - vi - na,
pre - da
non
----============= ========--
II
- ten - za che non ha
ri - tor -
no;
mi
se - re
-
re
di lei Bon-til
di - vi - na,
pre - da
non
- ten - za che non ha
ri - tor -
no;
mi
se - re -
re
di lei Bon-til
di - vi - na,
pre - da
non
Vc. e Cb. *ISA: (Suona la campana dei morti.)
Questo squarcio deve essere pianissimo ben chi: a piena orchestra
ppp
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Quel suon,
dim. finire pianissimo
so~en -
ci
ni, fu-
sia del - l'in- fer-nal sog - gior - no. dim. jinire pianissimo
~~;~n;·IIII~~s~~~-~>~-~~~>~==~==~==~:~==~==~~~·==~ep==~~=~~~=~==~==~=~==~-~-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ sia del -l'in -fer-nal sog - gior - no. dim. jinire pianissimo
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= pppp (96 = 71).
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vedl Note.
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329 73 "1\
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T. I 11 1\
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8
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VI. II
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te
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interno
con a
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Coro T. II
..
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V
mi
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mi
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Coro T. I I interno
8
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336 103
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scor-dar,
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I
339
111
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T. I
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o,ad-di
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8
Coro T. II interno
Mi
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di
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san
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340
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fl
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te
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Coro T. I I interno
mi
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8
mi
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mi
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mi pizzo
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VI. II
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341
115
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8
Coro T. I I interne
mi -
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scor - dar-mi? ..
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342 117
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oj
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T. I 8
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interno
mi
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8
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fl
mi
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mi
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mi pizzo
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di te scor-dar-mi? ..
scor - dar-mi? ..
pizzo
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===
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oj
fl
===
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ret
343 119
:::t.1,~~~~:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~
"
Ob.
Fg.
1
Trn
Cimb. Timp. in La~ Cassa Camp. inMi~
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"
Arpa
Leo.
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"
------
.,
sen-to man-car Man.
me! ..
Ad - dio,
Leo-no
-
ra,ad-di
--
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o!
Leo
se
re
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mi
---------------------------r-----------T
fl
8
di te,
eli te scor-dar-mi? ..
di
mi
"
~ '1 " .,
VI. II
~
no
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ra, ad -
se
re
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se
se - re
ret
mi
se -
-----~~=========================
rei
mi
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rei
mi
se -
re
rei
mi
se - re
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mi
se -
-
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--------------------===:~~-
B.
Ve. e Cb.
Di te scor·dar·mi? ..
J
mi
mi
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mil ..
" 8
Coro T. II interno
- - --
" 8
T. I
--
--
-----==========================
344
.e: ..-----------
121
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Coro T. II interno
II
8
- di f
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VI. II
1: t!
te? ..
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di te? ..
di
te? ..
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Ve. e Cb.
:
col canto
pp
:
345
Allegro agitato
127
'"
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'"
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'"
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l:
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'"
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fI
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FI.
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J = 116
oJ
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Ob. oJ
J'L
CI. in Sib
:
Fg. Cor. in Fa
Cor. inDo
oJ
Tr. inDo Trn.
Cimb.
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l fI
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sottovoee ed agitato fl
Leo.
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fI
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ehea-mo
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mai
del
8 /l
T. I 8
Coro T. II interno
/l 8
B.
VI. I
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VI. II?
pizzo
1'":"1
1'":"1
1'":"1
1'":"1
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pizzo 1;#'
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347 143
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152-153),
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N. 13. Scena e Duetto [Leonorae Conte] S'apre una porta: n'esee il Conte ed aleuni seguaei.) Leonora
(SCENA II:
Allegro Recitativo Conte ad alcuni seguaci
:
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364 17
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385 132 r"n
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387 146 Il
Leonora sugge i1 veleno (chiuso nell'anello)
Leo.
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tJ
(M'a-vrai,
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molto vivace
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III)[~J
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parlando
f\
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- pron - te
m'ha giiJ.
se-gna - to in fron - te
.
il di - to del - la mor-te!
fl
Man. 8
Vl.I VI.
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pausa lunga
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s
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i car-ne-fi-ci
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fa -
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47
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64
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407
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vedi Note.
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jj
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Se rn'arn-i an - cor. ..
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se vo - ce di
fi
- glio
ha
-
pos-sa d'u- na rna
-
dre in
se - no,
ai
fl ..
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t
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8
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ri
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o - bli -
0
cer -
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Vc.
del-l'al - rna
ca
nel
son
nO,e
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po - sae
cal
FL
,-.
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93 fl
411
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72
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la conduce presso la coltre
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se del
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ar - der si
ve
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412 113
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mon
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ti ... ri -tor-ne - re
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dolcissimo
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8
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ro,
t.~~~
dre:
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allargando a poco a poco
io
dor - mi - ro,
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io
la
(Azucena si addormenta, Manrieo resta in ginocchio daccanto a lei)
men - te al
~
dar - mi - ro! .. _ _ _ _ __
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ciel
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6 VI. I 1\"
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::::: s'apre la porta: entra Leonora; (gli anzidetti, in ultimo il Conte can seguito di Armati) 178 Allegro assai vivo J = 100 1\ .Leonora
(SCENA ULTIMA:)
oJ
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Man-
1\ "
Man.
S
Che! ..
non m'in -gan - na quel fio - co
lu - me?
senza sordini , 1\ "
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area
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area
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Allegro assai vivo
J
=
100
416 184
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fug-gi!
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correndo verso l'uscio *
La tua vi-ta! ...
tar-di! ..
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par-ti! ..
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:>
>-
:>
~
:>
>-
>-
zo! ..
Pur ....
fig·gi, 0 don-na, in me gJi sgua-i"di! ... Da chi
/':",
"-
/':",
"-
/':",
"-
/':",
"-
I'a-
:>
::>
::>
b~
- sprez -
:>
:>
Vie >-
>
~ :;;
Ve. e Cb . ....
>-
>-
>:>
>
>
:>
>
:::; 220
Man.
"
8
ppp
Andante
...
J = 60
II
-ve-sti
ed
a qual prez - zo?
.
Ba-Ien tre-men-do! ..
Par-lar non vuoi!. ...
~ f
Dal mio ri-
~.
f
6
6
Vie
;:;:.-----_ ... f
>------ -.
Ve. e Cb.
Andante *A: Cb. (Ve.
= Cb.) = ff
J = 60
f
.
~.
f 6
420
.--------ff
OJ
-
Fg.
~
)f C in Sol
"'I
C or. in Re
T r. in Re
Solo
----
Db.
1\
Jl OJ
)f J'L OJ
V
IT
()
IT
ff
.......
~
Tr IT
"I
Cimb.
ff """in Sol
Timp. /a-r e
-
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(l )"
Man
VI.I
IT
oJ
Jl
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6
J
r - - 3 ------,
6
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3
_ _J_~~
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- ~
---~====,================== 6
. --.
ff
1
,~• . ~,.~
staccate 6
"
Vie
in - ten-do!. ..
:~~~~,/~~ff~-:ifr
fJ.
OJ
In-ten-do,
staccate
6
jj
VI. II
Ie!..
- va
parlando
·
·
421
226
f:" ~
FI.
Ott. OJ
-
"
Ob.
I
OJ
;-.- - --:----..
in Do
J
J
(I)
~----------------
OJ
~-------
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Cor.
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in Re
Tr. in Re
J:-
t
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in Sol
I
.
r
I J
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CI.
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"
>
OJ
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---
fl OJ
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J
•
J
J
•
•
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.
~
. ...
>'------
:
Cimbl
:
Leonora
,.------- J ---,------"
"" fl • 8
VI.
I~
,,"
----
,---J_ :::>>
Ha
sto!. .
~
yen - du
I'a-mor
to!
-
_.
~
-.....
-~-------------- 1-+
OJ
r---J---,
~~~~~ ....
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,.------- J _
-----
......
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:
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i!:.
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Vie
Cb)
-
J
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que - st'in - fa - me
OJ
VI. II? "
VC.~
, - - - J-----,
'"-" Oh,quan·t'in-giu
OJ
Man.
-
---_...
i!:. -~
~
~--~
'-~
-" ~--
~
~.fI-
= -' __
in Re
Leo.
-- ----------- - ----------
"
u :>
Oh. co-me l'i
fa ti fen
-
'----"
de, ti ren
-
de
3
().----~.
Man. yen
du-to un co - re
-
/-----
Jl ,
**A:Cl.=
~
mi - a
giu - ro!
...-----
.......
VIe
·A:CI.~
che
tA: Cor. 1II, IV ~
!
,..-------.
------
,
423 ~ 3~ d - --...
i
r----3 ------,
r - - J --------,
. - - - J-----,
~ ~ ~ ~i~ .£-;t.2. i~
i"*-'-i:.
(I)
,--3-----, :----- ......
fl
Ob. oJ
(/)
Cl. in Do
,-----3~?,..--...
"
===
oJ
--'ll
J
Fg.
1--- ____________ 1 ____ --' __ ~_~=========================
fl
em!
in Sol
Cor. in Re
----------
!..
oJ
fl oJ
-----1\ '-
1_-------1---------___
--------------------- ----==================.=================
Leo. ::>
eie-eo!...oh, quan-to in-giu - sto, eru-del,
Man_
a2
'----"
eru - del,
-
sei me-co! .. T'aHen-di ... fug-gi. .. 0 sei per-du-to! nem-me-no il eie-lo sal-var ti
fl "
s
In- fa -me! , - - 3 ------, ::> ....... - - - - .....
.... ---- ....
Vie
. .---... ......
-
...------ -.
----
......
,,----- ...
, - - 3----, :::>
;---'.
----
......
----==----------------------
424
232
~
fl
BOl ott.
oJ
, , ..
H~
"'!I*. .,.i.q:i:#:i:~~ i!!~
~
3
3 ~
()
.,
.
()
o b.
------,
....-.....
,~, 3
3
(1)_
---
3
.,
I
3
7-
=;-~
,-----:---:---..,
>~
I
I
3
3
?T
I
L 3
3
,----3---.
,-3------,
(1)
C1. in Do
r - 3 -----,
fl "
3
3
-p~~:W:-
oJ
'.' ".....
~3_
:
F g.
~
fl
Co in S
';t!
:;t~ ~-- __ ~_~____Y__-
3
~~
• f1
~
I
3
3
--Ii:,.-T
Y
or ,----3----,
,---
fl
oJ
,----3----,
-----
----
T
>
(])
Tr inRe
,---- 3 ----,
I
Solo
Co r. inRe
,----3---.
~-------i:..--
-
fl
oJ
~-'l
3
3
3
'----=---,:,,---'
>. . _-'
~
--
-e--
Leo oJ
.,
puo! 3 ....-.....~,
fl
3 ~
3
~
Man II
,., •
que - st'in - fa - me
Ha
~
..:.:=--'
"'!I*..,.i.q' ',Ha', 1>4;
' "',II..'
lit: !:
,---- 3 ----,
VI. I oJ
1. ()
VI. II
,----3---,
oJ
't* ''If'i" __ -------
3
3
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W~ ;1':"
3
~~:_,!3!,---3---,
-----
~
Vie
~,:-:!.--=~ ~,!-:~? ~,!_:5
----.......
,-3_
VC.~
:
,',
, 3
3
Cb.? 'A: Fg, =
fl) ;
J ;1
'·A:Tr.=mmml ~.~
~:;'
,---- 3 ----,
:;t;l:":~T
3
3
yen -
I'a - mar
.:.
""'"',~~
If:;---~
---_/
:i--~--~--~
l--~
......
...:-.:..-:... .....
~
i--
425
F1.~':4~r~~r~~ Ott'?
-
OJ
() u'"" .
..-....
1
Ob. I
OJ
(I) ,-----3--,
Cl. in Do
3
3
>~
...
" u OJ
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3
'-:;"
:
Fg.
>
'-'
Solo
i;~~ll~:~~~~-~---~-~---~~~~~~ " I!.!
Cor. in Re
Tr. in Re
,---- 3 - - ,
9j~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~--~~~~~~~~ ~OJ ~ " OJ
(I)
0)
ra ti
Oh, co-me I'i
""
-
- du
ren
-
~
de, t1 ren
-
de
...
cie-co! ...
-
,-
8
Vie
-
----
'-'
Leo.
Man.
,--- 3 - - ,
,.---
-
--~
to!
ven
...
-----
".--------.
/
----........
-
-
--
--..
du- toun co - re
--
che
mi -
0
giu-
- ..... '---_.--"
..... _ _ _ _ ""r
]l~:~_ _ • A: Fl.
= FFi Jl":l'n '!9,*",,"---,
426
Fl.l':' ';" ~~~1\ " '""'
Ott.
.,
Solo 1L
Ob.
~-3~
'""'
.,
~
(I) ,----3-,
()
Cl. in Do
OJ
'-
~~
r---'-3--,
:>~
3
-
3
~--------------------
-""
:
Fg.
~
i;';~ll~~~~~~~~~~~I~~~~ I~()~~I~I~I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Cor. in Re I~
Tr. in Re
OJ
1\
(I)
inMib
Leo. oh, co-me l'i
...... -
....... fa ti ren
-
....... de, ti ren
-
de
cie-co! ... oh,quan~toin-giu
-
sto,cfu-del,
..
cru - del,
sei
Man. 8 _
fO!
in - fa
me!
~3
Vie
ha
__
-------
/-----'--------
'----_/
,
------
.........
--_../
------
,
----
,
427
..
./38
~
F1.
---
OJ
..
-
~~_;,..I.,o-
:J~.jL1= ~
3 .
3.
3 •
fl
~~.jL~
~
Ob. .~
OJ
C1. inDo
3 ••
3 •
"
fo-
----------------
OJ
J
J
Fg.
- - - ·V
I':;"
---=========~~~~~==~========
inMi~
fl~
in Sol
cO'l
....
OJ
III
Cor.
in Re
"
in Si~
~
OJ
---===============
========================-------pp
pp----------======================== ~
dim.
r--.3~.i ,--3..........-:--- 1 .-------3.......-.....1 r----3 ~i
Leo. me-co!.. T'ar-ren-di... fug-gi...
OJ
0
sei per-du-toL. nem-me-noilcie-Io sal-var ti pub, nem-menil ciel
sal-var ti pub,
nem-men il ciel
sal-varti
Azucena .1LJI.
Ah!
Man.
fl.-.. 8
~
que
st'in
-
~
fa-me
ven-du
~
~
It::::I:::O
~
toun cor
~
dim.
----a---
~
~~
~-.r
dim.
VIe
---- .....
........ .. _---_. ....-.
...
- ... __ ........
..
'
~
~
..
------"
-----_-=:====================---::::::.====
dim. ~
-------------========================
~
....
~ ~
dim. ~ ~
dim.
~
-
~
che mio
~
giu-
428 240 Meno mosso come prima
FI.
"''' u-'--ppp
. .. . ..... . ..
Ah!fug-gi,fug- gi. ..
~
Ai nos-tri
-------
mon
-
ti . ..
ri
0
seiper·du-to! .. nem-menil
~
- tor - ne
-
cie -
r~mo! .. l'an-ti
-
-
- ca
sal-var ti
10
pa
ce ...
i-vi
Ha que-st'in·fa -
No!
--
go -
--
-
I
Ah! fug-gi, fug·gi ...
.. . ..
0
----
r---
seiper-du-to! .. nem-menil cie
... sal-varti
10
Azu. -dre
Man.
;~
Ve. e Cb.
mo! .. Tu suo-ne - fa
i ... col
tuo
Ii
- u
to ... in 50n- no
pia - ci· do ...
io dor - mi
r -me!
Vie
-
l'a-morven-du
no!
-
-
-
429 244
I"J'L JL ,-----3 -------,
-------------------
~,
ci
do
dar
ven-du-to un cor
che mi
a,chemio
.
Azu. OJ
_
ra! ..
~ ~
$
Man.
son
in
no
-
mi-
r-3----,
~
i
l'
-to! (j
ti
giu-
"
-
Vie
Ve. e Cb.
::::::: 246
""-
FI.
;-
,----- 3 - - - - ,
---------------------------"J'.
~
oJ
~
,---3 -------'
"
CI. in Do
V
oJ
,, _~ J -------,
:
Fg.
----
- --
,
~
~
i-
~
>-~
>-------
~~
'. _ _ _ _ _ 1_ _ _ _ _ _ - - - - - - - - -
..J
I>i'
of!:
.J
p , - 3 --------,
11
,---------3----,
~ --~--~-- ...
r=--3 ----,
---
----
Leo. OJ
pua!
ah fug-gi, fug - gi . .. osei per-du - to!. .nem-men il ciel
Azu.
puo ,
----
---=
,-3 ----,
Il
sal-var ti
sal
var
ti
- -------
OJ
r--J"=---,
~
-fa! .. Il "
Man.
-
in
-
son
-
-
pia
no
,-----J. ___
,---3 -----,
ci
___
I
-
:;---:;---..
do
dar
I~
3..--...
I
,
mi -
-
---r-
,
8
- fO!
VI. I
~
VI. II?
ven-du-to un cor
ehe mi
-
o,chemio
giu-
" "------'
oJ
" oJ
.."
...
~
-.'
.....
:
• A: Leo.
=,Jl. ),},},
==-~.
.
-.'
..".
.,..
--
R---
'1"*-
..--,
u
Vie
Ve. e Cb.
.
** A' CI r .
.
0::
a' (also at 247).
la' (an che a 247).
430
248
.---3-----,
,---3--,
.---3-.
.-'fI
.---3----,
FI. oJ
-----
.---J-----,
"
CI. in Do
oJ ,_"V
.....c-D
_
.---3-----,
,---
~
.---3-----,
,---3--,
..r;---J----,
,---3----,
_----- -'
------
pppp sempre pill piano
,--3-----, ppp
flu
,---3 -----,
pppp sempre piu piano J ----, (/)
:
Fg.
....
pppp sempre pili piano
,---3 -----,
,---3_
.---J-----,
Leo. oJ
pub,
"
Azu.
-
sal
var
-
oil
- ro!..
Tu
,--3-----,
fI
ti
ppp
-ro!
can - te
-
rai. ..
,---3----,
un
var
- --
,
cor,
un
ti
~
3
Man. II
-
sal
puc,
.--L-
3
a~·
io
'---3--,
,---3_
che
cor,
dor - mi - ra! ..
~
VI. I
giu
mio
'fl
- -- -
sempre pill piano
fI
.... ....
oJ
.,;
I>T
...
....
.... ....
~
..... ....
....
....
--
.... ....
sempre pill piano
-
Vie
"
-
-
sempre pill piano
sempre pill piano
==
allargando
250
aIlargando sempre e morendo
r.-.
,; fI u
FI. oJ
'-'
~---
OJ
---
(I)
:
Fg.
..
.
flu
CI. inDo
r.-.
1--~
---allargando .---~
fI u
.......... i
, - - - 3 :::=:::::-l
r-----3....-..... I
Leo. oil
nem-men il
ciel
"
~
" u _
sal-var ti puo,
--L-
J
OJ
,---3~
r-----3....-.....
in I
son - no
r--3~_ ...... 1
nem~men
il ciel
.....L-.. pia - ci -
.......;--,
'"
morendo
r.-.
,
,
~
pua,
Azu.
sal-var ti
pua!
§.-.
io dor - mi
do
,----~/-.--_ ..
'
r--s. . . _--_,
r.-.
-
ra! ..
I
r.-.
Man. II
-fO,
ven - du-to un cor
che mio giu-ro,
ven-du-to un cor
che mio giu - ro!
r.-.
fI •
VI.I
VI. II
l
oJ
r.-.
fI •
OJ
trr
-r'
-.t'
-.I'
....
'
-r
-r r.-.
VIe
Vc. e Cb.
~~
"
-
--""""""""
oJ
VI. II?
Vc. e Cb.
-
allargando
..--4---,
allargando sempre e morendo
r.-.
431
252
-'"
F1.
Allegro assai mosso
J = 108
oj
"
Ob.
oj
~
CI. inDo
OJ
:
Fg.
"
Leo.
Leonora
e caduta a'piedi di Manrico
..
oj
Non
re- spin -ger - rni ....
~
Man. 8
VI. I
VI.
.
~
"
(arco)
oj
..
~
.
.;,-
~
MJ
"
II?
~
Ti seo - sta ...
. ,...
oj
(arco)
lIP.
~.
'if
MJ (arco)
...............
1""""1""""1
'i'
'i
~~
.
:~
.
'i
'if'
l'i
...............
i"T"I
Vie I"'
MJ
...
(arco)
Ve. e Cb.
:
-
...
,.
"""
pp
Allegro assai mosso
d = 108 -'t.
FI. OJ
MJ
---
~ ~
t=~
,------- ..
"
Ob.
O!
MJ-~========
(~)
fl
CI. inDo
:e-
oj
MJ ---======0: MJ
~
.p
~
Fg. MJ
----=-===========:=======
"
Leo.
OJ
~
Ve - di! ...
Ian - guen - te ...
op - pres
saio
man - co!
1\
Man.
~Il
s .
Va,
" oj
1\
VI. II oj
Vie
Ve. e Cb.
iP."
.
~
..
~
..
iP."
.
~
..
'i' .
l'i"
'i!"
ti ab - bo-rni-no ...
ti rna-Ie-
432 262
FI.
t
."
tot
to i:-
OJ
Ob.
" OJ
_================
===============~==
Fg.
Leo. sa, ces - sa!
Ah! ees -
Man.
Non
d'im
-
pre- car,
di
" 8
-di
co ...
-
VIe ==================
.
Ve. e Cb.
.
================
======-==========:.
==267 FI.
" OJ
Fg.
--==============---
Leo.
" vol
-
ge-re
per
la
me
==============---Ve. e Cb. =
~
,
))1 J
7))J
,))1 J
eea Dio
e
que
sta
-
VIe
*A: Vl.I (Fl. = Vl.I)
pre
,))J
:J11
433 272 'fl
R)
OJ
~==f
fl
Ott. I!)
---====== f a2
fl
Ob, OJ
--=======: f Cl. inDo
a2
fl OJ
---====== f
Fg.
l
'fl
inMib
OJ
Cor. in Sib
OJ
em
Tr. inMib
fl
a2
fl OJ
=_======:: 1-;-
ff
'/\
Ob. ~'!:.
f)
f>
CI. inDo
~
oJ
(I);
>-
~
¥"--~-----1:----
:;,-
Fg. I
Cor. inMi~
Cor. in Si~
'I
I
'f>
l:
~
a2 ::>
t- oJ
fL
.......-.
dolce
b~ingendogli la destra in segno d'addio
t
>-
~
Leo. If)
Ee-eo I'i-stan
- te!. .. io rno -
Man-ri
rot
- co!
Or
f>
Man. 8
mi - se-ra!
Conte
Ciel!
entra it Conte e si ferma sulla soglia
I>..(Ah!
.,., VLI VI. II
!':
::>
.
oJ
Iq~
k
t>
~
~
VIe ::>
Vc.
~
Cb.
~
°A: Man_ =
>: '>
,)IJ ) '-"
In -sa -no
**A' Also "Pii:a mosso"; see Commentary . . Anche "Pili mosso"; vedi Note.
tAo Leo, =
II
,'1./l./l./l
la
'--'
tua gra - zia ... pa-dre del cie-Io irn-
439 312
Fl.
Primo tempo
"''' OJ
"
Ob.
-====,,
OJ
dolciss.
"
Cl. inDo
--"""==========--
p-="--'=-=
,_-
p
OJ
Fg.
pp
------------I __ ._~~~========
---============
Cimb.
"
Leo.
OJ
Man.
Pri- ma ... ched'al-tri. ..
-plo - ro .. .
vi -
ve -
re ... _ _
i -
o ... vol-litua
mo-
" 8
In-
Con. Ah! vol-Ie me de-lu-de-re e per co-stui mo- rir!
pizzo
"
--========= pizzo Vie
_______
*A: Man. ~ ,
)1
pizzo
440
~~ ~f:~ br~ ~'"-~ ~~ ~~~B .~~
316 'fl
FI. oJ
PP
(l)~
(;
~
~
Ob. oJ
CI. inDo
PP
---
fl
:
n1--
'f>
cor.l
oJ
Cor.
f>
Si~
Tr. in Mi~
--===
I
-----
[ppJ
,
-
-
....
~---------
--
I-h
[ppJ
in
-
""-
oJ
Fg.
inMi~
~
--- ---
-- ---
•
"
"
I-
-=
"
a2
oJ
[ppJ-==
fl
" :
Cimb.
pp
.....
q---
---
ff'
con affanno >------
f>
>
>-
~
:0-
>
>.-...
~
Leo. oJ
Pri-ma che d'al-tri, d'al-tri
-rir! ...
>
fl
:>
---
"':.
Man. g
-sa
..
Ah!
vol - Ie me
ed i
z-t .. arco
------
vol
-
-
de-
me
Ie
~
~
-=
'-
-.I
area
f>
...
VI.U? loJ
...
...
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Appendix 1 / Appendice 1 Sketches and Rejected Fragments Abbozzi e frammenti scartati
453
A. Three drafts for the beginning of the Scena in N. 3 Tre precedenti stesure per l'inizio della Scena nel N. 3 i. First draft Prima slesura Andante Conte
f.54
f 54'
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Im- mer- sa nel son - no e
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B. Two drafts for 79-92 of N. 3 Due precedenti stesure per 79-92 nel N. 3 i. First draft of 79-92
Prima stesura di 79-92 Allegro Leonora
f.60
correndo verso it Conte
f.60'
A-ni-ma
Ph) del-I'u - sa - toe tar - da
mi-a!
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Nonm'in- gan-no ....
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Stesura successiva di 84-92 84 II
Leo.
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Piil del-I'u - sa
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Leo. co - rei ..
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455
C. Early drafts for the Cora di Zingari (N. 4) Precedenti stesure per if Coro di Zingari (N. 4) i. The original draft of 1-20 La stesura originaie di 1-20 tr
j. nhl
ii. The original draft of 49-64 La stesura originaie di 49-64 f.85' tr
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Appendix 2 / Appendice 2 N. Ila. Organ Part Arranged for Wind Band La parte dell'organo arrangiata per complesso di fiati
459
N. lla. Organ Part Arranged for Wind Band La parte dell' organ 0 arrangiata per complesso di fiati 82
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