Identity and Reciprocity in 15th Century Philippines 9781407302249, 9781407333106

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BAR S1813 2008  BARRETTO-TESORO  IDENTITY AND RECIPROCITY IN 15TH CENTURY PHILIPPINES

Identity and Reciprocity in 15th Century Philippines Grace Barretto-Tesoro

BAR International Series 1813 B A R

2008

Identity and Reciprocity in 15th Century Philippines

Grace Barretto -Tesoro

BAR International Series 1813 2008

ISBN 9781407302249 paperback ISBN 9781407333106 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407302249 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

David Norman, my college tutors, were very helpful in guiding my way around Christ’s College.

Acknowledgments I like to extend my gratitude to the following people who provided me moral support to finish this research and the institutions that granted me financial assistance throughout my study.

Taj Vitales and Anna Pineda assisted me in scanning some of the figures included here in the text, preparing the Philippine map, and laying out this text. Jocelyn de Jesus and Michelle Eusebio for copyediting my work. Reynaldo Jethro Barretto helped me look through the records in the National Museum of the Philippines. Aida Tiama prepared all the necessary documents that I needed for my studies. Digna Jacar and Jane Carlos granted my every request I sent through the internet. Giovanni Bautista made my visit in Calatagan uncomplicated. The informants in Calatagan (Ronald and Rolando Bugtong, Pedro Caisip, Caubalejo brothers, Leopold Cacol, Elena Afable, Dan and Binoy Pacheco, Fr. Johanne Arada, Roilan and Juliet Tagle, Dominador Perado and family, and the De Los Reyes Family) were very accommodating and provided us with their time and knowledge to answer our questions about the sites. Sol Macariola accompanied me to Bolinao.

I thank Dr. Elizabeth DeMarrais, my supervisor, whose patience, constructive criticisms, guidance, and encouraging words lead me to finish this dissertation. Dr. Robert Dewar, my advisor, offered suggestions how to approach the subject matter and patiently corrected my dissertation drafts. Dr. Victor Paz has always been a firm believer of the potential of his colleagues and students in the Archaeological Studies Program (ASP), University of the Philippines, Diliman. Professor Graeme Barker and Dr. Margarita Díaz-Andreu, my examiners, made sure that I meet the standard of excellence required of a Cambridge University PhD dissertation. Professor Wilfredo Ronquillo of the Archaeology Division of the National Museum of the Philippines granted me permission to study the Calatagan pots and to access other materials and records that I needed for my research. Special thanks are given to Fred Orogo who is in charge of the Ceramic Storage Room; he unwearyingly helped me transport crates of pots several times a week from the storage to the Records Section; Amalia dela Torre and Nida Cuevas patiently answered my questions on various topics about pottery. Ed Bersamira illustrated the Calatagan pots that are included in this research and Larry Alba scanned them. Ricky Francisco of the Lopez Memorial Museum and Library gave me a catalogue of photographs of their Calatagan collection. Mrs. Gina de Vera of the Bolinao Museum accommodated me during my visit to look at their collection. Dr. Janine Bourriau taught me how to analyse pottery fabric. I conducted my fabric analyses at the George Pitt-Rivers Laboratory. Gwil Owen assisted me in taking photographs of the sherds at the Charles McBurney Laboratory.

Dr. Isabelle Parsons, a friend and colleague, is my ally. We discussed our progress and encouraged each other to strive harder. I will never forget Philip and Honorine Harbridge for their friendship. To others who in their own ways have assisted me to finish my research: Dr. Lila Janik, Dr. Laurence Smith, Professor Martin Jones, Dr. John Robb, Dr. Kelvin Bowkett, Julie Miller, David Redhouse, and Dennis Baldric, thank you. The friends I met in Cambridge who cheered me on – Andrea Balbo, Francesca Fulminante, Sandra Nowottny, Penny Brown, and the members of the Cambridge University-Filipino Society. For the late Professor Malcolm Bowie, former master of Christ’s College, from whom I learned so many things that will guide me in my career later in life, I will never forget the kindness he and his wife, Professor Alison Finch, showed me. Tuting Hernandez, Myra Garces-Bacsal, Anna Marie Briones, and Clint Larraga provided me support in times of distress. They never stopped believing in my abilities.

The University of the Philippines Modernisation Program-Doctoral Studies Fund supported my study. The Emily and Gordon Bottomley Travel Fund and Levy-Plumb Fund of Christ’s College granted financial assistance towards research expenses throughout my stay.

My father, Reynaldo A. Barretto, loves all his children and always wanted us to be happy. Archie Tesoro, my husband, sacrificed many things by coming to Cambridge with me. I thank him for the laughter and tears and keeping me company in life.

Professor Zeus Salazar continues to be an inspiration to younger academics to do research on Philippine history and archaeology. Dr. Wilhelm G. Solheim II is always ready to answer any questions from ASP students and provides proper directions to young archaeologists. Dr. Nick Gay and Dr.

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Abstract This research proposes that external trade had different impacts on societies in the Philippines during the 15th century A.D. It puts forward that using an agency-perspective approach contributes to a fuller understanding of the social relations in a society—not just among the elites but also among other segments of the society. I argue that individuals negotiated their identity and status through routines like pottery production and participation in raiding, feasting, trading, and ritual performances. I will demonstrate that individuals wield different forms and measurements of power through the possession of certain skills and knowledge. Social relations may be scenes of power, regardless of the status of the parties involved, and such relations may have included spirits. The case study is Calatagan, which comprises several cemeteries along the coast. The burials contained a variety of objects including earthenware vessels, foreign-made ceramics, metal implements, glass ornaments, and spindle whorls. Based on the ethnohistory of the Tagalogs, the most probable group that occupied Calatagan, identities and statuses were influenced by reciprocity. I will show that this reciprocity is evident in the kinds of mortuary objects. One of the effects of external trade was craft standardisation, but pottery production in Calatagan was not standardised. Another effect is the creation of hierarchy between people and objects. This research also shows that heterarchy is a more applicable model than a hierarchical one in Calatagan. The burial objects represent a spectrum of identities. My analysis of the grave goods suggests these items signalling various functions and marking different identities were determined by their designs and locations in graves. The identities represented in the burials were cultural affiliation (usually represented by cooking pots placed at the feet and head areas or monochrome ceramics held by the hands), personal identity relating to age and sex (marked by ornaments), and prestige or status (marked by porcelain plates with sun and bird motifs covering the pelvis). Apparently gender was more marked than sex. In the burials, networks of associations were stressed more than personal identities. Some infants were placed in jars, which I interpreted as votives, the actual infant being the votive. Ascribed statuses are evident in prestige items found with non-adults. Some burials had overlapping identities: they contained objects communicating cultural affiliation, roles, and status while some only had objects indicating their cultural associations. It seems that a flexible hierarchy with horizontal differentiation existed in Calatagan where people had diverse sources of power.

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Table of Contents Acknowledgments Abstract Table of Contents List of Figures List of Coloured Figures List of Tables Glossary

i ii iii v vi vii viii

Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1. Research context 1.2. Why Calatagan? 1.3. Aims and objectives 1.3.1. Representation of identities 1.3.1.1. Cultural affiliation 1.3.1.2. Personal qualities of sex and age 1.3.1.3. Personal achievement 1.3.1.4. Status 1.3.2. Pottery production 1.3.2.1. People and pots 1.3.2.2. Potters 1.3.2.3. Pots affiliated with prestige 1.3.2.4. Specific functions of pots in burials 1.3.2.5. Other objects, other identities 1.4. Data and methodology 1.4.1. Pottery 1.4.2. The burials 1.4.3. Contextualising Calatagan 1.5. Outline of the research 1.6. Summary

1 1 4 5 6 6 6 6 6 7 8 8 9 9 10 10 10 11 11 13 14

Chapter 2: Review of relevant literature 2.1. ‘Anomalies’ in Southeast Asia 2.2. Heterarchy 2.3. Agency 2.3.1. In pursuit of power 2.3.2. Manipulation of social contexts through ritual 2.4. Conceptions of power 2.4.1. Power in Southeast Asia 2.5. Identity 2.6. Mortuary goods 2.7. Pottery 2.8. Case study 2.9. Summary

16 16 19 21 23 24 24 26 27 28 29 29 35

Chapter 3: Revisiting Philippine ethnohistory and ethnography 3.1. Reciprocity and transactions in Tagalog society 3.1.1. Utang na loob 3.1.2. How utang na loob structured Tagalog society, shaped and created identities 3.1.3. Tagalog reciprocal relations 3.2. Routines and objects 3.2.1. Routines and objects in the Tagalog world 3.3. Philippine pottery 3.4. Range of heterarchy features in Philippine societies 3.5. Summary

37 39 40 42 48 50 51 57 59 64

Chapter 4: Calatagan and its pottery 4.1. The pots 4.2. Metrical Variation of Calatagan pots

66 66 70

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4.2.1. Variation in all pottery types 4.2.2. Variation within pottery types 4.2.3. Variation within sites 4.3. Technology and fabric characteristics 4.3.1. Surface analyses 4.3.2. Firing analyses 4.3.3. Inclusions 4.3.4. Sorting and porosity 4.4. Style and labour investment in pots 4.4.1. Production costs of Calatagan pots 4.4.2. Style and identity 4.5. Summary

71 72 73 75 76 76 77 78 80 81 82 83

Chapter 5: The Calatagan burials and mortuary objects 5.1. The burials 5.2. The burial objects 5.2.1. Earthenware vessels 5.2.2. Foreign ceramics 5.2.2.1. Bowls 5.2.2.2. Jars 5.2.2.3. Jarlets 5.2.2.4. Plates 5.2.2.5. Saucers 5.2.3. Ornaments 5.2.4. Miscellaneous items 5.3. General orientation of objects 5.4. Relationship of ceramic quantity and total number of items 5.5. Summary

85 85 88 89 91 92 92 92 92 93 94 94 95 96 97

Chapter 6: Social identities and mortuary objects in Calatagan 6.1. Past approaches 6.2. Identity and mortuary objects 6.3. Multiple and fluid identities 6.4. Pots as symbols of identities 6.5. Pots and agency 6.6. Why are these objects meaningful 6.7. Overview of identities and statuses markers in Calatagan, 6.8. Summary

99 100 101 103 105 106 106 107 110

Chapter 7: Cultural Identity Markers in Calatagan 7.1. Ritual in burials 7.2. Ritual as an expression of cultural identity 7.3. Offerings and provisions 7.4. Attributes of ritual objects in Calatagan 7.5. Ritual and cultural identity in Calatagan 7.6. Pottery production and ritual identity in Calatagan 7.8. Summary

112 112 114 114 115 120 121 122

Chapter 8: Personal identity and achievement markers in Calatagan 8.1. Personal identity 8.2. Age 8.3. Sex and gender 8.4. Attributes of personal objects relating to age and sex 8.5. Expressions of personal identity in Calatagan 8.6. Negotiating personal identity in Calatagan 8.7. The gender of activities and objects 8.8. Age and identity 8.9. Summary

124 124 125 126 127 129 130 132 133 133

Chapter 9: Markers of prestige status in Calatagan

134

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9.1. Objects of desire and prestige 9.1.1. The sun and bird symbols 9.2. Attributes of prestige goods 9.3. Distribution of prestige markers in the Calatagan burials 9.4. The sun and the pelvis 9.4.1. Imitation in Calatagan 9.5. Ceramics and status in Calatagan 9.6. Summary

135 136 138 144 145 146 146 149

Chapter 10: Social Identities in Calatagan

150

Coloured Figures

161

References

169

List of Figures Figure 1: Map of the Philippines showing Calatagan and other areas mentioned in the text Figure 2.1: Map of Calatagan showing sites examined here (Main and Fox 1982) Figure 4.8: Comparison of heights of earthenware vessels across types Figure 4.9: Comparison of rim angles between types Figure 4.10: Coefficients of variations of some pottery types showing metrical attributes analysed Figure 4.11: Coefficient of variations of pots within sites showing metrical attributes analysed Figure 4.12: Presence of inclusions based on site Figure 4.14: Sorting of different pottery types Figure 4.15: Porosity of different pottery types Figure 4.16: Relationship of firing and sorting of all pottery types Figure 4.17: Relationship of firing and porosity of all types Figure 5.1: Graph showing body position by age of burials with cultural materials (skeletons with no data omitted) Figure 5.2: Body parts tied based on age of burials with cultural materials (burials with no data omitted) Figure 5.3: Body parts tied per site of burials with cultural materials (burials with no data omitted) Figure 5.4: Frequency of positions according to age of burials without goods (burials with no data omitted) Figure 5.5: Body parts tied in burials without goods (burials with no data omitted) Figure 5.6: Boxplot of the number of ceramics and total objects in burials. Burials with high quantities of objects are noted Figure 5.7: Location of undecorated earthenware vessels in the graves Figure 5.8: Earthenware vessels with evidence of usewear Figure 5.9: Location of pots with usewear in burials Figure 5.13: Tradeware vessels associated with each age group (those with one sample have been omitted) Figure 5.14: Common locations of tradeware vessels in burials (those with one sample have been omitted) Figure 5.15: Non-ceramic objects associated with each age group Figure 5.16: Common locations of non-ceramic objects in burials Figure 5.17: Frequency of objects that are placed upright and overturned in graves Figure 5.18: Frequency of locations of upright and upside-down objects Figure 5.19: Relationship of ceramics with the total number of items in burials Figure 6.1: Combination of markers in Calatagan (burials without goods not included) Figure 6.2: Burial markers across sites (north-south) Figure 6.3: The relationship of the frequency of burials with ceramics as ritual items and number of earthenware vessels Figure 6.4: The relationship of the frequency of burials with ceramics as ritual items and number of tradeware vessels Figure 6.5: Frequency of burials with ceramics as ritual items and total number of items Figure 6.6: Relationship of the number of burials with ceramics as prestige and number of earthenware vessels Figure 6.7: Number of burials with ceramics as prestige and number of tradeware vessels Figure 6.8: Number of burials with prestige ceramics and total number of items

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1 31 71 72 72 73 77 78 78 79 79 86 87 87 88 88 89 90 91 91 93 94 95 95 95 96 97 108 108 109 109 109 109 110 110

Figure 6.9: Relationship of burials with different prestige ceramics Figure 7.2: Burial sketch of PP(M)-82 (left) and other burials (Santiago et al. 1961). PP(M)-82 was buried with a stoneware jar covered with a saucer Figure 8.2: Burial sketch of PP(M)-30 (Santiago et al. 1961) Figure 9.3: Burial sketch of PS-31 (Santiago 1961) Figure 9.10: Burial sketch of PP(M)-73 (Santiago et al. 1961) Figure 9.11: Burial sketch of PP(M)-71 (Santiago et al. 1961) Figure 9.12: Burial sketch of T-163 buried with three skulls (Paniza et al. 1960-1961) Figure 9.13: Burial sketch of PP(M)-111 (Santiago et al. 1961)

110 116 129 138 140 141 141 142

List of Coloured Figures Figure 4.1: Samples of utilitarian1/cooking pots from Calatagan Figure 4.2: Samples of utilitarian2 pots from Calatagan Figure 4.3: Samples of kinalabasa from Calatagan Figure 4.4: Different forms of kendi Figure 4.5: Samples of decorated earthenware vessels recovered from Calatagan Figure 4.6: Samples of dishes from Calatagan Figure 4.7: Miscellaneous pots from Calatagan Figure 4.13: Samples of sherds showing different amounts and sizes of inclusions Figure 5.10: Samples of bowls in Calatagan Figure 5.11: Sample of a plate from Calatagan. Figure 5.12: Samples of saucers from Calatagan Figure 7.1: Burial sketch of P-17 (Paniza et al. 1961b) showing earthenware vessels on top of two blueand-white plates (left: P-38 61-I-14b; right: P-38 61-I-13) Figure 7.3: Kendi with a non-functional spout (PP(M)-136 61-H-64) substituting the missing skull of PP(M)-106 Figure 8.1: Adult male burial with coral on skull and farming implement on hip, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro (2005) Figure 9.1: Unprovenanced gold earrings displaying solar designs (courtesy of Mrs Librada Reyes) Figure 9.2: Forerunners of the present Philippine Flag (bottom right) (www.philippinecountry.com) Figure 9.4: One of the two Decorated2 (T-321 61-L-66) pots in T-119 Figure 9.5: Kendi (KR-328 61-G-125) found in KR-219 Figure 9.6: Burial sketch of PP(M)-57 (Santiago et al. 1961), which was buried with a kendi on the pelvis and a jarlet (PP(M)-84 61-H-35) at the feet. Figure 9.7: Top of porcelain with a kylin design (T-425 61-L-32) found on top of T-180’s knees Figure 9.8: Burial sketch of PS-4 (Santiago 1961). Bowl (PS-12 61-J-83), showing the top and bottom, covers the kinalabasa Figure 9.9: Burial sketch of PS-49 (Santiago 1961). Low-prestige foreign ceramics were found in this burial. The top and bottom of two bowls are shown. One covers a kinalabasa, and the second is found on the pelvis. Figure 9.14: Top and bottom of bowl (T-379 61-L-27) located near the left hand of T-151 (Paniza et al. 1960-1961) Figure 9.15: Burial sketch of PP(M)-1 (Santiago et al. 1961) buried with a white bowl (PP(M)-7 61-H-59) found inside another ceramic Figure 9.16: Burial sketch of PP(M)-40 (Santiago et al. 1961) showing top of porcelain plate decorated with a bird (PP(M)-51-A 61-H-23) located at the feet of the skeleton. The status is similar to that found in Punta Buwaya (Fox 1959, Plate 165).

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161 161 161 161 162 162 162 163 164 164 165 165 165 165 166 166 166 166 166 166 167 167 167 168 168

List of Tables Table 4.1: Coefficients of variations of all pot types Table 4.2: Coefficients of variations of all cooking pots Table 4.3: Coefficients of variations of small cooking pots Table 4.4: Coefficients of variations of medium cooking pots Table 4.5: Coefficients of variations of large cooking pots Table 4.6: Coefficients of variations of all utilitarian2 pots Table 4.7: Coefficients of variations of medium utilitarian2 pots Table 4.8: Coefficients of variations of all kinalabasa Table 4.9: Coefficients of variations of medium kinalabasa Table 4.10: Coefficients of variations of Karitunan pots Table 4.11: Coefficients of variations of Punta Sunog pots Table 4.12: Coefficients of variations of Sta. Ana pots Table 4.13: Coefficients of variations of Talisay pots Table 4.14: Summary of inclusions in 63 sherds Table 4.15: Presence and absence of inclusions across pottery types Table 4.16: Temper combinations found in 63 sherds Table 4.17: Points assign to pots based on shape and form Table 4.18: Range of production costs of Calatagan pots Table 5.1: Frequency of manner of burials with cultural materials Table 5.2: Frequency of burials (with cultural materials) with evidence of body part/s tied Table 5.3: Frequency of body positions in burials without goods Table 5.4: Frequency of burials (without goods) with evidence of body part/s tied Table 5.5: Frequency of burials with earthenware vessels Table 5.6: Frequency of burials per age group with earthenware vessels Table 5.7: Frequency of burials per age group with tradeware vessels Table 5.8: Frequency of total number of items per age group (only graves with cultural materials) Table 5.9: Quantity relationship of earthenwares vessels and tradeware vessels in burials Table 6.1: Frequency of different markers in Calatagan across age categories Table 6.2: Combination of markers across age categories Table 10.1: Calatagan ceramics in three different classification systems

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73 73 73 74 74 74 74 74 74 75 75 75 75 77 78 79 80 81 86 87 87 88 89 89 92 96 97 107 108 156

Nuno - an ancestral spirit Pabaon - something taken on a journey, which is usually food Pakikisama - literally ‘to be together’ Pakiusap - a request Pang-alay - an offering Pinakarsu - Bontoc mediator during armed conflicts Poon/puno – a chief or a leader Potong - headdress worn by raiders and datus Production cost - labour invested in manufacturing an object (pot in this research) Production index - method to compute the production cost Salampay - scarf Suki - loyal patronage Tapis - wrapped-around skirt Temper - nonclay materials added to the clay to make a pot, sometimes natural to the clay Timawa(timagua) - a person who served a maginoo or datu Tongtong - an Ibaloy social organisation composed of elderly men Tradeware vessel - foreign ceramic Utang na loob - debt of gratitude

Glossary Alipin namamahay- ‘slaves’ who lived in their own houses and served a maginoo, datu, timawa, or maharlika Alipin sagigilid - ‘slaves’ who lived with and served a maginoo, datu, timawa, or maharlika Anito - spirit Ator - Bontoc ward system Baknang - Ibaloy wealthy class Balato- money or gift given/shared usually when someone wins Balianan - a Tagbanuwa shaman Bansag - boasting of lineage and wealth Barangay- a unit usually composed of 100 households in early Tagalog society Bathala – what the Tagalogs called their god before Christianity was introduced Bayan - a community/town made up of several barangays Bayanihan - cooperation among townmates Bayoc- - a man with female inclinations Buyo - - betel plant Catalonan/babaylan - a person, usually a female, who is in charge of rituals Cavetto - concave moulding, which is part of the plate or bowl between the centre and the lip Coefficient of variation - statistical method to compute variation Datu - leader, usually the best raider or a wealthy person, but not necessarily having a noble lineage Dulohan - a following or an entourage Dyadic ties - relationships or interactions between two individuals Earthenware vessel - clay pot Fabric analysis - analysis of clay that was used to make earthenware vessels Ginoo - a person of noble lineage; a title of respect Gintubo - an individual born into servitude Gulang-gulang - a public space under a datu’s house Hiya - literally ‘shame’ Inclusions - see ‘temper’ Indios - term used by the Spaniards to refer to the inhabitants of the Philippines Kabayan - townmates Kylin - Chinese mythical figure, ‘a composite animal with bushy tail, deer-like hoofs’ (Fox 1959:380) Likha/larawan - a sculpture representing a spirit Lingas - a person who was wealthy and fierce but not of noble lineage Mag-anito - a presentation of an offering to the spirits Maginoo - a person who was wealthy and member of the nobility, usually a nondebtor Magurang - a Tagbanua hereditary leader Maharlika - a raider, who served a maginoo or datu Maygintawo - nouveau riche

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external partners by increasing the exploitation of local domestic resources the latter desired. Meanwhile, to increase local surplus for external exchange, the centre must be willing to pay low-level chiefs who controlled the interior with locally produced prestige goods. Mass-produced goods needed for exchange with the interior meant greater standardisation (Junker 1993c). Demand for labour also increased to meet the demand of production. This increasing complexity was associated with warfare to obtain slaves for labour (Junker 1994, 1999b). Support from peripheral areas was critical for the centre to maintain its stability. Political power was derived from controlling resources and craft production, and circulating wealth objects that maintained the stability of subordinate chiefs (Junker 1994, 1999a).

and tribute. It is in this context that ancient Philippine polities have been interpreted as chiefdoms (Junker 1999a). Research on Philippine chiefdoms has also associated political power with the control of long-distance trade (Bacus 1996; Junker 1999a). Prestige-goods economy model (PGM) (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978) was used to explain the development of chiefdoms from the start of the second millennium to the mid-second millennium. Social structures were linked to the way each polity along the main coasts and upriver participated in an intricate trade network (Bronson 1977). The desire to control trade was motivated by the need to dominate political and economic landscapes. This process created status competition among groups and polities, which in turn resulted in the hierarchical ranking of people and rise of a centre with subsidiary sites, in which a dominant chief controlled the movement of goods. It also produced a hierarchy of values between foreign and domestic objects, as the principal chief and low-level chiefs restricted access to particular goods in social transactions.

In the PGM, the motivation to engage in external trade is to maintain political power and control that enhances status and wealth. This framework deals predominantly with elite and centre perspective. The main cause for complexity and change comes from an external demand of local goods; all foreign goods were valuable and goods flowed vertically from chiefly centres to secondary centres, and vice-versa. One person at the top controlled the system but low-level chiefs could enhance their position. The mass-produced items in the centres were local prestige goods; nevertheless, they were prestigious from the perspective of low-level chiefs because they came from the centre.

As the centre controlled external trade, the choice of goods to be circulated rested on the dominant chief (Junker 1990). Tribute of domestic goods flowed from upriver sites to the centre, and in return, from the centre locally manufactured prestige goods and some exotics flowed back to secondary sites (Junker et al. 1995). The central chief controlled production and distribution and determined the materials to be redistributed. In the PGM, the elite in each polity demanded exotic goods symbolising their political and economic status. Thus, a vertical flow of goods between high-level chiefs/centre and subordinates existed where goods considered high-prestige have restricted distribution (Junker 1993c). The monopoly of external trade was crucial to the centre’s expansion. The chiefly centre must continuously feed the demand of its

In the archaeological record, hierarchy was suggested by centralised and standardised craft production; high-value goods in centres, low quantity of high-value goods in non-centres; increasing levels of chiefly hierarchy and increasingly complex assemblage of status symbols and wealth objects; settlement hierarchy, burial hierarchy within and between cemeteries; and increasing evidence of violence. These features are present in Negros (Bacus 1996;

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redistributed from this centre. Ethnohistoric sources stated pre-Spanish societies traded with the Chinese for porcelains, silk, gold, jewellery in exchange for forest products and other raw materials (Junker et al. 1995). Coastal lowland chiefs had no access to these products so an internal trade with upland groups was necessary to obtain forest resources. Upland groups traded raw materials for lowland luxury goods like Chinese porcelain, metal and glass jewellery, weaponry and locally made earthenware pots and subsistence products – textiles, iron tools, marine resources, domesticated animals and salt (Barretto 2002).

Junker 1999a). Political strategies included competitive feasting and alliance building (Junker 1994, Junker et al. 1994; Nishimura 1992). Junker (1990, 1999b) states that males gained prestige in sociopolitical realms by joining and/or directing trading and raiding expeditions and organising feasts. Archaeological excavations at Tanjay were conducted as part of the Bais Anthropological Project (Hutterer 1981; Hutterer and Macdonald 1978, 1982). Major objectives were to study the effects of tropical environments on social evolution, to investigate the role of foreign trade in social evolution, and to establish the regional cultural sequence of southeastern Negros. Research was conducted on prehistoric and historic coastal trading settlements of Negros and Cebu.

Bacus’s (1996, 1997) excavations in the Dumaguete-Bacong area resulted in the discovery of two prehistoric settlements, namely Unto and Yap. The surface finds from Unto revealed a settlement from 14th century AD until historic times. The features and materials uncovered and retrieved were postholes probably of residential structures, plain and decorated earthenware sherds, Asian porcelains, stoneware sherds, beads, iron fragments and slag, lithic artefacts, human teeth, faunal remains and burnt clay images. In Yap, surface survey yielded sherds stylistically similar to earthenware sherds found in neighbouring islands. The excavation area of 35 m2 revealed three periods of occupation. The earliest period exposed the presence of a posthole, plain, red slipped and decorated earthenware sherds, some with rice husk impressions, lithic artefacts, shell fragments, and burnt clay lumps. The middle period settlement measured approximately one hectare and dates to the 15th century. Five structures based on postholes, plain and decorated earthenware sherds; Asian porcelain, lithic artefacts, tooth and shell fragments, and burnt clay lumps were found. The sizes of the postholes are 13-35 centimetres in diameter and associated artefacts were similar to Tanjay. These were proposed as elite residences. The third occupation period

Junker (1999a) studied Tanjay of the 12th16th centuries AD. Her research supports the crucial role of long-distance trade in the sociopolitical development of Tanjay. Ethnohistoric sources identified Tanjay in central Philippines as the economic and political centre of the Bais Region at the time of Spanish arrival in the 1600s. Settlement analyses demonstrated the slow growth and development of Tanjay as the centre of political and economic importance (Junker 1993a). Excavations at three secondary centres situated upriver had yielded relatively low densities of artefacts (Junker et al. 1995). Within Tanjay, Junker observed variation in density and compactness of cultural materials; architectural variation of residences; elite and non-elite habitation zones; manufacturing and production areas of local luxury goods; and differential access to prestige goods and subsistence resources in habitation and burial sites. Junker suggested that lowland coastal areas and upland areas were engaged in an internal trade network and tribute system that Tanjay controlled; and resources were

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dated to the 16th-17th centuries. A portion of a structure, earthenware sherds, Spanish pipe fragments, metal fragments, iron slag, lithic artefacts, shell, bone and tooth fragments and burnt clay lumps were recovered. Bacus concluded that local decorated earthenware vessels, metals, beads, and glazed Asian tradeware vessels had differential distribution through time. She added that pottery decorations might have had an iconographic role in symbolising chiefly elite alliances.

and dense animal remains associated with residential areas indicated elite habitation zones. It was inferred that feasting took place in these areas, and that the elite sponsored feasts. It must also be considered that faunal evidence could be combined food contributions from many households rather from just from one (Adams 2004). In Cebu feasts, glazed ceramics exhibited the sociopolitical authority of the administrators. Nishimura concluded that only select long-distance trade goods were related to socioeconomic and socio-political differentiation in Cebu. Interaction between lowlanders and uplanders did not influence the development of a complex trading system in Cebu. He proposed that glazed ceramics were probably of better quality, which was why people imported them, rather than because of status.

Nishimura (1992) was interested in the long-distance trade and development of complex societies in Cebu during the mid14th to mid-16th centuries. He ascribed the development of the Cebu polity to factors different from those in Negros. Results of palynological and soil chemical analyses demonstrated that agricultural production was not viable in Cebu. Nishimura proposed nonfood producers inhabited Cebu Central and subsistence was provided by outside satellite settlements. Complexity was the result of interregional and interisland trade stemming from the need to procure food for the centre since its own resources could not support it. Still and all, population increased. Administrators organised and mobilised labour forces for food production and procurement activities both on land and sea, and craft production and redistribution. In return, they held feasts to reward people for their work. The introduction of new fauna from the exploitation of new ecological zones caused the expansion of Cebu settlement. Additionally, the improvement of procurement methods also contributed to the diverse faunal evidence. The faunal evidence from settlement sites does not indicate status differentiation, unlike in Tanjay. The diversity and the density of animal bones in Cebu may not be attributed to elite status.

I will argue in this research that the increasing and expanding movement of goods may be critical for the dynamic negotiation of an individual’s social position. I propose that there are motivations for acquisition of goods beyond status display, such as asserting individual and group identities and communicating ritual ideas. Understanding these motivations may contribute to a fuller interpretation of the nature of social relations and positions in 15th-century Philippines. 1.2. Why Calatagan? I chose Calatagan as my source of data for two practical reasons. First, the number of burials is large enough and they come from several sites along the coast in the geographical and regional area of Batangas, providing a roughly random sample of the population. Second, Batangas is part of the Tagalog region; and there exists significant documentation on the Tagalogs by the Spaniards near the period in question, which helps contextualise burials and mortuary objects.

Nishimura’s interpretation of feasts differs from what happened in Tanjay. Junker suggested that the presence of more diverse

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The Tagalogs were an established cultural and linguistic group even before Spanish presence. Though occupying different geographic areas, they had broad variations in language and customs (Scott 1994). They had their own writing system called “baybayin” (Boxer 1590; Colin 1660), and were active in the regional trade with the Visayas, China, Malacca, Borneo, Timor, Brunei, Sumatra, Siam, and Sunda. Foreign objects were recovered in Calatagan and other sites in the Tagalog region, for instance Sta. Ana in Manila (Fox and Legaspi 1977), Pila in Laguna (Tenazas 1968), and Verde Island (Legaspi 1964). In addition, the burials excavated by Fox and others in Calatagan have been argued by Paz (2004) to be settlements supporting the presence of coastal villages in the 15th century.

Spanish conquistadors and missionaries between 1525 and 1898 described most aspects of Tagalog society from birth to death (Anonymous 1572; Chirino 1604; Colin 1660; Loarca 1582; Plasencia 1589). Other accounts are annotations of earlier Spanish materials, ethnographic accounts after Spanish occupation, and analyses of the colonisation and conversion (Best 1892; Foreman 1899; Quirino and Garcia 1958; Rafael 1988; Romualdez 1979; Sawyer 1900; Scheans 1969, 1977; Scott 1983, 1994). Though it is contentious to call the people buried in Calatagan “Tagalogs,” evidence suggests that people inhabiting this region may have been Tagalogs, and my view is that the Calatagan graves probably belonged to them. At the time of Spanish arrival in the 1500s, a large portion of southern Luzon region was inhabited by a sizable population living along the coasts and in the interior; though they referred to themselves differently, they spoke a common language called Tagalog (Anonymous 1572; Chirino 1604; Loarca 1582; Plasencia 1589). Presently known as the Tagalog region (Figure 1), it includes Manila, Batangas, Bulacan, Cavite, Laguna, and what is now known as Aurora, Bataan, Nueva Ecija, Quezon, and Rizal; as well as the adjacent islands of Lubang, Marinduque, and parts of Mindoro.

1.3. Aims and objectives The major aim of this research is to explore if external trade had a different impact on pottery production and status in Calatagan during the 15th century. The other aims are to investigate the different functions of earthenware vessels in the Calatagan burials, to evaluate the use of other objects as funerary items, and to understand how identities were negotiated and represented in the burials through grave goods. This study will demonstrate that the construction of identities is related to the nature of pottery production and their functions. I will analyse primarily earthenware vessel types and whole burial assemblages as these variables interact with different aspects of identity like age, sex, achieved status, rank, and social/cultural affiliations. I want to examine whether a spectrum of identities is manifested in specific burial contexts. Rather than the earlier interpretation of referring to objects with the body as ‘grave goods’ (Fox 1959), I suggest that it is important to ask why such objects were placed with the body and what information do they convey about the identity/ies and status of the deceased. I present three areas: representation of identities and statuses, the

“Tagalog” is a contraction of the word “taga-“ meaning, someone who dwells in or is from a particular place, and “ilog” meaning, river. “Tagalog” thus refers to the inhabitants who live near rivers, and were not from the “bundok” or mountains. The Tagalogs were a defined group and called themselves “tawo,” a person (or perhaps an “insider”) as opposed to a “samot/samok,” an outsider who speaks a different language (Scott 1994). The “bayan” or town one came from, and the “kababayan” or townmates, were the sources of a Tagalog’s primary identity (Scott 1994). The Tagalogs, therefore, recognised themselves as a group.

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reasons then all burials will contain earthenware vessels with similar forms and decorations. Ritual objects have repetitive forms and designs that promote social integration.

relationship of pottery production and identity, and the function of objects in burials. 1.3.1. Representation of identities I start with the notion that nothing is neutral in the mortuary items in Calatagan. Identity was created through actions and expressed in burials. There was power to engage in particular or specific social actions because it was determined by a conscious choice to participate in it. Skills were enhanced by the repetition of an act, and knowledge learned and added resulting from constant practice and experience. The skills, acts, and knowledge are all embodied in the objects found with the deceased. They were placed there for a reason and purpose. Varied meanings can be read from these objects. All funerary objects in Calatagan were ritually placed, yet I propose that each object has further meanings relating to the deceased’s identity and status. One object may establish a different identity depending on its quality and location in burials. I propose in Chapters 7 to 9 that a spectrum of identities may be uncovered from the burials including cultural affiliation, age, sex, and status. These identities could have been created by their roles. This can be achieved by looking at other items accompanying the pots, including foreign ceramics, as more information can be obtained from burial assemblages as a whole rather than examining the pots in isolation.

1.3.1.2. Personal qualities of sex and age The scope of activities in which individuals can engage in is usually determined by sex and age prescribed by one’s culture. Activities may be distinct for each sex and age groups; similarly both sex and/or different age groups may share activities. Perhaps it is through activities that ideas on femaleness and maleness, and on young and old are formed. If the age and sex of the deceased are represented, then burial objects can be divided into female-male and childadult categories. 1.3.1.3. Personal achievement An individual’s personal achievements are secured within the bounds of culture marked by objects of trade and/or adornment representing activities and skills of the deceased. Such objects may be linked to specific life stages. Personal achievements are interdependent on personal qualities of sex and age. Some personal achievements may or may not be considered high status. If the goal is to represent the economic roles of the deceased, then means of production will accompany the deceased. Imported objects and weapons may accompany traders and raiders. Craft specialists may be buried with tools of the trade; for instance, potters with paddle and anvil and weavers with spindle whorls.

1.3.1.1. Cultural affiliation Rituals marking conception, birth, adulthood, and death are usually determined by a common belief system shared by persons within a cultural group (Wilen 1992). In burials, some objects may relate to beliefs in an afterlife and the soul’s journey (Carr 1995). I propose that all burials, therefore, must contain some similar objects to denote this membership since cultural identity is marked by a widespread distribution of ritual items. If earthenware vessels were interred for ritual

1.3.1.4. Status Status objects are meant for display. They have visible aesthetic properties, evidence of high labour investment either through production or acquisition, and rare. These objects marking prestige are placed where they are visible in burials. In any given burial, more than one identity may be present. If several identities of the deceased are represented, then any

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and if these types represent particular identities (Chapters 7-9).

combination of the above objects may be observed. Sex and age usually dictate what activities a person may perform and what social positions they may and can attain. An elite status may be obtained through the outstanding performance of a personal achievement or by inheritance. I will attempt to answer the following questions in later chapters:

1.3.2. Pottery production During the 15th century, parts of the Southeast Asian region were actively trading with each other (Hall 1985; Reid 1988). This foreign trade network from the 10th century contributed to the large quantities of foreign items, specifically ceramics, in Philippine sites1. Numerous burial sites, including Calatagan (Barretto 2002, 2003a; Beyer 1947; Legaspi 1974; Fox 1959, 1979; Fox and Legaspi 1977; Gotuaco et al. 1997; Junker 1999a; Tenazas 1968, 1970; Zhi-yan 1993), and underwater sites, not just in the Philippines (Desroches et al. 1996; Dizon 1994), but also all over the region, have been found to contain such items (Brown 2000; Wells 2002).

1. How are identities represented in burials through earthenware vessels, non-earthenware vessels, redundancy of object use and association, and skeletal distribution of specific objects in the burials, and their association with particular age groups (Chapter 5). 2. How do earthenware vessel styles and their locations in burials and distribution, along with associated objects reveal the deceased’s identity and status? Earthenware styles are investigated in Chapter 4 by classifying them based on their forms. Their styles will be quantified using a production index. The location and distribution of earthenware vessels in the burials are examined in Chapter 5. 3. What objects and/or tools may represent activities of the deceased while the individual was still living? The association of specific objects with particular activities are investigated by looking at early written accounts on the Tagalogs (Chapter 3). 4. What objects mark wealth in burials? This is analysed by examining if some burials have high quantities of specific objects and have low distributions (Chapter 9). 5. Could similar categories of objects have been used differently in burials as distinct identity markers? The functions of particular objects in the burials are examined by looking at their category types and their locations in the burials (Chapter 5),

Lowland chiefs participating in this longdistance trade subsequently needed to control the lowland-upland exchange to access forest products demanded by external trade partners during the 15th-16th centuries (Junker 1993c). Potters at the centre were then required to produce wares for exchange in upland areas. The morphological and technological analyses of sherds recovered from Tanjay demonstrated production in the lowland varied from region to region before 10th century and became standardised in the mid-second millennium (Junker 1999a). Junker explained that the production was transformed from dispersed household to full-time production; most likely linked with the need for chiefs to control pottery production, and mass-produced wares for internal exchange. I test in Chapter 4 if the impact of the foreign trade on local pottery differs in Calatagan. Since no direct evidence of 1

Trade in the region started earlier than this based on Indian and Chinese influence observed in Southeast Asia circa 2000 BP (Bellina and Glover 2004; Hall 1985; Manguin 2004; Miksic 2004; Solheim 2002; Tarling 1999). 7

that pots have utilitarian and ceremonial functions and can serve as wealth items too. I heed this advice and explore why and how people in Calatagan made and used local pots despite the presence of foreign vessels.

pottery production in Calatagan has been observed at present, I focus on the pots themselves (Costin 1991). If Calatagan earthenware vessels were produced in households, then a high degree of variation in morphological and fabric attributes will be observed. I shall measure the different metrical and nonmetrical attributes of the pots and statistically analyse their variation.

For Skibo (1992), who worked on Kalinga pottery, pots have two types of functions: an intended function, original and primary like cooking pots used for cooking; and an actual function removed or different from the intended one, like cooking pots used for storage or plants. Normally, objects have different actual functions from their intended roles. For instance, different vessels in Calatagan may not have signified cooking and serving platters but communicated various affiliations of the deceased.

1.3.2.1. People and pots Junker (1999a) suggested that decorated vessels were wealth items used for status display in the 16th century. For Bacus, pots were emblems of chiefly exchange and elite alliance; out of 950 sherds from various sites all over the Philippines she analysed, ‘only three cases of possible exchange were found’ (Bacus 2003:50). In these studies, the value of the pot has been assessed based on how elites used them as part of their political (see Pauketat and Emerson 1991) and economic strategies and Bacus’s study raises an opportunity to offer other interpretations why decorated earthenware vessels were not part of the local exchange.

Drawing from Philippine ethnohistory described in Chapter 3, earthenware vessels were not only used as cooking pots or in domestic domains but also in rituals (Aduarte 1640; Chirino 1604; Colin 1660; Plasencia 1589). And of course, in archaeology, as in Calatagan, pots were funerary materials.

Ubiquitous in sites and mostly found as ordinary and regular, pots are ‘vessels’ of identities, for everyone uses pots in different ways. Their forms, designs, and contexts would give clues as to who used them and for what purpose. I will argue in Chapter 4 if pottery style was connected to the identities of potters and other individuals, not just the elites, in the society. Despite the presence of large quantities of foreign ceramics in the 15th century, there was a continued demand for earthenware pots in Calatagan. I will examine in Chapter 7 if this was due to ritual uses. There are burial rituals performed at death regardless of status; hence earthenware vessels used in rituals may mark cultural membership.

1.3.2.2. Potters If local artisans asserted their identity within the community, then similar design motifs and/or forms of pottery will be observed within sites. I will examine in Chapter 7 if there was an effort to emphasise their identity amidst the proliferation of foreign ceramics through the decorations they used. Because of the large volume of imported ceramics, I will argue in the same chapter that local artisans used specific design motifs as a sign of social affiliation and to strengthen a sense of “belongingness “(Hodder 1979). In the absence of technological requirements to produce ceramics similar to porcelain, local potters could have produced elaborately decorated earthenware vessels to compete in the market. Several sites in the Philippines show that some recovered

Solheim (1965) suggested investigating pots from the perspectives of the user and the manufacturer, and roles of pots within and outside the community to understand the relationship of pots and people. He stated

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quality, meaning they were mass-produced. Slightly more than 50 percent of the burials had tradeware vessels while the rest had plain, decorated, and slipped earthenware vessels (Fox 1959; Junker 1999a). According to Junker (1999a:177), Fox described ‘porcelain-poor’ graves containing local copies of Chinese ceramics, while Junker considered these earthenware vessels as ‘inferior-status goods’. Furthermore, Junker (1999a:177) indicated that there was an ‘inverse relationship between the numbers of foreign porcelains and locally made earthenware’ as grave objects. Burials with one or no trade ceramics were more likely to have one local pot than those with three or more porcelains. Thus, replicated trade forms in local materials found in graves without porcelains indicate that these local copies had lower value compared to the originals according to Junker (1999a).

earthenware pots were local copies of foreign wares (Fox 1959; Legaspi 1974). If local artisans used pottery to compete with foreign ceramics then a high degree of “nonessential” (Rye in Braun 1991) stylistic attributes can be observed. These attributes are stylised and not a prerequisite for the pot’s function. A pot’s stylistic elaboration can be determined by computing its production costs. This method is explained in Chapter 4. 1.3.2.3. Pots affiliated with prestige Bacus’s (2003) study of stylistic similarities in Philippine pottery as one form of shared elite symbolism between polities suggests chiefly interpolity exchange of pots was neither widely extensive nor intensive, as one would expect during the 14th-16th centuries. She adds that foreign and local goods may have dominated the exchanges between elites, restricting the use of decorated clay pots as such. The sherds Bacus analysed, though were from burial sites, almost all have no exact burial contexts. There was no basis for indicating that the styles were associated with the elites except for the similarities of designs found across the islands and interpreted as symbols of chiefly alliances.

Chang (2004), relying on statistical analyses, argued that local and foreign ceramics in Calatagan were possibly of equivalent social value. He compared locations of both local and foreign ceramics in burials and found no difference in their distribution, and proposed further study that avoids dichotomising local and foreign vessels. However, his study lacks a qualitative approach in terms of decorations. There was no attention to form and style both on local pots and on porcelains; furthermore the age of the deceased was not considered.

The pots I analysed have specific burial contexts, including information on the skeletal remains, associated burial objects, and specific locations around the body. This may provide a stronger basis for examining which decorative elements were associated with a prestige status. If some pottery designs and forms were associated with prestige, I expect these to have limited distribution. In addition, these decorated pots will be found with other objects bearing similar designs emphasising this association.

Fox (Main and Fox 1982) interpreted the pots as grave-furniture but gave no indication of the probable reasons for their distribution, demand, or use of pottery types and pottery type associations. Using data from adjacent contemporaneous sites in Calatagan derived from original and unpublished burial records, I propose in Chapter 7 that earthenware vessels that have been until now always referred to collectively as grave goods, are not what Junker calls ‘inferior-status goods’ nor do

1.3.2.4. Specific functions of pots in burials Foreign ceramics recovered from Pulong Bakaw and Kay Tomas, two large cemeteries in Calatagan, were of low

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referenced them with records. During this period, I analysed 19 pots as part of my pilot study. I continued examining the pots from January to May 2005.

they have the similar social value as Chang proposed. Instead, they may have functioned as provisions, offerings, wealth, and status goods, depending on their style and location in the burials as addressed in Chapters 7 and 9.

I checked reports and excavation documents including burial and inventory records, porcelain and earthenware vessels analyses forms, burial illustrations and some photographs. More than 12 sites were recorded and each site normally has an archaeological specimen inventory and archaeological burial records. The former is a list of all the accessioned materials observed and/or recovered from a site. It indicates the specific burial each object came from together with a short description of the material, and its corresponding inventory numbers. The burial record is a documentation of each burial including information on the condition of the skeletal remains, type of burial, body position, associated materials and other peculiarities like dental ornamentation. Some burials had been sketched. There were also ceramic record forms for both local and foreign wares. These forms indicated the site and burial the ceramic came from, including a brief description and sometimes an illustration of its profile and decorations. The Lopez Memorial Museum, a private institution, also has a collection of inventoried materials from the Calatagan excavations2. Though I was not allowed to handle the objects, the Lopez Museum provided me with quality digital photographs of their collection. I also visited the Bolinao Museum (a provincial branch of the National Museum) for records show that they have materials from Calatagan. However, I only observed one glass bracelet from Calatagan there.

If the pots were interred for ritual purposes related to beliefs (Carr 1995), then burials should contain pots with the same form and stylistic attributes, located in same positions regardless of age or sex. If pots were wealth items then some graves would have high quantities of earthenware vessels with foreign decorative elements buried with them as suggested earlier (Main and Fox 1982; Junker 1999a). 1.3.2.5. Other objects, other identities Other prominent objects from Calatagan are foreign ceramics. Regardless of their massproduced qualities (Fox 1959), the porcelains, as I will examine in Chapter 9, were perhaps not valued for their quality of manufacture, but for the skills attached to acquiring exotics in general (Helms 1993), and for the designs found on some plates and bowls that probably translate to prestige. Some tradeware vessels may indicate status, others as ritual objects depending on their styles and locations relative to the body. 1.4. Data and methodology The sites I examine are burials situated along the western coast of Calatagan dating to the 15th century. The majority of funerary objects are various earthenware vessel types and foreign ceramics interpreted as plain grave goods (Fox 1959) or inferior- and high-status goods (Junker 1999a). I obtained the data during two separate field periods. In 2004, I located 285 whole and restored Calatagan pots excavated in the early 1960s (Fox 1961; Pilapil 1961). These were kept in the Ceramic Storage Room of the National Museum of the Philippines. I recorded the accession numbers marked on each pot and cross-

1.4.1. Pottery I examined 2923 pots and observed two 2

The National Museum donated some materials to sponsors of the excavations including the Lopez Family. 3 There are more Calatagan pots in the National Museum. Though some of them have no accession 10

earthenware lids. Most pots could be traced to their respective burials. Each pot was labelled with an accession number indicating the site, grave number, and field number. If it lacked any of these numbers, the pot’s provenance could simply be traced by using the available number(s) to crossreference it with the burial or inventory records. In the sample, 217 pots had burial contexts. The remaining 74 pots, though purchased from or donated by site owners, were recovered from their properties, and thus were labelled as coming from those sites. I included these pots in the study for statistical analyses of their variation. I collected 63 sherds from restored pots for fabric analyses to examine their production. I photographed 90 trade ceramics also kept in the Ceramic Storage Room, and used the information in the burial and inventory records.

degree of sorting. I measured the labour invested in pottery production using a production index (Costin and Hagstrum 1995; Feinman et al. 1981; Hagstrum 1988) by assigning points based on size, form and per design unit and manner of application. The sum represents the cost of production. Pottery types of specific forms, designs, and fabrics might have been placed in particular graves. 1.4.2. The burials I sorted and cross-referenced information on 726 Calatagan graves from burial records, specimen inventory records and burial sketches. I did not include the Pulong Bakaw and Kay Tomas sites that Fox (1959) published earlier. I scanned the burial sketches, including plates of ceramics with similar form and designs from other publications. From the 726 burials, I chose graves with complete information on the quantity and quality of mortuary objects, including their locations in burials. My primary data are burials that contained earthenware vessels I have analysed. I also selected burials with sketches. Burials with incomplete data were used according to the suitability of the information they contained. I also included a sample of burials without cultural materials. I explored the distributions of pots to check their association with specific age groups and/or objects. I examined distributions of earthenware vessel types with foreign ceramics to compare if particular types were found in specific locations, which may demonstrate different functions in the burials.

Because I seek to link pottery production and use to the creation of identities, I am interested in the functions of earthenware vessels in specific burial contexts and how identities were negotiated through them. To analyse production, I recorded metrical attributes like height, rim/body/base diameters, rim/body thickness, rim angles; and nonmetrical attributes namely body form, decorations (manner of application, design motifs, visibility), colour, texture, hardness, and evidence of usewear. I photographed each pot and illustrated lip profiles. I classified the pots into functional types based on their forms and examined the relationships between the following variables: type with size, type with decorations, size with decorations, and form with decorations. I measured the variation of forms within vessel types and within sites using a coefficient of variation (Longacre et al. 1988), a tool to identify the nature of production. Using a binocular microscope, I identified the fabric recording the type of inclusions, their size, distributions and

1.4.3. Contextualising Calatagan Ethnohistoric and ethnographic documents could be helpful in exploring the roles of mortuary objects before their deposition. Historical accounts, ethnography, and oral traditions are possible sources of contexts and meanings of Calatagan objects. Thus ‘biographies’ of these objects are learned and give the researcher an understanding how objects functioned and circulated then.

codes, their forms and decorations were very similar to those I examined. Other pots do have labels but I did not find documentation of their provenience. 11

therefore, are products of a particular event at a particular time. Meanings of objects could either be reinforced or changed through time and space depending on the situation. It is thus relevant to know the historical and cultural contexts of things to be able to grasp the idea behind the artefact.

Furthermore, simplistic and obvious interpretations of objects into dichotomous relationships and site formations are avoided, and provide us with alternative explanations (Walker and Lucero 2000). The contextual approach allows the study of the historical conditions for the movements of both people and objects (Barretto 2000; Gamble et al. 2001; Hodder 1986; Marcus and Flannery 1994; Walker and Lucero 2000), and provides probable social and physical domains wherein routines and interactions embodied by objects were performed. Thus individuals are historically situated in time and space (Barretto 2000; Gero 2000).

I examined early written documents on the Philippines to see how people could have engaged with the material world in Calatagan. I considered how objects were used and functioned by comparing the burial evidence with early descriptions of Philippine societies. Many researchers have used this as part of an integrative approach to study burials (Crass 2001; Gamble et al. 2001; O'Shea 1981; McCarthy 2004; Ray 1987; Walker and Lucero 2000; Wattenmaker 1998). Being acquainted with the historical context is to understand the object in its own terms and see the individual’s motivations for the material’s becoming.

Contexts of objects both in past living systems, and where appropriate in the present, and in the archaeological record, are crucial in recognising what identities were created through people’s engagement with these materials. In addition, context is also important in understanding how and why manufacturers and consumers produced and used objects (Brumfiel 2000). I took note of functions of objects found in Calatagan in contexts outside burials. I trace the ‘social lives’ of the mortuary objects in question to show how objects moved in and out of diverse contexts (Kopytoff 1986). In Chapters 3 and 7 to 9, I explore connections and associations of objects within each burial lot and attempt to demonstrate the different contexts of mortuary objects outside and within the burial to signify their varied functions.

Pre-Spanish Philippine societies, even if separated by distances both on land and water, used similar set of objects. These objects were also involved in similar contexts (see Appendix D in BarrettoTesoro 2007). Spanish accounts indicated that locals shared similar styles in dress, ornaments, and possessed comparable foreign goods (Bacus 2003). Another point I wish to explore is the contextual analysis of archaeological remains (Flannery 1976). It takes into account associated objects and locations in the ground or site in relation to other objects, features, or even architecture. The nature and frequency of the deposition of objects are critical to interpreting what actions were performed in a given site. Rituals, for example, exhibit actions carried out repeatedly, eventually creating patterns in archaeological remains. This pattern creates repetition and redundancy of objects and meanings in identifying ritual behaviour (Renfrew 1985). I argue in Chapter 7 that

The historical context of archaeological objects enables the archaeologist to trace transformations of cultural meanings (Kopytoff 1986; Morrison 2002; Yoffee and Sherratt 1993). Historical contexts are unique and distinct in each society that it would be difficult to generate universal laws of cultural transformation. For Collingwood (in Hodder 1991) actions are not mererly results of behaviour or a norm but are situation-specific. Material objects,

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some pots and other objects deposited in Calatagan were the product of ritual acts.

1.5. Outline of the research In Chapter 2, I discuss the theoretical background of my research, defining key ideas such as identity, heterarchy, agency, and power. I describe the limitations of hierarchical models as applied to Southeast Asia in general and explain heterarchy, a proposed alternate approach in understanding complex societies that lacked traditional elements of ranked societies. I describe how I define and understand power in this research and the different contexts in which it can be expressed. Power can be expressed in different forms and degrees, allowing several segments of society with diverse skills and knowledge to possess and exert it. I will argue in Chapter 2 that individuals have agency in negotiating their identities and statuses through different roles, whether or not they are influenced by age and/or sex, establishing both horizontal and vertical relations. I also describe previous research in Calatagan and the significance of these sites in this study. I present an overview of pottery studies in the Philippines stressing their functions in different contexts, including archaeological contexts.

In Chapter 5, I investigate the ways objects in burials were placed in reference to the body and focus on their qualities. I propose in Chapters 7 and 9 that local and foreign ceramics in Calatagan situated at different parts of the body could have varied functions and the same function if in the same location regardless of type. Besides the obvious ritual function of grave goods, these objects may also symbolise identities and statuses. People in Calatagan may have continued to use local pots to create a group affiliation in the increasing presence of foreign items, while utilising imported items to emphasise statuses. The fluidity of objects’ roles in burial contexts may suggest a non-hierarchical use of things as individuals in Calatagan may have ranked them in different ways (Crumley 1987). Modifying Skibo’s (1992) definition of functions mentioned above, I suggest in Chapters 7 and 9 that the original intended functions of these mortuary objects were transformed when placed in burials. For instance, cooking pots found in burials have their intended function as domestic equipment. Actual functions are when objects are used and valued in contexts different from its intended use or what Hodder (1982; 1987) calls the symbolism of an object. The cooking pot’s actual function is that of a burial good, but what specific information does it convey about the deceased’s identity? I suggest in Chapter 7 that they marked cultural affiliation. Contextual approaches try to localise archaeology and recognise the uniqueness of each cultural group by considering how people have responded to the circumstances they faced in a particular time and place. Perhaps even if the same objects were used in many societies across the Philippines (Bacus 2003), functions and symbolism attached to them may, of course, have varied.

The early written Spanish accounts on Tagalog society are described in Chapter 3. I examine the presence of heterarchy in various Philippine groups using ethnohistory and ethnography, emphasising social status and identity. Rather than solely focusing on elites, other identities are highlighted through the active use of material culture. Objects individuals used may embody their routines and values, which are integral to the society. These accounts also provide the historical contexts of some of the objects recovered from Calatagan. I contend that the indigenous concept of reciprocity locally known as “utang na loob” figured prominently in structuring relations and organisation in Tagalog society and could be used to interpret the Calatagan burials.

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I present my data in Chapter 4. I describe what data were collected and analysed to answer the questions posed above. The chapter concentrates on the morphology of the pots, their metrical variation, styles, fabric characteristics, and evidence for their production. More important, I revise an earlier Calatagan pottery typology to create a more practical one for this research. Stylistic elaboration is quantified by using a production index. This method measures the labour cost invested in manufacturing the different pottery types. I investigate if decorated earthenware vessels were produced differently from undecorated pots.

The production of pots in the domestic realm granted women access to power and may have allowed them to negotiate their identity. The distribution of personal markers in Calatagan is explained in Chapter 8. Gender and age may have been more socially recognised than sex. The ability to accomplish tasks regardless of sex may have been relevant to the construction of a person’s identity and status. Individuals who have achieved prestige through their exceptional qualities are described in Chapter 9. Status may not only be achieved but ascribed, too, as some nonadults were buried with prestige items.

The burial data and associated objects are discussed in Chapter 5. I will examine if the treatment of the body and the funerary objects were shared or distinct between males and females and adults and nonadults. A number of burials were without goods, suggesting exclusion from the custom. Analyses of object locations reveal specific locations for particular objects, suggesting a shared practice in the use of burial items. It may also indicate a consistent representation of the deceased.

Chapter 10 integrates the results of this research. Relationships of pottery production and use and identity construction in Calatagan are explained. It highlights new interpretations and provides insights as to what characteristics and patterns of Calatagan burials and objects indicate heterarchy. It evaluates the aims and objectives set forth in this research. 1.6. Summary My research is set against previous archaeological research in the Philippines. Some sites in central Philippines were described as chiefdoms and archaeologists focused on the development of the political economy in the context of foreign trade from the 10th to 16th centuries (Bacus 1995; Junker 1999a; Nishimura 1992). External trade was considered a major factor marking social differentiation (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978). According to this framework, small-scale chiefdoms developed along the coastlines supported by intensive rice production and maritime trading. The lowland chiefs were dependent on forest products that they exchanged with local items produced in the centre, and the former were later exchanged for foreign items. This resulted in the standardisation of local pottery, the appearance of high- and low-status goods, stark contrast between elite and non-elite burials, and habitation zones.

I trace how past paradigms in archaeology treated the individual in Chapter 6. Burials play a major role in this type of research as individuals are accompanied with objects that could provide information about the deceased’s networks. I trace how identities are constructed, and how some individuals can have multiple and fluid identities. I focus on the use of pots as indicators of identities. Individuals could have used pots to convey particular values in Calatagan. The various identities in Calatagan are given an overview in this chapter. Chapters 7 to 9 demonstrate how and what identities were constructed and marked in burials. These chapters describe features of objects signifying cultural affiliation, gender, age, personal identities, and status. Chapter 7 maintains that burial customs in Calatagan were rites of social integration.

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The impact of foreign trade may not have the same effects on other areas in the Philippines. I chose Calatagan as my case study for its large number of burials and for the many early historical accounts referring to the region where Calatagan is located. In the following chapters, I will investigate if the two elements that had been greatly impacted in Tanjay had been affected in Calatagan: pottery production and use, and social status. Specifically I want to know the reaction of people, particularly potters, to the introduction of foreign trade; the use of pottery style as a vehicle of identity; the manifestation of cultural affiliation, status, and personal identities like sex and age; and decisions regarding the inclusion of burial objects. Pottery production and use will be examined through their attributes—fabric composition, form, decoration, manufacture, contexts, associated goods, distribution, and quantities in burials. Identities and statuses in burials will be investigated by looking at the qualities of objects and their locations on and around the bodies. I shall situate these objects in history and in the graves to look at the probable network of associations that could contribute to interpreting how people of Calatagan engaged in material culture and created their identities.

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CHAPTER 2 Review of Relevant Literature deviation from what archaeologists, historians, and anthropologists expect. Such irregularities, viewed from another perspective, make us recognise the peculiarities of specific cultures.

This research is set against the wider theoretical debate on complexity. This chapter reviews hierarchical models by examining ‘anomalies’ in Southeast Asia and investigates if heterarchy, as a model of social relations, can be used to interpret the construction of identity and status. I will use agency as a framework to analyse the Calatagan burials. I will argue that different agents could express their power in various forms and degrees and negotiate their own identities and statuses, which could create complexity, engendering both vertical and horizontal relations. I will investigate why research on identity and status, mortuary analyses, and pottery studies should be expanded in the Philippines. Also in this chapter, I will present my case study, Calatagan, and the previous archaeological research in this area. The Calatagan burial sites could present unique contributions to investigate two areas of research: the representation of identities and statuses through earthenware vessels (and other funerary objects) and burial practice and the key elements of complexity (craft standardisation and hierarchy).

The ordering of societies and respective members in a hierarchical order is the theme of traditional evolutionary frameworks (Service 1971). Hierarchy emerges when parts of a society are transformed into functionally separate and specialised units (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978). The focal point of complex polities such as chiefdoms, both as spatial locations and positions of power, is the administration of the distribution of goods, a form of economic exchange from producers to consumers. The centre controls distribution, production, and labour, and becomes increasingly specialised and standardised, seen as directly proportional to structural complexity (Junker 1999a). Greater complexity, hence, means more parts and greater specialisation and differentiation, and embedding of these parts within the whole social system. As such, a change in one part affects subsequent changes in other parts – higher productivity creates surplus to be exchanged that in turn requires a more organised production and redistribution. An advantage in these aspects creates more chances for the group to outdo its competitors/ neighbours.

2.1. ‘Anomalies’ in Southeast Asia Many researchers have remarked on the looseness of social organisation in general, fluidity of political power, flexibility of social positions, presence of horizontal network relations, and the inapplicability of traditional models in Southeast Asia (Bentley 1986; Gibson 1990; Hall 1985; Hutterer 1976; O’Reilly 2001; J. A. Peterson 2003; Reid 1988; Wheatley 1983; White 1995; White and Pigott 1996; Yengoyan 1996). Anomalous data in the region that did not fit traditional models of sociocultural development led researchers to propose an alternative approach to study social development and organisation in the region (O’Reilly 2001; J.A. Peterson 2003; W.E. Peterson 1974; White 1995). Broadly defined, “anomaly” is an inconsistency or

Traditional chiefdoms emerged alongside craft specialisation. Chiefs may have supported these specialists. A degree of inequality emerges in the chiefdom level; social differentiation becomes more distinct in dress, ornamentation, food and wealth accessibility, ritual positions and, sometimes, even vocabulary. Hereditary leadership and professions reinforce the social hierarchy. However, not all chiefdoms have hereditary leaderships such 16

discontinuity between adjacent areas. Societies of varying social scales are closely linked, but not strictly, with each other. Marginal groups that hunt and gather are politically, socially and economically linked and maintain these kinds of relationships at national levels (Morrison 2002). Groups of various subsistence economies and social organisations can trade with each other (Morrison 2002). The regional sequence in Southeast Asia does not follow a uniform direction; sites of varying cultural traditions will increase in number because whole cultural complexes do not develop at the same time; old traits will be retained as new ones appear. Technology and subsistence are not always determined by the other as suggested by traditional models; some contemporary hunters and gatherers use metals that may explain the ‘discontinuity in the distribution of certain traits and trait complexes and the irregularity in the composition of archaeological assemblages from site to site’ (Hutterer 1976:223). Hutterer (1976) proposed that Southeast Asia should have a different framework. Hutterer proposes a divergent transformation in the region rather than a unilineal path to complexity.

as the Maoris of New Zealand; in contrast Samoans rise to power through charisma and achievements (Service 1971). To maintain and extend this power, leaders, usually seen as males (Clark and Blake 1994), engage in political strategies including gift-giving to inflict debt, feasting, creating alliances, creating and controlling principles of legitimacy comprising of rituals and oral traditions, and controlling access to wealth (Earle 1991). Besides the emphasis on elites, chiefdom studies also centre on ambitious and selfserving males, referred to as aggrandisers (Clark and Blake 1994; Hayden 1995). Seen as active participants engaging in political strategies (Earle 1991), particularly sponsoring feasts (Hayden 1995), these aggrandisers continually compete for prestige to become dominant in the economic realm. Feasting is an opportunity to display and dispose of prestige goods; this gesture is not a form of redistribution but is a way to obligate recipients to reciprocate. In doing so, future debts have been imposed. These aggrandisers are thus the agents of change from egalitarian to rank societies, and eventually established institutionalised authorities in which they acted as chiefs.

Bentley (1986) preferred the use of kingdoms, sultanates, states, polities rather than evolutionary stages linking subsistence and its control with increasing political power. Labelling groups according to their subsistence does not work for South and Southeast Asia for they tend to practise more than one mode of subsistence. Categorising these groups becomes tedious because complexity varies on the back of different factors (Morrison 2002). The study of long-term histories will help us understand that categories based on subsistence economy were flexible in this region (Morrison 2002; Peterson and Peterson 1977). Miksic (2000) suggested using multilinear and polythetic models to describe non-western characteristics. He proposed two distinct city forms that existed in Southeast Asia: orthogenetic and

As archaeologists test classic models of social types on nonwestern societies, data demonstrate that some sites in Southeast Asia are not consistent with hierarchical models or what occurred in other regions (Allen 1999; Hutterer 1976; O’Reilly 2001; W.E. Peterson 1974; J.A. Peterson 2003; Raedt 1995; Sahlins 1963; Schoenfelder 2003; Small 1995; White 1982, 1995; White and Pigott 1996). Service’s (1971) typology was not sufficient to explain Asian data (Hutterer 1976). Southeast Asian societies and their cultural sequence are atypical due to a number of factors (Hutterer 1976). Tropical conditions in the region do not allow societies to specialise; there is geographical

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14th centuries administration.

heterogenetic. Orthogenetic cities were scattered settlements far from the centre enjoying a surplus staple crop production. The elites acquired exotics through longdistance trade and ritual exchange with other elites. Despite the absence of dense populations, there were pronounced statuses. Heterogenetic cities were settlements at the borders of ecological zones. These usually have dense populations and have production of different types of commodities.

and

suggested

local

Data from Thailand, namely burial treatment, funerary materials, copper production, and evidence of warfare indicate the lack of the traditional elements of a ranked society (O’Reilly 2001; White 1995). There were no central areas of production, acquisition and redistribution. Furthermore, there are no clear associations with the ‘development of technology, economy, population growth and intergroup conflict, political centralization’ in Thailand (Bentley 1986: 277; White 1995; White and Pigott 1996). Although metallurgy had developed in Thailand, there was a low level of intergroup hostility using metal weapons (Bentley 1986).

Tambiah (1976) refers to Thai states as ‘galactic polities’ and Geertz (1967, 1980) calls Java polities as ‘theatre states’ stressing their divine leadership and decentralised nature of political structures. Political leadership, even kingship in Southeast Asia, was often not hereditary (Hagesteijn 1986; Hall 1985; Tambiah 1976). Status and authority were achieved through self-promotion based on personal abilities (Hall 1985; Taylor 1999), prowess (Wolters 1979), achievement in warfare, trade, feasts (Junker 1999a), and by performing extraordinary feats (Hagesteijn 1986). Multiple hierarchies could exist as in Bali (Schoenfelder 2003). Leaders were greatly dependent on the number of supporters (Schoenfelder 2003); through time new leaders may emerge if the former fails to attract followers. Authority may be inherited, and at times, a good lineage boosts a son’s status, but he may lose his standing if he lacks the prowess and charisma of his father.

Those looking at state societies in other parts of the world face similar difficulties (Feinman and Marcus 1998). Some evolutionists believed each stage could have various forms, and some states had multiple hierarchies where different sources of power such as political, economic and religious centres were found in different sites (Marcus and Feinman 1998). A political centre may not be the site of a religious centre and secondary centres may be centres of craft production, and tertiary centres of rituals. Growth in polity size is not universal and not determined by evolutionary processes—they vary. Changes in the political scenes/trajectories may be attributed to transport, communication, and administrative technologies and similar to ancient chiefdoms because archaic states vary in size; it is difficult to distinguish them from chiefdoms (Feinman 1998). Feinman rejects the proposed population numbers for states because polity size is not a good determinant for states and growth is not linear.

Evidence of social development in Southeast Asia shows conflict with traditional models of evolution (Bacus 1996; Junker 1999a; O’Reilly 2001; Peterson, J.A. 2003;White 1982, 1995; White and Pigott 1996). In pre-state societies in the Mun-Chi drainage basin of the mid-first millennium BC, variables of chiefdom were not clearly demonstrated. Stark (2004) said that evidence has still to be found for centralised control of water systems during the Khmer Empire circa 9th-

Crumley (1987, 1995) has criticised the link between complexity and hierarchy; she believes that elements like scale, power and

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in different systems. My treatment of the Calatagan data avoids a contrast between hierarchy and heterarchy but looks at possible combinations of these structures (McGuire and Saitta 1996) to avoid rigid constructions and to acknowledge the webs of relations that individuals create (a form of complexity). People's experiences are defined by structures, and people's experiences and actions reflexively determine structures. Networks of relations create patterns of inclusion and exclusion that arguably shaped identity and status in Calatagan.

values may be unranked or ranked in different ways. Objects and identities have the potential of being ranked in many ways other than the common elite and non-elite dichotomy of a hierarchical society. A less typological approach must be employed in analysing pre-state societies (Feinman and Neitzel 1984; Hutterer 1976). A change in one aspect does not necessitate changes in other parts. The high degree of social variation researchers find, using the typological approach, led to the creation of subtypes to handle societies which do not fit nicely in any social stage (Feinman and Nietzel 1984). Examples are complex chiefdoms and stratified societies between chiefdoms and state societies (Earle 1990).

Heterarchy was introduced as a concept in science in 1945 to describe the internal structure of the brain (Crumley 1987). The idea was used in the social sciences after three decades as a different perspective to organisational structures (Crumley 1979; Goldammer 2003). In archaeology, heterarchy was originally applied to spatial relationships (Crumley 1979); it has now expanded to resource procurement, artefact type distributions, design elements, and burials (Brumfiel 1995); and relationships among people, institutions, and environment (Zagarell 1995). Heterarchy describes new forms and structures in explaining dimensions of social organisation in the development of complex societies (Crumley 1987).

Heterarchy accounts for this variation in social complexity (Crumley 1987; Ehrenreich et al. 1995). But heterarchy is not a catchall concept opposed to hierarchy and neither is it a theory (Yoffee 2005); it is a model for the structural relations within and between polities, including both vertical and horizontal relations. I agree with Brumfiel who wants to retain the labels but not necessarily the evolutionary sequence of development; she (Brumfiel 1995:128) states, "we should probably not use heterarchy to replace the tribes-chiefdomsstates terminology with which we are familiar; instead we should use heterarchy to look at these constructs differently". Heterarchy proponents assert that multiple forms of lateral and vertical relationships may exist in a society (Crumley 1987; Ehrenreich et al. 1995). Heterarchy can be used to explain ‘anomalies’ in aspects of sites, artefacts, and human relationships, values, and power, among others (Crumley 1995; White 1995).

Heterarchy has been observed in Africa (McIntosh 1999a), Denmark (Levy 1999a), complex polities in the ancient tropical world (Bacus and Lucero 1999), Americas (Bartlett and McAnany 2000; Joyce and Hendon 2000; Mehrer 2000) and other complex societies (Ehrenreich et al. 1995). Since heterarchy is a form of relation, analyses of different functions provide evidence for heterarchical structures. Examples include inland and coastal exchanges in the Kedah state (Allen 1999); settlement organisation in Honduras (Joyce and Hendon 2000), the existence of two different elements, like social structures, acting as equals within a polity (Levy 1995,

2.2. Heterarchy There are various structural forms of heterarchy (Brumfiel 1995); here I will explore the forms White (1995) has used. The basic components are elements that can be affiliated with different systems of ranking, and each element ranks differently

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and C, B and C, or C and D, depending on their agreement. Thus within the coordinated kinship unit, the diversity of relationships linking members together may be as many as the arrangements between various parties. Each reciprocal relationship is flexible, agreed on, decided, and terminated by individuals involved. The granting of rights and power is returned with approximately equivalent rights and power. Each member, hence, has a certain degree of power at different points of the relationship. Though ranking is an important mechanism in this association, it oscillates throughout the relationship, depending on who the associate is. An individual then can possibly have a variety of reciprocal bonds with different associates, and corresponding ranks. Actors interact in various ways with diverse institutions and people to maintain social relationships; these multiple bonds, exchanges, statuses and identities are complex in themselves and create greater complexity for those engaging in them (Brumfiel 1995; Rogers 1995; White 1995). Such complexity of interrelationships, I argue, is a form of heterarchy.

1999a); multiple sources of power and status (Levy 1999b; Mehrer 2000; Mills 1999; Zagarell 2002); absence of hierarchy and other traditional components of complexity (Marcus and Feinman 1998; McIntosh 1999b; O’Reilly 2001; Potter and King 1995; Rogers 1995; Roosevelt 1999; Wright 1996); and women manifesting power (Nelson 1997), among others. In hierarchical models, complexity was achieved when all elements evolved, each affecting the others. The essence of socioevolutionary models, particularly Service’s typological model (the correlation of hierarchy and complexity), has been criticised by many who offer alternatives (Crumley 1987; Ehrenreich et al. 1995; Ehrenreich 1995; Feinman and Neitzel 1984; Johnson and Earle 2000; Levy 1995; McIntosh 1999a; Morrison 2002; Stein 1998; Yoffee 1993; Zagarell 1995). Other societies may not exhibit all the characteristics of a complex society as proposed by hierarchical models but may still be complex, as there are other forms of complexity not earlier recognised (Ehrenreich et al. 1995; Roosevelt 1999).

Proponents of heterarchy recognise social relations to be horizontally differentiated and flexible. Status fluctuates in lateral associations such as reciprocal bonds (Adams 1975; Goodenough 1965) or status enhancement achieved through multiple routes (White 1995). Heterarchy is essentially a contextual model emphasising transient human interactions and shifting power relations. The reciprocal bonds of Adams (1975) illustrate the continuous transformation of status, power, and identity in a system governed by heterarchical structures. I will argue in Chapter 3 that these kinds of reciprocal bonding locally known as utang na loob (Cannell 1999) governed key relationships in ancient Philippine societies (Reid 1983, 1988; Scott 1994; Wolters 1979), perhaps including Calatagan.

Heterarchy is a different form of complexity. It complements hierarchy rather than contradicts it (Allen 1999; Ehrenreich et al. 1995). In a heterarchy, organisational structures may be ranked in many ways and horizontal relationships exist in vertical structures. Heterarchy is akin to the coordinated units of Adams (1975). Kinship networks govern the coordinated unit, implying reciprocity of rights and power, without designated leaders to act and decide for the whole unit. Members of a coordinated unit are equivalent to each other since they belong to the same identity unit but not alike. Reciprocal bonds, within a classificatory kinship network, between two parties may or may not be exactly similar with that of other parties; or the relationship between A and B may be different from that between A

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Calatagan. These are pottery production and the construction of social identities. In a society with heterarchical structures, craft production is not centralised; “indigenous economies tend to be characterized by household-based units of production, community-based economic specialization, and competitive, multi-centred, overlapping mechanisms for the distribution of goods rather than monopolies controlled by a single center” (White 1995:107). Using copper production in pre-state Thailand as an example, no evidence indicates that there was restricted access, hierarchical organisation of labour, spatial separation of tasks, or control of production (White and Pigott 1996). Rather than being controlled and centralised, copper production can be described as non-specialised and independent.

There is no single line of thought pervading heterarchy; archaeologists use it to explain variation observed in their data. Despite this, heterarchy can be helpful for revealing internal sources of social change in contrast to external factors (Stein 1998). Heterarchy has many forms depending on who is using it (Brumfiel 1995; Stein 1998), and unless the aims are clearly stated, it can create confusion among readers in terms of its application to archaeology. Many archaeologists take heterarchy in different directions and can encompass a variety of topics (Ehrenreich et al. 1995). The ‘unranking of elements’ creates a scenario of elements seemingly unconnected that Stein (1998) thinks might just be a synonym for ‘egalitarianism’. For Stein (1998:8), it is ‘not enough to say that heterarchy exists, and can often coexist with hierarchical structures of greater or lesser permanence’ nor is it ‘a single type of social structure but is a principle or even a perspective on social organization’. To respond to Stein’s comments, it may be best to demonstrate how heterarchy not just exists but how it is characterised.

Heterarchy becomes valuable for identifying identities and meanings created in routines by advancing the idea that power may be decentralised, individuals can achieve multiple identities in different ways, and the same objects can function differently or different objects can function in the same way depending on how individuals use them. Heterarchy integrates these together without preference of one aspect over the other, whether it is an object, a person, or an institution, as lateral ranking or multiple rankings can exist relative to another. I explain heterarchy by using agency to display how individuals created their identities through their skills and knowledge.

It may not be proper to look for prescribed features of specific social stages in the society investigated but to examine and understand how these features take different forms and structured relationships. The impression this creates to me is that social structures are flexible but not unstable. For Zagarell (1995) hierarchy limits randomness of events, but even if there is a degree of randomness in heterarchy, I want to stress that it is not aimless if viewed from an agency perspective.

2.3. Agency Agency is not equivalent to any action by any individual (Dobres and Robb 2000b). Humans have agency when their actions are meaningful and significant. Individuals negotiate their identities through specific activities and in some cases, the performance of an act is determined by a belief system that some people of various categories will manipulate to their advantage (Clark 2000; A. Joyce 2000;

White (1995; White and Pigott 1996) has proposed a heterarchical approach to Southeast Asia. White specifies patterns of heterarchy that can be archaeologically investigated like cultural pluralism, dynamics of indigenous economies, flexibility of social status, and alliance strategies of sociopolitical units (White 1995). I focus on two spheres of activity in

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cultural membership. I will investigate in Chapter 9 how ranking existed in Calatagan based on an individual’s abilities and skills, and therefore they were aware how to use these to their advantage, whether to advance their status or to assert their identity. However, I do not equate this ranking to inequality, an institutionalised form that is commonly hereditary and political.

Walker and Lucero 2000). An agent’s behaviour is so deeply embedded in social relations so that it would be difficult to separate agency from relationships or culture. For an action to be meaningful and significant others must accept it. Repeated action is practice, creating changes and sometimes giving rise to new forms of social features. I take the view that practice is goal oriented, whether the agent is aware or not, and in these practices people’s habitus are embodied (Clark 2000; Pauketat 2001). Habitus are the values people, whether consciously or unconsciously, expressed in their routines that reinforced the social structure (Renfrew and Bahn 2005).

Individuals in Calatagan might have engaged in different activities, which constructed different identities based on the concept of regular social transactions. These activities may have included pottery production, participation in external trade, active involvement and interaction with the spiritworld, and systematic use of objects in life and death. The agency of a person translates to a source of power each individual can possess and use in their negotiation of who they are through their relations with others. These negotiations and relations are materialised by objects in Calatagan.

It is in the mundane actions and daily routines of different individuals that interactions between people and social structure take place; actions that can and cannot be done and their limitations (Shanks 2005) are determined through such relations. Practices are negotiations, where identity and power are created and asserted. Pushing the limits of one’s actions or altering them is part of the practice that inevitably can produce change, for instance the change of material culture in the Calatagan graves. Death is part of the lifecycle so that the constant experience of it would produce rites usually shared by individuals within one cultural group with variations relating to a number of factors (Carr 1995), including routines that create particular identities.

Developments in sociology in the late 1970s have recognised people who shape and create their social milieu by reproducing structures in their daily lives (Bourdieu 1977; Dobres and Robb 2000b; Giddens 1979, 1986; Robb 2005). Dobres and Robb (2000b) present various views of the concept and use of agency, and its place in archaeology. At its onset, agency-oriented research was explicit in considering gender, material culture variation, social structures, and inequality (Dobres and Robb 2000b).

I propose in Chapters 7 to 9 that people placed funerary items in burials in Calatagan because they were important in several ways. First, some objects were related to death rites that later became the scene of status negotiations with the introduction of foreign items. Second, trade ceramics signified the deceased’s access to exotics not necessarily indicating status. Although foreign ceramics became common in the burials, earthenware vessels were consistently included, which may represent

Agency is generally accepted in archaeology because processual frameworks lacked individuals in their interpretation of the past. The initial impact of agency was for archaeologists to ‘add actors and stir’ (Dobres and Robb 2000b:13) in their study. However, the Dobres and Robb (2000a) volume demonstrates that archaeologists have different understandings of agency and go beyond the simple inclusion of individuals. As in heterarchy there are

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aggrandising activities. The size of one's lineage is significant in this model because competition, rather than reproduction or fitness, is given emphasis. To coerce with the aid of the lineage group, one must also hold power over the same group, which leads to hereditary inequality. As long as social and environmental conditions are right, political power and social ranking will exist.

variations in agency interpretations (Dobres and Robb 2000b); and I explore several here that are directly applicable to my research. 2.3.1. In pursuit of power Individual agents can be seen as causes of hereditary inequality through a practice approach (Clark 2000). In practice theory, individuals engage in activities with intentionality. Despite being structured by his/her culture, each individual according to his/her abilities and within limits can manipulate the system to achieve a specific end. Agents reproduce the social structures as structures act back upon individuals.

The individual’s actions (or reaction rather, according to Clark [2000]) in the evolutionary ecology models are largely determined by an external force to control resources where hereditary inequality is a consequence. Hereditary ranking using an aggrandiser model (Clark and Blake 1994) is essentially an agency model (Clark 2000). However, this form of agency appears to be as an extreme behaviour of greedy, calculating, and manipulative individuals; yet Clark (2000) stresses that agency should not be equated with these actions or characteristics. Though Hayden’s (1995) aggrandisers exercise agency, this term tends to refer to males hungry for power (Pearson 2005). Gero (2000) cites critical issues about agency from the feminist perspective. The agent, according to Gero (2000:34) is ‘deeply associated with male actions and activities’ initiating political strategies to achieve leadership. Aggrandisers are ‘too active to be credible’ (Clark 2000:101). These individuals create an impression of continuous frenzy, where males control resources to acquire power. I will illustrate later that females can also initiate their own actions towards achieving power.

Inequality is treated differently in agency than in other agent-centred models like optimal foraging, evolutionary ecology and Darwinian, and practice models (Clark 2000). Clark (2000) concludes that practice theory provides a 'better explanation of hereditary inequality'. Evolutionary and Darwinian models bring attention to the fitness of individuals to survive and adapt to a particular environment, hence, to be able to reproduce and pass on biological characteristics to the next generation. Unlike the group, individuals are naturally selected on the basis of their behaviours and choices by the evolutionary process. In the optimal model, social hierarchies are determined by environmental and social conditions, where intense competition over resources takes place. Dominant individuals can control resources, valuables, and people; resource sharing between these individuals is thus able to 'control high social statuses' (Clark 2000:95). The Darwinian model presents six critical factors for individuals coming from large lineage/kin groups to emerge as leaders including predictability of abundant resources, threshold of population size and density, differential distribution, social control to avoid group fission, resource and political control, and the psychological need of some individuals to achieve status and power. The last factor is linked to

I agree with Clark that other individuals in the society, the non-aggrandisers, are rarely considered as having agency. Inequality in evolutionary models is a given because it is natural for individuals to cooperate and be efficient for their own survival. In practice theory, the process of aggrandising activities is described, including its impacts, but it was not clear why aggrandising must

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achieve their political goals. For them the agents are responsible for the objects’ existence from ‘acquisition, manufacture, use, and discard’ (Walker and Lucero 2000:130). It is their decision when and where it is appropriate to use and ‘kill’ objects. The ritual deposition of objects is, thus, connected to a form of power exercised by few either by replicating household rituals in large centres under the supervision of a ritual specialist or by leading ceremonies participated in by several households.

emphasise inequality. For Clark (2000: 104), the issue that remains is ‘a social and historic explanation’ for their emergence; and offers that motives and actions be linked to explain changes. Gero (2000:37) shares this concern, that agency is ‘universalized and decontextualized’, as individuals are agents whose actions are thought to express the same force all over indifferent to time and place. Situating Calatagan in history avoids the ‘troubles’ that come with agency (Gero 2000) including the focus on just one social segment – the elites (Clark 2000; Clark and Blake 1994; Walker and Lucero 2000). The task of archaeologists is to construct the historical environment of the actors. Understanding the social environment in Calatagan may offer new ideas about people’s motives. I take into account the other people in Calatagan and their activities, and propose motivations for their actions including ritual performance.

Walker and Lucero’s use of agency has similarities to Clark’s (2000). Though Clark’s agency in reference to aggrandisers is more encompassing, while Walker and Lucero focused on ritual as a legitimising activity, both forms are framed in the political realm where few hold power. For A. Joyce (2000), commoners have agency too, but likewise interpreted in a hierarchical model. To avoid an agent whose actions can be ‘cross-culturally predictable’ (Brumfiel 2000), the study of agents must be grounded in history (Barretto 2000; Clark 2000; Gero 2000). As I will demonstrate in Chapter 3, it is important to contextualise an agent’s actions or else we fail to recognise the dynamic and varied histories of the cultures we investigate.

2.3.2. Manipulation of social contexts through ritual Ritual, until recently, was not emphasised as artefacts and archaeological features were thought to have occurred as determined by the natural environment or as a reflection of the social structure. It now appears that some sites and objects could and may have existed because of ritual (Renfrew 1985, 2001; Walker and Lucero 2000).

I consider that different agents may have various kinds of power influenced by routines, including perhaps pottery production and acquisition of exotics. This power is essential for agents in creating their identities and statuses.

Large assemblies of people commemorating feasts and ceremonies are often opportunities and venues of status, power legitimisation, and expressions of solidarity. In these public events, ritual and/or political agents often, under the guise of ritual acts, display their wealth through food distribution, or influence people’s choices including discarding still usable objects (Walker and Lucero 2000).

2.4. Conceptions of Power Calatagan individuals during the 15th century may have exercised various degrees and forms of power acquired from diverse sources within the context of reciprocity. I investigate power as the capability of individuals to execute their intention. Goals need not be grand, but the performance of daily activities and interactions point

Walker and Lucero (2000), utilising behavioural archaeology and stratigraphic method, propose that agents use rituals to

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multidimensional and can be exerted in regular tasks and routines by many agents. I agree with Foucault (in DeMarrais 2005:75) that power is also a ‘productive network of social relations’ because it is during such interactions that power is displayed. DeMarrais (2005:75) proposes that ‘forms of power are distinguished according to the interests and motivations of social actors on both sides of the power relationship’. Thus, power is a relationship; even non-elites could have power depending on their aims.

towards the implementation of such objectives. There are different degrees of interactions existing between individuals of diverse social positions and social skills. Reciprocal bonds may permit individuals to grant and receive favours and create fluid associations and mutable identities. For Fried (1967), leadership is contextual and transient in an egalitarian society. Its leaders possess authority rather than power. Fried (1967:13) defined authority as ‘the ability to channel behavior of others in the absence of threat or use of sanctions’, while power ‘is the ability to channel the behavior of others by threat or use of sanction’. Adams (1977) proposed two kinds of power, the independent and dependent. The former focuses on dominance, while in the latter, individual/s could relinquish his/her rights to make decisions in many ways: leave a group or individual to decide, he/she could withdraw the rights anytime, and promote reciprocity. The dependent varieties imply shared power.

In heterarchy, power has other sources and forms aside from political influence (Crumley 1987; Ehrenreich et al. 1995; McIntosh 1999a; White 1995). Social groups like craftspeople, women, and ritual leaders draw their strengths from diverse activities, and occupy different realms. I am interested in male and female agency because they may have different—not differential—access to prestige, and both could have been involved in negotiating their identities. The Calatagan burials should include objects that simultaneously symbolise these various identities.

Power has been examined as a form of control over people and resources (Earle 1997), a physical or social threat, or a military force. However, power does not always involve force (DeMarrais 2005; Nelson 1997). DeMarrais (2005) synthesises the forms of power displayed in the Inca Empire, which included coercive force, threat, power made visible, propaganda, and ideology. She mentions legitimate authority as a more efficient and practical technique in gaining the loyalty of the people because this type of authority is based on social relationships and beliefs, and thus concepts and meanings were shared between rulers and followers.

I define below a concept of power in Southeast Asia, and outline alternate initiatives in possessing power. I propose that women and non-elites have power by virtue of their competence and their ability to engage in mutually beneficial relationships. Individuals have agency and based on varying degrees of skill and expertise thus exude diverse levels of power (Emerson 1997). The Oxford English Dictionary (1971:2263) defines power as: ‘signification as a quality or property: ability to do or effect something or anything strongly, or to act upon a person or thing; physical or mental strength, might, vigour, energy, force of character, telling force, effect; of inanimate things: active property, capacity of producing some effect, active principle; meaning expressed by a word or phrase in a particular context; possession of control or

Power comes in many forms and does not always involve intimidation and restriction. Besides politics and law, power is also evident in economics, religion, healing, and supernatural (Colson 1977; Fogelson and Adams 1977). For Foucault, power has no central locus (in McCall 1999). Power is

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it is difficult to determine power in Southeast Asia because scholars tend to treat power as universal (Errington 1990). To ‘exert force’ in this region is empty because it ‘reveals a lack of spiritual power and effective potency, and consequently diminishes prestige’ (Errington 1990:5). Anderson (1972) conceptualised power in Southeast Asia as ethereal and divine (what Errington [1990] designated as potency). Potency is visible through possessions of large amounts of wealth and the size of entourage. Men of prowess (Wolters 1999) or of exceptional abilities have this kind of power. It is a mystical force sometimes called charisma (Mataira 2000) that some individuals, even women, acquired and possessed. An individual’s potency can increase or diminish depending on their actions.

command over others; dominion, rule, government, domination, sway, command control, influence, authority; and liberty or permission to act’. In this study, I use aspects of these definitions within the structure of reciprocity and routines. I consider power as the ability of individuals to be part of this type of social relation constructed and situated in their daily lives; hence everyone could possess it. Some could have extraordinary abilities giving them authority in particular contexts. Individuals have acquired specific skills and gain competence (Díaz-Andreu 2005) through time, which is why older persons wield more power. People with special skills, say in crafting, ritual performance, honouring social obligations, community cooperation like raids or sea expeditions, negotiate their power through their facility in completing tasks. The repeated and constant practice of such skills develops knowledge that may be a form of power.

Potency can be measured through ‘physical prowess, shamanistic abilities, oratorial skills, quality and quantity of talisman owned, beauty and other physical attributes’ (Meñez 1996a:28, 1996b; Rosaldo 1980). Potency is best manifested in the ability of individuals to ‘persuade others to listen to them or be cured by them’ (Errington 1990:43). This engenders obligations from the other that must be returned someday or there are socio-psychological threats; people could be ostracised and excluded in social affairs if social obligations are disregarded.

Knowledge is ‘familiarity gained by experience, person's range of information, theoretical and practical understanding’ (Fowler and Fowler 1929) of things that are the stuff of everyday life which generate and regenerate the system. In conjunction with ability and skills, knowledge creates competence. This allows the person to negotiate his/her authority and influence and earn the respect of others. Having competence intimates the success and effectiveness of one’s enterprise. It displays his/her adequate experiences affecting other’s actions and instils in them admiration and deference. Knowledge is power, and to make a well-informed decision is a manifestation of power. Power can be unrestrained; it is in the simple deeds that people of different competence practice every day.

Distinction between people in Southeast Asia is rooted in their activities and spiritual potency (Errington 1990). I will argue in Chapter 7 that spiritual potency is possessed by many regardless of their status and is apparent in how people relate with their physical surroundings. Research on Philippine ethnohistory and ethnography depicts this relationship with spirits (Cannell 1999; Liebman 1977; Rafael 1988). Ordinary individuals could ask for the protection of spirits through appropriate sacrifices and offerings. Some individuals could acquire exceptional spiritual potency that they can heal and act as mediums, and

2.4.1. Power in Southeast Asia The western concept of power is linked with ‘economic control and coercive force’, thus,

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some are considered blessed with superior abilities and favoured by spirits because they are successful in their endeavours. Age is an important factor too. In the Philippines, a council of elders comprising old and wise men who through the years have acquired relevant skills and knowledge generally makes decisions for the community. Some high-status individuals were men of wisdom and competence (Scott 1994).

2.5. Identity This research centres on several relationships of power: identity and status relating to age, sex, and expertise, simultaneous representations of various aspects of the deceased, and values of objects. Role describes relationships of individuals to other individuals within the same society without indicating hierarchy (Dommasnes 1982). In a heterarchical model, these roles are consequently signified in individual burials. Objects and status would then be difficult to order hierarchically.

In Calatagan, power was perhaps not an individual act to coerce or restrict but as a group ability to define achievements and relations. The power of the community lies in the power to define them as a coherent social group by placing objects in the graves ritually and socially related and arranging the body in positions recognised by the society. Power in Calatagan could be evident in the pots as investigated in Chapter 7, in the inclusion of objects in burials marking ritual, achieved, and prestige identities. Power may also be manifested in earthenware vessels functioning as ritual items for the dead because they invoke the spirits. The range of burial objects signifies the development of individual prowess in Calatagan.

Identity is who or what a person is; it is a distinct character or nature of a person (Oxford Dictionary 2001) categorising them in one group and separating them from others (Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005). I define identity as characteristics an individual or group possess; it is distinguished by what they know; moulded by gender, kinship, affiliation, age (Chesson 1999); sharing the same characteristics (Hodder 1979), experience (McCarthy 2004), beliefs (Bernbeck and Pollock 1996), rituals (DeCorse 1989; Kuijt 1996) or style (Fisher 1995); possessing and using the same material culture (Bacus 2003; Bray 1997; Godelier 1999; Parker Pearson 1984; Sørensen 2000; Wilen 1992); occupying the same space (Bartlett and McAnany 2000) or territory (MacEachern 1998); practising the same craft (Costin 1998); it may also refer to a person’s particular role within a given interaction (Howard 1990) or context (Yaeger and Canuto 2000). Some individuals may have overlapping characteristics and hence may belong to various groups and have fluid identities (Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005; Hegmon 1998; Hodder 1978; McCarthy 2004; Whittle 2003).

Routines and reciprocal relations practised in Calatagan could have served as scenes of power negotiations. If female burials contained high-prestige goods, then this may suggest that they also engaged in activities permitting them access to such goods. The presence of prestige goods in burials regardless of sex suggests the ability of both males and females to achieve prestige. Prestige goods with children may indicate grief and affection or ascribed status. Placing objects with the dead during funeral rites enables actors to manipulate the identity they use to represent the deceased as much as it limits them because of the nature of goods they can give (McCall 1999).

One aspect of identity is a person’s status or rank (Andrews and Doonan 2003; DíazAndreu and Lucy 2005; Wattenmaker 1998); it refers to a specific position of a person in a social hierarchy (Dommasnes

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Rowlands 1978; Peebles and Kus 1977; Randsborg 1973; Shennan 1975; Tainter 1975). Other reports show that grave goods also represent other aspects of the culture apart from their position in the hierarchy, like ethnic, cultural, economic identities (Bartlett and McAnany 2000; Chapman 2000; Chesson 1999; DeCorse 1989; DíazAndreu et al. 2005; Fisher 1995; Hakenbeck 2004; McCarthy 2004; White 1995; Wilen 1992), gender (Crass 2001; Díaz-Andreu 2005; Gibbs 1987), beliefs (Carr 1995; Crawford 2004; Larsson 1989); grief (Pader 1982), and deviancy (Shay 1985).

1982). Status can be achieved through inheritance (Clark 2000; Service 1993), generosity (Sahlins 1963), wealth accumulation (Bellwood 1996; Randsborg 1973; Ray 1987); control of trade and resources (Earle 1997; Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978); possession of exotics (Peregrine 1991), esoteric, technical knowledge (Helms 1988, 1993) and ritual power (Gillepsie 1999; Spielmann 1998); restriction of specific objects used as symbols and iconography by elites (Earle 1990); spiritual prowess (Anderson 1972; Wolters 1999); and bravery in battles (Scott 1983), among others. Status is recognised in the archaeological record through difference in energy expenditure in burials (Tainter 1975, 1977) best exemplified by the pyramids of Egypt and the rare presence of high quantities of prestige items in some burials.

In Southeast Asia, funerary goods are now interpreted as more strongly related to economic or social roles than their position in the hierarchy (White 1995), age and agerelated mortuary practices instead of ascribed status (Barretto 2000, 2002). The representation of the deceased arguably includes the different roles and identities in life embodied in grave goods, monuments, and places of burials, among others (Parker Pearson 2000). When associations through a contextual approach are extended to the body, object orientation, designs, non-burial objects and other aspects of the society, other elements may be manifested apart from status.

Prestige can be inherited, but in this study I focus on status as a distinction an individual receives through his/her achievements. Individuals have achievements when they attain their goals through their skills and knowledge. Status can then be achieved through various means. Status has commonly been associated with power; however, I consider other segments of society as exercising power too regardless of status. Foucault’s (in Babić 2005; DeMarrais 2005) work depicts social relations as domains of power. The social relations we establish in our daily lives are, thus, arenas of power negotiations creating diffused power of varied scales. Identity is also created through interactions and should not be studied in isolation (Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005). If individuals could have multiple statuses (Wailes 1995) influenced by their network of relations, then they can have multiple identities too.

I want to know how ceramics convey identity and status. This is a longstanding issue, when early archaeologists struggle to recognise who produced, used, and deposited their finds (Solheim 1968). The past approach to identifying manufacturers of artefacts was to create object typologies based on style; distinct classifications were interpreted as products of different cultural groups (Main and Fox 1982; Solheim 1964). However, typologies tend to isolate objects because their social aspects are overlooked, thus losing their meanings and functions within a living system.

2.6. Mortuary goods Burial objects are major sources of evidence for social differentiation, organisation, and hierarchy (Binford 1972b; Bradley 1988; Carr 1995; Earle 1987; Frankenstein and

Most Philippine research on burials focused on classifying grave goods based on their source namely exotic and local objects; or

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Decorated earthenware vessels were also considered local prestige goods (Junker 1993c); and their designs as shared elite symbolism (Bacus 2003). Though identities were discussed in these earlier works, elite and culture groups were main themes and sometimes neglected other segments in the society. A landmark ethnoarchaeology study on Kalinga pots focused on how pottery production relates to behaviour and organisation (Longacre 1981); boundary maintenance through ceramic forms and designs, material correlates of wealth, learning framework (Longacre and Skibo 1994); and residue and deposit analyses, including surface abrasion, to examine if different forms produced different use alterations (Skibo 1992). The Kalinga project centred on the active role of potters both as producers, users and merchants of their own wares; and how pots shaped their activities, relations, and organisation.

types like ceramics, ornaments, and implements and further subdivided according to raw material. In the 1990s there was a focus on funerary materials as status display centred on elites and their political power. Junker (1999a) argues for the status display of elites through grave goods. Fox (1959; Main and Fox 1982) believed there were no elite distinctions but all materials were pabaon or simply grave goods to accompany the dead to the afterlife. Bacus (1999) linked prestige goods found in elite residential areas to the owner’s power. In an earlier work, I proposed the quantification of prestige values of burial goods and their relation to status (Barretto 2002; Barretto-Tesoro 2003). However, I will establish here that value is subjective and cannot be ranked quantitatively. The significance and value of objects in societies are relative and a single encompassing numerical value system is not a suitable solution. The choice of what to include in a burial ultimately depends on what the community valued. I suggest that a heterarchy of values existed in Calatagan, influencing mourners on what to include in burials.

2.8. Case study Most studies of the social development of the region are largely focused upon Mainland Southeast Asia, the Indianized states, the early kingdoms, and the western parts of insular Southeast Asia (Hall 1985; Hagesteijn 1986; Reid 1980; Taylor 1999; Wheatley 1975, 1983; White 1995; White and Pigott 1996; Wolters 1979). Little has been done on the eastern part of insular Southeast Asia, including the Philippines (see Hutterer 1976). Archaeological research on the social organisation of central Philippines was conducted only during the last quarter of the 20th century (Bacus 1996; Hutterer 1973; Junker 1999a; Nishimura 1992). Moreover, the studies are based on hierarchical models emphasising elites (Bacus 1999, 2003; Junker 1994b; Reid 1983, 1988; Wheatley 1983).

2.7. Pottery Pots are common artefacts around the world. They contain much information, enabling archaeologists to understand features of ancient societies like production (Benco 1988; Bynon 1984; Costin and Hagstrum 1995; Longacre et al. 1988; Sinopoli 1999); technology (Stark 2003); function (Arnold 1985; Ibigbami 1984; Miller 1984; McLeod 1984; Ojo 1984; Skibo 1992; Spielmann 2002); status (Beaudry 1988; Reents-Budet 1998; Spielmann 1998); chronology markers (Gunn and Graves 1995); identity (Goodby 1998; Vincent 2003; Wilen 1992); and symbols (Hodder 1982; Yentsch 1996), among others.

Foreign objects become dominant grave items when widespread trading in Island Southeast Asia began in the 10th century. The increasing long-distance trade until 15th century contributed to a range of exotics in Philippine sites like glass beads, glass and

Early pottery studies in the Philippines considered how forms and designs reflect population movements (Solheim 2002).

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a person’s position in society in relation to others. Individuals could perform various activities permitting them to possess many roles greatly affecting their status. Likewise, the many roles an individual performs contribute to his/her many identities. Individuals commit to different interactions, and hence are locales of multiple identities at any given point. Persons occupying different statuses and/or persons maintaining different identities certainly will use objects in distinctive ways too. Relationships and actions are embodied in objects, thus objects’ functions will shift too as they move from one context to the next. I consider these objects as embodiments of people’s routines through which they establish their identity and structure their relationships with the living (and with spirits). I wish to offer alternative notions of power rooted in mundane tasks. In brief, identities and object meanings are always in flux depending on the social interaction so that a rigid hierarchy is precluded; instead a flexible system of horizontal associations within vertical relations might have existed in Calatagan.

bronze bracelets, Chinese coins, and imported ceramics. Engaging in external trade may not necessarily generate increased political power or complexity in the classic sense as what happened in Tanjay (Junker 1999a). Societies in neighbouring islands involved in the same regional trade networks may not have developed in the same direction, and satisfied proposed conditions of chiefdoms such as craft standardisation and hierarchy (Frankestein and Rowlands 1978; Johnson and Earle 2000; Peebles and Kus 1977). The demand for foreign goods may be related to cosmology. Helms (1999) suggests that foreign trade could also be understood in terms of political-ideological or cosmological factors more than politicaleconomical. Thus, in some societies control of ritual was important because it validated the leaders’ existence and their status (DeMarrais et al. 1996). Despite the abundance of tradeware vessels, local earthenware vessels persisted as part of burial assemblages in Calatagan. What were the earthenware vessels’ functions during this period that people in Calatagan did not stop utilising them as grave furniture? I will propose that earthenware vessels had a significant role in ritual spheres. I propose that ceramics are potential identity and status markers based on their physical and stylistic attributes and locations in burials. The pots’ associated goods and their distribution across age and sex categories may reveal the deceased’s identity and status.

The research area The research area is concentrated along the western span of Calatagan from Balibago in the north to Parola in the south (Figure 2.1). Santiago and Punta Buwaya are contemporaneous with the western sites though located across the peninsula. My data come from sites excavated in the early 1960s (Fox 1959, 1961; Janse 1941, 19441945, 1947; Legaspi 1961; Pilapil 1961), which yielded 1185 burials, ranging from those of infants to old adults, dating to the 15th century. In the absence of an exact date, the sites were dated based on tradeware vessels in the burials (Fox 1959; Janse 1944-1945, 1947). Furthermore, the burials were found to be contemporaneous due to similarities of burial assemblage (Fox 1959). Later research produced earlier burial and habitation sites in the eastern coast (Ronquillo and Ogawa 1996).

Identity will be analysed using a heterarchical model where social differences are seen as a continuum of social roles, rather than sharp contrasts between chiefs and commoners or elites and non-elites (Bacus 1999; Bradley 1988; Earle 1990; Frankenstein and Rowlands 1988; Junker 1999a; Pauketat and Emerson 1991; Reents-Budet 1998; Wattenmaker 1998). I delineate identity as the established roles and routines a person performs and status as

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Figure 2.1 Map of Calatagan showing sites examined here (Main and Fox 1982)

and suitable for cultivation. Except for the southern tip, reefs border the peninsula. Two channels are located in the central part, allowing small boats to approach land.

Calatagan is in the southwest part of Batangas 125 kilometres southeast of Manila. On the west is the South China Sea and on the south the Verde Island Passage. The Balayan and Pagapas Bays are east of the isthmus. On the north are Lian and Balayan. Calatagan is generally flat land; the name may have come from latag, meaning ‘lay down flat on the surface’ (Anonymous 2000). The highest elevation is 400 feet, the average width 4.5 kilometres. The southern area is rugged, and in the north the land is gently sloping

The Spanish crown gave Calatagan, approximately 12,000 hectares, as an estate to Domingo Roxas in 1812, and was used as a hunting ground. It became a town in 1911 and the parish was established in 1913 (Anonymous 2000). Prior to the allocation of the lands to the tenants in 1957,

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in 1959. The nearest we can reach Punta Sunog was in Layon, which, judging from its surrounding area, is similar to Pulong Bakaw.

Calatagan was known as the ‘Central Azucarera de Calatagan’ (Anonymous 2000). Like other ancient communities in the Philippines, people travelled and interacted by water, which might explain why most settlements were near the coast. The Spanish observed these coastal villages in the 1500s (Loarca 1582). Access to Calatagan by road began only in 1926 (Fox 1959). During the 16th century, and perhaps even earlier, head taking and village conflicts were rampant, which could have prevented contact by land. Foreign ceramics found in the burials indicate exchange, which may have been through water, and Balong Bato could have provided this access since the largest waterway is found here (Fox 1959). The south of Calatagan was forested until the early 1940s. North of the main town of Calatagan was opened between 1843 and 1929 and developed further in 1910, but generally remains heavily forested (Fox 1959). Fox (1959) deduced, based on the sites and compared the 1948 census with that of 1852, that 15th-century Calatagan was more populated. Fox further proposed that there was no continuity between the present-day population and the pre-Spanish sites based on the widespread forest blanketing Calatagan and to date, no sites have been found dating between the 15th and 16th centuries. Collected plant species suggested that this was a secondary-growth forest, intimating that primary forest had been cleared by slash-and-burn agriculture and eventually deserted (Fox 1959).

Previous research in Calatagan The Calatagan sites displayed the extensive trade with other Southeast Asian polities preceding the Galleon Trade of the Spanish Era (Fox 1959). Its huge quantities of trade ceramics4 verify interaction, either direct or indirect, with foreign merchants. Janse (1941, 1944-1945, 1947) initiated excavations in Calatagan. One of his objectives was examining Chinese influence during the Early Ming Period in Indo-China and the Philippines. He located three burial sites, namely Pinagpatayan, Pulong Bakaw, and Kay Tomas. Pinagpatayan is roughly translated as ‘massacre site’. This sits on a small knoll and has been used for agriculture. Based on its name, Pinagpatayan seems to have been a site for individuals who died of violent causes. In many cases, the skulls were missing. Pulong Bakaw in the 1940s was covered with dense vegetation. It used to be farmed and tradeware sherds have been reported. Swamps bordered Kay Tomas. The limestone in Pinagpatayan had wellpreserved skeletons while in Pulong Bakaw the skeletons were mostly disintegrated. Janse opened 66 graves in open pits. In one burial, the missing skull was substituted with a bowl. The funerary materials included Chinese ceramics and local decorated earthenware vessels. Some ceramics were similar to those manufactured during the Sung (960-1287 AD) and others to the Early Ming Period (1368-1644). Based on the ceramics, Pulong Bakaw and Kay Tomas were perhaps of a later date compared to Pinagpatayan. Other unusual graves were Burial 26 in Kay Tomas, which had two skulls at the feet, and in Burial 21 in the same site, the skull was

I revisited Calatagan in 2005 to have a sense of the sites. Talisay has been fenced in and the adjacent land planted with corn. Karitunan is still owned by the same family who accommodated Fox’s excavation team in the 1960s. The site is beside the owner’s house and currently cultivated. Pulong Bakaw is unoccupied and remains covered with the spiky aroma tree (Acasia farnesiana (Linn) Willd.) as Fox observed

4

877 tradeware vessels [520 from Pulong Bakaw and Kay Tomas (Fox 1959) and 357 from burials in this research. 32

on a bowl. One skeleton showed evidence of gold-pegged and stained teeth.

leaf ornaments were found in only three graves in Kay Tomas.

Fox’s (1959) excavations generated similar finds. His preliminary analyses showed that the burial assemblage from western Calatagan sites, largely composed of local and foreign ceramics, were similar. The sites generally date ‘between the late 14th and the end of the 15th century or early part of the late 16th century’ (Fox 1959:334) or late 1300s to 1490s-early 15005. Pulong Bakaw contained 207 excavated graves: 95 adults, 25 juveniles, 31 children, four infants, two infant jar burials; the rest had no skeletons or were too badly disintegrated to be analysed. Kay Tomas had 297 graves: 170 adults, 35 juveniles, 56 children, 14 infants and 22 without age data. The skeletons were in supine positions except infant jar burials and multiple skull burials. At Pinagpatayan, a large stoneware jar contained an infant and six skulls belonging to three adults, one juvenile, and two children.

Pre-European Philippine societies were highly fragmented and the degree of political organisation low; thus Fox (1959) believed that cultural practices were more rigid. For instance, rituals relating to burials perhaps signified group integration, as will later be demonstrated. Fox reported that burial sites without tradeware vessels had earthenware pots identical to those found in graves with the latter. The Calatagan Archaeological Project was launched in 1993 (Ronquillo and Ogawa 1996). Its objectives included a reassessment of previous published and unpublished reports and data, a search for settlement areas through excavations, to obtain and produce dating for the sites, collect more data relating to the Calatagan pot6, and the publication of the results. Previous research in Calatagan was concentrated on the western coast, so efforts were made to survey the eastern part simultaneously with revisiting some sites in the west like Talisay (Dela Torre 1994c). Excavations in Sitio Dayap produced earlier habitation sites than those at the west (Bautista 1994a, 1994b, 1995; Orogo 1994, 1995). Some earthenware vessel designs were similar to those found earlier (Fox 1959; Dela Torre 1994b; Main and Fox 1982). Jar burials recovered from Ulilang Bundok in Dayap were associated with glass beads, obsidian flakes, polished stone adzes, decorated earthenware sherds, shell beads, and shells (Dela Torre 1994a, 1995, 1996a, 1996b).

Teeth filing was common among adults, although one juvenile had evidence of teeth filing. One skeleton in Kay Tomas had gold pegs in the incisor teeth. Gold pegging was a widespread practice amongst adults during this time and is also evident in other sites such as Bolinao (Legaspi 1974). The graves contained beads, glass, gold, bronze, copper ornaments, iron tools, and spindle whorls; and Southeast Asian ceramics such as Siamese, Sawankhalok and Annamese wares with variations of similar motifs such as cranes, chrysanthemums in jars, floral scrolls, and kylins (See Fox 1959 Plates 23, 29, 35, 41). Cooking pots contained shells, fish, and animal bones. Species of cowries and shells, and sometimes deer and pig bones, were scattered around the remains. Spindle whorls were commonly interred with adults, juveniles, and children. Gold-

In an earlier research, I included Pulong Bakaw as one of the sites evaluated to understand status in Philippine prehistory (Barretto 2002). In this site, there seem to be two groups with distinct objects: burials with metal implements, tradeware ceramics,

5

6

Based on the Sawankhalok wares from Calatagan, these were produced in kilns dating from mid 14th century to beginning of 16th century (Brown 1977).

Several scholars proposed some interpretations of the inscriptions on the shoulder of the famous unprovenanced pot (www.pcij.org/blog/?p=2277). 33

excavated. Except for occasional references to these sites (Barretto 2002; Dizon 2003; Junker 1999a; Paz 2004; Valdes 2003b), there is a dearth of comprehensive publications on any aspect of the Calatagan burials.

earthenware vessels, spindle whorls; and burials containing the same set of artefacts except for the metal implements replaced with ornaments. The absence of sex data precludes further analysis. Only adult burials contained metal implements. What were interesting were the non-adult burials. One child wore three bronze anklets and two bronze bracelets; the body was also buried with nine beads and two spindle whorls. Another child wore a ring made from an alloy of gold, silver, and copper. The bronze and alloy rings were the only ones of their kind retrieved from Pulong Bakaw. Neither spindle whorls nor ornaments accompanied the infants. Openpit infant burials had no grave goods at all. However, infants in jars had foreign and local pots. Smaller varieties of pottery were found in infants’ and children’s graves. I assigned numerical prestige values to objects that at present I find to be unsatisfactory. In this research, I attempt to show that values are subjective.

There is scant data on stratigraphy to determine the age of burials in relation to each other. Nevertheless, the majority of tradeware vessels were consistent with the early Ming period (Fox 1959). Fox postulated that the sites existed for a period of 150 years. A double-gourd ewer dating to the 14th century (Gotuaco et al. 1997; Cynthia Valdes pers. comm. 2006) was at the foot of one skeleton in Karitunan suggesting early use of foreign ceramics as mortuary objects or probably an heirloom piece buried later. The Spanish meticulously recorded their activities in the Philippines and submitted them to the Spanish sovereign (Blair and Robertson 1903). They cited municipalities in Batangas like Balayan, Batangas, Lian, Nasugbu, Taal, Tanauan, Lipa, Bauang, and Lemery (Bernaldez 1827; Medina 1630; Zúñiga 1739-1762). There was no mention of Calatagan in Spanish documents, which could mean that its population disappeared before the Spanish arrival as Fox (1959) had claimed.

Bolunia (1995, 2005) initiated an ongoing examination of the cooking pots from Calatagan graves to verify whether these had indeed been used and what kind of foods were cooked in them. She observed that cooking pots had been used based on their charred bodies, spalling, pits, scratches, and sooting. Chang (2004) and Bautista (2007) are also using Calatagan data sets for their dissertations. Chang focuses on the social value of foreign ceramics based on their location, association, and local imitation using statistical analyses. He indicates that tradeware vessels are probably more superior but not absolutely. One limitation of Chang’s research is the absence of focus on decorations. Bautista proposed a heritage management of the sites.

Actions and routines could have produced (Pauketat 2001) burial patterns. Objects may distinguish different activities of people and also manifest reasons for their inclusion related to beliefs and identities. When agency is exercised, there is an intention and a plan to achieve it. I consider the intentions in Calatagan as unambiguous because the objects were placed in striking locations, creating patterns through space and time as will be demonstrated in Chapter 5. I use agency to study social relations in Calatagan because we see other people in the society actively interacting with each other, creating fluid boundaries. It creates complexities for the different individuals

To date, only a few published reports discuss the pre-1990s excavations in Calatagan. The 1959 publication was preliminary and more of a field report covering the two largest cemeteries

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from this perspective could consist of ritual and esoteric knowledge (Helms 1988; McIntosh 1999a) including those relating to craft production and acquisition. Heterarchy looks at other domains of power, realms that not only include males but also females, and power from other sources aside from the political.

involved without being associated with a rigid and controlled system. An agent-centred archaeology leads us to perceive how different individuals experience one situation or a thing giving different perspectives (Brumfiel 2000). Using an agent-perspective analysis, for instance, allows us to examine foreign trade from various viewpoints. Potters may have produced local copies or upheld traditional forms as dictated by different demands like ritual. Traders could have abandoned altogether the use of local pots as grave items or mixed them with imported items. These perspectives on the same subject may occur simultaneously and create different meanings for individuals. Hence, individuals negotiated different identities as all of them, whether directly or indirectly, engaged with the same event. Each individual—an elite, commoner, artisan, men, or women—therefore is affected, and coped with the circumstances in different ways. Using agency, people may have continued to use pots and simultaneously acquired exotics because through pottery, the living represented the status and social affiliation of the deceased and expressed their beliefs.

In heterarchy, sources of power can vary. For instance, a person may have authority in one realm but not in another; and objects used in particular contexts may have value in one dimension and not in another (Crumley 1995). A heterarchical perspective may consider trading and raiding as forms of subsistence modes, traders and raiders as economic roles—as alternatives to personal aggrandisement of some males. People continuously rank and re-rank objects as conditions change as in the introduction of foreign objects (Gosden 2004; Snyder 1999). Calatagan burials contained a mixture of imported and local ceramics and ornaments carefully selected and placed with the body that I propose represented the deceased’s identity and/or status. These objects may be of value due to their ritual functions and the knowledge and skills attached to their production and acquisition.

Merging heterarchy with agency (Dobres and Robb 2000b) as an analytical tool may provide a clearer model for the ways different agents including women, nonadults, non-elites, and elites established identities and status in Calatagan. I focus on all members of the society and the various powers they wielded within the context of their knowledge and competence through specific behaviours motivated by beliefs and reciprocity and how they manipulated the social structure. The adage ‘knowledge is power’ (Foucault 1977) should not be restricted to what the elites know and what they shield from the rest of the population. I want to establish that power is experience gained through constant practice; hence age becomes a factor shaping identity and status. Power

2.9. Summary I provided background to the failure of past approaches in analysing social organisation in Southeast Asia due to anomalies in data. These anomalies should not limit our interpretations of past societies but act as a challenge to approach data using other frameworks. Past research in the Philippines has tended to focus on hierarchical relations of objects, people and sites, whereas using heterarchy and agency allows us to explore other structures of relations apart from vertical ones, and forms of power outside the political realm. Power has been treated as exercised by elites or males in the context of politics (Bacus 1999; Frankenstein and Rowlands

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strengthen cultural ties at a time when contacts with outsiders were increasingly more frequent. Earthenware vessels in burials do not automatically mean inferior status. They may just have a different purpose. Therefore, other foreign objects, even local items, in graves may mark age, sex, roles, and affiliations with large and/or restricted groups.

1978; Hayden 1995; Junker 1999a). However, I argued that every individual can have power (Emerson 1997), including women (Brumfiel 1991; Stalsberg 2001; White 1995) from various sources like ritual, craft production, trade, warfare not necessarily used as a political tool (Godelier 1982 in Babić 2005; Levy 1999b; McIntosh 1999a), presenting them opportunities for identity negotiation and status enhancement. White (1995:118) further adds that women may have ‘realms or access to economic and political power’ rather than males being dominant.

Identity studies in the Philippines have yet to reach their potential. Rather than a rigid reading of identities in burials based on elites and non-elites, I will argue for a flexible social status system with the different sectors of society, including cultural affiliation, marked by objects associated with activities and personal qualities. Examining these oscillating dynamics from a non-hierarchical perspective will, I hope, offer new insights on Philippine prehistory. Data are obtained from Calatagan, an area that has not yet been fully analysed.

Heterarchy is a different way to model social dynamics of complex polities in Southeast Asia, which do not follow traditional evolutionary stages. White (1995) proposed several patterns of heterarchy that can be archaeologically investigated. In this research, I test whether heterarchy was present in Calatagan. Heterarchy recognises that centralisation and highly visible ranking may not always be present in a complex society (Crumley 1987; McIntosh 1999a), organisational structures may be both ranked and unranked (Levy 1995; Allen 1999), it prevents the pigeon-holing of societies in evolutionary stages (Service 1971) allowing recognition of the variations as integral to the society rather than treating these variations as exceptions, and funerary objects may represent social identities as personal, or achievements, or roles other than rank (White 1995). In the Philippines, tradeware vessels were considered high-status goods while earthenware vessels were inferior-status goods (Bacus 1999; Junker 1999a; Tenazas 1977). Acquisition, production, and distribution of these objects were controlled by the elites. I posit that the huge amount of earthenware vessels in the Calatagan graves had functions other than being status markers. The continued production of earthenware vessels during the peak of foreign trade may symbolise the desire to 36

CHAPTER 3 Revisiting Philippine Ethnohistory and Ethnography I will investigate patterns of heterarchy and incorporate them later in analysing identities in Calatagan. I concentrate on the Tagalogs, the ethnolinguistic group the Spaniards recorded as occupying Southern Luzon where Calatagan is located. Furthermore, I look at different agents, their routines and contact with objects, and in what ways they expressed power to establish their identity and status. I consulted documents, mainly written during the Spanish occupation (1525-1898). Some Relaciones mostly focused on lowland groups, including the Tagalogs. The advantage of studying 15th-century societies like Calatagan is that they existed on the temporal margins at the time of Spanish arrival. Early documentation on Tagalog life could be congruent with those practised in Calatagan. Maybe the essential elements of Tagalog customs prior to Hispanisation were still present. I also refer to works during the American colonial period (18981950) and early part of the post-World War II period (1951-1960). Several American anthropologists turned their attention to unhispanised highland groups of Cordillera and Mindanao. They observed several practices reminiscent of lowland features the Spanish recorded earlier, suggesting broad similarities between lowland communities and upland groups.

To understand how people think, work, and act to create their identities, it is important to know how people use objects and under what conditions. Ethnohistory and ethnography provide good sources of contexts for objects despite limitations on account of the authors’ biases. Being familiar with the acquisition, manufacture, and multiple uses of things gives us a peek into their biographies and how objects are transformed from commodities to possessions (Weiner 1992) and attain value. It is important to have an idea of the historical circumstances of the 15th century in order to understand how different agents were influenced by these conditions and, in return, how in the process of accomplishing their roles forged and emphasised their identities. Archaeology is always contextbound in the site and in history, which is why it is important to understand how mortuary objects in Calatagan relate to each other in specific burials and what kind of associations they had before they were taken out of circulation to be buried with the deceased. The main aims of this chapter are to address here, by reexamining Philippine ethnohistory and ethnography, the people’s daily activities and the different contexts of individuals’ actions, intentions, and objects, especially those similar to items found in Calatagan. I will demonstrate that the multiple activities people performed contributed to the different identities they possessed, and that each activity and identity are materialised by the specific use of objects. Perhaps individuals of different identities and statuses shared the same objects in various activities, thus assigning them multiple functions. I stress here the intricate and simultaneous associations of people and objects as indicators of heterarchy.

I also focus on concepts fuelling interactions and relationships—reciprocity, social, and ritual transactions. I consider an agent-perspective approach because it offers alternate explanations in understanding people’s motivations, their courses of action, and the way they imbued objects with meanings, propelling them into different paths of existence. I propose that people consciously used utang na loob to gain social and economic prestige, hence transforming their status and adding another dimension to their identity. This value might have played a critical role in creating, 37

negotiating, representing, and identities in the Calatagan burials.

shaping

course would mean longer indenture. Hutterer (1977) used ‘reciprocal obligations’ to refer to this kind of relationship.

The first part of this chapter argues how, what, and why transactions and reciprocity structured Tagalog society and identities in the 15th century. The second part discusses people’s routines and their engagement with the material world, specifically pottery. The third section investigates the evidence for heterarchy in various Philippine groups.

The indebtedness Scott described was most probably utang na loob. According to Rafael (1988), utang na loob was a crucial factor that determined one’s social position. These contractual obligations characterised reciprocal relationships and may have shaped Tagalog identities and affiliations. Both benefactor and beneficiary had rights, responsibilities, and obligations towards each other; conversely, they were entitled to receive whatever had been agreed upon between parties. These duties lead to actions and routines that further establish individual identities. The Spanish had recorded these as master-slave relationships, but these were most probably a mistranslation of the local system (Hutterer 1977; Rafael 1988, Scott 1982a, 1983; Warriner 1960).

Spanish accounts had conflicting observations on the Philippine social system (Chirino 1604; Colin 1660; Loarca 1582; Morga 1609; Plasencia 1589). They remarked on the rigid social structure and similarly at the flexible system where ‘nobility’ was achieved through warfare, trading, and wealth acquisition. Despite the distance in time of these observations, group distinctions were maintained during the first century of Spanish occupation. The American scholar Scott (1982a, 1983, 1994) presented a brilliant reconstruction and summary of the Spanish descriptions of Tagalog society. He extracted the nuances of Spanish reference to these groups based on their own feudal system, specifically the use of labels without equivalent English words. He also reconciled the contradictions within the same text and among different observers7.

Reid (1999:181) noted that replacing the term ‘slavery’ in Southeast Asia with ‘bondage’, ‘dependency’, and ‘rights-inpersons’ or ‘dyadic ties’ creates a ‘category so broad as to be almost meaningless’. In fact, though broad, it illustrates the unboundedness, flexibility and mobile social system that these terms connote interdependency through an individual’s lifetime where power and obligations are ever shifting. Slavery and bondage as a social institution in Southeast Asia are not a static affiliation. Bondage exists because of the underlying value of utang na loob that bonds individuals, a state that could be ended by an appropriate payment. Throughout this relationship, tasks could change too, which eventually led to a change in identity as well. However, I also like to suggest that the individual not only changed identities but also gained another as he/she worked towards decreasing his/her utang na loob. This system was even exercised by the Tagalogs as they

Scott’s important contribution was demonstrating that early Tagalog society comprised three main social groups related to one another based on degrees of indebtedness (see Cannell 1999). Moreover, these social groups were neither fixed nor exclusive, but membership could be manipulated. Individual status was likewise mutable, largely depending on their indebtedness to others, and the payments they made accordingly. Nonpayments of 7

Spanish descriptions were recorded in different time periods and the effect of colonisation may have already affected Tagalog society which maybe the reason why documentation after Plasencia (1589) were slightly different. 38

agree with Reid (1999) that vertical bonding exists in Southeast Asia—including the Philippines, and is evident in language and deference of people towards senior persons in terms of age and authority—rather than a strict hierarchy (Errington 1990). An individual anticipates the change in situation by working towards repaying and accumulating utang na loob. Kaut (1961) described that relationships could reach an equilibrium where relationships would eventually be balanced. Reid’s understanding of this bond of obligation was from a hierarchical perspective. However, it might be best to examine this kind of relationship from a heterarchical framework.

negotiated for their status within the Spanish colonial government (Rafael 1988). 3.1 Reciprocity and transactions in Tagalog society I argue that a reciprocal network of utang na loob had an enduring effect on the way Tagalog society was structured and organised. This relationship of contractual obligations provides evidence of heterarchy in relation to social status and identity. These kinds of relationship are shifting, demonstrating that identities and statuses can be multiple depending on specific relations. It has broad similarities with other debt- or gift-relationships (Earle 1991; Gregory 1982; Hayden 1995; Mauss 1954; Russell 1999; Sahlins 1963; Sinclair 1998; Strathern 1971; Weiner 1980) and Adams’ (1975) coordinated unit.

The Tagalog system was not only a vertical bond but also a type of relationship that was continually modified and in constant transition. The identities and status of a person can thus change throughout his/her lifetime. Individuals make simultaneous transactions with each other wherein they can either obligate someone to do something for them in return for something, or obligate themselves to do something for someone in return for something. Favours are usually in terms of labour and service, debt payment, or any kind of personal assistance. Contracting transactions was an expression of power. There was the assurance of reciprocated action, and the alternating appeal for assistance enabled both parties to get what they desired. Fundamentally a social action, the initiation of a reciprocal relationship encompassed many aspects, but was not limited to these, like military, economic, judicial, and political. Utang na loob as a value system facilitated these interactions and implicitly demanded that compensation be paid in due course in any shape or form. Delaying payment or nonpayment is generally unacceptable, and leads to an increase of debts and undesirable social consequences.

Utang na loob is part of the Tagalog psyche and analogous values are practised throughout the archipelago (Palen Pal 1956; Kaut 1961). This value regulates interactions (Ileto 1979, Kaut 1961; Rafael 1988). The Spanish missionaries used this to their advantage in converting the indios to Christianity (Rafael 1988); it was exercised in revolutionary movements against Spain in the late 1800s (Ileto 1979); lowland Filipino Christians relate to Catholic saints and spirits (Cannell 1999) through this; and it persists among Tagalogs (Kaut 1961). Utang na loob is a form of cooperation between and among townsmates, producing mutual benefits, if not immediately, then certainly later. Generally, in Southeast Asia, ‘vertical bonds of obligation’ (Reid 1983:9) governed human relationships. It is a system of dependency in which the wealthy depend on the poor for labour and the poor rely on the wealthy for security and access to resources (Reid 1983, 1988). The bondsman served in a wide range of activities including assisting in feasts, constructing houses, boat building, supporting sea journeys, and warfare. I

Spanish documentation is a good source of Tagalog life in the 16th century (Best 1892;

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Blair and Robertson 1903; Chirino 1969; Colin 1660; Foreman 1899; Loarca 1582; Oliver 1590; Plasencia 1589; Rafael 1988; Romualdez 1979; Rosales 1984; Sawyer 1900; Scott 1974, 1983 and 1994). A reexamination of these sources may provide evidence of how utang na loob was an assertion of power. I describe below how utang na loob structured ancient Tagalog society, identities, and their affiliations; what interactions were participated in by individuals; and how they affected their status.

terms of financial or physical care are considered without utang na loob. Even if children shower their parents with gifts and attention, the gift of life given to them can never be recompensed. Individuals depend highly on family, kin, and fictive kin networks in times of trouble and need. To neglect assistance and/or reciprocation is considered as having no utang na loob. Another example is when a person gives assistance, financial or otherwise, to another who is in extreme need. That very moment of providing support and demonstrating good will, though may be remembered and acknowledged through gifts and other forms of service, will never be repaid. The beneficiary will thus feel that he/she has utang na loob to the benefactor. A chance of reciprocation may happen when the person who first granted the favour finds himself/herself in a similar circumstance that warrants the support of the recipient. Subsequently, they can either call it even, or a succession of indebtedness is created. To repay utang na loob sometimes drives people to commit acts of bravura, which in return create new obligations from the person who was the recipient of said action. From a Christian perspective, it may be said that people have utang na loob to Christ for dying for their sins. And this utang na loob can be repaid if we follow his teachings.

3.1.1. Utang na loob Utang na loob8 is a deeply ingrained Tagalog value. Utang means debt, and loob is inside—thus it is a debt from or of the inside. In English, it is commonly called as a ‘debt of gratitude’ or ‘debt of goodwill’ (De Castro 1998). There is no direct translation and meanings can include the following: a form of gratitude for favours, customarily non-material, of great value received, whether solicited or not, reciprocated but never equalled; a fervent request, synonymous with asking for mercy assumed to be returned later on; and an endless cycle of reciprocal obligations to repay real or perceived debts, gifts, service, and favours, upon request and always with interests or of a greater value than what had been initially received.

The negative aspect of utang na loob is when persons of influence oblige others to pay beyond their capabilities that they become indebted or bound to their benefactors for an indefinite period even for generations. Adding interests makes it impossible for a person, who has not much to begin with, to pay back their patrons. Thus utang na loob becomes an enslaving mechanism (De Castro 1998).

Utang na loob is not a legal debt but a social and moral debt. It is a binding contract not regulated by written rules and happens informally; there is no indication of how and when it should be reciprocated (De Castro 1998). A good example is the utang na loob children have to their parents. Children who do not assist their parents in 8

http://vivapinoy.com/About-Pinoy/FilipinoCulture/Filipino-Cultural-Values.php, http://www.brettandnina.com/html/utang_na_loob.ht ml, http://www.fasgi.org/cultural/cu10.html, http://www.filipinoheritage.com/travel/filipinos.htm, http://www.seasite.niu.edu/Tagalog/Tagalog_Default _files/tagalog_idioms.htm

Utang na loob must also be understood in terms of other values pervading Tagalog society for it provides a scenario as to how it is exercised. It can be attached to other words, such as walang utang na loob (‘ungrateful or refused to honor an

40

in the future. Pakiusap can also be a request made as a form of repayment for an earlier favour done, usually ‘speaking’ to someone to perform an action that promotes the interest of the person making the request. Pakiusap can often induce ‘favouritism, misplaced loyalties, nepotism, cronyism, corruption, sacrifice of principles, and the abuse of power’ (http://pinoyatbp.fil.ph/?p=129).

important obligation’); mahina ang utang na loob (‘weak sense of duty or obligation or reluctance to honor an obligation’); ayaw magkautang na loob (‘avoids becoming obligated to someone’); magandang utang na loob (‘faithful in fulfilling obligations’) (Kaut 1961:257-258). Utang na loob could be associated with bayanihan, a communal cooperation among kababayan or townmates mostly in nipa-house construction in ancient times and continues today in some rural areas. The individual who sought the help of his/her townmates usually provide food and drink on such occasions. Those who helped may ask the same later for either labour or supplies. Pakikisama emphasises interpersonal relations and group dynamics; it is cooperating, conforming, and fraternising with peers and colleagues. It translates to giving respect, being loyal, and honouring an agreement or alliance; it aims to preserve the welfare of the group to avoid tension, anger, resentment, conflict, and hiya. Hiya is a great fear of being humiliated, disgraced, discredited, and dishonoured. People feel hiya when they think that their action is socially unacceptable, and deemed as not doing pakikisama. People without hiya are walang hiya and to have no hiya is to have no utang na loob; it is an insult to be labelled as one or the other. To avoid hiya, one is forced to reciprocate a favour. Suki is loyal patronage. Balato is sharing one’s fortunes by giving a portion, no matter how small, to family, friends, and relatives. It is given in the hope that they too will share with you if they come upon good fortune; in the process suki is created and hiya is avoided. Not sharing is also not pakikisama. These values create social bonds between individuals and impose utang na loob on each other; these also function as conflict-prevention mechanisms.

Unfortunately, utang na loob has permeated the present Filipino political scene where decisions and positions are achieved in the name of utang na loob. Often, people let themselves be mistreated and abused, physically or emotionally, thinking they are repaying their utang na loob. If practised correctly, utang na loob is a demonstration of good will; it promotes good interpersonal and social relationships. It prevents social conflict, and constrains coercion since it is presumed that a person is entitled to an assumed graciously given reciprocated action. The granting of favours and the creation of utang na loob are far from being an altruistic expression, though initially they might appear as such. As reciprocity is demanded or self-imposed, a cycle of contractual obligation thus emerges, which may carry over into the next generation or be transferred to another person. Kaut (1961) lists three stages of utang na loob, each corresponding to a specific state of indebtedness. These are the creation of utang na loob, a cycle of alternating indebtedness, and completed reciprocity. Each stage shifts the status and identity of an individual from one without debt to one who is indebted and vice-versa if payment is made, or even an equal if ‘properly’ reciprocated. These stages emphasise that an individual can be involved in all three stages, and thus may have three positions and identities at any given time. Though a hierarchy of social relationship was established at the onset, the succeeding

Though it definitely has its benefits, utang na loob can also be injurious. It sometimes leads to pakiusap, in which pressure is disguised as a request, or a proposal is made to someone promising to return the favour

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Maginoo is the chiefly class because of the respect and support they get from others; however, they are not rulers. The maginoo were the principales of the Tagalog society whether they occupied a position or not. Chiefs or leaders were poon or puno. A puno was a founder of a descent line or lineage, and ginoo was of noble lineage. Ginoo was a title of respect for both sexes; a leader in Manila was called Maginoo Marlanaway. This was a way of showing politeness and courtesy; ginoo was very common in the Tagalog language that Chirino (1604) used it in translating the Hail Mary (Aba Ginoong Maria); and Plasencia (1589) translated the ‘Lord’ as Panginoon9 Dios. A panginoon owned properties and had many followers. Poon was an honorific contraction; it was used when addressing a maginoo. They were different from the nouveau riche called maygintawo, referring to the amount of gold they possessed but had no recognised distinct lineage. In formal gatherings, there was usually a ritual in which participants bragged about their descent. Bansag was boasting of lineage and wealth different from lingas, which referred to someone who was wealthy and fierce. The latter indicates status achieved not by lineage but likely through skill in warfare or raids.

stages enable the social structure to be fluid and in constant flux. The utang na loob system demonstrates a very important feature of heterarchy—a flexible social system where status can be achieved and people may have multiple identities. I assert in Chapters 7 to 9 that utang na loob produced the burial patterns in Calatagan. Relationships governed by utang na loob are personal and enduring, built through the years. This is conceivably the reason why it is difficult to say ‘no’ since it is an intricate relationship that is sometimes hard to extract oneself from. On occasion, the favour requested does not directly benefit the one making the request but maybe another friend or relative. The former is actually establishing two relationships: doing the friend a favour, which is expected to be returned later; and getting himself/herself indebted to the one from whom he/she requested the favour that he/she has to repay later. This depicts this relationship as flexible and fluctuating, so a person’s status and identity are shifting while simultaneously possessing more than one identity, both as creditor and indebted. 3.1.2. How ‘utang na loob’ structured Tagalog society, shaped, and created identities The three groups in early Tagalog society were maginoo, maharlika, and alipin. The maginoo and maharlika usually initiated and ended contract obligations. The maginoo were usually the non-debtors and the maharlika could be both patron and client, while the alipin was often indebted to either the maginoo or the maharlika. In terms of judicial system, their peers tried the maginoo, the maharlika were tried by the maginoo. The alipin were not entitled to any trials for it was their ‘master’ who decided their fate. These groups described here are based on Scott’s (1982a, 1983, 1994) annotated summaries accompanied by a rereading of other English translations of the original Spanish documents.

The references to a maygintawo and lingas meant that individuals were able to reduce their obligations to a former maginoo, establish their own following and became maginoo themselves. This illustrates achieved statuses and both the addition and change of identity from a non-maginoo to a maginoo. For Rafael (1988), the maginoo was less a social class than a code of conduct, which I interpret as a corpus of routines. The Spanish documented that people generally treated the maginoos with deference. This was of course natural because it was this group that most people were obligated to. Difference in quality of

9

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Emphasis mine.

fertile land, forests, and water sources. Only irrigated land was distributed among the people in the barangay, but still the datu had the privilege to gain benefits and profit from that land. He could restrict access to land and waterways, and even collected fees for the use of these. There were times when, instead of appropriating the land for him, he required from people a fixed amount of fees in return for letting them use the land. Often these were his followers and not his tenants. The practice of swidden does not make one the owner of the land. Labour was a commodity; it could be ‘bought, sold or mortgaged through debt slavery’ (Scott 1994: 229). In essence, an individual could possess labour by indebting others, thus controlling manpower. These slaves gave a portion of their harvests to their creditors.

ceramics in Calatagan may support this notion. The datu was a prominent individual in Tagalog society. He had authority because he was wealthy and had material or nonmaterial resources to assist others. Consequently, datus tend to have had a personal and large following called a dulohan. Some datus become maginoos rather than coming from it, and others were born as maginoos, but not all maginoos become datus. A datu position was only occupied by males and was hereditary or could be passed through brothers. Though ancient lineage was an advantage, one still needed the support of a dulohan. A person not born as a maginoo, even of low status as long as he gained wealth, authority, and reputation through his trade, could become a datu. Relatives and non-relatives sought his assistance and eventually expanded his own following. His authority was thus based on his own efforts and not ascribed. A child of a maginoo or a commoner could both achieve this status, but could be reduced if he lacked the skill to maintain authority. Datu and poon could have been different terms that meant the same thing.

Under the datu’s house was a public space called gulang-gulang where people met, held trials, discussed local events, news, and gossips. Datus were neither kings nor paramount chiefs but acted as judges when needed, and were part of the litigation process, from hearing testimonies to making decisions about the assailant’s fate. On occasions, older men assisted him. Law was traditionally handed down through generations, and amendments were made through a consensus among datus. He also had authority to enforce whatever decision had been reached during the trial. A chief could be and remain a slave if held captive and no ransom was paid (Loarca 1582). A datu who paid the ransom of another datu received double compensation later on from the latter.

Datus usually oversaw the barangay composed of several to as many as 100 households (Chirino 1604; Plasencia 1589). One barangay was roughly equivalent to a dulohan. The barangay was more of a social and kinship network rather than a political unit. When outsiders planned to fish or trade in another barangay, they had to pay the datu a privilege fee to conduct these activities. If the dulohan or barangay of several chiefs, say four to ten, lived together, they comprised a bayan or town (Plasencia 1589). The wealthiest datu (Loarca 1582), usually the best warrior (Morga 1609), had authority in a bayan. A barangay was neither subordinated nor ruled over by another; and the datus came to the aid of another datu and his barangay in war (Plasencia 1589). In a bayan, followers of different chiefs had communal access to

Barangay also meant ‘boat’ and datus were ‘captains’ of their own barangays. Datus were usually captains of their boats, for they had people who worked under them when at sea. The datu was often called basal, which referred to the drumstick with which he beat a gong to call his followers. He was also called tuway, referring to his role as a captain of a boat. Owning a larger vessel

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would earn him a more prestigious title of Bornean origin, anakora. He was also referred to as a panugot or kanulo when guiding other datus.

of the profit went to the one who paid for the mag-aanito, and the other half to other datus. The mag-aanito was an offering to spirits upon the request of a datu prior to embarking on sea journeys or raids. Other labour-intensive activities like clearing land or constructing a house involved help from followers. At such events, the labourers were always provided with food.

The different references to a datu signify the different skills he possessed. A datu position thus did not necessitate an ascribed status but could be achieved through his skill that would attract followers and subsequently establish his status. Prestige markers found in a number of Calatagan burials are a probable indicator of the flexible social system where individuals could advance their status.

Many chiefs coexisted in one community and participated in the same endeavour without them being ranked in a strict hierarchical manner. For instance, payment for the mag-aanito was cyclical. Thus profit eventually became equally shared, as each chief received half of the earnings if he paid for the ritual. This suggests heterarchical relations where power was not centred on one individual and awards not restricted.

Datus lead the barangay in ‘war, protect them from their enemies, settle their disputes’ (Plasencia 1589; Scott 1994:221), and assist in times of trouble and needs. ‘Large bayan might be the seat of actual chiefdoms with paramount rulers called Lakan or Rajah’ (Scott 1994: 220), for instance, the two ‘chiefdoms’ located at the mouth of the Pasig River. Lakan Dula, the chief of Tondo and surrounding vicinity, was paid tribute and vassalage by the inhabitants of his pook. He controlled external trade and people bought from him.

One may ask that if labourers had utang na loob to the datu and were repaying him, then why the need to feed them? This is where the datu shrewdly uses the utang na loob system. If the datu did not supply them with food, then he became in a way indebted to them for assisting him. To maintain his followers’ indebtedness, he repaid his utang na loob at once by feeding them. It must be remembered that the person receiving a favour is the one expected to return it at a later date. In this case, the datu receiving help in building the house did not wait for long but repaid his utang na loob within the construction period. The result is that followers receiving food made them, again, indebted to the datu though they had already ‘repaid’ him, whether in part or not, because they were the beneficiaries of the datu’s ‘kindness,’ which they should repay in the future. If the datu did not provide food, he lost his social prestige—and his following, even if he was wealthy. Help provided by the datu’s followers in house construction might also be interpreted as bayanihan.

It is important to note that a community at this time period was not yet a political unit. The social and kin networks among communities may have led to similar objects used in similar ways in Calatagan. The duties of the datu reveal his various tasks that I believe largely contributed to his status. The datu received a portion of the harvest from those who were indebted to him and/or was given wine during his feasts and in other public events, including funerals. People repaid their debts by serving him in several ways: field labour, cooperation, and assistance in raiding and maritime activities perhaps connected with trade10. If many datus went on a raid, half 10

Boats from Luzon had trade contacts with other islands in and outside the Philippine archipelago (Scott 1982a, 1982b) prior to the Spanish arrival. 44

security and protection of the chief and could shift his allegiance to another any time. A chief avenged his wronged timawa (Loarca 1582), but maybe in exchange the former was expected to provide labour and/or show loyalty. Profits from raids were shared with timawas, though he only received a small portion of it.

Popularity among followers, therefore, was the source of power for datus. Another way to maintain their status might have been to share the spoils with their followers by providing them with foreign ceramics. The crucial part is to distinguish what to give and what to keep for themselves. I argue in Chapter 9 that plain and monochrome foreign ceramics are low-prestige objects, while porcelain with solar and bird motifs are high-prestige items. Some earthenware vessels could be prestige objects, too, depending on their location in burials.

Maharlikas were those who participated in warfares led by maginoos. Their obligations with the datus varied. They were summoned to help build the datu’s house, and in return they were fed. Likewise, they helped out in public events including feasts. A maharlika was a ‘man of wealth, wisdom, or competence’ (Scott 1994: 223). His basic duty to the datu was to accompany him in sea-faring activities that could be both raiding and trading endeavours. These were known as mangangayaw or raids. As a raider, he was repaid in kind; he received profit by participating in these enterprises. It appears that the maharlikas were basically raiders who also laboured in the fields. Unlike the timawa, to transfer to another datu, a maharlika gained freedom from bondage through public payment of his debt witnessed by other datus. These public occasions had to be accompanied by a banquet prepared by the maharlika. I interpret this as a breaking of a contract and the feast could actually be construed as fines, or—and I prefer to look at it this way—the feast was a repayment of a debt, signifying a formal end to their obligation to each other; hence the maharlika could start to engage in new contracts with others.

There were freemen who rendered service to a maginoo, not necessarily a datu, but could shift allegiances and would arrange contracts with the maginoo as a client and with the alipin as a patron. Freemen were called timawas and maharlikas, depending on the service they gave to their datus. They associated themselves with a datu of their liking, usually the best warrior. They had rights to agricultural land they worked on or entrusted to someone else. Membership in this social group was an acquired status. A timawa’s ancestry was mixed. They probably were former slaves who had paid their debts, completed their obligations, or had bought their freedom in gold. Plasencia (1589) reported a maharlika’s status as an ascribed one, but there was no clear explanation for this. They may have been offsprings of maginoos and non-maginoos. Colin (1660) stated maharlikas to be offspring of adultery or by maginoos with their slave women. Thus, maharlikas could be part-maginoo. The timawas usually did not pay fees, but there were cases when those who worked in the fields gave portions of their crops to the maginoo. Neither were they tenants nor the datus their landlords. Timawas could bind themselves to any chief. He followed certain rules like attending feasts; drinking from the pitarilla, an earthenware vessel containing rice wine, first before the chief during feasts; joining the chief in war and acting as an oarsman. He lived under the

To ask who initiated the contractual relationship between a timawa/maharlika and a maginoo/datu is actually confusing. I offer two possibilities. The former may have offered their assistance to the latter, so that they would be able to receive goods. In this way, the timawa/maharlika were actually gaining wealth as the maginoo/datu shared their balato with them. Another scenario would be that the maginoo/datu

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masters, new and old, had made a contract between themselves involving the slave being given to the new. A rich person could have many slaves by agreeing to pay their debts ‘in exchange for bondage’ (Scott 1994: 224).

requested the service of the timawa/maharlika in raiding and trading activities and, as a demonstration of utang na loob, shared profit with the latter. The datus established good pakikisama by distributing balato to the maygintawo/lingas-to-be, thereby creating a suki relationship or loyal following.

There were two types of slaves whose main difference was their residence. An ordinary alipin with land rights was a namamahay, whereas an alipin sagigilid had none of these rights. These slaves could be part-free and part-slave, depending on the status of their parents and the number of siblings they had (Colin 1660).

Regardless of who initiated the relationship, as a show of gratitude, the timawa/maharlika may have continued to serve the maginoo/datu by sharing their harvest or acting as rowers or raiders depending on their abilities. The wealth the timawa/maharlika received was significant to the prestige they could achieve. The probability of becoming a maygintawo or lingas was one utang na loob that they could never repay and perhaps this made them forever indebted to the maginoo/datu. The Tagalogs probably negotiated their identities by practising and engaging in utang na loob. People could advance their status through multiple avenues, including attaching him/herself to a person of higher status or participating in activities through which he/she acquired skill and authority, ultimately gaining him/her a new role and status. I will demonstrate in succeeding chapters how this system contributes to the understanding of identity representation in the Calatagan burials.

A namamahay (from the root word bahay, meaning house) could inherit this status, or was a former timawa or a gigilid. They had their own houses, land, and gold their children inherited. They, however, were tied to the land they worked on. In the absence of his/her master, whether he moved or died, an aliping namamahay continued to work on the land and their services carried over for the children of their master. In case the master’s children decided to move to another village, the aliping namamahay had the right to stay in his own village and provide service to their new master from their place of habitation. They paid a handog, an offering of about half of their crop. In their master’s feasts, they offered him threshed rice, a jar of wine, or even part of a hunted game. He performed the duties of a maharlika when called to accompany their masters to other islands where he served as an oarsman rather than a raider. A creditor could take one child from a slave upon his death to act as a domestic slave.

Alipins were those without rights to enter into contracts but were always obligated and not free from bondage from someone else— maginoo, timawa, maharlika, and/or, worse, another alipin. They were debt peons or bondsman. The Spanish translated this as slaves. One became a slave due to captivity, birth, or debt. They remained under a master who was actually the creditor until their debts had been paid. Gintubo were slaves born into slavery because of their parents’ debt, sentence, or agreement with the master. Though they could not be sold, they could be moved to a different creditor, wherein ties with the original master had been severed. Both

Sagigilid (gilid – edge) lived in their master’s house and are fed by him. The master could also transfer them to another creditor. Sagigilids could practice a trade and even join raids, save enough gold and pay their master to be a namamahay or even a timawa. Sagigilids were usually born in the house of the master as offsprings of

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perhaps their obligations were transferred to another person within or outside the village.

either slaves or sometimes they were given to the master since their own parents could not raise them. It was the master’s prerogative to share a portion of his harvest with a sagigilid, usually as an incentive for their hard work or loyalty. Once married, a sagigilid, specifically the males, could be alipin namamahay. The master tended to prohibit the female sagigilids to marry. Therefore, the difference between a namamahay and a sagigilid was residence and marital status. A kin might offer to pay for another’s debts, which the former might treat as an investment for future requests from the latter. A namamahay could even have his sagigilid, which was the lowest of the low.

The slaves the Spanish mentioned might not have been actual slaves but individuals with unpaid utang na loob. These followers or entourage (Wolters 1999) were composed of transient individuals, whose membership and service constantly changed (Loarca 1582; Scott 1994). Depending on the circumstances, they could even have their own entourage. Scott’s (1982a) analysis suggested that these three social groups could actually be divided in two different ways. From an economic view, there were only two groups, those working in the fields and those who were not. Hutterer (1977), also based on Spanish accounts, noted economic achievement to be the basis of status rather than descent. It was within this framework that Hutterer (1977) and others (Junker 1999a; Bacus 1999) analysed the political development of precolonial polities. From a social aspect, distinction was overlapping for individuals could consciously change their economic and social statuses. Attached to each social group was a specific code of actions and responsibilities, and they were expected to perform these duties lest they absorb more debts or utang na loob.

Some slaves from outside the community or captives during raids were treated differently. They were sold or considered non-persons. Some were ‘brought into the community as functioning alipin’ (Scott 1994: 228), and would enjoy rights given to other alipins. Their children were gintubo, considered part of the society, and entitled to certain rights and privileges according to their status. Apart from gold, slaves constituted the wealth of locals, and they were ‘sold, exchanged, and traded, just like any other article of merchandise from village to village, from province to province, and indeed from island to island’ (Morga 1609:274). The cause of slavery was ‘interest and usury’ (Colin 1660:93) and widely practised even between father and son, and siblings. The debtor became and remained a slave until he/she paid the debt; failure to pay meant interests accumulated, and liberation from bondage took longer. In some cases, debts were inherited and increased in time so that it was difficult for succeeding generations to pay them. Thus, debtors even made their children bonded to someone else if they were not able to pay. Morga’s assumption about slaves was not entirely true. Alipins or debtors, in general, were not strictly sold or exchanged but

Scott’s social divisions of the Tagalog provide a good argument for one of my hypotheses that some individuals could have a range of identities. The maygintawos and lingas were not from a good lineage but had achieved maginoo status through acquired wealth based on their skills and character, in the same way that some alipins were able to become timawas and sagigilids can be namamahays. Surplus meant social prestige. Maginoos created utang na loob and maintained it because they had surplus. Those without surplus made use of their skills, including rowing or raiding, to either create or repay their utang na loob. These statuses were

47

peonage system and not slavery as the Spanish recorded. I agree with Rafael that the system was actually built upon the utang na loob concept or a ‘reciprocal network of indebtedness’ (Rafael 1988). One has less indebtedness and less servitude as one shifts from a lower to a higher status. Rafael indicated that status was a result of obligations an individual had:

greatly affected by the economic capacity of these individuals to amass wealth. It is this combination of identities that I expect to find in the Calatagan burials. Utang na loob integrated the society and affected the individual’s social mobility. It also ‘define[s] the limits of socially meaningful relations’ (Kaut 1961:257) a person can initiate and engage in determined by his/her skill, personality, and knowledge. These transactions may be initially seen as commercial transactions as they contributed to the economic status of a person. However, as utang na loob is practised, these transactions are in fact ‘never-ending reciprocal gift-giving’ (Kaut 1961:260) whether in kind or labour, and create an ‘alternating state of indebtedness’ (Kaut 1961:260). The datus manipulated this system so that they did not let themselves become indebted to anyone else. The three social groups mentioned in historical documents could correspond to Kaut’s three different stages of utang na loob: the datus without debts, the alipins who were always in debt, and the maginoos/timawas who swung between stages. Any person regardless of status could either improve or make worse his/her situation depending on how quickly he/she paid his/her debts.

Rank was bound up with degrees of indebtedness. Yet indebtedness was in constant circulation, ever displaceable: the burden of payment could always be shifted to someone else in the hierarchy, while payment itself could be deferred. The link between person and status was therefore far from stable. The Tagalogs have no elaborate mythologies relating to social divisions to a natural order or cosmological order, no compiled genealogies that establish the historical basis for the privilege of one group of family over the others. Social hierarchy was generated by the give-and-take obligations. Status distinctions emerged as the products of reciprocal ties that were not guaranteed by a source external to the barangay. Status reflected indebtedness, not the person. Self and status were created based on asymmetrical exchanges (Rafael 1988:146).

I acknowledge that in the burials, it is the last stage of utang na loob that is observed and that I cannot trace the series of reciprocal relations of the deceased. However, what we can recognise through mortuary objects produced by shared activities regulated by utang na loob of individuals is how different identities and statuses were marked—for example, how chiefs and followers were specified, what items were distinct and shared by these people. I claim that some objects in Calatagan point to shared routines and some objects discriminate between statuses.

Rafael referred to the Tagalog structure as hierarchical. However, the system allowed people to improve their indebtedness and free themselves from bondage as described above. Clearly, the nature and cycle of indebtedness a person desires to initiate from others and the reduction of their own debts emphasised the flexibility of the status system characterising heterarchy. Status was neither strictly hereditary nor fixed. People could improve their status by shifting loyalties, and participating in activities provided them access to material

3.1.3. Tagalog reciprocal relations Tagalog social structure depended on a

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and non-material resources.

the living needed something – for help, to ward off evil – but they were not memorialised (Rafael 1988). Individuals related to the nuno differently depending on their wishes. ‘Nono, as part of the Tagalog lexicon of spirits, was one way of giving form to anything that threatened to confound all forms’ (Rafael 1988:114). Since the nuno was neither here nor there, the act and place of offerings situated the nunos and boundaries were socially and physically marked. Offerings represent the negotiations the living makes with the ‘untranslatable’ (Rafael 1988:115). The ‘untranslatability of spirits’ (Rafael 1988:114) was the nuno’s source of authority over the living, and the offerings of the latter were the source of their power over the nunos.

The presence and absence of grave goods in Calatagan perhaps represented indebtedness. Those containing nothing or relatively low quantity of objects owed more debts than those with large quantities. They were buried with less or nothing so that the family might be able to pay the deceased’s debts. Persons buried with large number of objects did not owe anyone; these objects were buried with them. I also propose that this reciprocity continued in and after death. The interaction between the living and the spirits was materialised in burials through the use of specific earthenware vessels placed in particular locations in reference to the body. I suggest in Chapter 7 that some mortuary objects in Calatagan were pang-alay or offerings, which symbolised the reciprocal relationship between the living and spirits.

Hence, having a nuno status allowed the deceased to continue to participate in the realm of the living as part of the general phenomenon of spirits. Through offerings, and ceremonies or festivals after death, ‘they could be petitioned for favors and protection’ (Rafael 1988), to prevent sickness, accidents, misery, and misfortune. The spiritworld had neither a hierarchy nor a single source; anyone could become a nuno. Considering that they were omnipresent, and dwelt in forests and trees, it was important to take precaution when passing unknown territories and some areas in the bayan would only be entered with permission from them. Authorisation was also sought from spirits, to avoid their fury, if one wished to hunt, collect fruits, flowers, or even cut wood (Scott 1994).

Rafael (1988) interpreted what others have referred to as mourning or festivals after death (Chirino 1604; Colin 1660; Morga 1609; Plasencia 1589) as recognition of the deceased’s transformation to a nuno11 status. The Tagalogs believed in the nuno, which stands for grandfather, dead ancestors, and spirits of nature (Chirino 1604; Rafael 1988). Plasencia (1589) observed the practice of respecting and relating to nuno through offerings, presentations, and requesting permission to do anything they think might displease them. This was still observed and recorded among the Tagalogs after 1589 (Chirino 1604; Colin 1660; Ortiz 1731), suggesting its continued practice through the centuries, and is still prevalent among them (Cannell 1999) based on personal experience and observation. The nuno has neither gender nor name; generally they are known as nuno of the mountains, rivers, and others (Rafael 1988). The nunos were remembered when

The living negotiated with the nuno generally for their well-being. They continued to interact with them by requesting guidance and good fortune through oblations. The mutual indebtedness ensured the living’s safety and that the spirits were continually appeased through offerings. Earthenware pots and porcelains offered to nunos in stones, cliffs, reefs, trees, water; headlands of shores, seas, and

11

Also nono, nuno or nunu. Rafael (1988) used nono while I prefer nuno, which I use throughout here. 49

rivers (Chirino 1604; Colin emphasised their omnipresence.

expressions and meanings marking patterns observable in the archaeological record. A group usually engaged in similar practices and beliefs pertaining to life and death cycles. The repetition of these practices witnessed or experienced through a person’s lifetime served as a form of cultural identity as he/she associated him/herself with the group.

1660)

The pang-alay thus forestalled harm in two ways. First, malevolent spirits will not harm the deceased, and second, the deceased’s spirit will not harm the living. It was important that evil spirits not defile the corpse.

I argue that the Tagalogs were aware of their actions that improved their economic and social standing. As people and objects moved in and out of different stages of transactions, individuals came to possess multiple identities and the meanings of objects became multiple as well. Both identities and objects can then be ranked in more than one way. I argue in Chapter 7 that the materials in the Calatagan burials were used in these transactions either with the living or spirits and could give an idea of the social networks in which the deceased participated in life.

People thus simultaneously entered into contractual obligations with the living and the dead. In exchange for a favour received, an individual returned the favour, depending on the exchange partner. If it was another living individual, part of the profit earned whether through agriculture or other means was offered and/or provided as manpower whenever needed; if it was a spirit, then offerings were left in public places and/or presented in specially requested rituals performed by priestesses known as catalonan. I will later show that some objects in the burials are symbols of these two types of reciprocal relationships.

A survey of burial practices of several Philippine ethnolinguistic groups (Barretto 2000, 2002) shows that specific practices could characterise particular cultural groups. It also demonstrated that cultural identities, personal qualities of age and sex, personal achievements, and prestige identities were sometimes expressed in burials. Some aspects of the burial process, including the preparation of the body for interment, did not distinguish between individuals of different statuses. The locations of some objects in the burial related to beliefs and similar to the body preparation were also linked to the deceased’s ethnic and cultural identities. Some objects accompanying the body indicated age and gender and were related to economic roles overlapping with belief systems rather than rank. However, there were some groups that used objects to denote status. The analyses of funerary items suggest a variety of reasons for their inclusion, which often do not survive in the archaeological record. There are objects

3.2. Routines and objects Critical to utang na loob were the routines that allowed people to participate in reciprocal transactions. The constant performance of these activities defined the identity of the person as he/she became associated with particular activities. The person and activity became reflexive until he/she engaged in new routine(s), subsequently adding another dimension to his/her personal identity. Similarly objects used in these transactions became symbols of these routines. As individuals engaged with others they redefined their relationship and the meanings of objects they used in these exchanges. Meanings of objects were created at the individual level contextualised in the wider background the actor inhabited, the historical conditions taking place such as social, economic, cultural, and technological aspects (Hodder 1986). Daily life was a shared experience that personal and group interactions constructed and reproduced similar material

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the basic ingredients suit different preferences (Conklin 1958). The skulls excavated in Calatagan had evidence of teeth staining. Chewing betel nut helps people endure hunger and exhaustion (Reid 1988); to offer someone betel nut is an act of friendship and acceptance and builds relationships (Rooney 1993). Often, betel nut was offered to dead ancestors and nonancestral spirits (Conklin 1958; Rooney 1993) to establish friendly relations.

that, if recovered archaeologically, would be difficult to interpret without ethnohistoric and ethnographic parallels. Various factors affected Philippine mortuary rites—from belief systems to economic and social roles, personal characteristics, and cause of death. Cultural groups had distinct funeral practices (Barretto 2000) and perhaps cultural affiliation could be identified through archaeology. I focus on the Tagalog cultural features below.

Gold-pegged teeth were achieved by drilling holes and filling them with gold (Chirino 1604; Colin 1660). Persons of influence, specially the women, applied gold to their teeth (Colin 1660). Both sexes had gold dental ornamentation, which was not an exclusive gender status but a group status (Colin 1660). They wore their hair long (Colin 1660). Both sexes were commonly adorned with gold and/or stone ornaments from head to toe—earrings, pendants, necklaces, finger rings, bracelets, and leg rings—or which were worn as accessories on clothes (Chirino 1604; Loarca 1582). Some women had two pierced holes in each ear for two kinds of earrings (Colin 1660). Distended earlobes among women hinted at the weight of the gold earrings they wore.

3.2.1. Routines and objects in the Tagalog world Though the Tagalogs shared similar practices with other ethnolinguistic groups, there was a way of living conventions they followed that created distinct cultural features. I focus on the routines that used objects similar to those found in the Calatagan burials. This presents the historical background of the activities, which probably contributed to the material patterning in Calatagan. 1. Settlements The pre-Spanish Filipinos of Luzon, whether living on the coast or inland, were immersed in the same activities such as fishing, and traveling and trading by sea or on land (Morga 1609). Their houses were high above the ground, with low thatched roofs (See Jagor 1873:20). Under the houses were enclosures where animals like cattle and chicken were kept, and where other domestic activities took place, including pounding rice. Chief’s houses had similar architectural style but were larger and built with stout wooden posts.

Similar forms of garments were worn, but the type of material suggested status. Males usually wore loincloths and chiefs owned silk or cotton loincloths. Men wore loose short jackets that barely reached the waist, and without a collar. Chiefs wore a scarlet jacket. Breeches were edged with gold and reached mid-thigh (Colin 1660). On formal occasions a cloak or a long-sleeved gown was worn. They also wore a scarf called salampay over the shoulders, sewn by their wives. Males also wore a turban-like headdress, known as potong, a thin cloth wrapped around the forehead and temples (Colin 1660). Valiant men, who had killed at least one enemy, wore a red potong, the ends of the cloth longer than the usual; an embroidered potong meant he had killed

2. Clothing and ornamentation What appeared to be red colouring on teeth were actually betel stains, betel-nut chewing being common among Southeast Asian populations (Reid 1988). The betel nut is the seed of the Areca catechu, a tropical Asian palm chewed in combination with slaked lime and tobacco leaves, usually Piper methysticum, but different mixtures of

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extended kin and debt networks engaged in as regulated by the reciprocity system of utang na loob.

seven (Colin 1660). Chiefs wore a potong with feathers. Males wore shell bracelets (Scott 1994) and armlets of gold and/or ivory and on the legs, dyed cords, and strings of agate and carnelian beads (Colin 1660).

Therefore the datu was not a political leader. Several observers (Colin 1660; Morga 1609) noted that they did not witness any rulers or kings but many chiefs dominated others. Perhaps they were referring to the absence of one central head of authority but instead met a number of datus who each had his own following. For instance, two chiefs in Manila, an uncle and his nephew, had equal authority and together were at war with another chief who lived just across the river (Colin 1660). The numerous datus suggest that several individuals of similar skills and capacities to maintain and attract a following co-existed in one social system, where social mobility was not restricted and permissive in socially accepting persons of not-so-noble background as long as these persons could maintain an ongoing reciprocity with them. The datu was neither the most powerful nor the one who made sole decisions. His main priority was his own group. From the utang na loob perspective, the datu was a position that contracted the most obligations from others while they themselves did not have any (Rafael 1988); or in case they did, it was paid at once as shown above.

Females also wore short-sleeved collarless shirts or jackets and tube skirts gathered around the waist (Foreman 1899, facing page 179; Jagor 1873:24). On top of the sleeveless shirt was a cloak, shawl, or loose smock. For the bottom, they wore two tapis over another: an ankle-length skirt with a shorter one on top usually made of cotton, silk, linen, or dyed bark. Women of status had silk-and-gold or patterned tapis; and some principal women wore crimson tapis or embroidered with gold, or a fringe (Colin 1660). 3. Routines of datus, maginoos, maharlikas, timawas, alipins The routines of these individuals were aimed at either maintaining their debt-free status like the datus or at paying off debts through materials or services. The datu was a person of personal prestige. He was more concerned with the economic capability of his barangay as this greatly affected his capacity to obtain wealth, exerting power over his followers as he obligated them to his wishes. Through the assistance of his barangay, trading and raiding became successful. And because there was emphasis on group activities, as the evidence from Calatagan shows, group affiliation was more represented than personal identities.

4. Raiding and other related activities Trading and raiding led by a datu were common pursuits among the Tagalogs (Plasencia 1589). Raiders were mostly timawas and maharlikas but the best ones were the datus. Their weaponry included balaraw, a single-edged dagger worn on the side (Best 1892), kris, spears with metal and fire-hardened tips, harpoons, and breastplates made from carabao hide (Scott 1994). They also used bow and arrow but no blowguns; sometimes they even had a Japanese katana or Chinese helmet. They had wooden shields, corded or rattan breastplates, and armour helmets of the same material (Colin 1660). Bravery, naturally, was an important trait among

His character and skill in raids and maritime enterprises were important in gaining a following. A datu with a large following translated into more influence in gaining more followers. The datu required a following to execute specific routines that made him a datu. The barangay was foremost a socio-economic unit before it became the basic political unit (Salazar 1989). It was within this social unit that

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in gold or in other forms of tribute like crops, paying others’ debts that obligated them to him, and sea piracy.

raiders, and datus were often highly skilled in warfare and most respected. This trait was crucial in gaining and maintaining a dulohan (Morga 1609). A Tagalog male whose honour was attacked was accustomed to retaliate in the open; powerful ones poisoned their enemy. Tagalog raiders who had killed earned the right to wear the red potong. Similarly, in the Visayas, the best warriors were heavily tattooed, their bravery symbolised by the location and quantity of their tattoos, thus earning the name Pintados from the Spanish (Loarca 1582; Morga 1609; Scott 1994). Heads were war trophies. In Bolinao, raiders displayed the skulls of their enemies outside their houses (Loarca 1582). In Batangas, the Spanish observed enemy heads displayed on stakes. The Tagalogs hung the heads they cut off from raids on long bars. (Scott 1994). Upon the death of a person, especially a chief, the Tagalogs waged vendetta (Artieda 1573; Chirino 1604). It was normal to perform head-taking raids and hold feasts to celebrate the end of mourning (Scott 1994).

The chiefs and timawas shared profit from raids (Loarca 1582). Being a raider involved certain duties performed for the datu with mutual benefits. Raiders’ routines were manifested through trophy skulls, trade goods, elaborate headdress and keeping weaponry on oneself. If the datu was also a raider but the best one, it followed that raiders of non-datu status shared aspects of the datu’s routines. Hence, there were similarities in the type of objects they possessed. As I will show later, the category of objects may be similar but decorations on local and foreign ceramics may be able to distinguish the probable datus and maginoos from the rest of the population. 5. Female routines Tagalog women were knowledgeable in weaving, spinning, needlework, embroidery, and even trading (Colin 1660; Jagor 1873; Morga 1609). They prepared food, pounded rice, raised hens and pigs, and did most of the domestic chores, including perhaps carrying water from streams (Best 1998) while males were fishing, sea voyaging, and trading.

The vendetta practised at someone’s death is very suggestive of an agent with a notion of transaction. Obviously it showed prowess, skill, and bravery on the part of the avenger, but the act must be understood in terms of how spirits affect the living. The status achieved after committing vengeance, I suspect, was secondary to preventing another death when it was not first reciprocated.

Marrying was important as seen in menstruation rites (Plasencia 1589). Girls were blindfolded for four days and nights while family and relatives feasted. After four days, the catalonan bathed the girl and removed the blindfold. According to the men, this ensured that the girl would bear children and that her husband would not leave her a young widow. This also could mean good health and fortune for her future husband, as he would not die young. This rite stressed the importance of children and keeping the husband safe. It was also important for women to marry because unmarried ones did not have the right to own property, and of course would not receive a dowry, and whatever they owned

Feasts were given in honour of a bayani or heroes of war, so bayanis were raiders. In these feasts they danced, wore a ‘headdress made of gold-plated carabao horn’ (Scott 1994: 231) and were forever addressed as bayanis. A bayani could amass wealth and reach datu status. The Tagalogs, who were less warlike compared with the Pintados (Loarca 1582; Morga 1609), had inclinations towards activities that could and would provide wealth. These primarily included the practice of debt bondage even within kin, together with collecting interests

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meant added value (Plasencia 1589).

to

their

parents

usually older women as it took time to be knowledgeable on medicinal plants, rituals, and prayers. She was the keeper and guardian of traditions and the transmitter of cultural knowledge. A catalonan status was either inherited through kin or learned (Chirino 1604). A practical way to pass knowledge was from mother to daughter, the latter being taught at an early age (Salazar 1989) or some by their ability to learn under the instruction of the priestess (Colin 1660). In Taytay, a part of the Tagalog region, Chirino (1604) described a group of priestesses, among whom the most powerful of them, the leader, was intelligent, very influential, and famous in the village. She belonged to a prominent family and her sons were likewise married to women from powerful families. She was doubly powerful as a priestess and affiliated with other authorities through extended kin networks.

Being a Tagalog woman was not solely based on sex but on their roles, functions, duties and activities; being a priestess was a social duty and responsibility (Salazar 1989). I focus on two female figures inhabiting the realm of rituals. The first is the catalonan, the healer, priestess, seer, guardian of folk knowledge, and performer of rites; the second are the various sorceresses whose rituals had select beneficiaries. Priestess and Sorceress Tagalog males were mostly involved in the community’s economic aspects. The rituals were duties of the catalonan of either sex (Plasencia 1589) though most were females12. The rank of a catalonan was an honourable one (Plasencia 1589) and usually held by people of rank who were most likely maginoos. They created utang na loob from all levels of people when they conducted ritual activities, benefiting not only the person requesting the offering but the whole community as well. In the Visayas, they were called babaylan and had similar roles (Colin 1660; Loarca 1582; Salazar 1989). Priestesses were described by Loarca (1582:129) to be ‘adorned with flowers on their heads and gold all over…they were 'resplendent'’, suggesting the large quantity of gold they wore. Women’s control over the ritual domain was transferred to males when Spanish introduced Christianity (Meñez 1996c; Salazar 1989).

It was through catalonans that individuals in the community interacted with spirits. Her routines included communing with spirits, and reinforcing beliefs and practices linking the living and the dead. Though each person could make individual offerings or participate/interact daily with spirits, the catalonan’s assistance was required because she could converse with spirits during trances (Loarca 1582). She performed the mag-aanito ritual. She dominated the ritual lives of the community and through these, the society became more integrated. Her role was very important, and Zúñiga still observed her presence in 1803, some 214 years after Plasencia’s first documentation in 1589.

The catalonan was the medium of culture and beliefs. She was knowledgeable about nature and medicine (Salazar 1989). She was a good observer of nature as she marked the start and end of agriculture through rituals appealing to and thanking spirits for good harvests. Catalonans were

Primarily a healer, the ritual that the catalonan/babaylan conducted was an embodied performance in which she shook and made other bodily movements. Loarca (1582) described how the babaylan performed a sacrifice. She set pitarilla beside a live hog and prepared food. According to the missionaries, her chants invoked demons, viewing it as they did

12

Males with female inclinations can become catalonans (Salazar 1989). 54

from a Christian perspective. These ‘demons’ were, I assume, nunos or anitos (spirits). She then fell into a trance and then predicted the future amidst the sound of bells and kettledrums. She then killed the hog with a spear after the trance. They set up an altar where the dressed hog, some other food, and wine were offered.

sorceresses caused death and cast spells. Females, whether priestess or sorceress, had access to power through ritual healing or sorcery, making them both respected and feared. However, I suggest that females who did not fall in any of these categories also had access to power through pottery production.

A catalonan conducted Tagalog marriage ceremonies, which were completed by sacrificing a hog (Colin 1660); she also performed sacrifices to cure sickness (Colin 1660). Feasts usually followed sacrifices. The people present during healing sacrifices were obliged to offer something to the catalonan. Priests and priestesses were generally rich due to offerings they received. There were feasts to chiefs called 'feast of the great god', and celebrated near the house of the chief (Colin 1660). Catalonans usually requested the bestdressed and adorned girl to thrust the spear in the sacrificed animal, usually a pig. The pig was then butchered and divided among all present. The participation of the girl was important to the performance of the ritual. Though her part in the ritual was determined by the catalonan’s choice, she could persuade the latter to choose her by dressing her best.

6. Beliefs and rituals Before Christianity, the Tagalogs only had one named god, Bathala (Colin 1660; Loarca 1582), who was not directly worshiped. They also ‘venerated’ the crow, crocodile, and trees (Chirino (1604: 298). They offered food to the crocodiles and refused to cut down old trees. Colin observed the same thing in 1660: they adored birds, the sun, the moon, invoked the crocodile nuno and made offerings to them and attributed divine honours to old trees. Perhaps what Chirino observed was not actually ‘veneration’ but deference to nunos who were present in nature. Offerings appeased the spirits because human presence could disturb them; and the Tagalogs did not want to antagonise the nunos because they could send misfortune. This illustrates how people interacted with spirits, and also how the spiritworld was intertwined with the world of the living; though their movements were not impeded, it was important to respect spirits.

Aside from the catalonan, there were other persons with different natures and ranges of power13 (Plasencia 1589). These

Omens from actions of animals were common too (Colin 1660). When they encountered any of these, they stopped whatever they were doing to prevent death or disaster. An unknown force that could bring tragedy dominated the Tagalogs’ lives.

13

Most of these were very common throughout the Philippines. The mangagauay caused death through charms and spells. The manyisalat was similar to a mangagauay. They provided potions to apply to lovers to leave their wives. The mancocolam was believed to wallow in filth enabling her to emit fire (Plasencia 1589) and can caused death. The hocloban in Catanduanes had power greater than the mangagauay. They do not use medicine but through mere gesture could kill a person and destroy property. They could heal the people they made ill. The silagan, in Catanduanes, ate the liver of anyone in white thus killing him/her. Also in Catanduanes, the magtatanggal can leave the lower part of her body and fly at night then returned to her body in the morning (Plasencia 1589). The mangagayuma made charms for lovers. The sonat assisted in the death of

Most places, then, appeared to be sacred, marked by offerings and constant permissions from spirits who inhabited the a person, and predicts what happens to his soul. Only people of rank were sonat. The pangatahojan predicts the future. 55

world of the living. Though they had no temples, they had the catalonan who facilitated individual sacrifices and offerings. People believed in anitos, usually ancestors renowned in battles (Chirino 1604). Anito was an act of worship, an offering to the deceased, invoking the supernatural (Colin 1660) during times of sickness, war, and planting, and appeared to be widely practised throughout the islands (Loarca 1582; Plasencia 1589; Scott 1994). They made images of anitos out of wood, stone, ivory, stone, gold called likha or larawan (Colin 1660; Loarca 1582; Morga 1609).

Death rituals Tagalog funerals were generally household activities. They were neither formal nor large gatherings of people but usually followed by festivities (Morga 1609). When a person died, family and friends began lamenting, including those who had this as a trade; they sang his/her praises. They washed the body and anointed it with storax or benzoin and other perfumes from the forest; sap from buyo, a betel plant, was also applied and placed in the mouth to avoid corruption (Colin 1660). The body was then wrapped in cloth. The poor were buried in the ground under their houses or in settlements (Chirino 1604). This indicates that the Tagalogs’ living world and that of the spirits’ were linked physically and metaphorically. The same space was occupied and the boundaries between the living and the dead became ambiguous. The dead continually affected the living and the living regularly made offerings.

In Taytay, Chirino (1604) observed that houses tended to have a separate and smaller structure dedicated to the anitos. Individuals made their own offerings in their houses or in private places, usually for good fortune and good health, with the assistance of a priest or priestesses, simultaneously placing offerings on dominant geographical landmarks. The catalonan would place offerings and burning aromatics before the idols (Colin 1660; Plasencia 1589). Hence, worship was neither organised nor controlled; there were no places of public and common worship where people or large numbers assembled (Colin 1660; Loarca 1582; Morga 1609), but worship was either a personal/individual or family affair (Jose 1991). Though there was a rigid structure that existed between Bathala and the anitos, the manner and place of worship were both private and public.

The rich were placed in wooden coffins and adorned with jewels, including small gold sheets over the eyes and mouth (Chirino 1604; Colin 1660; Morga 1609). One burial in the present sample had a sheet of gold placed over one eye. The coffin was put in a place according to the wishes of the deceased; in any case it was raised from the ground or left uncovered on the ground. Set near the grave was a box filled with best clothes of the deceased, and dishes with food (Chirino 1604; Colin 1660). If the deceased was a man, various weapons were buried with the body; if a woman, a loom and/or any other equipment related to her trade. A raider was placed in a dug-out coffin (Colin 1660; Morga 1609). Plasencia (1589) reported that the rite surrounding a datu’s death included placing the chief on a boat14 that served as a coffin, and animals were placed in the boat that acted as rowers.

Plasencia (1589) described a gathering and feast among the Tagalogs at which an idol was anointed with fragrances and solemnised by a catalonan. The idol was applied with balms and fragrances as would be applied to a dead person (Barretto 2000), suggesting the transformation of the dead to a nuno. Earthenware vessels were common ritual paraphernalia and part of offerings. I suggest that most of the pots in Calatagan were offerings to spirits.

14

This may have actually been a coffin rather than a boat. Early Philippine coffins were dugout, made in the same way as boats.

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identities were represented by what objects and why.

A warrior was buried with a slave underneath the body. Dead were buried in houses, even in the case of the poor (Chirino 1604; Morga 1609), so there was no distinction in terms of burial location.

3.3. Philippine pottery Pottery formed integral aspects of Tagalogs’ relationships. Ethnohistory and ethnography emphasised grave goods, including pots, as gifts to ancestors (Cole 1922; Worcester 1906). These institutionalised burial concepts created patterns in the archaeological record (Barretto 2003b), so recognising them becomes easy. Besides this religious function, mortuary objects are also indicators of the many facets of the deceased. Prior to burial, pots were part of the systemic context, and by exploring their social lives we can understand better how people imbued these objects with meanings and significance. I start with pottery production and end with their deposition.

Funeral feasts continued even after the burial and lasted for days, depending on the deceased’s status (Chirino 1604). More feasts and sacrifices were offered to those killed in wars. A violent death was always avenged and its end celebrated with feasts (Chirino 1604; Colin 1660). Food was brought to the burial and left for the dead (Chirino 1604). 7. Inheritance Colin (1660) described the process of inheritance among the Tagalogs. Legitimate children inherited equally from their parents. In the absence of an offspring, the nearest relative received the inheritance. In case of illegitimate children between a master and a free woman, they received part of the inheritance but not more than the legitimate ones; but if there were no legitimate children then the former received all. Only legitimate children acquired the status and office of their father. Males usually inherited, but if there were no sons then females obtained the position followed by the nearest relative. Inheritance was through verbal transactions, and another way to access goods regardless of status.

1. Production Philippine pottery has been produced through coiling and paddle-and-anvil. Utilitarian pots were mostly produced like cooking pots and water jars have globular forms (Maher 1981). Besides the direct evidence of craft specialisation, for example, workshop facilities, kilns, and tools, the product itself can also be source of information on the type of production (Benco 1988; Costin and Hagstrum 1995). By examining the pot, standardisation of pottery manufacture can be examined in several ways: investigating the chemical composition of pots and clays, measuring morphological attributes (Longacre et al. 1988), recording design elements or glaze and paint compositions, and assessing paste colour (Benco 1988; Hagstrum 1985).

Understanding Tagalog routines and transactions should be helpful in analysing the identities in the Calatagan burials. Based on ethnohistory, certain objects are associated with identities I am trying to find in Calatagan. Most people had access to different categories of objects, like gold; some were shared by many, regardless of status, like earthenware vessels strongly associated with rituals. The latter I see as expressions of a shared cultural identity. I propose that Tagalog routines were symbolised by earthenware pots and other funeral goods, and demonstrate later what

Philippine ethnohistory indicates that women were mostly involved in the whole process of pottery production, from gathering the clay to peddling the finished product (Best 1998; Conklin 1953; Scott 1994). In other groups, men’s roles included collecting and carrying the clay, forming the pot, and marketing it (Conklin

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and aromatic substances were offered before wooden idols (Chirino 1604). The parallel functions of earthenware pots as offerings to spirits in the daily life of the people in Calatagan and pots in burials convey that some pots were indeed ritual pots15.

1953; Solheim 1952; Solheim and Shuler 1959). Full- and part-time potters were found in different areas (Conklin 1953; Scheans 1960; Solheim 1952, 1954, 1959, 1965; Longacre 1981). Scheans (1960, 1966) recorded in an ethnographic survey several potting groups, classified them according to the sequence of manufacture, and related them to Solheim’s (1968) IronAge pottery traditions. Scheans also noted that manufacturing a small rice pot could take approximately six hours. In the archaeological record, pottery production was explained as a form of economic control by a centre to be used for inland trade (Junker 1999a). Women in Calatagan practising household production may have manufactured the pots found in the graves. It appears that the pots were made on a need basis.

Outside every house near the door are earthenware vessels filled with water for people to wash their feet before entering (Chirino 1604). Tagalog milkwomen carried earthenware pots on their heads (Foreman 1899). The Subanun women boiled rice in earthenware or iron pots (Finley 1913). The Tinguian applied incised designs on small houses made from clay called lab-labon or adug, placed among the rice jars, believed to be residences of spirits who multiply the rice (Cole 1922). The adug were sometimes replaced with incised jars decorated with vines. Sado were shallow clay dishes out of which the spirits were fed (Cole 1922). Igorot women of Lepanto peddle earthenware pots (Barton 1969).

2. Value Demand for pottery is determined by its function (Arnold 1985). These functions include placing pots in burials or ritual breaking that permanently removed pots from circulation. “The elimination of pottery from circulation ensured its scarcity and created and sustained a high value placed on it” (Arnold 1985: 162). Spielmann (2002) suggests that ritual could have played an important role in ceramic specialisation. Pottery making could also have been a prestigious activity because artisans manufactured ritual crafts; hence they acquired and maintained their status (Spielmann 1998). Earthenware vessels also achieved an economic prestige because of elaborate decorations (Reents-Budet 1998) and the labour cost of their production.

3. Pots from excavations Many Philippine burial sites contained earthenware vessels, which probably functioned as ritual pots. They were found in open-pit burials (Dizon 1995-1997; Hutterer 1973; Junker 1993b; Legaspi 1964, 1974; Salcedo 1980; Tenazas 1968); in slablined graves (Tidalgo Jr 1979), associated with wooden coffins (Evangelista 1961; Santiago 1982), and in limestone burial urns (Kurjack et al. 1971). Jarlets have been found inside burial jars (Dizon and Santiago 1996; Ronquillo et al. 1992; Solheim 1951, 1954; Spoehr 1973; Thiel 1980, 19861987). A fascinating find were the numerous earthenware pots and sherds surrounding three burial jars in Magsuhot that dated to the Late Iron Age (Tenazas 1974).

Tagalog relations with spirits were manifested in offerings of local pots in various places around the bayan. Pottery was often consecrated by catalonans. Earthenware jarlets containing wine were consecrated and touched only during the feast day of the gods. In Mindanao, earthenware vessels containing hot coals

15

Crawford (2004) interprets goods found in British votive deposits to be similar found in the last phase of Anglo-Saxon burials. She considered these grave goods also suggestive of ritual assemblage. 58

Philippine complex 1999a:67).

3.4. Range of heterarchy features in Philippine societies Spanish explorers observed numerous chiefs in the islands, indicating diverse areas of social power based on different skills and achieved statuses (see Dalton 1977). A position of power in a society where status is achieved rather than ascribed or hereditary is open to disputes and rivalry among group members. Superior ability wins the position. Some Philippine groups described below express heterarchical features.

societies’

(Junker

Junker’s research appears to be agentfocused, with male chiefs taking part in aggrandising activities. However, she concentrated on the male elites who wanted to control the economy. My approach to Calatagan is broader in scope; I include other domains and realms of actions that provide people with opportunities for public identities, and social legitimisation, regardless of status. Utilising ‘chiefdom’ as a label for comparative purposes, Junker emphasised that Philippine polities, like other Southeast Asian complex societies, were distinct. She warned researchers to be cautious in applying the ‘evolutionary processes and trajectories from one Philippine polity to another’ (Junker 1999a: 386) because foreign trade has varying effects on different polities.

Junker (1999a) focused on hierarchical relationships between people, artefacts, and sites in investigating the Tanjay chiefdom that expanded from the 12th-16th centuries. She concentrated on chiefs and examined their interactions in the context of alliancebuilding strategies critical to the polity’s transformations. She also recognised the existence of decentralised polities in preEuropean Southeast Asian societies. Their presence was attributed to factors of shifting alliances, control over labour favoured over territory, extreme ecological diversity, the nature of an island environment, and the lack of unilineal descent principles.

John Peterson, who reexamined Visayan ethnohistoric and ethnographic accounts and previous archaeological works there, states that in the 16th-17th centuries Visayan ‘historical and archaeological representations’ (J.A. Peterson 2003:47) reveal that the ‘ethnohistorical literature does not clearly support a “chiefly” model for the Visayas’ (J.A. Peterson 2003:80). Any evidence of chiefdoms present in the Visayas was ‘long after the penetration of foreign cultural and colonial influence’ (J.A. Peterson 2003:80). He proposes that an alternative model does not totally reject the chiefdom model of early works, but emphasises the need to contextualise power relations from a heterarchical perspective that considers horizontal networks.

Social systems in the Philippines worked on alliance and loyalty, both diagnostic aspects of reciprocity. Alliance networks are not easily inherited due to the bilateral descent systems, and the achievement nature of social advancement. According to Junker, a range of chiefly polities was present during this period wherein central authority fell into the hands of several chiefs who had significant roles in the domains of politics, religion, warfare, craft production, and trade. She acknowledged the lack of hierarchical complexity, and specialised institutions relating to judicial and economic systems. Though she followed a ‘broadly comparative perspective allowed by cultural evolutionary approaches’, she also ‘emphasise[d] the cultural and historical uniqueness of prehispanic

Peterson indicates that the ethnographic analogies Junker used were concentrated on Mindanao, where Islam had influenced local Philippine groups for decades. He proposes to look instead at Mindoro and Cordillera, areas not influenced by Islam. I agree with Peterson since the impact of Muslim expansion and Spanish conquest was not as

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1. Power and centre At the time of Spanish arrival, Visayans, despite their extensive trading activities, were described as lacking central organisation and sophisticated hierarchy (J.A. Peterson 2003). This created confusion among the Spanish as they sought individuals whom they thought corresponded to ‘chiefs’ and ‘rulers’. Legazpi (1565) reported the natives as having neither laws nor rulers and doing whatever they pleased. Loarca (1582) noted villages with many chiefs based on their relations. The locals were mobile in terms of settlements; they disappeared into the hinterlands at any sign of conflict. Due to swidden farming, it was most likely that available land determined settlements, preventing the creation of centres. Thus, J. A. Peterson (2003) encourages the use of heterarchy as an alternate model.

dominant in these areas (Scott 1982a, 1982d) as in some lowlands and southern islands in the Philippines. Fox (1982 in J.A. Peterson 2003) indicated that the Tagbanuwa political structure was greatly influenced by their trading with the Moros. Though titles of authority were borrowed, Tagbanuwa power was dispersed. Guthe (1927 in J.A. Peterson 2003) concluded that Visayan culture was similar to those in Central Luzon and mountainous areas of Mindanao even if the former do not engage in foreign trade. I review ethnographic works in these areas below to illustrate the applicability of heterarchy as a better model to interpret interactions and power relations in Philippine societies. Junker (1999a:142-143) acknowledged that social ranking in the Philippines involved both ‘inherited and achieved elements, and a significant degree of social mobility between ranks was common. Social rank was never inflexible, but constantly renegotiated and redefined’. She added that the flexibility of the social structure and instability of leadership co-existed in the system. Despite the presence of an ascribed system, personal achievement and charisma were very important qualities to possess for people to attain a certain position in society. In brief, some Philippine groups including the Tagalogs had both inherited and achieved statuses, and social mobility was very common in either directions. This particular feature is a good indicator of heterarchy. However, as mentioned above, Junker’s work emphasised the hierarchical aspects of the data. Later, I provide contexts in Calatagan where heterarchical relationships are evident in the use of objects.

An alternative model need not preclude the chiefly organization that Junker proposes. It can seek a way to contextualize the emergence of chiefdoms as an historical contingency of foreign penetration into a previously richer, more resilient and more sustainable lifeway. Such a model need not deny the emergence of leadership within horizontal networks of kin and community, but seeks to understand the flow of power as heterarchical rather than hierarchical and based on spiritism and community linkage rather that rank and stratification (J.A. Peterson 2003:51). Heterarchy allows the analysis of power in the context of ‘flexible forms of organization’ (J.A. Peterson 2003:58). Pennoyer (1981 in J.A. Peterson 2003) relates the horizontal power relations among the Taubuid in Mindoro. Though the individual household is the centre of social, economic, and ritual activities, the male heads of each family, together with the

I present some aspects of social organisation in various Philippine ethnolinguistic groups in addition to the Tagalogs discussed above, including archaeological research to demonstrate elements of heterarchy.

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1988:88). This stressed mobility and deemphasised territorial boundaries. The reduccion, a strategy of Spanish colonisers to reorganise the locals into a centralised settlements for control, indicates the dispersed and mobile nature of indigenous villages and population (Rafael 1988). Further, the cabecera was constructed in the way that political and religious power emanated from this centre in the form of the bureaucracy and the church. Regional heterarchy (Crumley 1979) may be the more appropriate model. The centre in some Philippine groups was mobile (Salazar 1997). Its boundaries fluctuated through time and space depending on interactions with other groups (Barretto 1999). Whole communities sometimes moved on account of armed or environmental conflict or to avoid conflict, and the new settlement later transformed to a centre. The concept of the centre is not just a physical space: it existed in the consciousness of the people.

hereditary leader who makes the final decisions, led the village. They restrict the use of lands and sometimes are also ritual experts. Village members are mostly relatives or outsiders residing in the village who have pledged loyalty. Each household is capable of healing, but when experts are required they request the magurang, the hereditary leader, or the balianan, the shaman. The Tagbanuwa used Asian ceramics and iron weapons in native ceremonies, indicating that foreign goods were neither related to wealth nor status but to a ritual belief. Pennoyer's study illustrates the horizontal, interpersonal and expedient character of power in a mountain community as well as the interaction of hamlets in the landscape. Power is linked to the spirit world and the lineage but is also contingent on changing persons and alliances within a loose framework of bilateral descent and ever-changing relations and movement in the landscape. Power is fluid and subtle and power relations are constantly forming and reforming (J.A. Peterson 2003:68).

Some Cordilleran groups have no clear territorial boundaries in reference to their political area (Prill-Brett 1995). A large factor is their mode of subsistence: Isnegs and Tinguians were shifting cultivators while Ifugaos practised wet-rice terracing and lived in scattered hamlets. Conklin’s (1980) investigation of land use among the Ifugaos displays the diverse classifications of households within the same hamlet. Each hamlet is situated near agricultural land and could be divided according to their political, economic, and ritual affiliations. In addition, households may be grouped on the basis of their kin groups and genealogical relations. These simultaneous categories of people and settlement units in various ways describe heterarchical relations among the Ifugaos. The concept of physical space needs to be studied further.

This account illustrates that power emanating from varied individuals competent in different skills, including personal, relational and shamanic, is sometimes based on kin, social, and trade networks. This apparent ‘looseness of social organisation’ (J.A. Peterson 2003:69) is actually a form of complexity (Crumley 1987), as a multilevel web of interactions takes place, compared to a hierarchical society in which power flows unidirectionally. If interpersonal relations are established, people are not bounded by ethnic, hierarchical, or physical space.

2. Power, personal charisma, and leadership In the realm of leadership and political institutions, heterarchy is also observed in some Cordilleran groups of the mountainous region in northern Philippines.

Political centres may be impermanent in some Philippine societies. ‘Economy was based on the sea and not oriented toward a centralized realm in the interior’ (Rafael

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impermanent, and fluid. Alliances are made depending on the enemy village and end after the raid.

Each Ibaloy settlement has a tongtong comprising elderly men, wealthy and wise, in the village, and membership in this institution accumulates prestige (Prill-Brett 1995). Members of the tongtong come from the baknang, the wealthy class. Their power and status come from owning ricefields and cattle. The tongtong prevents a baknang from having absolute power. Also among the Kankanaey, the decision makers are old men who participate at a certain age. The Tinguian also have old men as council members.

Council membership in some Cordilleran groups is dependent on age, skill, and wisdom gained through experience rather than a fixed position. Most council members’ sensibilities are trusted by the community, not to rule over them, but to guide and assist them in creating peace and understanding in the society. Leadership in Kalinga, specifically in the north, is determined by a raider status that brings economic and social prestige. This is also true among the Isnegs; the bravest headhunter tends to be the leader. Personal qualities were very much valued among the Kalingas. A man with a good hunting record can achieve a level of influence. Combined with economic resourcefulness and the ‘ability of interpreting the custom law properly and enforcing it when needed, a man may become a leader of a region’ (Dozier 1966: 117). Regional leaders were not political leaders, but were men of high prestige who were consulted to intermediate between conflicting kindreds. Their status as arbiters was not transferred to their children because this position was based on skills, not inherited. Women were also arbiters or peace-pact holders (Dozier 1966), showing that women were also visible in public spheres. Regional leaders were not sex-exclusive.

The Bontoc council is composed of old men based on their age and experience (PrillBrett 1995). A member must be a male of age, have had sufficient experience in community activities, be articulate, wise, and perform well in raids. Though wealth is important, it is not sufficient without the other qualifications. The council acts as a group to decide judicial, legislative, and executive matters. A member cannot act alone and has no power. A pinakarsu mediates between villages during armed conflict and gains prestige (Prill-Brett 1995:6). After the conflict has been settled, the pinakarsu’s duty is done, and peace negotiations are handled by the ators. The Bontoc ator is a ward system, and a village may have several. A family may have associations with different wards within the community. Each ator functions as a ‘socio-economic, political and ritual’ unit (Prill-Brett 1995:5). It also looks at its funds and properties that may be of use for its members. Membership is not kin-based, but generally sons are expected to join their fathers’ wards after their marriages. Yet a person can transfer from one ward to another as long as he/she is accepted in his/her chosen ward. Relocating to a new ward involves ‘ceremonial obligations’ (Prill-Brett 1995:6). Resident elders decide ward disputes and in turn represent their village when conflicts are between villages. Ator membership and associations are flexible. Even alliances are shifting,

Healers in Cebu had varying numbers of clients based on their spiritual connections (Liebman 1977). This form of power echoes McIntosh’s (1999a) notion that power is not only found in the political realm but also that other sectors of society could exhibit power, including those in the ritual domain. 3. Power and warfare One feature of chiefdoms is the conscription of males in war and in defense of territory. Organised warfare does not seem to be

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commoner could improve his status by joining raids. Datus affirmed the raiders’ new status with gold-pegged teeth, gold ornamentation and decorated metal weaponry. Striking visual representations of an individual’s participation in raids were tattoos among the Visayans (Scott 1994). Back and facial tattoos were seen on the boldest raiders. Since a person’s success in raids was duly rewarded, individuals understood this social rule and perhaps manipulated it to their advantage.

evident in the chiefdoms of the Philippines. The primary objective in chiefly warfare is expansion, an uncommon practice in Southeast Asia. Raiding was a seasonal activity (Barretto 2002; Scott 1982c). Unlike classic warfare wherein the conquest of territories is the aim, wars in the Philippines were aimed at taking slaves for ritual purposes (Cole 1911), or ‘to initiate or enforce alliances for trading networks, and to take booty to cover costs in any case. They were fought not by standing armies or navies loyal to some superordinate political authority, but by citizen warriors owing personal allegiance to leaders who were physically present’ (Scott 1994:153). Most important, the common cause for armed conflicts was vendetta (Prill-Brett 1987; Scott 1994), an action any grieving man was entitled to. Accordingly, head taking in the Philippines was a ritual act of bereavement, as opposed to the profit orientation in traditional warfares.

In Bolinao, burials with metal implements had more gold-pegged teeth than those without metal implements (Barretto 2002; Legaspi 1966, 1974). Though there were similarities among the grave goods described as accompanying ‘warrior’ burials in Bolinao and in other sites like Calatagan, I suggest that these burials were not only of warriors or ‘male subordinates of chiefs…solidified into more permanent fighting units’ as Junker (1999b:48) suggested. I see these men as opportunists seeking financial and social success. Raiding was a way of life and a mode of subsistence to increase economic income. When the occasion arose to join raids, men did so and since raids were oftentimes seasonal in nature due to winds and often made after harvesting, perhaps they had other roles. The flexibility of the status system through the recognition of personal achievement (White 1995) can be seen as one way to further one’s status, suggesting that the ‘raider’ identity is just one of the identities a male in pre-Spanish Philippines could attain. As warfare and trading were not mutually exclusive activities (Junker 1999a; Scott 1994), a person, consequently, might have had a range of tasks and identities.

Though warfare was common in 15thcentury Philippines as linguistic evidence showed (Scott 1994), raids were an economic mode and personal acts rather than military or civil actions (Scott 1982d). Therefore, there was no spatial centre to defend, in case of raids. Reports have shown the native inhabitants of the Philippines willingly abandoning homes and retreating to refuges for defense either in the hills or in tree houses (Barretto 1999; Salazar 1997; Scott 1994). Weapon production was not monopolised, so power was exerted through client-patron relationships (Scott 1982a). In Tanjay, Junker (1999b) interpreted a male burial as a ‘warrior burial’. He had filed and stained teeth; and was buried with a boar’s tooth, iron and bronze blades, a blue-and-white plate on the pelvis, an Annamese jarlet, and five other trade ceramics; and skulls. Persons involved in many raids customarily enjoyed high status (Junker 1999a; Keesing 1962). Raids were not exclusive activities of an elite class; a

4. Power and social complexity Early research in social complexity was concerned with hierarchical structures between and among social units. It also examined differential access to luxury goods between elites and commoners based

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pottery production probably manufactured at a household level. In conjunction with evidence from settlement and burials, Mijares concluded that Ivatan society before the 15th century exhibited a flexible hierarchy, a heterarchy. He proposed that leadership was probably kin-based or a lowlevel chiefdom in which chiefs or headmen would influence surplus production for exchange. Mijares focused on the elites influencing others to intensify production and did not consider how potters figured in the society.

on variation in burials, mortuary goods, architecture, settlements, material density, and subsistence among others. The key in these studies was specialisation of activities. Different areas were settings of manufacturing goods, cultivating or obtaining them. Increased specialisation in one unit affects other constituents, likewise increasing their specialisation too. This is one of the critiques of heterarchy. The absence of such specialisation does not preclude complexity. Heterarchy explains other forms of complexity traditionally not considered.

As I will demonstrate later, there might have been no centre in the traditional sense in Calatagan—status was mostly based on skills and warfare was not common. The multifaceted aspects of individuals and objects, initially appearing to be simple and uncomplicated, create complexity. As in the case of the Tagalogs, its ethnohistory reveals multiple hierarchies. The hierarchical relationships among datus, maharlikas, timawas and alipins were infused with layers of hierarchies. Among raiders, the bravest one was the datu. And among datus, the wealthiest one was considered the most influential. Similarly, among catalonans, the most powerful one was the leader. Even among alipins, there was a hierarchy between the sagigilid and the namamahay. All of them worked towards contracting and easing their utang na loob.

Gibson (1990) viewed prehistoric Southeast Asian societies as made up of semiautonomous units practising a variety of subsistence strategies in constant interaction with each other. These societies were never self-contained units; they were linked through commodity exchange, and a demand for goods and labour. Due to the mobility of labour and wealth, he argued that the political situation was highly fluid. Boundaries were fluid in Southeast Asia and natural barriers created a loosely integrated region where populations had a certain degree of autonomy; they were neither isolated nor attached to single integrated system (Gibson 1990). Though extensive trade and regular exchange linked these cultural groups (Gibson 1990) and transcended ethnic and territorial boundaries (Peterson and Peterson 1977), relations were not fixed. They maintained their cultural and ethnic identity ‘despite the shifting of economic modes and even sometimes of ethnic identities due to sustained economic interaction between groups’ (Junker 2002:164).

3.5. Summary This chapter has shown three things that could be valuable to this research. First, among the early Tagalogs, routines and degrees of indebtedness influenced their identitities and statuses. The utang na loob concept may help interpret the creation, negotiation, and representation of identities in the Calatagan burials. Indebtedness was repaid through service or material goods and created a system of reciprocity among the living, and even between the living and spirits. Using utang na loob as a perspective, the Tagalog structure was a

In the Philippines, Mijares (2003) assessed the level of social complexity of preSpanish Ivatans using heterarchy by examining settlement patterns, mortuary practices, and craft specialisation. The result of the study showed prehispanic Ivatan society practising a nonspecialist

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exchange of objects or providing manpower. The routines created social relations, and emphasised mutual benefits as each individual tried to initiate the cycle of utang na loob among themselves. The activities, namely raiding, ritual, and other daily activities were shared routines and involved the physical sharing of the body to perform these. Perhaps this is why group representation is more common than personal identification in Calatagan as I discuss earthenwares vessels and other burial goods and the social identities they represent.

mobile system in which statuses and identities shifted, changed, and were multiple. The degree of indebtedness and the effort to initiate, maintain, increase and/or lessen one’s utang na loob determined identities that reflected their statuses. This system allowed an individual based on personal skill, knowledge, and character to improve on his/her economic capacity and social prestige. To neglect a reciprocal obligation increased indebtedness and decreased status. Conflict between social groups was prevented through reciprocity and a flexible social organisation where individuals could achieve higher economic statuses by participating in activities enabling them access to social rewards. Non-maginoos worked within the given structure by joining raids and engaging in long distance trade. The datu rewarded their support by sharing the profit.

Second, I have shown how objects circulated and were used among the Tagalogs. Interactions were represented through the exchange of objects, which could be associated with particular identities such as women, priestesses, leaders, or members of the entourage. A person simultaneously participating in different contractual relationships could be ranked in different ways as both non-debtors and/or indebted. People were not forced to join raids but were willing to participate and follow a leader they chose. Power lay within the individual but simultaneously with the datu as well. The datu had to be able to attract followers through his character rather than through force.

Routines were tasks, duties, and responsibilities expected of persons as they entered into exchange networks. It was not just the actual activity itself, but everything related to it, including the steps taken preparing for it and even post-activity procedures. The learning process of the routine anticipated the identity or social role an individual eventually possessed. The experience of an activity and the skills obtained through consistent practice firmly established the public and social identities of a person. As datus assembled people for raids or sea journeys, led them and shared goods; as maharlikas and/or maginoos and timawas lent their skills as rowers or raiders, or as they trained to be one; as alipins laboured under the command of a datu, and as catalonans performed her rituals—all of them repeated a patterned set of actions that made them who they were and as they wished to be known in the community. These routines linked individuals to others, objects, places, and spirits. As these individuals performed their routines, they entered into exchange relations regulated by utang na loob. This reciprocity most often involved the

Third and last, I have shown that the Tagalog and other Philippine groups’ social systems had features that can be described using a heterarchy model and agency perspective: power was non-centralised, the social system was unrestricted, and both horizontal and vertical social relations existed.

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CHAPTER 4 Calatagan and its Pottery propose that lower labour investment in pots relates to a wider identity generally shared by the whole community, and as labour investment increased, this could have represented an identity possessed by individuals with certain skills and acumen. Low-labour pots may have been used as a form of social integration, and high-labour pots for social differentiation (Beaudry 1988). High-labour pots should exhibit a high degree of ‘non-essential’ (Rye in Braun 1991) stylistic attributes. Nonessential is defined as characteristics that are not necessary for a pot to perform its function. These features ‘demand extra time and effort by the artisan for their creation’ (Braun 1991:363). I shall start with describing the various forms of Calatagan pots.

To investigate how earthenware vessels could have represented identities and statuses in Calatagan, the pots must be classified according to their styles and fabrics (clay mixture). Specific styles might have been associated with specific ages or sexes. Elaborately decorated pots could have been produced and used differently from undecorated vessels. I am interested in the role of pots as a medium of identity from the perspectives of both producer and user. Philippine earthenware vessels were stylistically more elaborate before the appearance of Southeast Asian ceramics. Fox (1979) perceived that increased access to trade ceramics yielded mass-produced earthenware vessels devoid of style and were limited to domestic use. This happened in Tanjay where earthenware vessels were mass-produced in the centre (Junker 1993c). This chapter will investigate the nature of pottery production in Calatagan (i.e., inclusions mixed with the clay, preparation of the clay, forming, firing) whether it was household-based or mass-produced. This is examined by measuring their variation using statistical analyses.

4.1. The pots Main and Fox (1982; Fox 1959) classified 987 earthenwares pots recovered from the 1958 fieldwork and excavations from 19601961 (Fox 1959, 1961; Legaspi 1961; Pilapil 1961). They identified three pottery complexes based on surface finish and decoration, interpreted as products of three different pottery-making conventions. Each complex was subdivided based on form, and the presence of footrings and flanges. Ranges in height, diameter, and thickness measurements were presented for each pottery type. Results of petrographic analyses of eight specimens suggested local production. They also described the method of manufacture and made general comments on type distributions.

I will also examine the labour investment in earthenware vessels by quantifying their stylistic attributes using a production index. Some stylistic similarities in Philippine pottery have been discussed as a form of shared elite symbolism among polities in the 10th-16th centuries (Bacus 2003), and as evidence of population contacts and movements (Solheim 1964, 1968). For Junker (1999a: 273), ‘fancy earthenwares’ produced in the Tanjay centre were for local elites in secondary settlements during the 12th-16th centuries. I will argue that pottery decorations (or the lack of) were attached to the negotiation of identity and status of potters and consumers in Calatagan. I am interested in finding out if different sites in Calatagan used distinct styles. I will

I analysed 290 (29.38 percent) earthenware pots of the total collection. The pots come from 11 contemporaneous sites in Calatagan (Figure 2.1). The pots are generally in good condition and most are whole, while others are either completely or partially restored with some sections missing, which anyhow still enabled me to measure significant 66

and hence are more stable (Figure 4.2). They are also slipped and burnished. Like cooking pots, utilitarian2 pots are undecorated with some exceptions: one pot has fine incision marks around the body at the bottom of its mouth rim; another has five incision marks on the rim. One variant of this type has a flat base without depression.

metrical attributes. The pots were properly labelled in the following order: the name of the site, field number, grave number, and the inventory code. For instance, the pot labelled ‘T-122 Gr. 44 60-E-107’ indicates that it comes from Talisay with field number 122, belongs to grave 44, and the inventory code is 60-E-107. In case of lacking sequences, the pot’s provenance is easily traced by cross-referencing present numbers with the records. Some 74 pots come from plough zones or were purchased.

3. Kinalabasa (n-73) Kinalabasa is a local term that means squash-like, as in the vegetable (Fox 1959). They are mostly ellipsoid and have flat, semi-rounded, disk-based or flat-anddepressed forms, with the latter being common (Figure 4.3). They are usually slipped and burnished. What make the kinalabasa distinct are grooves around the body. These typically start near the mouth rim and end just below the lower section of the upper body. Some grooves give the pot a carinated form. The number of grooves ranges from six to 3416; their depths and spacing vary as well. The heights of these pots range from 7.8 to 15 centimetres. The kinalabasa with flat-and-depressed bases are similar in form to utilitarian2 pots without the grooves. Results of the burial analyses in succeeding chapters show these two types have similar functions.

Majority of the pots have restricted apertures and very few have unrestricted ones. The rims are all everted with varying forms. Decorations, mostly incised, appear only on the upper part of the body. The pots’ common colours are shades of red based on the Munsell Colour Chart: reddish brown (2.5YR 4/4), red (2.5YR 4/6), red (2.5YR 5/6), and red (2.5YR 5/8). I reclassified the pots in seven types according to their most salient characteristics. Miscellaneous pots are those that do not fall in major categories. 1. Cooking pots or Utilitarian1 pots Cooking pots (n-135) comprised the majority of the sample (Figure 4.1). They are slipped and burnished with heights ranging from 6.7-16.4 centimetres. Their body shapes are primarily rounded, with some having an ovaloid or ellipsoid shape; their bases are rounded. They are generally asymmetrical and unstable, tending to tilt to one side when upright. Those with evidence of usewear have soot stains at the bottom and on the underlip. Though these cooking pots are generally undecorated, one pot has short and shallow incision lines around the upper part of its upper body. Other pots initially look like cooking pots but their base form is different. I refer to these as ‘utilitarian2 pots’.

4. Kendi (n-20) Kendi are one-spouted17 pots varying from 9.5 to 18.6 centimetres in height. Their body forms include ellipsoid, ovaloid, rounded, and carinated forms. Similarly, their bases have different forms: flat, flatand-depressed, or a disk-based footring. Both spouts and footrings are modelled and applied. These pots are slipped and burnished.

16

Some pots have missing body sections; some may have grooves lower than six. 17 A local modification of the kendi traded from Mainland Southeast Asia that in turn was copied from the Indian kundika (Desroches et al. 1996; Guy 1989).

2. Utilitarian2 pots (n-39) These pots resemble the body shape of a cooking pot, though they are mostly ellipsoid and have flat-and-depressed bases

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I observed that spouts on seven kendi have no holes or sometimes only the end attached to the body has holes18. Based on the samples, this type has three variants (Figure 4.4). Some have a tall flaring neck with a spout filled with clay that resembles a woman’s breast. The most common have rims similar to cooking pots. Some have a flange around the body between the rim and the spout. One has an upturned spout without a hole, and a double rim.

sides of the body, below the decoration. Out of the five samples, four have holes in their spouts. One spout on T-322 Gr. 119 61-L-58 has a hole at the tip of the spout but the rest is filled; the part of the body where the spout is attached has a hole but not the spout itself. Both spouts and lugs are modelled and attached to the body. A spout on T-321 Gr. 119 61-L-66 has pressmarks around its base and the hole of spout is concentric. The pots have a grooved flange or band in the middle of the body formed separately and then attached.

5. Decorated pots This category is composed of restricted pots with surface enhancements (Shepard 1956, Rice 1987, Orton et al. 1993). The 15 decorated pots in the sample have incised lines, impressed grooves, punctuation depressions, modelled and applied lugs/handles, and spouts found on the upper part of the body (Figure 4.5). Most of the pots are slipped and burnished. They range from 9.6 to 8.9 centimetres in height. They are divided into two based on designs; each type has several variations.

Decorated3 (n-2) have rows of wavy lines incised around the mouth rim with lines at the bottom of each row. Faint grooves in one pot start from the lower row of wavy lines. Grooves are made prior to incised decoration. Both samples have ellipsoid bodies but different bases: one is rounded and the other is flat-and-depressed. Decorated4 (n-1) has three incised lines around the body; between the first and second lines, nearer the rim, diagonal lines are incised; between the second and third lines, sets of three vertical lines are also incised. Its body shape is ellipsoid and the base flat-and-depressed.

Pots with solar motifs Incised open triangles near the mouth rim are prominent designs on decorated pots. Of several variants, if viewed from the top, the designs resemble sunrays or stars as Main and Fox (1982) and Peralta (2000) interpreted them. Below is a description of the variants included in the sample.

Decorated5 (n-1) is similar to Decorated1 in decorations, body and base form but with a spout. This spout is not noticeable, and appears as a bulge with a hole and misshapen; opposite of this, another bulge appears, probably another spout (or an attempt at a spout?) but has no hole. Though Main and Fox (1982) classified this pot as KT-incised-and-impressed B-1, there is no mention of the ‘spout’. Decorated6 (n-1) has punctuation depressions in triangle shapes near the mouth rim with an ellipsoid body and a flat-and-depressed-base.

Decorated1 (n-2) have incised lines on the upper part of their ellipsoid-shaped bodies forming open triangles around the rim, punctuation depressions inside and/or outside the triangles, and fine incised broken lines above and below the triangles. These pots have flat-and-depressed bases. Although with carinated body shapes and modelled disk-shaped footrings, the designs on Decorated2 pots (n-5) are similar to Decorated1 with the addition of two lugs/handles and two spouts, on opposite 18

Pots with incised x designs and panels Decorated7 (n-1) has finely incised x designs or punctuation depressions between some grooves. The body shape is slightly carinated with a flat-and-depressed base.

Some have broken spouts. 68

Decorated8 (n-1) is an ellipsoid pot with incised square panels around the upper body near the mouth rim; each square panel has punctuation depressions. There are 21 panels on this pot; four panels have x designs. The base is flat-and-depressed. These two pots may have been variants of each other and early forms of pots with solar designs above.

around the mid-body and a disk-based footring. All features are modelled and applied. One pot has the combined characteristics of a kendi and a kinalabasa: it has both a spout and grooves around the body. It is 11.8 centimetres tall, slipped and burnished. Atypical1 is an ovaloid with a restricted mouth and a semi-flat base. Atypical2 pot resembles an utilitarian2, but with a modelled and applied footring (Figure 4.7). It is most likely that these atypical pots are variations of utilitarian2 pots. But these forms did not gain popularity as the utilitarian2 based on their frequency.

6. Dishes These are shallow vessels with unrestricted mouth openings (Rice 1987) made up of bowls and dishes. To differentiate bowls from dishes, I follow Darvill’s (2003) definition based on metrical attributes: a bowl has a height of more that 1/3 of its diameter; and a dish has a height of less than 1/3 but more than 1/7 of its diameter. There are four dishes in the sample (Figure 4.6). I still included them here to show the various forms produced in Calatagan.

The present classification of the Calatagan pots is more practical in this study of the relationship of earthenware vessels and identities than the categorisation Main and Fox (1982) proposed. This revised typology identifies the distinct features of the pot at once rather than by alphanumeric symbols (Main and Fox 1982). The Main and Fox classification is extremely precise. For instance, cooking pots were typed as KT-plain A1 (unslipped pots) or KTpolished A (slipped). The same was done with utilitarian2 pots. They were typed as KT-plain or KT-polished B. The kendi were meticulously subdivided according to spout and base forms as KT-plain-D-x or KTpolished-D-x, where x stands for a number.

PP(U)-30 is slipped with a modelled and applied disk-based footring. The bottom of the footring is unslipped. Its height is 6.9 centimetres and maximum diameter is 20.6 centimetres. The 61-J-84 is 4.5 centimetres high and its diameter is 21.1 centimetres. The PP(M)-12 is 5.3 centimetres high and the diameter is 17.2 centimetres. The KR365 is 7.3 centimetres high and its diameter is 22 centimetres19. The bottom of its base is unslipped. All dishes have modelled and applied disk-based footrings. Main and Fox (1982) classified PP(U)-30, 61-J-84, PP(M)12 as KT-polished J-1, while KR-365 was in KT-plain J-2. The reason was KR-365 has a ‘deep, everted footring’ rather than a ‘low and applied one’ that characterised the others (Main and Fox 1982:33).

Usewear on pots is minimal. Based on observation, it is common for cooking pots (n-75) to have carbon deposits inside the pot and soot stains on the exterior base and underlip. Only one utilitarian2 and three kinalabasa have been observed to have evidence of usewear. I did not observe any type of usewear in other pottery types and they even appear to be newly made.

Miscellaneous pots Decorated9 (n-1) is similar to Decorated2 in form, including the spouts and the lugs/handles, but without the incised and punctuation designs. It also has a flange

Fox (1959) maintained that burials contained earthenware pots with foreign forms in the absence of tradeware vessels. If forms and decorations were copied, why not copy exactly bowls and plates with

19

Due to its partial form, the diameter was taken from early records rather than an actual measurement. 69

specialisation might be an important approach in studying non-state societies. She also proposes that productive specialisation does not always suggest social complexity and that other organisational structures can exist in regional exchange systems rather than a centralised/controlled distributional system. Speilmann (2002) suggests that craft specialisation could even be related to the demand of ritual practices. In a heterarchy, complexity might not always equate with craft specialisation, central administration or vice-versa (Ehrenreich et al. 1995; McIntosh 1999c). Rather than being controlled and centralised, production tends to be ‘multi-modal, self-organising, marketbased and commercial’ (White 1995:118).

designs? Wason (1994) indicated that imitation enhances the status of the deceased. I suggest that local artisans borrowed these forms to act as ritual objects and status items later. Kendi, kinalabasa, decorated2, decorated9, bowls and dish are imitations. In the next chapter, I argue that new forms either served as cultural markers or prestige items depending on their locations. 4.2. Metrical variation of Calatagan pots Examining pottery production can give us information on social organisation. The Kalinga ethnoarchaeological research demonstrates that ‘aspects of behavior and organization of people are subtly encoded in stylistic correlates in materials they make and use’ (Longacre 1981:64). Junker’s (1999a) study in Tanjay suggests pottery manufacture was centralised and controlled by the elites. Decorated earthenware pots were mass-produced for inland trade in exchange for forest products demanded by the foreign market. This strategy allowed coastal elites to control both intraregional and long-distance trade. Sherds collected in Tanjay showed increase standardisation due to mass production (Junker 1993a, 1993c ). However, Junker also recognised that the impact of foreign trade on lowland coastal sites varied across the Philippine archipelago. This study supports that variation.

This section discusses major metrical attributes of all earthenware vessel types. In all cases, pots with missing values for a metrical attribute were not included in the frequency, standard deviation, and coefficient of variation. Dishes were not included because their forms are different and there were very few samples. All measurements are in centimetres. This section will investigate the following: 1. Are the pots, regardless of type (some decorated pots have similar forms with undecorated ones), standardised in terms of height, rim diameter, rim thickness, body thickness and rim angle? Variation in these attributes may be more obvious, because the degrees of control and skill in the production of the pot are exhibited in the accepted height of a pot type, body and rim thickness, and rim formation (angle). 2. Are some pot types more standardised than others? Are there pot types produced differently from the rest? 3. Are pots produced differently in each site? Are those from the same site more standardised than those from other sites?

Pollock (1983) has suggested that more vertical complex social organisation can cause a redundancy in ceramic decorations. But Yentsch (1996) argues that greater variety and elaboration in pottery exist when status gradations were wide-ranging and less variation where status gradations were simpler. It is possible that pottery standardisation is neither always caused by elites controlling production nor a result of increased social complexity. Stark’s (1991) ethnoarchaeological research on Kalinga production showed that specialisation was achieved due to subsistence augmentation. Stark states that community-based

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Using statistical analysis, I measured pottery variation based on their metrical attributes. Computing the coefficient of variation is a common tool in analysing standardisation of pottery production (Benco 1988; Costin and Hagstrum 1995; Junker 1999a; Longacre et al. 1988). Different research offered various measurements of standardisation. For Longacre et al. (1988) in analysing Kalinga and Paradijon potteries, a coefficient of variation of 6 percent indicates specialisation, and 12 percent signifies nonspecialisation. For Crown (1999) a coefficient of variation below 10 percent signify a specialist production and above is a nonspecialist. Kvamme et al. (1996) proposed alternative statistical methods for analysing standardisation in ceramics, but I will use the method used by Longacre et al. (1988) that had been used by others (Junker 1993c; Mijares 2003).

Figure 4.8: Comparison of heights of earthenware vessels across types

Rim thickness ranges from 0.4 to 1.0 centimetres, with the mode of 0.6 centimetres (Table 4.1). The standard deviation is .10711 and coefficient of variation is 16.66 percent. Rim diameter varies from 5.90 to 18.20 centimetres with a mean of 11.1 centimetres and a standard deviation of 2.21. Body thickness ranges from 0.2 to 0.7 centimetres with a mean of 0.4 centimetres; the standard deviation is .0799 and coefficient of variation is 20.12 percent. Thickness within a pot tends to be different: the rims and bases are relatively thicker than the body. The rim angles are widely dispersed from the mean. Some decorated types have steeper rim angles (>50°) than the other types (Figure 8). Cooking pots 20 have less steep angles, 25° to 50°, with a few above 50°, including one with 60°. The standard deviation of rim angles for the pots is 7.551 and coefficient of variation is 17.99 percent.

4.2.1. Variation in all pottery types Since the height of the pots is a continuum from 6 to 18.9 centimetres, it was difficult to divide them into size categories of small, medium, and large. I used a boxplot to illustrate the common height measurements and extreme values (Figure 4.8). The box contains the middle 50 percent of the data and shows that pots are mostly 11.1 to 13 centimetres high. The lower and upper edges of the box show the 25 percent and 75 percent of the data, respectively. I consider the pots in the 25 percent range as small and those in the 75 percent range as large; and the medium are those in the box area. Pots with height values beyond these ranges are outliers. Using this method, the pots are categorised as follows: small-11 centimetres and below; medium-11.1 to 13 centimetres; and large13.1 centimetres and above. The mean is 12 centimetres with a standard deviation of 1.8914 and a coefficient of variation of 15.68 percent.

The high coefficient of variations for height (15.68 percent), rim diameter (19.79 percent) and thickness (16.66 percent), body thickness (20.12) and rim angles (17.99) (Table 1), whether following Longacre et al. 20

In Kalinga, ittoyom or cooking pots for rice have a mean rim of 48.2° and oppaya or pots for meat and vegetables have a mean rim of 44° (Longacre1981). The mean rim angle of Calatagan cooking pots is 38.49°.

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14.82-20.28 percent in other attributes (Table 4.9).

(1988) or Crown (1999), indicates that production was not standardised and probably was practised at the household level. Pottery production at the household levels is commonly associated with women for domestic consumption (Bynon 1984; Murdock and Provost 1973; Skibo and Schiffer 1995). Calatagan pots may have been produced in such circumstances. 4.2.2. Variation within pottery types The coefficients of variations for all metrical attributes of all cooking pots are high, over 10 percent (Table 4.2). I analysed each size category for two reasons: (i) small cooking pots are not commonly used as cooking vessels and would have contributed to the great variation; (ii) I want to examine if same-size pots exhibit smaller variation if examined separately. Small cooking pots demonstrate higher variation than medium to large cooking pots in all metrical attributes (10.12-25.23 percent) (Table 4.3). Medium and large cooking pots have less variation in height (medium4.45 percent, large-5.66 percent) and rim diameter (medium-7.81 percent, large-8.11 percent) then display a high degree of variation in other attributes (medium-13.0415.64 percent, large-12.56-18.84 percent) (Tables 4.4-4.5). This implies that potters were more adept at producing medium to large cooking pots regularly than small ones.

Figure 4.9: Comparison of rim angles between types

The variability within pot types is very high in most categories of their metrical attributes (Table 4.12, Figure 4.10). When pots were divided into size categories, the coefficient of variations for height and rim diameter are lower and have a higher degree of standardisation. However, if we lumped all sizes together and observed these and other metrical attributes, the coefficients of variations demonstrate greater variation.

Similarly, height (all-9.46 percent, medium3.55 percent) and rim diameter (all-6.74 percent, medium-5.87 percent) of utilitarian2 are standardised compared to other attributes (all-15.05-21.42 percent, medium-15.35-21.91 percent) (Tables 4.64.7). Kinalabasa have high coefficients of variation (12.15-20.20 percent) (Table 4.8), so two analyses for small and medium kinalabasa were considered. Samples for small kinalabasa are not enough to generate a separate examination. Similarly, medium kinalabasa have less variability in height (4.55 percent) and rim diameter (9.65 percent), but variability then shoots up to

Figure 4.10: Coefficients of variations of some pottery types showing metrical attributes analysed

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4.2.3. Variation within sites Four sites have large samples that can be tested for variability—Karitunan, Punta Sunog, Sta. Ana, and Talisay. Pots from the same site have high variability (Tables 4.104.13). All coefficients of variations are above 10 percent (13.05-22.30 percent) (Figure 4.11). Again, using Longacre et al. and even Crown’s proposal: the pots have a low degree of standardisation, indicating nonspecialist production.

At a glance, one would presume that the Calatagan pots were standardised. The detailed examination above, however, illustrates that they are not. Craft standardisation occurs due to the use of the same tools, enhanced skills and customer demand (Arnold 1991; Berg 2004; Costin and Hagstrum 1995; Longacre 1999). The pots were integral to the society for they were continually found in the graves, but despite of this demand, no specialisation occurred unlike in other sites (Berg 2004). The utilitarian pots may have varied greatly since different potters produced them, most probably females from the deceased’s household. Notwithstanding their contact with tradeware vessels and the proposal that the prestige goods-economy model leads to craft standardisation (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978; Junker 1999a), the Calatagan pots are not standardised. Maybe complexity can take various forms and should not be equated with either standardisation or centralisation.

Figure 4.11: Coefficient of variations of pots within sites showing metrical attributes analysed

Max height Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 131 134 134 134 133

Minimum 6.7 7.7 .4 .2 25

Maximum 16.4 18.2 .8 .7 60

Mean 11.886 12.613 .590 .395 38.49

Std. Deviation 1.8954 2.0809 .0803 .0790 6.135

COV 15.94% 16.56% 14.06% 20% 15.94%

Std. Deviation 1.89141 2.21395 .10711 .0799 7.551

COV 15.68% 19.79% 16.66% 20.12% 17.99%

Table 4.1: Coefficients of variations of all pot types

Max ht Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 278 278 280 286 278

Minimum 6.70 5.90 .40 .2 25

Maximum 18.90 18.20 1.00 .7 62

Mean 12.0554 11.1831 .6426 .397 41.97

Table 4.2: Coefficients of variations of all cooking pots

N Max height Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

39 39 39 39 38

Minimum Maximum Mean Std. Deviation 6.7 11.0 9.644 1.2279 7.66 13.40 10.2885 1.24199 .5 .7 .548 .0555 .2 .7 .384 .0969 25 60 38.55 6.220 Table 4.3: Coefficients of variations of small cooking pots 73

COV 12.73% 12.07% 10.12% 25.23% 16.13%

Max height Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 57 57 56 57 57

Minimum 11.1 9.92 .50 .3 25

Maximum 13.0 14.86 .80 .5 50

Mean 12.051 12.7177 .5882 .391 38.61

Std. Deviation .5366 .99350 .07673 .0606 6.041

COV 4.45% 7.81% 13.04% 15.49% 15.64%

Table 4.4: Coefficients of variations of medium cooking pots

Max height Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 35 35 35 35 35

Minimum 13.1 12.53 .5 .3 27

Maximum 16.4 17.20 .8 .6 51

Mean 14.117 14.7726 .647 .406 37.86

Std. Deviation .7991 1.19882 .0813 .0765 5.796

COV 5.66% 8.11% 12.56% 18.84% 15.30%

Table 4.5: Coefficients of variations of large cooking pots

Max height Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 33 33 33 33 33

Minimum 8.80 8.30 .40 .20 32.00

Maximum 13.80 11.30 .90 .60 62.00

Mean 12.0576 9.9115 .6818 .3961 44.3030

Std. Deviation 1.1418 .6686 .1158 0.084851 6.6684

COV 9.46% 6.74% 16.98% 21.42% 15.05%

Table 4.6: Coeffiients of variations of all utilitarian2 pots

Max height Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 28 28 27 28 28

Minimum 11.3 9.05 .40 .2 32

Maximum 13.0 11.17 .90 .6 62

Mean 12.279 10.0625 .7074 .403 43.93

Std. Deviation .4366 .59095 .11068 .0883 6.744

COV 3.55% 5.87% 15.64% 21.91% 15.35%

Table 4.7: Coefficients of variations of medium utilitarian2 pots

Max height Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 73 72 73 74 72

Minimum 7.8 7.73 .5 .2 29

Maximum 15.0 13.75 1.0 .6 61

Mean 11.682 10.0182 .699 .389 44.61

Std. Deviation 1.4202 1.23192 .1073 .0786 6.903

COV 12.15% 12.29% 15.35% 20.20% 15.47%

Table 4.8: Coefficients of variations of all kinalabasa

Max height Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 45 45 45 45 45

Minimum 11.1 8.59 .5 .3 29

Maximum 13.0 13.69 1.0 .6 61

Mean 12.129 10.2504 .704 .391 44.47

Std. Deviation .5521 .98923 .1044 .0793 7.449

Table 4.9: Coefficients of variations of medium kinalabasa 74

COV 4.55% 9.65% 14.82% 20.28% 16.75%

Max ht Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 44 44 44 45 45

Minimum 8 7.7 .50 .3 25

Maximum 15 16.7 .70 .6 61

Mean 11.90 11.543 .6050 .399 42.04

Std. Deviation 1.617 2.0721 .06835 .0807 7.333

COV 13.58% 17.95% 11.29% 20.22% 17.44%

Table 4.10: Coefficients of variations of Karitunan pots

Max ht Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 55 55 57 58 57

Minimum 8.9 7.73 .5 .2 31

Maximum 17.8 17.00 .9 .6 62

Mean 12.329 11.6055 .652 .402 45.16

Std. Deviation 1.6092 2.34558 .1056 .0783 7.343

COV 13.05% 20.21% 16.19% 19.47% 16.25%

Table 4.11: Coefficients of variations of Punta Sunog pots

Max ht Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 40 40 35 40 40

Minimum 7.2 8.00 .50 .3 31

Maximum 18.6 15.24 1.00 .5 60

Mean 11.970 10.7315 .6629 .383 41.35

Std. Deviation 2.0636 1.62519 .13080 .0636 6.739

COV 17.23% 15.14% 19.73% 16.60% 16.29%

Table 4.12: Coefficients of variations of Sta. Ana pots

Max ht Rim dm Rim th Body th Rim angle

N 54 54 56 57 54

Minimum 7.8 7.1 .5 .2 25

Maximum 18.9 18.2 1.0 .7 58

Mean 11.870 11.799 .625 .391 39.52

Std. Deviation 1.9986 2.2405 .1116 .0872 7.959

COV 16.83% 18.98% 17.85% 22.30% 20.13%

Table 4.13: Coefficients of variations of Talisay pots

3. Are there differences in fabrics of pots from the same grave? Similar fabric of pots in the same grave could indicate the same clay mixture prepared by one potter. Ten samples come from five graves.

4.3. Technology and fabric characteristics To further examine production of Calatagan pots, I describe fabric characteristics of 63 sherds from restored vessels. I follow the method in Orton et al. (1993) in analysing fabric. Despite the high degree of variation displayed above, I hypothesise that decorated vessels might have had different fabrics. I will answer the following questions:

To investigate the fabric, I used a Leica Wild M3C microscope with a 25x magnification and lens graticule gap value of 0.040mm. I noted core and margin colours and inclusions. I recorded grain size using fine, medium, and coarse descriptions. For mineral inclusions, ‘very fine’ is up to 0.1 millimetre or less than three gaps; ‘fine’ is 0.1-0.25 millimetre or 4-6 gaps; ‘medium’ is 0.25-0.5 millimetre or 6-12.5

1. What inclusions were used? Were they natural or added? 2. Are there differences in fabrics within and between vessel types and site?

75

gaps, ‘coarse’ is 0.5-1.0 millimetre or over 12.5 gaps and ‘very coarse’ is larger than 1.0 millimetre or above 25 gaps. For straw inclusion, very fine are 10-20 gaps; medium is 50-125 gaps; and coarse over 125 gaps21.

4.3.2. Firing analyses The firing temperature of the pots was easily detected by examining sherd crosssections. Though this test will not give absolute firing temperatures, it reveals that Calatagan pots are low-fired. These sherds are grouped into oxidised and reduced temperature atmospheres. Clay contains carbon and iron compounds and their colour after firing can tell us greatly how the pots were fired. Firing affects pottery colour. Using a Munsell system, I determined the sherds’ colours. Colour zones are found on a sherd’s cross-section. The core is in the middle and the margins are on both sides of the former. The Calatagan sherds vary from one to more than three zones. Black or dark grey cores indicate a reducing environment, where the amount of oxygen is decreased. An oxidising atmosphere means that oxygen continues to be present and usually produced red or brown cores. Margins and the core have similar colours, if firing was long, and different colours if firing was short. Differences in margin colours can indicate how the pot was positioned during firing. A redder surface compared with that of the margin means short firing but with oxygen present. Pots with grey surfaces but oxidised margins and cores had been fired in a reducing atmosphere.

The percentages of specific inclusions were measured using rare, common, and abundant. Porosity was defined as the ‘volume of pore space to the total volume of the piece’ (Shepard 1956:125). A pot’s porosity could be open, medium, and dense. The sorting of inclusions could also determine if the clay has been mixed well before forming and is described as good, fair, poor, and very poor. Fair and good sorting tend to have similar sized grains from fine to medium, while poor and poorly sorted pastes usually have coarser inclusions. 4.3.1. Surface analyses Around 76 percent of the pots are smooth and even probably have had slip and burnishing applied; 23 percent are rough, and 0.7 percent harsh. Main and Fox (1982) used the term ‘polished’, which may be misleading for this is a treatment after firing (Hodges 1976); ‘burnished’ may be more appropriate. Burnishing entails ‘rubbing the surface with something smooth like a pebble or a smooth piece of bone’ (Henderson 2000: 122) to make the surface smooth and even. Pots are rough when parts are coarse to the touch, and harsh when they are abrasive (Orton et al. 1993). Though all are low-fired, their hardness varies from 2 to 6 on Moh’s scale of hardness, with 2 (83.50 percent) being the most common. Hardness was determined by scratching the surface of the pot with specific objects used as a scale: fingernail=2, copper wire/nail=3, window glass=4.5, and pocketknife=6 (Orton et al. 1993). Only one kinalabasa and two kendis have a hardness of 6.

In open-firing conditions like bonfires or pit firing, parts of the pot may become more exposed or unexposed to fire determining the presence of oxygen. Such conditions may produce partly oxidised red and partly reduced black (Hodges 1976). Some sherds show a red surface/margin and a dark core indicating ‘a fairly brief firing in which inadequate time has been allowed to burn out all carbon derived from the organic matter in the body’ (Hodges 1976:40). Decorated earthenwares pots tend to be fired in oxidising atmospheres compared with nondecorated earthenwares vessels. Cooking pots and kendi were subjected to same types of firing atmospheres. Most of the utilitarian2 were fired in reduced

21

I thank Janine Bourriau for instructing me how to identify pottery inclusions and providing me with graticule gap values. 76

particles, limestone, and quartz were used in all sites. Plant remains are common but not found in the Parola specimen. Gray-white particles were not found in Talisay, Kay Tomas, Pasong Bato, and Parola. The absence of specific inclusions in some sites may have been affected by the sample size, as some sites only have one sherd available for investigation. Red-brown particles are absent from Karitunan, Pasong Bato, and Palapat. Shells are only found in Palapat.

temperatures. Decorated1’s (KT-21a) core is red (2.5YR 4/6) and the margins are reddish gray (2.5YR 5/1). One decorated2 (T-322 61-L-58) has no margin and the core is reddish brown (2.5YR 4/4). The other decorated2 (T-321 61-L-66) has red (2.5YR 5/6) core and no margins. Decorated3 (KT1061-b) is red (2.5YR 4/8) at the core and has no margins. Decorated9 (SA-172 61-K29) has dark reddish gray (2.5YR 4/1) core colour, and red (2.5YR 5/8) margins. The latter decorated2 pot shows that it is more oxidised based on the core colour that is redder than the former. These two pots come from the grave of a young adult.

The fabric analyses of 63 sherds reveal that potters used similar types of tempers probably from the same sources. What differs is the amount and size of each temper (Figure 4.13), this variation supports a nonspecialised production. Table 4.15 summarises the presence of various tempers in different pottery types. Cooking pots and kinalabasa share temper combinations of limestones, quartz, plant remains, black rock particles, gray-white particles, and redbrown particles except shells. Utilitarian2, atypical1and atypical2 were mostly tempered with a mixture of limestone, quartz, and black-rock particles and probably plant remains. Decorated pots and kendi share the same temper with utilitarian2 pots. The diverse tempers used to make cooking pots suggest individual preference.

4.3.3. Inclusions The most common temper in Calatagan pots consists of limestone, quartz, and blackrock particles (Table 4.14). The other types of inclusions much less frequently used are gray-white particles, red-brown particles and shells. Potters in different sites use different temper (Figure 4.12). Black-rock Inclusions Limestone Quartz Plant remains Black rock particles Gray-white particles Red-brown particles Shells

Present 60 62 25 51 8 16 3

Absent 3 1 38 12 55 47 60

Table 4.14: Summary of inclusions in 63 sherds

Distinct fabric types exist based on neither pottery types nor site. However, particular temper mixtures could be observed (Table 4.16). These 14 combinations occur throughout the sites and across pottery types. Limestone and quartz are commonly used together in varying proportions. To these main tempers one or more inclusions are added. The study reveals that the choice of temper is highly variable, supporting the results of the analyses of the metrical variation above.

Figure 4.12: Presence of inclusions based on site

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Inclusions A1 A2 D D1 D2 D3 D9 KD KK Very fine limestone Fine limestone + + + + + + + + Medium limestone + + + + + + + + Coarse limestone + + + Very coarse limestone + + Very fine quartz + Fine quartz + + + + + + + Medium quartz + + + + + + + + + Coarse quartz + + + Very coarse quartz + Very fine plant remains + + Fine plant remains + + + + Fine black rock particles + + + + + Medium black rock particles + + + + + + + + Coarse black rock particles + + Very coarse black rock particles Fine gray-white particles Medium gray-white particles + Coarse gray-white particles Very coarse gray-white particles Fine red-brown particles Medium red-brown particles + + Very coarse red-brown particles Fine shells + Table 4.15: Presence and absence of inclusions across pottery types

KS + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + -

U1 + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +

U2 + + + + + + + + + + + + +

pottery types were not treated differently. Regardless of its sorting they were fired in different ways (Figure 4.16). Firing does not determine porosity as most pots, whether oxidised or reduced, have medium porosity (Figure 4.17).

4.3.4. Sorting and porosity Most of the pots were fairly sorted and have medium porosity, including cooking pots (Figures 4.14-4.15). I anticipated that decorated pots have good sorting, but

Figure 4.14: Sorting of different pottery types

Figure 4.15: Porosity of different pottery types

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Fabric

Limestone

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

+ + + + + + + + + + + + +

Quartz + + + + + + + + + + + + +

Black rock particles + + + + + + +

Plant

+ + +

Gray-white particles

Red-brown particles

Shells

+ + + +

+ + +

+ + + + +

Table 4.16: Temper combinations found in 63 sherds

Figure 4.16: Relationship of firing and sorting of all pottery types

Figure 4.17: Relationship of firing and porosity of all types

Pots from the same grave The decorated2 pots in T-11922 have the same temper and both were poorly sorted. They are both oxidised but one appears to have been exposed longer to oxygen based on its core colour. In PS-48, the kinalabasa (PS 61-J-130) and cooking (PS 61-J-136) pots are both oxidised. The former has good sorting and the latter was fairly sorted. Both have limestone, quartz, and black-rock particles. The cooking pot has rare fine plant remains, and common medium gray white particles, while the kinalabasa does not contain these tempers but has rare fine red-brown particles. The kinalabasa (PS-

110) and cooking pot (PS-111) in PS-49 were fired differently—the former in reduced and the latter in an oxidised environment. The kinalabasa has good sorting and the cooking pot was fairly sorted. The kinalabasa has rare coarse limestone, common fine quartz, raremedium quartz, and rare fine black particles. The cooking pot has rare fine to coarse limestone, and rare fine to coarse quartz, rare fine plant remains, common fine to medium black rock particles, and rare very coarse black-rock particles. In PP(M)-106, both kendi [PP(M)-136] and cooking [PP(M)-137] pots were oxidised. The kendi has rare fine limestone and common coarse limestone, rare fine quartz

22

Italicised to differentiate site and burial from object codes (in standard type). 79

Size23

and common medium quartz, rare fine plant remains, and rare fine shells. The cooking pot has abundant fine to coarse limestone, rare medium quartz, and common fine shells. Shells as temper are very rare in the sample and only occur in one site—in two pots that belonged to the same grave. In SA65, the fairly sorted utilitarian2 (SA-178) was fired in a reducing atmosphere and the poorly sorted cooking pot (SA-179) oxidised. The utilitarian2 has rare fine limestone, rare fine to medium quartz, and common medium black-rock particles. The cooking pot has abundant medium limestone and common coarse limestone, rare medium to coarse quartz, and rare very fine plant remains. Temper composition, amount and sorting even between pots from the same grave vary. Specific pots may have been produced for burials.

Small (11 centimetres and below) Medium (11.1-13 centimetres) Large (13.1 centimetres and above) Shape Round Ellipsoid/Ovaloid Carinated

1 2 3 1 2 3

Table 4.17: Points assign to pots based on shape and form

I assessed labour investment in pottery using a production index considering surface enhancements and their corresponding manner of application. One point was assigned per design unit in a pot; each point is equivalent to a design element repeated in one area of the pot; another point is added if the same design element is repeated in another area. The more design elements and the more varied application techniques used correspond to a higher production index and represent the degree of elaboration of the pot. A gradation of points for height size (Lesure 1999) and shape were also allocated to each pot (Table 4.17). The sum represents the elaborateness or the labour production cost of the pot. Two examples of how labour/production cost (PC) is arrived at are shown below.

4.4. Style and labour investment in pots To determine labour investment or production cost of pots, I modelled my method from Friedrich (1970), Feinman et al. (1981), and Costin and Hagstrum (1995). I applied Friedrich’s (1970) method of analysing design elements. Friedrich (1970:335) defined design elements as ‘the smallest self-contained unit’ and design configurations as ‘arrangements of design elements that are of sufficient complexity to fill a spatial division’. She identified design elements on pots and observed how design elaborations were built up through reduplication of the design element or addition of another design element. Costin and Hagstrum (1995) used a production task index modelled after Feinman et al. (1981) to quantify labour invested in manufacturing ceramics. By assigning points to each procedure and summing them, they were able to assess the labour invested in each pot. Hagstrum (1985) also measured labour-intensive production of ceramics focusing on painted decorations by counting the number of gestures and brushstrokes used in painting a vessel. 23

Points

1. The production index and cost of KT-023, a decorated2 are 16 and 21, respectively. The pot is decorated with incised designs (1 point) and punctuation depressions (1 point); the footring, two handles/lugs and two spouts, including a flange, were all modelled (6 points) and applied (6 points) to the pot. The pot is also slipped (1 point) and burnished (1 point). It is medium size (2 points) with a carinated body (3 points). 2. The production index and cost of KT-08, a kinalabasa, are 3 and 6. This small (1 point) and ellipsoid (2 points) pot has broad grooves (1 point) around the body and is slipped (1 point) and burnished (1 point).

See 4.4.2. for explanation of pot size. 80

body shape and base form as utilitarian2 except for grooves around the body. In the burials examined later, these three types of pots are found in similar locations around the body, implying similar functions. Based on this and on the dominant presence of these pots, I will argue that these were ritual items; and that they may have represented a wider identity relating to beliefs.

4.4.1. Production costs of Calatagan pots Decorated and atypical2 pots range from 8 to 23, while atypical1, utilitarian2 and cooking pots have production costs below 8 (Table 4.18). Cooking pots vary from 3 to 7. The most common have a production cost of 5 to 6: 41 have PC-5 and 52 have PC-6. Kendi and kinalabasa have production costs from 6 to 13 and 5 to 9, respectively. All sites have the same pot types except for decorated earthenware pots found only in four sites in the north— Talisay, Karitunan, Punta Sunog, and Kay Tomas.

Labour-intensive decorated pots with PC-8 and above, and local imitations of foreign wares like the kendi, have a number of nonessential features. Except for the cooking pot, the rest were impractical to use as cooking pots, liquid containers (some spouts on kendi have no holes), and could not have been utilised for food preparation, eating, or drinking because they lack heavy usewear and do not follow forms typical of these functions (Howard 1981). Additionally, these pots have restricted mouth openings not suitable for dining. Even bowls and dishes do not have wide distribution in the graves (Main and Fox 1982), and neither do they display usewear.

Particular pots follow similar production costs like 7 for kinalabasa, 5 to 6 for cooking pots, and 6 for utilitarian2 pots. This suggests that these were customary sizes, form, and techniques of manufacture for these pots. It can also support the thesis that utilitarian2 are variants of cooking pots. Utilitarian2 are very similar to the cooking pot except for the base. The kinalabasa and the utilitarian2 have nearly similar production costs. Kinalabasa has the same Production Cost

Atypical

23 22 20 13 12 11

7 6 5 4 3

Kendi

Number of samples per type Kinalabasa Kendi + Kinalabasa

Cooking pot/ Utilitarian1

Utilitarian2

11 52 41 29 1

5 20 11 1 1

2 D2 3 D2 1 D9

10 9 8

Decorated

1 A2 1 A1 1 A1

1 D3 1 D8 1 D5 1 D4 1 D7 1 D3 1 D1 1 D6 1 D1

2 1 3 2 5

2

4

9

2 1

40 21 1

1

Table 4.18: Range of production costs of Calatagan pots

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The fact that pots placed in burials were domestically produced established a clear link between cultural identity and craft production (Costin 1998) as open to individuals of that community. It is a communal identity and does not need to be validated but is affirmed in burial contexts. As to earthenware vessels probably marking prestige, their quantity, distribution, and association indicate restricted production and use. What strikes me, despite pottery production occurring at the household level and the people’s freedom to make their own pots, is that potters did not decorate their pots. Although anyone can easily decorate his or her pot, it seems that only few potters did so. The restricted use of decorations on pots indicates a strong recognition of an identity linked with status. Decorative elements such as the solar motifs could be more significant than the form of the pot itself because these are present in some foreign ceramics.

Normally, ritual pots are decorated (Howard 1981; Ojo 1984). However, in the Calatagan burials, as investigated in Chapter 7, show that ritual pots were undecorated. In other societies, ritual was used to legitimate elite status (DeMarrais et al. 1996; Gillepsie 1999; Helms 1999; Potter and King 1995) while in others (Kuijt 1996, Lee and Zhu 2002) they were forms of social integration. In Calatagan, ritual expressed by undecorated vessels seems not to have been controlled and restricted but an act practised by the whole community signifying group membership. 4.4.2. Style and identity Burial analyses in Chapter 5 shows that some burials contained different styles of pots; it is possible that some households produced different types. If pottery production was at the household level, it is possible that everyone could make decorated pots but this is not the case because they have a low frequency. Decorated pots might had been produced at the time when an individual possessed new skills and became engaged in new routines like trading and raiding, which added another dimension to the person. This new status could have been emphasised in burials by including a decorated vessel hinting at this new identity.

Comparing the style and designs on pots with earthenware pots recovered from other Philippine burial sites, some burials in Pila, Laguna (Tenazas 1968), had decorated2 and kendi pots. The kinalabasa appears to be typical to Calatagan. Bacus (2003) proposes that designs on decorated earthenware vessels may have been a shared elite symbolism or alliance between polities. Bacus examined 950 decorated earthenware sherds from 82 Philippine sites including Calatagan, and her analysis revealed that:

The local and household production of pots tends to emphasise community identity (Bartlett and McAnany 2000); low-PC pots may have served more as vehicles for social integration and affiliation among the community members because their production was an activity shared by many, and thus was an expression of a shared identity. High-PC pots may have represented personal achievements and acquired status. A deceased accompanied with low-PC and high-PC pots suggests the multiple associations of the deceased— cultural affiliation and status. The marking and recognition of more than one identity in the burial is a feature of heterarchy (White 1995).

Based on several attributes of paste such as composition, percentage, proportion, size and shape of the non-plastic inclusions, very few of the decorated earthenwares that are of the same decorative style were produced at a single location (that is only 3 cases of possible exchange were found). It appears that decorated earthenwares from the periods under consideration were not involved much in interpolity exchange (Bacus 2003:50).

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examination of pottery distribution in the burials in the next chapters is much easier using the former. At first, these pots may all be considered ‘ritual’ in the broadest sense for they are found in mortuary contexts. The different pottery types may have been used to signal different social aspects of the deceased. If undecorated pots were used for ceremonial purposes, all burials must have had at least one cooking pot or its functional variant, for they were repeatedly used to convey information related to cosmology and beliefs in the afterlife.

Bacus (2003:51) concluded: Regardless of whether the results are supported by future analyses, this chapter has suggested new ways of thinking about and contextualizing Philippine-decorated earthenwares. The result demonstrates that it was highly likely that decorated pots were not physically exchanged between elites from different polities but may have been shared elite symbolisms (Bacus 2004). The decorated Calatagan pots were neither marketed to the local elites nor controlled as suggested by Junker (1999a) because pottery production in Calatagan was not centralised. Following Bacus, I likewise recommend new ways of interpreting pots in burials but not as commodities or gifts in a prestige-goods model, but as means for social actors to express their identities, beliefs, and range of skills and knowledge. The following chapters will explain the link between pottery production and consumption with the different identities that could be represented in Calatagan.

The fabric analyses of 63 sherds from various pottery types in Calatagan supported the results of the metrical variation of the pots that nonspecialists, most probably women in the context of the household, produced. Some sites had no access to some tempers. The various tempers added to the clay had a high degree of variability in terms of grain size and quantity. Temper used in decorated pots was not distinct (though this finding could have been greatly affected by the sample size). Pots from the same graves generated interesting results. Some pots in the same assemblage varied in temper size and composition but had similar sorting, while some pots from the same grave had similar temper and sorting.

4.5. Summary I argued that the Calatagan earthenware vessels did not become standardised and neither were they inferior status goods despite the foreign trade relations (Fox 1959), which Junker (1999a) interpreted for Tanjay. As analyses show, production is far from being a centralised economic activity; rather, it seems to have been manufactured at the household level. Despite the high quantity of tradeware vessels, pottery production remained an individual activity not only for household use but also for use as grave goods (Chapter 5).

I have demonstrated how to quantify labour invested in manufacturing the different Calatagan pots. I used a production index to assess the production cost of each pot. The criteria included the number of design elements and their method of application, height and shape. Low-production costs pots (5-7) had higher frequency (72.4 percent) in burials compared to highproduction costs vessels (8-23, 15.5 percent). I suggest that low-production costs pots represent cultural affiliation and the high-production costs pots with an acquired prestige identity. The presence of both lowand high-production pots in a burial perhaps expressed the deceased’s multiple identities,

The reclassification of Calatagan pots into more practical categories is more helpful than the previous classification in assessing earthenware vessel functions to distinguish social identities. Style and labour investment are the bases for the new typology. Though fairly broad compared to the Main and Fox (1982) classification, the

83

indicating networks of associations. What is interesting is that even if each household made its own pots, high labour-investment pots had restricted production and distribution. I will propose in Chapter 9 that decorations on pots, rather than forms, signify prestige—specifically those of solar patterns.

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CHAPTER 5 The Calatagan burials and mortuary objects inhumation was the usual practice. The majority of the bodies were in supine position with limbs and arms tied along the body, and hands placed on or under the pelvis. Some infants were buried in jars; other types of burials are bundle burials; multiple burials of whole bodies or skulls are not common. Due to varied ages of the deceased, it seems that no other factors except for age determined the mode of burial. As Paz (2004) suggested and based on burial sketches, the dead were buried near settlements, perhaps even under houses. The bodies were most likely wrapped in mats when buried (Fox 1959), with some objects placed with the body and others on top of it. The best evidence is the mat impressions on the metal implement found with T-30, a juvenile. In Porac, a site relatively dated to the 12th-14th centuries, the metal implements displayed mat impressions, demonstrating that bodies were probably folded in mats prior to burial (Barretto 2003a; Best 1998).

In this chapter, I will investigate if the different objects in the burials such as earthenware vessels and foreign ceramics, and nonceramic objects were placed in specific locations around the body. Their locations and distributions may represent cultural affiliation, age, sex, or status. I will investigate the relationship between the presence of local and foreign ceramics to check if particular forms and styles of ceramics were preferred grave goods. I shall begin by describing how the research sample was selected. In addition, the types of burials and body treatment are also discussed to investigate if these are related to the sex or age of the deceased. 5.1. The burials From the 726 burials described in Chapter 1, I analysed 429 burials based on burial records. I selected the burials by choosing records with complete information on age, skeleton position, quantity, quality, and location of mortuary goods. Around 20 burials had incomplete details on age and location of some objects, but were included for comparative purposes. Information on burials was obtained from burial and archaeological specimen inventory records, burial sketches, photographs, and physical analyses of earthenware pots and some tradeware vessels. Some burials only included a list of associated objects, and have little or no information on age, skeleton position, and location of grave objects. I decided to include this set for object frequency and distribution purposes. I also examined 145 burials without goods. My purpose was to observe differences in terms of ages and positions and compare these to burials with goods.

I examined 284 graves with objects from nine sites with data I needed to research what identities were negotiated through earthenware vessels used as burial goods. These included the description of the deceased’s age, and objects from each grave together with their exact locations. Large samples of burials come from Talisay, Karitunan, Punta Sunog, and Palapat (Melian)—11 infants24, 36 children, 28 juveniles, 189 adults (including young and old), and 20 without data on age. The 20 burials without age are included in this sample because they contain objects that support my study. In Karitunan, the matrices of the burials are clay, hard clay, marly clay, shaletous clay,

The dead in Calatagan were buried whole except for instances of missing skulls, which could have been victims of headtaking activities due to vendettas. Single

24

Infants=1-2 years; Children=3-10 years; Juveniles11-16 years; Adults=17 years + (Fox 1959)

85

clay with pebbles and soil, marl, sandy marl, araneceous soil, and decomposed marl (Paniza and Paniza 1961; Santiago et al. 1960-1961). The Palapat matrices are clay, hard clay, and hard clay with coral rocks, soft soil, coralline limestone, calcareous soil, marl, and nodulous marl (Paniza et al. 1961a; Santiago et al. 1961). Gravely marl, calcareous clay, marly loose soil, and pebble marl constitute the matrices in Parola (Paniza et al. 1961b). Pasong Bato burials have clay and clay with decomposed coral for their matrices (Bennet 1960). One burial in Punta Buwaya was buried in a silty limestone matrix (Evangelista 1966). The dead in Punta Sunog were buried in clay, hard clay, clay with pebbles, and hard soil matrices (Santiago 1961; Santiago and Penuliar 1961). In Talisay, the matrices of the skeletons are clay, hard clay, humus, marl, marly clay, and shaletous clay (Fox and Santiago 1960; Paniza et al. 19601961).

Figure 5.1: Graph showing body position by age of burials with cultural materials (skeletons with no data omitted) Frequency Percent (n-284) bundle burial 4 1.4 burial jar 5 1.8 flexed and twisted 1 .4 multiple burial 1 .4 prone and adducted 1 .4 semi-flex 1 .4 supine 259 91.2 no data 12 4.2 Table 5.1: Frequency of manner of burials with cultural materials Position

Most of the burials were simple inhumations, defined as burials in open-pits including bundle burials (Table 5.1, Figure 5.1). Heads were positioned to the left, right or straight up. Supine (91.2 percent) is the most common body position with arms along the sides of the body, but the position of the arms and hands varies: under or over the pelvis, both flexed towards shoulder, right palm supine beneath pelvis, left prone; left hand underneath pelvis, both forearms over or under pelvis, right hand above pelvis; right forearm hand rests on pelvis, left forearm lies underneath pelvis, and left forearm under pelvis. Though burial jars are reserved for infants, not all infants were buried in jars.

Nine burials have no skulls and tend to be adults. An interesting feature of the burials was the tying of body parts25. Though a large number of burials have no data on this—the records indicated if any body part was tied or not subjected to tying at all— burials with some of their body parts tied indicate a common mortuary custom. Tying is done on the limbs like the arms, elbows, hands, legs, knees, ankles, and feet. Some burials show multiple parts tied while others have only one part tied. The tying of the feet (15.1 percent) is the most common and occurs in all sites (Table 5.2, Figures 5.2-

Based on the orientation of the skeletons with grave objects, 20.4 percent have a 90° degree orientation or the head was towards the interior with the feet towards the sea. The next most common orientation was towards the 360° degree mark or towards the north. There seems to be no distinction in terms of the age of the deceased.

25

Tying of body parts have been observed in burials, with or without goods, where the skeletons are in relatively good conditions. Highly disintegrated skeletons made it impossible for this feature to be observed while others do not have evidence of any tying. Nevertheless, tying appears to be a common burial practice.

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5.3). Tying occurs with juveniles and common among adults; it has not been observed among infants and children.

Body parts tied

Frequency (n-284) 2 1 1 1 1

Percent

arms .7 arms and legs .4 arms and ankles .4 arms and feet .4 elbows .4 hands, knees and 1 .4 ankles hands and feet 2 .7 legs 3 1.1 femur to feet 1 .4 knees 3 1.1 knees and ankles 5 1.8 knees and feet 7 2.5 ankles and feet 1 .4 feet 43 15.1 no data 206 72.5 Table 5.2: Frequency of burials (with cultural materials) with evidence of body part/s tied.

Figure 5.2: Body parts tied based on age of burials with cultural materials (burials with no data omitted).

Frequency Percent (n-145) bundle burial 6 4.1 double burial 1 .7 flexed 1 .7 jar burial 1 .7 on its side 1 .7 semi-flexed 7 4.8 supine 118 81.4 no data 10 6.9 Table 5.3: Frequency of body positions in burials without goods Position

Staining is found in 11 adults (young and old) and in one infant and one child. Some 33 adults (young and old) were observed to have both teeth filing and staining.

Figure 5.3: Body parts tied per site of burials with cultural materials (burials with no data omitted)

The burials without cultural materials comprise 145 burials—two infants, 23 children, 18 juveniles, and 102 adults. Four adults have no skulls. The burials were also concealed in open pits. The common skeleton positions are supine (81.4 percent) (Table 5.3). Those not buried in open pits were in jars or in a bundle. The supine position was the usual manner of burial across age categories, except for jars that seem to be reserved for some infants (Figure 5.4). The choice of orientations is similar to skeletons buried with goods—

Teeth filing and staining were a practice generally reserved for adults26. Filing is present in 23 adults (including young and old). There are two cases where filing has been observed in one child and one juvenile. 26

The numbers of cases (including burials without grave goods) are based on what has been actually observed. Some skeletons were too disintegrated or were in very poor conditions, others had their skulls crushed or even missing skulls and/or teeth that preclude examination of the teeth. But for some, their teeth neither had filing nor staining. 87

analyse the objects’ location and their possible functions in the burials.

13.8 percent had their head directed towards the land and 11 percent towards the north.

Body parts tied Frequency (n-145) Percent arms 1 .7 arms, knees, feet 1 .7 arms and ankles 1 .7 elbows 1 .7 hands 1 .7 hands to ankles 1 .7 hands and feet 2 1.4 knees and ankles 11 7.6 knees and feet 3 2.1 ankles 4 2.8 feet 19 13.1 no data 100 69.0 Table 5.4: Frequency of burials (without goods) with evidence of body part/s tied Figure 5.4: Frequency of positions according to age of burials without goods (burials with no data omitted)

Though the supine position is very common the position of arms and hands likewise varies: both under the pelvis, both forearms and hands underneath pelvis, hands on top of pelvis, right hand above the pelvis with the left hand above it, left arm above and right arm underneath pelvis, forearms above pelvis or along the sides of the body; right arm along the side of the body and left over the chest, only the right hand under the pelvis, right arm along the side with the left forearm and hand above the abdominal region.

Figure 5.5: Body parts tied in burials without goods (burials with no data omitted).

5.2. The burial objects I discuss the following below: the quantity and distribution of earthenware pots, tradeware ceramics and the total number of objects in the burials; and the frequency of non-ceramic objects, and their associations with different age groups and locations in burials. In analysing object location, I only included burials where positions were specified. The objects’ locations in burials indicate that these were carefully placed around the body in specific areas. Their frequencies in these locations could indicate different functions within the burial assemblage relating to identities and statuses.

Filed teeth are found some adults (young and old). Of the sample, only eight adults have their teeth filed. Stained teeth are found in one child and eight adults. There are 19 adults who exhibit both filing and staining. Some body parts were tied and it seems that tying of the feet (13.1 percent) was also a common burial practice even in those without grave items and likewise practised in all sites (Table 5.4, Figure 5.5). Depths of the skeletons and objects were recorded by the excavators and are very helpful in reconstructing which objects were buried with the body, placed after the burial or not associated with it. I use this data to 88

objects. Anything higher than these numbers I consider large quantities. These burials are individually discussed in the next chapters.

The materials in the graves include human skulls and animal bones, tradeware vessels, gold and iron ornaments, iron implements, decorated and plain earthenware pots, net sinker, spear, statues, shells and glass ornaments. Earthenware vessels (n-311 or 34.6 percent) and foreign ceramics (n=357 or 38.7.3 percent) are common mortuary items; however, the specific frequency of each type of tradeware vessels varies. Bowls (16 percent) are more common than plates (9.1 percent); plates occur more than jarlets (7 percent); and jarlets more than saucers (4.3 percent). Other types like jars (2 percent) and kendi (0.1 percent) are less frequent. Some jars were used as burial containers for infants. Rare objects include a brass bell, gold sheet and gold ring among others.

5.2.1. Earthenware vessels The norm is for a burial to have one pot, followed by burials with two pots (Table 5.5). However, a large number of burials do not contain pots (25.7 percent): 41.9 percent have one pot; 27.1 percent have two pots. The figures suddenly drop in burials with three (4.9 percent) to four (0.4 percent) pots. Earthenware pots are found in all age groups (Table 5.6). Infants do not have more than one pot. In adults, there is a decline in the number of burials from those with two (n-58) to three (n-9) pots. Only one burial (an adult) has four pots. Earthenware vessels are found in 211 graves and in all age groups, hence there appears to have been no restriction in the use of local pots as a mortuary item. The cooking pot is commonly found in the burials, followed by the kinalabasa.

Figure 5.6 defines common and large quantities of earthenware pots, tradeware vessels and number of objects. Taking 50 percent of the data as the norm—those inside the box—I consider the 75 percent, those above the higher edge of the box, as large quantities. For earthenware vessels, the norm is to have one to two pots in burials; for tradeware vessels, it is common for burials to have up to two of these; and for the total number of items in a burial, it is not unusual for burials to have up to four

Total number of Frequency Percent earthenware vessels 0 73 25.7 1 119 41.9 2 77 27.1 3 14 4.9 4 1 .4 Total 284 100.0 Table 5.5: Frequency of burials with earthenware vessels

Age

Number of earthenware vessels 0 1 2 3 4 2 14 2 2 0 7 2 2 0 0 15 14 5 2 0 7 10 10 1 0 22 33 21 6 1

Tot al

No data 20 Infants 11 Children 36 Juveniles 28 Adults 83 Young 7 12 8 2 0 29 adults Old adults 13 34 29 1 0 77 Total 73 119 77 14 1 284 Table 5.6: Frequency of burials per age group with earthenware vessels

Figure 5.6: Boxplot of the number of ceramics and total objects in burials. Burials with high quantities of objects are noted.

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Decorated pots with solar motifs have limited distribution: a decorated1 with a juvenile; a decorated2 is each found in three adults and one juvenile; two decorated2 pots are with a young adult; a decorated3 in an adult; the decorated5 is with a child; and the decorated8 with an adult. One dish is with a juvenile. The combined kinalabasa and kendi (KK) is with a young adult. KTpolished F, a form that looks like a jar (Main and Fox 1982), is with a juvenile. KT-polished L, a ‘deep bowl’ (Main and Fox 1982), is with an adult. The kendi is found with one infant, five adults, one young adult, and six old adults. The kinalabasa is in all age groups and usually only one kinalabasa is found in each. Kinalabasa are more associated with adult burials; they are found with two infants, nine children, seven juveniles, 18 adults, eight young adults, and 25 old adults.

Figure 5.7: Location of undecorated earthenware vessels in the graves

right arm. Decorated3 is at the feet of an old adult. Decorated5 is on the pelvis of a child. Decorated8 is at the head of an adult. The earthenware dish is on top of a juvenile’s pelvis. KT-polished F and KTpolished L are both found at the feet of their respective burials. The kendi, usually found with adults, are located on the head, shoulder, arm, pelvis, femur, ankle, and feet. The kinalabasa are found in the following places: head, shoulder, pelvis, femur, knee, leg, and feet. The KK is found in the head region.

It is very common to see burials with only a cooking pot. Cooking pots are found in burials regardless of age: two infants, ten children, 15 juveniles, 41 adults, nine young adults, and 31 old adults. There are few burials that have more than one cooking pot buried with them, usually a maximum of two pieces: KR-50, adult; PS-2, juvenile; T44, adult; T-5, adult. Utilitarian2 are found in all age groups: one infant, one child, two juveniles, eight adults, three young adults, and nine old adults.

Cooking pots were commonly placed at the head and feet of the deceased. Other locations for the cooking pot are: shoulder, arm, elbow, pelvis, femur, knee, leg, and ankle. Similarly, utilitarian2 are mostly found at the head and feet, and also on the shoulder and chest, near arm, elbow, pelvis, knee, leg. The ordinary earthenware pots noted in records, either a cooking pot or utilitarian2, likewise have similar locations in the burial: head, shoulder, arm, pelvis, knee, leg, ankle, and feet.

The pots are located around the body from the head down to the feet (Figure 5.7). I have not taken into account if a pot is placed on the right or left of the deceased, but considered the general area of its location. If not beside a body part, the pot is on the part itself. The common locations of some types are mostly near the head, feet, and near and/or on the legs.

Decorated pots have limited distribution, usually with adult burials, except for decorated5 buried with a child. The kendi is found only with adults. The kinalabasa, cooking pots, and utilitarian2 do not have restricted distributions, though the kinalabasa are more commonly associated

Atypical1 is on the femur of SA-26. Decorated1 is around the head region of a juvenile. Decorated2 is usually found around the head of the deceased, while there is one case of a decorated2 found near the

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with adults. In terms of quantity, two seems to be the maximum number each type can occur in a given burial. Only a small number of burials contain two pieces of the same type. It is apparent that no burial is distinct in terms of quantity of pots; even burials without skulls receive no special pots, but the pots were positioned as head substitutes. The decorated pots are seldom placed in burials and occur with certain age groups, perhaps suggesting a social identity different from the burials that have only the cooking pot as a mortuary object.

In the burials, earthenware vessels with evidence of usewear are restricted to cooking pots with few exceptions—four kinalabasa and one utilitarian2. Pots with usewear are found in all age categories, except infants: seven children, nine juveniles, 22 adults, three young adults, 16 old adults, and four without data on age. Though they are located in different parts of the body, there is a strong association with the head and feet areas (Figure 5.9) and some above the body as grave markers. Burials with only one to two earthenware vessels tend to have cooking pots with evidence of usewear as a mortuary item, and decreases when a burial has three earthenware vessels. This suggests that cooking pots with usewear found in burials may have had a function not related to rank.

Most of the decorated pots, except for decorated5 and decorated8, are found near the head rather than in other areas of the body. I suspect that these pots are for display purposes, as the head, traditionally, is the first part a mourner looks at. Hence, distinct items or objects with specific intended functions are placed in conspicuous locations like the head area. The kendi and kinalabasa are also mostly found in the head region but may have a different function. The cooking pot and utilitarian2 are located around the head and at the feet of the deceased, too. The cooking pots have evidence of usewear; perhaps these functioned as offerings (Figure 5.8). Maybe a different aspect of the individual’s identity is emphasised with the cooking pot.

Figure 5.9: Location of pots with usewear in burials

5.2.2. Foreign ceramics27 Of the 284 burials, 107 or 37.67 percent have no tradeware ceramics; 46.83 percent have one to two pieces of trade ceramics; and less than 4 percent have five to seven pieces. Up to three tradeware vessels are observed in all age categories, whereas five to seven pieces are only found with juveniles and adults: seven adults and two juveniles have five tradeware vessels each. 27

Descriptions of foreign vessels included in this study are based on records and pieces I physically handled.

Figure 5.8: Earthenware vessels with evidence of usewear

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found on femurs, clasped by or on the hand, and often used as lids for earthenware pots. Bowls placed around the body may have functioned differently from bowls used as covers, providing us with evidence for the flexible role of bowls as grave goods.

ne adult has seven tradeware vessels (Table 5.7). The number of burials with two to three tradeware vessels drops from 58 to 22 burials in the adult, juvenile and child categories; and continues to plunge as the tradeware vessels increase. Age

Number of tradeware vessels 0 10

1 7

Infants

3

Children

13

Juveniles

14

6

Adults

23

22

13

5

31 107

No data

Young adults Old adults Total

5.2.2.2. Jars Jars are not common items buried with the dead in Calatagan; they are associated with 18 burials. Jars were observed with three children, three adults, one young adult, and two old adults. One jar is found above the head of an unaged female, Punta Buwaya 9. Eight jars were used as burial receptacles for infants. Three jars are found at the feet of the skeletons. The rest are near the arm, femur, or head.

Total

2 2

3 0

4 1

5 0

7 0

20

3

2

2

1

0

0

11

9

11

2

1

0

0

36

5

1

0

2

0

28

19

11

5

2

1

83

5

4

0

2

0

29

23

14

2

5

2

0

77

75

58

22

13

8

1

284

Table 5.7: Frequency of burials per age group with tradeware vessels

5.2.2.3. Jarlets Jarlets (n-62), mostly of Sawankhalok origins, range from 3.7 to 14 centimetres high. They tend to be monochromes in shades of brown and green. Some jarlets have vertical flutes around the body, two or four tiny handles around the body, flowers with radiating leaves, or a dragon design around the neck. The 57 burials with jarlets are mostly those of adults: 20 adults, 16 old adults, eight young adults; other burials with jarlets are four unaged skeletons without skulls, four juveniles and five children. The head region is the common location for jarlets. Other areas of the body where jarlets are found are near the shoulder, arm, forearm, hand, pelvis, femur, leg, ankle, and feet.

5.2.2.1. Bowls Bowls (n-144) are common grave objects in Calatagan. Based on their designs (Figure 5.10), they date to the Late Yuan/Early Ming period, late 1300s to early 1400s (Fox 1959). Most bowls are monochromes with green, red, yellow-brown, or grayish white colours. Those with designs vary and include one or a combination of the following: incised rings around the centre and on the underlip, Chinese characters in the centre enclosed in a double ring, wave designs on the underlip and near the footrim, floral designs between the lip and the underlip, floral designs and water plants on the centre and around the sides of the interior and/or the exterior, leaves on the centre within a ring, horse and water plants enclosed in circles on the centre, horse designs and waves near the lip, two blue circular lines around the lip, and incised erect fern fronds under the lip or on the exterior near the base. Bowls are found in 91 burials and all age groups though generally associated with adults: one infant, nine children, ten juveniles, 34 adults, nine young adults, 22 old adults, and six with unaged burials. Usually, one piece is found but some have up to four bowls. They are located all over the body but frequently

5.2.2.4. Plates The plates have a diameter of 9-31 centimetres. The designs include floral and animal motifs: floral, leaf, or lotus scrolls and peonies, sunflower designs, floral design within a double ring to chrysanthemum in jar (Figure 5.11) in the centre of the plate; or a chrysanthemum in jar with double fence and clouds and/or double butterfly, double cloud, double ring in centre. The animal designs range from storks and horses to cranes standing on one

92

burial jar and a second saucer inside it. Besides the locations mentioned, the sites of saucers around the body are: overturned on the shoulder of an adult; overturned on the face of two old adults, an adult, and a child; on the femurs of old adults and adults; around the head; covering the mouth of an old adult; on the pelvis; and as lids of jars and earthenware pots. Though the saucer seems to be observed across age categories, its distribution in general is very low.

leg in a garden with plants and rocks, from fish within a double ring, to a deer and tree design, and flying ducks. Some plates only have blue rings around the rim, centre, and underlip. Some plates are just plain monochromes. Similarly, plates are frequently associated with adults. Out of the 65 burials with plates, there are 19 adults, 19 old adults, and nine young adults, whereas only five juveniles, seven children, one infant and five unaged, have plates. Two plates each are with two adults, three old adults, three young adults, a juvenile and a multiple burial. Three plates each are with an adult and a child. An infant burial jar has two plates: one as cover of the jar and one found inside upturned over the infant’s feet (but there is no mention of the infant’s orientation). Three unaged skeletons have two plates each. Most plates are overturned in the graves and are commonly on the pelvis of adults in general and juveniles only. They are also overturned on the face, head, arm, the chest, knee, and leg. They are beside the feet and femur. Some plates were covers for cooking pots and one infant burial jar. Plates are found in burials regardless of the age of the deceased. But it seems that plates on pelvises are reserved for adults and juveniles.

Figures 5.13-5.14 summarise the foreign ceramics associated with age groups and their locations. Figure 5.13 shows that bowls and jarlets were usually buried with adults. Plates are strongly associated with old adults, and jars with infants. Specific locations around the body and/or in the burial are more associated with particular types of foreign ceramics—bowls on femurs, legs, pelvis, or as covers; jars at the feet; jarlets at the feet, legs, and shoulders; and plates on the pelvis (Figure 5.14). There are 17 cases of bowls, nine saucers, and two plates used as covers of earthenware vessels.

5.2.2.5. Saucers Designs on saucers in the burials are similar to some plates (Figure 5.12). Some are monochromes; others have fish designs on the centre sometimes with water plants; others have single or double rings near the lip, and of course, the floral scrolls and peonies. The saucer is in 33 burials usually with adults: seven adults, nine old adults, and three young adults. Saucers are also found with four children, five infants, one juvenile, and four unaged skeletons. One saucer is commonly found in a burial with the exception of an old adult with two saucers on the femurs; another old adult grips a saucer in each hand; one infant has two saucers inside its burial jar; and another infant has one saucer, which covers its

Figure 5.13: Tradeware vessels associated with each age group (those with one sample have been omitted)

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hands rest on the pelvis. Some burials only note the presence of beads but not the exact number. One adult was buried with an earthenware pot containing beads. 5.2.4. Miscellaneous items Spindle whorls are strongly associated with adults. They are found with one child, two juveniles, 14 adults, six young adults, 17 old adults, and four without data on age. No burial has more than one spindle whorl. They are found in 44 burials and located at the arms, head region, and femurs. They are near the head, shoulder, body, arms, elbows, forearms, hand, pelvis, femur, knee, leg, and feet. One spindle whorl is inside an overturned bowl located on the femurs of a juvenile.

Figure 5.14: Common locations of tradeware vessels in burials (those with one sample have been omitted)

5.2.3. Ornaments Glass bracelets (n-46) are closely associated with adults and are mostly located around the wrists; others are near the hand, on the arm, or on the knees. There are 22 burials with bracelets: four children with one bracelet each; three juveniles (one with one bracelet, one with two, and one with three); nine adults (three with one each; five with two each; and one with six); one young adult with two bracelets; and three with no information on location. It is mostly juveniles and adults whose graves have more than one bracelet. One old adult has nine bracelets. One child wears an iron bracelet on the left wrist. Since bracelets are found with adults, these may indicate a social position related to activities particular to an age group. Bracelets with juveniles may be indicators of initiation to adult activities. Bracelets with children may suggest a completely different function. A thorough examination of associated goods later may offer explanations for child burials (see Chapters 7-9). Beads are found in only 12 burials and all age groups: two children, one juvenile, four adults, one young adult, one old adult and three without data on age. The beads are found on the chest and near the wrists. The beads may be part of a necklace and/or bracelet worn by the deceased. Beads found on the pelvis may have been part of a bracelet, too, if the

Some items have low distribution. Metal implements were found with one child, two juveniles, five adults, two old adults, and three unaged skeletons. They are near the shoulder, along the arm, below the hand, near the hip, and along the femur. Four stone images are in three burials only; a juvenile contains three of these. Three burials contained animal bones. Stone tools were in three burials each. One adult has three Tridacna gigas, near the skull, arm, and feet; while another old adult has one Tridacna giga on the pelvis, covering a circular disc made from a tradeware vessel. Smaller varieties of shells are associated with ten burials: one infant, one child, one juvenile, two young adults, and one old adult and four unaged burials. The shells are scattered on the chest, femurs, and legs. Alternatively, they are on top of graves and inside pots. A few burials have human skulls buried with them. One adult male was buried with three skulls while a probable adult female is associated with four skulls. Some objects are very rare for they occurred only once in the 284 burials. A net sinker and a pitcher are found with an adult and an old adult, respectively. A probable stone charm is buried with an adult. A brass bell

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the distribution and inclusion of objects. The rarity of these objects as grave goods may indicate that the deceased is distinct from the rest. Deep contextual analyses of assemblage in burials are thus required and are the subject of the next chapters. These objects are examined with associated grave items to support the notion of social distinction that may or may not be related to wealth.

was placed with a juvenile. A young adult and another without data on age were buried with one Chinese coin each. Five cover bowls are found each in five burials. A gold leaf is on the right eye socket of a juvenile. An adult wears a gold ring on the middle finger of the left hand. Besides the foreign ceramics discussed above, a green trade kendi is found with a child. Figures 5.155.16 display the distribution of nonceramics per age group and location in burials. Most of these are also more commonly found with adults.

The redundancy of objects of specific form and designs on defined locations in burials, as illustrated above, points to a patterned deposition of materials. This might indicate a prefigured representation of the deceased. 5.3. General orientation of objects I decided to look at the orientation of the ceramics because a number of them were overturned. Interestingly, particular objects like bowls and plates were almost always upside-down (Figure 5.17). These overturned objects are frequently on the pelvis and femurs (Figure 5.18). At the head and feet, the objects are upright. I suspect the difference between the overturned and upright orientation of an object and its location may be connected to its different functions in the mortuary context.

Figure 5.15: Non-ceramic objects associated with each age group

Figure 5.16: Common locations of non-ceramic objects in burials Figure 5.17: Frequency of objects that are placed upright and overturned in graves

Burials with these ‘rare’ objects may initially be thought of as misrepresented due to their small sample size. On the other hand, this may not be a misrepresentation as other factors could contribute to the rarity of 95

as an elite item, is taken as the sole determinant of status or identity, then burials with more than ten items could be considered as ‘elite’ burials: the more the number of objects in a burial, the higher its rank. However, upon closer examination, the burials with six objects contain the ‘rare’ materials. These objects may indicate different aspects of identities of the individuals related to their age, and economic activities among others. Perhaps it is not mere quantity but also the location and orientation of all these items and their decorations that are significant. Thus these mortuary objects may have performed different functions in each burial, stressing different identities for each individual interred.

Figure 5.18: Frequency of locations of upright and upside-down objects

The typical quantity of goods found in burials is one to four objects (n-237) across age categories; the remaining burials have 5-17 items (Table 5.8). Burials with higher quantities of objects tend to have rare items. The normal quantity of up to four objects is found in all age categories—the infants, however, do not have more than four items. Large quantities of objects, including those extreme figures, five and more, are closely associated with juvenile and adult burials, with the exception of three child burials. If the quantity of objects, particularly the tradeware vessels that have been regarded

5.4. Relationship of ceramic quantity and total number of items Cooking pots tend to be the object in burials with one item. Figure 5.19 also demonstrates that few burials are prominent in terms of quantity of earthenware vessels, foreign ceramics, and total number of items. Burials with higher quantities of objects tend to have higher number of tradeware vessels but fewer earthenware pots (Table 5.9). Age

Total number of items

No data

Infants

Children

Juveniles

Adults

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 12 14 16 17 Total

7 6 2 3 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 20

2 4 4 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 11

15 5 8 4 0 2 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 36

9 6 4 3 1 3 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 28

15 14 19 15 7 5 1 3 0 1 1 1 0 1 83

Young adults 10 6 2 4 4 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 29

Old adults 19 25 13 12 4 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 77

Total 77 66 52 42 16 13 3 5 4 2 1 1 1 1 284

Table 5.8: Frequency of total number of items per age group (only graves with cultural materials)

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and upright in different burials, may suggest a different function relating to the identity and status of the deceased. Similar locations may connote similar functions. These may include ritual and status markers and are discussed in depth in the following chapters. It is apparent that some items were agespecific for they largely occurred with adults. Their presence in few non-adult burials signifies an aspect of identity not related to age. I will propose in Chapter 9 that tradeware vessels were related to adult activities and their corresponding status. The earthenware pots are common burial objects, but we must not forget that there were burials with no goods. Though some burials were striking in terms of the quantity of a specific object, these objects may have been related to social identity rather than rank. Items range from one to four typically and very few burials have more. In terms of variety (category types of objects like tradeware vessels, earthenware pots, glass bracelets and others), infants had three, children and juveniles had four; and adults had six varieties. Maybe quantity was neither a marker of wealth nor was restricted to it. Therefore, other aspects of the burial goods like location in the grave and decorations express aspects of identity of the had in distinct burial contexts.

Figure 5.19: Relationship of ceramics with the total number of items in burials Number of tradeware vessels 0 1 2 3 4 5 7 Total

Number of earthenware vessels 0 1 2 3 16 59 27 5 22 28 21 2 20 19 16 4 7 7 7 1 7 3 3 0 1 3 2 2 0 0 1 0 73 119 77 14

Total 4 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

107 74 59 22 13 8 1 284

Table 5.9: Quantity relationship of earthenware vessels and tradeware vessels in burials

5.5. Summary This chapter has demonstrated that patterns have emerged from the analyses of mortuary objects in Calatagan. Local pots and some tradeware vessels (specifically bowls and plates) had wide distributions. The kendi, kinalabasa, and decorated pots were frequently found with adults, both young and old. The bowls, jars, jarlets, plates, saucers, and spindle whorls were found in all age categories but strongly associated with adults. Glass bracelets and beads were also commonly found with adults, but some non-adults were also buried with these objects, though their distribution was very low. The objects’ location in the burials, I propose, is also significant. Plates were normally placed on the pelvis. Utilitarian1 or the cooking pot and utilitarian2 were mostly found at the head or at the feet of the deceased. The orientation of an object, being overturned

Regarding the treatment of the body, there was no difference between burials accompanied with mortuary goods and those that do not contain any object. Apparently there was a widespread practice of tying body parts, especially the limbs, with the feet frequently bound. The supine position was common in the two burial sets. Some very young infants were placed in jars. Teeth staining and filing appear to be an adult practice, with the exception of one child whose teeth were filed. Only adults (including young and old) and one juvenile had missing skulls. The similar practice of the treatment of the body in terms of positions and tying of body parts across

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understand how people in Calatagan used objects in different ways that, in turn, created the diverse identities of the individuals buried.

similar age categories in all sites points to a group practice indicating a shared concept of mortuary rituals (Larsson 1989). Despite the difficulty of understanding why objects were buried with the deceased, a careful examination of the contexts of these items may prove to be helpful. Mortuary objects may have had actual functions different from intended functions. First, through classifying objects into functional categories, we distinguish the general type of objects placed in burials—were they everyday objects, personal items, or objects used in special contexts? What were the most probable routines that made use of these objects? Then, based on the location in the graves, were the objects intentionally placed or not? Were they meant to be part, around, on, and beside the body or anywhere as long as it was part of the burial? Intentionally placed objects often have different actual functions in graves and convey symbolic representations (O’Shea 1984). Personal possessions functioning as provisions may be close to the body, while gifts for spirits might be placed not with but near the body. Personal items could also be sources of information on identity, as the use and possession of these objects indicate routines and activities the deceased participated in during life. Ritual items may be offerings to spirits and ancestors, and may be present in most burials if the belief was widely practised. This is how I will analyse the identities represented in Calatagan burials. In Chapters 7 to 9, I discuss specific burials and examine the changing functions of pots and non-pottery objects in the context of their locations, their orientations, and designs as they also relate to the age of the deceased. I argue that multiple meanings of these objects across the burials may provide us with the different identities represented in a burial. Moreover, the existence of more than one function for goods allow us to

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CHAPTER 6 Social Identities and Mortuary Objects in Calatagan including personal adornments (Chesson 1999; Fisher 1995; Whittle 2003; Williams 1987), domestic materials, and weapons.

In this chapter, I will describe how identities are constructed in life and how grave objects, particularly earthenware vessels, are possible expressions of the deceased’s social personae. In death, the living represents these identities in the ways kin and community members viewed the deceased (Giddens 1991; Hallam et al. 1999; Parker Pearson 1999). I will propose that using agency and heterarchy may contribute to a richer interpretation of identity in Calatagan compared to past paradigms in archaeology. A society with heterarchical relations involves horizontal and vertical social differentiation. Social status systems are flexible and personal achievements are recognised. Grave objects may represent the age, sex, social, economic, and ritual roles that are avenues to status enhancement (White 1995). The identities marked in Calatagan are given an overview in this chapter.

The functions of mortuary items relating to identities are symbolised by the conscious placement and arrangement around the body (Hoffman 2001 in Whittle 2003). Jones (2002) echoed Thomas’s (1991) view that important objects were placed around the body. I argue that in Calatagan ceramics of similar styles and functional types relating to specific identities are found in the same locations relative to the body. Some styles express group identities and others individual identity (Fisher 1995). Normally, precious substances symbolised values (Clark 1986) relating to wealth, leadership, beauty, emotions, status and other immaterial aspects of a culture; and through them identities were expressed. Though attempts have been made to quantify value in terms of wealth (BarrettoTesoro 2003; Randsborg 1973; Shennan 1975), it remains a subjective assessment. The factors contributing to the value of an object are varied and sourced diversely, meaning that value is dependent on different perspectives. Early archaeological research associated objects of value with political elites (Earle 1990; Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978; Hayden 1995; Junker 1999a). This, however, is just one sector of the society. I emphasise that other identities and other objects of value do exist. Material culture due to repetitive association with various routines embodies diverse identities, and therefore have discrete derivations of values.

I define identity as characteristics individuals or groups share with some but not with others, or that distinguish them, including status, as a social category (DíazAndreu and Lucy 2005; Goodenough 1965; Sørensen 1997). These characteristics are formed from routines performed individually or collectively. In terms of objects, a social group within a culture may exclusively own and use specific objects, whereas a cultural group possesses common and similar objects. Objects are not only typological and chronological markers (Sørensen 1997), but are active in creating, expressing and maintaining identities (Hodder 1978), reinforcing social cohesion, and establishing personal differentiation (see Hakenbeck 2004). Thus an individual’s or social group’s identity may be defined by their actions and relations to and use of objects (Levy 1999b; Ray 1987; Sørensen 2000). Groups, whether social or cultural, and individual identities, are stressed in burials by incorporating objects

An individual is a composite of identities and can hold varying social positions in life. In Tagalog funerals, as shown in Chapter 3, different items buried with the deceased may represent different identities. This indigenous practice known as pabaon is 99

the material culture. It overlooked the people and the individual that created and used these objects. Furthermore, these cultural materials were used as temporal and spatial markers, and owed their variations in the archaeological record to contacts between groups. This approach generally treated recipient cultures as passive.

observed in Philippine ethnohistory, ethnography, and archaeology (Barretto 2000, 2002). Cross-cultural surveys (Barretto 2000, 2002; Binford 1972a; Carr 1995; Kamp 1998; Ucko 1969) provide inventories of an extensive array of variables affecting the mortuary record. Mortuary objects are potent sources of information about societies (Bartel 1982; Doucette 2001). Various interpretations include: possessions of the deceased; donations of mourners; gifts to the dead; provisions, offerings; elaborate objects in child burials as manifestation of the parents’ grief and emotional loss; achievement, status, and wealth; ritual items; venues of power display and legitimacy; correlates of social complexity; and identity representation including gender, ethnicity, and culture (Parker Pearson 1999). Although social differentiation was more evident in mortuary practices, as a continuum of variabilities instead of distinct divergences (Feinman and Neitzel 1984), Parker Pearson (1984, 1999, 2000) offers a nontraditional interpretation that takes into account the role of the living in burials, as funerary activities may be arenas of aggrandisement and/or competition. When one encounters a burial, the most frequent questions concern the identity of the deceased and his/her social role(s) and status in life.

Advocates of New Archaeology advanced the idea of predictability in cultures and explained things by their functions in relation to the whole; the whole cultural system could then be predicted on the basis of its material culture. Hence, the physical environments people inhabit determined aspects of culture like its economy, settlement, and beliefs. Changes were caused by external factors affecting cultural systems and their responses were thought to be universal, leading to the same end-results anywhere. The processual interpretation focused on burial goods as reflections of sociopolitical organisation affected by ecological adaptation. It was believed that adaptation to specific ecological niches produced similar social structures and similar material goods. Additionally, processualists viewed burial practices and identities as indicative of actions creating rank and status; hence burial objects were seen as representations of the deceased’s social position in life, and as elements of three interrelated systems of technology, social organisation, and ideology (Binford 1962).

6.1. Past approaches The cultural historical framework interpreted burial practices as results of external processes. The cultural-historical approach links particular artefacts to specific groups or people, usually using style as a basis, and provides its spatial and temporal extents. Thus similarities in burial goods in specific time periods are attributed to diffused cultural traits leading to shared ideas through various contacts like migrations or trade relations. The culture history approach was concerned more with large cultural groups. Cultural identities and affiliations are recognised by examining

However, ethnographic works on death and burials present a different view. Mortuary objects can represent a diverse range of factors from belief systems to social positions and nature of death among others. Ucko (1969) suggested a nonrestrictive approach to understand the significance of grave goods. Moreover, mortuary studies were interpreted within the framework of socio-evolutionary models (Parker Pearson 1999), so complexity in burials reflected (political) complexity in the social scale (Binford 1972a; Peebles and Kus 1977), an

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aspect contested heterarchy.

by

proponents

to burials; while Shay (1985) proposes to examine representation of deviancy in burials. I want to stress that Binford’s (1972a, 1972b) earlier works made mention of various factors affecting mortuary practices including age, sex, social status, affiliation, and nature of death. However, as mentioned above, these were interpreted in the cultural evolutionary framework prevailing during that period.

of

Post-processual approaches highlight the importance of cultural meaning, the role of the individual, and history. Hodder (1991) suggested looking at context of objects to understand its symbolisms. Artefacts, regardless of their time and place, are always found with other artefacts. The archaeologist may then ‘read’ the meaning by comprehending the relationships of these objects. Hodder (in Johnson 1999:101) believed that ‘material culture was actively manipulated by people, that is, people used things in different ways as part of particular social strategies, rather than material things being a passive reflection of a set of rules’.

6.2. Identity and mortuary objects Four markers are investigated in Calatagan: (a) cultural affiliation, (b) personal qualities of sex and age, (c) personal achievement, and (d) status. A person’s identity begins at birth when everyone asks the sex of the newborn. It is the kin group where the primary identity is established (Jenkins 1996; Williams 1989 in McCarthy 2004). The child is taught selfidentification, and his/her status within the kin group – who the relations are and how they are related. Similarly, the individual is introduced to non-kin members. It is in this phase that individuals learn what, how, and with whom associations should be arranged. Age and sex are fundamental identity markers. Routines are sometimes sex- and age-specific so that objects used in such activities can be good symbols of sex and age groups. In Tagalog society, age was an important factor that determined identity and status constructed in the context of utang na loob. Within such a reciprocal relationship, exchange was in the form of labour and material goods. Individuals like infants and children who lacked the skills to provide either of these were most probably treated differently in death.

If individuals in processual archaeology were treated as passive entities whose actions were dependent on the surrounding environment, in agency models (Dobres and Robb 2000a) the individual is active— he/she, to a degree, creates his/her own identities. Material culture promotes the perpetuation and change of the society through individuals who make and use the objects. The individual is, of course, part of a cultural system and his/her actions are influenced by the social structure along with factors of personality, individual preference, and experience. This does not seek to know every individual behind the object but to understand relationships between people and objects. It attempts to identify what factors shaped the actor’s subjectivities by understanding the context of historical meanings like social, economic, cultural, and technological conditions (Hodder 1986). Thus some grave goods were part of negotiations linked to beliefs in the afterlife, political and social alliances, and identities not necessarily related to rank (Carr 1995; Crawford 2004; Harris 1982; Pader 1982; Parker Pearson 1999, 2000). Carr (1995) focusing on the ‘social, physical-religious, circumstantial, and physical determinants’ of mortuary practices encapsulates the diverse importance of every attribute related

As the child grows, he/she starts interacting with non-family members (Jenkins 1996). The peer group is influential, and the identity is further established within the group and the larger scale of relations as the individual continuously engages in the same action and behaviour of its peers within and outside the community (McCarthy 2004).

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and amorphous’ (Parker Pearson 1999:33). Therefore, people are actively engaged in their roles and consistently challenge social boundaries. In burials, grave goods could be symbols of the ‘active strategies of individuals’ (Johnson 1999:104; Barrett 1990) that ingeniously manipulate social rules to restructure their social standing. In brief, it is the social relations that construct the person and the social organisation (Doucette 2001).

In Tagalog ethnohistory, common group activities were connected to raids, trades, and feasts. A Tagalog’s identity and status were largely based on his/her utang na loob. His/her contribution and role in any or all of these activities were affected by how indebted he/she was. Nevertheless these group activities were integrating, and despite of one’s status, individuals still had access to material goods in the form of balato or tokens. I argue that these group activities, individual achievements, and prestige identities may be recognised in the Calatagan burials, including who gave and received tokens based on the type of objects placed with the deceased.

One social relation important among the Tagalogs was interaction with spirits, as described in Chapter 3. I am also interested in the representation of cultural identity through the active performance of rituals. These rituals do not legitimate power but instead negotiate a reciprocal relationship with the spiritworld. I propose in Chapter 7 that ritual items in the Calatagan burials were significant markers of cultural affiliation (DeCorse 1989). Though variations may exist, these rituals were carried out in the same context and setting. Further, funeral rituals are part of a group’s routines that over time construct group identity. Philippine ethnohistoric documents relate the use of earthenware vessels as offerings in rituals. This ritual use was most probably the reason why earthenware vessels continued to be used as grave materials in spite of the numerous foreign ceramics in the Calatagan burials. Some burials examined in Chapter 5 displayed different categories of objects like trade and local ceramics having similar locations, which could indicate the functions, while difference in locations in the grave may have indicated another function. This suggests to me that the same object could be ranked in different ways depending on its location in the burial. I will argue in Chapters 7 to 9 that the difference in locations of objects marks a range of identities in the Calatagan burials. In addition, the diverse ranking of objects may have conveyed multiple routines involving the similar use of objects.

Cohen (1985) argued that community members share a ‘similar “sense of things” and participate in a common symbolic domain’ (Jenkins 1996:107). For Joyce (1998 in Joyce and Hendon 2000), a definition of community shares some aspects with Cohen, such as spatial location where people repeat the same body of social rules or perform routines (Whittle 2003) to varying degrees. Though people engage with symbols in the community, they might have different readings and meanings. For me, people are woven into the community through symbols, roles they perform, and their routines. Daily interactions taking place between and among individuals create shared understanding of things (Cohen 1985; Joyce 1998; Whittle 2003; Yaeger and Canuto 2000). I agree with Whittle (2003) that routines bring comfort, and individuals may or may not be aware that their actions reproduce structures. Robb (1999:8) argues that people ‘do everything except reproduce cultural structures’. Nevertheless, these routines are ‘rarely neutral in meaning or reflection’ (Whittle 2003:22). People do not go through the motions of their daily lives: though there are ‘rules’ to follow, they can interpret these differently. Rules guiding role performance can be manipulated, inducing the roles to be ‘fluid

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and their designs. The flexibility of pottery functions and their different rank in each category suggest a heterarchy of goods and identities in the burials. This fluidity is similar to the various roles of beads in Turkana (Williams 1987), and functions of pots in Igbo-Ukwu (Ray 1987). The former conveyed group identity, beauty, wealth, age, gender, and marital status and also served as charms and gifts, while different groups used the latter in ritual, economic, and domestic contexts.

Some earthenware vessels and tradeware vessels were conspicuous shared symbols linking people of various identities and statuses together such as the catalonan who received tokens after offering a sacrifice upon a datu’s request; a datu sharing booty from a sea expedition with his rowers; or raiders wearing symbols of bravery and success (See Chapter 3). Shared roles and routines of object acquisition, pottery production and consumption, constant interactions with spirits, and practice of burial rites also carried cultural significance.

There are two keys to exploring the Calatagan identities. First is the use of a contextualised analysis both in ethnohistory (Chapter 3) and in the burial (Chapter 5). The contextualised study of burial data assessed the relationship of an object, in terms of its style, form, type, location to the body. A contextualised examination of ethnohistory looked at the different uses of pots with respect to various individuals. These two analyses are linked through interpreting what and how identities were signified in the burials. Second is the examination of patterns and traits of the overall burial record. The repetitive association of object and context—in the ground and in text—symbolises the identity (Sørensen 2000) being marked. Also, degrees of redundancy of associations correlate with groups (Parker Pearson 1999); that is, a high redundancy may be treated as a uniform symbol of a specific group.

Primarily using ceramics as clues to these identities, I suggest that specific vessels buried with the deceased were expressions of cultural affiliation and symbols of prestige. The repeated and intentional acts were paths to negotiating identities in Calatagan. The conscious interment of selected materials was a public and social practice institutionally organised, repeated, patterned, and varied to a degree in order to express social status, personal identity, and religious beliefs. 6.3. Multiple and fluid identities Mortuary objects in Calatagan may have functions relating to at least one and probably more identities. This is because, at any one time, a person may have more identities than those chosen by the self (Goodenough 1965), or even have ‘overlapping identities’ (Hegmon 1998:274). Goodenough (1965) referred to this composite of social identities as the social persona. Hegmon’s ‘overlapping identities’ and Goodenough’s social persona caused an individual’s identity to be ‘multifaceted and more complex’ (McCarthy 2004:26). Whittle (2003:50) shares the view that ‘identity is complex and many-sided’.

Though Hodder did not focus on burials, his 1978 ethnoarchaeological study in the Baringo District clearly illustrated the fluidity, ephemeral nature, and unboundedness of identities in a manner similar to that proposed by heterarchy: Individuals can move across borders and change their homes. When they do this, they will usually change their dress to conform to the tribe in which they live. But if they make a visit to their original tribe for a short

In Calatagan, the deceased could have a spectrum of identities from cultural affiliation to age and sex and to status. Probably some pots belonged to multiple identity categories based on their locations

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How does the individual achieve various identities as illustrated above? I propose that the actor is anyone in the society who has the power to define and expand who he or she is in the context of his or her sex, age, and ability. Each person has the capacity to define and redefine him/herself. Nielsen (1995:49) defined power as ‘the ability of actors to pursue goals. Every action intrinsically implied the application of means or resources in order to attain results. It can then be conceived of as an actor's ability to mobilise the resources that constitute the basis of action’. For Nielsen, utilising resources like objects, information, and people for their own means is any behaviour necessary for cultural reproduction. Nielsen looked at the power of people already advantaged by their position, for they decide ‘who can gain access to which portion of the 'social capital', or total pool of socially produced sources’ (Nielsen 1995:49).

period, they might well change their dress again. A woman can outwardly express different identities, and there is rarely any ambiguity about what identity she is overtly expressing at any one time. The individual and an outside observer would always come to the same conclusion about which tribe a particular person was identifying with (Hodder 1978:48). In Baringo society, individuals can be ranked differently in different tribes, depending on the group/tribe with which an individual is currently affiliated. Tribal identity in Baringo was communicated through the use of ornaments. Wearing different ornaments in different tribal contexts allowed women ‘to be recognized as friends and not as an enemy in times of fighting’ (Hodder 1978:52). Simultaneously these personal adornments, like identities, can be ranked in various ways in different tribes.

For DeMarrais et al. (1996:15) social power is the ‘capacity to control and manage the labour and activities of a group to gain access to the benefits of social action’. Ideology is materialised in symbols, architecture, and ceremonies that are manipulated to achieve, negotiate, and maintain political control. It is, therefore, integral to control the economy to ‘communicate a standardized message’ (DeMarrais et al. 1996:18), which is used to legitimate political control. In this research, I look at other forms and sources of social power, as described in Chapter 2, used to create identities beyond the politicaleconomic elite mentioned by Nielsen and DeMarrais et al. Power might have been dispersed among the individuals in Calatagan.

Similarly in the Pacific, for instance among Maori groups, Phillips (2004) documented Maori affiliation to include the family, extended family, small, larger and regional tribal groups. A small tribal group can claim lineages from various larger tribal groups, but are not necessarily subdivisions of the latter. The same is true at the individual level—each claimed bilateral descent, be a member of various small and larger tribal and regional groups. This is another good example of heterarchical social relations where horizontal kin and extended networks exist based on alliances and marriage; both the individual and his/her group can be ranked in different ways in the different tribal groups they claimed affinity with. Further, Anderson’s (1980 in Phillips 2004: Figure 3) schematic representation of social units displayed the overlapping nature of boundaries and relations.

Among Tagalogs, different people have distinct sources of power as described in Chapter 3. In subsequent chapters I examine how these powers and identities are materialised (DeMarrais et al. 1996). The structure that existed in Calatagan was

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1992). Ceramics may be expressions of ideology relating to ritual, ceremony (Arnold 1985), and cosmology.

probably dynamic and full of actors achieving different goals and in the process exercising disparate means of power. Through their actions, the social structure was continually recreated and transformed; in the same manner the dynamic structures reproduced the actors’ actions.

Pots as crafts can communicate social identity (Bartlett and McAnany 2000; Costin 1998; Costin and Wright 1998; Wobst 1977); decorations and forms of ceramics can indicate group identification or membership (Costin and Wright 1998; Graves 1982; Otto 1977; Orton et al. 1993; Sinopoli 1999; Wiessner 1983, 1990; Wilen 1992). Hodder’s (1982) study of the Baringo pottery decorations showed styles integrating individuals within groups and that they were part of a social strategy women used against older men. Simultaneously, designs and motifs on pottery can suggest social integration and also restrict affiliation (Beaudry 1988). The study of craft specialisation has been associated with how elites controlled production and how crafts were used in giftgiving and feasting rituals as part of their political strategies (Junker 1999a; Pauketat and Emerson 1991; Reents-Budet 1998; Wattenmaker 1998) or to express ‘aspects of social identity in large scale and relatively anonymous urban societies’ (Wattenmaker 1998:47). According to Bacus (2003), some stylistic similarities in Philippine pottery in the mid-second millennium AD represented a form of shared elite symbolism between polities. Recently, studies focused on the active role of artisans as skilled workers in craft production (Costin and Wright 1998; Wattenmaker 1998), but it is usually still in the context of a political elite and centre controlling the production, and restricting access to resources and labour. I prefer a bottom-up approach that examines practices and actions of individuals in the local level (Andrews and Doonan 2003; Robb 1999). It is in these physical and social locales that identities are established.

Instead of using ideology that had been associated with sociopolitical actions, I use beliefs as a neutral term to characterise ‘many categories of institutionalised ‘folk’ beliefs…about disease, dying, death, the soul, the afterlife, and the cosmos’ (Carr 1995:107). The worldview permeating the social system among the inhabitants of Calatagan probably rests on the exchange of labour and goods, where status was determined by the amount of labour and goods one owes. The expropriation of service and property, reciprocal indebtedness, and contractual obligations (Cannell 1999; Rafael 1988; Scott 1994) are sources of power. Other sources of power and identities are closely associated with pottery production and use; acquisition of exotic materials (Helms 1993); possession and use of objects (DeMarrais et al. 1996); information, knowledge, and skill (Helms 1993; Nielsen 1995); and a wide range of beliefs relating to life, the spiritworld, and mortuary behaviour. 6.4. Pots as symbols of identities Earthenware vessels are the most common materials found in archaeological sites. They are sources of much information regarding past lives (Renfrew 1977). Pots are chronological markers. They are evidence of culture-spread and symbols of identity both of maker and user. Pots inform us about the society’s technology: its production, distribution and redistribution, levels and types of exchanges, supply, and demand. They are mediums of political strategies, alliances, boundary cohesions, and separation. Analyses of residue in pots can tell us what food was consumed and how it was prepared; abrasions on pots can provide clues on how they were used (Skibo

I argued in Chapter 4 that Calatagan pottery production during the 15th century took place at the household level and this

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human, and the dynamics between individual, group, and institutional interactions further establish the identities created through practice. As each individual in early Tagalog society, be it a catalonan, datu, maginoo, maharlika, or alipin, accomplishes tasks, he or she firmly establishes his or her identity in the community.

probably influenced the creation of a group identity. Pots were used in almost all contexts of the Tagalog lives discussed in Chapter 3, and had crucial roles in the social, economic, and ritual domains linking people of various identities. I argue that the style of pots, their location and associated materials in burials were generally connected to the identity of potters and consumers (Chapters 7-9). The symbolism of these pots was closely associated with the routines and roles the people performed.

Written history (whether ethnohistory or ethnography) can aid in understanding these intentions (David 2004); and this is precisely the reason for Chapter 3. But intention as indicated above is different from agency. It is agency when the intention is carried out and constantly practised. Perceived changes in the archaeological record are, of course, deliberate efforts of object inclusion. Tradeware vessels in Calatagan were occasioned by the increasing trade contacts with other Southeast Asian populations. These objects become meaningful when an agent has used them—raiders and traders— to symbolise social values related to skill of acquisition (Helms 1993), judged to be worthy of praise and admiration wherein the impact is materially distinct.

6.5. Pots and agency For most scholars agency has been an issue of intentionality. An intention targeted towards the exercise of power is agency (David 2004). People have agency when they choose to perform acts over others that become common practice so that they eventually produce patterns in the archaeological record. Why did the people of Calatagan prefer earthenware vessels? Why were sunbursts and solar-motifs designs on tradeware vessels and some earthenware vessels chosen for some burials? Why were local pots mostly found at the feet and foreign ceramics at the hand, on the pelvis or covering the face? I argue that these locations around the body were consciously selected for specific type of objects to represent and negotiate identities.

I suggest later that there were other values due to their predictability of performance (because they were common and regular), which lost their efficacy as sources of power. For instance, most Tagalogs could have practised ritual offerings and pottery production that were prevalent in their daily lives. Earthenware vessels were deliberately included in burials despite the presence of tradeware vessels, suggesting these objects were still meaningful to the survivors.

Pottery forms and designs provide insights as to what the intention of the producer was, and are informative of the artisan’s agency (Russell 2004). Similarly, placing pots and all the other objects in the Calatagan graves indicates the intention of those who buried the body. The Calatagan burial goods were either produced locally or acquired from outside sources and placed in burials within a given intention sustained by reciprocity and daily routines.

6.6. Why are these objects meaningful? Value is difficult to assess, as it is subjective on two levels: the perception of the society being studied and the personal bias of the researcher. The objects in the Calatagan graves would not be buried with the deceased if they were not valued. How and why were these specific objects

I agree with Hegmon (2003) that agency should not be associated with motivation but with practice. Understanding how humans carried out their routines and performed their roles makes them more

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belief system and the relationship of individuals with spirits. The acquisition and possession of trade objects bring status to individuals. In particular, tradeware vessels with specific patterns were possibly ‘inalienable possessions’ kept by datus for themselves, whereas other types of tradeware vessels were alienable objects.

meaningful to the people of Calatagan? I look at the research of several scholars dealing with the creation of values and apply them to this research to assess why funerary objects in Calatagan were considered worthy to be included in burials. Helms (1993) suggested the possession of skills and knowledge needed to produce or acquire objects gave value to objects. Kopytoff (1986) offered that the ‘biography of things’ or the life history of an object determines its value. For Weiner (1992), objects of value were ‘inalienable possessions’ kept within the family or close kin; therefore these were objects exclusive to the use of some individuals or social groups. Lesure (1999), following Weiner’s study, proposed a criterion of distinguishing the ‘alienability’ of objects, and indicators for determining values of objects. These criteria could help discern between commodities and ‘inalienable possessions’ in the archaeological record. Gosden (2004) made a distinction between things and objects; things have quality while objects were quantifiable. Things are cosmologically laden and therefore have higher values than objects that appear to be commodities and equivalent to Lesure’s alienable objects.

6.7. Overview of identities and statuses markers in Calatagan I present an overview of the markers in 429 Calatagan burials indicating cultural affiliation, personal achievement, status and those without funerary items. Cultural affiliation probably through the inclusion of ritual objects has the largest distribution (34.26 percent) followed by prestige (22.84 percent) and personal items (9.09 percent) (Table 6.1). Ritual items tend to be earthenware vessels located near head, hand, and feet areas. With the introduction of foreign items, some burials contained tradeware vessels found in similar areas that functioned as ritual items. Prestige items are usually located on or near the pelvis and are differentiated into two: high-prestige goods are ceramics, whether local or imported, with sun motifs or bird designs; lowprestige objects are local pots and ceramics with other designs. Personal markers tend to be non-ceramic objects like spindle whorls, glass bracelets, beads, and metal implements.

I propose that the value of burial objects in Calatagan was determined by a number of factors: the beliefs they acquire them, and the degree of their inalienability. Earthenware vessels were symbols of the Age Infants Children Juveniles Adults Young adults Old adults No data Total Percent

Ritual 10 21 15 37 12 41 11 147 34.26

Identity and status Personal identity Prestige 0 1 2 13 4 9 16 30 4 9 4 39 9.09

13 27 5 98 22.84

No Objects 2 23 18 43 19 40 0 145 33.79

Table 6.1: Frequency of different markers in Calatagan across age categories

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Total 13 59 46 126 48 117 20 429 100

Age Infants Children Juveniles Adults Young adults Old Adults No data Total

Combination of markers Ritual + Personal Ritual + Ritual + Ritual personal + Prestige Personal identity + No objects Prestige Personal prestige Prestige 10 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 21 7 2 0 5 0 1 23 15 6 1 2 1 3 0 18 37 18 14 9 3 2 0 43 12 8 1 3 1 3 1 19 41 15 6 8 3 3 1 40 11 4 3 1 0 1 0 0 147 59 27 23 13 12 3 145

Total 13 59 46 126 48 117 20 429

Table 6.2: Combination of markers across age categories

Individuals regardless of age groups were buried with ritual items. Personal markers are found from children to old adults but not with infants. Perhaps infants had not yet achieved a status where they were recognised as capable of performing tasks. Prestige items are buried with all age groups. Non-adults with prestige markers could suggest an ascribed status.

sites in Calatagan have exclusive access to any of these markers (Figure 6.2), hinting at shared expression of ritual and status. Similarly, prestige markers are found in all sites. The presence of only one at some sites does not indicate restricted access to these items; but the infrequency is probably due to the low sample.

The data reveal that some burials with prestige and personal items contained combinations of markers (Table 6.2; Figure 6.1). Still, a large percentage of the burials contain only ritual items. Ritual objects are sometimes found with personal and/or prestige markers. Only 28 burials lack ritual items. These burials are discussed in the next chapters. Burials with only ritual items are described in Chapter 7; ritual/personal and personal in Chapter 8; ritual/prestige, prestige, personal/prestige, ritual/personal/prestige in Chapter 9. No

Figure 6.2: Burial markers across sites (northsouth)

The presence of earthenware vessels as ritual items usually occurs in burials with one to two earthenware vessels and decreases in burials with no earthenware vessels and with three or four earthenware vessels (Figure 6.3). Burials without earthenware vessels may have used foreign ceramics as ritual items instead. The number of earthenware vessels as ritual items in burials decreases with the presence of foreign ceramics but they continue to be used in graves (Figure 6.4). Tradeware

Figure 6.1: Combination of markers in Calatagan (burials without goods not included)

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vessels, used as low- and high-prestige goods, are common in burials with fewer than three earthenware pots.

Figure 6.3: The relationship of the frequency of burials with ceramics as ritual items and number of earthenware vessels

Figure 6.5: Frequency of burials with ceramics as ritual items and total number of items

Figure 6.4: The relationship of the frequency of burials with ceramics as ritual items and number of tradeware vessels

vessels tend to be used as ritual items when there is more number of tradeware vessels in burials, indicating that through time, tradeware vessels were replacing earthenware vessels as ritual items.

Figure 6.6: The relationship of the number of burials with ceramics as prestige and number of earthenware vessels

Earthenware pots used as prestige items are only in burials without tradeware vessels or have one to two tradeware vessels (Figure 6.7). Low-prestige tradeware vessels are in burials with five or less tradeware vessels. Two burials with five tradeware vessels each have earthenware pots used as prestige markers, but are not present in the burial with seven tradeware vessels.

Tradeware vessels as ritual markers are present in burials containing a higher number of objects (Figure 6.5). The graph shows that earthenware pots are still used as ritual items together with tradeware vessels. This indicates that individuals regardless of status were still buried with earthenware pots. Earthenware pots used as prestige items are in burials containing one to three earthenware pots (Figure 6.6). Tradeware

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prestige tradeware vessels still contain earthenware pots used as ritual items (Figure 6.9). Burials without high-prestige tradeware vessels tend to contain earthenware pots used as prestige objects.

Figure 6.7: Number of burials with ceramics as prestige and number of tradeware vessels

Low-prestige tradeware vessels are common in burials with five or fewer number of items (Figure 6.8). Earthenware pots used as prestige are usually in burials with only one object, and less frequent in burials with higher quantities of objects. High-prestige tradeware vessels are often found in burials with two to four objects. Although highprestige tradeware vessels are most likely to be found in burials with higher number of objects, not all contain high-prestige tradeware vessels. High-prestige tradeware vessels appear in burials with one tradeware vessel, suggesting that quality of items is more important than quantity to indicate prestige. Some burials containing high-

Figure 6.9: Relationship of burials with different prestige ceramics

6.8. Summary I have demonstrated that early approaches in archaeology were more concerned with identifying cultural groups and the effects of the environment on societies; burials and grave objects were interpreted as reflections of social status and social organisation according to evolutionary scales. These macroscale approaches failed to recognise individuals. Agency and heterarchy have a wider application in investigating identities: a range of identities could be represented in graves, such as cultural affiliation manifested through ritual objects, and personal qualities of age and sex, personal achievements, and status. The styles of ceramics and their locations in burials are crucial for analysing these identities. Since particular ceramics and object categories in Calatagan were strongly associated with areas around the body, I have interpreted these as deliberate acts of agency. Agents have regarded these objects as having value because they were included in the burials

Figure 6.8: Number of burials with prestige ceramics and total number of items

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perhaps for various reasons relating to acquisition and beliefs. I have proposed that varied identities and statuses were represented in the Calatagan burials, both individually and collectively. I suggested that these identities were created through practice. Various Tagalog individuals interacted in the same physical space, so objects could have had multiple meanings suggesting the fluid identities of the people who used them. In Chapters 7 to 9, I examine individual burials from 15th-century Calatagan, focusing on how cultural affiliation, personal identity, and status are embodied through earthenware vessels and other mortuary objects.

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CHAPTER 7 Cultural Identity Markers in Calatagan potter/female identity with the notion of routines and roles, and belief system, and suggest the interrelations of all these contribute to identifying the people in Calatagan as part of one culture during the 15th century.

Though all objects in burials were ritually placed, I propose that a careful assessment of their locations and quality might indicate their different functions as argued in Chapter 5. These could include representations of age, gender, status, and cultural group associations occurring separately or in combination. In this chapter, I will investigate the significance of earthenware vessels in the Calatagan. Why did people in Calatagan continue to use local pots as part of the burial assemblage despite the occurrence of foreign wares? Some of the pots might have been part of death rites that their production persisted for funeral use. I will argue that some pots described in Chapter 4 were vehicles of identity representations negotiated in particular and shared contexts.

7.1. Ritual in burials Ancestral spirits greatly affect the lives of people in Island Southeast Asia (ChambertLoir and Reid 2002; Feldman 1985). Communicating with them through offerings, sacrifices and feasts were ways to link the present with the past (Feldman 1985). Through offerings and sacrifices, spirits aided the people to achieve success in activities. If not properly shown respect, malignant spirits may cause sickness, violence, and other misfortunes. In the Philippines, the same beliefs have been described in Spanish documents beginning in the 1500s. Relationships with spirits are usually manifested through prayers, sacrifices and votive offerings (Van Straten 1981). These three, according to Van Straten, always go together. Sacrifice involved the consumption by humans and/or divine beings and was made to ‘honour, thank, and request’ (Van Straten 1981:65), while votive offerings are usually physically evident, lasting, visible, and permanently present (Van Straten 1981).

I will also investigate what and how objects mark cultural affiliation. Rituals are important aspects of culture. Certain stages of an individual’s life are marked with celebrations introducing a person’s current status to the public. These include births, rites of adulthood, marriage, having children, and death. As beliefs are generally shared among individuals within the same cultural group, I will argue that ritual objects are similar and widespread across age and sex categories. This is important because it underscores other segments of past societies, and not just the elites.

For Hertz (1960), followed by others (Carr 1995; Harris 1982), rituals performed during burials are significant to the living, for they implore the spirits not to harm them. Through ritual deposits they communicate with the supernatural (Crawford 2004). Grave goods most often include provisions needed in the afterlife (Carr 1995; Middleton 1982). Among the Bolivian Laymi, food, coca leaf, and household and personal accessories constitute the provisions placed in burials, and sometimes even accompanied by money (Harris 1982). The coca leaf is

I will discuss here why burial rituals convey cultural identity, how it is archaeologically determined, and propose characteristics of ritual objects. Additionally, I will explain the relationships of ritual and pottery production in constructing a cultural identity in Calatagan. Although the demand for pots, as part of the burial paraphernalia, remained regular, production in Calatagan did not become specialised (Arnold 1985). As argued earlier, pots were produced at the household level; in this chapter I link this 112

performance of rituals thus implies agency. The act of repeating where objects are placed in Calatagan burials marks the same notion over and over again, hence pots become a form of symbolic communication and in the process the earthenware vessels embody the cultural identity and the ideology (Sørensen 2000) of the community.

consistently chewed throughout the burial process from death until the burial, as it was believed to protect survivors from the spirit of the deceased (Harris 1982). In Cagayan, it was important for a woman to tattoo her hands in black in life, as was the custom. It was believed that her soul could not pass the river or lake where a boatman waited to take it to the afterlife if her hands were not tattooed (Aduarte 1640). This represents a cultural identity; regardless of other statuses it was necessary in both life and death.

Some archaeological indicators of ritual Renfrew (1985) proposed are present in Calatagan. This observation strengthens the notion that ritual can be a good indicator of cultural identity (DeCorse 1989). The burial itself is a boundary zone between the living and the dead; it is a specific point when spirits and the living participate or are present in the same public activity. Placing offerings in burials symbolised for instance by pots was a way to balance life and death (Cameron 1985), by appeasing spirits to prevent further deaths.

Hertz’s (1960) ethnographic study describes three relationships as manifested in burials: living to the dead, soul to the living, and soul to the corpse. The mourners had obligations to the dead and this structured mortuary rites during burials, usually dependent on the status of the deceased (Hertz 1960). Rituals were influenced by how many persons were indebted to the deceased, the loss caused by his/her death, and fear of spirits. This became the foundation of other burial studies concentrating on the link between elite status and objects (Carr 1995). Ritual performances produce a sociopsychological negotiation among the living. When death happens, there may be undecided issues between the living and dead, for which suitable propitiations should be made to thwart any harm the spirits may cause.

In early Tagalog society, the most probable ethnolinguistic group that occupied Calatagan, beseeching the spirits was a significant aspect of daily life (see Chapter 3). Burial rites were the celebrations of the departed’s transformation to a nuno, spirits of ancestors. When a person died, this ‘lifeforce’ (Valdes 2003a) continued to be among the living. Nunos were respected, observed in offerings placed everywhere to honour so no harm may befall the living. In burial contexts, these ritual items may function in two ways: as provisions; and as offerings, votives, or dedications (Osborne 2004). Some earthenware pots and tradeware vessels might have been placed in defined positions in the burials, functioning either as offerings or provisions. Carr (1995) lists belief systems followed by social position as frequently affecting the nature of mortuary goods. These beliefs include understanding the universe, and the nature of the soul and its impact on the living. It appears that the inclusion of some earthenware vessels in Calatagan was determined by their beliefs.

From the perspective of archaeology, Renfrew (1985; see also Connerton 1989; Liebman 1977; Merrifield 1987) considers the material correlates of ritual to contain concepts of redundancy and constant associations of objects. Renfrew (2006) defines ritual as ‘repeated conventional programs in expressive actions’. Communicating a message requires standard symbolic objects regularly used over and over again, and customarily associated with the same set of objects. These create a sense of certainty in the person presenting the ritual that his/her supplications have been heard. The

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group’s cohesion (Lee and Zhu 2002). Rituals are the primary realms of cultural symbols (DeCorse 1989).

7.2. Ritual as an expression of cultural identity Cultural groups are primarily identified by their places and histories of the place (Howard 1990). The community is an important source of collective identity (Jenkins 1996:105), though not the only source of a person’s identity (Yaeger and Canuto 2000). Yaeger and Canuto (2000:5) define community as a combination of ‘people, places and premise’. For them, the community is one large ‘social institution’ producing and produced by social interactions within a particular space and time.

Group identity is reinforced by an awareness of others, and living together in a place, a specific locale: the settlement itself and the immediate vicinity one moves in where the routines are performed and the identities created. People recognise themselves as a group because of their place, language, and practices. I consider funerary objects as most likely to represent cultural markers (McCarthy 2004) because the burial ceremony is the last rite the individual undergoes before he/she physically disappears from the community. It celebrates the last link between the individual and the society. Death is a destructive force known to all, and burial ceremonies are public activities that ease the tension and bring back harmony to the community. When a person dies, he/she undergoes this experience alone. For the community to experience together the pain and the loss of the individual’s life, it is imperative to come together to commemorate his/her death. Rituals mark this communal approach in understanding death. Ritual affects the society on two levels: on that of the personal, it helps an individual to cope with death; on that of the community, it provides social solidarity in some or differentiation in others. In Calatagan, ritual items buried with the deceased symbolised social integration because they united them with their cultural group.

Community exists based on interactions between kin groups, spatial units, and occupational, religious, and ethnic groups (Yaeger and Canuto 2000). Boundary is an important factor in community (Cohen 1985) for it designates who are included and excluded (Jenkins 1996). Space is crucial in creating and maintaining community identity (Bartlett and McAnany 2000) because it is the locus of people’s daily lives and their meaningful social relations (Jenkins 1996; Yaeger and Canuto 2000). However, it is not only a physical unit (Yaeger and Canuto 2000). The source of a person’s identity is not the community alone but the ‘competing or complementing’ powerful interactions of multiple identities of ‘factions, lineages, genders’ (Yaeger and Canuto 2000:7), and individuals. The interactions and routines fulfilled daily contribute to the structure of the community both as a group and as a spatial unit. These actions create identity (McCarthy 2004; Whittle 2003), and it is in these seemingly mundane acts that culture and community identities are formed. Through these actions, people share stories (Watson 1990) and engage with symbols they think best represent their community; what symbol and how they engaged with it may vary from individual to individual. This symbol of culture may be an object, an act, or a belief system providing a basis for the

7.3. Offerings and provisions Philippine ritual vessels were ordinary objects used in daily life (Valdes 2003a) and called pang-alay, as opposed to pabaon. ‘Baon is the food one takes on a journey’ (Rafael 1988: 118). Pabaon placed with the body are then provisions. Pang-alay were pots placed at the feet, and analogous to offerings of earthenware vessels with aromatic substances usually offered before idols (Chirino 1604). Personal observations

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reveal that offerings to religious statues are often left at their feet (see Renfrew 1985). Offerings were for the deceased and other spirits to appease them; their purpose was for the well being of the community, while provisions were different. They were for the departed’s use and it is for his/her well being in the afterlife. In Calatagan, some of the ceramics were either used as pabaon or pang-alay.

7.4. Attributes of ritual objects in Calatagan♦28 1. Location Based on contemporary observations and ethnohistoric accounts (Chirino 1604), offerings of pots with aromatic substances were usually placed at, or near, the feet of idols. In the graves, similar objects were around the feet and head as well. Some pots contained shells and animal bones, which could have been offerings. Sometimes the shells and the bones are scattered on the body. Based on their depths, some earthenware vessels were placed in burials after the body was covered with earth. This signifies that the pot was separate from the body, and not intended for the deceased. Offerings do not seem to be placed with the body, unlike provisions. These were the pang-alay to the spirits. The pabaon were either held by the hand or near this area. Some provisions were also overturned on or around the body. I will expand on the orientation of objects below.

Calatagan burials exhibit repetition and consistency in terms of the placement of ritual objects. The most prevalent object was the cooking pot placed at the feet or head areas. Other pottery types and tradeware vessels could also be considered ritual items because they resemble the cooking pot in terms of location in burials. In addition, the presence of foreign ceramics in burials across age categories signifies that their inclusion was most probably in relation to burial rites. Moreover, it means widespread access to these foreign wares.

Though T-5, an adult, has an unusual number of pots placed at its feet—two kinalabasa pots and two cooking pots, and these may not indicate wealth. The earthenware vessels in T-5 are all offerings in this case. No association of prestige has been observed in this burial. P-17 is an adult male with both arms flexed towards the shoulder. He exhibits teeth staining and

The graves containing only ritual objects were found in all sites and age categories: ten infants, 21 children, 15 juveniles, 12 young adults, 41 old adults, and 37 adults, and 11 unaged. Despite this regularity, there were burials without grave goods at all. If people received their last rites as part of the cultural group signified by ritual objects, why were some burials without even a single cooking pot, specifically when it seemed to be imperative to put one in a burial to avoid the wrath of spirits? I hope to answer this question in the course of this study.

♦

Burial information described in this study is from burial and specimen records (Anonymous 1961a, 1961b, 1961c, 1961d, Anonymous 1960-1961; Bennett 1960; Fox 1960a 1960b, 1960c; Fox and Santiago 1960, 1960-1961; Fox et al. 1961; Paniza et al. 1960-1961; Paniza and Paniza 1961; Paniza et al. 1961a, 1961b; Santiago 1961; Santiago and Penuliar 1961; Santiago et al. 1960-1961; Santiago et al. 1961); and description of foreign ceramics from specimen records and porcelain analyses forms (Anonymous nda, ndb, ndc). 28 These burials dominantly display a cultural identity. Other burials exhibiting age, sex, personal achievement, and prestige markers are discussed in the next chapter (also see Chapter 1). These categorisations are based on the notion that age, sex and culture are fundamental identities of a person. Prestige identity or status is treated in Chapter 9. 115

filing—six each on the mandible and maxilla. A small cooking pot, apparently never used, is upright beside the right femur near the knee. One medium kinalabasa and the other pot, probably a cooking pot, are neatly placed above two blue-and-white plates in a stack near the left foot (Figure 7.1). The position of the objects and arrangement best illustrate the notion of offering. KR-208, a juvenile, holds an upright medium used cooking pot on the right pelvis. PS-42, a young adult, grips an overturned Sawankhalok monochrome bowl on the left hand. Tradeware vessels found in similar locations I also consider as ritual items in such contexts and not as status items. Some bowls and saucers had a practical purpose as lids for earthenware vessels. However, their presence in these burials suggests the deceased or his/her kin’s access to foreign ceramics. This illustrates how important it is to contextualise trade ceramics before arguing that their inclusion in burials implies status.

Figure 7.2: Burial sketch of PP(M)-82 (left) and other burials (Santiago et al. 1961). PP(M)-82 was buried with a stoneware jar covered with a saucer.

106, a headless young adult with no atlas/first vertebra, suggests that the deceased was a victim of head taking. A large kendi with a nonfunctional spout replaces the skull (Figure 7.3). A large cooking pot with evidence of usewear is beside the kendi. Both pots are upright. The former is a provision and the latter perhaps a body extension. In Southeast Asia and elsewhere, the head is the centre of power and thus the most potent offering to spirits (Feldman 1985; Ralph 2006). This may be the reason head taking is imperative as a form of vengeance to appease the spirit of the dead. The substitution of earthenware vessels for missing skulls in some burials may have been to accentuate the offering. Early reports on Calatagan burials noted the replacement of missing skulls by a monochrome bowl or a brain coral (Fox 1959; Janse 1947).

The sketch of an old adult’s burial (PP(M)82) (Figure 7.2) shows a stoneware jar, a kalong type, approximately 45 centimetres high, located ten centimetres away from the top of the skull. This jar is covered with an overturned Chinese saucer. A Sawankhalok jarlet, 28 centimetres above the grave floor, is at the left side of the skull. A Chinese stoneware plate sits next to the right of the skull and on the same level with the latter. A cooking pot with light soot sits on the left elbow. The kalong jar might have contained wine and the whole burial assemblage connotes an offering. In the early 1900s, Cole (1912: Plate 1) observed the practice of mourners drinking liquor from Chinese jars at a funeral in Central Mindanao. In some of these burials earthenware vessels were used to replace missing skulls. A young adult’s (T-99) missing skull is replaced with a used cooking pot. PP(M)-

2. Form Earthenware vessels are common everyday 116

because the act of offering is a necessary constituent in the daily lives of the people in Calatagan. Thus the cooking pot actually binds people to the ritual act practised by the entire community, marking cultural affiliation.

objects; their role in the social integration of a community is often ignored. These ordinary containers are the embodiment of the community’s life force; they literally hold the provisions sustaining it. Earthenware vessels also represent the spiritual essence of the living population, for through the use of these pots people commune with their ancestors.

The pots used as ritual objects in Calatagan were not standardised in terms of production. The cooking pot might have been one of the first objects placed with the deceased. Upright cooking pots with traces of usewear were offerings rather than provisions. Pots were placed upright and most of them are above the body, suggesting that the body was buried first before the pots were positioned. The important areas are the head and feet regions, and the pots were placed on these spots. Since they were deposited after the body was covered, their positions in reference to the head and feet varied, but still occupied the same regions. Through time, the pot as a ritual object was modified into other pottery types such as the utilitarian2 pot that closely resembles a cooking pot but not the base. These are impractical to use because of their flat-anddepressed base (Howard 1981). These pots often appear to be newly made and may have been specially produced for burials. The flat-and-depressed bases of the utilitarian2 could have been made to give it greater stability when placed in burials. Other pots following the cooking pot as ritual objects were the kinalabasa and kendi. The latter found in some burials below were not functional, for their spouts had no holes. The kendi had been copied from foreign ceramics. Porcelain kendi were found in Calatagan in other contemporaneous sites (Fox 1959).

The prestige goods-economy model (Bacus 1999; Junker 1999a) rests on the notion that a regional exchange took place among elites who used exotics to sustain their status. However, this model fails to examine the role of utilitarian goods in daily use, for instance, ritual (Cobb 1993). Some rituals are not limited to elites (Cobb 1993). The role of cooking pots as ritual objects in Calatagan graves was not constrained to elites. From 284 graves accompanied by mortuary objects, 256 contained ritual objects (Table 6.3), indicating their cultural affiliation, but in 147 burials only their cultural affiliation was represented. Found in many graves, cooking pots imply that status was not a factor for its inclusion. Furthermore, regardless of status, the deceased’s cultural affiliation was represented through these pots. Ritual in Calatagan thus was not controlled by the elites to differentiate them from the rest, but rather signalled social solidarity. What set the elites apart from the rest was the possession of porcelains with solar or bird designs covering the pelvis (Chapter 9). Some individuals have other styles of ceramics positioned on their pelvises, suggesting emulation of elite status. The cooking pot is an excellent choice to mark cultural affiliation in Calatagan. This utilitarian, ordinary, and daily object that people used in domestic and ritual contexts of offerings to spirits is more relevant to them than other objects, for it defines them socially and creates a concept of cultural cohesion (Hegmon 1998; McCarthy 2004; Stark et al. 1998). The cooking pot’s inclusion in burials is very appropriate

T-177, an infant, has an upright large cooking pot, and on its left toes is a fourspouted kendi. The spouts resemble female breasts or what Main and Fox (1982) referred to as mammiform spouts. This is interesting because though the form is unusual, the pot functions as a provision for

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this infant, and probably was a metaphor for its nourishment29. This pot was not very common in the burials and might have been a modification of the spout on kendi. Cowry shells are scattered above an old adult’s (PP(M)-98) chest and pelvis. A small utilitarian2 vessel with evidence of usewear is 20 centimetres above the body. For an utilitarian2 pot to show usewear is very rare. Usually, the cooking pot has usewear. This is probably an older burial based on the pot. Utilitarian2 pots in other burials look new and unused. This could perhaps be an early instance of producing this pottery type especially for burials to replace cooking pots. T-150, a juvenile, has a pot that Main and Fox (1982: Figure 27) classified as KT-polished F 17 centimetres above the feet. It is similar to a utilitarian2 but with a more restricted mouth opening and taller. This is covered with a hole-bottom blue-and-white saucer. Above the head, on the same level as the pot at the feet, is a cooking pot covered with an overturned Sawankhalok monochrome bowl. Despite the unusual form of the earthenware vessel, its location implies that this pot is an offering. In one adult’s grave (KR-81), two large earthenware vessels, a used cooking pot and an utilitarian2 vessel, sit at the right side of the head above the shoulder. This burial indicates that cooking pots and utilitarian2 pots were contemporaneous and both functioned as offerings. An upright kinalabasa and an overturned small cooking pot rests above the feet of PP(M)-55, an old adult. This burial illustrates that the kinalabasa is a variant of the utilitarian2 in terms of functioning as provisions in burials. In form, the utilitarian2 and the kinalabasa have the same body and base forms; the kinalabasa may be described as utilitarian2

with grooves. Kinalabasa with different base forms like a footring are most probably later forms. The majority of the earthenware vessels in the burials were intact; others were broken due to ploughing activities of 20th-century inhabitants and long after the site had been active. Unlike in other societies where pots were ‘ritually killed’ (Arnold 1985; White 1982) by smashing them prior to interment, in Calatagan, the vessels were placed whole, perhaps signifying the belief in the continuity of life in another dimension. 3. Orientation Objects used as provisions tended to be overturned in burials. Many foreign ceramics like bowls and plates were placed on their rims rather than on their bases (as demonstrated in Chapter 5). These items were usually found near leg areas. The difference in orientation between objects placed upturned versus upright objects may distinguish provisions from offerings, and frequently provisions were overturned. Why were provisions orientated this way? I use a contextual analysis (Hodder 1986) and extend Hegmon’s (1998) treatment of style, wherein patterns have symbolic meanings when they are found in diverse mediums, to orientation. The overturned pots in burials could be important when we look at other contexts in which pots were most likely to be overturned. Pots are usually placed in an overturned position after they have been washed. This is for water to drip and allow the object to dry thoroughly. Thus when a pot is overturned, it indicates two things: it is not in use, and therefore not functioning as a container at the specific time; and it is ready for its next use, which in burial contexts might mean use in the afterlife. Overturned pots in burials could symbolise the person’s death, that he/she is ‘not in use’—a nonfunctioning individual anymore. However, not all overturned earthenware pots or foreign ceramics were ritual markers. Decorations

29

In Maguindanao, Tiruray infants without teeth were buried with a ring in the mouth to serve as teeth; an infant with teeth is buried with a knife. The ring was for tearing the bark of the tree and the knife for cutting the same tree. The sap from the tree was believed to provide nourishment for the infant (Barretto 2002). 118

ideas in comprehending the odd deposition of objects, and bodies. Metaphors are culture-specific at a particular time, implying the shared system of symbols that create explicit tangible patterns. She defines metaphor as: …image or object that in a particular cultural situation comes to carry the meanings of another term, image or object from another level of understanding or frame of reference. Verbal or textual or material reflections of an underlying cognitive structure and worldview. We constantly use metaphors to understand the world and to communicate that understanding to others around us; crucial element of all human cultural construction and communication. The metaphors we used in thinking and communication reflect how we associate certain material objects with other objects or with people, personalities, roles etc… (Källén 2004:186-187)

and location affect interpretation of function and meanings of goods, like plates overturned on pelvises. 4. Style Ritual pots tend to be heavily decorated (Ojo 1984). However, in Calatagan, ritual pots were devoid of decorations even as these still conveyed religious views (Arnold 1985; Carr 1995). Earthenware vessels used as ritual objects do not have surface decorations; there were no incisions or marks made. They have low production indexes. But in the case of some pots used for ritual like the kinalabasa, the decorations were concentrated on the body form itself; and nonfunctional spouts were added to kendi. Majority of the cooking pots had heavy sooting, suggesting that they were probably taken from the domestic context and used for ritual in the burial. Noncooking pots were ‘brand-new’, if you like; they perhaps were made specifically for burials because most of them were unusable: the utilitarian2 and kinalabasa were not fit for cooking, and the spouts on kendi had no holes (and indigenous water jars or any liquid clay vessels have no spouts) (see Best 1998: 65). In brief, these pots were produced for burials, and to date have not been found in habitation contexts. Tradeware vessels suggestive of ritual tend to be monochrome bowls, some plain and others with incised designs. Elaborate floral designs on porcelain plates probably signalled status due to their limited distribution.

Källén (2004) interpreted empty burial jars in Lao Pako as representative of the mother’s womb. Some jars were shaped like a pregnant female’s body and decorations on jars could be stylised depictions of the female genitalia. Källén sees the empty jars as evocative of the mother’s womb in which substances like the placenta, birthwater, umbilical cord, and blood are placed as these could be polluting and must thus be ‘returned’ to the womb to avoid contamination. Some infants may have been placed in jars as a metaphor for the womb, or as a shield and protection from spirits as they do not yet have the acquired skills to defend themselves30. For a person to have a social identity, he/she has to have a life history,

Other ritual markers Infant burial jars deviate from other infant burials in open pits insofar as the treatment of ceramics as probably the extension of the mother’s womb. Infants, separately buried in pits or placed in jars, suggest that they were still treated as individuals and part of the cultural community. I apply Källén’s (2004) use of metaphor as an analytical tool to examine the existence of infant burial jars in Calatagan. Metaphors introduce new

30

Some Cordilleran groups believed in spirits eating the flesh of the dead and since children are too young to fight them, the family bury dead children under or near house and granaries to protect them (Barretto 2002).

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bottom blue-and-white porcelain saucer covers this jar. Inside the jar overturned on the skeletal remains is another saucer. This is an overglazed blue-and-white saucer with fish design on the centre encircled with water plants and a double ring.

before he/she can be considered an individual. Nevertheless, infants having nothing of these are still recognised as members of the same cultural group in Calatagan but without personal identities. Another metaphor is infants as votives. People could be objects (Crossland 2006; Sofaer 2006) as infant bodies could be used as offerings. Ritual earthenware vessels, particularly cooking pots, some with evidence of soot, are offerings to dead ancestors. The infants found in jar burials are not accompanied by cooking pots. Thus infants in jar burials may have been ‘offered’ to ancestors, imploring them to provide protection to the infant in the afterlife. Furthermore, most of the jar burials are covered with foreign ceramics. In open-pit burials, such as those of adults, associated cooking pots were also covered with foreign ceramics and have a practical function. Though the tradeware vessels do not indicate status in this context, their presence denotes acquisition by kin. It might be possible that infants in jars were ‘offered’ and may have functioned as votives.

The similar ritual functions of local and foreign wares in some burials imply that ranking them into dichotomous categories like low-high status goods, or local-foreign objects limits our understanding of the burial practices in Calatagan during the 15th century. Since these ritual objects are found in fixed locations around the body, their positions represent conscious efforts of individuals burying the dead, strongly indicating agency. The consistent use and/or inclusion of specific objects in the burials generate cultural identities. Agency, in this sense, is the individual’s actions relating to his or her beliefs (Kuijt 1996). 7.5. Ritual and cultural identity in Calatagan I mentioned above the notion of place as important for a group’s identity because it is linked to the place of ancestors (Howard 1990). I illustrated in Chapter 3 that in early Tagalog society, boundaries between spirits and the living were permeable. I will argue here that beliefs in spirits and burial practices in Calatagan encouraged group affinity.

PS-23 is inside a large jar (height-61 centimetres, diameter-38 centimetres) covered with a monochrome saucer. PS-94 is in a Siamese stoneware jar buried upright covered with a monochrome bowl. PS-97 is an infant jar burial lying on its side, unlike PS-94, which is buried upright. Beside PS97 is another burial jar on its side. Both jars are stonewares. The first jar is covered with a blue-and-white plate painted with two deer and a tree. Inside this jar is a celadon plate overturned on the infant’s feet. The second jar has no cover. PS-103 is in a Siamese jar, a stoneware 58 centimetres tall and with a diameter of 42 centimetres. It is associated with two greenish monochrome saucers in an upright position outside the jar. One of the saucers is incised with floral designs at the centre and the inside has floral scrolls and three wavy lines on the lip. PS-125 is in a greenish stoneware jar with incised leaves designs. An overturned hole-

The dead in Calatagan were most likely buried in settlements, under or near houses as postholes and middens were found near burials (Fox 1959; Paz 2004). This practice has been documented among the Tagalogs and in other Philippine cultural groups in ethnohistory and ethnography (Barton 1949; Chirino 1604; Cole 1922; Dozier 1967; Garvan 1931; Jocano 1968; Morga 1609; Pigafetta 1525; Scott 1974, 1994; Watson 1916; Worcester 1906; Wulff 1962) and archaeologically (Barretto 2003a; Paz 2004). Fox (1959) interpreted the postholes associated with the Calatagan graves as structures built for graves. However, Paz

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simultaneously forged a communal identity by placing cultural markers in the form of earthenware vessels. Though the manner of burial of some infants in jars differs from the majority, they nevertheless performed a votive function.

(2004) argued that the Calatagan burials were actually habitation-burial sites based on the quantity of middens and postholes, supporting the notion that the dead were buried in settlements. Based on its burial sketch, a posthole is near KR-43, implying that it was buried near a house.

But how about burials that do not contain anything, not even a single pot, to underscore their cultural membership? Did these individuals have scores of unpaid utang na loob, leaving their kin unable to provide mortuary goods? Is it also possible that they were considered unfit to obtain a nuno status because they were outsiders and thus excluded from funerary rites? According to Scott (1994), captives from raids were treated as non-persons. Future research might provide data on skeletal analyses to determine the genetic relationships between skeletons buried with objects and those interred without anything. The nature of death could also be a factor in the exclusion of funerary items. Yet, the present data show that skeletons without heads were buried with goods.

Bones were thought to be homes of ancestral spirits (Dela Torre 2003). This denotes spirits lingering in the realm of the living if bodies were buried in settlements (see Whittle 2003). The burial of the dead among the living infused their place with symbolic meanings, enhancing the location’s significance for its inhabitants (Bartlett and McAnany 2000). The people, the act, and the place thus created a cultural and community identity. Since the dead in Calatagan were buried within their settlements, the spirits continue to inhabit the world of the living. The location of objects and their arrangements around the body point to an awareness of how, what, and where objects should be positioned. It is obvious that types of objects, their orientations, and locations on or near the body, were public aspects of cultural knowledge stressing a widely shared burial ritual among the communities in Calatagan. These items, relating to a belief system, marked cultural identity. Pots used as pabaon and pang-alay served as a link between the deceased and their ancestors. This widespread mortuary custom in 15thcentury Calatagan sites studied here alludes to a marking of place important in stressing cultural affiliation.

7.6. Pottery production and ritual identity in Calatagan Pottery from the burials was not standardised, as earlier established. The deceased’s household might have produced the pots for its burial. Redundancy is important for communication; for a message to be received it must be conveyed repeatedly in a standard format. Even if pots were not standardised in terms of metrical variation, the functional type (as most were vessels) was homogenised, including their location in burials. Although there was a transformation of material representation from cooking pot to utilitarian2, to kinalabasa and kendi and foreign ceramics as pabaon and pang-alay, the custom persisted; and even in some burials both cooking pots and tradeware vessels occurred together. There was a change in the use of material culture, but not in practice, for ritual items were customarily found in similar locations. The

Members of a cultural group tend to be buried in the same positions and manner (White 1982; Wilen 1992; Woodburn 1982). The body positions in Calatagan were common for all ages and suggest cultural practice. Tying body appendages was widely practised too among juveniles and adults. Single inhumations in Calatagan signified the uniqueness of the individual as a member of the society and

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from mother to daughter. Possessing such skills implied power because both pots and ritual were necessary routines in the community. The pots made by women were thus important in the domestic and ritual level, and vital to perpetuation and survival of culture (Bevan 1997).

introduction of foreign ceramics gave rise to new forms of earthenware vessels like kendi and kinalabasa manufactured for the same purpose. Calatagan pottery production could have been a common activity shared among households, facilitating solidarity among women as individuals, helping shape the cultural identity and sense of community among members of a group (Bartlett and McAnany 2000; Costin 1998; DeMarrais et al. 1996). Pottery making builds a community identity, a cultural and social bond among members. It is most likely that females in each domestic unit in Calatagan made pots for their own consumption. The cooking pot probably moved from domestic contexts to burials, also embodying the integral ritual role of women themselves. The ritual reproduction in burials materialised by earthenware vessels used as ritual objects could be linked to the authority of women since catalonans were ethnohistorically documented to have performed rituals. The catalonans were probably potters themselves.

Local potters used pots to cultivate a sense of belonging and asserted their identities as artisans in light of the appearance of foreign ceramics. The link between the nature of pottery production in Calatagan and the inclusion of pots in burials reinforced the potter’s identity as an individual closely associated with rituals. The site of burial, burial practice, pottery production and consumption conveyed that ritual was not centralised and could have been performed at the household level (see DeMarrais 2004). 7.8. Summary Burial rituals in Calatagan might have indicated cultural identities, and emphasised and reinforced exchange relations with spirits. I argued that rituals were indicated by undecorated earthenware vessels and foreign ceramics used as offerings and/or provisions distinguished by their arrangements around the body. The repetitive presence and wide distribution of ritual objects act as a form of social integration regardless of economic and social statuses. Besides being ritual objects, the pots were active symbols evocative of routines and reciprocal obligations observed by different sectors of the society. This included relationships with spirits maintained through constant offerings. Subsequently, the living, deceased, and the spirits were integrated as parts of one cohesive cultural group through the use of pots.

Though women need not be physically present, the earthenware vessels in burials manifested their role in the secular and ritual spheres (Ray 1987), and the movement of both object and individual to and fro in these separate but closely connected domains. This common and familiar activity of pottery making and the performance of rituals in their daily lives were sources of spiritual power (Spielmann 1998) for women. As a member of a cultural group, the potter, through her craft, helped in marking cultural affiliation. Yet, I want to emphasise that this power was neither a political force nor a legitimation of status; competency is the best way to describe it. This echoes Foucault’s concept of power (McCall 1999): that power has no focal point; it is suggestive of heterarchy, where power is decentralised. The knowledge and skill in making pots and performing rituals might have been passed

This ritual behaviour widely practised among people inhabiting the western coast of Calatagan during the 15th century implies sites were culturally affiliated. Objects commonly used in rituals embodied

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Cultural cohesion was emphasised and supported by the interment of objects found in everyday contexts, objects everyone had access to. Even burials of people of status (as will shortly be discussed) contained ritual items similar to those described here. Differences in use of local and foreign ceramics as provisions or offerings denote differences in socio-economic capabilities in acquiring foreign ceramics. Ritual objects were placed in burials regardless of the departed’s age and sex. What other items were used to mark these in Calatagan? These representations are explored in the next chapter.

spiritual power different from those found in nonritual domains. However, the cooking pot, a daily object, was also transformed into a ritual item. Contrary to Spielmann (1998), the cooking pots were not made specifically for burials but probably were moved from domestic settings and placed in burials as offerings or provisions. Perhaps only later were other pottery types manufactured for specific use in burials. Since pots manufactured for rituals in Calatagan were not centralised, people had access to these items in both contexts, and consequently had power to communicate with the spiritual realm. The pots’ social and symbolic roles, both on the individual and community levels, might be why their production persisted after the appearance of foreign ceramics. The household production of pots signified that ordinary individuals could play an active role in constructing the group’s cultural identity. Rituals not only asserted the cultural identity of the deceased, but were also required (Cameron 1985) by the mourners to gain the favour of the spirits. In this way, the tradition was preserved despite the changing material culture—from earthenware vessels to foreign ceramics in burials just containing the latter. These rituals bounded ancestors to men and women (Cameron 1985), a form of reciprocal exchange. Ritual objects in Calatagan signified reciprocal relationships between the living and the spirits. These two coexisting sources of power counteract each other, creating a viable expression of heterarchy. The possession of power by individuals in Calatagan over spirits and vice versa points to forms of power that are ritual-based (Crumley 1987, 1995; McIntosh 1999a). Heterarchy offers new perspectives for understanding these diverse relationships of power, social relations, and cultural identity.

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CHAPTER 8 Personal Identity and Achievement Markers in Calatagan Single inhumations in Calatagan support the notion that individual personalities were significant facets of a person, and the deceased was acknowledged as an individual. However, in early Tagalog society, after the funeral, individuals became faceless and nameless, transformed to the generic nuno (Rafael 1988). They lost their individual identities and became part of the pantheon of ancestors. If the deceased’s individuality was deemed important by burying the dead alone, perhaps the objects accompanying the deceased represented his/her sex and age as well. If specific objects were placed with females and males, and children and adults, then sex and age were important categories for people in Calatagan.

This chapter will focus on objects representing personal qualities of the deceased such as age and sex in Calatagan. I propose that the burials would not only contain ritual objects marking their cultural affiliation but also items recognising the roles of the deceased. Information from early written documents on the Tagalogs, as discussed in Chapter 3, will be used to compare if ornaments and implements associated with men and women are present in the burials. Judging from the range of mortuary materials in Calatagan, traditional interpretations suggest that spindle whorls and ornaments might have been buried with females and metal implements with males. It is important to examine age and sex markers in the burials because I want to emphasise the social aspects of the deceased. Furthermore, I aim to show that status was not the only determinant of grave goods; and that the deceased (based on his/her sex and age) might have engaged in restricted activities.

8.1. Personal identity Personal possessions most likely reveal personal aspects of the deceased (Binford 1972b). Decorations and personal ornaments may inform about age, gender, individual identity, wealth, status; social, cultural, and ethnic affiliation; and power (Chesson 1999; DeMarrais et al. 1996; Ebin 1979; Fisher 1995; Hodder 1978; Levy 1999b; Whittle 2003; Williams 1987). In some societies even marital status is marked (Barretto 2002; Harris 1982).

Roles are actions constituting an individual’s interactions with others. These are duties a person fulfils to share in a network of associations and reciprocal obligations. Some roles may not imply hierarchy (Dommasnes 1982) while others do as few members of the society could only execute specific roles. For instance, early Tagalog males of different statuses participated in maritime expeditions; but only men of lower status rowed boats. Age and sex affect the types of routines (DíazAndreu 2005) and reciprocal relations an individual can practice and be involved in. Activities are differentiated or shared between age and sex groups. As a person advances in age, he/she learns more skills, and is able to engage in more exchange or social (Middleton 1982) relations and/or contract obligations with others. These personal achievements, therefore, are often closely associated with age.

Accessories and clothing are coincidental depositions in burials, according to O’Shea (1984), for these do not have symbolic content unlike intentional deposits of, for instance, ritual items. A number of scholars (Giddens 1991; Hallam et al. 1999; Pader 1982; Parker Pearson 1999) suggest otherwise. Parker Pearson’s thesis states that the dead do not bury themselves: the living decide how the corpse is to be represented at the funeral. Examining what objects were or were not the ‘actual’ possessions of the deceased is, I admit, complicated. The dead could have been dressed in a special ensemble far different 124

the mourners as well when the emotional and mental states are satisfied. There are socially constructed rules with regard to the appearance of a person belonging to a certain social or cultural group. Ornaments establish a character congruent to the identity and personality they possess (Johnson and Lennon 1999; Parker Pearson 1999). Both Tagalog sexes, regardless of status, wore gold and stone ornaments (Chirino 1604; Colin 1660; Loarca 1582). The same form of clothes was also worn but different statuses tended to use assorted materials (Colin 1660).

from his or her usual garb. Are these personal ornaments or gifts or offerings? Markers of personal identities are different from ritual items because we know the latter were specifically placed for religious reasons (Carr 1995). I suggest that location and association are critical influences that convey personal identity. The burial goods cannot stand alone for they are linked with the broader meaning of things and thus must be treated collectively. They may initially be independent as physical objects, but structurally or functionally are all associated with each other in the contexts they circulate.

I propose items not found in other age groups and not common to all in particular age groups are objects expressing a personal identity. These are personal symbols unique to the person, but not a prestige marker. Personal achievement most likely correlates with age (Peebles and Kus 1977). As a person advances in age, he/she learns more skills, gains more knowledge, and practices more routines. Infants and children are thus unlikely to possess objects linked to an achieved status. Non-adult burials containing such objects may have been included in graves to embody grief (MacDonald 2001) and emotional loss of parents. Foreign ceramics functioning as ritual objects with infants and children may reflect their parents’ status.

Following Sørensen (2000), individuals create their identities through their relations with objects. For example, in Uganda, among the Lugbara, a man is typically buried with his quiver, his drinking-gourd, and his stool; a woman with her beads, firestones from her hearth, and a grinding stone she used for flour. These represented their tasks while alive; there was no belief the objects accompanied them on the journey to the world of the dead (Middleton 1982). Personal identities are also negotiated through interactions with others in their daily activities embodied by material culture. The ancient Tagalogs’ social positions and identity were affected by their utang na loob to others. Status was shifting and multiple as individuals accumulated and contracted reciprocal obligations. The recurrent practice of tasks, duties, and responsibilities contributed largely to an individual’s persona (McCarthy 2004; Whittle 2003).

8.2. Age A person is said to be a ‘full person’ when he/she is an active member of the community. They participate in and perform tasks like craft production (Clark and Houston 1998) or any pursuit that endows them a social role. It is very common for adults to have a ‘full social identity’ (Harris 1982: 63) for as they go through life, obviously, they achieve more and accumulate more relationships. In Calatagan, infants and children were generally accepted as full members of the community as manifested in the ritual items in their burials. However, they were not full persons in terms of social activities as their

Personal symbols are discretionary and culture bound, and only meaningful if the audience belongs to the same value system (Bowie 2000). To own a personal symbol stems from ‘psychological needs rather than obligatory social conformity’ (Bowie 2000:61). They become vital to the individual and, in the broader burial rites, to

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and Santiago 1996) are a good source of information on sex and identities (Cuevas 2003). The low-fired secondary and/or multiple earthenware jar burials were designed and manufactured to look like humans, including facial expressions. Age groups represented in the Maitum jars range from adolescents to adults, in both sexes (Cuevas 2003). Cuevas proposes that the depictions of various age groups based on the breasts of ‘female jars’ represent changes in gender roles from childhood to adulthood. I see the representation of all age groups that age and sex were recognised at death, and the young were considered members of the community and full persons. Thus identities with regard to age and sex are and can be marked in death. Moreover, this suggests that identity is established at an early age.

skills and knowledge were limited. Calatagan provides a good sample of burials with varying ages—from infants and juveniles, to young and old adults—where age determined social activities and relations. Perhaps this was the reason nonadults were generally not identified personally but marked culturally. Some non-adults and old adults only have a cooking pot, suggesting that people at death were given burial rites marking their departure from the living society (Binford 1972a). But the presence of objects besides the ritual items in adult burials provides evidence that other adults have attained other roles apart from merely being a member of the cultural group. 8.3. Sex and gender What are male objects? Female things? Nelson and Rosen-Ayalon (2002:7) define gender roles as connected to ‘what men and women were expected to do in their daily lives, how and where they did these things and with what tools’. For R. Joyce (2000), routines and life-cycle rituals constitute gender. The important thing to ask, according to R. Joyce, is not only about a gender’s tasks and physical spaces associated with it but ‘how and why specific kinds of actions came to be representative of certain kinds of gender’ (R. Joyce 2000: 11). DeMarrais (2004:13) reiterates this and also suggests examining other associations of objects like ‘values, meanings, memories, practices, settings of daily life’. This method ‘exposes logics of everyday practices stressing interdependencies between social actors rather than hierarchies among them’ (R. Joyce 2000:11). I agree with both because social interactions are highlighted, emphasising their heterarchical relations and broadening our understanding of the ways past societies operated.

Only few Calatagan skeletons were sexed due to their disintegrated conditions. To establish sex, I used a contextual approach and ascertained the contents of the burials (McCafferty and McCafferty 1994). I also follow Dommasnes’ (1982) method. Due to the absence of skeletons in burials, Dommasnes used associated objects to distinguish sex roles and ranks. Tools in burials were considered to denote the deceased’s activities in life. Her analyses demonstrated more homogenised roles for women compared with men because the former took over the household when the latter left for expeditions, a venue for various identity negotiations. The two objects that might discriminate between men and women in Calatagan are the spindle whorl and metal tools. Precolonial Tagalog women were involved in textile production, and may even have produced the potong for their husbands, a headdress signifying a man’s prowess in battle (Colin 1660). Bacus (2002) examined the role of women in gaining prestige in the Visayas during the 10th-16th centuries in the context of its political economy. Visayan women learned at an

In the Philippines, the Maitum anthropomorphic burial jars with radiocarbon dates of 5 BC- 225 AD (Dizon

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exhibiting a personal identity. Besides the personal objects, they were also buried with ritual objects that signify their cultural affiliation.

early age to spin and weave clothing and blankets, and likewise could have woven the ‘red-dyed abaca cloth’, which functioned like the potong. Visayan textile production, according to Bacus, was controlled. Masters supplied raw cotton they received as tribute. The Visayan women had powers in other domains, specifically ritual and economic, but apparently they had no political power (Bacus 2002). Women did not control the political uses of goods—foreign and local trade and alliance formation (Bacus 2002). Slave raiding and foreign trade were male activities outside the domestic contexts.

T-74 is a headless juvenile buried with two upright monochrome bowls at each leg bone suggesting offerings. An iron point rests at the right arm. T-82, another juvenile, wears a green glass bracelet on each forearm. The bracelets could not have been symbols of age because other juveniles are not buried with bracelets. Between the femurs of T-88 lies an upturned bowl with a spindle whorl underneath. PP(M)-89 wears a glass bracelet on the right wrist and big coral stones are piled on its grave. The iron point in T-74, bracelets of T-82 and PP(M)-89, and spindle whorl in T-88 imply an identity relating to a personal achievement. It is possible that some juveniles were initiated to participate in adult activities including raiding, trading, and weaving and spinning, as signified by these objects.

From a heterarchical perspective, it is certain that women could achieve prestige and power (Nelson 1997), besides political power. I agree with Bacus that women did not control foreign trade and neither were they involved with it, but some females in Calatagan were buried with foreign objects. The spindle whorls and ornaments may not only represent sex, but could also convey multiple meanings and associations linked to specific practices through which gender was negotiated.

T-7, an adult, wears a glass bracelet on the left forearm, hinting at its access to exotic ornaments. T-175, a male, most probably an adult, has a small used cooking pot overturned on his left leg, just below the knee, indicating offering. He is buried with a double-edged blade. This bilaterally symmetrical blade 30 centimetres away from the hip girdle hints at a personal achievement. Its location suggests that it might have been attached to the waist.

8.4. Attributes of personal objects relating to age and sex Personal objects are small and used intimately in daily life (for example, spindle whorls and metal implements). Personal objects also include ornaments and amulets worn by the deceased, for instance, accessories made from uncommon materials like an animal’s tusk or teeth. Personal objects can be obtained from continuous engagement with the material. In time, this creates competence acquired through routines until objects come to represent the individual and his/her activities. Personal identity markers like ornaments are placed with the body in burials worn by the deceased accordingly. The ornaments in the burials below do not indicate rank because they lack objects signifying prestige. Below are some graves buried with objects

The headless adult in KR-19 has two monochrome bowls, one on the lower right arm and the other upright just below the left wrist. An upright white monochrome saucer rests on the pelvis and femur. These undecorated tradeware vessels were probably provisions for the dead in the afterlife. A spindle whorl, below the left elbow, hints at sex. KR-19 wears two glass bracelets: a blue on the left arm. The yellow paste bracelet nestles between the right portion of the lower arm and the last rib, implying that it was not worn by the

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from a male burial in Oriental Mindoro31. The implement is in the same area as the one in KR-212. I consider the farming implement in KR-212 to be a personal identity marker rather than a ritual object as Cole (1922) described for the Tinguians, because if it were a ritual item, like some earthenware vessels discussed in Chapter 7, it would have been present in many graves.

deceased but placed with the body. The objects in KR-35, an adult, are near the head and feet. At the feet lie an upright stoneware jar and an upturned celadon bowl. A Sawankhalok bowl stands at the right side of the skull; and a two-eared jarlet on its side is also close to the skull. A spear rests near the head with its point below the left cheekbone and the other half on the left clavicle. The materials at the feet and skull could be offerings. At first, I thought the spear’s location was unusual, but if we visualise an individual standing and holding a spear, the point would be near the face. The spear with its wooden hafting, which had most likely disintegrated, may have been placed in the burial resembling how it was held in life. Since a spear accompanied not all adults and no distinguishable prestige good is in this burial, the spear suggests an achieved identity. We know the deceased had access to foreign ceramics based on the contents of its grave, and could had also been involved in raiding activities. However, the absence of a porcelain plate, decorated with solar motifs, implies a nonelite status (Chapter 9).

KR-235, an adult headless skeleton, wears a paste bracelet on the left wrist. It contains a two-eared Sawankhalok jarlet on the right shoulder. There were two monochrome bowls, the first stamped with flowers on the centre and overturned on the left palm, the other upright on the right palm. A spindle whorl rests on the left palm beneath the bowl. Both bowls on the palms are provisions. The spindle whorl may be part of the provision, together conveying the age and sex of the deceased. Santiago-7 has two pots, most likely cooking pots functioning as offerings. I set out doing this research expecting male and female markers to be diverse. However, Santiago-7, a probable male, is buried with a spindle whorl lying on the right shoulder. This implies that activity rather than biological sex probably determined funerary objects.

KR-68, an adult, wears three blue glass bracelets on each wrist. A large cooking pot with usewear is overturned at the feet and a spindle whorl lies underneath it. At the edge of the grave near the feet are a jarlet, a jar, and an utilitarian2 pot. Another monochrome jarlet rests near the right side of the head. The objects at the feet appear to be offerings; the six glass bracelets and spindle whorl imply personal achievement. Along the right femur of KR212, another adult, is a farming and digging implement. Above the shoulder blade is a large used cooking pot covered with a bowl, probably an offering. A broken green glass bracelet is on the right hand. The glass bracelet and farm implement may represent an achieved male identity by analogy, with a farming implement (Figure 8.1) recovered

T-115 is a young female wearing two green glass bracelets on the left wrist. Next to the left hand are three beads: two black-andwhite and one orange. These could be personal ornaments. PS-98, an old adult, has an iron implement resembling a scimitar or spear, with traces of its sheath, suggesting raider identity. At the point of the implement is a piece of bone, slightly pointed at both ends with two nails at both ends. 31

The Bongabong site has relatively been dated before the 16th century AD belonging to the same time period as Calatagan. Mindoro is south of Batangas and part of the Tagalog region; the coral on the skull is similar to those found in Calatagan (Fox 1959) and the implement likewise, perhaps suggests shared practices. Cole (1922) reported the Tinguians placed an iron-plough point on the grave to prevent Ibwa, an evil spririt from consuming the body. 128

inhumation and refers to the individual, the majority have no personal ornaments to explicitly signal themselves from others. Ornaments are not common burial objects in Calatagan, contrary to what had been observed by the Spanish colonists. Glass bracelets, glass and stone beads have a low distribution. Out of 429 burials investigated, 12 contained beads, and 22 wore bracelets. Tagalog ethnohistory relates a division of labour based on sex, and perhaps this mattered when marking an individual in death. Personal identity in burials may have been emphasised through goods distinguished by occupation or economic activities like weaving, spinning, trading, potting, and raiding. However, spindle whorls, believed buried with women, were found only in 44 out of 429 graves.

PP(M)-30 (Figure 8.2) is an old male whose face is covered with an overturned monochrome plate. A stoneware jar, lying on its side, is on the left side of the body. Along the left femur are an iron blade and a spindle whorl, suggesting an achieved personal identity, and the other objects could be provisions except for the plate on the face. It is noteworthy that this male has both a metal implement and a spindle whorl, an object closely associated with female activities. Some males could have engaged with female routines, allowing mourners to represent both male and female aspects of PP(M)-30. His old age hints at the skills he possessed that established many social identities. The plate and the jar attest to his access to foreign objects, but not to prestige items.

It is fascinating to see that personal identity was not as regularly marked as I had expected. I mentioned above that group cohesion was probably more strongly signified over individuality so burials may have been culturally represented with objects referring to group activities such as trading. Trading allowed people of dissimilar statuses to possess various foreign items; it might be the quality of these items that distinguished different statuses. The few burials described below also contain ritual items that mark their cultural affiliation. Foreign ceramics used as ritual objects simultaneously symbolise cultural membership and participation in trading activities. Cultural connection, personal identity, and social associations are marked in some of the graves.

Figure 8.2: Burial sketch of PP(M)-30 (Santiago et al. 1961)

8.5. Expressions of personal identity in Calatagan Out of 284 burials analysed, 39 burials expressed a personal identity: two children, four juveniles, 16 adults, four young adults, nine old adults, and four skeletons not aged. If we evaluate the mortuary objects in Calatagan, only few items like bracelets and beads relate to personal appearance. Though the manner of burial is single

Children are not yet fully developed individuals in terms of skills; the tradeware vessels and ornaments found with these children hint at social affiliation with immediate family.

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8.6. Negotiating personal identity in Calatagan Teeth filing and staining were aspects of an adult’s personal appearance in Calatagan and other parts of the Philippines at various time periods (Cole 1956; Colin 1660; Legaspi 1966). Betel-nut chewing was the most probable cause of staining. It is a common practice in south Asia and southwest Pacific. Often, the betel nut is offered to dead ancestors and non-ancestral spirits (Conklin 1958). Fox (1959) noted that teeth filing in Calatagan was applied in the late teens and may have signalled a ritual passage to adulthood. In the sample analysed, not all adults have filed teeth, though the quantity and quality of their funerary items remain consistent. Teeth filing and, often, betel-nut chewing were probably more of a cultural practice suggesting age than being status markers in Calatagan. Adults buried with objects, and even those with nothing, also exhibited teeth filing and staining.

propose, there were associations of these objects other than knowing that they were used by a specific sex. They can be associated with meanings and values in reference to the practices of the daily lives of people.

The absence of difference in physical appearance may suggest three things: cultural connection is more marked than personal identity; group activities requiring cooperation could have been expressed more; and individuals with bracelets and beads may be markers of personal achievements linked with access to such items. Only a few skeletons have been sexed, and no obvious material distinction can be observed between these burials.

‘…bayoguin, signified a “cotquean,” a man whose nature inclined toward that of a woman’ (Plasencia 1589:194).

A significant observation is the absence of potter’s tools, such as the anvil, which I hoped to find. Perhaps the nature of production, probably household-based, led paddles and anvils to have been passed on to daughters and other female relatives for them to use instead of burying them with the deceased. The use of pots as ritual objects in Calatagan was not gendered, but their production might have been gendered as well as the rituals attached to them. Women crafted the pots and catalonans or priestesses presided over rituals (Colin 1660; Loarca 1582; Plasencia 1589), maybe including funeral rites. However, catalonans were not only females. Plasencia (1589) and Perez (1680) wrote:

This priest is called bayoc, and he dresses like a woman. He wears a tapis, or apron, and ties up his hair like a woman, although above the tapis he wears and girds his catan32, on the left side, and on the right side his yua33, as other men. Those are the weapons of all these Indians and no one goes without them, even though it be within in his own house. The idol to whom this bayoc principally offers sacrifice is called Malyari, which means ‘powerful’ (Perez 1680:300).

Personal symbols in Calatagan were not as regular as I envisioned, probably because personal identity was embedded in associations and relations marking alliances, which might have distinguished social and/or cultural groups. Establishing relations is indeed a personal achievement, and perhaps the networks of people with similar accomplishments were represented alike in burials. Spindle whorls, metal implements, and foreign ornaments appear to express personal identity. What do these objects mean? As Joyce and DeMarrais

If bayocs appeared like women, and performed rituals commonly associated with women, does it suggest that they also engaged with other female activities like 32 33

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Probably a Japanese sword (Salazar 1989). Similar to a dagger (Perez 1680; Salazar 1989).

1908, 1911, 1922, 1945, 1956; Conklin 1957; Dozier 1966; Finley 1913; Jenks 1905; Scott 1958, 1994; Worcester 1906).

spinning and weaving? Based on the low distribution of spindle whorls and their association, they probably do not indicate female sex, age, or status. I had expected all females, particularly adults, to be buried with spindle whorls. But there were females not buried with spindle whorls. I observed that spindle whorls were not placed in uniform locations unlike other objects. I wonder if this implies the fluidity of gender roles in Calatagan, as indicated by spindle whorls in some males and females. Some male and female burials in Pulong Bakaw contained spindle whorls (Barretto 2002).

The spindle whorls in the Calatagan burials suggest routine performed by some males and females not restricted to a particular social group or sex. Some women and men may have used spindle whorls. The females with spindle whorls probably produced the red potong worn by men—their husbands or other male relatives. Men may have used them to make nets. Finley (1913) reported Subanun men preparing nets or traps from hemp fibre for wild fowls and wild pigs; they may have used spindle whorls. Santiago-7, a male, has a spindle whorl, hinting at his maybe making fishnets. Until further work in Calatagan yields more data on sexed burials, this is the best interpretation I can offer.

Could it be possible that males with spindle whorls were bayocs? Spindle whorls buried with males may have signified this role and support that ‘femaleness’ is closely associated with routines (see Salazar 1989) rather than biological sex. The catan and yua worn by bayocs could point to the duality of their gender. Was PP(M)-30 a bayoc? Salazar (1989) noted that catalonans were women of old age, owing to the knowledge of the culture’s rituals and herbal medicines accumulated through years of experience. PP(M)-30’s age and associated goods point to the possibility of his being a bayoc.

Contrary to Perez’s (1680) observation of the inhabitants of Luzon males usually carried yua on their persons and obviously were an emblem of maleness, metal implements in Calatagan were not common. Metal implements in T-74 and PS-98 highlight the probable participation of the deceased in raids. T-74 has no skull, and the lack of other objects (apart from ritual items) suggests an activity that male individuals in Calatagan engaged in. These objects do not necessarily indicate rank or a male gender.

Spinning or weaving activities appear not to have been practised by all women as present data show. The archaeological evidence from Calatagan does not correspond to reports that spinning and weaving were common tasks among women throughout the Philippines during early colonial times until the present. Morga (1609) recorded that weapons were buried with men and looms with women or other implements relating to their work. A survey of the literature on the Philippine inhabitants’ activities indicates that men and women sometimes shared work like making mats, but metal working is men’s task, and pottery and weaving are women’s domains (Barton 1969; Best; Beyer 1979; Chirino 1604; Cole

Glass bracelets were obtained from foreign trade so individuals possessing these items had access to it. The bracelets above were most probably personal ornaments, announcing a person’s involvement with foreign trade or the ability to acquire them. For a person to use a spindle whorl and metal implement, and wear exotic accessories, entailed a series of associations, exchange, and personal relations. An individual, whether male or female, constituted a connection with the individual for whom he/she made the potong was part

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Although spindle whorls and metal weapons were ethnohistorically documented to have been used by each sex, through these objects, men and women repeatedly intersected each other’s activity space. Metal weapons used in nondomestic spheres continued to be present in domestic spaces, for Tagalog men wore them at their sides even inside their own houses (Perez 1680). However, Perez’s account (1680) is contrary to the dearth of weapons in Calatagan; weapons do not indicate sex but may represent a social activity. In Calatagan, the metal implements suggest an identity attached to a social practice and that of a raider. Biologically identified females do not have metal implements with them.

of the raiding network; and in return could receive a balato, a token, such as glass beads and bracelets. A person who participated in raiding and trading pursuits added another dimension to his personality, recognised in death through the ownership of glass bracelets and metal weapons. They supported the leader of the expedition with their manpower and received exotic jewellery in return. These exchange relations benefited both parties and established a partnership in the context of utang na loob. These items do not only signify the deceased in terms of his/her relations and tasks but also personal power. They conveyed the capability of a person to be part of a network in which membership was based on personal contributions reproducing the social order.

Women who do not participate in external activities were indirectly part of what could be considered male activities for two reasons: they made pots used in ritual sacrifices performed by a catalonan, usually a female, before men left for expeditions; and they probably would have made the clothes, including the potong, that men wore to announce their bravery. Through these, women could have asserted their significance in the society when increasing contacts with the outside world gave men prestige (Helms 1993). The benefits of the expedition, an external activity, such as foreign ceramics and glass ornaments, were brought into the domestic sphere and shared with women. Objects were criss-crossing each other’s domains, which may have been the reason why distinct personal identities were not highly marked in Calatagan.

8.7. The gender of activities and objects Theoretical approaches to gender in archaeology have given new ways to approaching the past (Nelson 1997). It recognised women’s roles and contributions to society, whereas they were completely hidden in earlier interpretations because the focus was on men and on society as a whole. The spatial correlates of male and female activities may help to understand special locations due to gender or factors relevant to the place (Nelson 2002). The traditional understanding was of women occupying the domestic/private/hidden areas as opposed to men inhabiting the public/outside/open spheres (see Bacus 2002). Raiding and trading activities happened outside the community, while spinning and weaving (and pottery making) were most probably done in or around the house. Women in precolonial Tagalog society had control over ritual while men dominated head hunting and feasts (Meñez 1996a) they sponsored, but often, sacrifices in feasts were performed by the catalonan. Even activities supervised by the datu, such as the mag-aanito, involved the catalonan.

Though activities of the Tagalogs could be distinguished between the routines of the datu/raiders/males and catalonan/bayocs/ females, I emphasised that these identities and sexes, and corresponding objects, had interacting spheres of activities, both occupying the same physical and ritual space in feasts and other events mentioned. Potency or power was balanced among the datu, catalonan, and other people that relations were complementary, equal, and

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There was no difference between young and old adults when it came to the objects representing personal identities.

horizontal (Meñez 1996b). In the burials, the female is visible, regardless of the sex of the deceased, in the form of the pots she manufactured.

Age emerges as an important component in personal identity representation in Calatagan and status. The emblems of personal identity, therefore, were strongly associated with age. The spindle whorls, metal implements, and ornaments may have been metaphors for skills and knowledge enhanced through the years, and authority over those who have yet to learn or become competent.

These objects circulated between sexes and contexts, both socially and physically, implying their genderless state. Furthermore, the Austronesian languages spoken in Island Southeast Asia, including the Philippines, are ‘largely gender-neutral’ (Errington 1990:49). In other parts of the world, sex and gender do not correspond (Weglian 2001), suggesting gender is indeed a social construct and not dependent on the biological sex. Lucy’s (1997) study indicates that grave goods do not necessarily translate to biological sex but rather lineage or cultural affiliation. Gender in Calatagan was determined by habits and manifested in graves through objects the deceased might have, directly or indirectly, used. These objects assisted them to negotiate their identities as capable individuals and through which they wielded their power.

8.9. Summary This chapter has shown that contrary to expectations, boundaries between sex groups were minimally marked in Calatagan. Age was emphasised in burials more than sex. The expressions of age in the burials were interlocked with markers of tasks that some adults may have performed and to which some juveniles have been initiated. Besides cultural affiliations, adults were marked with materials relating to their established roles in society, whereas infants and children were treated as members of the cultural group but not yet as distinct individuals. Respect was maybe given to senior members of the society who through experience gained knowledge and familiarity as to how the society operated. More important, this chapter demonstrated that the objects recorded by the Spaniards as associated with each sex do not correlate with the mortuary analyses. Gender was also attached to routines rather than biological sex; some males may have engaged in ‘female’ customs, leading to the inclusion of spindle whorls in their graves. Sex was possibly not distinctively marked because objects produced and traditionally associated with females and males were used in overlapping contexts. The question is why some adults described in Chapter 7 were not marked according to their personal achievements. I suggest that this is related to status (Chapter 9).

8.8. Age and identity I argue that age was marked in several ways in Calatagan. Infants were generally not buried with personal identity markers, perhaps because they had not yet acquired any skills that enabled them to participate in the daily activities of the society (Peebles and Kus 1977). However, infants were treated as members of the community through the ritual pots buried with them. Likewise, some child burials do not contain any objects linked to an achieved identity. The children buried with such items could hint at its kin status. This is explored in the next chapter. Some juveniles described above have objects found in adult burials. I suggest that these juveniles may have already been involved with adult activities, perhaps undergoing rites of passage. Menstruation was celebrated towards a girl’s ability to marry and have children (Plasencia 1589).

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CHAPTER 9 Markers of Prestige Status in Calatagan Status items sometimes denote wealth. For Wason (1994) there is a difference between status and wealth objects. Status objects are rare and are exclusive to that rank. Features of wealth and status objects are (i) their rarity based on their nature or source, (ii) the time and energy required to manufacture or procure them, (iii) limited specialised skill to produce them, and (iv) homogenous physical characteristics, like form and colour, for purposes of interchangeability (Barretto-Tesoro 2003; Costin 1998; Firth 1959; Gosden 1989; Malinowski 1922; Pydyn 1998; Reents-Budet 1998; Renfrew 1986; Shennan 1975; Smith 1987; Vanhaeren and d'Errico 2005; Winters 1968).

In this chapter I focus on markers of prestige status in Calatagan and discuss how the latter was expressed. Prestige should not be restricted to the possession of exotics but must be understood why some exotics were preferred to others. I will demonstrate that the indigenous belief system affected the types of foreign ceramics that had restricted circulation and wide distribution. I will argue that prestige in Calatagan was both achieved and ascribed, and imitated. This chapter will also show that individuals can possess many identities—not just a prestige status, but also a cultural identity. I define prestige as a person’s competence that later may have been the basis of political status (Bacus 1999; Junker 1999a). I propose that individuals in Calatagan, in the context of utang na loob, attained prestige based on their skills and knowledge in reproducing the activities contributing to the society’s existence.

Foreign ceramics in the Philippines could be considered wealth goods. They have usually been associated with prestige and collectively studied as exotic materials with higher value than earthenware vessels (Bacus 1999; Barretto-Tesoro 2003; Junker 1999a). Junker explained them as gifts and sources of wealth in alliance networks. Their presence in burials was interpreted as burial goods connected to status display. However, Fox (1959; 1979) noted the absence of a wealthy chieftain class in Calatagan. Earthenware vessels and porcelains were found in most graves, which Fox (1959) indicated were not wealth items. My analyses show that not all foreign ceramics are prestige markers— some were ritual objects and others had a practical function as, say, covers in burials (as explained in Chapter 7). Junker (1999a:20) remarked that during the 15th century ‘the primary differentiation between elite and non-elite burials is no longer the presence of foreign porcelains but complex gradations in both quantity and quality of status goods’. Her basis was the extensive distribution of tradeware vessels across major coastal sites, including habitation and burials. This, however, lacks contextual

Status is frequently linked with the possession of valuable objects. The usual symbols are exotic personal ornaments (Peregrine 1991), and people tend to use foreign objects to endow themselves with power (Helms 1993). Frankenstein and Rowlands (1978:87) define status items as ‘foreign prestige objects or access to centrally produced status items requiring high degrees of technical skill and the use of imported raw materials’. The possession of exotics and inaccessible materials advertises and amplifies the essential physical and mental skills to obtain them. Helms (1988, 1993, 1999) emphasises the value of esoteric knowledge; a person who knows and possesses something alien increases his or her ideological and personal power. Exotic materials indicate access to goods not readily available to all people. Some objects are restricted from circulation that intensifies their inalienability (Weiner 1992), reinforcing a person’s status. 134

similarity of objects across the graves hints at the owner’s participation in the same networks governed by reciprocity. I propose that individuals in Calatagan practised ‘strategies of social relations’ (Bacus 2004:141) or alliance networks (Junker 1999a) that I think are best termed as utang na loob.

analysis because it only takes into account the quantity of tradeware vessels. I examine here factors like the type of tradeware vessel, its designs, location, and associated goods in the burials. I propose that designs on both local and foreign ceramics, overlooked in earlier works, could be clues in distinguishing statuses in Calatagan. Furthermore, heterarchy as a model of social relations gives equivalent weight to other individuals, not just the elites, in the community, and how they themselves engage in partnerships.

The Philippines was involved in a global economy during the 15th century, with goods incorporated into the local value system. Value is subjective and bestowed upon by specific segments of society (Appadurai 1986). Symbolic representations of these values are also culture bound and could only be explained when described in context and in association with other symbols from the same culture (Bowie 2000). This study expands on this topic and shows that tradeware vessels, as an exotic, were valued based on their designs and qualities like lustre, and the sound they produced when hit, for instance, with a piece of metal. Local and foreign ceramics were imbued with different values. Separating these objects into local and foreign categories does not permit a fuller understanding of how people in Calatagan structured their relationships.

If objects like foreign ceramics and decorated earthenware pots are status items in Calatagan then they will have limited distribution. If status distinction is based on gradations of quality, as Junker assumed, then there should be high- and low-prestige tradeware vessels. Tradeware vessels with prestige symbols are not commodities because they are kept and considered inalienable possessions (Weiner 1992). Also, burials will contain tradeware vessels as ritual items rather than earthenware vessels marking cultural identity. Lowprestige items may be imitations. Imitations usually advance status, and original status markers become unstable as representations of status with the desire for new markers (Bradley 1988; Wason 1994).

9.1. Objects of desire and prestige Exotics were most probably acquired under the authority of the datus, together with their entourage. They may have continued to feed their prowess by persistently obtaining ‘symbolically charged’ items (Helms 1993:3-4). Perhaps these items were selected and reinterpreted that were in harmony with the local belief system. Salazar (2004, 2005) traces the sun and bird symbols as part of a pan-Austronesian belief, explores their representations in various Philippine groups, and found them associated with heaven and high-status individuals. Salazar (pers. comm. 2005) noticed that some tradeware vessels in Calatagan based on Fox’s (1959) publication display similar decorations at the centre, mostly flowers; they appear to be

If prestige is achieved based on one’s competence, I anticipate adult burials (due to age and experience) to contain more exotics. Additionally, since competency is the source of one’s status, it allows individuals to enhance their status regardless of background. Though prestige items will have limited distribution, they will not be restricted to one site. If achieved and ascribed statuses are present, a number of adults will have exotics and non-adult burials will contain prestige items. I want to emphasise that exotics in Calatagan do not only display status but also signify an aspect of identity produced by routines (Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005). The

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he acquired or rewarded with booty (Junker 1999a; Scott 1994). Individuals participating in these activities improved their status because of the ‘mystical’ (Helms 1993) quality attached to the objects acquired.

‘sunbursts’. I considered Salazar’s observation and found this supported by the evidence. Plates with such designs tended to be located on the pelvis. I have interpreted some objects in Calatagan graves as ritual and personal items, and have reflected on the roles of plates, bowls, saucers, and jarlets found on or near specific body parts or sometimes used as covers for earthenware vessels or burial jars. Upturned plates on pelvises, a prominent item in some burials (Fox 1959; Janse 1947), had presented problems in interpretation. I examined burials with high quantities of items and those with gold objects. I observed that KR-50, an adult, wears a gold ring and has 17 objects, including a plate on its pelvis with a solar pattern. I looked at other burials with plates on pelvises and discovered that 30 plates on the pelvises of adults and juveniles exhibit solar or bird motifs; these motifs occur in 65 burials out of the present burial sample; some bowls used as covers have sun designs, too. Tradeware vessels with this motif (59 of 357, or 16.52 percent) have a low distribution and are frequently associated with adults. Such objects are perhaps prestige markers. Individuals who participated in status-enhancing endeavours, including trading or rituals (Plasencia 1589), were most probably buried with material symbols associated with these activities like tradeware vessels. The sun may have been a symbol of fertility and regeneration, with solar-motif items appropriately placed on the pelvis signifying the potency of both the item and the deceased.

9.1.1.The sun and bird symbols Local cultures are often seen as passive recipients of foreign or new cultural elements, but the Calatagan inhabitants were perhaps active participants in the ascription of values on material goods. Accordingly, they may have transformed some tradeware vessels to represent local views, bestowing on them their own values (DeMarrais et al. 1996). Salazar (2004) found the sun design fascinating when he was studying a jar burial cover (unsystematically) recovered from Libmanan, Bicol. Salazar utilised comparative and contextual methods in analysing the Libmanan cover. The cover is divided into three triangles, which Salazar calls as follows: triangle of the skull with a food offering; triangle of the sun with a water buffalo; and triangle of the mouth with a double-headed monster. The possible date is from 5000BC- 1000BC. He also consulted the Bicolano epic of Ibalon and Philippine ethnography to interpret it. In summary, the sun is the symbol of the kaitaasan or heaven. Other symbols analogous to the sun are the bird, star, umbrella, male form, and genitals; the snake, crocodile, lizard, turtle, wild boar, fish, sea serpent, female form, and genitals imply the underworld. There are occasions when the underworld and the heaven are combined through the use of twin symbols of sun and snake, roof and snake, bird and fish, and turtle/crocodile/lizard with the sun on their back. Salazar (2005) explored the sun and bird symbols in other MalayoPolynesian cultures and found these to represent high-ranking individuals. Salazar (2004: 201) considers the sun, bird, and snake to be fundamental symbols among Austronesians based on two Hemudu

Why are raiding and trading esteemed pursuits? A foreign object reveals the ‘skills and personal characteristics of the acquirer’ (Helms 1993:101), which are crucial in this kind of activity, and likely, both object and act were sources of power. Trading and raiding were activities where the individual, whether leader or member of the party, could enhance his status because

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around the shoulder (Mascuñana 1986, Figure 9) resembling the sun from the top. A section of a burial jar cover from Maitum, dated to the Late Metal Age (radiocarbon dates of 1830 + 60 BP and 1920 + 50 BP) (Dizon and Santiago 1996: Plate 30), with sun motif design. Pottery from the Batangas-Laguna area, probably dating to the Late Metal Age, displays sunburst designs (Valdes 2003b: page 81, top plate; page 84, middle plate; page 106, bottom plate). An earthenware knob from Cagayan de Oro, Northern Mindanao, has a pinwheel design similar to Maitum disks (Ragragio 2006). A celadon bowl with a lotus-leaf decoration covers the head of an adult male in Sa’gung Rockshelter in Palawan (Kress 2004). Based on the tradeware vessel make, this burial dates to 1368-1644 (the Ming Dynasty). Solar designs are also found on gold ornaments: a gold artefact from Butuan ca 9th-12th centuries (Hontiveros 2004:34); a gold ornament from a Bolinao burial dating to the 14th –15th centuries (Legaspi 1974: Figure 6); a gold face of an earplug from Oton, Ilo-ilo late 14th-15th centuries (Roces 1968:20); and gold earrings from an unprovenanced site (Figure 9.1). These artefacts show that objects with designs resembling the sun as funerary items are not concentrated in Calatagan and are also found on various mediums. Even the Philippine flag originally made in Batangas, and its forerunners, have the sun design (Figure 9.2).

artefacts. These are two probable breastplates with bird, sun, and snake symbols carved on them recovered from Hemudu, China, and dated to 5000 BP (Salazar 2004). Spanish missionaries in the late 1500s and early 1600s observed that the Tagalogs venerated the sun, moon, stars and a blue bird (Anonymous 1572; Chirino 1604; Colin 1660; Morga 1609). Tagalog and other Filipino myths and folk tales also refer to the sun as a ruler and foe of the moon, Buan (Eugenio 1993; Fansler 1921, 1922). In Pampanga, Bathala was also their god, with two children, Apolaqui, the sun, and Mayari, the moon. The sun was considered male and the moon female. In Pangasinan, Agneo the sun and Bulan the moon were children of a powerful god, the ruler and creator. Ceramics with designs reminiscent of the sun were perhaps chosen in Calatagan because they denote leadership and power. The blue birds found on some porcelain probably matched the blue bird the Tagalogs venerated. Hegmon (1998) proposed that meaningful patterns are found in various mediums. The sun is found in ethnographic (Bottignolo 1995; Salazar 2004) (Figure 9.1) and archaeological materials, which indicates that this symbol may have been part of the indigenous belief system. Maranao betel-nut boxes and shields were decorated with solar motifs (Filipino Heritage 1977). The decorations on a Neolithic vessel from Ngipe’t Duldug Cave in Tabon, Palawan (Fox 1970: Figure 31-a), are very similar to those on the decorated pots of Calatagan. Earthenware vessels from various sites dated to 500BC-500AD such as Tigkiw in Bicol, Magsuhot, Maitum, and BatangasLaguna area demonstrate the many ways the sun could be represented. The burial jar from Tigkiw na Saday dated to 500BC500AD (Dizon 1979: Figure 9), with incised designs around the rim resembling the sun from the top. A pot from Magsuhot, dated to the Late Metal Age, shows incised designs

In Calatagan, some porcelain and decorated earthenware vessels exhibit solar motifs. This signifies that old values towards local objects might have been extended to accommodate new objects occurring in most cases during culture contacts (Gosden 2004). Foreign ceramics were assimilated into the local culture, and their use was perhaps modified according to the existing belief system. As it is, they do not have a ‘life’ but were incorporated into the local traditions because they contained symbolisms significant to the locals. In addition, the decorated earthenware vessels

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decorated with a chrysanthemum in a jar. PS-62, a child, has a decorated earthenware vessel (Decorated 7). Also included in the grave are a blue-and-white jarlet and plate. The former has leaves as designs, and standing flowers on the body with six radiating leaves; the latter is painted with an octycodal design with a double ring at the centre, single ring near lip, and with four peonies on the underlip. On the pelvis of another child, PS-112, is a decorated pot (Decorated5) with incised triangles around the upper body just below the rim appearing like sunrays from the top. Its location may have been the antecedent to foreign ceramics with solar motifs found on the pelvis in other burials.

involved a considerable amount of labour to produce them, as manifested in their stylistic attributes and production costs. Labour-intensive objects are usually considered prestige objects. 9.2. Attributes of prestige goods Prestige objects in Calatagan are usually containers, local, and foreign ceramics with solar motifs/solar whorls (Brown 1988); or birds, symbols that may have been part of the local value system. Solar motifs include chrysanthemums, peonies, and other flowers comparable to the sun. Some ceramics, usually bowls, have leaves originating from the bottom rim. When upturned, these appear like rays of the sun (Figure 5.10). Some decorated earthenware vessels, found upright in burials, have incised triangles around the mouth rim and are also analogous to the sun when viewed from the top. Main and Fox (1982) referred to these pots as bituin, or star designs. However, I find it more appropriate to describe them as a sun for the above reasons. Fox (1959) and Janse (1947) recorded the predominance of porcelain plates on pelvises but did not mention their designs. These plates have sunburst and bird designs. Sometimes, the plates are on tops of femurs just below the pelvis, or cover the knees or feet. Some earthenware vessels are covered with tradeware vessels exhibiting prestige symbols. Some decorated earthenware vessels with solar motifs are often around the head. Based on these attributes, the ‘warrior burial’ Junker (1999b) described in Tanjay dating to the 15th-16th century could have been a Visayan datu. He had metal blades, a probable trophy skull, boar’s teeth, and a porcelain plate on the pelvis with floral designs. The covered box at the feet, based on the burial illustration, exhibits solar motifs.

Figure 9.3: Burial sketch of PS-31 (Santiago 1961)

Above the left side of the head of T-30, a juvenile, are cooking and decorated pots. The latter is a Decorated2 pot. T-119, a young adult, has an earthenware plate and two decorated2 pots near its skull. Decorated2 pots (Figure 9.4) have a very low distribution and seem to be affiliated

A blue-and-white plate is found upturned on the pelvis of PS-31 (Figure 9.3), which was

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PS-109, a child, has a blue-and-white saucer with a kylin design placed on the pelvis and a Siamese stoneware jar above the saucer, about ten centimetres from the surface. Overturned on the feet of PP(M)-74, another child, is a blue-and-white plate decorated with a kylin at the centre. Eight hexagonal carnelian beads are around the left wrist, probably a bracelet, and a blue glass bracelet is also in the burial. The bracelets may have been talismans against evil spirits. Early Spanish missionaries recorded that beads worn on the wrists served as protective charms against death when blessed and given by sorcerers (Aduarte 1640). Its inclusion in the burial may suggest protection from evil spirits. However, other children in other burials do not wear bracelets, so these ornaments may suggest a prestige affiliation. PS-96, an old adult, holds a blue-and-white saucer with kylin designs on each hand. Though their location suggest provisions, the kylin symbolised prestige.

with prestige because of their design. KR219 is a young adult in a flexed position. An earthenware kendi (Figure 9.5) is upright on its pelvis. The pot is not functional because its spout has no hole. It could have been made specifically for the burial. Its location on the pelvis suggests prestige. This earthenware kendi copied from a foreign form may have been an early status marker. PP(M)-57, a young adult, also has an earthenware kendi above its pelvis (Figure 9.6). T-93a is a multiple burial of two adult skeletons appearing to be on top of the other. The grave is marked with an unused medium cooking pot and a tradeware vessel with a raised fish design, above the feet area. Two more earthenware vessels are associated with this burial. Above the knees of the lower skeleton is a blue-and-white plate painted with peonies. Another blueand-white plate with similar decorations as the previous one is overturned on the northern part of the grave. Two iron implements, looking like spearheads, are associated with this multiple burial. It might be that one spearhead was intended for each skeleton. This type of burial is a bit unusual, for most of the adults were buried individually. These could be both males, judging from the spearheads buried with them, as the skeletons identified as biologically females do not have metal implements. The spearheads suggest raiders and the plates indicate prestige. Perhaps they were maharlikas? Several multiple burials of an infant and a child, two adults, two adult-infant burials were also found in Pulong Bakaw (Fox nd). Some plates have bird designs like the crane, duck, and stork. A Chinese fabled creature known as the kylin also appears in some plates. The kylin is an animal with merged parts of different animals: ‘head of a dragon and body of a deer’ (Janse 1947:352). The kylin may have been treated as a divine being since it appears bird-like and flying. In some burials, the plate on the pelvis displays a fish design.

Over another juvenile, T-39’s pelvis, is an overturned porcelain plate painted on the centre with a crane on one leg in a garden. Not far from the plate is a monochrome jarlet with a dragon around the neck. Above the burial, a cooking pot and a kinalabasa mark this grave. T-180, a juvenile, has a cooking pot and another earthenware vessel found upright 25 centimetres above the head. Overturned on the knees is a porcelain plate (Figure 9.7) with a kylin design. PS-4, an old adult, was buried with a blue-and-white plate decorated with a kylin at the centre (Figure 9.8). PS-25, an old adult, has a stork-in-agarden designed plate just below the pelvis among its burial assemblage. PS-115, an old adult a blue-and-white plate decorated with two flying ducks on the pelvis. There are burials that mimic prestige foreign ceramics with solar and bird designs. These are monochrome plates, bowls or saucers, likewise placed on top or near pelvises. They may have been low-

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objects are provisions. The adult in KR-68 described in Chapter 8 wears three glass bracelets on each wrist, but no other items, except those indicating its cultural affiliation, were buried with the body. The bracelets, therefore, could indicate a personal achievement. It would be difficult to say if these two adults were raiders, as no metal implements were found with them. However, they definitely had access to exotics.

prestige items probably belonging to followers rather than chiefs. Decorated earthenware vessels or earthenware vessels with foreign forms on top of the pelvis might have been early indicators of prestige before tradeware vessels. PP(M)-31, probably an female adult, was buried with two ordinary earthenware vessels both broken but apparently upright, are on the pelvis and on the feet. The pot at the feet could be an offering. It is probable that the earthenware vessel on the pelvis was a prestige marker prior to foreign ceramics. KR-85, a juvenile, holds an upside-down earthenware dish on the pelvis with its right hand while the left palm rests on the left pelvis. The fact that the deceased is holding the dish suggests that the dish serves as a provision, and will be brought to the afterlife. This ceramic is a local copy of porcelain plate, and its location emulates high-prestige burials. PP(M)-52, an infant, has a monochrome saucer overturned on the pelvis, imitating plates with solar designs on some adults’ pelvises. The two kinalabasa pots near the head could be ritual markers, and the saucer on the pelvis perhaps refers to its parents’ status. Another example of a burial with foreign ceramics that imitate high prestige is PS-49 (Figure 9.9).

Other objects indicating prestige are items requiring great labour to acquire or manufacture like Tridacna gigas. These are deep-marine species involving immense energy to obtain (Barretto 2002). The graves of PS-50, a child, PS-31 and PS-36, young adults, and PS-22, an old adult were marked with Tridacna shells. PP(M)-73, an adult is buried with Tridacna gigas shells (Figure 9.10). Two of the three gigas are

T-173, an old adult, is buried with 16 items, a quantity far exceeding other graves, which commonly have four to eight objects. The hands are on the pelvis covered with a blueand-white plate painted with peonies. The deceased wears three glass bracelets on the left wrist and six glass bracelets on the right wrist. Between the femurs is a spindle whorl; and a hole-bottom saucer with a fish design is upright on the femur’s head just below the pelvis. At the feet are a cooking pot and a white Annamese jarlet. Two more jarlets of Sawankhalok type are also in this grave but with unspecified locations. The design on the plate over the pelvis, together with the glass bracelets, suggests a personal achievement linked with prestige. The items on the feet are offerings; the other

Figure 9.10: Burial sketch of PP(M)-73 (Santiago et al. 1961)

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crane standing on one leg. On the feet is an overturned monochrome plate. Slightly above the feet are kinalabasa pot and two stone figures. T-141, another juvenile, wears on the left wrist two glass bracelets: one green and the other blue. Between the bracelets is a carnelian bead. On the right wrist is another green glass bracelet. At the feet is a large deep bowl, classified by Main and Fox (1982: Figure 35) as a KT-polished L type. An unusual object is the gold leaf placed on the right eye socket of this juvenile.

overturned on the arm and feet. The third is upright on top of the skull. The teeth are filed and stained. PP(M)-71, an old adult, (Figure 9.11) has an overturned Tridacna giga on its pelvis. Underneath this giant clam is a worked-out circular disc made from a tradeware vessel. A blue-and-white sherd, the central portion of a porcelain plate with a rock design, is at the left side of the skull. The texture and lustre of the Tridacna gigas are similar to porcelain. The position of the huge shell, being overturned on the pelvis, may have been the antecedent of porcelain plates found upsidedown on the pelvises in other burials.

T-163 (Figure 9.12), an adult male, is buried with three skulls, one on the left pelvis and top of right femur, one on the feet, and the third on the left leg. It is difficult to say if the skulls are trophy skulls since no other objects like porcelain or metal implements are included, which might suggest if he engaged with raiding or trading when

Figure 9.11: Burial sketch of PP(M)-71 (Santiago et al. 1961)

Some burials may be associated with very rare items such as gold leaf, gold ring, human skulls, statues, or other exotics. They may sometimes occur with prestige tradeware vessels. Ethnohistoric accounts indicate that people of influence drilled holes on their teeth and filled them with gold known as gold pegging (Chirino 1604; Colin 1660; Scott 1994). Over the head of T-40, a juvenile, is a foureared dark brown jarlet. Near the left arm is a cooking pot. Beside this is a stone figure. Upside-down on the pelvis is a blue-andwhite plate; painted within a double ring is a

Figure 9.12: Burial sketch of T-163 buried with three skulls (Paniza et al. 1960-1961)

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these symbols divine and probably were placed in her grave to emphasise her status.

living. Could they be vendetta skulls? If the skulls’ positions are examined, they imitate the locations of offerings at the feet and prestige items on pelvis. PP(M)-111, an adult, has utilitarian2 sitting upright at the feet (Figure 9.13). A used cooking pot is on its side, perhaps originally upright, near the right knee. An Annamese bowl is also sideways on the left pelvis bone. A skull is on the right shoulder and covered with lime on the left orbit and nasal orifice just like the skulls found with PP(M)-40 below. The earthenware vessel may be provisions, while the bowl could be a low-prestige marker. It is difficult to determine if the skull is a vendetta or trophy skull; nevertheless, it likewise suggests prestige. Its features suggest that it has been treated before its inclusion in the grave. Burial 26 at Kay Tomas was buried with two skulls at its feet (Janse 1947).

Another probable catalonan is PP(M)-1, an adult. A concentration of shells, tradeware, and earthenware sherds is above its grave (Figure 9.15), covering the pelvis to feet. Ten teeth have evidence of filing. Besides the earthenware vessels near the head, there were two blue-and-white plates upturned on the pelvis and at the feet. The plate on the pelvis has a sunflower design with five peonies at the back; and the plate at the feet is painted with a stork-in-a-garden design. A Siamese cover bowl is upright and beside the plate at the feet; inside this is a small white bowl. The cover bowl with a small white bowl, including the earthenware vessels and the shells above the burial, are most likely offerings. The plates could be prestige markers as they display both solar and bird designs.

I would like to highlight several burials that could have belonged to specific personalities, namely a catalonan, datu, and members of the entourage. A spindle whorl is by the right shoulder of T-151, an adult female, hinting at her spinning and weaving activities. Beside her left hand is an overturned blue-and-white bowl (Figure 9.14) with leaves radiating from the footrim towards the lip. The leaves are similar to the designs on some decorated pots. These solar motifs may be linked to a prestige identity. Over her pelvis is an overturned blue-and-white plate with a kylin design in the centre and painted flowers on the underlip. On the right of the pelvis is a blue-and-white bowl, with similar designs on the bowl found on the left hand. Between the femurs is a jarlet, and a medium unused cooking pot is on the ankle. The bowls at each side of the pelvis, though functioning as provisions exhibit prestige symbols. This indicates the use of prestige items as ritual objects. The two symbols in her burial, the sun and kylin, emphasise her high status. Could she be a catalonan? The early Tagalogs considered

Figure 9.13: Burial sketch of PP(M)-111 (Santiago et al. 1961)

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the underlip has five peonies and floral scroll. The objects near the head area suggest that these are ritual items. The foreign ceramics with solar motifs, the blade, gold ring, and stone charm suggest raider and trader identities. This adult is the only one buried with the combination of these items. It is probably a male based on the metal implement and could be a person of very high status. Could he be a datu? Based on ethnohistory, datus tend to be the best raiders (Scott 1994).

PP(M)-40 (Figure 9.16) is headless, probably an adult female. However, during the excavation, teeth were found, including two filed ones on the chest, suggesting that the skull was once there and removed after burial. A blue-and-white plate painted with a bird sits upright on the feet. Two carnelian beads are with the burial: one on the chest region and the other about the missing skull among the grave fill. About 30 centimetres above the feet is a group of four limecovered skulls. Skull B is an adult male, Skull E also an adult; both skulls have filed and stained teeth. Skulls C and D are those of older males. A statue is on its side at the base of the skulls and at the same depth as the plate. I propose that the upright porcelain plate’s design and the statue, given its rare occurrence, signify a prestige identity. It is possible that the skulls are multiple skull burials similar to those found in other parts of Calatagan (Fox 1959).

KR-225, an adult, wears a green glass bracelet on the forearm just below the elbow, and a pale green bracelet, probably glass too, on the right wrist. A blue-andwhite plate painted with a chrysanthemum in a jar, two fences, two butterflies, and two cloud symbols at the centre, is overturned on the pelvis. Two monochrome bowls overturned on the distal end of the femur, just above the knees, could be provisions. A cooking pot is likewise upturned on the left foot. A spindle whorl is over the right palm, and an iron implement is just below the right hand. The plate with the solar motif decoration is most probably a prestige marker. This high status male might have been a trader and raider. He could have also engaged with spinning activities based on the spindle whorl.

KR-50, an adult, has a Sawankhalok grayish-green glazed bowl sitting upright between the legs; and a plate is painted with peonies. This adult has 17 items buried with it, mostly near the head and pelvis area. An upright white saucer and six beads (glass, jade, and carnelian) are at the left side of the head. Two cooking pots, another earthenware vessel, and one Sawanhhalok brown-glazed jarlet, are also at the left area of the head. One of the cooking pots is upright, and the other earthenware vessel, though broken, may have been upright too. A piece of chert, probably a stone charm, is above the left shoulder; beside it is a foureared jarlet near the mandible. A doubleedge blade is at the right hand, with the point towards the rib. Near the right hand is a blue-and-white bowl with a shell design within a double ring at the centre, a double ring near the lip, and a horseman on the underlip. This adult is wearing a gold ring on the middle finger of the left hand. A blue-and-white porcelain plate overturned on the pelvis is decorated with a chrysanthemum with three clouds encircled within a double ring at centre and lip, and

KR-211 is a headless adult, with three bowls and a jarlet. An upright monochrome bowl, stamped with floral designs on the centre, is on the left distal end of the tibia or the left foot. The second bowl is upright on the middle of the left leg. The third bowl is overturned on the right knee. This is decorated with two incised rings on the inside just below the mouth, and the underlip has one incised ring with vertical flutes representing fern fronds. The jarlet is on the right tibia. These ceramics may have been provisions and offerings for this adult because of their location. The upturned bowl with the fern designs resembling the solar motifs of other ceramics suggests that this headless adult could have participated

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Decorated earthenware vessels with solar motifs were mostly found with adults, with the exception of two children burials. Decorated9, with two spouts and lugs but void of decorations, was found in an unaged burial associated with a plate showing the same solar motif. The decorated2, which combined features of the decorated9 and solar motifs, was commonly placed with adults. Two juveniles were buried with decorated2 pots, which is surprising, as I had anticipated that these pots would only be found with adults. T-30, specifically, even has a metal implement neatly placed along the right arm, suggesting a raider activity.

in raiding activities, and was perhaps a victim of one. The bowl at the feet with stamped floral designs could also be a prestige marker. Through the course of the Calatagan occupation, foreign ceramics as ritual items had been used to replace earthenware vessels in some burials. The elite perhaps wanted to distinguish themselves from others by including porcelain plates with sunburst designs with their dead. Non-elite individuals who used bowls with similar designs perhaps emulated this practice. The inclusion of such items, however, indicates prestige, perhaps as part of a chief’s entourage.

Interestingly there were also two burials with gold objects: T-141, a juvenile with a gold leaf on its right eye socket; and KR-50, an adult wearing a gold ring. The gold leaf and accompanying objects with T-141 indicate that juveniles, may have been introduced to adult activities. Some could have been fast learners and capable of satisfactorily completing tasks requiring exceptional qualities. Morga (1609) reports that the rich (but did not mention if they were chiefs) were buried with small sheets of gold on the mouth and eyes. Fox (1959) excavated three graves in Kay Tomas with gold leaf. Could T-141 and KR-50 be elite individuals? The difference between the two is that the latter contained the prestige symbol of a porcelain plate with a sunburst design on the pelvis.

9.3. Distribution of prestige markers in the Calatagan burials Out of 284 burials with goods, I consider 98 burials to be prestigious: one infant, 13 children, nine juveniles, 30 adults, 13 young adults, 27 old adults, and five unaged skeletons. Many adult burials along the coast contain prestige goods: 27 in Talisay; 12 in Karitunan; one in Punta Buwaya; 32 in Punta Sunog; 19 in Palapat in both Melian and Uy properties; four in Sta Ana; and two in Parola. The wide distribution of prestige burials implies that the numerous individuals could be leaders and that they participated in such activities. This supports Legazpi (1565) and Loarca’s (1582) observations of many chiefs with personal pursuits. This also implies that within Calatagan, authority and power were decentralised. Burials with tradeware vessels discussed in Chapters 7 and 8 may have been members of the entourage, but their tradeware vessels may not be regarded as prestige goods based on their form, style, and location.

I find T-151, an adult female, fascinating because her grave objects contained both the kylin and solar designs stressing her status, as both symbols were essential to the mystical qualities of an individual identified in the community such as a catalonan. I sense the same for T-40, a juvenile, and PP(M)-40, an adult female, who both were buried with stone figures most probably similar to the statue previously excavated by Fox (1959) in Calatagan. The addition of a porcelain plate with a crane on T-40’s pelvis also signified a prestige status.

Prestige items in infant and children burials might have marked ascribed statuses due to family relations (Gamble et al. 2001) rather than personal status, further supporting the finding in Chapter 8 that age is a crucial factor in attaining social identity.

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Individuals with prestige objects were men/women of prowess, and might have had what is known as the soul stuff (Wolters 1999), what Anderson (1972:7) calls the ‘intangible, mysterious, and divine energy’, and what Errington (1990) refers to as ‘potency’. This omnipresent power is essentially the focus of life. This could explain why the Tagalogs would continually make offerings, invoking spirits, and treating their surroundings with respect, because they believed nunos continued to exist with the living. Individuals with this quality were assumed to have divine guidance and to be blessed with superior capacities enabling him/her to launch their own following. There are sets of socially definable loyalties that could be mobilised for common enterprises. These mutually beneficial and interdependent associations were perhaps structured by utang na loob. Kinship ties would have been the idiom of social organisation and extended kin networks mobilised within and outside one’s community, constructing a widespread belief and value system. Both males and females of prestige status had similar items stressing each sex’s ability to possess prowess.

In PS-88, a jarlet with solar motif had an unusual location since it lay on the chest. The common practice was a plate with similar ornamentation placed on the pelvis. KR-225, an adult, had remarkable goods. Regardless if it is a male or female, its contents—glass bracelets, tradeware vessels, cooking pot, spindle whorl and metal implement—imply and support the interpretation in Chapter 8 that gender was not strikingly distinguished in burials. Probably routines determined gender in Calatagan rather than biological sex. 9.4. The sun and the pelvis Porcelain plates with sunburst or bird designs were mostly concentrated on the pelvis areas, and around the head if decorated pots, though some were also on the pelvis. The sun as a universal symbol is synonymous to fertility, revival, and regeneration. The inhabitants of Calatagan could have used this potent emblem to symbolise the person’s rebirth (Janse 1947). The sun could also be a metaphor for good weather, a critical factor in sea voyages. The choice and location of these prestige markers show focus, selectivity, and consciousness on the part of the mourners and deceased. The acquisition and possession of foreign and local objects with sun and bird designs may associate the individual with magic, which translated as prowess. Datus, catalonans or priestesses, and raiders could have been buried with these items to denote their ability in executing their roles. During sacrifices, the priestess rings a bell or strikes porcelain vessels with small sticks (Anonymous 1572; Artieda 1573). Among the Tagbanuwa of Palawan, the sound produced by tapping the porcelain was meant for the deities to hear (Fox 1959).

Philippine ethnohistoric accounts relating the presence of many chiefs but no rulers or kings imply the multiplicity of powers and power centres. The notion of a centre is a matter of perspective. Due to their physical conditions, early Southeast Asians lived in quite isolated groups and ‘would have had powerful attachments to their respective localities’ (Wolters 1999:16) due to enduring connections between physical space, spirits, and rituals as asserted in Chapter 7. Calatagan inhabitants of any status could have related to spiritual beings, based on ritual pots found in their burials. The centre might have been the settlement itself. Prestige burials along the Calatagan coast imply the presence of many chiefs who had attachments to their own settlements.

Objects with prestige symbols were not found with infants, suggesting that this distinction was achieved throughout a person’s lifetime. PP(M)-52, an infant, described above, had a monochrome saucer on its pelvis, a low-prestige item.

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of pakikisama. The people in the burials described in previous chapters containing foreign ceramics functioning as ritual items, even though without the prestige motifs, might have been members of the chief’s entourage or the maharlikas, timawas, and alipins. This interpretation could support Junker’s (1999a) claim for the gradation of the quality of tradeware vessels used as status markers.

9.4. 1. Imitation in Calatagan Imitation in Calatagan is evident in two ways, which could occur separately or in combination: first, in the use of tradeware vessels lacking prestige motifs placed on the pelvis. Imitation-prestige tradeware vessels are found in one infant, three children, three adults, and one old adult burials; second, in the use of earthenware vessels with foreign forms—like bowl and kendi—and/or decorated earthenwares or even a cooking pot, likewise placed on top of the pelvis. These copies are found with two children, two juveniles, one adult, three young adults, and four old adults.

Junker and Bacus suggest that imported items, especially foreign ceramics, were shared elite cultural symbols used in exchange, fortifying alliances between polities. However, the sharing of various symbols in Calatagan in the form of ritual and prestige objects does not point to a shared elite symbolism but to shared routines. Raiding and trading activities were group endeavours and collective labour. These plausibly led to the sharing of booty including foreign ceramics, so that most people had access to the latter, indicating their participation but not their status. The likely leaders of these expeditions appear to have kept local and foreign ceramics with explicit ornamentation relating to birds and sun. These leaders were neither rulers nor chiefs in a political sense, but may have been the bases of political office later on. Though some adult burials do have high quantity of goods—for instance KR-68 with 12 objects, T-173 with 16 items, and KR-50 with 17 items—they are not separated from the others since their cultural affiliations were still expressed through ritual objects included in their burials.

Imitations are found in PS-112, a child burial, which contained a decorated vessel on the pelvis; T-3, an old adult, with a decorated3 vessel placed at the feet, uniting the style of the kinalabasa and the solar motifs. The decorated5 in PS-112 is a sign of prestige based on its location and could be an early version of the decorated2 that has two lugs and two spouts with solar motifs. These decorated earthenware vessels were not common in Calatagan. Maybe they did not become popular because of the influx of foreign ceramics with patterns, which corresponded to the local value system. Punta Buwaya-9, probably a female adult, has a spindle whorl near the left leg, an upturned green-glazed saucer over the pelvis area, and a jar of yellowish-green glaze above the head. The plain saucer emulates the prestige symbol of tradeware vessels with solar or bird designs.

A significant object missing in the burials was gold pegging. Fox (1959) observed only one individual in Kay Tomas with gold pegs and in the present sample not one had gold dental ornamentation, though two burials had gold objects with them.

The quality of tradeware vessels found in the burials may enable us to distinguish the maginoos and maharlikas. Chiefs or datus, even maginoos, may have kept highprestige tradeware vessels with solar and bird motifs because of the designs’ supernatural affinity that made them inalienable. Chiefs might have bestowed to their followers other types of ceramics as balato or tokens for their loyalties as a sign

9.5. Ceramics and status in Calatagan Errington (1990) indicated that age was more marked in Southeast Asia than gender. Age was a basis for ranking from the

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selected to represent a prestige identity. An object’s value is customarily contingent on its cultural function, social meaning, and its symbolic representation (Barretto 2002; Barretto-Tesoro 2003; Costin 1998; Levy 1999b) and, in this case, how they functioned in burials. To denote status, some burials contained high-prestige items, while contemporaneous burials have similar objects of different quality or do not have any objects with them. Accordingly, only some members had access to prestige objects (Smith 1987; Vanhaeren and d'Errico 2005).

perspective of linguistics. The term for 'human' or 'person' is unmarked as to gender. This genderless speech provides, as it were, a smooth ground, against which the terms and distinctions based on age or seniority stand out noticeably. Hierarchical difference and difference in authority tend to be cast, coded, and elaborated as the distinction between senior and junior entities. To this difference, the distinction between male and female bodies is nearly irrelevant.’ (Errington 1990:49-50).

In Calatagan, the various identities were negotiated through diverse competencies. Out of 284 burials, 62.32 percent (n-177) contained tradeware vessels and out of this, 55.36 percent (n-98) have tradeware vessels with the sunbursts and bird designs, or 34.50 percent of the whole sample. There appears to have been a degree of control in the acquisition and distribution of tradeware vessels with figures associated with prestige, but other classes of tradeware vessels, including monochromes and jarlets, with non-solar motifs were not restricted because other graves in Chapters 7-8 contained such items. Could there be two exchange systems at work: one that confined the use of the solar symbols to chiefs and relations and priestesses; and the other that openly circulated among followers of tradeware vessels without the sun design? Prestige may have been a combination of the worldly activities and their connection to spirits (Gosden 2004:153).

Definitions of chiefs in the region suggest that early Austronesian societies were ranked (Bellwood 1996). Based on Dempwolff’s Proto Malayo-Polynesian, the datu did not only refer to a political leader but could also mean chief, priest, aristocrat, ancestor, grandfather, or elder (Bellwood 1996). Datu and its cognates like ratu meant authority, but the latter is not specified as ascribed or achieved. Nonetheless, rank was largely determined by particular skills that came with age. The acquisition of status expressed through the possession of prestige goods in Calatagan was largely determined by age since the required skills and knowledge were achieved through years of experience and practice. Adult burials contained more prestige objects and/or tradeware vessels than non-adult burials. Prestige goods are objects meant to be seen, visible to the public, indicating the acquisition skills of the owner. They are often used in display, ritual, and exchange. Display value is primarily dependent on the aesthetic characteristics of the object like smoothness, lustre, colour, and durability. It is the overall value of an object that is used in various contexts to suggest the economic, ritual, and social personality of the owner. It is for this reason that porcelains with specific designs were

Foreign ceramics may signify diverse functions in graves and could shift states as a commodity to a gift to a burial object to an identity marker. Trading opportunities were seen as a determinant of tradeware vessels’ presence in graves (Fox 1959). Persons without any tradeware vessels were said to have died when foreign ceramics were not available (Fox 1959). Fox added that this could partly explain why local copies of

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several interacting systems on account of the different values attached to them: (i) as a commodity in one, (ii) an object with ritual value in the other, and (iii) as status markers. Foreign ceramics can either be cultural indicators as explained in Chapter 7, or prestige markers as illustrated above. Second, long-distance trade accommodates the interaction between two different social structures acting as equal trade partners— the centralised and hierarchically organised foreign merchants, and the politically and economically heterarchical society of Calatagan.

tradeware vessels were found in some burials. I do not agree that trading opportunities determined their inclusion in graves. First, many graves have no goods, not even a cooking pot, which I would expect that most households possessed, indicating that the type of mortuary items buried with the dead was linked to the departed’s social role rather than the availability of tradeware vessels or other items. Second, the demography of earthenware vessels demonstrates a low quantity and distribution of local copies of trade ceramics. If Fox’s argument is correct—that earthenware-vessel copies of foreign vessels, like bowls, plates, kendi and kinalabasa, were found in burials without tradeware vessels—then we would have a wide distribution of the former as tradeware vessels (or forms resembling them) seem to have been preferred as grave goods. Since pottery production was household-based, to propose that burials with local copies are of an elite identity is not warranted. Each household could have easily made earthenware vessels based on foreign forms. Also, on the evidence of their locations, the kinalabasa and kendi functioned as ritual items rather than prestige markers. The study shows that decoration on pots and their location signified prestige and not their forms, fabric composition, or the mere presence of foreign ceramics.

I do not see individuals of prestige in Calatagan as aggrandisers. Hayden’s (1995) definition sounds very opportunistic; that in any way they can, individuals will be power grabbers. This view is from the perspective of leaders and does not attribute any power to the followers. Using agency, an individual can exercise power through his/her choice of whom to attach himself/herself to. Heterarchy implies that every individual in a community is capable of a social negotiation to enhance his/her status, and this is a form of power. Besides individuals having the potential to become leaders themselves, group activities were shared tasks and each person may have received tokens for their labour—a process that would explain the presence of tradeware vessels in numerous burials in Calatagan.

The foreign ceramics recovered from Calatagan were mass-produced in China; they were the ‘people’s ware’ produced for everyday use for the local Chinese (Fox 1979:189). The dominant forms were for domestic use like bowls and plates. The foreign utilitarian goods were transformed into grave goods. First, the porcelains may have been of low quality in China but when they reached the Philippines, they became entangled with the local belief system where sun and birds were respected. In graves, they either served as ritual objects or prestige items. This illustrates how the same item can be ranked differently in

Using utang na loob, the cycle of indebtedness, as a framework, individuals in Calatagan needed to honour this social agreement lest they be excluded from other social transactions. Bayanihan is a form of commmunal cooperation. Those who participated in group activities felt that they were entitled to make requests in the future. Raiding and trading expeditions relied on the support of many. Because of the risks, leaders rewarded participants with balatos because raids could diminish the number of followers. Since leadership is dependent on followers (Scott 1983; Wolters 1999), chiefs

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factors to be considered. Tradeware vessels with bird and sun symbols were perhaps inalienable possessions chiefs did not share with their entourage. Followers may have used imitations based on the use of ceramics equally placed on similar locations, for instance monochromes or even earthenware vessels. Decorated earthenware vessels with solar motifs may have been early markers of prestige. Other burials denoting prestige do not contain prestige wares but rather rare objects including giant clams, skulls, statues, and gold items. The Calatagan burials also substantiated the existence of a local cosmology represented by material culture through earthenware vessels and, later, tradeware vessels with particular designs. Some burials with prestige identity also were marked with ritual objects, strengthening the flexible and mobile social structure where individuals could possess various and multiple identities.

enticed young men to join these activities through the promise of material gain. Persons were not forced to join raids, but if they were willing, then power lay with the individual rather than the leader. Successful participants can have their own following. In Chapter 3, I described how utang na loob can be settled. The one giving utang na loob has power for he/she can, at any time, request for it to be repaid without explicitly referring to the favour granted earlier. Thus a leader and a group member can both have power, since both see the activity as an opportunity to contract obligations that could benefit them in the future. In another social arena, catalonans, priestesses, and chiefs also have utang na loob to each other. Catalonans, at the request of datus, performed rituals, probably to ensure trading or raiding success, before embarking on their journeys (Plasencia 1589). It was very likely that catalonans received balatos as well from datus. Older age groups normally contained more items than younger ones, which I attribute to the development of skills, gained wisdom, and the realisation of tasks. However, some burials have only one item in their grave expressing its prestige affiliation, implying that quality, rather than quantity, was important. 9.6. Summary Prestige identity in Calatagan was manifested through the use of ceramics displaying solar and bird designs usually placed near the head or on the pelvis. The quantity of individuals with a prestige identity found in many sites in Calatagan implies the power and capacity of many in various settlements to achieve this status. Some non-adult burials contained prestige goods that indicated their ascribed statuses. The presence of tradeware vessels in burials is not a sufficient signal of prestige; their quality in terms of decorations and positions in relation to the body were important

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CHAPTER 10 Social Identities in Calatagan of the deceased. Furthermore, individuals were incorporated into the wider cultural group as expressed by earthenware vessels used as ritual items accompanying the burials.

This chapter will review the main points argued in this research. It integrates the results of the analyses of pottery production (Chapter 4) and mortuary analyses (Chapters 5, 7-9) in Calatagan with the representation of identity. I have argued several issues that have implications not just in the archaeology of the Philippines but to theory. It has specific contributions to topics such as pottery, identity, and complexity. Set in the context of foreign trade in the 15th century, external trade created a different impact in Calatagan for it did not follow developments in the central Philippines with regards to craft production and status display. Pottery production was not standardised and a spectrum of identities was represented in Calatagan rather than straightforward boundaries between people. I have emphasised that heterarchy might had been the model of social relations that existed in Calatagan. This form of complexity is different but not opposed to hierarchical models in which vertical relations are emphasised (Crumley 1987; Ehrenreich et al. 1995). Ethnohistory and ethnography contributed information on how early Tagalog society was organised and how objects were acquired and used. I have demonstrated that people could have various degrees of power and active in negotiating their identities and statuses through their participation in personal and community activities. This was evident in the styles, locations, and distribution of mortuary objects particularly earthenware vessels, foreign ceramics, and other nonceramic objects. Though a certain degree of ranking, both achieved and ascribed, existed in Calatagan based on the presence of what I considered prestige burials, it appears that it was not a strict hierarchy, for prestige goods were neither concentrated in one site nor in few burials. The system may have allowed lateral differentiation in the form of mortuary objects celebrating personal achievements

I have demonstrated that the functions of earthenware vessels in specific burial contexts differ. They were used as ritual objects and as early status markers depending on their styles and locations in the burials. Undecorated vessels were used as offerings or provisions found near the feet or head areas or sometimes held by the deceased. Decorated vessels were found near the head areas or on the pelvis, and usually associated with other objects indicating prestige. Earthenware vessels in Calatagan should not be considered inferiorstatus goods because they were not used as such but had a different function related to beliefs. Cooking pots were used as both provisions and offerings as these utilitarian objects were the most viable forms of communication because of their visibility (Braun 1991). Based on the evidence of usewear, they were moved from the domestic to the ritual context of the burial. Utilitarian2, atypical1, atypical2, kinalabasa and some kendi may have been specially produced for burials as their forms displayed non-functional states and have features not appropriate for domestic use (Henrickson and McDonald 1983; Howard 1981). Though they varied in forms, the pots generally served as provisions, with the exception of the decorated pots specifically vessels exhibiting solar motifs were prestige markers; and some pots placed on the pelvis may have been early prestige items. They were not wealth objects as no large quantities of these items were observed. The cooking pots’ function as vessels for food persisted in the burials as demonstrated 150

difficult access to these foreign ceramics. In an earlier study, I did not distinguish ceramic quality (Barretto 2002; BarrettoTesoro 2003). Here, it became obvious that it was the designs on these ceramics that distinguished status in Calatagan (Chapter 9).

by vessels containing shells. The goal of nourishing the living parallels the sustenance needed by the spirit of the deceased in its journey to the afterlife. The use of cooking pots as pabaon and pangalay linked the deceased to the community as part of the culture. These were potent objects directed to the spirit world that communicated the cultural affiliation of the deceased.

Pottery production in Calatagan did not become specialised or standardised unlike what happened in Tanjay. Local pots have a low degree of standardisation based on their metrical attributes and tempers suggesting a nonspecialist production; probably part-time female potters produced them at the household level. Being a primary unit of production, the household may also have been the locus of specialised activities including rituals (Knudson 1978). Though Calatagan potters copied foreign forms, these objects continued to function as ritual objects in burials. Local and trade ceramics were combined as grave items even in burials expressing prestige, supporting the notion that earthenware vessels were not discarded completely and consistently used to represent old beliefs.

Function is not limited to a pot’s initial use, but enters into different contexts, as central figures in specific contexts (Miller 1984). In burials, for example, pots become an integral part of the practice. Calatagan earthenware vessels recovered from burials have several levels of functions as an individual vessel, a burial object, and part of the burial assemblage. The ceramics in burials were not deliberately smashed, even ritually, because smashing signalled the end of the pot. In Calatagan, pots were interred whole with the dead; they continued to be functional even in and after death. Smashing them renders them unusable. The pots’ roles in burials were neither static nor temporal but an on-going process of balancing reciprocity to ensure that spirits would not harm the living. I do not consider pots as discarded in burials: they have an ongoing function in another realm, which endured after interment. The transition of cooking pots from domestic to ritual spheres reveals that pottery use and function were not fixed categories since they shifted contexts (see McLeod 1984).

Decorated pots have higher production costs and may have been buried with individuals possessing special skills, and pots of lower production costs related to a wider shared identity. The pots used as ritual objects including cooking pots, utilitarian2, kendi, and kinalabasa, received less stylistic treatment. These pots signified the ascribed membership of the deceased in the cultural system, whereas decorated pots (and perhaps initially kendi) were subjected to the addition of stylistic features that ran parallel to the acquisition of skills and knowledge, giving some individuals extra personality characteristics. Thus decorated vessels with solar motifs were representations of achieved prestige identities if found with adults and ascribed if with non-adults.

The pots linked people or integrated various groups in specific contexts, for instance when a catalonan used earthenware vessels in a mag-aanito ritual before traders and raiders left for their missions; during feasts, sickness and other occasions. In burials, even people of prestige status were buried with ritual pots stressing their cultural ties. According to Fox (1959), local earthenware vessels copied from foreign ceramics were often seen in burials perhaps because of

Due to its plasticity, the clay could be shaped physically and metaphorically

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security and welfare. This kind of veneration did not require an actual image but materialised through constant libations and through other forms of media. The Spanish 16th-century documentation of offerings of earthenware vessels placed in various geographical areas supports the idea that appeasing the spirits did not happen only during burials but continually. In Calatagan the dead were buried in settlements and probably became nunos, present in the domain of the living. The practice in Calatagan might have been a form of ancestor reverence.

(Miller 1984) in variable forms. There were socially prescribed rules in making a pot. Though it may not be standardised in terms of metrical dimensions and temper, potters have a template of the end product of specific pottery types. Calatagan is located in an area inhabited by the Tagalogs. I have argued in Chapter 1 why the burials could have belonged to them. The creation of identities and statuses in early Tagalog society was most probably negotiated in the context of utang na loob. In societies where reciprocity structures social relationships, no boundaries are created, and relationships can move in various directions, either vertical or horizontal. The bondsman relationship in the Philippines and other parts of Southeast Asia epitomised reciprocity.

The Calatagan inhabitants were maybe motivated to include objects in burials because through specific goods, the living represented the social aspects of the deceased, enhanced the status of the deceased in the afterlife and in living memory. They acquired specific objects and followed selected patterns of consumption in the burials. These objects were essential to sustain social relations in terms of exchange, tokens, offerings, and reward (Junker 1999a). Usually, people obtain things for display, expressing identity and to increase confidence (Bauer 2001).

This reciprocity sometimes include supernatural beings like spirits of dead ancestors. These are sustaining relationships (Anonymous 2003). Offerings to spirits were integral aspects of daily life for ancient Filipinos, for the soul was an important feature of their lives. The dead were perceived as powerful and affect the living by sending diseases and disrupting relations and activities; thus offerings were made to them. Individuals depended on spirits and others for their survival and wellbeing. Interactions with spirits permeated the daily life in the Philippines, so that the living frequently performed rituals that helped shaped their cultural identity. The likha or stone images found in some burials may not be statues of Gods or of Bathala, but may be a representation of ancestors. Human forms or images found in tribal Southeast Asia usually symbolised ancestors (Feldman 1985). Could the statues in Calatagan represent a form of ancestor worship?

Objects in Calatagan were not primarily valued for their economic value but for the ideas they represented. The choice of funerary items in Calatagan was intended to placate spirits including the deceased’s, and distinguished various aspects of the deceased in connection to his/her established routines in the community. It was in the everyday life and objects that structured the lives of people. The regular exchanges with people and objects established a custom that became so common and practiced by many. Local objects like earthenware vessels did not lose their value with the appearance of foreign items but meanings were extended to these imported products.

Spirits of ancestors were ungendered and unnamed but had power over the living. Offerings to spirits generated, if not perpetuated, success, relative peace,

As humans and objects interacted, the latter came to symbolise the personal qualities of

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decorations should not be lumped into ‘local objects’ or ‘clay vessels’ categories because in Calatagan earthenware vessels embodied the diverse associations and competence of the individual in particular burials.

its owner and social associations (Dewall 2003; Yentsch 1996). Funeral rites created pattern because there was repetition of actions applied to mortuary remains. In the case of Calatagan, specific objects used as ritual items, personal possessions, and prestige markers placed in particular locations marked particular identities.

Cultural affiliation in Calatagan was marked by the widespread distribution of ritual items that tended to be private objects consistently used and produced in home, indicating their intimate relationship with its users. Cultural cohesion was emphasised and supported by earthenware vessels used as offerings and provisions—the cooking pots, utilitarian2, kendi, kinalabasa—in the burials. Differences in the use of local and foreign ceramics as ritual items could relate to socio-economic differentiation. The pots were essential ritual items among the living and in communicating with the spirits (Barretto 2003b; Salazar 2004). Ritual objects have repetitive forms and designs in order to make the message more potent. The message entailed the appeasing of spirits that no harm will befall the living. Ritual pots in burials hint at divine presence. Ritual was not a controlled activity nor used to legitimate power because pots found in burials may have been produced by the deceased’s own household and burials being intimate gatherings contained at least one ritual pot. Power in terms of ritual was in the hands of the public and not a central event lorded over by the elites. The production of pots in households and its use allowed individuals to contribute to the negotiation of their cultural identity. Burials with only cooking pots may have been relatively intimate gatherings of the immediate household rather than an extended network of friends (Gamble 1999). The female through her craft brought to life the pot in the same way she brings life into the world. The ritual pots in burials may have symbolised fertility and rebirth.

The analyses generated three identities represented by mortuary objects sometimes overlapping one another. I have defined identity as characteristics people shared to distinguish themselves from others as part of a group, whether social or cultural. Generally, people identify themselves as members of a wider cultural group, and within this are smaller associations of people sharing common features setting them apart from the rest. Some possess distinct personal traits allowing them to be ranked above others and/or represented uniquely. Thus, each person was capable of possessing multiple identities as culturally affiliated, distinguished by their own social networks and personal achievements and/or qualities, and the possibility of achieving a prestige status (see Parker Pearson 1993). In some burials only one identity was expressed. Calatagan inhabitants attached significance to the quality of objects and their location in burials and not to quantity. Burials in Calatagan were performances where the act of placing the body in the pit and arranging the materials around and/or on the head, body, and feet of the dead were integral parts of the burial process. It was this conscious choice of objects and positions which allowed people to represent the deceased according to his/her roles and competence in life. Objects of the same type placed in different locations in the burial suggest multiplicity of functions and should not be compartmentalised. In Calatagan, local pots were symbols of a shared cultural identity and should not all be regarded as ‘inferior status goods’ (Junker 1999a). Pots of various forms and

Aside from the burial assemblage resembling each other in terms of functions and symbolisms, including practices in body

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attachment. Junker (1999a) attributed the presence of porcelain jars, metal and glass ornaments in infant jar burials, and a finger ring made of an alloy of gold, silver, and copper with a child in Pulong Bakaw, to hereditary ranking. They can also denote emotional grief or objects anticipating their roles as future adults (Whittle 2003). I agree with Junker that it could be an ascribed status.

treatment, the geographical proximity of these sites along the western Calatagan coast strengthens the similarities encountered, conveying their cultural affiliation and identity (Osborn 1989). Tomb structures were ordered by beliefs. Bodies were tied and buried in open pits and some infants placed in jars. Tying could have been functional. Fox (1959) reports that it was probable that the bodies were wrapped in mats and brought to the grave. Tying the deceased could have been a way to carry the body more easily. Skeletons without grave goods had evidence of tying as well. The manner of burial and positions signified similarities with graves with objects, suggesting that tying was functional.

The people of Calatagan were equivalent members of the cultural unit distinguished by their social roles. Sharing the same cultural membership and practising a similar range of activities throughout, for instance burial methods and rites attached to it, put them on the same level. Within this cultural unit, there were distinct but not separate smaller units. These were composed of people who, aside from the representation of their cultural affiliation, were buried with objects symbolising other identities and/or status. They occupied social positions distinguished by their actions. The standard location of prestige items was on the pelvis. The use of goods in burials was to recognise an aspect of the individual and maybe later on to legitimise authority.

Though the common mode of burial was single inhumation in Calatagan and referred to the individual, the majority had no personal ornaments explicitly signalling themselves from others. Some persons with ornaments were also buried with a cooking pot or other forms of ritual objects suggesting their cultural attachment. Contrary to my expectation gender not sex was highlighted. Personal qualities of an individual seem to be assigned to individual capabilities in completing tasks regardless of sex. Males could have engaged with traditional female activities as represented by spindle whorls in some male graves. However, the few biologically identified females do not have metal implements.

Ceramics with solar or avian motifs signified prestige. They were mostly located at the head and pelvis areas. These prestige items represented an achieved status. Prestige objects were signs of exceptional abilities. The highly visible decorations of solar motifs on ceramics may have been for the purpose of displaying rank to extended networks (Gamble 2001). Persons buried with these items were of prestige social positions and their funeral rites may have been a venue to renew social ties with kin and trade networks.

Generally, adults contained more objects compared to infants, children, and juveniles, owing to the fact that they possessed more skills and knowledge acquired through years of experience. It followed that routines were specific to certain age groups. Infants were not yet recognised as full persons, and had not yet performed any activities, so had not yet acquired a personal identity. The only identity that could be given to the infant at the time of death was cultural affiliation, though some clearly had an ascribed status apart from cultural

The comparison of grave objects in Calatagan with items from other Philippine sites implies preference for similar symbols like solar designs. Found on porcelains, this probably was the rationale for selecting

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particular ceramics used as high-status markers. Status was ranked based on the gradation of status markers. I considered porcelains with solar and bird motifs covering the pelvis as high-status goods. This was imitated in other burials through the use of monochrome bowls and some decorated earthenwares vessels and local copies of tradeware vessels also on the pelvis. However, in a number of burials, tradeware vessels were specifically used as ritual items rather than as prestige goods, suggesting that the deceased and perhaps his/her kin had access to tradeware vessels.

with elites. Although there was distinction between statuses, no obvious levels of wealth or grave elaboration and the lack of marked age or sex divisions indicated a diffuse and subtle categorisation (Mee and Cavanagh 1984) rather than a strict differentiation. Pots (and tradeware vessels) can therefore be classified and ranked in different ways, aside from the classification based on forms and technique of manufacture (Table 10.1). Calatagan was not strictly a hierarchical society. Power was dispersed and expressed in various forms and degrees by most people not just the elites. Individuals enhanced their statuses and negotiated their identities through routines and competence. Generally, status was not hereditary, though there were burials where status was clearly ascribed. Ritual was not controlled by the elites unlike in other societies. In the context of foreign trade, craft production did not become standardised or controlled. Goods were not distributed from a centre. Most people had access to exotics. Space was not partitioned between the elites and the non-elites. Interrelations in Calatagan were governed by reciprocity that produced shifting identities and statuses, and probably limited conflicts.

In Calatagan, objects indicating prestige and personal identity like porcelain plates and glass ornaments were relatively closer to the body than ritual items; some offerings were located several centimetres above the body. Prestige and personal identities were negotiated and therefore acquired, while cultural affiliation marked by ritual objects was predetermined at birth34. Land and territory were given symbols of inclusion for the early Tagalogs (Scott 1994). It was the space where the living (habitation) and spirits of the deceased (burials) interacted since they occupied the same areas. While the acquisition of prestige and personal identity was not connected to the land, it was linked to the outside realm, beyond the territory. It is probable that prestige and personal objects were nearer the body because physical skills were required to acquire them.

Social positions were not fixed in preSpanish Philippines as debt-bondage relationships may have become reversed because this was not a strict vertical relationship (see Cannell 1999; Scott 1994). Its seemingly hierarchical order was actually embedded in heterarchical relations. The debt-bondage is comparable to a reciprocal bond where patron can become client and vice versa. So in any community there could be many patrons and clients may change into patrons. The socalled many chiefs, Spanish explorers and missionaries observed, might have been patrons, and this social position was not hereditary (see Junker 1999a). The structure was fluid and status boundaries

As conflict (based on the paucity of weapons) may have been low scale, conflicts between social groups were perhaps subdued through a flexible social organisation where clients could achieve a higher status through participating in activities enabling them access to more social rewards. And in death, the inclusion of foreign ceramics without prestige designs maybe was an attempt at an equal standing 34

Captives or slaves from raids had no rights while their children born in the community were treated as members (see Chapter 3). 155

Typology 1: form and style Cooking pots/utilitarian1 Utilitarian2 Kinalabasa Kendi Bowl Decorated pots Tradeware vessels (monochromes or decorated with non-solar motifs) Tradeware vessels with solar or bird motifs

Typology 2: function in burials Ritual (provision and offering)

Typology 3: identity/status marked Cultural affiliation

Ritual/Status marker Status marker Status object Provision, offering, and sometimes with a practical use like cover for earthenwares vessels or burial jar. Status depending on its location Status object

Cultural affiliation/Prestige Prestige Prestige Cultural affiliation

Prestige Prestige

Table 10.1: Calatagan ceramics in three different classification systems

social and physical space between sexes; and groups of individuals with varying competence; and the living and the dead/spirits. Furthermore, attachments to social units were ephemeral because interpersonal relations were may be given more weight rather than exclusive, permanent and hereditary membership. Hence, individuals through intimate transactions reinforced their identity and enhanced their status.

were permeable and shifting relations and identities make a good cause for heterarchy. The systems of interdependent networks and alliances were complex in themselves, which is precisely what heterarchy implies for individuals (Brumfiel 1995; Rogers 1995, White 1995). The simultaneous interactions and relations of different natures, frequencies and degrees were good expressions of heterarchy. These interactions and alliances also indicate agency wherein individuals with various motivations and purposes negotiated and renegotiated their identities, which in the process could change their statuses. These interactions were created through the exchange of valuables. Due to the diverse natures of interactions, the objects also moved from one network to another (Dalton 1977). This suggests that objects could also change functions and may have different meanings at any one point. Both the individual and object may change status and value and possess multiple identities and meanings, for instance earthenware vessels and foreign ceramics (as shown in Table 10.1).

I proposed that cultural affiliation was stressed more in burials over age and sex because the level of armed conflict creating explicit identities including warriors were not present in Calatagan. Instead, the identities were overlapping, engaging in similar activities including low-intensity armed conflicts and trading. Thus, no exclusive social groups existed but identities were constantly being transformed, determined by one’s interactions. The combinations of a range of funerary objects representing several identities and/or status attest to this. The absence of a centralised form of government in Calatagan led people to reinforce their cultural affiliation (Fox 1959). In the Baringo district, there was no need to ‘display clear identities…due to the control of the central government’ (Hodder 1978:55). One difference between Calatagan and Baringo is the degree of conflict that the society was experiencing.

The level of integration and interaction between social units was expressed through shared used of objects because individuals operated within several concurrent reciprocal relationships. For instance, Calatagan burials were scenes of notions of permeable contexts such as intersecting 156

either a personal or prestige identity symbolised their cultural association through ritual objects.

For Hodder, the lack of conflict perhaps because of the presence of the government engenders the low emphasis on identities; while in Calatagan, though there was no centre, on the evidence of the low volume of metal weapons in the burials, conflict was low.

People in Calatagan also possessed the power to determine and define the identities of the deceased in burials by including particular objects carefully placed around the body. It appears that this ability to characterise themselves in life was not a restricted activity, for the majority of the burials expressed at least one identity; even infants and children were marked with cultural markers. Various identities were represented, including cultural affiliation, age, and status, sometimes simultaneously expressed in a single grave. The range of funerary objects communicated multiple meanings, suggesting the diversity of associations the deceased had most likely connected to economic roles and cosmology, and indicating less emphasis on political status. Status is still evident in Calatagan, but probably determined by skills more than hereditary ranking, making status flexible, and in turn engendering vertical and horizontal relations.

An individual in Calatagan had the ability to perform and modify various roles and routines. This signified that the self could gain more than one identity, a characteristic shared with some but not with everyone, and fluctuating from one status to another. This created complexity at the individual level, and exemplified the complexity produced by the different relations and interactions each person was involved with. This also led to ‘flexible group formations with porous boundaries’ (Howard 1990:278), where membership was mutable. The presence of nonspecialist household pottery production suggests that individuals could have other tasks allowing the creation of their multiple identities, and have multiple routines throughout the year depending on the season. Raiding and trading could have been dependent on wind and sea conditions (Scott 1982c, 1994). Pottery making may have been concentrated during summer months allowing the complete drying and good firing of pots (White 1995). These different activities may have allowed individuals to expand their skills, negotiate their social identities, and these to be represented in the burials.

Status originated from different sources—it was both ascribed and achieved. Those achieved was founded on particular types of competence. Status was influenced by one’s actions, routines and the capability to engage in tasks where there was access to social rewards that repaid and contracted utang na loob. Social rewards included exotic materials, prestige and authority attached to skills and knowledge and perhaps good reputation too for honouring social obligations. Being dependent on abilities, both men and women could advance their statuses. Some older people by virtue of age had more experiences and were buried with prestige items, though a number of juveniles were also buried with high-status goods, implying that they might have been initiated to adult tasks. Other non-adult burials like infants and children with high-status goods imply an ascribed status.

There was a degree of individuality and differentiation based on the single inhumation and jar burials. However, most mortuary items revealed group identities. The acquisition of goods demanding community cooperation most probably relied on extended kin networks or associates through utang na loob. Raiding and trading activities were group endeavours represented by tradeware vessels and other foreign objects. Ritual objects were found with the majority of individuals. Even burials demonstrating

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form of complexity, where people of different identities and statuses interacted to mutually benefit each other. In addition, use of space was not restricted. The burials do not follow a specific orientation but seem to follow the contour of the land according to Fox (1959). This study shows that that there was a tendency for some of the skeletons’ heads to be oriented towards the land and northwards. Clustering of burials based on contents or age does not exist. Since the dead were buried near houses, habitation zones were not partitioned into elite and non-elite areas. This created a locale where individuals and objects circulated freely, generating common identities embodied in mortuary items. The wide distribution of items like tradeware vessels suggests that people had access to these foreign goods by maintaining social connections through endogamy, alliances and maintaining dispersed lineages (Rogers 1995). This unboundedness, according to Rogers, can create decentralisation. If such alliances existed, then people were not only bounded to territories but also to people such as kin and horizontal networks between settlements (Azurin 1995; Peterson 2003).

The representation of both achieved and ascribed statuses in Calatagan suggests the system’s flexible social structure. Individuals had diverse sources and degrees of power including women from pottery production and its use in daily activities and burials; acquisition of exotics, and ritual performance engendering lateral differentiations; and from their capability to interact and establish social relations within the framework of utang na loob, thus giving each the strategy to create their routines and roles. The pattern of consumption endowed materials with embodied routines crucial to the society’s existence, establishing the values of objects. These values should not be dichotomised and ranked because each is inherent to the society. Multiple levels of social relations existed in Calatagan. Relationships with spirits, including those of the dead, were uncertain, and they had to be constantly appeased. Two interacting spheres of life were lived in Calatagan—one related to the daily lives of the living, and the other the lives of the living as linked to the dead and spirits. Domestic pots found in burials suggest the transition from life to death, and burial was the shared realm as the living, dead and spirits were present in a single event.

In Calatagan, the general burial assemblage is invariant, as well as those symbolising specific identities. It seems that competition and conflict over external trade, for instance between social groups and/or individuals, were low and that marked differences between individuals and burial sites were not greatly emphasised (Hodder 1978) as I had expected them to be. Shared routines including pottery production, raiding, trading and feasting suggest the creation of similar identities and the possession of similar objects. Resources in terms of local and foreign ceramics were accessible to all, unlike the restricted distribution observed in Tanjay and Dumaguete (Bacus 1996, 1997; Junker 1999a). People in Calatagan used grave goods as active symbols for representing social roles, identity and status. The conscious selection and arrangement of

Ritual symbols were reproduced, controlled, and manipulated by the whole community because these symbols were embedded in their daily life. One sector of society responsible for the community’s spiritual well being was the catalonan. These priests/priestesses interceded for those who presented offerings. While powerful, these social groups did not wield political influence but dispensed advice in accordance with what the spirits told them. They were potent with magical power for they can heal and put a curse as endowed by spirits (Plasencia 1589). Public space was shared by many identities, acting out roles invigorating the community. The intricate network of associations was a

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objects in Calatagan burials hinted at agency. Group identities representing cultural ties and social networks were emphasised more than individual identities. Objects were metaphors for competence in routines, whether ritual or economic, establishing new statuses for some. I have focused on how people used objects to negotiate and express various identities and statuses in the context of foreign trade. Most Philippine burial sites from the 10thcenturies frequently contained 15th Southeast Asian ceramics ranging from Annamese wares to Sawankhalok to Chinese porcelains. The large volume of foreign ceramics may have prompted the ancient inhabitants of Calatagan to use pots to represent several things: as a sign of social affiliation, to strengthen a sense of “belongingness” (Hodder 1979); as a link to acquisition or contact with new goods; and as a representation of status and beliefs. I have used agency and reciprocity to argue for heterarchical relations in Calatagan. I have argued that although traditional elements of a complex and hierarchical society did not exist in Calatagan, it can be considered a complex society. This research has attempted to offer new interpretations of mortuary goods, earthenware vessels, and identity in the Philippines. An agencyperspective recognised that different people measure power differently as they negotiate their own identities and create vertical and horizontal relations.

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160

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Figure 4.4: Different forms of kendi

Figure 4.3: Samples of kinalabasa from Calatagan

Figure 4.2: Samples of utilitarian2 pots from Calatagan

Figure 4.1: Samples of utilitarian1/cooking pots from Calatagan

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Figure 4.7: Miscellaneous pots from Calatagan

Figure 4.6: Samples of dishes from Calatagan

Figure 4.5: Samples of decorated earthenware vessels recovered from Calatagan

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KT-1100b (3.27x magnification)

Kinalabasa Pots

PP(U)-27 GR 18 61-H-82 (3.27x magnification)

Utilitarian 2 Pots

PS-45 GR 19 61-J-124 (3.27x magnification)

T-456 GR 177 61-L-83 (3.27x magnification)

PS-97 GR 41 61-J-125 (3.27x magnification)

KR-2 GR 232 61-G-58 (3.27x magnification)

Figure 4.13: Samples of sherds showing different amounts and sizes of inclusions

PP(M) GR 103 61-H-81 (3.27x magnification)

T-352 GR 131 61-L-64 (3.27x magnification)

PS GR 82 61-J-? (3.27x magnification)

PB-123 (3.27x magnification)

KR-256 GR 62 61-G-88 (3.27x magnification)

PS-95 GR 39 61-J-122 (3.27x magnification)

PP(M)-137 GR 106 (3.27x magnification)

KR-197 GR 46 61-G-75 (3.27x magnification)

Utilitarian 1/Cooking Pots

PS GR 48 61-J-130 (3.27x magnification)

PB 26-a (3.27x magnification)

SA-179 GR 65 61-K-31 (3.27x magnification)

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PB-124 (3.27x magnification) Atypical1

Miscellaneous Pots

KT-21-A (2.57x magnification) Decorated1

Decorated Earthenware Vessels

PS 61-J-61 (3.27x magnification)

Kinalabasa Pots (continued)

PS-65 GR 61-J-103 (3.27x magnification) Kendi + Kinalabasa

KT-1061-B (3.27x magnification) Decorated3

Dish

Figure 5.10: Samples of bowls in Calatagan

Figure 5.11: Sample of a plate from Calatagan

PS GR 85 61-J-84 (3.27x magnification)

SA-172 GR 60 61-K-29 (3.27x magnification) Decorated9

PP(M)-136 GR 106 61-H-64 (3.27x magnification)

Figure 4.13: Samples of sherds showing different amounts and sizes of inclusions (continued)

SA-137 GR 45 61-K-28 (3.27x magnification) Atypical2

T-322 GR 119 61-L-58 (3.27x magnification) Decorated2

KT-1079-A (3.27x magnification)

Kendi Pots

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Figure 7.1: Burial sketch of P-17 (Paniza et al. 1961b) showing earthenware vessels on top of two blue-and-white plates (left: P-38 61-I-14b; right: P-38 61-I-13)

Figure 5.12: Samples of saucers from Calatagan

Figure 8.1: Adult male burial with coral on skull and farming implement on his hip, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro (2005)

Figure 7.3: Kendi with a non-functional spout (PP(M)-136 61H-64) substituting the missing skull of PP(M)-106

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Figure 9.5: Kendi (KR-328 61-G-125) found in KR-219

Figure 9.4: One of the two Decorated2 (T-321 61-L-66) pots in T-119

Figure 9.7: Top of porcelain with a kylin design (T-425 61-L-32) found on top of T180’s knees

Figure 9.2: Forerunners of the present Philippine Flag (bottom right) (www.philippinecountry.com)

Figure 9.6: Burial sketch of PP(M)-57 (Santiago et al. 1961), which was buried with a kendi on the pelvis and a jarlet (PP(M)-84 61-H-35) at the feet

Figure 9.1: Unprovenanced gold earrings displaying solar designs (courtesy of Mrs Librada Reyes)

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Figure 9.8: Burial sketch of PS-4 (Santiago 1961). Bowl (PS-12 61-J-83), showing the top and bottom, covers the kinalabasa

Figure 9.9: Burial sketch of PS-49 (Santiago 1961). Low-prestige foreign ceramics were found in this burial. The top and bottom of two bowls are shown. One covers a kinalabasa, and the second is found on the pelvis

Figure 9.14: Top and bottom of bowl (T-379 61L-27) located near the left hand of T-151 (Paniza et al. 1960-1961)

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Figure 9.15: Burial sketch of PP(M)-1 (Santiago et al. 1961) buried with a white bowl (PP(M)-7 61-H-59) found inside another ceramic

Figure 9.16: Burial sketch of PP(M)-40 (Santiago et al. 1961) showing top of porcelain plate decorated with a bird (PP(M)-51-A 61-H-23) located at the feet of the skeleton. The statue is similar to that found in Punta Buwaya (Fox 1959, Plate 165)

Anonymous. ndc. Porcelain Analyses - Punta Sunog, Calatagan, Batangas. National Museum of the Philippines.

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Grace Barretto-Tesoro is an Assistant Professor at the Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City. She teaches Mortuary Analyses, History of Archaeology, and Cultural Archaeology.

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