History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies in Colonial Calcutta (1855-1947) 9780367699628, 9781003144014

Citation preview

HISTORY OF INDIGENOUS PHARMACEUTICAL COMPANIES IN COLONIAL CALCUTTA (1855-1947) In the context of life and civilization, the pharmaceutical industry is as old as human existence. Since time immemorial India had its own enriched indigenous tradition of medicine. The development of alchemy and its application for human welfare was also an important step in Indian scientific tradition. The present monograph is an innovative attempt to understand the history of the indigenous pharmaceutical companies in Calcutta during the colonial times. Here pharmaceutical companies have been viewed as an illumi­ nating lens to understand the interconnectedness between Indian traditions of thought and Western science and subsequent develop­ ment of pharmaceutical industry in colonial India. The entire gamut of discussion centres around the issues of medical education, medical services, public health, pharmaceutical profession and politicoeconomic contexts of the development of pharmaceutical industry in colonial India. Three indigenous pharmaceuticals namely – Butto Krishna Paul & Co., Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, and East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited have been studied. The study not only portrays the politico-economic back­ ground to the emergence of the pharmaceutical industry in colonial India but links it to the economic nationalism and the quest for selfsufficiency among Indian nationalists and entrepreneurs. The pharmaceutical industry in India can be symbolic of a cultural re­ sponse to modern science which was to pave the subsequent trajectory of national scientific endeavours in India. Malika Basu is presently Assistant Professor in History, Kalna College, University of Burdwan. She began her career as a Research Assistant under the internationally acclaimed Social Scientist Prof. Partha Chatterjee. Dr Basu’s research papers have been published in national and international journals, edited volumes and conference proceedings. She is also recipient of the Travel Grants from University Grants Commission and Indian Council of Historical Research.

History of Indigenous

Pharmaceutical Companies

in Colonial Calcutta

(1855-1947)

MALIKA BASU

MANOHAR

First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Malika Basu and Manohar Publishers & Distributors The right of Malika Basu to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan or Bhutan) British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-0-367-69962-8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-14401-4 (ebk) Typeset in Adobe Garamond 11/13 by Kohli Print, Delhi 110051

Contents

List of Tables and Figures

6

Preface

9

Acknowledgements

13

Abbreviations

17

1. Introduction

21

2. Medical Education, Public Health and Development

of Pharmaceutical Education in India

57

3. Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

98

4. Colonialism, National Economy and the

Development of Indigenous Pharmaceutical

Companies in India

139

5. A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

Companies in Colonial Calcutta

171

6. Conclusion

222

Glossary

237

Bibliography

245

Index

269

Tables & Figures

TABLES

2.1 Distribution of Hospitals and Dispensaries in British India 5.1 Growth of Capital and Sales of BCPWL from 1901-27 5.2 The Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited: Number of Drug Products in the 1930s 5.3 The Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited: Research and Development Expenditure 5.4 The Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited: Advertisement and Sales Promotion Expenditure 5.5 Sales of East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited: 1937-47 5.6 Dividend on Shares 5.7 Items Produced by East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited: 1937 to 1946

65 188 198 200

201 213 214 214

FIGURES

2.1 Kadambini Ganguli—The First Woman Practitioner in India—Bengal Presidency 2.2 Anandibai Joshi—Bombay Presidency 2.3 Muthulaxmi Reddy—Madras Presidency 5.1 Heritage Building of Butto Krishto Paul & Co. 5.1a Butto Krishto’s Main Product Edward’s Tonic 5.2. Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited 5.3. Main Entrance of Manicktala Factory of BCPW 5.4 Annual Rate of Growth of Sales of Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited

71 73 76 184 184 186 186 197

List of Tables & Figures 5.5 Share of Profit in Sales of Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited 5.6. Share of Dividend in Net Profits of Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited 5.7. Dividend Rate on Ordinary Shares of Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited 5.8. Sarsuna Factory, Behala, Kolkata, East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited

7 197 199 199 211

Preface

From the very beginning I was very keen to learn about the making of medicines in Ayurveda and their application for human welfare. The major motivation to write this book cropped up from this desire and my source of inspiration has been Prof Partha Chatterjee whom I met when I was working as a research assistant in the Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Kolkata. During an academic discus­ sion, the issue of indigenous pharmaceuticals were raised by him and in course of time it became a research concern. However, it is not because of the lack of a substantive historical research tradition which instilled me to think over the present work. Rather, it was the dearth of suitable historical material which provided me with the impetus to conduct my own study and the present study is a result of it. The history of indigenous pharmaceuticals encompasses a broad spectrum of subjects—from the emergence of indigenous pharma­ ceutical industries to the pharmaceutical profession, the making of the medicines and finally its application for human welfare. It comprises a vast and multifaceted story which has had different developmental consequences in different civilizations. The present monograph attempts a new kind of challenge to explore the rich historical account of the development of indigenous pharmaceuticals in colonial Calcutta. The term ‘indigenous’ has been the subject of several debates for its positive and negative connotations. The author has used the term ‘indigenous’ to denote the civilizational origin of systems of medicine. The present monograph tries to explore the two-way interaction between science and colonialism and the development of indigenous pharmaceutical industries in colonial India and to highlight the growth and development of the indi­ genous pharmaceutical industries in colonial Calcutta with focus on indigenous entrepreneurship and scientific developments, and their interrelationship. The broader canvas tries to unravel how

10

Preface

Western science, medical education and medical services, nationalism and imperial economy lead to the development of indigenous pharma­ ceuticals even under the shadow of the colonial empire. Since the end of the mid eighteenth century, the history of British India felt an impulse of close interconnectivity between scientific impetus, colonial hegemonization and economic nationalism. The author has attempted to investigate that socio-historical consequences and interconnectedness which enable her to discuss the total gamut in its entirety. The entire perspective creates a broader canvas within colonial supremacy. This study has selected three different types of indi­ genous pharmaceutical companies namely, Buttokrishna Paul & Co. at Sovabazar, Calcutta established by Buttokrishna Paul in the year 1855, which exists in a rudimentary form even today. Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited (BCPW) established by Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray in the year 1892, which now exists as a sick unit and the East India Pharmaceutical Works Lim­ ited (EIPWL) at Behala by Ashoke Kumar Sen in the year 1936, emerging as one of the largest indigenous pharmaceutical com­ panies in Kolkata. Besides, three different historical time periods, the present socio-economic situation was also considered as one of the major parameters for selection. The time period spans from historical turmoil starting from the beginning of 1857 rebellion (the year of establishment of Buttokrishna Paul & Co. was 1855) till the end of the colonial rule in 1947. Within this broad canvas the whole perspective was visualized to understand the impact of different historical consequences which acted as major catalyst to pave their own identity even in the colonial environment. However, the essence of the study centres around the historical emergence of indigenous pharmaceuticals within the broader canvas of nineteenth century socio-political climax. One must understand this socio-political interconnectivity before trying to understand this historical emergence. The beginning of the nineteenth century witnessed two historical events, first was the advent of the Western medicine and its practitioners and second was the gradual loss of favour for both indigenous medicine and the profession of the indigenous practitioners. In such a socio-political climax, the

Preface

11

development of indigenous pharmaceutical companies in India not only paved the way for self-sufficiency in natural or indigenous resources, but also refers back to our Indian nationalism and emer­ gence of scientific professionals as a product of western education. There were also other factors which provided inspiration for the establishment of indigenous pharmaceutical Companies in colonial Calcutta vis-à-vis India. These were the establishment of institu­ tions for western medical education and introduction of Western health care system. The beginning of Western medical discourse in colonial India and the revivalist movement by the national elites to re-establish the importance of Indian indigenous systems of medicine may be portrayed as obvious contradictions between the two systems. In such a socio-political situation, to revive the lost Indian indigenous system of medicine, the indigenous pharma­ ceuticals were developed. These pharmaceuticals not only changed the economic face of the country but also altered the mentality of the country’s people also to some extent. To understand this in a comprehensive manner, this monograph has interwoven all the necessary historical events in such a fashion where the issues of medical education, public health, the issues of women’s medical education, medico-pharmaceutical profession and professionals like apothecaries, hospital assistants, compounders’ community, quali­ fied chemists and druggists, and finally medico-pharmaceutical professionals are discussed in detail. In this journey, the author has also justified the historical emergence of indigenous pharma­ ceuticals under the shadow of colonial economy and impetus of nationalism. It is expected that such a broader perspective will positively help the readers to understand the three case studies taken in this book: of Buttokrishna Paul & Co., Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited and East India Pharmaceutical Works in their totality. The monograph ends with a theoretical understanding along with future research perspective. However, there is no way to deny the importance of both primary and secondary sources which ultimately helped to materialise a dream. The archival sources were of immense help. Personal papers, diaries, letters of correspondence, minutes of meetings newspaper articles, government reports, proceedings, micro-films, etc., not only

12

Preface

helped the author to think in an in-depth manner but also helped to understand the perspective with varied connotations. The theoretical and conceptual understanding of this volume was built mostly based on published books, papers in different national and international journals, personal interviews and newspaper articles. To understand this study in a comprehensive manner, this mono­ graph has been divided into six chapters including observations and conclusion. The monograph ends with a view that the emer­ gence of the indigenous pharmaceuticals in colonial India was not only interwoven with the then political and economic milieu but also with the quest for self-sufficiency of Indian nationalists and entrepreneurs. Besides, the author also visualizes the development of Indian indigenous pharmaceutical industries as a symbolic cultural wave which helped to flourish national scientific endeavour in its entirety. The present treatise humbly concludes with futuristic challenges of the Indian indigenous pharmaceuticals with the global pharmaceutical market and simultaneously envisages the prospect of an attractive investment destination even in the next millennium. MALIKA BASU

Acknowledgements

Personal debts cannot be adequately acknowledged to all those who have come across during the work on this volume because they are so many. They all have extended their helping hands in unknown environs, both academic and geographic. First of all, I sincerely express my heartfelt gratitude to Prof. Partha Chatterjee, Former Director, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Kolkata, who first inspired me to conduct research work on indigenous Pharmaceutical industries in Kolkata. I have no words to express my heartfelt gratitude to my parents whose sincere help and inspira­ tion enabled me to complete the work in a successful manner. Further I would like to convey a special thanks to Prof. Bhaskar Chakraborty (former Centenary Professor, Department of History, University of Calcutta) for his kind support and valuable assistance from the inception of this work. I convey my heartiest regards to all the faculty members of the Department of History, Honourable Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Ranjan Chakraborty, Vidyasagar University for their valuable suggestions and assistance. This monograph began, evolved and finished under the splendid support and endless assistance of my advisors, Prof. Deepak Kumar (former Professor of History, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi) Prof. Arabinda Samanta (former Professor of History, University of Burdwan). Their in-depth analyses and critical evaluation helped me to be both scholarly, rigorous and intellectually responsible for my historical understanding. My mentor Prof. Ujjayan Bhattacharyya provided me the perfect complement which constantly inspired me about what I intended to write, what my sources could tell and what I could tell my readers. All these cumulative efforts conjointly gave birth to this present monograph. I acknowledge my deep indebtedness to Dr Georgette Taylor, Secretary, Society for the History of Alchemy and Chemistry (SHAC), University College of London, for their Research Scholar Grant

14

Acknowledgements

Award, which has enabled me to complete my library work in various esteemed institutions of London, UK. With any research of this type, there are a large number of people, who make important contributions for its completion. I shall be failing in my duty if I do not acknowledge the personal interest taken by Dr. Srabani Sen, Research Associate, Indian National Science Academy (INSA), New Delhi, Prof. Deepak Kumar from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, Prof. S. Irfan Habib, Maulana Azad Chair Professor, New Delhi, Prof. J.N. Sinha, University of Delhi, New Delhi, Prof. Sudip Chowdhury, Indian Institute of Management, Joka, Kolkata, Dr. Lalatendu Mahapatra, Director, National Archives, Bhubaneswar, Orissa, Prof. Zaheer Baber, University of Toronto, Canada, Prof. Gregory Clancey, National University of Singapore (NUS), Dr. Pratik Chakraborty, University of Kent, UK for their valuable suggestions. I convey my sincere gratitude to all the library and archive staff of Department of History, University of Calcutta, Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata, The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, American Center (USIS), Kolkata, British Council, Kolkata; Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Patuli, Kolkata; National Library, Kolkata; State Archives, Kolkata; Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), New Delhi, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, National University of Singapore, Central European University (CEU), Budapest, Hungary, University College of London (UCL), Wellcome Trust Library, London, British Library, London, Bodleian Library, Oxford, UK for their untiring and generous assistance which makes my effort successful. I convey my sincere thanks to Dr. Satarupa Dutta Majumdar, Research Associate, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi, for her editorial assistance. I also convey my deep regards to Dr. Partha De, Population Studies Unit, Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata for his heartiest cooperation. Some informal discussions with Prof. S. Irfan Habib and Prof. J.N. Sinha, some of my junior friends motivated me a lot to visualize the perspective in a varied dimension. The referee’s comments were of immense help which assist me to come to a successful end. My family, I think the last because its contribution has been most important. My parents

Acknowledgements

15

(Prof. Tapati Ghosh and Prof. Ajoy Kumar Ghosh), my husband Saumitra and little boy Soumalya continuously became my source of inspiration and strength at every critical stage of this volume. My deepest thanks to all of them. Last but not the least I take the opportunity to express my sense of gratitude to Manohar Publishers & Distributors for undertak­ ing the publication of this monograph. But the responsibilities for all shortcomings and limitations come to my end. MALIKA BASU

Abbreviations

ABCA AD AICDA AIDS AIFCD B.E. College B.Pharm BC BCPWL BHU BIL BMC BNC BPA BTE CCI CDL CE CENTAD CET CEU CLs CMA CMC CSLCDA DADMS DEC DPI EIC EIPWL

All Bengal Compounders’ Association Annoe Domini All India Compounders and Dispensers’ Association Acquired Immuno Deficiency Syndrome All India Federation of Chemists and Druggists Bengal Engineering College Bachelor of Pharmacy Before Christ Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited Banaras Hindu University Bengal Immunity Limited Bengal Medical College Bengal National College Bengal Pharmaceutical Association Bengal Technical Institute Competitive Commission of India Central Drug Laboratory Christian Era Centre for Trade and Development College of Engineering and Technology Central European University Compulsory Licenses Chemical Manufacturer’s Association Calcutta Medical College City and State Level Chemists and Druggists’ Asso­ ciation Deputy Assistant Director Medical Services Drug Enquiry Committee Director of Public Instruction East India Company East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited

18 FDI GMBC GMC GSI HAL IACS ICI ICS IDPL IIM IMS INSA IPA LMS MA MD MMC MNCs MRCP NBE NCE NCE NCTERT NDA NUS OPD PCMS PEPFAR PGMC PSI PWD R&D RAMC SHAC SME SSPL

List of Abbreviations Foreign Direct Investment Graduate of Bengal Medical College General Medical Council Geological Survey of India Hindustan Antibiotics Limited Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science Imperial Chemical Industries Indian Civil Service Indian Drugs and Pharmaceutical Limited Indian Institute of Management Indian Medical Service Indian National Science Academy Indian Pharmaceutical Association Licentiate in Medicine and Surgery Master of Arts Doctor of Medicine Madras Medical College Multi National Companies Member of Royal College of Physicians New Biological Entities National Council of Education New Chemical Entities National Council of Teacher’s Educational Research and Training National Drug Authority National University of Singapore Out patient Department Provincial Civil Medical Service President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief Post Graduate Medical College Pharmaceutical Society of India Public Works Department Research and Development Royal Army Medical Corps Society for the History of Alchemy and Chemistry Small and medium Enterprise Smith Stanistreet Pharmaceutical Limited

List of Abbreviations TPA TRIPs UIPS USA WTO

19

The Pharmaceutical Association Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights University Institute of Pharmaceutical Science United States of America World Trade Organization

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Science as a rational exercise is inherent to human nature. The vast and imposing structure of modern science is perhaps the greatest triumph of the human mind. But the story of its origin, its develop­ ment and its achievements are the least known parts of history (Anthony, 1948: 5). Historians deal with war, politics, economics, etc., but the growth of these activities which have opened our vision, revolutionized our philosophical thought and have helped us to advance our material welfare beyond a level. To the Greeks, science was nothing but a philosophy (Dampier, 1949: 16). But in the Middle Ages both were bound up with theology. The experimental method of studying nature developed only after the renaissance1 (Farrington, 1949: 79). Evolutionary bio­ logy, modern mathematics and physics deepened the scientific thought, which in turn lead the philosophers to take into account the sciences. This became more meaningful for philosophy, theology and religion too. For this reason, philosophers ultimately came to realise that the methods and results of science are the best avail­ able evidence. This brings a new realism for the gradual develop­ ment and progress of society (Clark, 1937: 60). In other words, from the dawn of early civilization, man’s quest for understanding nature not only enhanced his scientific aptitude but also helped him to take scientific strides towards the greater approximation for truth (Born, 1949: 5). Thus there is nothing wrong in labelling science as a catalytic agent for social development. The relation­ ship between science and society is fully reciprocal. Just as trans­ formations are produced inside science by social events, so, and in increasing measure, have social transformations been brought about through the effect of science (Bernal, 1954: 6). Thus science has

22

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

had both direct and in-direct effect on the material framework of society by which it is sustained and transformed. The direct effects of the material changes are the easiest to observe. They are obvious in the continuing and ever accelerating stream of new techniques and improvements of old techniques in the modern world which is inconceivable without science. On the other hand, indirect effects brought about by science are far more important and deeprooted. Basically, science itself is a product of economic and politi­ cal factors. When science was established as a means of securing economic and political power, its progress became a factor in socio­ political life (Sarton, 1927: 5). However, material mode is not the only means by which science make its strong steps on society for its development. Science as an endeavour or as a rational treatise has made a profound influence on all forms of human civilization ranging from philosophy to politics to religion even to art and aesthetics (Butterfield, 1959: 329-47). Therefore, it is not an over statement that the full understanding of the ever changing rela­ tions of science and society involves taking into account both the material and the ideological factors (Huxley, 1893: 38). However, the rise of modern science can be understood with the help of two remarkable developments—first, the Industrial Revo­ lution2 and second, the scientific revolution3 in the West. Advances in technology significantly influenced the Industrial Revolution, which in turn lead to the development of scientific ideas that in­ fluenced technology and made major contributions to the first and second Industrial Revolution. The scientific revolution in the West witnessed many new discoveries and ideas from remarkable scientists such as Galileo Galilei, Newton and Copernicus. Modern science was introduced in India after the advent of the British and a cultural collision resulted between the East and the West. This does not mean that there was no scientific endeavour in India prior to the advent of the British. India has a long heritage of scientific knowledge as propounded in the works of different scholars. Along with different scientific traditions, remarkable contribution of Indian civilization was witnessed in the field of medical science also. In this connection it is worth mentioning that in the field of medical science, the application of alchemy for human welfare was an

Introduction

23

indelible imprint in Indian scientific tradition. In course of time, this alchemical practice turned into modern chemistry and phar­ maceuticals became one of the important applied aspects of chem­ istry. These consequences inspire the following section to explore the history of alchemy, and chemical and pharmaceutical practices in British India in a composite manner. Studies on alchemy illustrates that it is an ancient tradition, the primary objective of which was the creation of the mythical ‘philoso­ pher’s stone’ which was said to be capable of turning base metals into gold or silver, and also act as an elixir of life that would confer youth and immortality upon its user. Alchemy can be viewed as a proto science, a precursor to modern chemistry, having provided procedures, equipment, and terminologies that are still in use. However, alchemy also included various non-scientific mythologi­ cal, religious, and spiritual concepts, theories and practices. The word alchemy derives from the Old French word alquimie, which is from the Medieval Latin alchimia, and which is in turn from the Arabic al-kimia. This term itself is derived from the an­ cient Greek term chemeia or chemia with the addition of the Arabic definite article al-. The ancient Greek word may have been derived from a version of the Egyptian name for Egypt, which was itself based on the ancient Egyptian word k"eme (hieroglyphic Khmi, black earth, as opposed to desert sand). The word could also have been originally derived from chumeia meaning ‘mixture’ and refer­ ring to pharmaceutical chemistry. With the rise of alchemy in Alexandria, later the word may have derived from Greek word Xημια (kh"e mia) and thus spelt as Xημεια (kh"emeia), and the original meaning forgotten. The etymology is still open, and re­ cent researches indicate that the Egyptian derivation may be valid. Indian alchemy, which is an art as well as a science, has a very ancient history. Mineral pitch and other chemicals found at Mohenjo-daro excavations belong to early as 2,500 years BC in preVedic period. The Indus valley people obviously had knowledge of the mineral drugs of preventive and curative value. In Vedic period, mostly single herbs were used as medicine. No compound preparations were in use, though mineral and animal substances were prescribed

24

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

(Caraka Samhita,1949). Atharva Veda contains two kinds of hymns— one for the cure of diseases and possession by demons of disease, called as Bhaisajyani and the others for securing of long life and preservation of health and youth called as Ayusyani, later known as Rasayana. Among the two kinds of medicine, as described in Caraka Samhita, priority was given to Rasayana for vitality, virility and strength. Indian alchemy was developed to achieve two things, namely, preparation of the elixir of life for attaining immortality and transformation of base metals into higher metals. In later pe­ riod, Rasayana employed mercury and other metals in medicine. Thus, initially chemistry evolved as a handmaid of medicine, later as an adjunct of the Tantric cult (Ray, 1903: viii-ix). However, systematic evolution of Indian alchemy began from the time of Nagarjuna. From second century AD onwards Indian alchemy developed more and more into a regular science and reached its peak during the next six centuries. Indian alchemy initially started as Rasashastra, i.e. Pharmaceutical Chemistry re­ taining the objective of rejuvenation. In course of time a number of pharmaceutical preparations containing mercury, sulphur, and other metals and minerals were incorporated in it for the treat­ ment of various diseases. In general, the term ‘rasa’ is used in the alchemical literature for mercury. But it is equally applicable to mineral and metallic salts also (Bose, 1971: 317). Today, the use of mercury both in alchemy and medicine is well known (as evident from the earliest Tantric texts in the fifth and sixth centuries AD). But the use of mercury was entirely unknown. It is referred to only once in Caraka Samhita and twice in Susruta Samhita (Mahdi­ hassan, 1977: 50-1). After the Vedic period, during which time the knowledge of medicine, as well as alchemy was in a chaotic state, begins the post-Vedic period. This was the period of systematic and scientific compilations. It was also the most flourishing and fruitful period of ancient India with regard to the accumulation and development of chemical knowledge. The medicine and chemistry, during this period were dominated by the abstract theories of the Upanishads and the systems of philosophy developed during this period. Several works well composed during this period, containing valuable in­

Introduction

25

formation on various chemical practices. Most notable among them were the Caraka Samhita, the Susruta Samhita, and the Astan­ gahridaya. Up to the period of the Caraka and Susruta Samhita, substances from vegetables, animals and minerals were utilized for making medicine. But in inorganic remedies, the choice was lim­ ited to the few locally available metals and minerals. There is little evidence of synthetic preparations of either inorganic or organic compounds (Bose, 1971: 317). However, both Caraka Samhita and Susruta Samhita, not only represent the chemical and thera­ peutical knowledge of the time, but they are also repositories of stupendous information accumulated on the subject during the earlier periods dating back to the Vedic age. From the second century AD onwards, an increasing interest in Rasakriya (pharma­ ceutical chemistry) is found. During the following six centuries this study developed into a regular science which was incorpo­ rated into Ayurveda.4 In Arthashastra,5 artificial gold made from other metals by chemical process using mercury is mentioned. The use of mercury both in alchemy and in medicine is found in India only in later literature (fifth or sixth century AD ). Later rasayanas exclusively applied to the employment of mercury and other metals as drugs of rejuvenation (Ray, 1956: 70). The information found in Caraka Samhita particularly with re­ ference to metals and metallic preparations, are of less advanced character than those found in Kautilya’s Arthashastra (321-96 BC). Finally, it can be said, that, the post-Vedic period started with Caraka, who first codified medicine in India. Caraka’s rasayana when extended to metals become alchemy. Thus, the chief object­ ives of the two were to acquire the power of transmuting base metals into gold and to prepare an elixir which could impart im­ mortality to human beings. On the other hand, Susruta Samhita, is a repository of the chemical and therapeutical information accu­ mulated from the Vedic age. According to Susruta, alkalis are of two types, namely, those for external application and those for escharotics use by straining alkaline solutions. They were made in three strengths—weak, moderate and strong. Neutralization of the alkali by an acid is also given in Susruta Samhita. He also des­ cribed a practical method, though somewhat crude and imperfect,

26

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

for preparation of metallic salts. The much reputed ‘potable gold’ in the shape of the chloride of the metal was probably obtained in this way. A large variety of liquors prepared from the juice of fruits like grapes, date palm, rice paste, barley, sugar cane as well as from flowers and barks of trees also described in Susruta Samhita. The use of mercury was not very well known in Susruta’s time (Kunjalal, 1963: 508). Except for few cosmetic preparations it was hardly used. After Caraka and Susruta Samhita another important work was Astanga Hridaya of Vagbhatta. Astanga Hridaya is epitome of the Caraka and Susruta Samhita. There are some metallic preparations recommended in it which presupposes an advanced knowledge of chemical processes. A number of preparations of gold, silver, copper, iron, tin, lead and minerals like sulphate of copper and sulphate of iron are also mentioned (Seal, 1958: 57). With regard to the preparation of alkali and caustic alkali, Vagbhatta has borrowed almost entirely from Susruta. Thus it can be said that there must have existed in the very beginning herbalism, promising immortality, then came herbo-mineral preparations to produce an enhanced effect. It was followed by mercurials as drugs of immortality, and in this way alchemy came into existence. Herbal and herbo-metallic rasayana and mercurial alchemy all became identified with ‘rasayana’, i.e. alchemy (Vagbhatta, 1995: 818). Alchemy in India as elsewhere, led to a wide variety of experi­ mental endeavours both chemical and iatro chemical. Accounts of these can be gleaned from the texts which are principally in two languages, Sanskrit and Tamil, called the Rasasastra and the Siddha literature respectively. The word ‘rasa’ of the Rasasastra texts gener­ ally connotes mercury, the alchemical supreme, alhough there are in these texts categorized accounts of what are called the maha rasas and upa rasas, each group comprising eight minerals used in alchemical preparations. Alchemy in Tamil language led to the composite but enigmatic texts of the Siddha system of medicine which was confined then as now mainly to Tamil Nadu. Alchemy had held sway over the human mind for nearly two hundred years in the ancient and medieval periods, in such diverse cultures as the Chinese, Hellenistic, Indian, Islamic and even European. It was a belief system mainly with two facets—(i) transmutation of the

Introduction

27

inferior metals like lead, tin or copper into the noblest of the metals gold, and (ii) preparation of the so-called elixir of life for attaining immortality. The logic that lay behind it was that if lower metals could be transmuted into gold of everlasting lustre, our perishable body too could be transformed into an immortal state. From the above discussion, it can be gleaned that long life and perfect state of health have always been an innate human desire in one form or another. Alchemy was the choice in this pursuit with its twoin-one goal which was always in sight but could never be attained. CHEMICAL PRACTICES IN INDIA

In the history of Chemistry, the enchanting saga of alchemy as an intertwined ensemble of certain esoteric concepts and practices has a distinct position. Chemistry as an important branch of modern science is about two hundred years old. But varied practices of a chemical nature go back to remote antiquity. It was J"abir ibn Hayyan " known as Geber in Europe, a ninth century Persian alchemist, whose experimental research laid the foundations of chemistry. In the Arab world, the Muslims were translating the works of the ancient Greeks and Egyptians into Arabic and were experimenting with scientific ideas. The development of the modern scientific method was slow and arduous, but an early scientific method for chemistry began emerging among early Muslim chemists, begin­ ning with J"abir ibn Hayyan " (Holymard, 1931: 57-8) who is ‘con­ sidered as the father of chemistry’. He introduced a systematic and experimental approach to scientific researches based in the laboratory, in contrast to the ancient Greek and Egyptian alchemists whose works were largely allegorical and often unintelligible. How­ ever, Chemistry which developed as an independent branch of science was mainly due to the works of Autaine Laurent Lavoisier (1743­ 94) and John Dalton (1766-1844). The oldest and most important source of information about the advance knowledge of chemistry in India is Kautilya’s Arthashastra (Rangarajan, 1992: 13), a treatise on the management of public affairs. Chemistry in ancient India, however, developed largely as handmade medicine. Caraka Samhita also recommends knowledge of Chemistry for its therapeutic

28

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

significance. But Indian alchemy remained imprisoned at the hands of Tantric cults from AD 700 to 1300. Although Chemistry in ancient India had never been free from religious associations and influences. It is evident from the literatures that Chemistry as a branch of modern science is not very old. But it became systematized only in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Potters, dyers, metal smiths and glassmakers contributed a great deal to the growth of chemical technology. However, the beginnings of modern chemical processes like fermentation; distillation, etc., can be traced from very ancient times. But scientifically valid principles came to be understood only one or two centuries ago. In India, the beginnings of Chem­ istry as a practical science are noticeable in the remote past. Note­ worthy practices involving Chemistry in ancient India can be found in pottery, metal-working, iron metallurgy, copper metallurgy, glass, and ceramics (Tyleccote, 1962: 15). But chemical knowledge and practices in India had achieved a great deal of importance during the post-Vedic period. Gradually, the chemical knowledge and practices became more refined and modified. However, a number of literary sources and archaeological evidences highlight extensive use of glass, ceramics, metal-working copper metallurgy and iron metallurgy in this phase (Singh, 2003: 388-99). PHARMACY IN COLONIAL INDIA

The earliest traditional systems of medicine practiced in India were Ayurveda and Siddha. The Unani, a Greco-Arabic medical system came much later from West Asia. It was the European colonizers who brought the Western system of medicine to the country. During the colonial period, this new system of medicine got firmly estab­ lished. It held sway and came to have a controlling influence on health care. Today, though the traditional systems of medicine continue to be practiced in India with sufficient state support, but the mainstay of the official public health care set-up is the inter­ nationally recognized system of medical treatment, which is termed in India as ‘allopathic’ or modern medicine. Consequently, the meaning of pharmacy as viewed in India is no different from what it implies the world over.

Introduction

29

The medical personnel in the employment of the East India Company and later the British Crown were instrumental in the introduction and development of the Western system of medicine in India. The Indian Medical Service (IMS) in particular played an important role in this regard. The service was essentially a military one, though a large proportion of its members were generally in civil employment. The members of IMS served the Indian troops. The officers of the Royal Army Medical Corps who were tempo­ rarily stationed in India served the British troops. Western medical education in India owes its origin almost entirely to IMS. Western medical education was first introduced in the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Medical College at Calcutta and the Medical School at Madras (later designated as college) were estab­ lished in 1835. The Grant Medical College at Bombay came up in 1845. During the nineteenth century, there were subordinate classes of apothecaries and hospital assistants who had medico-pharma­ ceutical functions. The apothecary class consisted of trained boys of European or Eurasian extraction. They carried out duties with European troops, hospitals and depots. The hospital assistants were invariably natives. They worked with native troops and army hos­ pitals. The Western materia medica was strengthened through the provision of pharmacopoeias of British origin. The drugs required to sustain the new medical system were generally not available in India and had to be imported. At that time, the drug industry in India was in a rudimentary stage. All types of medicinal and phar­ maceutical products were imported into British India. The focus of imports was more on finished products, prepared from the active drugs of foreign origin. The retail and wholesale drug trade con­ tinued to be mainly dependent on imports. The most valuable was the business in proprietary and patent medicines which largely originated abroad. On introduction of the new medical system in India, there naturally followed the emergence of pharmacy houses to meet the requirements of Western drugs and other supplies. The European establishments, generally managed by the British started operating from the early nineteenth century. In the British Empire, India was a place for doing lucrative business. It is understandable why the European pharmacists and druggists also found this land

30

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

promising for practicing their profession. They were attracted to the locations where the population of the British was large enough to promise good returns. The British population was mostly concen­ trated in the big metropolitan towns and cantonment areas. As years passed by several other smaller towns also saw the advent of European pharmacies. The civil and military services’ personnel and their families constituted the main clienteles whose pharma­ ceutical needs were catered by the European druggists’ establish­ ments. Instead for common people, the drug purchasing patients were from the rich native gentry. To run the pharmacy business, the European chemist’s and druggists also added other profitable items to their business like, aerated water, surgical instruments, hospital furnishings, toilet requisites, wine and liquor. In this way, the Euro­ pean chemists and druggists became a prosperous community. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the turnover came down. In the later years, European establishments came to be owned by Indians. It may be mentioned that in colonial India, there were all sorts of conditions for chemists’ shops. The European drug houses developed into merchandise and departmental stores. As there was no drug law in the country, there were hardly any re­ strictions on opening drug stores. The overall situation with regard to drugs and practice of pharmacy remained of grave concern. There were no legal restrictions for control of drugs and practice of phar­ macy. In such a situation, Government of India was compelled to appoint a Drug Enquiry Committee6 (DEC) in 1930. The DEC made several worthy recommendations. But Government of India did not feel the urgency to implement them. After several years the Drugs Act 1940 and the Pharmacy Act 1948 came into being. During the colonial period no serious governmental efforts was made to produce pharmaceutical manpower of adequate quality. There was a class of compounder, who were largely ill-trained. There were two pharmacy degree awarding institutions—the Banaras Hindu University and the Punjab University which insti­ tuted the Bachelor of Pharmacy (B. Pharm) courses in 1937 and 1944 respectively. This was the state of pharmaceutical affairs in the Indian subcontinent during the colonial period (Proceedings of the World Congress, 2011: 17).

Introduction

31

However, modern chemical science was introduced in India by the Europeans, especially the English merchants from the seven­ teenth century. The chemical technologies used by the Indians at that time were classical in nature and new innovations were practi­ cally absent. European alchemy gradually faded away at the be­ ginning of the eighteenth century and the pneumatic chemistry flourished. Within the chemical industry, the fine chemical in­ dustry is closely linked with the ‘pharmaceutical industry’. In India, term ‘Pharmaceutical Industry’ refers to that sector of the drug industry which supports the practice of allopathic systems of medicine. The following section, makes an attempt to draw a brief and comprehensive genesis of the pharmaceutical industries in the Indian subcontinent. Now, let us concentrate upon the develop­ ment of the pharmaceutical industry as a special branch of Chemistry. Modern pharmaceutical science is inherently multi-disciplinary. Apart from synthetic Organic Chemistry, it is based on pharma­ cology, physiology, immunology, bacteriology and fermentation science, among other life science disciplines. While, scientists and institutions from various countries contributed to the develop­ ment of these new fields of enquiry, the modern pharmaceutical industry came into being in late nineteenth century in Germany. Bayer and Hoechst were the most prominent pioneering German Chemical firms. The application of Synthetic Chemistry for drug discovery began to bear fruit from the late nineteenth century, and the dyestuff firms were at the forefront, along with a small number of longer-established pharmacy firms. Arguably, Bayer became the world’s first pharmaceutical company in 1888. It placed in the market an anti-pyretic drug sold as Phenacetin. For the first time, a drug had been conceived, developed, tested, and marketed, all by a private company. It marked the creation of the modern drug industry—the marriage of science and business—that has trans­ formed this century, making huge profits even as it saves lives.. After the outbreak of the First World War, 7 Bayer and other German firms had developed a range of pharmaceutical products based on advance research carried out in-house as well as in uni­ versities and hospitals. For example in 1874 at St. Mary’s Hospital in London,8 a therapeutic compound developed by a team led by

32

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Frederick Pierce turned out to be ‘one of the first drugs ever pro­ duced by modifying a natural molecule. Two decades later, Bayer marketed this new chemical under the brand name ‘Heroin’. But the most famous drug produced in these early years of the phar­ maceutical industry was Bayer’s Aspirin.9 Another hugely significant advance around the turn of the cen­ tury was ‘Salvarsan’. This arsenic compound synthesized by Paul Ehrlich was dis­ covered by him and his colleagues, was effective against syphilis, and patented in 1909 by Hoechst. Advances in bacteriology and immunology10 associated with Pasteur, Koch and Ehrlich also cata­ lysed the emergence of the modern pharmaceutical industry. By the mid-1960s, it was becoming apparent that the balance of industrial power was shifting from the chemical-pharmaceutical giants like Bayer, Hoechst, Du Pont and ICI to those firms whose background was related more closely to biological sciences. In India, Calcutta being the scientific capital of India, Euro­ pean chemists and druggists’ started their business in Calcutta from the early part of the nineteenth century. It did not take long for more to come up at Bombay and Madras. Some British phar­ macies which operated from different locations in the Indian sub­ continent were Bathgate & Co, established in Calcutta in the year 1811. The first chemist shop in Calcutta, Smith, Stanistreet & Co. started in 1821 as a small apothecary at 1 Radha Bazar Street. Over the time, it became a prominent drug firm in Calcutta. Frank Ross & Co. Ltd was established at Chowringhee, Calcutta, which was started by Frank Ross. The company ventured into manufac­ turing pharmaceutical products. Kemp & Co. Ltd at Bombay used to be rated as the ‘best chemist firm of the East’. David Skinner Kemp, a Scot was its founder. Treacher & Co. Ltd, Phillips & Co. Ltd and Thompson & Taylor which were some other prominent chemists and druggists of Bombay and Pune. W.E. Smith & Co. Ltd was located at Madras. Another firm Spencer & Co. shot into prominence due to the efforts of A.N. Lazarus an active pharma­ ceutical professional who looked after pharmaceutical business of the company. At Benaras, E.J. Lazarus & Co. operated a successful business of pharmaceuticals. The firm also promoted the sale of a

Introduction

33

number of Indian remedies abroad. At Shimla, Bliss & Cotton was a very prominent pharmaceutical company. In the second half of the nineteenth century, Butto Krishna Paul established pharmaceutical company, Butto Krishna Paul & Co. at 92B Sovabazar Street, Calcutta in 1855. This reputed firm carried out wholesale as well as retail business and had worldwide deal­ ings in pharmaceuticals. The company was renowned for its ma­ larial drug. Another important firm was M. Bhattacharya & Co. Pvt. Ltd. The company was a leading retail pharmacy in Calcutta. At the turn of the century, in 1891, Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray with great foresight and pioneering spirit started the first Indian owned pharmaceutical company—the Bengal Chemical & Phar­ maceutical Works on the outskirts of Calcutta. Gradually it be­ came the leading pharmaceutical company in India. S. Brothers, I.G. Gajjar & Co., Bill & Co., Popular Pharmacy were prominent among the druggist firms of Bombay. S. Brothers established in 1893 was one of the oldest dispensing chemist firms of Bombay. I.J. Gajjar established in 1905. The company had a dispensing division and also carried out wholesale and import busi­ ness. Bill & Co. made a beginning in 1932. It was founded by Jalbhai. The company was an active chemist organization. Popular Pharmacy was another well known firm of Bombay. N.R. Sharma was its founder who was well known for his association with chem­ ists and druggists’ organizations. Kotibhaskar and Amin together first started in 1903, a small factory at Parel, Bombay, where they manufactured pharmaceuticals, toiletry preparations and other chemicals based on the use of alcohol. The most important develop­ ment in this field was the establishment of a large scale alkali factory at Mithapur in western India by Kapilram Vakil, which in 1939 was taken over by J.R.D. Tata. The chemical Industry also made impressive strides in the states of Mysore and Baroda during this period. In 1935 Bombay followed Bengal in the concentration of chemical factories. By 1939, Baroda claimed the second place. Three firms of Madras, namely Dadha & Co., Appah & Co. and Wilfred Pereira Ltd. are worthy of mention for their pioneer­ ing work as chemists and druggists. It was in 1914 that the Dadha brothers came to Madras and opened a small drug store. By 1920

34

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

the firm emerged as one of the leading retailers of drugs in Madras. Appah & Co. had been in existence since 1894, but the company started business as chemists and druggists only in 1928. Their business flourished and became a household name. Wilfred Pereira Ltd. was established in 1922. It made remarkable strides and occupied an important position among chemists and druggists. Besides, running drugs and dispensing departments, the company was also engaged in drug manufacturing. Dr. Hem Chandra Sen was possibly one of the oldest druggists of Delhi. In 1883, Dr. Sen established the Imperial Medical Hall near Chandni Chowk, Delhi. Gradually the establishment became a very popular chemist store. Young Friends & Co. was another successful firm of retail chemists in Delhi. The company had been established in 1924. Ratan Lal Gupta had been a partner in the firm. He obtained a master’s degree in Chemistry and liked to work as a retail pharmacist. Soon he became a leading figure in the field and was nominated to the first Pharmacy Council of India. An­ other progressive retail pharmacy in New Delhi was Dr. Sahib Singh & Sons. The company first started in Shimla in 1922 it was held in high esteem among chemists. The aforementioned discussion reveals that the Pharmaceutical Industry, though it had its birth in India in the first decade of the present century, was at its infant stage at the time of the Second World War. Progress was painfully slow. Before the war, India de­ pended almost totally on imports. The war stimulated the de­ mand further. To sum up, it may be said that when the Second World War began, the Indian chemical industry, specifically the pharmaceutical industry, in spite of all the growth and develop­ ment it had undergone, presented only a microscopic minority of the national industrial potential. But it was not remarkable in comparison to the state of chemical industry in more advanced countries. The capacity for further growth and expansion was not wanting but it needed a major international catastrophe like the Second World War to neutralize the factors which restricted devel­ opment and to open up a new era of rapid progress. However, all types of pharmaceutical industries were not devel­ oped within the same time period. Their development patterns

Introduction

35

were also dependent on different social-cultural milieu. Second, the development of the Indian pharmaceutical industry has not been understood on a pan-India level so far. These studies in this respect are very scant. Third, it is too ambitious to cover the devel­ opment of all Indian pharmaceuticals in a single study. The scope of this study is therefore limited to those pharmaceutical indus­ tries which are situated in Kolkata (erstwhile Calcutta) and were established by the indigenous people. Keeping in mind the overall backdrop, the present study has purposively focused upon three different types of indigenous pharmaceutical companies: (1) Butto Krishna Paul & Co. at Sovabazar, which was established by Buttokrishna Paul in the year 1855. Edward’s Tonic was one of its major products of this indigenous pharmaceuticals which is extens­ ively used for malaria till today, though the company is exactly not in a flourishing state. (2) Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited (BCPW), was established by Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray in the year 1892. It played a pioneering role not only in the chemical and pharmaceutical industries of India but also in the Asian situation too. BCPW still exists but as a sick enterprise. East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited (EIPWL) at Behala, one of the oldest pharmaceutical companies in Kolkata was established by Late Ashoke Kumar Sen in 1936. His objective was to develop through indigenous pharmaceutical, an organization to synthesize modern medicines from basic chemicals and cater to the needs of the millions. EIPWL today emerged as a large indigenous phar­ maceutical company in Kolkata. Besides, the historical backdrop and the present socio-economic condition of these indigenous pharmaceutical companies have been considered as major factors for selecting them. The study is limited to the period from 1855 to 1947. All the three pharmaceutical companies were established during the colonial period. Buttokrishna Paul & Co. is the oldest among them. So the year of establishment of the first pharmaceu­ tical company, i.e. 1855 has been considered as the starting point. On the other hand East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited was established in 1936, and that is why the present study is restricted to the time period up to the end of the colonial period, i.e. 1947.

36

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

SOURCES Research on this present study started in the beginning of 2008, though it was conceived much earlier. I had ample access to primary and secondary documents and to the still surviving people who could comment on the indigenous pharmaceutical story. The general information about the time and its socio-political climate solely depend on secondary sources. Here it is to be mentioned that as primary sources archival sources were of utmost importance for the present monograph because they provide evidence of activities and tell more about individuals and institutions. But because those records weren’t usually created for the purpose of research so they often provide a less biased account of events than the secondary sources. Moreover, archival sources helped to penetrate deeply into those untapped areas which enhance the clarity of research to a great extent. Thus the bulk of this study is based on primary documents, mainly archival documents such as personal papers, diaries, let­ ters, newspaper articles, government reports, micro-films, etc. The theoretical and conceptual understanding of this research was built mostly on secondary sources such as books, papers in different national and international journals, personal interviews and newspaper articles. I also fortunately, had the privilege to meet Dr. Georgette Taylor and John Perkins from the Society for the History of Alchemy and Chemistry (SHAC), UK who gave me the opportunity to work in the Wellcome Trust Library, University College of London, British Library and the India Office Library of UK, Bodleian Library, Oxford, UK laden with archival documents, books and journals. These institutional documents helped enor­ mously to paint a very clear picture about the history of alchemy, history of pharmaceutical industry, introduction of medical edu­ cation, the pharmaceutical profession and also the socio-economic and socio-political perspectives of the development of indigenous pharmaceutical companies under the hegemonization and counter hegemonization between colonial economy and economic nation­ alism. Many of the gaps that were left in this micro study have been filled by personal interviews, especially with Anup Paul of

Introduction

37

Buttokrishna Paul & Co., K. Phani Kumar of Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Ltd. and Dipankar Dutta Gupta, of East India Pharmaceutical Works Ltd. as well as with useful researchers and historians. As I continued my research, it became clear that the scientific story did not provide a complete picture until and unless, I knew the historical and social context in which this re­ search took place and how and why indigenous pharmaceuticals happened. To this end, my greatest primary resources were news­ papers and magazines of the time. These resources confirmed some of the trends and ideas that had been recalled in the personal in­ terviews, which helped enormously some of my conclusions. Some of the most interesting moments of my research occurred when sources conflicted, leaving me to make my own judgement. Syste­ matic study of the history of science began in the early eighteenth century in the west. In India, the initiation in this respect was done by Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray in the early twentieth century. Systematic studies in this respect dates back to the post-indepen­ dence era. The nature of development of the subject is not always similar in the two places, India and the west. Here mention will, however, have to be made of those literary works that provide back­ ground material for the present research. For a better and compre­ hensive understanding I have divided the consulted literatures into two groups—Indian and Western. First I will discuss the Indian and then the Western literatures. INDIAN LITERATURES

Some aspects of the development of science and society from tenth to eighteenth century (Rahaman, 2000: 7), India’s contribution in the field of science (Bose, Sen and Subbarayappa, 2009: 145), accounts of chemical knowledge and techniques in India from pre­ historic times to eighteenth century (Subbarayappa, 2004: 55), spread of science in India and various shades of experiences with European science and technology in Britsh India (Sangwan, 1991: 25), establishment of science institutes in pre Indpendent India, their functions and present status (Dasgupta, 2011: 1), relationship between science and colonialism in South Asia from a variety of

38

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

scientific disciplines (Habib and Raina, 2008), evolving pattern of growth of ideas and institutions with a view to projecting analyti­ cally a coherent picture of uniformity of human development in all aspects (Dasgupta, 2007: xxvii), scientific achievement of ancient India (Kumar, 2004: 15). It is expected that this theme will throw ample light on the theme which enabled the scholars and laymen to understand about the extreme past of India. Scientific successes and travails during the Raj (Kumar, 2006: 32), science and technology in India during the Second World War (Sinha, 2008: 19), position of science in relation between metropolis and periphery (Chakraborti, 2004: 27). Intercon­ nectivity between science and nationalism (Palit, 2004: 13), India’s tryst with modern science under the colonial rule (Lourdusamy, 2004: 56). India’s economic history from Plassey to the period of perma­ nent settlement (Sinha, 1965: 34), history of private investments and its determinants in India (Bagchi, 1972: 219), changes in the economy of India from thirteenth to the middle of the present century (Kumar and Desai, 1982), economic history of India from the Sepoy Mutiny to the end of colonial period (Roy, 2006: 51), penetrating insights of India’s economic and social history (Roy, 1999: 1), growth and development of entrepreneurship and Industry in India (Ray, 1992: 83). After Independence, the economy of the subcontinent was back­ ward, predominantly agricultural and characterized by massive poverty. In spite of that, important developments in Indian busi­ ness and industry took place under Indian entrepreneurs between the two world wars. At the time of Independence, India possessed a large and fairly sophisticated modern industrial complex—in fact the biggest in the underdeveloped part of the world. How this came to pass has been the subject of scholarly investigation and speculation since Independence. The essays—all by prominent historians and economists—appearing in this volume focus on the theme, namely the emergence of entrepreneurs and industry in India during the colonial period. They also illustrate aspects of the investment behaviour of the various European and Indian communi­ ties (e.g., the Parsis and the Marwaris) involved in business and

Introduction

39

industry. In an extremely detailed and comprehensive introduc­ tion, Ray discusses the series of questions that have arisen on the history of Indian business and industry. The other notable themes consulted by the author are as follows. Social history of health and medicine in colonial India (Pati and Harrison, 2009: 1), historical perspectives on contemporary debates over health policy in India (Bagchi and Soman, 2005: 32), medical history of Bombay during colonial period (Ramana, 2002: 8), interplay of conformity and defiance amongst the plural medical tradition in colonial India (Bala, 2012: 69), medical edu­ cation and medical policies in British Bengal (Bala, 1992: 40), transformation of Ayurveda in colonial and post colonial India (Banerjee, 2009: 1). The present monograph has tried to portray a composite picture of the historical account of Indian pharmaceuticals available in a number of volumes. For the present research the following volumes have been consulted. Volume 1: Pharmaceutical History of India which provide a documented account of the Indian pharmacopoeial and formulary history. Several unknown or forgotten compendia have been rediscovered and their existence brought to the surface. Volume 2: Pharmaceutical Education which portrays a composite picture of the evolution and contemporary scenario of the whole gamut of pharmaceutical instructions and related aspects. The trea­ tise dilates upon the historical perspectives of different items and issues pertaining to pharmaceutical education. Volume 3: Pharma­ ceutical Practice starting with the history of introduction of the western medical system in India, the developments having bearing on pharmacy practice have been carefully investigated and the find­ ings put in a readable form in the Pharmacy Practice. In Volume 6: Builders and Awareness Creators of Modern Pharmacy which high­ lighted the colonial rule and the newly introduced health care system developed reasonably well but regrettably its pharmaceuti­ cal component stood neglected. It needed a long drawn out struggle to improve its lot. In this series, second volumes on the builders and awareness creators of modern pharmacy, the lives and contri­ butions of a dozen of forebears are profiled.

40

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Besides the aforementioned work, the present author has also consulted other literatures describing issues on science, colonial­ ism and development of pharmaceuticals in India. Briefly, the theme of the publications dealing with the historical development of the Chemistry and indigenous enterprises are: life history of a Bengali Chemist (Ray 1932, Chakrabarti 2005, Raina 1997), historical account of Alchemy (Ali 1993), social historical perspectives of the development of indigenous industries (Bhattacharya 1966, 1986, Bansal and Bansal 1984, Patnaik 1979, Medhora 1965, Goswami 1989), historical genesis of a chemical enterprise in Calcutta (BCPW 1939, 1952, 2004), science, society in colonial India (Kumar 1980, 1991, 1997, Bandopadhyay 2010, Dutta and Sen 2004), science in modern India (Raina and Habib 2003, Raina 2003, Prakash 2000, Sen 1966), interrelationship between science, technology and society (Biswas 1969, Habib and Raina 1999), change in Indian Chemistry (Basu 2000, 2006, Tyabji 1995), growth and structural change in pharmaceutical industry (Chaudhuri 1988, 1999), Indian pharmaceutical industry (Narayana 1984, Sarda Rohit R. et al. 2012, Chaudhuri 2005), science and techno­ logy in different ages (Sharma and Singh 2006), history of science in India (Subbarayappa 2009, Biswas 2001, Varadarajan 2006, Chattopadhyaya 1986, 1999, Ray and Sen 2002, Jaggi 1984), pharmaceutical industry in India (Ramachandran and Ranga Rao 1972), economic history of India (Roy 2002, Mukherjee 2002), socio-political climax in colonial India (Sarkar 1973, Pati 2007, Sarkar 1992, Alam 2001, Bhattacharya 2010, Singh 1992, Mitra 2001, Sarkar 1979), medical education of women in colonial In­ dia (Mukherjee 2012, Varadan 1954), etc. Besides these sources, some important journals were consulted for the present research like, Indian Medical Gazette, The Calcutta Journal of Medicine, Indian Annals of Medical Science, The Calcutta Journal of Medicine, Indian Medical Records, Journal of the Indian Medical Association, Bulletin of the Indian Institute of History of Medicine, etc. Moreover, for a better understanding of the world pharmaceutical situation some of the foreign books, papers, working papers and international reports have also been consulted. These consultations centering around: social context of science (Bernal 1970, Lindberg 2013), science in Western civilization (Butterfield 1965), compact

Introduction

41

survey of science (Hall and Hall 1964), history of science in China (Needham 1954), history of science in Western civilization (Dampier 1965, Sarton 1931, Basalla 1967), philosophical perspective on the role of science in Western thought (Whitehead 1967, Popper 1968), themes of chemistry from antiquity to the eighteenth Century (Multhauf 1967, Holmyard 1957, Clow 1952), science, technology and society (Merton 1970, Kleinman 2005, Hess 1995), science and Indian tradition (Gosling 2007), science and culture (Galison et al. 2001), historical accounts of pharmaceutical industry (Richmond et al. 2003, Boussel et. al 1982, Cordeiro 1963, Slinn 1995, Anderson 2005), healing and disease (Lane 2001), patterns of trade in Mughal India (Lally 2009, Ali 1975, Morris 1983), de-industrialization in India (Clingingsmith and Williamson 2004, Vries 1994, Harnetty 1991, Marshall 2003, Thorner 1962), scientific knowledge and colonial rule (Baber 1996, Kak 1997), intellectual property rights (Dutfield 2003), public health in British India (Harrison 1994, Arnold 1991, 2000, Watts 1997, Mushtaq 2009, Meulenbeld and Wujastyk 1987, Dasgupta 2005, Porter 1994), decline of colonial firms (Tomlinson 1981), formation of scientific attitude (Hall 1956), etc. Besides, some im­ portant international journals on history of science have been con­ sulted for the present research. These are—British Journal of the History of Science, Bulletin of the British Society for the History of science, Journal of History of Science and Technology, HOST—An International Journal of History of Science, Circumscribe—European Society for the History of Science, Science, Technology and Society: An International Journal, AMBIX, The Economic History Review: A Journal of Economic and Social History, etc. Studies mentioned above have covered mainly the social history of science, science and nationalism, economic history of India, public health in colonial India, Western medicine in British India, his­ torical account of pharmaceuticals, pharmaceuticals in India, growth and development of indigenous entrepreneurship as a whole and the impetus provided by the Western science to the development of private enterprises in India. However, less attention is seen to find out the nexus between science, colonialism and society so far as the indigenous pharmaceuticals are concerned. This inadequacy instilled the present researcher to take this present endeavour. This

42

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

is, however, in no way an exhaustive list of publications on sciencecolonialism-society and pharmaceuticals in India. Therefore omis­ sion is unintentional. Thus the above mentioned composite discussion highlighted significant academic literatures in the field of science, technology, society and health that throw light on history of science research in India in a precise manner. The inadequacy which instill the author to visualize this present attempt which seeks to explore the two way interaction between science-colonialism and the develop­ ment of pharmaceutical industries in colonial India. In other words the author tries to understand the interaction and interrelation­ ship between Indian traditions of thought and Western science and the development of indigenous pharmaceutical industries in India. This realization leads the author to recognize the influence of Western scientific endeavour on our scientific knowledge base which acts as a catalytic agent for the material development of our society. The major thrust of this book looks at the historical development of indigenous pharmaceuticals in colonial Calcutta. As an obvious consequence attempts were made to comprehend the historical beginning of medical education and medical services in the light of existing public health situation, origin of pharmacy in India and its development through ages along with the historical begin­ ning of pharmacy and pharmaceutical profession under the shadow of colonial economy and ultimately establish those historical cumu­ lative effects which conjointly lead to the development of indig­ enous pharmaceuticals in colonial Calcutta with its own unique identity and tradition. The unique thrust of this book is to connect the historical be­ ginning of indigenous pharmaceuticals with its socio historical context and cultural diversity of science. It has often been felt that like other countries of the world, in India also culture has a particular bearing on the history of science, technology and medicine. It had a well established techno-scientific tradition of its own long before subjected to colonial domination. However, history of science, technology and medicine presented in general histories as a record of Western discovery and its gradual dissemination in the Indian subcontinent. It has become more widely acknowledged than a

Introduction

43

generation or two ago that not all such histories can be conflated into a single story of European achievement. Particular attention has been directed to understand the consequence of science in the colonial world, particularly in the eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, where the history of science very often appears inseparable from the history of colonialism itself. Therefore, to understand the social perspectives and cultural dynamics of science, it is not only necessary to understand the imperial system or its ideologies in an in depth manner but also to look at the ‘recipient’ society where Western science was received and assimilated in relation to indigenous epistemologies and practices. Studies on history of science in India do not have much reflection in the realm of indigenous pharmaceuticals. The present research is a humble effort to look at the history of pharmaceuticals in India. However, the inception of this discourse centering around four major issues which ultimately gave birth to this monograph. These are (i) how Western scientific endeavours influenced our scientific knowledge base which lead to the material development of the society? (ii) how medical education and the context of public health lead to the development of pharmaceuticals in India? (iii) how our nationalistic patriotic visionary entrepreneurs received impetus to develop indigenous pharmaceuticals even under the shadow of colonial domain? And finally (iv) how can we symbolize the scientific discourse of development of the three indigenous pharmaceuticals as a specific wave of cultural response to modern science in India? In doing so, the present researcher has taken recourse to under­ stand the interaction and interrelation between science-colonialism and subsequent development of pharmaceuticals in the Indian subcontinent. The present study has been conducted among the three indigenous pharmaceuticals in Calcutta, the then scientific capital of British India, and the results there in appear to be quite illuminating. PLAN OF THE BOOK

The present monograph contains five chapters. Chapter 1: Introduction encompassed the whole plethora of the present dissertation.

44

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Chapter 2: Outlines the issues of medical education, public health and development of pharmaceutical education in India. The history of medical education in India is as old as establishment of British Empire in the country. A wind of revolution had been started to innovate something different in the education system of Indian Medical Services. Up to the middle of the nineteenth century, the medical education and training remained neglected. In such a backdrop the present chapter seeks to draw a brief sketch of the historical development of medical education, medical ser­ vices and development of indigenous pharmaceuticals during the colonial period. Besides, the chapter also addresses the issues and challenges of women’s medical education in colonial India. Chapter 3: Highlights medico pharmaceutical profession and pro­ fessionals. The scenario of pharmacy practice was pathetic. The dispensing of prescriptions continued to be carried out by com­ pounders, who had a low level of preliminary training and educa­ tion. The compounders were lowly paid professionals. There were a few European trained pharmacists who were employed by private firms. The seed of the pharmacy education in India was sown first by Medical College, Madras in 1860. Thus the chapter sketches the historical development of Pharmaceutical profession and some distinguished pharmaceutical professionals in colonial India. Be­ sides, the chapter tried to cover different medico-pharmaceutical professions like apothecaries, hospital assistants, compounders’ com­ munity, qualified chemists and druggists, and finally medico-phar­ maceutical professionals. Reviews of both European and Indian pharmaceuticals have been given at the end of this chapter in a comprehensive manner. Chapter 4: Discusses the development of pharmaceutical indus­ tries in India under the shadow of national economy and colonial­ ism. The chapter starts with the decline of the Mughal Empire and beginning of the East India Company. It also encompasses economic and social impact of colonial rule, the context of deindustrialization, the development of industrialization, and socio­ political contexts of the development of pharmaceuticals in colonial India.

Introduction

45

Chapter 5: Provides a comprehensive discussion about the origin and development of three Indigenous Pharmaceutical Industries, namely Butto Krishna Paul & Co., Bengal Chemical and Phar­ maceutical Works Limited and East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited in Kolkata in the backdrop of Bengal Renaissance. Chapter 6: The concluding chapter encompasses the whole gamut of the discussion in a comprehensive manner and thus concludes with theoretical perspective and future research perspective. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

At the end of the whole gamut of discussion, the author feels to portray the significance of the present attempt within the broader canvas of historical research in the field of history of science. In India systematic research on history of science was initiated in the hand of legendary scientists Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray by his monumental work entitled History of Hindu Chemistry. In the post-Independence era, historical research mainly centered upon regional history, economic history, industrial revolution, renais­ sance, agrarian history and so many. Research on history of science was not well documented in the mainstream historical research until late 1980s. Though sporadic attempts were made by some scientific institutions like Indian National Science Academy (INSA), National Institute for Science, Technology and Development Studies (NISTAD). But at the end of 1980s and beginning of 1990s in order to maintain parity with the international standard, India’s historical research needed to be balanced. With the passage of time, history of science in India was included with the mainstream his­ torical research. In India until 1990s, history of science research mainly centered around the impact of three hundred years of British rule and its influence on Indian economy, society and culture; development of national scientific endeavour during the British Raj. However, since the beginning of the twenty-first century, history of science research commenced on the role of eminent scientists, rise of technical education for national economic development, emergence of premier medical institutions, prevalence of different

46

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

epidemic diseases and appearance of Western medical system, in­ auguration of different scientific institutions by rationalist thinkers and many other allied scientific endeavours. In such a backdrop it can also be said that science has been nurtured with other allied subjects in India since ancient times. In the same vein, within the rubric of Indian culture, medicine and its important usages were very much interwovened with the his­ tory of science research. Medical system in India was not limited to the way of treatment only but also in the making of medicine and its application also. In this light the present treatise History of Indigenous Pharmaceuticals Companies in Colonial Calcutta (1855­ 1947) has been justified. The content of the present monograph and its time period no doubt began during British India. But its root can be traced from ancient India’s alchemy, chemistry and its application for human welfare. The main thrust area of this book lies within the rise, growth and development of three indigenous pharmaceutical industries in colonial India, which finally estab­ lished the truth of economic self sufficiency for national scienti-fic endeavour. The present treatise traces the rich history of ideas about the importance of alchemy and its application for human welfare from its roots. From the introductory chapter to the conclusion, the author has given emphasis to describe the historical evolution of alchemy and finally the development of pharmaceuticals within the backdrop of colonial hegemony in its entirety. It is expected that nature and magnitude of the study will be positively valued both as a historical reference and also as a constructive attempt of scientific understanding in the future research arena of history of science. To sum up, it can be said that the present monograph science, colonialism and development of indigenous pharmaceuticals exam­ ines developmental consequences, demonstrating how socio­ historical and socio-political contexts ultimately led to the emer­ gence of ‘indigenous pharmaceutical industry’ in the convergence of colonial industrialization, economic nationalism and modern cultures of consumption.

Introduction

47

NOTES

1. The term renaissance indicates the rebirth of art and learning in Europe during fourteenth-sixteenth centuries. 2. Industrial Revolution is a term first coined by British economic historian Arnold Tonybee (1852-3). The process indicates the change that began in England in the eighteenth century replacing machine-made production from agrarian and handicraft economy. In India, the development of industry began in 1850s. 3. The scientific revolution was a series of events that marked the emergence of modern science in Europe towards the end of the Renaissance period and continued till the end of eighteenth century influencing the intellectual social movements. The wave of this revolution also came to India with the advent of Western education. 4. In Sanskrit the term Ayurveda means science of life. This is one of the oldest healing systems of the world. Since the beginning of our civilization we are accustomed with this ancient medical heritage. The basic philosophy of this medical heritage depends on health and wellness and a delicate balance between the mind, body and spirit. Different Ayurvedic texts are available which describe different disease, their symptoms, prevention and system of treatment. 5. Arthashastra is an important treatise on the polity and administration of the Mauryan times written by Kautilya. This work was discovered by R. Shamasastry in AD 1905. The contents can be divided into three parts, namely, king, his council and the government, second with civil and criminal law and the third with inter-state, law, diplomacy and war. 6. In pursuance of a resolution with was adopted by the Council of State in March 1927, recommending the Governor-General in Council to urge all provincial government to take steps to control indiscriminate use of medicinal drugs and to legislate the standardization of the preparation and sale of such drugs, Government of India appointed drug enquiry committee in the year 1930. The task of the committee was to enquire the extent to which drugs and chemicals of impure quality particularly those recognized by the British Pharmacopeia are imported, manufactured or sold in British India and the necessity in the public interest of controlling such importa­ tion, manufacture, sale and to recommendation. 7. Europe in 1914 was in the threshold of a devastating war which spread to the other parts of the world. Because of its unprecedently horrible and extensive nature this war is known as the First World War. This war commenced on 20 July 1914 and ended on 11 November 1918. During

48

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

the conflict the central powers were Germany, Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria and the Ottoman empire fought against Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Romania, Japan and the United States (allied powers). 8. This hospital was founded in the city of Westminster, London in 1845. The hospital was open for the public in 1851. Among the founders of this hospital, surgeon Issac Baker Brown was an important figure. It was at this hospital where C.R. Alder Wright first synthesized Diamorphine in 1874 and Alexander Fleming discovered Penicillin in 1928. 9. Aspirin, the widely used antipyretic drug have traced its birth in 1897 whose fascinating history actually dates back to 3,500 years when willow bark was used as a painkiller by Sumerians and Egyptians. The modern history of aspirin began in 1763 and Reverend Stone who first described its antipyretic effects. 10. These two scientific concepts drastically altered the causes of disease and its prevention. The science and study of bacteria and its relation to medicine was established in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. It developed in the laboratories of Robert Koch and Louis Pasteur which created a deep impact upon public health and on the conception of the body and the disease. Whereas the science of immune system and its application to human welfare, this historical credit goes to Edward Jenner, who first developed immunization process in 1796.

REFERENCES Alam, M. and S. Alavi, A European Experience of the Mughal Orient, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2001. Ali, M. Athar, ‘The Passing of Empire: The Mughal Case’, Modern Asian Studies, 9 (3), 1975, pp. 385-96. ——, ‘A Brief History of Indian Alchemy Covering Pre-Vedic to Vedic and Ayurvedic Period (c. 400 BC-800 AD)’, Bulletin of the Indian Institute of History of Medicine, XXIII (2), 1993, pp. 151-66. Anderson, S. (ed.), Making Medicines: A Brief History of Pharmacy and Pharma­ ceuticals, Pharmaceutical Press, London, 2005. Anthony, H.D, Science and its Background, London, Cornell University, 1948. Arnold, D., ‘The Indian Ocean as a Disease Zone, 1500-1950’, South Asia, 14, 1991, pp. 1-22. ——, Science, Technology and Medicine in Colonial India, Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, Cambridge, 2000.

Introduction

49

Baber, Z., The Science of Empire: Scientific Knowledge, Civilization and Colonial Rule in India, State University of New York Press, New York, 1996. Bagchi, A.K and K. Soman (eds.), Maladies, Preventives and Curatives :Debates in Public Health in India, Tulika Books, New Delhi, 2005. Bagchi, A.K., Private Investment in India: 1900 -39, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1972. Bala, P. (ed.), Contesting Colonial Authority : Medicine and Indigenous Responses in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India, Lexington Books, Lanham, 2012. Bala, P., Imperialism and Medicine in Bengal: A Socio-Historical Perspective, Sage, New Delhi, 1992. Bandopadhayay, A. (ed.), Science and Society in India 1750-2000, Manohar, New Delhi, 2010. Banerjee, M., Power, Knowledge, Medicine: Ayurvedic Pharmaceuticals at Home and in the World, Orient Blackswan, Hyderabad, 2009. Bansal, U. Rani and B.B. Bansal, ‘Industries in India between Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 19 (3), 1984, pp. 215-23. Basalla, G., ‘The Spread of Western Science’, Science, 156, 1967, pp. 611-22. Basu, A., ‘The Conflict and Change Over in Indian Chemistry’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 39 (3), 2000, pp. 335-58. ——, Chemical Science in Colonial India—The Science in Social History, K.P. Bagchi & Company, Kolkata, 2006. Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Fifty Years of Bengal Chemical BCPWL, Calcutta, 1952. ——, One Hundred Years of Triumphs and Travails, BCPWL, Calcutta, 2004. ——, Romance of an Indian Factory, BCPWL, Calcutta, 1939. Bernal, J.D., Science in History, MIT Press, New York, 1970. ——, Science in History, Watts & Co., London, 1954. Bhattacharya, A., De-industrialization in the Nineteenth Century: Myth or Reality, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2010. Bhattacharyya, A., Swadeshi Enterprise in Bengal: 1900-20, I.N.A Press, Calcutta, 1986, p. 12. ——, ‘Cultural and Social Constraints on Technological Innovation and Economic Development: Some Case Studies’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, III (3), 1966, pp. 24-67. Biswas, A.K., Science in India, Firma KLM, Calcutta, 1969. Biswas, A.K. (ed.), History, Science and Society in the Indian Context, The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, 2001.

50

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Born, M., The Natural Philosophy of Cause and Change, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1949. Bose, D.M. et al., A Concise History of Science in India, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi, 1971. Bose, D.M., S.N. Sen and B.V. Subbarayappa (eds.), A Concise History of Science in India, Universities Press Private Limited, Hyderabad, 2009. Boussel, P., H. Bonnemain and F. Bove, History of Pharmacy and the Pharmaceu­ tical Industry, Asklepios Press, Paris, 1982. Butterfield, H., ‘The History of Science and the Study of History’, Harvard Library Bulletin, 13, 1959, pp. 329-47. ——, The Origins of Modern Science: 1300 -1800, Free Press, California, 1965. Chakrabarti, P., Western Science in Modern India: Metropolitan Methods and Colonial Practices, Permanent Black, New Delhi, 2004. Chakrabati, D., Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray : The Quest for National Science and Swadeshi Enterprise, Readers Service, Kolkata, 2005. Chattopadhyaya, D., History of Science & Technology in Ancient India: The Beginnings, Firma KLM, Calcutta, 1986. Chaudhuri, S., Growth and Structural Changes in the Pharmaceutical Industry in India, Indian Institute of Management, Kolkata, Working Paper Series, 1999. ——, The WTO and India’s Pharmaceutical Industry: Patent Protection, TRIPS and Developing Countries, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2005. ——, ‘Bengal Chemical: 1892-1977—Growth and Decline of an Indigenous Enterprise’, paper presented in the National Workshop on Sick Industries Syndrome in India, Ahmadabad, May 1988, pp. 1-57. Clark, G.N., Science and Social Welfare in the Age of Newton, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1937. Clingingsmith, D. and J.G. Williamson, ‘India’s De Industrialization in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries’, Harvard University Press, paper presented in the fiftth World Cliometrics Conference, Venice, June 2004, pp. 1-56. Clow, Nan, The Chemical Revolution : A Contribution to Social Technology, The Batch Worth Press, London, 1952. Cordeiro, J.M. ‘Profession of Pharmacy and Drugs Control in Goa’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 25, 1963. Dampier, W.C., A history of Science and its Relations with Philosophy and Religion, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1949. ——, A History of Science, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1965. Das Gupta, M., Public Health in India: An Overview, Development Research Group, World Bank, 2005.

Introduction

51

Dasgupta, J.B. (ed.), Science, Technology, Imperialism and War, vol. XV, pt. I, Centre for Studies in Civilizations, New Delhi, 2007. Dasgupta, U. (ed.), Science and Modern India : An Institutional History 1784­ 1947, vol. XV, pt. 4, Pearson Longman, New Delhi, 2011. Dutfield, G., Intellectual Property Rights and the Life Science Industries: A Twentieth Century History, Ashgate Publishing Company, Halifox, Canada, 2003. Dutta, N.C. and Tulika Sen (eds.), Aspects of History of Science, The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, 2006. Farrington, B.G., Greek Science: Thales to Aristotle., Penguin Books,California 1949. Galison, P., S.R. Graubard and E. Mendelsohn (eds.), Science in Culture, Trans­ action Publication, Chicago, 2001. Gosling, D.L., Science and the Indian Tradition—When Einstein Met Tagore, Taylor & Francis Group, New York, 2007. Goswami, O., ‘Sahibs, Babus and Banias : Changes in Industrial Control in Eastern India- 1918-50’, The Journal of Asian Studies, 48 (2), 1989, pp. 289-309. Habib, S. Irfan and Dhurv Raina (eds.), Situating the History of Science: Dialogue with Joseph Needham, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999. ——, Social History of Science in Colonial India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2008. Hall, A.R. and M. Boas Hall, A Brief History of Science, New American Library Books, California, 1964. Hall, H.R., The Scientific Revolution, 1500 -1800: The Formation of the Modern Scientific Attitude, Longmans Green & Co., London, 1956. Harnetty, P., ‘De-industrialization Revisited: The Handloom Weavers of the Central Provinces of India c. 1800-1947’, Modern Asian Studies, 25 (3), 1991, pp. 455-510. Harrison, M., Public Health in British India: Anglo-Indian Preventive Medicine, 1859 -1914, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1994. Hess, D.J., Science and Technology in a Multicultural World: The Cultural Practices of Facts and Abstracts, Columbia University Press, New York, 1995. Holmyard, E.J., Alchemy, Penguin, Michigan, 1957. ——, Makers of Chemistry, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1931. Huxley, T.H., Science and Education, Macmillan, London, 1893. Jaggi, O.P., History of Science and Technology in India: Science in Modern India, Atma Ram, New Delhi, 1984. Kak, S.C., ‘Science in Ancient India’, in S.R. Sridhar and N.K. Matto (eds.), Ananya: A Portrait of India, AIA, New York, 1997, pp. 399-420.

52

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Kleinman, D.L., Science and Technology in Society: From Biotechnology to the Internet, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 2005. Kumar, D., ‘Medical Encounters in British India’, Economic & Political Weekly, 32 (4), 1997, pp. 166-70. ——, ‘Patterns of Colonial Science in India’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 15 (1), 1980, pp. 105-13. ——(ed.), Science and Empire —Essays in Indian Context, Anamika Prakashan, New Delhi, 1991. ——, Science and the Raj: A Study of British India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2006. Kumar, N., (ed.), Science in Ancient India, Anmol Publications Private Limited, New Delhi, 2004. Kunjalal, B., The Sushruta Samhita, vol. II, The Chaukhamba Sanskrit Series Office, Varanasi, 1963. Lally, J., ‘The Pattern of Trade in Seventeenth Century Mughal India: Towards an Economic Explanation’, Working Paper no. 120/09, Department of Economic History, London School of Economics, London, 2009, pp. 1-80. Lane, J., A Social History of Medicine: Health, Healing and Disease in England,1750-1950, Routledge, London, 2001. Lindberg, D.C., The Cambridge History of Science, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2013. Lourdusamy, J., Science and National Consciousness in Bengal: 1870-1930, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2004. Mahdihassan, S. Indian Alchemy or Rasayana, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi. Marshall, P.J., The Eighteenth Century in Indian History: Evolution or Revolution? Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2003. Medhora, P.B., ‘Entrepreneurship in India’, Political Science Quarterly, 80 (4), 1965, pp. 558-80. Merton, R.K., Science, Technology & Society in Seventeenth Century England, Fertig, New York, 1970. Meulenbeld, J.G. and D. Wujastyk, (eds.), Studies in Indian Medical History, Groninggen, Netherlands, 1987. Mitra, S.S., Bengal’s Renaissance, Academic Publishers, Delhi, 2001. Morris, M.D., ‘The Growth of Large Scale Industry to 1947’, in D Kumar and M Desai, (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India, II, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983. Mukherjee, A., Imperialism, Nationalism and the Making of the Indian Capital­ ist Class: 1920 -47, Sage, New Delhi, 2002. Mukherjee, S., ‘Medical Education and Emergence of Women Medics in

Introduction

53

Colonial Bengal’, Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata, Occasional Paper, 2012, pp. 1-32. Multhauf, R.P., The Origins of Chemistry, Oldbourne, London, 1967. Mushtaq, M.U., ‘Public Health in British India: A Brief Account of the History of Medical Services and Disease Prevention in Colonial India’, Indian Journal of Community Medicine, 34 (1), 2009, pp. 6-14. Narayana, P.L., The Indian Pharmaceutical Industry: Problems and Prospects, National Council of Applied Economic Research, New Delhi, 1984. Needham, J., The Grand Titration Science and Society in East & West, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1954. North Whitehead, A., Science and the Modern World, Macmillan Press, New York, 1967. Palit, C., Science and Nationalism in Bengal, Institute of Historical Studies, Kolkata, 2004. Pati, B. and M. Harrison (eds.), The Social History of Health and Medicine in Colonial India, Routledge, London , 2009. Pati, B., The 1857 Rebellion: Debates in Indian History and Society, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2007. Patnaik, P., ‘Industrial Development in India Since Independence’, Social Scientist, 7 (11), 1979, pp. 3-19. Popper, K.R., Conjectures & Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge, Harper & Row Publishers, New York, 1968. Porter, D. (ed.), The History of Public Health and the Modern State, Editions Rodopi , Amsterdam, 1994. Prakash, G., Another Reason: Science and Imagination of Modern India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000. Proceedings of the World Congress of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences, Indian Pharmaceutical Association, Mumbai, 2011. Rahaman, A, (ed.), History of Indian Science, Technology and Culture AD 1000­ 1800, vol. III, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000. Raina, D., Images and Contexts :The Historiography of Science and Modernity in India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2003. Raina, D. , ‘Indian Chemist P.C.Ray and the Inauguration of the Social History of Science in India’, Science, Technology & Society, 2 (1), 1997, pp. 1-39. Raina, D. and S. Irfan Habib, Domesticating Modern Science: A Social History of Science and Culture in Colonial India, Tulika, New Delhi, 2003. Ramana, M., Western Medicine and Public Health in Colonial Bombay: 1845­ 95, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2002. Ramchandran, P.K. and B.V. Rangarao, ‘Pharmaceutical Industry in India’, Economic and Political Weekly, 7 (9), 1972, pp. M27, M29, M36.

54

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Rangarajan, L.N. (ed .), Kautilya: The Arthashastra, Penguin, Classics, New Delhi, 1992. Ray, A. P.C., Life and Experiences of a Bengali Chemist, vol. I , Chuckerverthy, Chatterjee & Co., Calcutta, 1932. Ray, P. and S.N. Sen, (eds.), The Cultural Heritage of India, vol. VI, Science and Technology, Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, Kolkata, 2002. Ray, P.C., ‘History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India’, Indian Chemi­ cal Society, Calcutta, 1956, p. 70. ——, A History of Hindu Chemistry, vol. I, Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Calcutta, 1903. Ray, R.K. (ed.), Entrepreneurship and Industry in India:1800-1947, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1992, p. 83. Richmond, L., J. Stevenson and A. Turton, (eds.), The Pharmaceutical Industry: A Guide to Historical Records, Ashgate, England, 2003. Rohit, R.S. et. al., ‘The Indian Pharmaceutical Industry: Evolution of Regula­ tory System and Present Scenario’, International Research Journal of Pharmacy 3, (6), 2012, pp. 49-55. Roy, T., ‘Economic History and Modern India: Redefining the Link’, The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 16 (3), 2002, pp. 109-30. ——, The Economic History of India: 1857 -1947, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2006. ——, Traditional Industry in the Economy of Colonial India, Cambridge Univer­ sity Press, London, 1999. Sangwan, S., Science, Technology and Colonialism: An Indian Experience 1757­ 1857, Anamika Prakashan, Delhi, 1991. Sarkar, J., Fall of the Mughal Empire, vol. 4, Orient BlackSwan, New Delhi, 1992. Sarkar, S. Chandra, On the Bengal Renaissance, Papyrus, Kolkata, 1979. Sarkar, S., The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal, People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, 1973. Sarton, G., Introduction to the History of Science, Baltimore, published for the Carnegie Institution of Washington by the Williams and Wilkins Company, 1927 and 1931. Seal, B., The Positive Sciences of the Ancient Hindus, Motilal Banarsi Dass, Delhi, 1958, p. 57. Sen, S.N., ‘The Character of the Introduction of Western Science in India During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 1 (2), 1966, pp. 112-22.

Introduction

55

Sharma, D. and B. Singh, Science, Technology and Society, New Age, New Delhi, 2006. Singh, B.R., ‘Use of Chemistry to Understand Vedic Knowledge’, in Bhudev Sharma (ed.), Contemporary Views on Indian Civilization, World Associa­ tion of Vedic Studies, Texas City, 2003, p. 388-99. Singh, H., Builders and Awareness Creators of Modern Pharmacy: Medico- Phar­ maceutical Professionals, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2011. ——, Pharmaceutical Education, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 1998. ——, Pharmaceutical History of India, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2011. ——, Pharmacy Practice, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2002. Singh, R.S., Industrialization in India: Structure and Pattern, Government Policy and Regulation: Present Problems and Future Prospects, Deep & Deep, New Delhi, 1992. Sinha, J.N., Science, War and Imperialism: India in the Second World War, Brill, Leiden, 2008. Sinha, N.K., The Economic History of Bengal :From Plassey to the Permanent Settlement, vol. I, Firma K.L.M., Calcutta, 1965. Slinn, J., ‘Research and Development in the UK Pharmaceutical Industry from the Nineteenth Century to the 1960s’ in: R. Porter and M. Teich (eds.), Drugs and Narcotics in History, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995, pp. 168-86. Subbarayappa, B.V. (ed.), A Concise History of Science in India, Universities Press, Hyderabad, 2009. Subbarayappa, B.V. (ed.), Chemistry and Chemical Techniques in India, vol. IV, pt. I, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 2004. Tayabji, N., Colonialism, Chemical Technology and Industry in Southern India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1995. The Caraka Samhita, vol. I, Shree Gulab Kunvaraba Ayurvedic Society, Jamnagar, 1949. Thorner, D., ‘De-industrialization in India 1881-1931’, in D. Thorner and A. Thorner (eds.), Land and Labour in India, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1962, pp. 122-32. Tomlinson, B.R, ‘Colonial Firms and the Decline of Colonialism in Eastern India: 1914-47’, Modern Asian Studies, 15 (3), 1981, pp. 455-86. Tylecote, R.F., Metallurgy in Arcshaeology, Edwin Arnold, London, 1962. Vagbhatta, Astanga Hridaya, Krishnadas Academy, Varanasi, 1995, p. 818. Varadan, K.S., ‘Pharmacy Education in the State of Madras’, Indian Pharmacist, 10, 1954, pp. 309-11. Varadarajan, L., Journeys in Science, Technology and Culture, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi, 2006.

56

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Vries, J. de, ‘The Industrial Revolution and the Industrious Revolution’, Journal of Economic History, 54, 1994, pp. 249-70. Watts, S., Epidemics and History: Disease, Power and Imperialism, Yale University Press, London, 1997.

CHAPTER 2

Medical Education, Public Health and

Development of Pharmaceutical

Education in India

. . . The evolution of public health in British India and the history of disease prevention in that part of the world in the nineteenth and early twentieth century provides a valuable insight into the period that witnessed the development of new trends in medical systems and a transition from surveys to microscopic studies in medicine (Muhammad Umair Mushtaq, 2009: 6-14).

The present chapter centres around the necessity of medical edu­ cation and medical services in the context of public health domain in British India which conjointly lead to the development of phar­ maceutical companies. Since time immemorial, India has a rich tradition, heritage and natural wealth. India’s vast wealth and advanced civilization were the envy of many. It attracted people from all corners of the world. Since Roman times, like other coun­ tries, India also had commercial and cultural exchanges with Europe (Gibbins, 1891: 9). The land routes were, however, hazardous. As a consequence maritime countries of Europe1 strived to reach India by sea route (Mukherjee, 1968: 6). The Portuguese were the first European who came and settled in India. Vasco da Gama was the first explorer to reach India in 1498. With the advent of the Portu­ guese, a new type of cultural relations thus began between Asia and Europe. The Portuguese, however, could not sustain for a long time. The British East India Company formed in the year 1600 and thereafter the Dutch came a couple of years later. Due to their advent, the Portuguese Empire in South Asia disintegrated. Instead

58

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

of Portuguese, now English and Dutch settlements were devel­ oped. Gradually in the seventeenth century English merchants acquired the right to trade from Surat, Bombay, Coromondal coast and also Bengal. At the initial phase, the East India Company was interested only in trade. By this venture, they secured a strong foothold on the eastern, western and southern coasts of India. In the early part of the eighteenth century, when the Mughal Empire was declining, the coastal areas began to get out of control. Ultimately Bengal and the southern part of India came under the East India Company’s direct political control. By 1813, the East India Company was left with only a mere shadow of economic power in India. By the end of the nineteenth century India was transformed into a British colony and the whole of India gradually came under British control. As a result, Indian economy and social development got completely subordinated to British economy (Chandra, Tripathi and De, 1972: 17). The entire gamut of economic relations between Britain and India involving trade, finance and technology continuously devel­ oped India’s colonial dependence and underdevelopment (Prasad, 1891: 60). In a nutshell, this politico-economic depiction provides an appropriate background and relative time frame for looking at the medical education and pharmaceutical developments in India during the colonial era. In the following section will be discussed the history of medical education and medical services in India, which may provide a suitable background for better understanding of the history of pharmacy in India in a comprehensive manner. MEDICAL EDUCATION AND MEDICAL SERVICES

IN COLONIAL INDIA

Since time immemorial, India was the happy hunting ground of many countries. From the time of Aryans, India had a rich trad­ ition of medical science. In India, the Ayurveda may well claim to be the parent stock from which all the other systems—the Unani and Allopathic have sprung up. It is well known that the Aryans of ancient India showed their skill and intellect in all the spheres of medicine. After the Muslim invasion, Unani system of medicine

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

59

made headway in this subcontinent. With the advent of the British, the allopathic system of medicine2 was introduced. In such a back­ drop, it is essential to draw a brief sketch about the historical de­ velopment of medical education and medical services during the colonial period. Besides, the chapter will also address the issues of women’s medical education and three cases of aspirant women practitioners to understand the challenges faced by women in co­ lonial India. However, before that, it is of immense importance to know about the entry of Western medical system into India and its consolidation during the colonial period. After the colonial invasion of the subcontinent, various attempts were made to improve systematic medical education in India on Western lines. Though the Western system of medicine was intro­ duced in India by the Portuguese in the early 1500s, it became popularized when the first medical officers arrived in India with the English East India Company’s first fleet as surgeons (British Medical Journal, 1920: 560-2). The English East India Company was founded by the end of the sixteenth century (Mehra, 1985: 9). The Royal Charter3 on 31 December 1600 incorporated it under the title: ‘The Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East Indies’. Initially, the main objective of the company was competitive trade, but with the changing socio-political scenario, the real motive of the merchants turned out to be colonization of the land. The medical personnel in the employ of the East India Company and later of the British Crown were instrumental in the introduction of the Western medical system and make it the official system of healthcare. The Indian Medical Service (IMS) began in the seventeenth century and emerged as a component of the empire building exercise. However, it was two legendary figures, namely, Gabriel Boughton and William Hamilton, whose medical acumen aided the East India Company in establishing a strong foothold in India. Gabriel Boughton, a surgeon in the East India Company’s ship Hopewell, had cured the daughter of Emperor Shah Jahan of the effects of a severe burn. The accident had taken place in 1636, when the Emperor was in the Deccan. The Emperor was so happy with Boughton that he asked him to name his reward. Boughton did not claim anything for himself but requested that his country­

60

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

men might be granted the privilege of trading in Bengal without payment of any duties and of establishing factories there. His wish was granted. Proceeding to Bengal, intending to establish securely the privileges thus obtained, he made friendship with Prince Shah Shuja, the subeder of Bengal, and son of the Emperor. In course of time, he obtained the fullest aid in carrying out the Emperor’s firman in favour of the company (Boughton, 1909: 1-7).

The second was William Hamilton. He was possibly the most famous Medical Officer and had been the greatest benefactor of his country. Hamilton had come to India as a surgeon of the frig­ ate Sherborne. He reached Calcutta in the year 1711 and was appointed as second surgeon to the settlement. In 1714 he went to Delhi from Calcutta as assistant to John Surman. At that time the Emperor was Mohammad Farrukh Siyar. The King suffered from painful swellings in the groin. Hamilton treated the ailment successfully and was rewarded for his medical service. The skillful treatment of the king by Hamilton was an important factor in the embassy getting what they wanted. The royal firman among other benefits granted to the East India Company included permission to the Company for free trade in Bengal and purchase of 38 villages adjacent to Calcutta (Crawford, 1907: 1-7). A medical department was established in Bengal as far back as 1764 for rendering medical services to the troops and servants of the Company. In 1775, Hospital Boards were formed to administer the European hospitals. In 1785, medical departments were set up in Bengal, Madras and Bombay presidencies (Muraledharan, 1987: 324-34). In 1796, the hospital boards were renamed as Medical Boards to look after the affairs of the civil part of the medical departments. In 1857, as an aftermath of the first Indian War of Independence led to the transfer of administration of India to the Crown and different departments of Civil Services were developed (Harrison, 1994: 99). In 1869, a Public Health Com­ missioner and a Statistical Officer were appointed to the Govern­ ment of India (Park, 1994: 14-15). In 1896, with the abolition of the presidential system, all three presidential medical departments were amalgamated to form the IMS (Crawford, 1914). The mem­ bers of IMS were recruited in England after a rigorous competitive examination (GoI, 1909).

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

61

D.G. Crawford has painstakingly chronicled the history of the IMS (1914) (Crawford, 1907: 192-8, 235-8, 275-6, 316-18, 355-7). The IMS was essentially a military service, though a large portion of its members were generally in civil employment. The officers of the IMS served the Indian troops. Those officers of the Royal Army Medical Corps who were temporarily stationed in India served the British troops in India. The history of the IMS officially began in 1612. From 1 January 1764, the IMS was for­ mally constituted, and divided into three branches—the Bengal, Madras and Bombay covenanted establishments. In 1786, Medi­ cal Boards were formed for the respective presidencies. The IMS personnel made their mark as surgeons and physicians (Indian Medical Gazette, 1912: 226-38). The Western medical education in India owes its origin almost entirely to the IMS. The administration of the medical departments of the Govern­ ment and the control of medical education in India were vested on the IMS. Just as a member of the Indian Civil Service (ICS) may be appointed to any place under the Government, similarly, a member of the IMS was presumed to possess all the qualifications necessary to enable him to occupy any chair in a medical college. Higher appointments in the professorial staff of a medical college were almost the sole monopoly of the members of the IMS (Rau, 1931: 245-8). However, the origin of medical education in the country is attri­ buted almost entirely to the IMC. Calcutta (now Kolkata) became the first seat of medical instructions. In 1812, medical training of European and Eurasian boys for sub-medical service for the army was started. Since the establishment of the Indian universities, different medical colleges were started in different provinces of India and gradually affiliated to the universities. A medical school was established in February 1835 at Madras. The designation of ‘col­ lege’ was given in 1850 and the institution became the Madras Medical College. The college was affiliated to the Madras Univer­ sity in 1863. Grant Medical College at Bombay established in the year 1845, was affiliated to the University of Bombay in 1860. A medical college started at Lahore in 1860. In addition, King George’s Medical College, Lucknow (1911), Carmichael Medical

62

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

College, Belagachi (1916), Lady Hardinge Medical College, New Delhi (1916), Medical College, Vizagapatam (1923), Prince of Wales Medical College, Patna (1925) and Seth Govardhandas Sunderdas Medical College, Bombay (1925) were also established (Bradfield, 1938: 5-48, 61-168). By the later part of the seven­ teenth century, the East India Company began establishing hospitals for their soldiers and seamen. The first hospital to open was at Madras, in 1664, at Fort St. George; it was enlarged in 1679. The establishment of a hospital at Bombay took place in 1676. The first hospital in Calcutta was opened at the end of 1707 or early 1708 (Crawford, 1914: 37). The first hospital for the native poor in Calcutta was opened about the end of 1792. Western Medical system hospital in the Indian subcontinent already existed at the Portuguese enclave of Goa (Varadrajan, 2006: 16). The early hospitals were for soldiers primarily and their number multiplied in the cantonments. The civil population wished to avail similar health care. Through governmental support and public subscription more and more hospitals came up. In 1835, with the opening of Calcutta Medical College, IMS was opened to the na­ tives of India. In 1882, Government established the first medical school, called Native Medical Institution for training of native doctors. In 1826, a further effort was made by the Government to extend medical education by the institution of a medical class at the Calcutta Sanskrit College and a similar class at the Calcutta Madrassa. In January 1835, the native medical Institution together with medical classes in the Sanskrit College and at the Calcutta Madrassa were abolished. The order decreed formation of a new college for the instructions of the Indian youth in the various branches of medical science. In 1839 a Hindustani class was also opened for the medical education of subordinate doctors. In 1852, a section for the training of doctors through the medium Bengali was added to the Hindustani class. Thus for the democratization of medical education in this colonial state, establishment of an All India Medical Council was necessary (Wikipedia, 2012). The General Medical Council (GMC) of Great Britain4 under the British Medical Act of 1886, had the authority of refusing to grant recognition to medical degrees obtained in India. An appeal

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

63

against this order was made to His Majesty’s Privy Council, who could hear both sides and pronounce its verdict. Such was the situation of medical education in India and control exercised by the General Medical Council of Great Britain. Within this situation, Indian universities came into being and began to confer medical degrees. Medical departments, later called the Royal Army Medical Corps (RAMC), were under the control of the Central Government until 1919. The Montague Chelmsford Constitutional Reforms5 of 1919 led to the transfer of public health, sanitation and vital statistics to the provinces (Johnson, 1991: 23-31). This was the first step in the decentralization of health administration in India. In 1920-1, Municipality and Local Board Acts were passed con­ taining legal provisions for the advancement of public health in provinces. In 1892, the GMC of the United Kingdom accepted Indian degrees sufficient standard to be placed in the British Medical Register (Bradfield, 1938). Before 1920, the GMC had accepted for registration the degrees and diplomas of the universities of Bombay, Calcutta, Lucknow, Madras and Punjab (Butt, 1946). Between 1912 and 1936, all the provinces in British India, except North-West Frontier Province and Sind, enacted their Medical Registration Acts in pursuance of which Medical Councils were established in each province. There was no central authority to maintain a minimum uniform standard of medical education for the whole country. In 1922, on the invitation of the Secretary of State for India, Sir Norman Walker visited India (Walker, 1927: 312-13). He sug­ gested that there was a need for an All India Medical Council. Again, he visited India in the year 1927. This suggestion gained support. The Medical Council Bill was introduced in the Legislative Assembly in September 1932. The Bill was passed in 1933, and the Indian Medical Council Act 1933 brought into force with effect from 1 November 1933. In pursuance of this Act, the Medi­ cal Council of India came into existence on 15 February 1934. The Government of India Act 1935 gave further autonomy to provincial governments. All the health activities were classified into three cate­ gories, namely, federal, federal-cum-provincial and provincial. In

64

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

1937, the Central Advisory Board of Health was set up with the Public Health Commissioner as Secretary to coordinate the public health situation in this country. In 1939, the Madras Public Health Act was passed, which was the first of its kind in India. In 1946, the Health Survey and Development Committee (Bhore Committee, 1946) was appointed by the Government of India to survey the existing health infrastructure and make recommendation for future developments. The Civil Chief Medical Officer of the Indian Medi­ cal Department was the Director General of IMS. He was assisted by the Deputy Director General and a team of administrative staff. Provincial medical departments were under the control of the local governments of their respective provinces. The officers of the IMS were mostly military surgeons of Euro­ pean origin. In 1788, Lord Cornwallis, Governor General of India, issued orders that medical officers would not be permitted to join Civil Services until serving two years in the army and the situation changed little during the all of the British rule. After the opening of the CMC (1835), natives of India were trained in Calcutta who were selected to serve in Subordinate Military Medical Services or as Assistant Civil Surgeons to serve in sub-divisional civil hospitals. From 1890 to 1900, only ten Indians entered the IMS. In the later period, State Medical faculties were established at major provin­ cial headquarters to train technicians who served as Sub-Assistant Civil Surgeons in rural hospitals and dispensaries. The first hospital in India was the Madras General Hospital6 established in 1679. The Presidency General Hospital in Madras was established in 1796. About four hospitals were established in Madras between 1800 and 1820. To fulfil the growing need for health professionals, the CMC was established by an order in February 1835 as the first medical institution in Asia imparting a systematic education in European medicine. The purpose of establishing this college was to train native youth in the principles and practices of medical science in accordance with the mode adopted in Europe. In 1860, Lahore Medical School (later named King Edward Medical College) was established. In 1854, the Government of India had agreed to supply medicines and instruments to the growing net­ work of minor hospitals and dispensaries. Government store depots were established in Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, and Rangoon. It is

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

65

noted that in 1894, there were 478 hospitals and dispensaries in operation in the Madras Presidency (Sibthorpe, 1896: 67-8). Gradually, the number of hospitals and dispensaries increased. Lady Reading Public Health was established in 1918. In 1930, the All India Institute of Hygiene and Public Health was estab­ lished in Calcutta. In 1939, the first Rural Health Training Centre was established in Singur, Hoogly district, very close to Calcutta. Thus the total number of public hospitals and dispensaries under the control of Imperial Government of India was about 1,200 in 1880 and in 1902, the figure increased to approximately 2,500 (Mushtaq, 2009: 6-14). By mid-1940s the distribution of hospitals and dispensaries in British India were as shown in Table 2.1. The data reveals that in every province the population to be served by a single medical institution was definitely more in rural areas than its urban counterpart. In every province, particularly in the rural areas, the number of medical institutions was too small to provide a good standard of medical service to the people. It may be mentioned that there were several special hospitals and other institutions, which attended to patients for maternity and child TABLE 2.1: DISTRIBUTION OF HOSPITALS AND

DISPENSARIES IN BRITISH INDIA

Provinces

Assam Bengal Bihar Bombay Central Provinces and Berar Delhi Madras North-West Frontier Province Orissa Punjab Sind United Provinces

Hospitals and Dispensaries Urban

Rural

Total

59 304 125 316 184 21 276 59 21 287 73 388

229 1,511 528 442 223 13 972 123 160 778 154 456

288 1,815 653 758 407 34 1,248 182 181 1,065 227 844

Source : Report of the Health Survey and Development Committee, vols. I-IV, Manager of Publications, Government of India, Delhi, 1946.

66

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

welfare, eye ailments, mental diseases, tuberculosis, leprosy and infectious and venereal diseases. With this backdrop, it is evident that the British Imperial Govern­ ment set up and strengthened an organized medical system in colonial India that replaced the indigenous Indian and Arabic sys­ tems of medicine. Indigenous system of medicine was portrayed as backward and unscientific. Now comes the question why was the establishment of medical education or medical services necessary? Basically it was because of the prevalence of epidemic diseases by which European troops were severely affected. This perspective instills the present researcher to understand the context of public health in colonial India in a comprehensive manner. But before discussing the context of public health, it is of im­ mense importance to understand the broader social perspectives of women’s medical education in colonial India. BEGINNING OF WOMEN’S

MEDICAL EDUCATION

In India, a new horizon in the history of women’s medical educa­ tion began in 1875. Four students were admitted to the threeyear certificate course of the Madras Medical College (MMC). The Bombay University offered medical degrees even to matricu­ lates for a five-year course in 1883 (Ramana, 2002). Since the last quarter of the nineteenth century (1870s onwards), in the Bengal Presidency, some educated social reformers raised the issue of women’s entry in the medical colleges. Generally, the women of aris­ tocratic families were given basic education to overcome their crisis situation (untimely death of husband and to run the property). Women who were desirous of education had to face multifarious constraints against the conservative norms of the society (Devi, 1981: 15). However, the Indian educated social reformers supported women’s medical education because they visualized women as scientific nurturers as members of civil society, to enhance social identity and also makers of moral and social welfare of family members (Forbes, 1998, Banerjee, 1991: WS50-62). Individual reformers like Radhakanta Deb, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar and many others played an important role in upgrading women’s con­

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

67

dition regarding education. In the Brahmo Samaj,7 the religious leader Keshab Chandra Sen supported social reform more than ever. In 1862, he organized a society called the Bamabodhini Sabha for women’s education. Another leader Umesh Chandra Dutt started Bamabodhini Patrika8 which published articles related to women’s issues and also conducted a correspondence course for girls known as Antahpursiksha, meaning education in the seclusion of home. In 1872, Miss Annette Akroyd9 came to Calcutta and opened a school Hindu Mahila Vidyalaya for spreading equal education to women. On the other hand, Dwarakanath Ganguli, Anandamohun Bose, Durgamohan Das, Sivnath Sastri formed the Samadarshi Party and also published a journal Samadarshi. With the support of the Samadarshi Party the Banga Mahila Vidyalaya was established in June 1876. The women students enrolled in this school were Sarala and Abala, daughters of Durgamohan Das; Swarna Prabha Devi, sister of Jagadish Chandra Bose; Binodini, sister of Manmohan Ghosh; Kadambini, daughter of Brajakishore Basu. Chandramukhi Basu, a Christian, was the first women to obtain a BA degree, in 1882 from Bethune College. All these women candidates were among the first women graduates in colonial India. In 1875, Neel Kamal Mitra, submitted an application for her granddaughter Biraj Mohini at the CMC for admission to the Hospital Assistant Course. He insisted that her granddaughter, if admitted, should be given a separate seating arrangement (curtained off seat) and taught dis­ section in the presence of her husband. Indian women were deprived of Western health care. If they were not provided with medical training how would they bring medi­ cal care to their family members? This was a powerful argument in favour of introduction of medical education for women in colonial India. Different contemporary newspapers and journals wrote vehemently in support of it. An excerpt from Bamabodhini Patrika: everyone with prudence will admit that as for men, medical education is equally necessary for women. There are certain types of female diseases which can only be appreciated by women and their treatment by males cannot be as effective as by females.

However it must be admitted that some colonial officials were very much supportive regarding women’s medical education.

68

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies COLONIAL INITIATIVES

Lieutenant Governor Sir Richard Temple was very much supportive for the admission of women to CMC. Though the matter was dis­ cussed but it had no practical result (Proceedings of General Depart­ ment, 1883). On 5 May 1882, Director of Public Instruction (DPI) A.W. Croft wrote to the Principal of CMC that the parents of two or three young ladies, European natives, who had passed the entrance examination of the university expressed their desire that they want to take admission in the medical college (Proceedings of General Department, 1883). In 1882, Abala Das, the daughter of Durgamohan Das and Ellen Barbara d’Abreu approached A.W. Croft for admission at CMC. Ultimately, Croft placed his pro­ posal regarding women’s medical education and career of useful­ ness before the Council of the Medical College. Majority of the council members (four out of five) expressed their opinion that, ‘extended training in midwifery and diseases of women and children will meet the requirements of the case’. It was also recommended that if medical education for women was found to be necessary, a separate college for women should be established (Proceedings of Education Department, 1883: 73). Ultimately, Ellen Barbara and Abala Das went to the MMC and were admitted in the BM class and LMS class respectively (Education and Medical, 1884: 496). Regarding medical education of women, Bengal was lagging behind Madras and Bombay. In such a socio-political climax, the necessity was felt by Rivers Thompson, the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, that women should be admitted to the classes in the CMC on the same footing as male students were admitted (Proceedings of Education, 1886). Though Thompson faced severe objections, he dismissed the social conservatism. He said in favour of co-education and cited the examples of Europe, America and of Madras where co-education did not bring about any adverse results. Finally, in June 1883, a resolution was passed that women were eligible to take admission to the CMC (Proceedings General Department, 1883: 92). However, women’s entry into the medical profession was not well received. The contemporary journals criticized the govern­

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

69

ment. They wrote that without scrutinizing the matter intensively, the matter had been decided. The Indian Medical Gazette, a renowned medical journal of colonial India, very often criticized the Government in its editorial time and again. It was also written that women were better fitted for nursing than being doctors. Perhaps it was male chauvinism of the time which generated such fierce and derogatory comments. In spite of all the social stigma, discrimination and discouragement, women’s medical education continued with great success. The first benefi­ ciary of the new rule was Kadambini Basu (later Ganguly) admitted in the CMC in 1883 (Karlekar, 1986: WS25-31). Regarding medi­ cal education, initially there were some crucial financial constraints. But in due course, together with some private donations, Maharani Sarnamayi Debi (1827-97) donated a huge amount of money for building a hostel for female medical students. This incident had removed a great obstacle of female medical students studying medi­ cine in Calcutta (proceedings General Department, 1886). Other than CMC, Dr S.C. Mackenzie, the Superintendent of Campbell Medical School made available medical education for women at Campbell Medical School (CMS). Many objections were raised against this, such as that by Surgeon Major C.J.W. Meadows, Surgeon Major C.J.W. Meadows, wrote to the Secretary, Government of West Bengal, I am . . . of opinion that no special demand or need exist for this inferior class of female hospital assistants in the villages and their employ­ ment would tend rather to discredit the western system of medicine and so defeat the object in view. It was also pointed out that Indian women were too steeped in ignorance and tradition to want western medical care. Perhaps the most dangerous, these half trained women would discredit the western system of medicine (Proceedings of the Governor, 1887).

In spite of so many objections, the CMS at Sealdah opened the doors to women candidates in the year 1888. The first batch of 15 women trainees included Hindus, Brahmos, native Christians, and Eurasians. Campbell’s instructors were Indian who had received their medical training in India. In 1891, the first Muslim woman got admission followed by a second one in 1893. Gradually differ­ ent scholarship schemes were introduced (Lal, 1994: 229-66).

70

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Therefore, medical training in institutions like CMC and CMS created different categories of qualified female medical profession­ als, women candidates from CMC were more in number who were from educated and enlightened families. After 1885, many hospi­ tals and dispensaries were opened by the Dufferin Fund10 (Dufferin Fund, 1885), which provided employment for many women. However, they experienced frustrations due to discriminations of the colonial government in their work place time and again. Contemporary press voiced strong objections against this exploita­ tion. As a result, the Indian women doctors experienced double discrimination on ground of both gender and race. But in spite of such uneven circumstances, development of women’s medical education and emergence of female medical pract­ itioners in colonial India was a great achievement of our great edu­ cated social reformers though majority did not get any benefit. But this foundation for female medical education and their legiti­ mate position in the medical domain enhanced the quality of life of the women in colonial India. Entry of women in the medical profession, helped to recognize women’s right, financial security, exposed the policy of racial discrimination, need for better health care system and overall gender discrimination which existed. Un­ doubtedly, this opportunity for women threw a new challenge to patriarchal domination which in turn established a strong pre­ cedent for demanding better and equal opportunities for healthcare for women (Forbes, 1996: 27-33). This section will conclude with case studies of three women medical practitioners from three presidencies (Bengal, Bombay and Madras) in colonial India. The case studies will include their early life, background of medical education and subsequently their foundation as women medical practitioners. KADAMBINI BOSE (GANGULY) :

FIRST INDIAN LADY DOCTOR

Kadambini Bose (Ganguly) was the daughter of Brahmo reformer

Braja Kishore Basu, and was born in Bhagalpur (Bihar) in British

India. The family was originally from Chandsi, in Barisal, which

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

71

is now in Bangladesh. Her father was the headmaster of Bhagalpur School. He and Abhay Charan Mallick started the movement for women’s emancipation at Bhagalpur, establishing the women’s orga­ nization Bhagalpur Mahila Samiti in 1863, the first in India. Kadambini started her education at Banga Mahila Vidyalaya and later studied at Bethune School (established by Lady Bethune) in 1878 and Source: https://freedomcontributors. wordpress.com was the first woman to pass Figure 2.1: Kadambini Ganguly the University of Calcutta entrance examination. At the Bethune School, Kadambini found Dwarkanath Ganguly as her mentor, and guide with whom she shared her thoughts and desire for higher education. It was partly in recognition of her efforts that Bethune College first introduced First Arts (FA), and then graduation courses in 1883. She and Chandramukhi Basu became the first graduates from Bethune College, and in the process be­ came the first women graduates in the country and in the entire British Empire. The Medical College, Bengal, was established in Calcutta the then capital of British India. It was the first modern medical institution (Hippocratic Medicine) in the Afro-Asian con­ tinent. Admission of female students began in 1883. After graduation Kadambini applied for admission to the CMC. But she was unable to get admission there. Later in 1883, Kadam­ bini along with Bidhumukhi Bose were the first women medical students of the medical college, Bengal to get admission at the CMC. In 1884, the Government offered scholarships of Rs. 20 per month to all female students and Kadambini was one of the recipients of the scholarship. This was the era (second half of the nineteenth century flowing into the twentieth century) of India’s intellectual renaissance and it was this renaissance that enabled

72

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Western science to take roots in India and flourish. Three Indian national figures, Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941), Archarya Prafulla Chandra Ray (1861-1944) and the first Indian lady doc­ tor Kadambini Ganguly were born in the same year. She and Chandramukhi Basu were the first lady graduates of the Univer­ sity of Calcutta in 1882 and took their degrees at the convocation of 1883. Even the University of London, established in 1826, had begun awarding degrees to women only five years earlier, in 1878. Oxford University, in fact began admitting women in 1879, one year after the admission of women students to the University of Calcutta. Cambridge opened Tripos examinations to women in 1881. Calcutta’s record is therefore commendable. At the age of 21, Kadambini got married, sometime after gradu­ ation to her teacher and mentor, 39 years old, widower, Dwarkanath Ganguly—a schoolteacher and an ardent supporter of female edu­ cation. Her husband encouraged her to enter Medical College, which she did in 1884. She was awarded GBMC Graduate of Bengal Medical College in 1886. In 1888, she was appointed to the Lady Dufferin Women’s Hospital at Calcutta on a salary of Rs. 300 per month. But she was not happy with this assignment as she was always looked down upon by the British Lady doctors. In 1888, she started private practice. Kadambini realized that unless she acquired foreign medical degrees she would not be able to establish a successful private practice entrusted with responsible position in hospital duties. Kadambini, one of the first lady doc­ tors in the world, was also a devoted wife and mother. She had five children. Leaving her five children to the care of her elder sister, on the evening of 26 February 1893, she sailed for England alone. She reached London on 23 March 1893. She returned with three Licentiate postgraduate medical diplomas in medicine and sur­ gery from three colleges (Edinburgh, Glasgow and Dublin) and was attached to Lady Dufferin Hospital in Calcutta for some time. She practiced Obstetrics and Gynaecology in Calcutta and was professionally very successful. Along with hospital job, she started private practice and had to resign from her hospital job. During 1895-6, Kadambini took medical charge of the Queen mother of

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

73

Nepal who was suffering for a long time. Kadambini was successful in curing from her ailments. After that she was called for medical treatment in different Royal families in India. Kadambini was a caring mother, dedicated wife and social activist in spite of her busy schedule as a lady doctor. She could serve as a role model of today’s working woman. In her profession she fol­ lowed the physician-philosopher Sir William Osler’s (1849-1919) dictum ‘Medicine is an art, not a trade, a calling, not a business, a calling in which your heart will be used equally as much as your head’. Kadambini actively participated in social reform movements and in 1890 became the first woman to address an open session of the Indian National Congress, established in 1885. On 3 October 1923, Kadambini passed away at the age of 62, leaving behind five children. ANANDIBAI JOSHI

Anandibai Joshi, the first Hindu woman to obtain a medical degree in Western hemisphere, was born in 1865 in Pune. Although she died at the age of 22, the example of Anandibai Joshi’s life provided inspiration to generations of Indian women seeking educa­ tion and, in particular, those who aspired to become physi­ cians. Born to a wealthy Brah­ min family, Anandi’s parents indulged her love of learning Source: https://www.biovoi.com/anandi­ gopal-joshi/ and permitted a local Sanskrit Figure 2.2: Anandibai Joshi scholar, Gopal, to teach her. At the age of nine, Anandi mar­ ried Gopal (a widower twenty years her senior) and at fourteen, she gave birth to their first and only child. The infant survived

74

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

only ten days, but in her grief Anandi turned her thoughts to what could have been done to save her child. She became con­ vinced that if there had been a female doctor available, the child might have lived. At fourteen she became determined to become a doctor. Despite the fact that Hindu culture discouraged the edu­ cation of women and could not even contemplate a woman as a professional, let alone a doctor, Gopal was broad-minded and sup­ portive of his wife’s dream. In 1880, he sent a letter to Royal Wilder, a well-known American missionary in India and publisher of Princeton’s Missionary Review, expressing his wife’s interest in attending medical school in the US and inquiring about a suitable post there for himself. Wilder superciliously responded with a plea for their conversion to Christianity, and added insult to injury by publishing the correspondence in the Review. Shortly thereafter, however, a Mrs Carpenter of Roselle, New Jersey picked up that edition of the Review while waiting to see her dentist, read Gopal’s letter, and was moved by the man’s earnest hopes for his wife. She immediately wrote to Gopal offering to host Anandi if she would come to the US to study. Anandi and Mrs Carpenter began an enthusiastic correspondence about Hindu culture and religion, through which Mrs Carpenter noted that Anandi possessed a rich command of English and an active mind. Although Mrs Carpenter’s attentions were encouraging, Gopal knew he would not be able to leave his responsibilities in India. It was considered unsuitable for a married Hindu woman to travel alone, but Anandi was deter­ mined to go, and finally Gopal relented. When Anandi’s decision became known within her Maharashtrian community, however, the two of them found themselves at odds with their neighbours— some even resorted to spitting at Anandi and throwing stones at her when she walked through the streets carrying her books. The Christians in the community, on the other hand, did not oppose her plans—they only wanted her to submit to Christian baptism before she left. To set everyone straight, Anandi decided to explain her decision to go to the US alone to obtain a medical degree in an address at Serampore College Hall in Calcutta; according to some, it would be the first time an Indian woman would deliver a public

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

75

address. She cited the need for Hindu women physicians in India, explained her goal to open a medical college for women in India, described the persecution that had been meted to her and her husband, and made a startling pledge: ‘I will go as a Hindu and come back to live as a Hindu.’ Following the publication of her speech, contributions came in from throughout India—including Rs. 200 from the Viceroy. She sold her gold wedding bangles and booked a passage on the City of Calcutta sailing for New York, in the company of some European women, where she was met in June 1883 by Mrs Carpenter. Soon afterward, she wrote to the Women’s College of Pennsylvania asking to be admitted to the medical programme (the first women’s medical programme in the world) and, moved by her passion, the dean of the medical school asked her to enroll. Thus, Anandi began her American medical education at the age of nineteen. She was a model student, sub­ mitting a thesis on ‘Obstetrics among the Aryan Hindoos’ and graduating with her MD on 11 March 1886. Queen Victoria sent a congratulatory message, and with the news of her achievement, Anandi was offered a job as physician-in-charge of the female ward at Albert Edward Hospital in Kolhapur, India. In the meantime, however, Anandi had contracted tuberculosis— perhaps worsened by a combination of cold weather and an unfa­ miliar diet—and her health was steadily declining. Her friends sent her to Colorado Springs for her health, but she returned with­ out improvement. Nevertheless, she returned to India, receiving a hero’s welcome, while the newspapers closely monitored her physical condition. She died on 26 February 1887, in her mother’s arms at her birthplace, and was mourned throughout India, celebrated for her courage and perseverance. Her ashes were sent to Mrs Car­ penter, who placed them in her family cemetery in Poughkeepsie, New York. From Madras Presidency, mention will be made about two women—first Anne Jagannathan and then Muthulaxmi Reddy. Because historical documents about Anne Jagannathan are very scant that is why the case of only Muthulaxmi has been described in detail.

76

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies ANNE JAGANNATHAN

The first Indian woman who completed her certificate course in medical sciences from the Madras Medical College was Anne Jagannathan in the year 1886-7. After that she went to England for acquiring foreign medical diplomas. She came back to India in the year 1892. Then she joined in the Cama Hospital for Women and Children in Bombay. In 1894 unfortunately she died of tuberculosis. Anne may be said to be the first Indian woman to study medicine in England. MUTHULAXMI REDDY

Dr. Muthulakshmi hailed from a socially handicapped envi­ ronment in an era when girls were born only to be married. She was born in 1886 in the small princely state of Pudu­ kottai, her father was S. Narayanasami. She passed the matriculation examination as a private candidate and qualified for college admission. In spite of severe constraints she was permitted for admission in the college. In 1907, she joined Source: https://www.livehindustan.com Figure 2.3: Muthulaxmi Reddy the MMC, where she achieved a brilliant academic record. With several gold medals and prizes to her credit, Muthulaxmi graduated in 1912 to become one of the first woman doctors in India. Soon thereafter, she came under the influence of Annie Besant, and then of Mahatma Gandhi. After graduation she be­ came house surgeon in the Government Hospital for Women and Children in Chennai. Little did he realize that the girl he was help­ ing get admission to the college was to later become the first woman medical graduate of Madras University, the first woman medical

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

77

graduate in India in 1912, and in time, the first Indian woman member of a Legislative Council in 1927. She was a pioneer in the fight for social and political upliftment of women in India, an inspirational force for generations of helpless women and children. Her achievements as a legislator and social reformer had an ever­ lasting impact on the lives of women. As a Legislator her work in the Legislative Council between 1927 and 1930 was very fruitful. She was able to pilot into laws many acts of social reform dear to her heart. The legislation to abolish the iniquitous devadasi system that was widely prevalent in Tamil Nadu, the Immoral Traffic Control Act, the Act to Prevent Cruelty to Children, raising the age of consent of girls for marriage and many other Acts of social reform were enacted into laws during this period, entirely due to her efforts. As a legislator and activist for women’s empowerment, she believed that ‘laws and legislation are there only for sanction. It is up to us women to energize these and implement them into action’. Other welfare activities included the organization of the first Vigilance Association in Madras and the establishment of the first Rescue Home for Women (Stri Sadana). Dr Reddy was the secre­ tary of the Association for a long time. She was the life behind the Children Aid Society, a home for delinquent children. Dr Muthu­ lakshmi Reddy worked against social discrimination, realizing that this was the underlying cause of social degeneration. It was her passionate conviction that no woman, rich or poor, should remain uneducated. She escaped child marriage, and refused to give up her studies. In this she was successful, but at every step, she fought her battles alone. Dr Reddy was nominated by the Nationalist Women’s Organi­ zation of India to represent Indian women and give evidence at the Third Round Table Conference in London (1930) and the World Women’s Congress in Chicago (1932). During the same period, she was nominated by the Viceroy to serve on the Sir Philip Hartog Education Commission which was formed to review educational projects in India and Burma. She resigned from the Legislative Council and the Deputy Presidentship when Mahatma Gandhi announced and began the Salt Satyagraha campaign in 1930. As a

78

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

tribute to the services of Dr Reddy to the welfare of women, the government of Tamil Nadu has instituted the ‘Dr Muthulakshmi Maternity Benefit Scheme’ which provides financial benefit to preg­ nant women for improving their nutrition and health status. This scheme has been in force since the Tenth Five Year Plan. Dr Reddy’s contribution to the upliftment of women and chil­ dren, especially the underprivileged, was duly recognized in 1947 with the raising of the first national flag at Red Fort which carried her name. Dr Reddy passed away on 22 July 1968. The world bowed in homage at the passing of this great noble woman who, born to a tradition of ignorance, prejudice and degradation, rose like a sun out of the sea of squalor to light up the souls and bodies of generations of helpless women. PUBLIC HEALTH IN COLONIAL INDIA

The term ‘Public health’ refers to organized efforts made under the direction of medical experts for preventing disease and im­ proving the health of the people. To quote an important Rockefeller functionary in India, J.B. Grant (Grant, 1940): Public health is the science and art of social utilization of scientific knowledge for medical protection by maintaining health, preventive disease and curing disease through organized Community efforts for (a) the hygiene of the environment, (b) the control of the community Infections, (c ) the education of the individual in principles of personal hygiene, (d) the organization of medical and nursing service for early diagnosis and preventive treatment of disease and (e) the development of social machinery which will ensure to every individual in the community a standard of living adequate for the maintenance of health. As such public health becomes social medicine and is primarily a field of social activity, applying practically every basic science di­ rected towards a comprehensive program of community service.

Public health in British India and the history of disease prevention in that part of the world in the nineteenth and early twentieth century provides a valuable insight in the new medical systems. The advent of infectious diseases and tropical medicine was a direct consequence of colonialism. The history of diseases and their pre­

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

79

vention in the colonial context trace back to the epidemiology of infectious diseases. It depicts how the establishment of health sys­ tems under the colonial power shaped disease control in British India to improve the health of its citizens. The present discussion will highlight the prevalence of diseases, vaccination, sanitary works, disease control and prevention as important facets of public health in colonial India. This in turn will provide us a comprehensive understanding why medical education and the medical services were essential in this colonial subcontinent. The main function of colonial medicine was to cater to the needs of Europeans and troops. The high incidence of diseases such as malaria, plague, leprosy, cholera and many other communicable diseases provided the main stimulus to the provision of hospitals for Europeans. Other considerations were more evident in provi­ sions made for Indian soldiers or ‘Sepoys’ who constituted the majority of the Company’s troops. At the end of the eighteenth century, the Company began to establish special communities (tannah) for sepoys invalided from service. These provided land and other means of support for them. But in some areas of India, particularly the poorer parts of Bihar, the settlements were established on mar­ ginal land, which often left the sepoys impoverished and subject to disease (Alavi, 1995: 57). To care for Indian soldiers another short-lived experiment, the Monghyr Lunatic Asylum was founded in 1795. Although it was by no means the largest or the oldest hospital for Indian troops, the Monghyr Asylum was significant, because it was established at such a time when there were no such institutions in Britain. This asylum was also used for the segrega­ tion of sepoys infected with syphilis or gonorrhoea (ibid.). The disciplinary functions of insane asylums have also been empha­ sized by Waltraud Ernst in her work on the European insane in India. The segregation of the European insane, she argues was con­ ducted in order to ensure that they did not bring British rule into disrepute (Ernst, 1991). The presence of European insane, like European vagrants and criminals, jeopardized what had become known as the ‘Empire of Opinion’—the belief that British power in India rested more on the impression than the reality of invinci­ bility.

80

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

With this backdrop, the present researcher has tried to throw some light on prevailing disease conditions in the then colonial India, because these new set of diseases threw a new challenge to the colonial rulers. Now let us come to the context of plague. The first official records dates back to 1896 when an epidemic of bubonic plague broke out in Bombay. In the next year gradually it was reported in other parts of the country like Bengal, Madras, United Provinces, Central Provinces, Punjab, Mysore, Hyderabad, and Kashmir. It affected almost the whole of India until about 1899. Up to the end of 1903, that deadly epidemic took the lives of about two million people. According to State Records the actual figures might be much more (Nathan, 1898: 1-23 and Lamb, 1908: 5-24). To control this emergency, the Plague Commission was constituted in 1896 under the chairmanship of Prof. T.R. Frasor. The Commission recommended necessary preventive measures to disinfect and evacuate infected places, to put a control over mass transit, and to improve sanitary conditions. The Commission also suggested strengthening of the public health services and develop­ ment of laboratories (Lamb, 1908: 5-24). The Epidemic Diseases Act was passed in 1897 and the Governor-General of India con­ ferred special powers upon the local authorities to implement the necessary measures for the control of epidemics. Colonial power was used for forceful segregation of infected persons, disinfections, evacuation and even demolition of infected places. Detailed sur­ veillance was carried out with individual case histories and camps, and field hospitals were established to cater to the needs of the local people and extensive reports were drafted. Another major disease constraint in British India was leprosy. In 1873, H.V. Carter11 of the Bengal Medical Department was an authority on leprosy control in India (Carter, 1887: i-xxii). He earned great recognition in the Central Imperial Government of India and suggested isolation of lepers. He suggested to establish a Leper Asylum in India. After the passing of the Leprosy Bill 1889, the National Leprosy Fund was constituted by the British Empire under the Chairmanship of the Prince of Wales. The Commission suggested segregation might not be fruitful in India. It suggested a prohibition on the sale of food articles, prostitution and other

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

81

occupations involving direct contact with people like barbers or watermen by the infected people. It insisted on the improvement of sanitation and living conditions. However, the government of India passed the All India Leprosy Act in 1898 and leper asylums were established in major parts of the country and forcible segre­ gation of lepers was carried out. In 1881, there were approximately one lakh twenty thousand patients of leprosy in India which de­ creased to one lakh two thousand in 1921 (National Leprosy Fund, 1893: 1-40). Another violent epidemic with whom the officers of the British India were not familiar was cholera. Initially cholera was confined to Bengal but the 1817-21 cholera epidemics in India shocked the Imperial Crown (Measures to be adopted on the outbreak of cholera or appearance of small pox, 1870). By the 1830s, cholera was known to be a life threatening disease to the Western world. Due to lack of effective treatment for cholera, the main focus was set on its prevention. An International Sanitary Conference was held in 1868, and after 1868, a Cholera Epidemic Committee was set up to investigate the causes of the diseases. The Committee concluded that cholera was frequent especially at religious festivals and fairs. Europeans blamed the prevalence of cholera on the ‘filthy’ habits of the Indian people. The Committee suggested improving sanitation, ensuring proper management of festivals and develop­ ing jails, asylums and military cantonments (Bellew, 1884: 8). Next to cholera, the other leading cause of deaths in British India was malarial fever. The situation worsened in the early nineteenth century. Due to the establishment of the railways and migration network by the British Government of India without keeping in view the effective drainage systems of floods and rain waters, many fresh water reservoirs, lead to the propagation of mosquitoes (James, 1908). Surgeon Major Sir Ronald Ross joined the IMS in 1881 and started to study malaria in 1882. Finally, he discovered the cause of malaria. His discovery opened a new horizon in malarial research and shaped the malaria control programme towards a new direction mainly focusing on the eradication of mosquitoes. Other than these vulnerable epidemic diseases, British officers came across diseases like kala-azar, beriberi and smallpox in the

82

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

natives (Giles, 1890: 1-2, 40, 63-6). Tuberculosis was another infectious disease, especially among the lower socio-economic classes in India. Being a vast country with tremendous environmental variations ranging from mountains to plain green fields and from tropical forests to barren deserts along with devasting epidemic diseases, were really a challenge for the British officers and the IMS. Enor­ mous amount of work was done for the prevention of epidemics to save the life of the imperial troops, officers and also the native Indians. The major target was to alleviate suffering and render curative services. Besides so many recommendations and effective measures, both improving sanitary condition and vaccination were important measures to control this divesting diseased condition. Thus the history of sanitary work in British India began with the reports of the Royal Commission of 1859 (Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1999: 457-80). The mortality rate among the British troops was 69 per 1,000. The Commission recommended the es­ tablishment of a Commission of Public Health in each Presidency and pointed out the need to improve sanitation and prevention of epidemics in civil society for improving the health of the British army. To improve civil sanitary conditions, sanitary boards were formed in each province in 1864. From 1870 to 1879, Sanitary Departments were set up in each province. In 1870, the Sanitary Department merged with the Vaccination Department to form a Central Sanitary Depart-ment. Under the orders of the GovernorGeneral of India in 1880, Sanitary Engineers were employed in all the main provinces. They carried out the inspection of sanitation, vaccination, maintenance of vital statistics and the collection of metrological data. The local self-government policies of Lord Ripon strengthened the efforts to improve sanitation by increasing the availability of funds at the local level. In 1885, the Local SelfGovernment Act was passed and local bodies came into existence. In 1912, the Government of India sanctioned the appointment of Deputy Sanitary Commissioners and Health Officers with the lo­ cal bodies and released fund for sanitation (Harrison, 1994: 99). To combat these epidemic diseases, along with improving sanitary condition, vaccination was an important step taken by the Impe­

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

83

rial Government. Vaccination was one of the few areas of public health for which provincial governments were directly responsible. Thus the history of vaccination can be traced back to 1802 when a Superintendent General of Vaccination was appointed in India after the discovery of the smallpox vaccine. Great efforts were made to vaccinate under the charge of the Superintendents of Vaccina­ tion. In 1880, an Act was passed for the compulsory vaccination of children in municipalities and cantonments. Smallpox was the main target during this period, although vaccinations were carried out for plague and other communicable diseases as well (Park, 2005: 1-2). In 1873, the Birth and Death Registration Act was passed. Vaccination and Sanitary staff were responsible for maintaining of Vital Statistics. During 1880-1, the rate of vaccination was 2.7 per cent which increased to 3.5 per cent in 1902 and 1903 respect­ ively. The budget allocated for vaccination was about Rs. 1 million in 1902 and 1903. To control epidemics special officers, committees and commissions were appointed (India Papers, National Library of Scotland, 1902, 1903). Besides, sanitation or vaccination, the health care provided for soldiers, that for the Indian population as a whole remained meager until the late nineteenth century. However, the first decades of the nineteenth century did see some initiatives in medical care. These were usually taken by Company servants and some Indians acting in a private capacity. With only occasional support from munici­ pal bodies and the Company. For example, the ‘Calcutta Fever Hospital’ proposed in 1836 was to be funded largely by private subscriptions from among Europeans and a handful of wealthy Indians. Calcutta’s municipal body, the Board of Commissioners, agreed to make a modest contribution to its running costs, but the Government of Bombay declined to cooperate (Harrison, 1999: 99). The scheme appeared to have floundered as a result of this, and because of the reluctance of some residents to counter the construction of what they regarded as a ‘fever nest’ close to their homes. The same was true for sanitary reform, which became an issue of some moment in Calcutta and other large Indian cities in the first decades of the nineteenth century as urban growth led to deteriorating sanitary conditions (Arnold, 1991: 1-22). In brief,

84

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

it can be said that these initiatives in both medical care and sani­ tary reform did not, at the time amount to much in practical terms but they are nevertheless significant, in that they indicate a marked shift in British attitudes towards their role in India. Therefore, it is not overstatement to say that in legitimizing British rule in the Indian subcontinent, Western medicine was an important colonizing force. It was not only simply a ‘tool of em­ pire’ but also it acted as a valuable instrument for imperial propa­ ganda (ibid.). Indians who had been exposed to Western medicine through education, hospitals, dispensaries and sanitary work of local authorities came to believe its assertions of its superiority over indigenous systems of medicine. But whatever may be the perspective of Western medicine, the ultimate test of colonial medi­ cine in India was the extent to which it contributed to the general decline in mortality from around 1910 (Watts, 1997: 1). In brief, it can be said that in spite of the archetypical colonial design of medical services, Eurocentric policies and neglect of the indig­ enous population failed to relieve the plight of the poor for many years. The work completed during that period of time formed the basis of what we have achieved today to improve the health care of Indians. So, from the above discussion, it is evident that the British Im­ perial Government set up and strengthened an organized medical system vis-à-vis the public health context in colonial India. Due to its quick recovery time, country people were easily attracted by the glamour of the Western system of medicine and allopathy got firmly established. However, with the introduction of the new medical system in India, there naturally followed the emergence of pharmacy houses to meet the requirements for Western drugs and other supplies. In the British Empire, India was a place for doing lucrative business. It is understandable that European chem­ ists and druggists also found this land promising for practising their profession. They were attracted to the locations where the population was large enough to provide good returns. The British population was mostly concentrated in the big metropolitan towns and cantonment areas. As the time passed, several other towns also got to have European pharmacies. The civil and military services,

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

85

personnel and their families constituted the main clientele whose pharmaceutical needs were catered by the European druggists’ establishments. Otherwise there was no pharmacy shop where the common people could mitigate their needs. Basically European establishments were small and they were from the rich and native gentry. The common people could not afford to pay the European prices. Here it should be mentioned that in colonial India there were all sorts of conditions of chemists’ shops. Since there were no drug or pharmacy laws in the country, there was hardly any re­ striction on opening of drug shops. Notwithstanding the existence of some standard pharmacies, the overall situation with regard to drugs and practice of pharmacy remained of grave concern. Since there were no relevant legal re­ strictions for control of drugs and practice of pharmacy, there were lot of malpractices in the import and sale of drugs. The absence of adequately qualified pharmaceutical personnel compounded the sad state of affairs. PHARMACEUTICAL EDUCATION IN INDIA

From the very early times, East India Company’s medical officers employed native assistants in their hospitals. These assistants acted as dressers under the supervisors. Until the mid eighteenth century, such native servants acted as assistants in the hospitals, who gradually learned to act as apothecaries. During early nineteenth century, there came up the subordinate medical services, like Military Assistant Surgeons, Civil Assistant Surgeons, Civil Hospital Assis­ tants, Civil Apothecaries and so on. The Civil Apothecary class was intermediate between the Civil Assistant Surgeons and the Civil Hospital Assistants, which existed in Madras only (Crawford, 1914: 37). The title apothecary usually implies a person who prepares and sells drugs or compounds for medicinal purposes. This was the situation in colonial India. There is no mention of any pharma­ ceutical service or general pharmaceutical education. The situation with regard to practice of pharmacy was pathetic. The dispensing of prescriptions continued to be carried out by compounders, who had a very low level of preliminary education and training.

86

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

The beginning of pharmaceutical education in British India started at the MMC in the year 1860 (Education Department GO,1866). For the first time the students systematically learned the mode of making prescriptions and compounding generally. The Pharmacy course continued till the end of 1860-1, and also for the whole of 1861-2 sessions. There was after this an ‘unautho­ rized discontinuance of the course of Pharmacy’. This omission was pointed out in the Inspection Report of the General Hospital for January 1866. Moreover the pharmacy course which had fallen into abeyance was resuscitated and commenced again in April 1866. The MMC had three departments, namely, the Senior Department qualified for medical degree of the Madras University; the Second Department qualified for apothecary; and the third or Junior Depart­ ment, qualified for hospital assistants. However, the students of all these categories enjoyed the facilities of the Pharmacy course (Education Department GO Government of Madras, 1866). Institution of the third class was to prove useful for the students intending to qualify as chemists and druggists. Before long there was a creation of chemists and druggists course at the MMC. In an undocumented article it is said that the course started around the year 1874 (Srinivas, 1954: 309-11). The annual reports for the sessions 1879-80 (Education Department G.O., No. 319, Madras, 24 August 1880, 1981) mentioned about the examination of chem­ ists and druggists. In 1894, there is a mention in the Pharmaceu­ tical Journal and Transactions that ‘a certificate of a chemist and druggist would be given in Madras to the students who attends full courses of instruction in Materia Medica, chemistry, practical chemistry and practical pharmacy in the Medical College’ (Phar­ maceutical Journal, 1894). At the beginning, the Chemists and Druggists course12 was of one year and no examination was held. In course of time, entrance qualification was revised (Education Department GO, Madras, 1898). But the Chemists and Druggists course did not become popular, as a result of which abolition of class was suggested (Edu­ cation Department GO, Madras 1903). But the classes continued on a temporary basis, the continuance being sanctioned for three years or a year at a time. In spite of so many turmoil, the Chemists and Druggists course remained operational and received govern­

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

87

ment sanction for continuance in the MMC as a permanent arrange­ ment. In 1937, a Chemists and Druggists course was also started at the Medical College, Vishakhapatnam (Bradfield, 1938: 1-9). In 1940, the name of the course was changed to Diploma in Phar­ macy. This course was the only course of its kind in colonial India. In 1881, in Bengal, a statutory provision was made for education and examination of compounders (Indian Medical Gazette, 1881; Medical Service, Municipal Department, 1882: 145). Section 23 of Act 6 of 1881, made it obligatory for owners of medicine stores to employ a man whose knowledge of drugs had been tested and certified. Consequently, rules for the education and examination of compounders were framed, and arrangements were made for opening of classes for the purpose at the CMS, Calcutta; the Temple Medical School, Patna; the Dacca Medical School; and the Orissa Medical School, Cuttack (General Department, Education Branch, 1882). For entrance to the class it was ascertained that the candi­ date should be able to read and write in English, well to read prescriptions and write the necessary instructions on the labels. On successful completion of the course, a candidate received a certificate which enabled him to compound and dispense European medicines. In due course, for the conduct of classes for compounders, recognition was also given to the Hospital of the Church of Scot­ land Mission, Kalimpong (Darjeeling District), and Hospital of Dublin University Mission, Hazaribagh (Medical Branch, Municipal Department, 1886). There was established a course for female compounders in the Campbell Medical School, Calcutta (Medical Branch, Municipal Department, 1899). In brief, the above discussion illustrates the start of education of compounders in Bengal. The training programme improved in 1928 (Government of West Bengal Notification, 1928). The course was made of two years, duration and entry qualification was raised to matriculation. There was a general awareness for higher level of pharmaceutical education at Calcutta. The importance of developing pharmaceuti­ cal education and its industrial value was stressed through several comments and editorials published during 1920-1(Editorial, Indian Medical Record, 1920; 1921: 217-18). In 1920, Calcutta University introduced M.Sc in Applied Chemistry with Pharmaceutics as a

88

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

specialization from 1940 (Rakshit, 1940: 281). Another develop­ ment of import once was the establishment of the School of Chemi­ cal Technology at Calcutta by a pharmaceutical enthusiast, Jyotish Chandra Ghosh. The school was located at Bowbazar and it also availed of the facilities of the St. Paul’s College. The work in phar­ maceutics was eulogized (Editorial, Indian and Eastern Druggist, 1922: 182). This encouraged Ghosh to wish for affiliation of his school with the Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain (Ghosh, 1922: 182). At some stage the school stopped functioning and the pioneering work by Ghosh on pharmaceutical education did not concretize. In Bombay Presidency, there were no regular rules regarding qualifications and training of compounders. In Bihar and Orissa rules were laid down in 1926 for grant of certificates to compounders after training of one year in some specified medical schools and institutions. The same was true in Assam. In the United Provinces, a scheme for training of compounders was started in 1928 at six centres, namely, Allahabad, Banaras, Lucknow, Agra, Meerut and Bareilly. In Punjab there was no regular system of training for compounders. At Nagpur, in the Central Provinces, the training was for one year (Report of the Drug Enquiry Committee, 1931). In Goa, Pharmacy was on a better footing. The laws pertaining to Pharmacy were advanced and progressive. The situation was portrayed in an article by Cordeiro (Cordeiro, 1963: 190-3). It was stated that with the doctors coming from Portugal, there was always a pharmacist who accompanied him. In the year 1846, a Medical School was opened and in the same school there was a School of Pharmacy. The school has continued to function and is possibly the oldest Pharmaceutical education institution in India. Before liberation, the Goa School was conducting a three-year diploma in Pharmacy. In 1932, degree level pharmaceutical education in India was started. In addition to Diploma in Pharmacy, introduction of a Degree Course in Pharmaceutical Chemistry was recommended to take care of manufacturing pharmacy and standardization of drugs and drug control. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya became inspired by this background and started pharmaceutical edu­ cation at the Banaras Hindu University (BHU) in 1932 (Pandit and

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

89

Prasad, 1969: 27-31). The responsibility of organizing pharma­ ceutical education at BHU fell on Mahadeva Lal Schroff. He was not formally trained as a pharmacist but he had the understanding and vision to give practical shape and direction not only to phar­ maceutical education but also to the organization of Pharmacy as a profession in India. He was a prominent figure in the development of pharmaceutical education in particular in India (Srivastava, 1970). In 1939, the BHU created the College of Technology, the Department of Pharmaceutics being one of four constituent de­ partments of the college. Initially the department did not have a building of its own, but ultimately the University made provision for a new building and the Department shifted to it in July 1940 (Prospectus of Pharmaceutical Studies, 1940). The beginning of pharmaceutical studies at Andhra University, Waltair, may be traced to the year 1937 (Rangaswami, 1959: 268-71). The prominent teachers associated with the course were Professor T.R. Seshadri, M.L. Khorana, and S. Rangaswami. In September 1938, the Uni­ versity of Madras instituted a two year degree course leading to a B.Sc degree. The MMC started degree course on Chemists and Drug­ gists in 1939. In 1946, a separate Department of Pharmaceutics was sanctioned at the MMC and this department was entrusted with teaching of Pharmaceutics, Pharmaceutical Chemistry (Varadan Srinivasa, 1954-5: 309-11). The University Department of Chemical Technology, University of Bombay, grew to be an important centre of pharmaceutical education and research. The beginning was made in the early 1940s (Past, Present and Future: Pharmaceuticals and Fine Chemical Section, 1985). The Punjab University introduced a B. Pharm Degree Course at Lahore in 1944. Dr Khem Singh Grewal, Professor of Pharmacology at the King Edward Medical College, was mainly instrumental in founding Pharmaceutical education at the Punjab University (Punjab University Syndicate Proceedings, 1942; Bhat­ nagar, 1969). In 1947, with the inception of Lallubhai Motilal College of Pharmacy at Ahmadabad, there emerged the first fullfledged college of pharmacy in India (Patel, 1959: 213-16). To sum up, it can be said that the training of personnel for prac­ tice of Pharmacy thus began from the later part of the nineteenth century. In 1930-1, the Drugs Enquiry Committee recommended

90

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

the institution of degree and diploma courses in Pharmacy (Reports of the Drug Enquiry Committee, 1931: vi). Another Committee of the Government of India, Health Survey and Development Com­ mittee, appointed in October 1943, pointed out the insufficiency of the existing facilities for pharmaceutical education (Report of the Health Survey and Development Committee, 1946: 4). The Com­ mittee concluded that the provision of education facilities for the licentiate pharmacist, Graduate Pharmacists and Pharmaceutical Technologists were necessary. In 1946, Sixth-All India Pharma­ ceutical Conference was held at Bangalore and as a follow-up a Model Course Committee was constituted at the open session (Sym­ posium of Ideal Courses in Pharmaceutics, 1946: 17-24). The Committee formulated the syllabus for the Intermediate Pharma­ ceutics and Bachelor of Pharmaceutics (Patel, 1946: 116-38). Therefore, the above sums up the development of Diploma Edu­ cation in particular and efforts which the profession continued to make for systematization of pharmaceutical education in India. However, initiation of action on statutory control on pharmaceuti­ cal education was to wait promulgamation of the Pharmacy Act 1948 and Constitution of the Pharmacy Council of India. The Pharmacy Act, no. VIII of 1948, passed by the Dominion Legisla­ ture, received the assent of the Governor-General on 4 March 1948. The Act provides for regulation of the profession and practice of pharmacy. Later, the Pharmacy Council of India made regulations called the Education Regulations prescribing the minimum stan­ dard of education required for qualification as a pharmacist. The BHU instituted a course of research leading to the degree of Master of Pharmacy from April 1940 (Prospectus Pharmaceutical Studies, 1944: 3). Gorakh Prasad Srivastava was the first M. Pharm. from BHU. Gradually, after Independence, different universities in dif­ ferent states started different Pharmacy courses in India. NOTES 1. The term ‘maritime’ is used to describe things relating to the sea and to ships. Maritime comes from the Latin word ‘maritimus’, which means of the sea. The countries surrounding the Mediterranean sea are Spain,

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

91

France, Monaco, Italy, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, Greece, Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco, Malta and Cyprus are island countries in the sea. 2. Allopathic system of medicine refers to the practice of traditional or conven­ tional Western medicine. The term allopathic medicine is most often used to contrast conventional medicine with alternative medicine or homeopathy. The term allopathic medicine was coined in the 1800s. Allopathic medicine was defined as the practice of using treatments that have the opposite effects of the symptoms of a condition. Due to its quick recovery, gradually it replaced the indigenous system of medicine in the colonial period. 3. A document that is signed by the king or queen of a country, and that gives an organization particular rights. Royal Charters, granted by the sovereign on the advice of the Privy Council, are the oldest form of incorporation in the UK. The Privy, or ‘private’, Council is a formal body usually made up of senior politicians from the House of Commons, which advises the monarch on government business that falls outside that of the departmental minis­ ters, including issuing orders of Council, which regulate public institutions and Royal Charters. The first royal charter in England was issued in the thirteenth century to the University of Cambridge. 4. The General Medical Council (GMC) is the independent regulator of doctors in the UK . It regulates British doctors through the Medical Act. The Council composed of doctors and laypeople. It registers doctors for UK practice, sets professional standards, regulates basic medical education, and manages doctors’ fitness to practice. The GMC maintains the coordination between the medical profession, the public, Parliament and the National Health Service. Herein lies the seeds of inertia and conflict. 5. During the First World War Britain and her allies declared that they were fighting for the freedom of nations. Majority of the Indian leaders believed that was over, India would be given Swaraj after the war. The British govern­ ment had not fulfilled the demands of the Indian leaders. As a consequence of which changes were introduced in the administrative system as a result of the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms, called the Government of India Act, 1919. The Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms introduced by the British Government in India to introduce self-governing institutions gradually to India. The reforms take their name from Edwin Samuel Montagu, the Secretary of State for India during the latter parts of First World War and Lord Chelmsford , Viceroy of India between 1916 and 1921. The reforms were outlined in the Montagu-Chelmsford Report prepared in 1918 and formed the basis of the Government of India Act 1919.

92

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

6. Madras General Hospital , one of the premier institutions of the country was started on 16 November 1664. This small hospital treated the sick soldiers of the British East India Company. It was the untiring efforts of Sir Edward Winter who was the agent of the Company that materialized in the first British Hospital at Madras. In 1857, it was affiliated with the University of Madras. After the affiliation in 1857, the hospital moved to a centre of excellence imparting in all the specialties in the field of medicine and surgery. This institution holds the pride of place in having the first Indian lady doctor to graduate from this school. 7. Brahmo Samaj was established by Raja Rammohun Roy and Debendranath Tagore at Calcutta in 1828. It began as a reformist movement within Hinduism and influenced the Bengal Renaissance as a reform movement. It was one of the most influential religious reform movements in India, and made significant contribution to the making of modern India. It played a crucial role in suppressing caste system, dowry system, and in improving the educational system. It also encouraged women’s empowerment. 8. Bamabodhini Patrika was a monthly journal edited by Umeshchandra Dutta started from 1863. Umeshchandra and some other young Brahmo activists tried to educate Bengali families through the medium of a journal and the outcome was the Bamabodhini Patrika. From the beginning Bamabodhini Patrika was successful and continued up to 1922. This journal covered religion, ethics, science, history, household medicine, childcare, women’s education and so on. The outcome of this journal was a turning point in our history, and highlighted women’s role in a changing society. The writings always raised the issues of discrimination against women. Bamabodhini Patrika greatly influenced the womenfolk in many ways especially about their rights. 9. Annette Susannah Akroyd an orientalist was well known for her efforts in women’s educational reform in Bengal. After finishing her education she was inspired by Keshab Chandra Sen’s speeches in England and decided to come in India in 1873 to promote female education in Bengal. However, she later fell out with the famous Bengal Brahma reformer and retired from public life. In November 1873, due to her efforts, the Hindu Mahila Bidyalaya was founded in Calcutta with 12 students. 10. Dufferin Fund or the National Association for Supplying Female Medical Aid to the Women of India established in 1885 represented the first organization promoting systematic medical help to women in India. Its abbreviated name came from its founder Lady Harriot Dufferin. Editorial, ‘Cooperation as Applied to Industrial Particularly to Pharmaceutical Education’, Indian Medical Record, 41, 1921, pp. 79-80.

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

93

11. H.V. Carter (Henry Vandyke Carter) was a British surgeon and anatomist best known for his Gray’s Anatomy. In 1858 he joined the Indian Medical Service as Assistant Surgeon. After six months in Central India, he was appointed as a professor of Anatomy and Physiology at the Grant Medical College, Bombay. He was very much interested to understand the causes and consequences of leprosy and systematically recorded the clinical and anatomical features of the disease. Finally he published his report on leprosy in 1874. To separate the leprosy patients from the common mass he suggested to establish a leper asylum in British India. 12. Educational Department, Government of Madras, G.O. No. 182, dated 16 June 1866,Tamil Nadu Archives, Madras. In his letter No. 1799, dated 17 November 1852, the Secretary, Medical Board to the Medical College Council, wanted that the examination of the desirous chemists and druggists was to comprise testing knowledge in Latin, Chemistry and Materia Medica. In this letter it was also stated that the qualified candidate would receive under the seal of the college a ‘license to practice the arts of chemist and druggist’.

REFERENCES Alavi, S., The Sepoys and the Company:Tradition and Transition in Northern India 1770-1830, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1995. Arnold, D., ‘The Indian Ocean as a Disease Zone: 1500-1950’, South Asia, 14, 1991, pp. 1-22. Banerjee, H., ‘Fashioning a Self: Educational Proposals for and by Women in Popular Magazines in Colonial Bengal’, Economic and Political Weekly, 26(43), 1991, pp. WS50-WS62. Bellew, H.W., Cholera in India, 1862 to 1881, Bengal Province, 1862 to 1881 and Review, Bengal Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1884. Bhatnagar, J.K., ‘We Remember Them’, Pharmacos, 14, 1969, pp. 3-10. Bhore-Committee-Report-1946, Retrieved on 13 February 2012. http:// www.scribd.com/doc/25193130/ Bradfield, E.W.C., An Indian Medical Review, Government of India Press, New Delhi, 1938. Butt, A.H., ‘The Medical Council of India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1946, pp. 369-72. Carter, H.V., Memorandum of the Prevention of Leprosy by Segregation of the Affected, Bombay General, 29 June 1887. Chandra, B., A. Tripathi and B.De, Freedom Struggle, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1972.

94

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Cordeiro, J.M., ‘Profession of Pharmacy and Drugs Control in Goa’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 25, 1963, pp. 190-3. Crawford, D.G., ‘The Legend of Gabriel Boughton’, The Indian Medical Gazette, January 1909, pp. 1-7. ——, A History of the Indian Medical Service 1600 -1913, vols. I & II, W. Thacker and Co., London; Thacker Spink and Co., Calcutta & Simla, 1914. ——, ‘William Hamilton and the Embassy to Delhi’, The Indian Medical Gazette, 42 (1), 1907, pp. 1-4. ——, ‘The Indian Medical Service’, Indian Medical Gazette, 42, 1907, pp. 192-8, 235-8, 275-6, 316-18, 355-7. Devi, R., ‘Amar Jiban’, in Naresh Chandra Jana et al. (eds.), Atmakatha, vol. I, Ananya Prakashan, Calcutta, 1981. Editorial, ‘Hospitals in India’, Indian Medical Gazette , 1(6), 1881, p. 145. ——, ‘Pharmaceutical Education and Industries in India’, Indian Medical Record, 40, 1920, pp. 217-18. ——, ‘Science and Industry’, Indian and Eastern Druggist, 3, 1922, pp. 54-5. ——, ‘What the Indian Medical Service has Done for India’, Indian Medical Gazette, 47, 1912, pp. 226-38. ——, ‘Western Medicine in India-Proposed India Medical Corps’, British Medical Journal, 9 (2), 1920, pp. 560-2. Educational Department, Government of Madras, G.O. No. 87 Dated 27 March 1866; G.O. No. 154 Dated May 1866; G.O. No. 190 Dated 27 June 1866; G.O. No. 205 Dated 10 July 1866; G.O. No. 319 dated 24 August 1880; G.O. No. 315 dated 24 September 1881; G.O. No. 491 dated 9 August 1898; G.O. No. 568 dated 1903, Tamil Nadu Archives, Madras. Ernst, W., Mad Tales from the Raj: The European Insane in British India 1800­ 1858, Routledge, London, 1991. Forbes, G., ‘Colonial Imperatives and Women’s Emancipation: Western Medical Education for Indian Women in Nineteenth Century Bengal’, in Modern Historical Studies, 2, 2001, p. 94. ——, Women in Modern India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996. G.M.J. Giles, A Report of an Investigation into the Causes of the Diseases Known in Assam as Kala-Azar and Beriberi, Assam Secretariat Press, Shillong, 1890. General Address by J.B. Grant on 6 January 1940 at the Indian Science Congress. General Department, Education Branch, April 1882, File 62; Proceedings B-1/2, State Archives of Municipal Department, Medical Branch, Decem­ ber 1886, File M 3C/8 1; Proceedings 30-52, West Bengal State Archives, Calcutta.

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

95

——, File B 4C/20, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, April 1887, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 69. ——, File 88-1/8, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, July 1883, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 71. ——, File 88-1/9, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, July, 1883, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 73. ——, File 31-8/9, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, March, 1886, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 70. ——, File 88-1/10, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, July, 1883, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 92. ——, File 31-8, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, March, 1886, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 75. Ghosh, J.C., ‘Indian and Eastern Druggist’, Eastern Druggist, 3, 1922, p. 182. ——, ‘Indian and Eastern Druggist’, Eastern Druggist, 4, 1923, p. 261. Gibbins, Beltgens, H. de The History of Commerce in Europe, Macmillan and Company, London, 1891. Government of India, The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Published Under the Authority of His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India in Council, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909. ——, The Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. IV, Under the Authority of His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India in Council, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1999. Harrison, M., Public Health in British India: Anglo- Indian Preventive Medicine: 1859-1914, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1994. ——, Climates and Constitutions: Health, Race, Environment and British Imperialism in India, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1999. James, S.P., Malarial Fevers: A Statement Drawn up for the Use of Assistant Surgeons, Hospital Assistants and Students, Superintendent Government Printing India, Calcutta, 1908. Johnson, P., A History of the Modern World: From 1917 to the 1990s, Weidenfield and Nicolson, London, 1991. Karlekar, Malavika, ‘Kadambini and the Bhadralok’, Economic and Political Weekly, 21 (19),1986, pp.WS 25-31. Keshawani, N.H., ‘Medical Education in India since Ancient Times’, in C.D.O. Malley (ed.), The History of Medical Education, UCLA, California, 1968, p. 324. Lal, M., ‘The Politics of Gender and Medicine in Colonial India: The Countees of Dufferin’s Fund, 1885-8’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 68, 1, Spring 1994, pp. 29-66. Lamb, G., The Etiology and Epidemiology of Plague: A Summary of the work of the Plague Commission, Issued Under the Authority of the Government of

96

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

India by the Sanitary Commission with the Government of India, Super­ intendent Government Printing, India, Calcutta, 1908. Letter No. 884 from A.W. Croft, Esq., Director of Public Instruction to the Secretary to GOB, 7 February 1884, West Bengal State Archives, Education & Medical, June 1884, A 1-3,File No. 89-1, cited in Uma Dasgupta (ed.), History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, XV, pt. 4, A History of the Calcutta Medical College and Hospital, 1835-1936, S. Samita Sen and Anirban Das, Pearson Longman, New Delhi, 2011. Martin, J.R., Notes on the Medical Topography of Calcutta, Bengal Military Orphan Press, Calcutta, 1837. Mehra, P., A Dictionary of Modern Indian History 1707-1947, Oxford Univer­ sity Press, Oxford, 1985. Mukherjee, N., The Port of Calcutta: A Short History, Oxford Book & Stationary Co., Calcutta. 1968. Mukherjee, S., Medical Education and Emergence of Women Medics in Colonial India, Occasional Paper, Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata, 2012. Municipal Department, Medical Branch, April 1899, Proceedings B223 and 224, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta. ——, Head Medical Service, Collection 1 April 1882, Proceedings 18-23, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta. Muraleedharan, V.R., ‘Rural Health Care in Madras Presidency: 1919-39’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, 24, 1987, pp. 324-34. Mushtaq, M.U.,‘Public Health in British India: A Brief Account of the History of Medical Services and Disease Prevention in Colonial India’, Indian Journal of Community Medicine, 34,(1), 2009, pp. 6-14. Mukherjee, B., ‘Symposium of Ideal Courses in Pharmaceutics’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 8, 1946, pp. 17-24. Nathan, R., The Plague in India-1896, 1897, Government Central Printing Office, Simla, 1898. National Library of Scotland, India papers Collection, Available from http:// www.nls.uk/indiapapers/index.html National Leprosy Fund (Great Britain), Leprosy in India, 1890-91, Superinten­ dent of Government Printing India, Calcutta, 1893. Pandit, J.K. and C.M. Prasad, ‘Banaras Hindu University Department of Pharmaceutics’, Indian Journal of Pharmaceutical Education, 3, (1), 1969, pp. 27-31. Park, P.K. Textbook of Preventive and Social Medicine: 1859-1914, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1994: Banarsidas Bhanot, Jabalpur, 2005. Patel, R.P., ‘L.M. College of Pharmacy, Ahmedabad’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 21, 1959, pp. 213-16.

Medical Education, Public Health and Development

97

Patel, B.V., ‘Preliminary Report of the Syllabus Committee’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 8, 1946 , pp. 116-38. Prasad, B., Bondage and Freedom: A History of Modern India (1707-1947), vol. I: Bondage, 1707-1858, Rajesh Publications, New Delhi, 1991, p. 60. Prospectus for Pharmaceutical Studies, Banaras Hindu University, 1940, p. 5, 1944, p. 3. Punjab University Syndicate Proceedings, 24 April 1942, item 13, p. 49. Rakshit, J.N., ‘Pharmaceutical Education in India’, Indian and Eastern Chemist, 21, 1940, p. 281. Ramana, M., Western Medicine and Public Health in Colonial Bombay: 1845­ 1895, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 2002, p. 8. Rangaswami, S., ‘Department of Pharmacy, Andhra University, Waltair’, Indian Journal of Pharmaceutical Education, 21, 1959, pp. 268-71. Rau, U.R., ‘Medical Education in India’, Indian Medical Record, 1931, pp. 245-8. Report of the Drugs Enquiry Committee 1930-31, Government of India Central Publication Branch, Calcutta, 1931, p. vi. Report of the Health Survey and Development Committee, vols. I-IV, Manager of Publications, Government of India, Delhi, 1946, p. 4. Rules Regarding the Measures to be Adopted on the Outbreak of Cholera or Appearance of Small Pox (G.O.C.C. No. 193, dated 3 August 1870), Superintendent of Government Printing, Calcutta, 1870, p. 3. Sibthorpe, C., ‘Medical Education in Southern India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1869, pp. 67-8. Srivastava, G.P., ‘M.L.Schroff—The Architect’, Indian Journal of Pharmaceuti­ cal Education 4 (2), 1970, pp. 57-8. Varadan Srinivasa, K.S., ‘Pharmacy Education in the State of Madras’, Indian Pharmacist , 10, 1954-5, pp. 309-11. Varadarajan, L., (ed.), Indo-Portuguese Encounters : Journeys in Science, Technology and Culture, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi, 2006. Walker, N., ‘Medical Education in India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1927, pp. 312-13. Watts, S. Epidemics and History: Disease, Power and Imperialism, Yale University Press, New Heaven, 1997.

98

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies CHAPTER 3

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession

and Professionals

. . . All ancient civilizations of the world developed their own medici­ nal systems, but the ancient Indian system of medicine is considered to be the most methodical and the most holistic system, both in its ideas and its curative measures. (Subbarayappa, 2001)

Since the beginning of civilization, pharmacy1 as a profession was practiced in India. How this profession emerged in our tradition and in what way the pharmaceutical professionals made pharmacy as a separate discipline? These questions demand our attention because our understanding of the present day pharmaceutical profession is vastly enriched through gaining an appreciation of what went before. This chapter specifically tries to analyse the history of pharmacy and pharmaceutical profession through the ages, and the contribution of legendary medico pharmaceutical professionals and the development of pharmaceutical companies both by the British and the Indians in a composite manner. Our medical heritage reveals that the art and science of medicine is as old as mankind itself (Jaggi, 1981: 41). This science of medicine has a God in different ancient civilizations. In some cases, the first well known physician was deified while in some other places, the knowledge of science was attached to a God having some connec­ tion with diseases or medicine. When we study different ancient civilizations, we find several gods governing the art of medicine. However, the early history of pharmacy is practically insepa­ rable from the early history of medicine. The historical roots of modern pharmacy lie within two fields of pseudoscience that date back to ancient civilization. To fully understand the evolution of

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

99

the modern pharmaceutical industry, one must begin with the study of alchemists and apothecaries. One of the earliest traditions to impact the modern pharmaceutical industry is that of ‘alchemy’, a combination of primitive inorganic chemistry mixed with phi­ losophy and a search for immortality and ultimate wisdom. References about the practice of Ayurvedic medicine are found in many non-medical texts. The Puranas also refer to the practice of medicine. A majority of them seem to belong to a period of the Guptas. Mention may be made of those persons who were famous for their medical practices like, Bharadwaja, Dhanwantari, Devosdasa, Kasiraj. Buddhist religious books such as Vinaya Pitaka, Deepa­ vamsa, Mahavamsa and others provide glimpses of the practice of medicine. The present researcher has tried to sketch the Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical profession in ancient India in a comprehensive manner. As yet we know very little about the practice of medicine during the Harappan Civilization in India. Though the Harappan seals have not been deciphered, a few snippets of information point out to the practice of primitive medicine at that time. We are much better informed about the concepts and practice of medicine during the Vedic period. Two major sources of early medical knowledge are the Rig Veda and the Atharva Veda. However, we have no medical or related texts between the end of the Atharvavedic and the be­ ginning of the Ayurvedic periods, i.e. about the sixth century BC Ayurveda, is known for its well established concepts on the essence of life. The theme of Ayurveda was evolved by the great Indian seers who conceived, perceived and propagated it purely for the benefit of mankind. The original conception of Ayurveda in its entirety is essentially linked to Dhanwantari, considered as the God of Hindu Medicine (Murthy, 1997: 1-14). The use of the term ‘Dhanwantari’ generally refers to the God of Ayurveda who is responsible for bringing Ayurveda into this mundane world, having learnt it in its entirety from Indra, the Lord of Immortals. He was named Dhanwantari after his father ‘Dhanwa’ a king in the Chandra Dynasty. ‘Dhanu’ means a foreign body. dhanuh =shalya shastram tasya antam param iyarti = gacchatiti dhanwantarih

100

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Thus Dhanwantari is one who relieves the suffering of the body and the mind. Even in common usage an efficient and successful physician is called Dhanwantari. The pot of ambrosia in the hands of Dhanwantari symbolises life. Dhanwantari, a deity of health and happiness, is considered the incarnation of Lord Vishnu, a mythical deity born with ambrosia in one hand and Ayurveda on the other at the end of the churning of the milk ocean. The legend goes something like this: . . . King Kashyapa had two wives, namely Diti and Aditi. Diti’s sons were Demons and Aditi’s sons, the gods. There was a constant tussle between the two groups to establish superiority over the other. To attain divinity (a state free from death, decay and disease) it was decided upon to churn the milk ocean to obtain the Ambrosia which once consumed is said to accord divinity. Many precious and sacred herbs and materials were dumped into ocean and the ocean was constantly churned by these two groups by keeping Manthara mountain as the central pole and serpant ‘Vasuki’ as the churning thread. As the churning went on and on many precious items like Goddess Laxmi, Moon (Chandra), Precious Gem (Koustabha), Divine horse (Ucchaisrava), Deadly poison (Kalkuta), White elephant (Iravata) evolved one after another. At the end of one thousand years came out Dhanwantari, who in himself was a tiny fraction of Lord Vishnu with the much sought after ambrosia on one hand and Ayurveda on the other. When Lord Vishnu took away the ambrosia, Dhanwantari pleaded for accord­ ing divine status on him. Lord Vishnu expresses his inability to do so as the sharing of the nectar among the gods had already been decided and that he could be given the divine status in his incarnation in a king’s family.

This incarnation is said to have been taken place in the dynasty of King Suhstra whose great grandson Dhanwa was blessed with a son who later became popular as Dhanwantari, the Lord of Ayurveda. However, during the period of Brahmanas and Upanishads, Ayurveda had not come into being. Thus the concept and the applied science of Ayurveda evolved roughly between 800 and 600 BC. The Caraka Samhita, refers to the existence of various treatises on medicine of the period. It is a massive treatise on ancient Indian medicine. Caraka is one of the best known and the most popular name in Ayurvedic medicine. From all available sources, it seems that Caraka may have lived between the second century BC and second century AD Caraka’s fame spread to West and Central Asia

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

101

and further to Europe. Indian tradition gave him a semi-divine stature by calling him an incarnation of Seshnaga the cosmic serpent who supports the universe (Agnivesa, 1941: 23). Then came Susruta, the main source of knowledge about practice of surgery in ancient India (Susruta, 1980). Vagbhatta, according to ancient Indian medical tradition, is another important medical authority. Two medical treatises namely Astanga Samgraha and Ashtanga Hridaya Samhita were said to have been composed by Vagbhatta (Vagbhata, 2002). After Vagbhatta, another prominent physician was Madhava Kar. Madhava was a renowned physician born in Bengal in the seventh century AD. His famous treatise is ‘Ayurveda Sastra Rogabinischaya’, which is also known as ‘Madhava Nidana’ (Madhava, 2005). Around AD 1066, flourished another Ayurvedic physician, Chakrapanidatta, who wrote Chakradatta Sangraha and also composed a large number of treatises on different aspects of Ayurveda (Chakrapanidatta, 1998). Another noted physician was Vangasena, son of Godadhar of Kantikivas of Bengal who lived around AD 1200. He composed the Chikitsa Sara-samgraha, which gave a lot of information about the ancient practice of Ayurvedic medicine in India (Vangasena, 2004: 27-43). Another important figure in Indian medicine was Sarangadhara (thirteenth-fourteenth century AD), who composed Sarangdhara Samhita (Sarangadhara, 2001: 27). It was an important Ayurvedic treatise diagnosing dis­ ease with the help of pulse beat of patient. Bhavaprakasha by Bhava Mishra written in the middle of the sixteenth century is an important medical treatise. He was the last of the great men of Indian medi­ cine. His work initiated a new tradition in Indian medical literature (Bhava Mishra, 1993). Between AD 1300 and 1800, there were a large number of persons in the medical profession, who were important for their contributions in different spheres of medical practices in India. They were Narayan Bhatt, Vachaspati, Hemadri, Govindacharya, Narayan Das, Madhavacharya, Rudradhar Bhatt, Vansidhar, Madhava Upadhaya, Ananda Verma, Dhanpati, etc. References about the practice of Ayurvedic medicine are found in many non-medical texts too. In the Ramayana, Vaidya Sushain was the physician who treated Laxman during the battle. The Puranas also refer to the practice of medicine. A majority of them seem to

102

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

belong to the period of the Guptas. Mention may also be made of Bharadwaja, Dhanwantari, Devosdasa and Kasiraj. Buddhist reli­ gious texts such as Vinaya Pitaka, Deepavamsa, Mahavamsa, etc. also provide glimpses of the practice of medicine. For example, Jivaka, was a famous physician belonging to sixth and fifth centuries BC. In the medieval period too alchemy2 flourished. There are two chief characteristics of Indian alchemy in the medieval period—gold making and elixir synthesis. There were two types of alchemical practice, the metallurgical and the physico-religious, where mercury and its elixirs were used in the so-called transmutation of the base metals into noble ones, as well as for internal administration for purifying the body, rejuvenating it and taking it to an imperish­ able and immortal state. Between ninth and fourteenth century numerous alchemical texts were written. In some texts alchemical ideas are written partly while some other texts deal wholly with alchemy. Texts in the second category include Rasahrdayatantra by Govind Bhagwatpad, Rasaratnakara by the thirteenth century author Nityanatha, Srasendracudamani by Somadeva, Vagbhatta’s Rasaratnasamuccaya and others. Irrespective of these books there are several other works too whose authorship and dates have not yet been established. These texts were fragments of major texts like Dhatukalpa, Dhatumanjari, Rasagrantha, Rasakalpalata etc. Those who practiced Siddha system of medicine wrote a number of alchemical texts also. The most prominent Siddhas were Agastyar, Ramadeva, Bogar and Karuvurar. Thus the texts written in the medieval pe­ riod primarily dealt with gold-making and elixir synthesis. Elixir or rasayana was a substance that could transform other base met­ als into gold and silver, as well as confer longevity and immortality when ingested (White, 2004: 123-32). However, it should be kept in mind that the pharmacy which is practiced today is based on the Western medical system. This system entered in this country with the advent of the Europeans and became consolidated during the colonial era. In addition to the medicos, there were also subordinate medico-pharmaceutical professions such as apothecaries and hospital assistants. Therefore, any discussion related to the medico-pharmaceutical profession

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

103

during the nineteenth century can lead to erroneous impression until and unless it covers the whole gamut of medico-pharmaceuti­ cal professions like apothecaries, hospital assistants, compounders’ community, qualified chemists and druggists, and finally medicopharmaceutical professionals (Chukerbutty, 1864: 86-8, 109-12). An attempt has also been made to discuss the historical development of the pharmaceutical profession and some distinguished pharma­ ceutical professionals in colonial India. The chapter ends with a brief account of both European and Indian pharmaceuticals. APOTHECARIES

Apothecaries studied medicinal formulas, therapeutic compounds, and even practiced surgeries and diagnosed diseases. Apothecary shops can be traced back to Baghdad around 700 CE were very popular in the Middle East during the middle ages. Arab apoth­ ecaries focused primarily on medical compounds and the sale of herbs and spices. Their shops were laboratories as well as dispensaries. The apothecary shops that evolved into today’s modern pharmacy however, have its roots in Europe around the thirteenth century. ‘Apothecary’ is derived from the latin word ‘apotheca,’ which de­ scribed a place where medicines and herbs were stored. In the nineteenth century, in the official medical ladder, next to the Indian Medical Service (IMS), came the assistant surgeons, followed by the apothecary and hospital assistants being placed the last. The last two categories of people were trained in com­ pounding and dressing in addition to their tuition in elementary medical science. The term ‘apothecary’ has been borrowed from Britain, where the apothecaries profession evolved a little differently (Matthews, 1962: 116-17). The term ‘apotheke’ or ‘apotheca’ origi­ nally meant a storehouse. In England, in earlier days, drugs formed a part of commodities known as ‘spicery’. In mid thirteenth century, ‘apothecary’ acquired a pharmaceutical meaning. In the begin­ ning of the seventeenth century, it formed a distinct section of the Grocers’ Company. In 1617, the apothecaries severed relations with the Grocers’ Company and gradually formed the ‘Society of Apothecaries’3 (Trease, 1964: 151-2). By early part of the eigh­

104

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

teenth century, apothecaries achieved some recognition as medicopharmaceutical practitioners. However, the practice of medicine distinguished the apothecary from the chemists and druggists. In 1815, the Apothecaries Act was passed for better regulation of the practice of apothecaries. As a consequence, apothecary got an intermediary status between a chemist and a doctor (Poynter, 1965: 294). The Apothecaries Act laid strict standards and control for practice by the apothecaries. With the passage of time, this act provided impetus to the apothecaries to specialize in the practice of medicine itself rather than in the compounding of prescriptions and selling of drugs. The Society of Apothecaries continued to take an active interest in pharmacy, and offered a Licentiate in Medi­ cine and Surgery (LMS) which is also a registrable qualification and it also held an examination for Assistants in Dispensing (Matthews, 1980: 15-16). From the above discussion, it is easy to understand the status of apothecaries in colonial India. However, in 1825, an amendment was made to the Apothecaries Act 1815. A provision was made for apothecaries in the British Army to practice as apothecaries with­ out the examination by the Society of Apothecaries (Matthews, 1962: 116-17). In 1847, five candidates had been admitted for the grade of native apothecary at the MMC (Annual Report of Madras Medical College, 1873-4: 18). Three of them passed out in the year 1852. The last graduation took place in 1867. In 1873, the natives were debarred admission to the grade of apothecary. With reference to official status, right from the beginning, a feeling of inferiority had crept in among the apothecaries. In the early part of the 1850s, they formed a society, which was revived in 1864 as the Madras Apothecaries’ Society (Madras Apothecary Society, 1865: 466-73). The Society provided opportunities to the apoth­ ecaries for service, professional improvement and general scientific study. However, being an apothecary trainee in the apothecary class, their major duty was to serve European troops, hospitals and depots (the Subordinate Medical Department of India, 1868). From the medical records, description about the procedures for training of apothe-caries was found particularly for the army hos­ pitals.

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

105

A European or Eurasian boy between the age of fourteen and eighteen could enter a hospital of the British regiment to work as hospital apprentice for two years. At the end of the period, if he became successful in an examination pertaining to the elements of anatomy, medicine and surgery, and more particularly in the prepa­ ration and doses of medicine, he was sent to the Medical College in Calcutta for three years. On completion of this term, he became assistant apothecary and after passing moved up to become first class apothecary. In every hospital of the British regiment, there was one apothecary, one assistant apothecary and two or more hospital apprentices. An apothecary was in charge of medicine and medical instruments. He could prepare medicine as well as super­ intend the native compounder while he was preparing them (Medi­ cal Profession in India, 1877: 396-7). Moreover, the apothecaries were required to do the dispensing themselves. Any passing on such work to a ward assistant, styling himself as compounder was not authorized. However, the army apothecaries considered ‘apothecary’ a mis­ nomer and a misapplied term. Ultimately in 1894, the designation became changed from Army Apothecaries to Assistant Surgeons (Indian Medical Record, 1894). The Civil Apothecary class thus existed only in the Madras Presidency. It was opened around 1875, to take the place of military apothecaries at Civil Stations (Medical Reporter, 1895: 313-15). The course consisted of two years at Civil Dispensary and three years at the MMC with periodical examina­ tion (Manual of Madras, 1885; Chemist & Druggist, 1891. For gaining more popularity, the qualification at the entry level was open even to matriculates. Thus the training given to the class was equivalent to that undergone by students qualifying for LMS. The only difference was the cost of education and training of the civil apothecaries was borne by the Government, while the LMS students supported themselves. From 1883 onwards, the Service got to be recruited from students who had the LMS qualification (Medical Reporter, 1895: 313-15). By around 1895, the latter constituted one third of the civil apothecary service. Most of the hospitals and large dispensaries in the very interior of the districts were placed under the civil apothecaries. In spite of this, the designation re­

106

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

mained inferior, and salaries were very poor though the level of education was comparable with the LMS assistant surgeons. However, the grievances of the civil apothecaries were considered genuine, and subsequently the designation was changed accompa­ nied by the appropriate salaries (Indian Lancet, 1901). Finally, in 1904, the Civil Apothecaries possessed LMS qualification were transferred to the Civil Assistant Surgeons category (Rao, 1929). HOSPITAL ASSISTANTS

The term ‘hospital assistant’ was considered to be too vague. This could as well refer to a compounder or a ward boy. Initially they were designated as ‘dressers’. Before the establishment of the MMC, dressers were trained at General Hospital, Madras. They served in the East India Company regiments and Civil stations (Sibthorpe, 1896: 67-8). Later, the instructions given continued at the school/ college. Subsequently, the ‘dresser’ designation was abolished giving way to the grade of ‘hospital assistants’ (Public Department, Govern­ ment of Madras, 1861 and Education Department, Government of Madras, 1869). The basic criteria to qualify for this grade was to qualify an examination in English and Arithmetic and spend a year doing compounding at the Presidency hospitals. The course was of two years, conducted at the MMC. The curriculum con­ sisted of instructions in compounding anatomy and physiology, Materia Medica,4 elements of medicine and surgery. Hygiene and midwifery were also part of the curriculum. Besides, there were military and civil classes of hospital assistants too, who were invariably natives. The military native assistants served in the native military hospitals with native troops. The civil assistants had their duties in the civil hospitals and dispensaries. However, the native hospital assistants performed pharmaceutical duties. Unlike the assistant surgeon (formerly apothecary) for the British troops, he was not obliged to dispense all the medicines himself but was assisted by a compounder. But there persisted a ‘pernicious habit’ among the apothecaries who allow an old ward servant to do much of the dispensing, who very often styled him­ self as the ‘compounder’.

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

107

During the first decade of the nineteenth century, for the hos­ pital assistant class there existed a large number of medical schools in India. But the military hospital assistants underwent a course of education in selected schools at Poona, Ahmadabad, Royapuram, Vizagapatam, Tanjore, Lahore and Agra (Joubert, 1908: 385-8). The curriculum had been changed from three years to four years. However, the medium of instruction was in vernacular language in most of the schools except three schools in Madras and two schools in Bombay, where the medium of instruction was English. Though after matriculation students could admit in Madras but there was entrance examination at all other schools. In spite of this, the social status of civil hospital assistants was humble and their salaries were low. As a result, they became somewhat agitated. They even pub­ lished a periodical All India Hospital Assistants Journal to air their woes (Indian Medical Gazette, 1910: 3). Ultimately, in 1910, they became successful to not only enhance their status to Sub-Assistant Surgeon but to improve their pay scales. Undoubtedly, it was a great success for the hospital assistant class which existed for over half a century. COMPOUNDERS’ COMMUNITY

The term ‘compounder’ will not be found in any of the works on civilian pharmacy history. During the colonial period in India, the title was very common. In a general order dated 15 June 1812, it was mentioned that ‘compounders and dressers’ was a preliminary step to training as apothecaries (Crawford, 1914: 106-7). Evidently, the term ‘compounder’ came into vogue from early on. But com­ pounders did not have any significant professional status. They were a distressed and neglected lot. However, for the first time training as compounders started in Bengal in 1881 followed by that in Madras. But there did not develop any all India pattern of training. A statutory provision was made for education and examination of compounders in 1881 (Indian Medical Gazette, 1881 and Muni­ cipal Department, Medical Branch, 1882). Section 23 of Act 6 (BC) of 1881 (the Calcutta Municipal Consolidation Act Amend­

108

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

ment Act) made it mandatory for the owner of a Medicine Store to employ a man whose knowledge of drugs had been tested and certified. Without engaging a qualified compounder, a shop could not be registered where European drugs were sold. As a conse­ quence of this amendment, rules for training and examination of compounders were framed. Thus arrangements were made at the CMS, Calcutta; the Temple Medical School, Patna; the Dacca Medical School; the Orissa Medical School, Cuttack, respectively (General Department, Education Branch, 1882: 2). For admission, it was mandatory to be able to read and write in English suffi­ ciently, read prescriptions and to write the instructions on the labels. Thus the comprised attending the dispensary of the insti­ tution regularly for one year to receive instructions in practical pharmacy, Materia Medica and reading of prescriptions from the apothecary or head compounder. The examination was conducted by a committee which comprising the Superintendent of the institution along with any two teachers of the institute. After suc­ cessful completion of the course, the candidate received a certifi­ cate which enabled him to compound and dispense European drugs. Subsequently, recognition was also given to the Hospital of the Church of Scotland Mission, Kalimpong (Darjeeling district) (Municipal Department, Medical Branch, 1894: 1), Hospital of Dublin University Mission, Hazaribagh (Municipal Department, Medical Branch, 1896: 5). Besides, a class for female compounders was established in the CMS, Calcutta (Municipal Department, Medical Branch, 1899: 1). In this context, it should be mentioned that an Amendment made further (Bengal Act 3 of 1884) it was instructed that no person will be eligible to compound, mix, pre­ pare, dispense or sell any drug prescribed by the British Pharma­ copoeia, unless he had the eligibility (Wigley, 1914: 814-15). Modifications were done and made it compulsory that in addition to knowledge of Materia Medica, pharmacy and reading of pre­ scriptions, the candidates were examined to write English direc­ tions in prescriptions (Municipal Department, Medical Branch, 1895: 2). However, there were modification in the training process in 1928 (Report of the Drug Enquiry Committee, 1930: 11 and Government of Bengal Notification, 1928) by way of academic

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

109

qualification to qualify foradmission (matriculation), duration of the course (two years) and also in the course curriculum. But this did not bring any material changes (Acharjee, 1954: 9-10). For years, the compounders constituted a category of em­ ployees who generally received poor emoluments. In 1888, their pay scale was improved (Education Department, Government of Madras, 1889: 2). But it was ordered that a compounder should be able to read and write English and must be educated in the vernaculars of the district. Further, it was made compulsory that the probationers for the grade of compounders should have been trained at a major dispensary for a term of six months and qualify a suitable examination. Based on recommendations of the Committee, the Government decided that the training course for compound­ ers should extend to at least nine months at major dispensaries and the ability to read and write in English along with knowledge of one vernacular language (Education Department, Government of Madras, 1898: 4). The revised scheme was sanctioned in October 1937. The duration of the training was made 1 year (Education and Public Health Department, 1937). The first nine months at specified hospitals, followed by three months, training for all candi­ dates at the Government General Hospital, Madras. To take care of the training at Madras, a post of Pharmacist was sanctioned. At the end of the training, examination was held at Madras General Hospital in the Medical Department. In course of time, the number of candidates was restricted to five at each training centre (Educa­ tion and Public Health Department, Government of Madras, 1938: 7 and 1948: 1). In 1948, there were 17 centres for training of compounders and the number of candidates trained in the govern­ ment institutions every year was 70 (Education and Public Health Department, 1938: 7). In Bombay Presidency, there was no rules’ regarding training of compounders (Training of Compounders, 1930). Those who had passed VI standard for an Anglo-vernacular school were eligible for admission. However, the qualification of compounders for ad­ mission varied from one province to another. In Bihar, Orissa and Assam a certificate was issued after training of one year in some specified medical school. Training of compounders in the United

110

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Provinces were started in 1928 at six centres, namely, Allahabad, Banaras, Lucknow, Agra, Meerut, and Bareilly. At the entry level, the qualification was VIII class of a recognized English School and training for a period of ten months. At Nagpur, the Central Prov­ inces, the qualification was same as the United Provinces. In Punjab, there was no regular system of training for compounders. There was a mention of institution of a dispenser and dresser class with two years course at Amritsar Medical School (Chemist and Drug­ gist, 1937). From Medical Records (1886-7), it has been reported that in Bombay Presidency, Goanese compounders from Goa were employed in the private dispensaries. They were preferred because they were fluent in English and better equipped for doing dispen­ sary work. So, it is evident from the above discussion that in the pre-inde­ pendence India, the situation with regard to pharmacy practice remained pathetic. Though the Pharmaceutical Service at higher level was taken care of by apothecaries and hospital assistants, but insufficient attention was paid to improve the pharmaceutical ser­ vices at the lower level. Qualified compounders were ‘to work like dumb-driver cattle’ to keep their masters pleased for fear of losing their jobs (Acharjee, 1940). The compounders were ill paid and their salaries were very low. But they performed a lot of duties right from compounding, dispensing, preparing and selling of drugs and chemicals to working as dressers, laboratory assistants, anaesthetists, operating assistants, nurses and clerks in hospitals and dispensaries. They became a ‘utilitarian appendage’ of the medical system (Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1944: 19). In spite of having adequate training and skill, they were looked down upon as professionals. To work for the redressal of their grievances, the compounders organized themselves into different associations like, All India Compounders and Dispensers’ Association (AICDA), All Bengal Compounders’ Association (ABCA), etc. Eventually the Pharmaceutical Society of India accepted compounders as associate members. Associations like the Bengal Pharmaceutical Association, Indian Pharmaceutical Association and the Indian Pharmaceutical Congress Association helped the compounders to a great extent. Brief account of these two associations of compounders are given below.

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

111

ALL INDIA COMPOUNDERS AND DISPENSERS’ ASSOCIATION This organization was started in the year 1920 by some compounders of the United Provinces (Bahadur, 1941: 113-19). The first general annual meeting of the association was held at Lucknow in February 1921. The third conference was held at Delhi in 1923, presided by Colonel Lieut J.N.Walker, IMS (Chief Medical Officer), where this provincial association was converted into the All India Compounders and Dispensers’ Association, which became a Registered Association on 3 March 1925. Raj Bahadur who was the organizing Secretary of the United Provinces Compounders’ Association became the General Secretary of the AICDA. The association continued to plead for the cause of compounders year after year and passed reso­ lutions to the effect. ALL BENGAL COMPOUNDERS’ ASSOCIATION Sri Karuna Kumar Acharjee from Dacca Mitford Medical School started the ABCA at Calcutta in the year 1929 (Mukherjee, 1994: 17, 19, 22, 23). Initially it was not functioning properly due to lack of proper guidance. As a result, the future of ABCA was hazy. The disoriented thinking about future prospects for the compound­ ers got corrected when Col. Ram Nath Chopra interacted with them and presided over the ABCA (Indian Medical Gazette, 1934). In the annual meeting of ABCA held in January 1934, ABCA was converted into the Bengal Pharmaceutical Association (BPA). BPA had a broader perspective in view and it also continued to present the compounders (Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1944: 19). However, after the seventh meeting at Aligarh in October 1933, both AICDA and ABCA started working together. Finally, both of them accepted the Indian and Eastern Chemist, as their official medium (Indian and Eastern Chemist, 1941: 113-19 and Singh, 1996: 45-8). In this context, it should be mentioned that the Indian Pharmaceuti­ cal Association (IPA) did a great job for the compounders and also for those practising pharmacists who were not fortunate enough to receive systematic training in Pharmacy.

112

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies QUALIFIED INDIAN CHEMIST AND DRUGGIST

During seventeenth century in England, apothecaries separated from grocers (Matthews, 1962: 116-17, 1980; Trease, 1964: 294 Poynter, 1965: 151-2). They achieved some recognition as medicopharmaceutical practitioners in eighteenth century. Gradually, they formed two types of apothecaries. Category I who were interested in the practice of medicine and Category II who were interested in Pharmacy. In course of time, from category II, chemists and drug­ gists emerged who gained practical knowledge of pharmacy. During the early nineteenth century, they formed the Pharmaceutical So­ ciety of India. In the year 1842, this society established a school of pharmacy. In course of time, the teachers got recognition from the University of London (Fish, 1963: 120-2). In India, during the second half of the nineteenth century a beginning was made for the introduction of Pharmacy at the MMC. Before discussing about the history of chemists and druggists’ class, it may be mentioned that the status of pharmacy in the Portu­ guese time was much better than the rest of colonial India (Cordeiro, 1963: 190-3). At the time the doctors came from Portugal and they had to be associated with a pharmacist. In 1846, a medical school was opened in Goa where there was a school of pharmacy also. Before liberation, the Goa school was conducting a three years diploma in Pharmacy. However, Portuguese professionals consti­ tuted a very small section in the entire subcontinent. In British India, the beginning of pharmaceutical instructions dates back to the year 1860. Pharmacy classes first started at the MMC (Education Department, Government of Madras, 1866: 5). In colonial India, it was for the first time students got systematic training for making prescriptions and compounding. They were also instructed in the mode of preparing the principal compounds of the Pharmacopoeia and everything connected with the dispen­ sary work. The Pharmacy class continued till the end of 1861-2 sessions. After that due to some constraints the pharmacy class was discontinued. But again it commenced in April 1866. However, the term ‘Chemist and Druggist’ was apparently bor­ rowed from British. By the middle of the nineteenth century, these

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

113

professionals were getting scientifically trained. Thus the ‘Chemist and Druggists’ class started in the year 1874 (Srinivas Varadan, 1954: 309-11). However, at the Tamil Nadu Archives in the Annual Report of the MMC for the session 1879-80 (Education Depart­ ment, Government of Madras, 1880-1: 3) thus mentioned about the examination of chemists and druggists. The 1887-8 reports recorded that, ‘the students who had completed two years’ curri­ culum appeared before the Board and passed successfully (Educa­ tion Department, Government of Madras, 1888: 2). In 1894, the Pharmaceutical Journal and Transactions noted, ‘the certificate of a ‘chemist and druggist’ is given in Madras to the student who attends full course of instruction in materia medica, chemistry, practical chemistry and practical pharmacy (Medical College Phar­ maceutical Journal, vol. 45, 1894: 476). Initially, ‘chemists and druggists’ course was one year (Education Department, Govt. of Madras, 1898: 4). Gradually, it was extended to two years and subsequently entry level qualification changed from middle school examination to matriculation (Education Department, Government of Madras, 1893: 7). Subsequently many more changes were intro­ duced in the chemists and druggists’ course. But the course did not gain much popularity and abolition of the course was sug­ gested. But it did not happen and continued on a temporary basis initially for three years (Records, 1893). The course attracted few students but in spite of having so many constraints, the chemists and druggists’ course remained in operation and finally received government sanction for continuation in the Madras Medical Col­ lege as a permanent course (Local Self Governement, Government of Madras, 1924). A ‘chemists and druggists’ course was also in­ troduced in Vishakhapatnam Medical College in 1937 (Bradfield, 1938: 71-2). In a review on pharmaceutical education at the MMC, it was stated that in 1940, the name of the ‘Chemists and Druggists’ Diploma Course was changed to Diploma in Pharmacy. The course duration was two and a half years (Education and Public Health Department, Government of Madras, 1948: 2). The course got recognition by the Pharmacy Council of India (PSI) in 1957 (Min­ utes of the Meeting of the Pharmacy Council, 27 November 1957) and the contribution of stalwarts such as Prof. A.N. Ratnagiriswaran,

114

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Prof. K.S. Srinivasa Varadan and Prof. S. Rajagopal Naidu who were the pillars of Pharmacy in the Madras State, made it a great success (Singh, 1998). During the colonial period, it was not very easy to practice the pharmacy profession as it is today. In India, to regulate and to bring some order in the state of Pharmacy practice, some qualified chemists and druggists of the MMC organized themselves and formed a society. The society started in the year 1923 under the name of ‘The Pharmaceutical Association’ (Chemist & Druggist, 1928 and Pharmacy in India, 1928). In 1925, the name was changed into PSI. The aim of the Society was to establish a uniform system of education for qualification as Pharmacists and have a compulsory registration of Pharmacists and control over pharmacies in India PSI, 1929. A.N. Lazarus acted as the Honorary Secretary of the Society. To expand for better project activities, the society decided to publish its own journal. The Pharmacist, in July 1939, with K. Venkatapathi Naidu as editor (Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1939; Chemist & Druggist, 1939: 3). The Society planned to organize an All India Pharmaceutical conference and exhibition at Madras in January 1940 (Pharmaceutical Journal, 1939; Chawhan, 1939 : 49). Undoubtedly, the PSI was the oldest organization of its type. In colonial India, its area of operation remained the Madras Presi­ dency, because excepting Madras, pharmacists training was not done in any other parts of India. Besides PSI, to protect trade interests, chemists and druggists formed different associations of their own. This author has tried to cover the development of some of the major chemists and druggists’ organizations formed during the colonial period in a comprehensive manner. CITY AND STATE LEVEL CHEMISTS AND

DRUGGISTS’ ASSOCIATIONS (CSLCDA)

The chemists and druggists of Calcutta formed the Calcutta Chemists and Druggists Association on 30 November 1920 (Chemist & Druggist, 1921: 7-11). Hari Shankar Paul, the senior partner of B.K. Paul & Co. became its President and H.D. Nag was made the Secretary. The name of the Association was later changed to Bengal

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

115

Chemists and Druggists Association in 1950 (Golden Jubilee Sou­ venir, Bengal Chemist & Druggist, 1972). The Association also started to publish the Journal of Bengal Chemists and Druggists Association. The Chemists and Druggists’ in the city of Madras formed ‘The Chemists and Druggists Association’ in Madras was started in 1926. S. Shiva Rao was its President and V. Srinivasan was the Secretary of the Association. The Chemists and Druggists Association, Madras was the only drug trade organization which submitted a written memorandum to the Drugs Enquiry Committee 1930-1 (Report of the Drug Enquiry Committee, 1930). The Association started a publication of its own the Journal of the Chemists and Druggists Association, Madras, from October 1961 (Siramulu, 1961: 11). The Chemists and Druggists Association, Bombay, was started in 1925 (Gupta, 1925). Another association, ‘The Retail and Dis­ pensing Chemists Association, Bombay’, was started from 16 Sep­ tember 1939. Its founder President was N.R. Sharma (Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1963). The main aim of the Association was to protect the interest of the retailers during Second World War (the prices of Western medicines started spiraling suddenly). The Chemists and Druggists Association of Delhi was started in the year 1935 (Gupta, 1935). R.B. Sen (from H.C. Sen & Co.) and Ramsaran Das (from Young Friends & Co.) were the Presi­ dent and Secretary respectively. The Association did not make much headway till 1943 due to Second World War. After Independence, the name was changed into ‘Delhi State Chemists Association’. ALL INDIA FEDERATION OF CHEMISTS AND

DRUGGISTS (AIFCD)

During the Second World War, the disturbed socio-political situ­ ation affected the basic interest of the chemists and druggists to a great extent. Government of India under the Defence of India Rules, passed the Drugs Control Order, 1943 (Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1963: 190-3). According to this order, no wholesaler or retailer would be able to sell a drug at a price higher than that specified under the schedule of the order. Even the entry of newcomers was restricted. This order affected all categories of dealers to a great extent.

116

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

To solve this situation, a meeting was commenced in Bombay in January 1944, under the Chairmanship of S. Lalchand Dadha. It was decided to form an All India Association (Souvenir, India Chemist and Druggists Federation, 1946: 23-35). In the next year another meeting was held at Calcutta and the AIFCD was constituted. Subsequently, representatives from Bombay, Delhi, Madras joined this Federation (Gupta, 1945). Sir Hari Shankar Paul was made the first President of this Federation. After some years the Federation became known as the, ‘All India Federation of Chem­ ists and Druggists’. The major issue of the Federation was drug prices and the margin of 25 per cent on the maximum retail price. But that was not the end. Many more were done and undoubt­ edly it can be said that AIFCD has provided an active platform to the drug traders since its inception (Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1950: 13). In India, the drugs largely remained a trade for well over a cen­ tury. After the coming of qualified pharmacists, gradually the per­ spective changed and now it came to be regarded a mixture of trade and profession. Chemists, dispensing chemists, chemists and druggists who are the remnants of the colonial period, will hope­ fully be called pharmacists and the retail outlets will get to be described as pharmacies. The following section embodies the con­ tributions of Brevet Colonel Sir Ram Nath Chopra (1882), Prof. Khem Singh Grewal (1894) and Dr Bishnupada Mukherjee (1903) and their pioneering role for pharmaceutical developments in the colonial India. EMINENT MEDICO-PHARMACEUTICAL

PROFESSIONALS

RAM NATH CHOPRA Brevet Colonel Sir Ram Nath Chopra is remembered as the father of pharmacology in India, pioneer of systematic studies of indig­ enous drugs, promoter of the Indian systems of medicine and patron of pharmacy. Ram Nath Chopra was born on 17 August 1882 (Wolstenholme, 1982: 102-3). He started his early studies at Jammu and then Srinagar (Mukerji, 1976: 171-85). He com­

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

117

pleted his schooling at Lahore. For collegiate education he studied at the Government College, Lahore. After college, he went to Eng­ land and enrolled himself in Downing College, Cambridge. In 1905, he became qualified for Natural Sciences Tripos and was admitted to its BA course 1908 and subsequently MA course in 1909. It is to be mentioned here that at the time when Ram Nath Chopra joined Cambridge, a drastic change had been taking place— from materia medica to pharmacology. Dr. Walter E. Dixon was the first Professor of Pharmacology in the University of Cambridge. Dr. Dixon inspired Ram Nath Chopra to perform independent experiments. Chopra contributed his work for the degree of Doctor of Medicine. He was awarded the same in 1908 (Chopra, 1965: 1-8). Afterwards, Chopra involved himself in the research of ex­ perimental Pharmacology. Along with his research, he successfully completed the Indian Medical Service (IMS). Within a short span of time he completed his MD (Doctor of Medicine) and MRCP Membership of the Royal Colleges of Physicians of the United Kingdom) from Cambridge and London respectively. He returned to India in 1909 and during First World War he was called to serve on the East African Front and became Deputy Assistant Di­ rector Medical Services (DADMS) during the Afgan War 19195 (British Medical Journal, 1973: 547). The professional and academic career of Prof. Chopra started in 1921 when he joined as a Professor of Pharmacology in the Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine.6 He spent two decades at the Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine. Various kinds of researches were con­ ducted on pharmacology, chemotherapy, indigenous drugs, drug addiction and drug analysis. A good extent of pharmacological studies by Prof. Chopra centred around tropical diseases and re­ spective remedies. A considerable time was spent on examining the physical properties of pathological blood sera in comparison with normal sera. Chemotherapeutic studies were carried out in connection with diseases such as malaria, amoebic dysentery, kala­ azar, filariasis, etc. Studies were also taken in hand on snake ven­ oms due to its use as therapeutic agents in indigenous medicine (Annual Report of Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine, 1934: 91-2).

118

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

The change of beds in the Carmichael Hospital for Tropical Diseases enabled Prof. Chopra to carry out a large amount of clini­ cal work both with testing the effectiveness of various remedies and also in studying various conditions peculiar to tropical climates. Professor Chopra carried out research on Indian indigenous drugs. He and his associates carried out a pioneering work on Rauwolfia serpentina. It was recorded that it should prove to be a valuable sedative drug if administered in proper dosage (Chopra, Gupta and Mukherjee, 1933: 261-71). It was an extension of Prof. Chopra’s work on indigenous drugs that led him to collect and analyse in­ formation on poisonous plants of India (Chopra and Badhawar, 1940). Drug addiction was a neglected area and an unpromising subject for studies when Prof. Chopra started the investigations. In course of time a series of papers were published by Chopra and his associates on drug addiction (Chopra and Chopra, 1965: 1-8). Prof. Chopra became Lieutenant Colonel in 1927and was awarded CIE for his work on the Drugs Enquiry Committee and yeomen services rendered to the school (Annual Report of Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine, 1936: 334-7). In 1935, he became the Hon­ orary Physician of His Majesty the King with the brevet rank of Colonel (ibid., 1936). He was elected as a Fellow of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1933 (ibid., 1936 ). In 1939, he became the Vice-President of the Society and received the Barclay Medal of the Society (ibid., 1936). He was elected president of the National Institute of Sciences, a Fellow of the Royal College of Lon­ don, awardee of Minto Medal, Mount Medal, Coatoo Medal by the School and also by the University of Calcutta. He was also elected as a Honorary Member of the American Society for Pharmacology and Experimental Therapeutics, Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain and Belgian Society of Tropical Medicine. He was conferred the Knighthood in 1941 (ibid., 1940). Prof. Chopra raised himself almost to the status of an ‘institution’ rather than an individual (Mukerji, 1973: 12-14). His unflinch­ ing devotion to laboratory, high idealism, unbounded enthusiasm and glorious career made him a remarkable medical scientist in India. He was the first to establish a Centre of Study and Research in Pharmacology in India, at the Calcutta School of Tropical Medi­

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

119

cine. The books by Prof. Chopra, I.C. Chopra, K.L. Handa and L.D. Kapur entitled, Indigenous Drugs of India, Glossary of Medi­ cinal Plants of India, Poisonous Plants of India, became the most enduring and popular Encyclopedia on Indian Medicinal Plants (Satyabati, 1973: 22-3). Colonel Chopra’s contribution towards the promotion of Indian system of Medicine was also significant. It will not be an overstatement to say that in the twentieth century pharmaceutical annals of India, the establishment of the Drug Enquiry Committee proved to be the most significant event. Pro­ fessor Chopra was a multifaceted personality. In any sphere of the scientific and professional domain he involved himself and worked with devotion and a deep sense of commitment. The future generations of the medico-pharmaceutical profession will indeed continue to remember Brevet Colonel Chopra as the Father of Phar­ macology in India, pioneer of systematic studies of indigenous drugs, promoter of Indian systems of medicine and patron of phar­ macy with much gratitude (Mukerji, 1973: 12-14). KHEM SINGH GREWAL Khem Singh Grewal was born in Narangwal, Ludhiana, district of the Punjab, India, on 15 November 1894. He completed his schooling from Khalsa Collegiate School, Amritsar. After that he studied at Dayal Singh College, Lahore. He did his MBBS from Kind Edward Medical College, Lahore (1914-19). After medical graduation he joined the Provincial Civil Medical Service (PCMS) (Grewal, 1994). He was appointed as a demonstrator at the Depart­ ment of Materia Medica of the King Edward Medical College, Lahore. Along with teaching, he was also attached to the Out­ patient Department (OPD) in medicine. Being a pharmacologist, Khem Singh started his career with Prof. Ram Nath Chopra at Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine. He worked there from 1925 to 1927 (Annual Report of Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine, 1925: 77, 1926: 59, 1927: 55). After his training at the Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine, he went to Lahore. Afterwards, he proceeded to England for his PhD research. Inter-estingly, he chose to study at the University of Cam­

120

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

bridge (1929) and worked under Walter Ernest Dixon (Personal Letter of Communication of Grewal, 1994: 547). He also worked at the Pharmacological Laboratory, Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain, London. There he became associated with Joshua Harold Burn. Khem Singh submitted his dissertation in November 1930 (Personal Communication of Grewal, 1994: 547). The degree was conferred in April 1931. After his PhD, Khem Singh returned from Cambridge and joined as an Assistant Professor at the King Edward Medical College. In 1940, and later became Professor of Pharmacology there. Professor Khem Singh emerged as an accomplished pharmacolo­ gist of his time. After August 1947, he opted out of Pakistan and joined the Glancy Medical College, Amritsar as Principal for a shortwhile before becoming Deputy Director of Health Services, Punjab. He also functioned as Assistant Inspector General of Civil Hospital, East Punjab, Kasauli (Personal Communication of Khem Singh Grewal, 1947). After that, he again joined as Professor of Pharma­ cology at Assam Medical College, Dibrugarh. After 1955, he joined Medical College, Patiala, as Professor of Pharmacology and finally retired as Medical Superintendent in 1956. Professor Khem Singh Grewal was an academician and his ma­ jor area of interest centred around pharmaceutical education. His significant contribution was the foundation of Pharmaceutical Edu­ cation at Punjab. He became one of the editors of the Indian Journal of Pharmacy and continued the service for several years (Proceed­ ings of the IPA Annual General Meeting, 1941: 5). Along with his teaching profession, he also acted as the first Drug Controller of Punjab. In course of time, he became a member of the Drugs Technical Advisory Board and Drugs Consultative Committee. He was also instrumental in founding the B. Pharm Course at Lahore University. The University of the Punjab became the second insti­ tution next to the Banaras Hindu University to have a Bachelor of Pharmacy Course thanks to him. It can be said that without Dr. Grewal’s keen interest in the matter, the Bachelor of Pharmacy Course might have never been started at the Punjab University (Syndicate Proceeding of University of Panjab, 1942). It was Pro­ fessor Khem Singh who designed the Bachelor of Pharmacy Course

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

121

in consonance with Dean Burn’s Philosophy regarding education for pharmacists. As part of the curriculum, three months dispensary training was made mandatory for the Bachelor of Pharmacy Course students. However, the Centre of Pharmaceutical Instructions cre­ ated in 1944 at Lahore, shifted to Amritsar in 1947 and then to Chandigarh. It is now designated as the University Institute of Pharmaceutical Science (UIPS) of the Punjab University (Singh, 2008: 603-13). Undoubtedly, it stands as a living memorial to the pioneers of Dr. Khem Singh Grewal. He died on 10 December 1965 at Khaltoo, Himachal Pradesh. Future generation of phar­ macist will always remember the contribution of such a professor of great merit. BISHNUPADA MUKHERJI

Bishnupada Mukherji was born in Barrackpore, West Bengal on 1March 1903 (Mukerji, 2006). He completed his schooling from Shyambazar Vidyasagar School, Calcutta (Chakravarti, 1984) and passed out in 1919. He then completed his intermediate in Science Course from Scottish Church College, Calcutta, after which he became a student of six years, Bachelor of Medicine Course at the CMC. He completed the Course in 1927. During 1927-8 he worked as Resident House Surgeon at the Eden Hospital of the college. When he was a student of MBBS he was much impressed by Colonel Ram Nath Chopra. He was appointed as the Second Experimental Assistant under the Indigenous Drugs Enquiry of the Indian Research Fund Association. In 1930, he was placed at the disposal of the Drug Enquiry Committee where Colonel Ram Nath Chopra was the Chairman. He rejoined Indian Research Fund Association, Drugs Enquiry on 1 April 1931. In the year 1933, he was selected as Rockefeller Foundation Fellow (Annual Report of Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine, 1932-3: 71). During 1928­ 33, Bishnupada Mukherji carried out a substantial amount of work largely on indigenous drugs. Being a Rockefeller Foundation Fel­ low, Bishnupada Mukherji worked in different countries of the world like, China, Japan, USA, England and different countries of Europe—Belgium, France, Germany, Austria, Switzerland.

122

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Dr. Mukherji completed a highly successful study during his stay at abroad (Rockefeller Foundation Collection, 1933). Being a phar­ macologist he gained rich experience and also built useful contacts with the top scientists of the world. After returning to India, he took up his new assignment as Pharmacologist at the Biochemical Standardization Laboratory (BSL). He engaged himself in the pro­ motion and consolidation of pharmacology and allied fields in the country. The BSL and Central Drugs Laboratory7 (CDL) provided Dr. Mukherji a solid base for a decade and a half to carry out research in addition to mandatory analytical work on different facets in the field of drugs and to promote the discipline of pharmacology. Dr. Mukherji became a crusader for the propagation of pharma­ cology and its allied fields. He concerned the Central Drug Research Institute at Lucknow and was its Director from 1951 to 1963. He participated actively in all the major developments related to drugs and pharmacy during the later part of the colonial period and the first two decades of independent India. He became a member of the Drugs Technical Advisory Board and when the Pharmacy Act 1948 became operational, he was on the first Pharmacy Council of India constituted in 1949 and was elected to its Executive Com­ mittee and the Education Regulations Subcommittee. Dr. Mukherji prepared the Indian Pharmaceutical Codex (Mukherji, 1953: 21) and was actively involved in the preparation of the Indian Pharma­ copoeial List 1946 (The Indian Pharmacopoeial List, 1946: 29-30). He also played an important role in bringing forth the Pharmacopoeia of India (1955) (Mukherji, 1954: 127-8) and its Supplement (1960). He became the Chairman of the Indian Phar­ macopoeia Committee entrusted with the compilation of the Phar­ macopoeia of India (1966). He was also the General Secretary of the Bengal Pharmaceutical Association. Besides, he presided over the Indian Pharmaceutical Congress and also helped in the development of the official organs of the Bengal Pharmaceutical Association (BPA) and Indian Pharmaceutical Association (IPA). Dr. Mukherji also held the Presidentship of the Asiatic Society from 1972 to 1975. Being a Foundation Fellow of the Institution of Chemists (India), he became the President of the Institution for

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

123

two years (1972-3) (Golden Jubille Brochure, 1978). He was honoured with the H.K. Sen Memorial Medal for 1963, remained Foreign Secretary of the Indian National Science Academy (INSA)8 for 1967-8, received the Acharya P.C. Ray Memorial Gold Medal (1976) of Indian Pharmaceutical Association (Bengal Branch) and INSA honoured him with the Shree Dhanwantari Prize for 1976 (Pharma Times, 1976). He built for himself an impeccable set of credentials among the prominent pioneers of modern pharmacy in India. Undeniably, Dr. Bishnupada Mukherji helped the develop­ ment of Pharmacology and Pharmacy in the country. Even in this era of globalization, Dr. Bishnupada Mukherji stands out as a re­ nowned medico-pharmaceutical professional of great merit. BRITISH PHARMACEUTICAL CONCERNS

IN COLONIAL INDIA

In 1821, Smith, Stanistreet & Co. began as a small apothecary’s shop at 1 Radha Bazar Street, Calcutta by Surgeon J. Robinson and James Williamson (Bengal Pharmaceutical Conference, 1954). In 1826, Dr. John Smith joined the firm, followed by Dr. Thomson Dowson Stanistreet in 1844. The business moved to Lal Bazar in 1844 and later to Dalhousie Square. The company became a suc­ cessful enterprise but it had degenerated considerably by 1869. But the company again picked up under the guidance of Dr. Charles Noyce Kernot until 1889. Afterwards Dr. Kernot, Dr. Frank Charles Butt and Archibald H. Symington took over the business and it was 1890, Charles Federick Baker and Walter T. Grice who took over the reins of the company. In 1902, the firm had four pharma­ cies—two in Calcutta and one each in Howrah and Darjeeling. The headquarter was the Dalhousie Square establishment. In 1915, the Company moved to Convent Road and was converted to a limited liability concern in 1918. The company manufactured strychinn, caffeine, galenicals and many other products in large quantities. It was a prominent drug company at Calcutta during the colonial period (Marshall, 1926: 757-60). In 1811, a Scottish Chemist Bathgate opened a chemist’s shop Bathgate and Co. near Lal Bazar, Calcutta (Brochure of Indian

124

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Pharmaceutical Congress, 1951: 83, 85). After a few years, the company moved to a more spacious site at Old Court House Street. Bathgate & Co. was known as ‘the Prettiest Pharmacy in India’. Apart from prescription services, the company manufactured a wide range of toiletries too. Due to further extension, the company opened another branch at Camac Sreet in Calcutta around 1900, and an­ other at Ballygunge in 1910. Even before India’s Independence, the company became a limited company under Indian manage­ ment. The company continued as manufacturing and dispensing chemists and druggists. R. Scott Thomson & Co. was started in the year 1894 (Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1894: 2; British and Colonial Druggist, 1894: 5). The firm was primarily engaged in pharmaceutical business. How-ever, there is some controversy related to the beginning of the company. Undoubtedly, the company was among the three principal pharmaceutical houses in Calcutta (Bliss, 1909: 100-2), counting along with Smith Stanistreet & Co., and Bathgate & Co. Frank Ross, established this company at Chowringhee in Calcutta in 1906 (Brochure of 4 Indian Pharmaceutical Congress, 1951: 83, 95). The company bought some small firms and converted them into its Park Street and Darjeeling branches. The company manufactured not only pharmaceutical products but also toilet­ ries and proprietary household remedies. It became a public limited company in 1919. J.S. Jebb joined the company and became the manager and secretary of the company. Gradually the company opened several branches in different parts of India and became one of the leading pharmaceutical distributors and chemists (Chemist and Druggist, 1906: 3, 1921: 7-11, 1936: 553). Kemp & Co. was founded by David Skinner Kemp at Bombay in 1864 (Chemist and Druggist, 1902: 7). In 1882, the company was converted into a limited company. Kemp remained as manager until 1885. After Kemp, the company was successfully managed by John Bristed, Akfred Pell, J. Fraser, Jackson, etc., as managing directors. In 1902, the company established a palatial building in Elphinstone Circle with branches at Byculla, Cumballa Hill and Esplanade Road (Chemist and Druggist, 1902: 7). The Company had a representative who permanently resided in London (Chemist

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

125

and Druggist, 1897: 5). The company had an extensive wholesale business. Besides pharmaceuticals, it also carried out business in surgical instruments, chemical and photographic apparatuses, wines, spirit and liquors. The company exported Indian drugs to London and American markets. It also prepared and published the Prescriber’s Pharmacopoeia (Indian Medical Gazette, 1889: 11), Guide to Health for India and Tropics (Pharmaceutical Journal and Transaction, 1890: 756-85), Medicine Chest Companion and nu­ merous pamphlets of interest both to the physician and layman (Pharmaceutical Journal, 1906: 149). William Treacher founded the Treacher & Co. Ltd at Bombay in 1864 (Chemist and Druggist, 1909: 11). He made a large fortune. The opening date of the Poona unit is uncertain. The company also opened a branch at Mahabaleshwar, the popular Bombay hill station for the 1889 session (Chemist and Druggist, 1889: 238). Treacher & Co. was successfully managed by Edward Rammall, W.T. Tucker, William Caster and W. Hockerday. The diversity of dealings was apparent from the company’s various departments, namely, wine and liquor, furnishing and crockery, sporting requisites, ammunition, jewellery and electroplates, stationary and drawing material, surveying and photographic apparatus, retail pharmacy, wholesale pharmacy, surgical instruments and appliances. The magnitude of the Company can be judged from the fact that the company paid 17 per cent dividend on their capital of Rs. 10 lakh (Chemist and Druggist, 1889: 238). The company gradually declined by the turn of the century. The Poona branch closed down in 1915. In 1872, George Thomson and W.C. Taylor founded the Phar­ macy. It was situated in Esplanade Road, Bombay. The firm made a name as wholesale and retail chemists and importers of drugs and chemicals and druggists’ sundries. After establishment, very soon the company added branches at Kalba Devi and Mazagan. After Thomson and Taylor, the company was carried forward by F.W. Stewart, Charles Bradshaw Robinson and J. Scott Emerson respectively (Chemist and Druggist, 1911: 152-3). W.E. Smith & Company was started by W.E. Smith in 1897 (Chemist and Druggist, 1897: 175). It was situated on Mount Road, Madras. It had a large dispensary and facility for manufacturing of aerated water.

126

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Besides the above mentioned firms, a few other important drug­ gist companies in the colonial period companies in Bengal, Bombay and Madras Presidencies and at Bangalore and Secunderabad, situ­ ated in the then Mysore and Hyderabad states respectively were J. Morgan Paul & Co. at Calcutta, E. Beyon & Co.; Bertie Smith & Co., N. Powell & Co., Wright & Co., at Bombay; D. Robb & Co., at Poona, Pile & Co. at Bombay, Holmes & Co., Poona, Oaker & Co. Limited at Madras; Sepencer & Co., Limited at Madurai and Coimbatore; J.B. Froster & Co. at Banglalore; C.F. Pearson & Co. at Secunderabad, Abid & Co. at Hyderabad, etc. (Chemist and Druggist, 1911, 1886, 1887, 1895, 1905; Cecil, 1905). There were European chemists’ establishments in bigger towns and hill stations of the United Provinces, namely, at Lucknow, Allahabad, Meerut, Mussorie and Nainital (Chemist and Druggist, 1904). Mention here must be made also of those pharmacies which were prominent in the then colonial India—Murray & Co., Peake, Allen & Co. at Lucknow; Buncobe & Co., Lyell & Co. at Allahabad; E.J. Lazarus at Banaras; Hoskins & Co., Simmonds & Co., Howard & Co at Meerut; Fitch & Co., J.B. & Samuel, Hammer & Co. at Mussoorie; Morrison & Co. Limited and Appleby & Co. at Nainital. In the pre-Independence Punjab, there were pharmacies managed by European chemists. Being a capital city, Delhi also attracted a lot of businessmen. However, the most important chemists’ busi­ nesses were Symes & Co., E. Plomer & Co. at Shimla. Other successful Chemists houses at Shimla were Frank Bliss & Co (Chemist and Druggist, 1902) and William Cotton & Co. E. Gillon & Co., at Lahore; and Neal & Co. at Delhi. Other well known pharma­ ceutical chemists were Smith & Campbell and Wilson & Co. at Lahore. Quetta and Karachi also had establishments run by Euro­ pean chemists. Important firms were H. Baldwin & Co. at Quetta (Chemist and Druggist, 1887); E. Brooke & Co. and Bliss & Co. at Karachi. The above discussion tried to cover the prominent European pharmacies in a comprehensive manner. In course of time, most of the European establishments came under Indian management.

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

127

INDIAN PHARMACEUTICAL CONCERNS

Butto Krishna Paul, the founder of Butto Krishna Paul & Co., started business in 1855 (Chemist and Druggist, 1914: 7). Initially, it was located at Bara Bazar, Calcutta. Later, the company shifted to Bonfield’s Lane, Calcutta. The Company conducted enormous trade in drugs, chemicals and allied articles. After Buttokrishna’s demise, the company flourished even further under his son Bhut Nath Paul. After a while his brother Hari Sankar Paul and Hari Mohan Paul also joined the company. In 1927, Hari Shankar Paul made a business trip to England. During the colonial period, the company was considered to be the biggest drug store not only in India but also in Asia (Indian and Eastern Druggist, 1927). At the turn of the century, in 1891, Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray with great foresight and pioneering spirit started the first Indian owned pharmaceutical industry, the Bengal Chemical & Pharma­ ceutical Works on the outskirts of Calcutta. Gradually it became the leading pharmaceutical industry in India. S. Brothers, I.G. Gajjar & Co., Bill & Co., were the prominent popular pharmacies among the druggists’ firms of Bombay (Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1963: 190-3). S. Brothers was one of the oldest dispensing chemists’ firm of Bomaby. Sorabji Rustomji Pochkha-nawala founded the business in 1893. After Sorabji’s death, the company changed management a number of times. From 1948, Sorab F. Ranji and Noshir M. Nallaseth conducted the business. After them, the company was purchased by Chaitanbhai and Pravinbhai Bhupatri Thakkar who continued the business suc­ cessfully. I.G. Gajjar & Co., started in the year 1905. The com­ pany had a dispensing division along with wholesale and import business. Now the company is owned by R.I. Gajjar and his son who conduct supply of pharmaceuticals and have also diversified into non-pharmaceutical business. Bill & Co. made a beginning in 1932. It was founded by Jalbhai Billimoria. The Popular Phar­ macy was another important firm of Bombay (Indian Pharmaceu­ tical Guide, 1994). Dadha & Co., Appah & Co. and Wilfred Pereira Ltd., were the three important firms of Madras (Ramkrishnan, 1989). Lakshmi-chand, Sobhagmall and Lalchand, the three Dadha Broth­

128

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

ers, started Dadha & Co. in the year 1914. By 1920, the firm emerged as one of the leading retailers of drugs in Madras. The business expanded a great deal. During the 1940s and 1950s, the company opened branches in Hyderabad, Bombay, Bangalore and Cochin. By 1939, the company stopped the wholesale distribu­ tion. Appah & Co. started business as chemists and druggists in 1928 (Silver Jubilee Celebration of Chemist and Druggist, 1951: 3). The two brothers K. Alavandar Naidu and K. Venkata Pathi Naidu built up a prosperous business during that period. The business expanded and flourished and soon Appah & Co. became a house­ hold in Madras. Wilfred Pereira, the founder of Pereira Ltd., started the company in 1922. It made a remarkable progress and occupied an important position among chemists and druggists. Besides drugs and dispensary departments, the company was also engaged in drug manufacturing. Hemchandra Sen & Co., Young Friends & Co. and Dr. Sahib Singh & Sons were the three oldest druggists of Delhi. Dr. Hem Chandra Sen was a medical officer. After resigning from his job, he started working as a consultant from 1880. He set up a dispensing pharmacy and started manufacturing of galenicals and certain patent medicines. In 1883, Dr. Sen established the Imperial Medical Hall near Fountain in Chandni Chowk, Delhi. After the demise of Dr. Sen, his son Rash Behari Sen took over the management. The company became one of the leading dispensing chemists in Delhi. Rash Behari Sen considered his retail shop as a mean to serve the cause of welfare of the people. He was known as the doyen of retail pharmacy in Delhi (The First Hundred Years of H.C. Sen & Company, 1980). Another important firm in Delhi was the Young Friends & Co. The company was established in 1924. Ratan Lal Gupta was a partner in the firm. He actively started working in 1939 after his masters in Chemistry. After 1953, he opened his own firm Ratan Lal & Co. He was active in the chemists and druggists organiza­ tion. He was a leading figure in pharmacy and was nominated to the first Pharmacy Council of India (Sen, 2002: 101). Dr. Sahib Singh & Sons were another progressive retail pharmacy at New Delhi (Singh, 2002). The firm was started at Shimla in 1922.

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

129

Around 1932, Dr. Sahib Singh and his younger son Shamsher Singh opened the firm at Connaught Place, New Delhi. The com­ pany was a success and was held in high esteem. After Sahib Singh’s death, his son expanded the business in different parts of the coun­ try—Calcutta, Bombay, Madras and Kanpur. After his demise, the company gradually declined (ibid., 2002). During the colonial period there were no relevant legal restric­ tions in general. Some fringe restrictive provisions in local municipal acts were not of much consequence. There were malpractices in import and sale of drugs. Anyone could open a chemists’ shop as long as he paid the usual trade and professional tax to the muni­ cipality. The absence of adequately qualified pharmaceutical per­ sonnel compounded the sad state of affairs. The practice of pharmacy remained in a pathetic state. As a consequence, the Government of India was compelled to appoint a Drug Enquiry Committee (1930-1). The Committee recommended that there should be central legislation to control drugs and pharmacy. The Government of India took nine years to process the Drugs Act 1940. The Drug Rules 19459 were formulated as per provisions of the Act. But the action on the recommendation for a legislative control of pharma­ cies was inordinately delayed. After Independence, the Pharmacy Act 194810 became a statute to provide for the regulation and practice of pharmacy. Today the pharmacy profession links the health sciences with the chemical sciences and it is charged with ensuring the safe and effective use of pharmaceutical drugs. In present day India, pharmacy courses are becoming very popular among students because of their vast worldwide scope. NOTES 1. It is the science by which different techniques of preparation, dispensation and review of drugs are made. It is a health profession which provides additional clinical services. The beginning of pharmacy profession in India can be traced from the ancient period. In modern period, pharmacy as a profession in India began with the first batch of graduate students of chemist and druggist at the Madras medical College in 1870. 2. Alchemy the medieval forerunner of chemistry, concerned with the trans­

130

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

mutation of matter. It was an ancient practice shrouded in mystery and secrecy whose practitioners mainly sought to turn lead into gold. Alchemy was rooted in a complex spiritual worldview where it was believed that metals were not only to be alive but also to grow inside the Earth. To the alchemists, metals were not the unique substances but instead the same thing in different stages of development or refinement on their way to spiritual perfection. 3. This society was founded by Royal Charter in 1617 and is one of the few livery companies in the city of London. It lies at the heart of the early foundations of modern-day medicine. It is an important active and innova­ tive medical institution today. It plays a key role in the advancement of specialist areas of medicine and in the ongoing postgraduate education and qualification of practitioners. 4. Materia medica is a Latin term from the history of pharmacy for the body of collected knowledge about the therapeutic properties of any substance used for healing. The Indian Materia Medica contains about 2,000 drugs, the majority of which are of vegetable origin. During the time of the Great Ashoka the Hindu Materia Medica contained about 700 vegetable drugs which were used by the Vaidyas. 5. The Third Anglo-Afghan War also known as the Third Afghan War, the British-Afghan War of 1919 and in Afghanistan as the War of Indepen­ dence. Three conflicts started from 1839-42 then 1878-80 and in 1919, where Great Britain, from its base in India, sought to extend its control over neighbouring Afghanistan and to oppose Russian influence there. 6. Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine was such an institution which dedi­ cated its activities to research, care and cure of tropical diseases. This institu­ tion was founded by Sir Leonard Rogers in 1914. This institute was graced by eminent researchers like Leonard Rogers, Ronals Ross, U.N. Brahamachari, J.B. Chatterjee, R.N. Chopra and many others. The foundation stone was laid by the Governor Lord Michael on 24 February 1914 at the initiative of Leonard Rogers. The school started functioning independently in its own building in 1921 with Lt. Col. J.W.D. Megaw as the first Director. The first batch of students obtained their degrees in diploma in Tropical Medi­ cine in 1922. 7. Central Drugs Laboratory, Kolkata is the national statutory laboratory of the Government of India for quality control of drug and cosmetics and was established under the Indian Drug & Cosmetics Act, 1940. It is the oldest quality control laboratory of the Drug Central Authorities in India. 8. Indian National Science Academy (INSA) was established in 1935 with an objective of promoting science in India and harnessing scientific knowledge

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

131

for the cause of humanity and national welfare. The foundation of the academy previously known as the National Institute of Sciences of India (NISI), was the outcome of a joint endeavours of several organizations and individuals and the Indian Science Congress Association (ISCA) play­ ing a leading role in this regard. A special meeting of ISCA was held in Mumbai in January 1934 to consider the scheme. In response to the request made by the President of ISCA, Prof. M.N. Saha in support of the Indian Academy of Sciences on the model of the Royal Society, London, unanimously accepted the proposal for the formation of a national scientific society and finally the committee formed an academic committee. 9. The Drugs and Cosmetics Rules 1945 contain provisions for classification of drugs under given schedules. The Drugs & Cosmetic Rules 1945 as amended from time to time regulate the import, manufacture and sale or distribution of drugs and cosmetics through licenses and permits, etc. 10. In India there was no restriction to practice the profession of pharmacy. Persons, having no knowledge and having no education in pharmacy or pharmaceutical chemistry or pharmacology, were engaged in this profes­ sion. The system was causing great harm to the health of people by wrong compounding, mixing or dispensing. To prohibit all these malpractices, it was necessary to enact a law for the regulation of the profession and practice of pharmacy. To achieve this goal the Pharmacy Bill, 1947 was introduced in the Legislature which was later referred to the Select Committee. The recommendations of the Select Committee were incorporated in the Bill. The Pharmacy Bill, 1947, having been passed by the Legislature received its assent on 4 March 1948. It came on the Statute Book as The Pharmacy Act, 1948.

REFERENCES Acharjee, K.K., ‘Condition of the Profession of Pharmacy in India’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 2, 1940, pp. 50-1. ——, ‘Training of Pharmacists for India’, Indian Pharmacist, 10, 1954-5, pp. 9-10. Agnivesa, Carakasamhita, ed. Vaidya Jadavji Trikamji Acharya, Satyabhamabai Pandurang, Bombay,1941, p. 23. Anderson, Stuart, ‘ Travelers, Patent Medicine and Pharmacopeias: American Pharmacy and British India,1857 to 1931’, Pharmacy in History, 58, 2016, pp. 63-82.

132

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Annual Report of the Madras Medical College, Madras, Session 1873-4, p. 18. Annual Reports of the Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine, Institute of Hygiene and the Carmichael Hospital for Tropical Disorders, Calcutta, 1925, p. 77; 1926, p. 59; 1927, p. 55, 1933, p. 61; p. 14; 1934, pp. 91­ 2; 1936, p. 334-7; p. 12; 1939, p. 12; 1940, pp. 14 and 79. Bahadur, R., ‘A Short History of All India Compounders and Dispensers’ Association’, Indian and Eastern Chemist, 22, 1941, pp. 113-19. Beggs, G.D.,‘British Pharmacy in India’, Chemist and Druggist, 60, 1902, pp. 620-2. Bhavamishra, Bhavaprkasha, Chaukhamba Sanskrit Sansthan, Varanasi, 1993. Bhattacharya, A., Swadeshi Enterprise in Bengal:1900-1920, Seagull Books, Calcutta. Bliss, J., ‘The Experience of a Pharmacist in India’, Pharmaceutical Journal and Pharmacist, 84, 1909, pp. 100-2. Bradfield, E.W.C., An Indian Medical Review, Government of India Press, New Delhi, 1938. Cecil, G., ‘Pharmacy in India’, Chemist and Druggist, 58, 1901, pp. 412-13. Chakrapanidatta, Chakradatta Sangraha: A Treatise on Principles and Practices of Ayurvedic Medicine, translated in English by P.V. Sharma, Chaukhamba Orientalia, Varanasi, 2nd edn., 1998. Chakravarti, R.N., ‘Bishnupada Mukerji (1903-79)’, Biographical Memories of Fellows of the Indian National Science Academy, 8, 1984, pp. 191-204. Chawhan, M.Y., ‘Pharmaceutical Society of India—All India Conference Contemplated’, Indian and Eastern Chemist, 20, 1939, p. 49. Chopra, R.N. and I.C. Chopra, Drug addiction with Special Reference to India, Council of Scientific & Industrial Research, New Delhi, 1965. Chopra, R.N. and R.L.Badhawar, ‘Poisonous Plants in India’, Indian Journal of Agricultural Science, 10, 1940, pp. 1-44. Chopra, R.N., ‘All-Bengal Compounders Association’, Indian and Eastern Druggist, 15, 1934, pp. 130-2. Chopra, R.N., J.C. Gupta and B. Mukherjee, ‘The Pharmacological Action of an Alkaloid obtained from Rauwolfia Serpentine Benth—A Preliminary Note’, Indian Journal of Medical Research, 21, 1933, pp. 261-71. Chopra, R.N., ‘Problems and Prospects of a Pharmacological Career in India’, Annual Review of Pharmacology, 5, 1965, pp. 1-8. Chukerbutty, S.G., ‘The Present State of the Medical Profession in Bengal’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1864, pp. 86-8, 109-12. Compton,W.H., ‘R. Scott & Co.’, British & Colonial Druggist, 1894, p. 154. Correspondence, ‘Companion and Pamphlets’, Pharmaceutical Journal, 1906, p. 149.

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

133

Cordeiro, J.M., ‘Profession of Pharmacy and Drugs Control in Goa’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 25, 1963, pp.190-3. Crawford, D.G., A History of the Indian Medical Service 1600-1913, vol. II, Thacker & Co., London; Thacker Spink and Co., Calcutta & Simla, 1914. Editorial, Indian Lancet, 18, 1901.

——, Medical Reporter, 5, 1895, pp. 313 -15.

——, ‘Calcutta Pharmacies’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1, 1894, p. 2.

——, ‘The Pharmacist’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1939, pp. 5-6.

——, ‘Late Babu B.K. Paul, in Commercial India’, Chemist & Druggist,

1914, p. 7. Education and Public Health Department, Government of Madras, G.O. No. 2797, October 1937, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 3. ——, G.O. No. 1651 dated 3 May 1938, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 7. ——, G.O. No. 3962 P.H. dated 24 November 1948, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 1. Educational Department, Government of Madras, G.O. No. 63, 20 February 1869, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 4. ——, G.O. No. 1677 L dated 11 September 1888 and G.O. No. 1662 L dated 26 July 1889, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 2. ——, G.O. No. 491 dated 9 August 1898, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 7. ——, G.O. No.154 dated 22 May 1866, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 3. ——, G.O. No. 190 dated 27 June 1866, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 1. ——, G.O. No. 205 dated 10 July 1866, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 5. ——, G.O. No. 315 dated 24 September 1881, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 2. ——, G.O. No. 319 dated 24 August 1880, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 3. ——, G.O. No. 491 dated 9 August 1898, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p .4. ——, G.O. No. 554 dated 22 September 1888, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 2. ——, G.O. No. 87 dated 27 March 1866, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 1. ——, G.O. No. 84 dated 6 February 1893, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 7.

134

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

——, G.O. No. 3962 P.H. dated 24 November 1948. Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai. In this document it is erroneously mentioned that the chemists and druggists’ course was originally started in 1898, p. 2. ——, G.O. No. 87 dated 6 September 1898, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 7. Editorial News, ‘All India Hospital Assistants Journal’, Indian Medical Gazette, April, 1910, p. 3. Fernandaz, L. (ed.), ‘The Medical Reporter’, A Fortnightly Journal of Medicine, Surgery, Public Health and of General Medical Intelligence, vol. V, The Medi­ cal Publishing Press, Calcutta, p. 22. Fish, F., ‘School of Pharmacy, Brunswick Square’, Pharmaceutical Journal, 231.1963, pp. 120-2. ‘Frank Ross’, in Brochure, 4th Indian Pharmaceutical Congress, Jaipur, 1951, pp. 83, 85. Grewal, R.S., Personal communication, through his letter dated 24 May 1994, Letter dated 20 June 1994, E.S. Leedham, University of Cambridge. General Department, Education Branch, April 1882, File 62, Proceedings B 1/ 2, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 2. Golden Jubilee Brochure 1928-78. Institution of Chemists, Calcutta, 1978, p. 5. Golden Jubilee Souvenir, Bengal Chemists and Druggists’ Association, Calcutta, 1971. Some selected pages became available. The news about the celebra­ tion appeared in the Eastern Pharmacist, 15 (February Issue), 1972, p. 41. Grewal, R.S., Personal Communication, Prof. J.H. Burn through his letter dated 24 May 1994. Jaggi, O.P., History of Science, Technology and Medicine in India : Indian System of Medicine, vol. IV., Atma Ram & Sons, Delhi, 1981. Joubert, C.H., ‘The Indian Subordinate Medical Department’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1908, pp. 385-8. Karna Kumar Acharjee, Indian and Eastern Chemist, 21, 1940, p. 312, courtesy the Regional Research Laboratory, Jammu. Local Self-Government Department (Public Health), Government of Madras, G.O. No. 590 P.H. dated 15 April 1924, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 3. Madhava, Madhava Nidan, Sanskrit Commentary by Sri Vijayarakshitha and Srikantadatta, Chaukhamba Sanskrit Sansthan, Varanasi, 2005. Marshall, J.D., ‘A Tour in India’, Chemist and Druggist, 104, 1926, pp. 757-60. Matthews, L.G., History of Pharmacy in Britain, E. & S. Livingstone Ltd., Edinburgh and London, 1962. ——, Milestones in Pharmacy, Merrell Division, Richardson Merrell Limited, Eghan Surray, 1980.

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

135

Mazars, G., ‘Indian Medicine Across the Centuries. A Concise Introduction to Indian Medicine (La médecine indienne)’, in Indian Medical Tradition; vol. VIII, Ch. 1, (eds.) D. Wujastyk and K.G. Zysk, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 2006. pp. 1-24. Medical Correspondence, ‘Apothecaries Course at Madras Medical College’, Chemist and Druggist, 39, 1891, p. 352. Medical Reports, ‘Assistant of Medical System’. Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1944, p. 19. ——, ‘Bengal Chemist and Druggist Association’, Chemist & Druggist, 1972, p. 1. Medical News, ‘The Retail and Dispensing Chemists’ Association, Bombay’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1963, p. 3. Medical Circular, ‘Drug Control Order’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1950, p.13. Minutes of the 11th Meeting of the Pharmacy Council of India, 27 November 1957, item 3. Mukerji, B., The Indian Pharmaceutical Codex, vol. 1, Indigenous Drugs, Coun­ cil of Scientific and Industrial Research, New Delhi, 1953. ——, ‘President’s Page: International Pharmacopoeia and Indian Pharmacy’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 16, 1954, pp. 127-8. ——, ‘Sir Ram Nath Chopra’, Biographical Memories of Fellows of the Indian National Science Academy, 4, 1976, pp. 171-85. ——, ‘Obituary Note’ , Pharma Times, 5, 1973, pp. 12-14. ——, ‘Transcripts’, Office of the Registrar, the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, dated 13 September 2006. ——, ‘Col. Sir Ram Nath Chopra’s Contribution to the Development of Pharmacy in India’, Pharma Times, 5, 1973, pp. 10-14. Medical Correspondence, ‘Changing Designation from Army Apothecaries to Assistant Surgeons’, Indian Medical Records, 1894, p. 5. Medical Communication, ‘Dispenser and dresser class’, Chemist and Druggist, 1937, pp. 127, 553. Medical News, ‘Changing Designation of Civil Apothecaries’, Indian Lancet, 1901, p. 1176. ——, ‘The Pharmaceutical Society of India’, Pharmaceutical Journal and Phar­ macist, 122, (4), 1929, p. 15. Medical Report, ‘Pharmaceutical Society of India’, Chemist & Druggist, 1939, p. 3. Medical Correspondence, ‘Chemist and Druggist Association’, Chemist & Druggist, 1921, pp. 7-11. Medical Reporter, ‘Guide to Health for India and Tropics’, Pharmaceutical Journal and Transaction, 1890, pp. 756-85.

136

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Mukherjee, S.N., ‘History of the Bengal Branch of Indian Pharmaceutical Association’, Pharma Times, 26 (5), 15, 1994, pp. 17, 19, 22, 23. Municipal Department, Medical Branch, April 1899, Proceedings B 223 and 224, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 1. ——, December 1896, File 3C/8 1,1, Proceedings 30-52, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 5. ——, Head Medical service, Collection 1, April 1882, Proceedings 18-23, State Archives of West Bengal, p. 3. ——, January 1895, File C/22, Proceedings 7-9, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 2. ——, March 1894, File C3/1, Proceedings 1-5, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 1. Murthy, A.R.V., ‘Dhanwantari—The God of Hindu Medicine’, Bulletin of the Indian Institute of History of Medicne, vol. XXVII, no. 1, 1997, pp. 1-14. Montgomery, H.R., ‘Madras Apothecary Society’, Madras Quarterly Journal of Medical Science, 8, 1865, pp. 466-73; 9, Ibid., 1866, pp. 190-3. ‘Memorandum’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 6, 1944, pp. 40-5. Submitted by the Bengal Pharmaceutical Association to the Government of Bengal. Obituary Notice, British Medical Journal, 3, 1973, p. 547. Pharmaceutical News, ‘R. Scott Thomson & Co’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1894, p. 5. ——, ‘ Frank Ross & Company’, Chemist & Druggist, 1906, p. 3. ——, ‘Kemp & Co.’, Chemist & Druggist, 1902, p. 7; 1909, p. 11. Pharmaceutical Records, ‘Pharmaceutical Society of India’, Chemist & Druggist, 1928, p. 273. Poynter, F.N.L. (ed.), The Evolution of Pharmacy in Britain, Charles C. Thomas, Springfield, 1965. Proceedings of the IPA Annual General Meetings, 3 January 1941, p. 5. Public Department, Government of Madras, G.O. No. 277, 21 February 1861, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai. Ramkrishnan, K., ‘Rich Dividends from Drugs’, The Hindu, 1 December 1989. Rao, U. Rama, ‘The Antiseptic through Quarter of a Century’, Antiseptic, 26, 1929, pp. 193-228. Report of the Drugs Enquiry Committee 1930-1, Government of India Central Publication Branch, Calcutta, 1931. Rockefeller Foundation Collection, 1933. Satyabati, G.V. ‘Topics in the History of Pharmacology’, in P.N. Patil, O.D. Gulati and R. Balaram (eds.), History of Pharmacology of Medicinal Plants in India, B.S. Shah Prakashan, Ahemdabad, 2005, pp. 22-3. Sarangdhar, Sarangadhara Samhita, tr. by Professor K.R. Srikanta Murthy, Chaukhamba Orientalia,Varanasi, 2001.

Medico Pharmaceutical Profession and Professionals

137

Sen, H, ‘Adu Babu’, in H. Singh, History of Pharmacy in India and Related Aspects- Pharmacy Practice, vol. 3, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2002, p. 101. Sibthorpe, C., ‘Medical Education in Southern India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1896, pp. 67-8. Silver Jubilee Souvenir, Chemists and Druggist Association, Madras, 1951. Singh, H., ‘The Indian and Eastern Druggist/Chemist’, Eastern Pharmacist, 39, 1996 (November Issue), pp. 45-8. ——, ‘Pharmaceutical Education at the Punjab University’, Views and Reviews, Association of Pharmaceutical Teachers of India, Bangalore, 2008, pp. 603-13. ——, History of Pharmacy in India and Realted Aspects, vol. 2: Pharmaceutical Education, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi,1998. ——, Pharmacy Practice, vol. 3, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2002. Souvenir, ‘All India Chemists and Druggists’ Federation, Third Annual Session, Madras, 1946, pp. 23-35. Special Correspondence, ‘The Medical Profession in India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1877, pp. 396-7. Subbarayappa, B.V., ‘A perspective- Medicine and Life Sciences in India’, in B.V. Subbarayappa (ed.), New Delhi, Centre for Studies in Civilizations, 2001, pp. 1-38. Susruta, Susrutasamhita, tr. Vaidya Jadavji Trikamji Acharya, Chaukhambha Orientalia, Varanasi, 1980. ‘Smith, Stanistreet & Company Limited’, in Brochure, Bengal Pharmaceutical Conference, Silver Jubilee Celebration, Calcutta, 1954, p. 78. Singh, H., ‘The Pharmaceutical Society of India’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 35(1), 2000, pp. 67-76. Special Correspondence, ‘The Story of Bathgate and Co. Ltd.’, Brochure, Indian Pharmaceutical Congress, Jaipur, 1951, pp. 63-6. ——, ‘The Subordinate Medical Department of India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1868, pp. 86-7. The First Hundred Years of H.C. Sen & Company 1880-1980 www.theHindu The Indian Pharmacopoeial List 1946, Department of Health, Government of India Press, Calcutta, 1946. Transaction of Medical Societies, ‘Kemp & Co Company Exported Indian Drugs to London and American Markets’, Indian Medical Gazette, 1889, p. 11. Trease, G.E., Pharmacy in History, Bailliere, Tindall and Cox Ltd., London, 1964. University of the Panjab Syndicate Proceedings, 24 April 1942, item 13. Vagbhata, Astanga Samgraha, tr. Prof. K.R. Srikantha Murthy, Chaukhambha Orientalia,Varanasi, 2002.

138

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Vanga Sena, Chikitsa Sara Samgraha , tr. Dr. Nirmal Saxena, vol. 2, Chaukhambha Sanskrit Series, Varanasi, 2004. Varadan Srinivas, K.S., ‘Pharmacy Education in the State of Madras’, Indian Pharmacist, 10, 1954-5, pp. 309-11. White, D.G., The Alchemical Body: Siddha tradition in Medieval India, Munshiram Monoharlal, New Delhi, 2004. Wigley, F.G., The Bengal Code, vol. II, The Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, Calcutta, 1914. Wolstenholme, G. (ed.), Lives of the Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians of London, IRL Press Limited, Oxford and Washington D.C., 1982.

CHAPTER 4

Colonialism, National Economy and

the Development of Indigenous

Pharmaceutical Companies in India

. . . At that time when the west of Europe, a birth place of modern industrial system, was inhabitated by uncivilized tribes, India was famous for the wealth of her rulers and for the high artistic skill of her craftsmen. And, even at a much later period, when the merchant adventurers from the west made their first appearance in India, industrial advancement of this country was, at any rate, not inferior to those of the more advanced European nations. (Report of the Indian Industrial Commission, 1916).

The emergence of indigenous pharmaceutical companies in India was basically a constructive attempt to establish economic selfsufficiency and strengthening Indian indigenous medical system.1 In this light, this chapter tries to portray (a) what kind of indus­ trial situation thus existed in pre-colonial India? (b) when and how industrialization took place in India even under the shadow of colonialism? (c) what socio-economic and socio-political con­ text ultimately instilled the reformers to establish indigenous phar­ maceuticals in the mid-nineteenth century colonial India? All these consequences create the necessity to understand the transition that took place in the historical landscape of the eighteenth century. In Indian history eighteenth century is a highly studied and debated period among historians. The significant transitions that took place in this century were—decline of the Mughal Empire, rise of regional powers and establishment of political dominance of East India Company in some parts of the Indian subcontinent. Though these three major transitions have been looked up by

140

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

historians from various perspectives (Alavi, 2008: 57). However, after the death of Aurangzeb, the Mughal authority weakened. It was not in a position to enforce its regulations in all parts of the empire. As a result, many provincial governors started to assert their authority. At the same time, many kingdoms which were subjugated by the Mughals also claimed their independence. Some new regional groups also consolidated and emerged as political power with all these developments. At the same time, intra­ regional as well as inter-regional trade in local raw materials, arti­ facts and grains created strong ties of economic interdependence, irrespective of political relations. Thus the eighteenth century can hardly be said to exhibit any substantial economic continuity be­ tween its earlier and later parts. It was a period of considerable political turmoil in India (Richard 1993: 29, 253). The destruction of local economy must have had a harmful effect on economic stability which curtailed the impulse towards growth. There was a process of economic reorientation that accompanied the political decentralization. Thus it cannot be an overstatement that mid eigh­ teenth century not only marks a significant change in the eco­ nomic sphere, but also warfare, political chaos, economic decline sandwiched between stable and prosperous Mughal and British hegemonies (Balfour, 1976: 1-7). Within this broad spectrum, the context of the present chapter has been visualized. Thus the present chapter will encompass decline of the Mughal Empire and begin­ ning of the East India Company, economic and social impact of colonial rule, the context of deindustrialization in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the development of industrialization in colonial India, development of pharmaceutical industries and fi­ nally the socio-economic and socio-political perspectives of the development of pharmaceuticals in colonial India. The chapter ends with a theoretical issue whether the emergence of British East India Company was a break for the Indian society and economy or marked the beginning of economic nationalism against the co­ lonial economy. It has been a long established orthodoxy to write about political decentralization in the eighteenth century (decline of Mughal Empire) as if it were synonymous with decline as such and leading

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

141

to a century of economic crisis. The death of Aurangzeb in 1707 indeed laid bare a patchwork of ‘several sovereignties’ a network of fragmented and layered forms of regional political powers that had been partly marked and managed by the Mughal state and sovereignty. Eighteenth century was marked by the emergence of regional polities, so called successor states like Awadh, Bengal, Hyderabad, although they were politically and financially inde­ pendent from Mughal state but always used Mughal symbols for legitimacy and political stability. It is generally viewed that EIC expansion in India occurred in the power vacuum left after Aurangzeb’s death. Death of Aurangzeb was the end of the Mughal Empire’s glory and greatness. A war of succession would break out amongst his sons, and eventually the empire was divided up between them. Large parts of the empire had already declared independence during the time of Aurangzeb, and such developments increased after his death. Serious threats from the peripheries had begun to accentuate the problems at the core of the empire (Mahajan, 2007: 163). Bahadur Shah (1707-12), the last Mughal emperor, followed a policy of compromise, pardoning all nobles who had supported his rivals. He granted them appropriate territories and postings. He never abolished jizya2 (tax), but the efforts to collect taxes were not effective. In the beginning, he tried to gain greater control over the Rajput states and Jodhpur. When his attempt met with firm resis­ tance, he realized the necessity of a settlement with them, though the settlement did not restore them to be fully committed war­ riors for the Mughal cause. After Bahadur Shah, Jahandar Shah, who ruled for a brief period (1712-13) was a weak and ineffective ruler. His wazir, Zulfiqar Khan assumed the executive direction of the empire with unprecedented powers (Richard, 1981: 285-308). The Mughal Empire, which had once been one of the greatest empires of Indian history slowly declined to become just an em­ pire in name, with a small area under its command (Richard, 1996: 29). The empire would drag on for another 150 years, with a series of inconsequential kings, collectively referred to as the later Mughals. The empire could perhaps be saved had someone like Akbar succe-eded Aurangzeb, but the later Mughals were failures

142

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

as emperors. Most of them were given more to the luxuries and pleasures of life, and had little interest in rescuing their declining empire. The court of the Mughals was now overrun with nobles and was an active ground of intrigue and treachery. The nobles keen on advancing their own power, would raise one puppet king after another to the throne. Over time most of the empire had broken up into small kingdoms and only a small region in the north was left under its control (Lane-Poole, 1906: 61). Thus in such a chaotic state of affairs, the time was once again ripe for a foreign invader to come and establish a new empire. Such a develop­ ment took place and the British slowly emerged as the dominant European force in India, and eventually set up the British Empire, which covered most of the country. The Mughal Empire had been the last major empire of Indian history, for the British did not settle down and become Indian rulers. Instead India was made a colony, and Indians were ruled by a foreign power for almost two hundred years, becoming second class citizens in their own coun­ try. The economic wealth of India was drained away and by the time India would win Independence much of its earlier glory was lost. Had the Mughal Empire continued, history might have been different, but it would not be fair to blame the entire fiasco on Aurangzeb, he was just unfortunately not the type of ruler the Mughals needed at that critical time. The Mughal Empire brought to a close almost eight hundred years of Afghan/Turk/Persian rule, and was succeeded by a drastically different European empire (Baladaouni, 1983: 63-80). However, the foundations of the modern world were laid after Vasco da Gama’s3 landing in India in 1498. In this way, the way was paved for British dominance on the Indian subcontinent in the nineteenth century (Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908 and Bayley, 2004). In the early seventeenth century, the Dutch (1606) and the English (1607) established their first trading posts in India which was an attempt to wrest control of the profitable spice trade from the Portuguese (Kohli, 1978: 13). Following the defeat of the Portuguese in 1615, the Dutch and the English Companies spent much of the seventeenth century in a struggle to secure mono­ poly rights over the trade of certain spices, and trading privileges

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

143

for other valuable goods such as textile and opium (Pearson, 2003: 40 and Levi, 2007: 2-9). However, the decline of the Dutch in Asian maritime trade after 1670, the dwindling competition from France in the latter half of the eighteenth century and the conquest of Bengal in 1757 placed Britain squarely on a trajectory towards territorial and commercial hegemony in the Indian subcontinent and in the Indian ocean region (Risley, 1908: 446 and Keay, 2000: 383). THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL IMPACT OF

COLONIAL RULE IN INDIA

The British imperialism was more pragmatic than any other colonial powers in India. Its motivation was chiefly economic and not evan­ gelical (Armitage, 2006: 1-23). British interests were of several kinds (Barker, 1969: 1-11). In the beginning main purpose was to achieve a monopolistic trading position. Later, it was felt that a regime of free trade would make India a major market for British goods and a source of raw materials. But British capitalists who invested in India and sold banking or shipping service there, continued to enjoy monopolistic privileges. India also provided interesting and lucrative employment for a sizeable portion of the British upper middle class, and the remittances they sent home made an appreciable contribution to Britain’s balance of payments and capacity to save. Initially the British were not adverse to India’s economic development, but later they refused to help in areas where they felt there was conflict with their own economic interests or political security (Bearce, 1961: 66). However, the main changes which the British made in Indian society were at the top (Griffiths, 1952: 48). They replaced the wasteful warlord aristocracy with a bureaucratic military establish­ ment which was very efficient in maintaining law and order. The greater efficiency of government permitted a substantial reduction in the fiscal burden and a bigger share of the national product was available for landlords, capitalists and the new professional classes. Some of this upper class income was siphoned off to the United Kingdom, but the bulk was spent in India. As a consequence of

144

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

this, pattern of consumption changed as the new upper class no longer kept harems and palaces, nor did they wear fine muslins. This caused some painful readjustments in the traditional handi­ craft sector. The new elite class established a Western life style using the English language and English schools. New towns and urban amenities were created with segregated suburbs and housing for them. Their habits were copied by the new professional elites like lawyers, doctors, teachers, journalists and businessmen. Within this group, old caste barriers were eased and social mobility in­ creased. As far as the mass of the population was concerned, colo­ nial rule brought few significant changes. The British educational effort was very limited. There were no major changes in village society, in the caste system, the position of untouchables, the joint family system4 or in production techniques in agriculture (Higham, 1934: 48). The biggest change the British made in the social structure was to replace the warlord aristocracy with an efficient bureaucracy and army. The traditional system of the East India Company had been to pay its servants fairly modest salaries, and to let them augment their income from private transactions. This arrangement worked reasonably well before the conquest of Bengal, but was inefficient as a way of remunerating the officials of a substantial territorial empire because of two reasons. These were—(i) too much of the profit went into private hands rather than the Company’s coffers and (ii) an over rapacious short-term policy was damaging to the productive capacity of the economy and likely to drive the local population to revolt, both of which were against the Company’s long-term interests (Marshall, Ray and Bowen, 1998: 487-507). Clive had operated a ‘dual system’, i.e. Company power and a puppet Nawab. Warren Hastings displaced the Nawab and took over direct administration. Finally, in 1785, Cornwallis created a professional cadre of Company servants who had generous salaries, had no private trading or production interests in India, enjoyed the prospect of regular promotion and were entitled to pension benefit (Porter, Washbrook and Moore, 1999: 101-21). All high level posts were reserved for the British and Indians were excluded. From 1806, the Company trained its young recruits in Haileybury

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

145

College near London. Appointments were still organized on a sys­ tem of patronage, but after 1833, the Company selected amongst its nominated candidates by competitive examination. After 1853, selection was entirely on merit and the examination was thrown open to any British candidate. The examination system was influ­ enced by the Chinese model, and had an emphasis on classical learning and literary competence (Sarvapalli, 1965: 64, 129). In 1829, the system was strengthened by establishing districts throughout British India. But it was small enough to be effectively controlled by an individual British official who now onwards ex­ ercised a completely autocratic power, acting as revenue collector, judge and chief of police. Later, this arrangement became the cornerstone of Imperial administration throughout the British Empire. The higher ranks of the administration remained almost entirely British until the 1920s when the Indian Civil Service Examinations began to be held in India as well as in the United Kingdom. In addition, there was an entire hierarchy of separate bureaucracies in which the higher ranks were British (i.e. revenue, justice, police, education, public works, engineering, postal and railway services as well as the provincial civil services). From 1820 to 1950, the British demonstrated a strong urge to change Indian social institutions and to Westernize India. They abolished female infanticide, sati, religious conversion, etc. They also took steps to introduce a penal code based on the British Law, which helped inculcate some ideas of equality (Riddick, 2006: 13). One of the most significant things the British did to Westernize India was to introduce a modified version of English education (Sharp, 1920: 25). Macaulay’s 1835 Minute on Education5 had a decisive impact on British educational policy and is a classic example of a Western rationalist approach to Indian civilization. Before the British took over, the Court language of the Mughals was Persian and the Muslim population used Urdu, which is a mixture of Per­ sian, Arabic and Sanskrit (Educational Record, Calcutta). Higher education was largely religious and stressed knowledge of Arabic and Sanskrit. The Company had given some financial support to a Calcutta Madrasa (1781) and a Sanskrit College at Benaras (1792). Warren Hastings as Governor-General from 1782 to 1795 had

146

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

himself learnt Sanskrit and Persian and several other Company officials were also oriental scholars. One of them, Sir William Jones,7 had translated a great mass of Sanskrit literature and had founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1784. The education system which developed was a very pale reflec­ tion of that in the UK. Three universities were set up in 1857 in three presidencies, namely, Calcutta, Madras and Bombay, but they were merely examining bodies and did no teaching. Higher education was carried out in affiliated colleges which gave a two year BA course with a lot of emphasis on learning and examina­ tions. Drop out ratios were always very high. They did little to promote analytic capacity or independent thinking and produced a group of graduates with a half-baked knowledge of English, but sufficiently Westernized to be alienated from their own culture. It was not until the 1920s that Indian universities provided teaching facilities and then only for MA students. Education for girls was almost totally ignored throughout the nineteenth century. Higher education was in English, there was no official to translate Western texts into the vernacular, nor was there any standardization of Indian scripts whose variety is a major barrier to multilingualism amongst educated Indians. Primary education was not taken very seriously as a government obligation and was financed largely by the weak local authorities. As a result, the great mass of the popu­ lation had no access to education. So, in colonial India, education was used to turn a tiny elite into imitation Englishmen and a some­ what bigger group into government clerks (Basu, 1974: 6-13). The striking thing about the British Raj was that it was operated by so few people. There were only 31,000 British citizens in India in 1805. The number increased substantially after the Mutiny, but thereafter remained steady. Due to the small size of the admin­ istration and its philosophy of minimum government responsibility outside the field of law and order, India ended the colonial period with a very low level of taxation. The British had adopted the Mughal taxation system which provided land revenue equal to 15 per cent of national income, but by the end of the colonial period land tax was only 1 per cent of the national income and the total tax burden was only 6 per cent (Grover, 2009: 89). However, most of the

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

147

benefits of the lower economic burden were enjoyed by landlords, and were not passed on to the mass of the population. In urban areas new classes (industrial capitalists, new bourgeoisie of bureau­ crats) emerged under British rule and in the Princely states, the remnants of the Mughal aristocracy continued their extravagances (Habib, 1963: 15-21). The colonial government made institutional changes in agri­ culture by transforming traditionally circumscribed property rights. The beneficiaries of these new rights varied in different parts of India. The top layer of Mughal property, the jagir ,7 was abolished and the bulk of the old warlord aristocracy was dispossessed. Their previous income from land revenue and that of the Mughal state was appropriated by the British as land tax. However, in the Ben­ gal presidency, the second layer of Mughal property rights belong­ ing to Mughal tax collectors was reinforced. All zamindars in these areas now had hereditary status so long as they paid their land taxes, but their judicial and administrative functions disappeared. In the Madras and Bombay presidencies, which covered most of southern India, the British dispossessed many of the old Mughal and Maratha nobility and big zaminders and vested property rights and tax obligations in individual ‘peasants’, which was known as the ryotwari system (Mukherjee, 1962: 9). There was no change in social structure at the village level except that the new owner­ ship rights gave greater opportunities for sale and mortgage, and the security of the tenant was less than it had been under the previous system. As a result of these changes, there was not only an increase in village income but a widening of income inequality within villages. The class of landless agricultural labourers grew in number under the colonial rule. However, colonial government also made some positive contributions in the sphere of irrigation, transport facilities, and even checks on population growth. But agricultural yields and nutritional levels at Independence were amongst the lowest in the world. Between 1757 and 1857, the British wiped out the Mughal court and eliminated three quarters of the warlord aristocracy. They also eliminated more than half of the local chiefs (zamindars) and in their place established a bureaucracy with European tastes.

148

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

As a result of these social cultural changes, about three-quarters of the domestic demand for luxury handicrafts was destroyed (Wash­ brook, 1998: 395). However, the overall assessment of India’s pre-colonial economy is mostly qualitative, owing to the lack of quantitative information. The Mughal economy functioned on an elaborate system of coined currency, land revenue and trade. Gold, silver and copper coins were issued by the royal mints which func­ tioned on the basis of free coinage. The political stability and uni­ form revenue policy resulting from a centralized administration under the Mughals, coupled with a well-developed internal trade network, ensured that India, before the arrival of the British, was to a large extent economically unified, despite having a traditional agrarian economy characterized by a predominance of subsistence agriculture dependent on primitive technology. After the decline of the Mughals, western, central and parts of south and north India were integrated and administered by the Maratha Empire. After the loss at the third battle of Panipat,8 the Maratha Empire dis­ integrated into several confederate states, and the resulting political instability and armed conflict severely affected economic life in several parts of the country, although this was compensated for to some extent by localized prosperity in the new provincial kingdoms. By the end of the eighteenth century, the British East India Com­ pany entered the Indian political theatre and established its domi­ nance over other European powers (Bowen, 1991: 3-16). This marked a determinative shift in India’s trade, and a less powerful impact on the rest of the economy. The Company rule in India brought a major change in the taxa­ tion and agricultural policies, which tended to promote commer­ cialization of agriculture with a focus on trade, resulting in decreased production of food crops, mass impoverishment and destitution of farmers, and in the short term, led to numerous famines. The economic policies of the British Raj caused a severe decline in the handicrafts and handloom sectors, due to reduced demand and dipping employment. After the removal of international restrictions by the Charter Act of 1813,9 Indian trade expanded substantially over the long term and showed an upward trend. The result was a significant transfer of capital from India to England, which, due to

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

149

the colonial policies of the British, led to a massive drain of rev­ enue rather than any systematic effort at modernization of the domestic economy. India’s colonization by the British created an institutional environment that, on paper, guaranteed property rights among the colonizers, encouraged free trade, and created a single currency with fixed exchange rates, standardized weights and measures and capital markets. It also established a well-developed system of railways and telegraphs, a civil service that aimed to be free from political interference, a common-law and an adversarial legal system. This coincided with major changes in the world economy—industrialization, and significant growth in production and trade. However, at the end of colonial rule, India inherited an economy that was one of the poorest in the developing world, with industrial development stalled, agriculture unable to feed a rap­ idly growing population, a largely illiterate and unskilled labour force, and extremely inadequate infrastructure (Clingingsmith and Williamson, 2008: 209-34). The 1872 census revealed that 91 per cent of the population of the region constituting present-day India resided in villages, and urbanization generally remained sluggish until the 1920s, due to the lack of industrialzation and absence of adequate transporta­ tion. Subsequently, the policy of discriminating protection (where certain important industries were given financial protection by the state), coupled with the Second World War, saw the development and dispersal of industries, encouraging rural-urban migration, and in particular the large port cities of Bombay, Calcutta and Madras grew rapidly. Despite this, only one-sixth of India’s population lived in cities by 1951 (Census of India, 1951). The impact of British occupation on India’s economy is a con­ troversial topic (Suri and Zaidi, 1985: 31). Leaders of the Indian Independence movement and economic historians have blamed colonial occupation for the dismal state of India’s economy in its aftermath and argued that financial strength required for indus­ trial development in Europe was derived from the wealth taken from colonies in Asia and Africa. At the same time, right-wing historians have countered that India’s low economic performance was due to various sectors being in a state of growth and decline

150

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

due to changes brought in by colonialism and a world that was moving towards industrialization and economic integration (Roy­ choudhuri and Habib, 2004: 172). PRE-COLONIAL INDUSTRIAL SITUATION

India was famous for her handicrafts right from pre-British times. During the Mughal period, India had a considerable variety of arts and handicrafts. In several handicrafts, specialization of jobs had advanced to such an extent that particular classes of artisans under­ took distinct processes in the class of production. The products commanded wide range of foreign markets. At that time no other country produced products that could be imported to India in exchange for cotton and silk goods which were in world-wide de­ mand. Europe had to pay in bullions for the increasing volume of Indian exports. India was also famous for jewellery of exquisite quality which were made out of gold and silver and also those which were made out of copper, brass and bell-metal. Many urban centres were famous in those days for carving work in ivory, wood, stone and marble. In bigger towns each handicraft was organized into a guild which safeguarded the professional interest of its members. Though the quality of Indian goods was high, in England they were treated as ‘plague’. Prohibitory laws were passed in 1701 and 1720 against the use of printed Indian calicos in England in the interests of the woollen and silk industry of that country. So the supremacy of Indian handicrafts could no longer be maintained because of certain technological, economic and political developments (Kuchhal, 1975: 29, 34, 38). One of the important reasons for the decline of indigenous industries was the Industrial Revolution of England. The cotton industry was the first to be revolutionalized by the new process. India was reduced to the status of a colonial depen­ dency. Imperial-ism set out to destroy the independent economy and a substantial part of native handicrafts. Prohibitory duties were im­ posed on Indian goods because up to 1813 the silk and cotton goods of India were sold in the British market at a price from 50 to 60 per cent lower than the price of those fabricated in England.

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

151

The ‘gumasthas’, or agents of the East India Company were en­ trusted with powers which they frequently misused. This highhandedness of the Company agents contributed to the decline of Indian goods. A number of other reasons contributed to this but they are not relevant to this book and are therefore bypassed. By 1880, the decline of handicrafts was nearly complete and the mass of Indian handicrafts men had no alternative means of livelihood. India deindustrialized between 1750 and 1860, and two main epochs, with very different deindustrialization causes, distinguish that century (Bagchi, 1976: 135-64). The first epoch runs from about 1750 to 1810 and was an indirect result of the dissolution of the Mughal Empire (Alam, 1986: 56). As central authority waned, revenue farming expanded, the rent burden increased, warfare raised the price of agricultural inputs, and regional trade within the subcontinent declined, all serving to drive down the productivity of food grain agriculture. Grain prices rose, and given that ordinary workers lived at near subsistence level, the nominal wage rose as well. As a consequence, the own wage in Indian textile manufactures increased, hurting India’s competitiveness in the export market. India thus lost ground to Britain in the world tex­ tile market during a period when most British production was still carried out using the cottage system (Chaudhuri, 1978: 284, 286). Additionally, the inter-sectoral terms of trade moved against tex­ tiles, encouraging a shift to agricultural commodity production. India’s share of world industrial production fell faster than in any other part of the non-European world (Deane and Cole, 1967: 12). During the second epoch, running roughly from 1810 to 1860, productivity advanced resulting from the adoption of the factory system and brought down the relative price of textiles worldwide. A trend that was magnified in India as a world transport revolu­ tion lowered the price of textiles even further everywhere in the periphery (Dutt, 1960: 18). Thus, while the productivity of Indian agriculture stopped its decline during this period under the relative security of Company rule, and while the rise in grain prices slowed down and then stabilized, the relative price of grain continued to rise. By 1860, India had completed a century long two-part

152

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

transition from being a net exporter to a net importer of textiles. Rise in terms of trade stopped, turned around and started a long run fall that lasted until the late 1930s. A deterioration in the terms of trade meant that the import competing sector was no longer being penalized by unfavourable external price shocks. By the late nineteenth century, India’s deindustrialization was over, and the country began a period of slow reindustrialization (Habib, 1975: 23-53). DEVELOPMENT OF INDUSTRIES IN INDIA

In Europe, industry and scientific pursuits go hand in hand—one helping the other (Henry, 1997). In fact, industry has as a rule, preceded science, though based upon empirical knowledge. Soapmaking, glass-making, dyeing with purple, scarlet and mineral pigments, metallurgical operations, have been known for the last two thousand years or more, long before the chemical reactions involved in them were understood. No doubt science comes in as a ready handmaid to industry. The history of the gigantic progress of industry achieved in Europe and America is a history of the triumph of researches in the laboratory. In Bengal the one thing needful was not so much the establishment of technological Insti­ tutes at the initial stage, or the resourcefulness in our youths that go to the making of a businessman or an entrepreneur or a captain of industry (Ray, 1932: 92). The first European industrial complex in India, consisting of a cotton mill, an oil mill and a paper mill, was erected in 1817 at Fort Gloster, 15 miles up from Calcutta on the bank of the Ganges. The Assam Tea Company, incorporated in London in 1839, was the first private concern to operate a tea plantation in Assam (Ray, 1994: 83). The Raniganj Colliery, financed in 1820 by Alexander & Co, formed the nucleus of the Bengal Coal Company, one of the pioneer units of the Indian coal mining industry (Indian Mining Federation, 1963). The first cotton mill in western India, a spinning mill at Broach, was floated by James Landon in 1854 (followed by the Bombay Cotton Mill set up by Cowasjee Nanabhoy Davar in the same year). The earliest jute mill near Calcutta was set up by

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

153

George Acland in 1855 (Rutnagar, 1927: 61). These were small beginnings. Until First World War, there was no import duty, which could possibly offer any sort of protection to any of the Indian industries, and this was, as Amiya Bagchi has noted ‘quite con­ trary to the trend in the rest of the world, including the British Dominions’ (Bagchi, 1972: 219). The Imperial Government that ruled India was in trouble during the war. The nationalists steadily increased pressure on the Govern­ ment for more political and economic benefits. Among the benefits that they expected were more measures towards industrialization. India at that time was poor mainly due to breakdown of her smallscale and artisan-based industries. These took place during nineteenth century. Hence, among other popular demands, industrialization was given top priority (Basu, 2000: 335-58). The Government of India decided to set up industrial commis­ sion in 1916 (Indian Industrial Commission Report, 1918), areas to be looked after were the causes of deindustrialization, problems of capital, industrial training, procuring raw materials and market­ ing of products. The Commission would also suggest the ways for industrialization. The noted Geologist, and former Director of Geological Survey of India Prof. T. Holland was appointed as the Chairman of the Commission, R.D. Bell acted as Secretary (Holland, 1918: 5). The industrialists took active interest in the commission’s work. The Holland Commission sent questionnaires to industrialists, educationists, scientists, traders, mining experts, reputed individu­ als and requested them to meet the commission. The interviews took place in major Indian cities for two years. Besides, written submissions, most of them answered the oral questions put before them by the members of the commission. Most of them com­ plained about difficulties in raising capital, poor infrastructure, and insufficient government support. But they also spoke of im­ mense possibilities of Indian industries, because of easy availability of raw materials and man-power. In spite of several constraints, the process of the development of industry started in India (Indian Industrial Commission Report, 1918: 774). However, after the First World War, due to the changed socio­ political and economic circumstances, the government was forced

154

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

to abandon the policy of laissez faire. As a consequence of this measure, industrialization was stimulated to a certain degree. But it could not encourage the new chemical, engineering and metal­ lurgical industries for which fresh markets, sophisticated techno­ logies and a whole range of infrastructural facilities were needed. The narrow technical base of the industrial sector ruled out a pace of industrialization faster than what the country enjoyed in fact after the First World War. Until the basic industries (Steel and Heavy Chemicals) were developed there was no question of initiating more specialized engineering and chemical industries. However, the outbreak of the Second World War brought an unique oppor­ tunity to speed up the plans of Indian businessmen for establishing new industries. But the government was against the fulfilment of their aspirations. After Independence, gradually the government took proper initiative for establishing business and industries with new vigour (Rungta, 1970: 223-5). INDUSTRIES IN INDIA DURING EIGHTEENTH

AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES

India in the seventeenth and early part of the eighteenth century was economically more advanced than most of the European nations. The emergence of modern industrial enterprises can be traced back to the end of the eighteenth century, though it devel­ oped after 1850 (Habib, 2003: 109). The new industrial activity took two forms—plantations and factory industries. Real and satis­ factory progress in the factory industries began only after 1875. During the next two decades, two textile units—cotton and jute flourished. Justice Ranade, studying the position of industries during this period observed, It was, however, only after late nineties that industrial progress all over the country began. In the first decade of thetwentieth century many mineral industries and some small miscellaneous industries came into prominence. It was also during these later years that there spread in India, the use of small machines and small engines. There was also a general tendency to make a great use of mechanical appliances everywhere. (Kuchhal, 1975)

From the analysis of the factors contributed one may realize that the gradual transformation of India into a single national unit and

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

155

the growth of great mercantile centres were the impacts of British rule. The introduction of the English language was another factor which helped the training of a large number of young Indians. This was necessary for mastering modern scientific subjects which were necessary for gaining the technical knowledge required for industries and also in business organizations and management on Western lines. The abolition of the monopoly of the East India Company in 1833 provided a big opportunity for the English merchants to develop trade and industry in India. Foreign capital and enterprise flowed into plantations and monopolistic industries such as jute and railways. The foundation for the development of large-scale industries was thus laid. The improvement of oceanic and inland transport system contributed to this. Another major factor which contributed to this was the political developments in India and abroad. For instance, the American Civil War10 gave a great impetus to the cotton industry and the First World War to the iron and steel industry. But the development of industries in India was slow. Dr S.C. Kuchhal observes, ‘development of indus­ tries in India was not only slow but also lop-sided in its character. The results of industries up to First World War were disappoint­ ing. With abundant supplies of raw materials, with a redundant population with an excellent market within her own border, India after a century was supporting only about 2 per cent of her popu­ lation by factory industry’ (Kuchhal, 1975: 29, 34, 38). The years immediately following the First World War (1914­ 18) experienced a sort of industrial boom. The crisis of 1921, the widely fluctuating exchange rates of 1921-7, the depression of 1929-33, the recovery of 1934-7, the adoption of the constitution in 1935 and the formation of Ministries in various provinces during 1937-9 were some of the main events that influenced India’s industrial development during the inter-war period. It was during this period that the Indian Industrial Commission (1916-18) the Fiscal Commission (1921-2), the External Capital Committee (1925), the Rota Whitley Commission on Labour (1929-31) and Central Banking Enquiry Committee (1940) were appointed to make a deep enquiry into their respective fields. This directly or indirectly helped the development of Indian industries. India registered a substantial progress in various industrial fields during 1922 and

156

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

1939. Considerable progress was recorded in industrial produc­ tion and the total number of factories increased from 2,936 in 1914 to 11,613 in 1939 and the number of workers engaged in them increased from 9,50,000 to 17,50,000 (Buchanan, 1965: 450-1). During the Second World War period, though the actual war was not fought on Indian soil as such, India stood as a major sup­ ply base of war materials for the Middle Eastern and South East­ ern theatres of war. But the capacity for the production of war materials in India was limited. Therefore, a few new industrial enterprises were set up. Thus, some new important industries started production during the war period. These included manu­ facture of transport equipment, chemicals, metals and mechanical industries like diesel engine and pumps. There was considerable increase in the number of new industries. The number of compa­ nies in 1945 rose to 14,859 with total paid-up capital of Rs. 290 crore in 1939. This shows that the number of companies increased by 3,475 and paid up capital by nearly Rs. 100 crore (Kuchhal, 1975: 29, 34, 38). Along with the increase in the number of industries, the war also had some adverse impact on the Indian industrial economy. There arose a continuous deterioration of plant and machinery due to optimum and over work and there was no proper repair. The authorities were bothered only about the immediate need of war time. So, long-term factors such as location, availability of raw materials, scale of operation, size of market and sufficiency of techni­ cal and financial organizations did not receive due attention. The war created inflationary pressure on the Indian economy. The high cost of production and improvised methods left a legacy of infla­ tion which lasted very long. The war time diversion of the country’s resources for defence purposes led to an acute scarcity of various consumer goods and articles essential for manufacturing purposes. This problem was further strengthened by large—scale currency expansion and thus the prices went on increasing (Morris, 1969: 3-13). During the immediate post-war years, various types of in­ dustries like cotton, indigo, tea, coffee, rubber, coal mines and mining, paper, iron and steel and chemical industries were devel­ oped during the later part of the nineteenth century.

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

157

The manufacture of chemicals which started as an art and later developed into an exact science was organized into what the modern world terms an ‘industry’ only towards the end of the eighteenth century in Europe, and later in the nineteenth century, in America. In the twentieth century came the turn of Asia, where the appli­ cation of technological processes in the manufacture of chemicals and chemical products increased. This process was initiated first in Japan, and then in India, China and Pakistan, with help and assistance, both technical and financial, from the industrially ad­ vanced countries in the West (Holland, 1918: 5). However, the oldest and most important source of information about the advance of knowledge of chemistry during this time is Kautilya’s Arthashastra, a treatise on the management of public affairs. Chemistry in ancient India, however, developed largely as handmaid of medicine. Caraka Samhita (the ancient medical texts of India) also recommends chemical knowledge for its therapeutic significance. But Indian alchemy remained imprisoned at the hands of tantric cult from AD 700 to AD 1300. Although chemistry in ancient India was never really free from religious associations and influences (Kak, 2005). However, modern chemistry was introduced in India by the Europeans, especially the English merchants in the seventeenth century. The chemical technologies used by the Indians at that time were classical in nature and new innovations were practically absent. European alchemy gradually faded away at the beginning of the eighteenth century and the pneumatic chemistry flourished. In spite of official indifference and even discouragement savants like Jagadish Chandra Bose and Prafulla Chandra Ray helped to revive the dormant scientific spirit. Many other young scholars also devoted themselves to this endeavour. It was in such circumstances, that the modern Indian chemical industry was born. The East India Company set up a chemist shop in Calcutta in 1811 called ‘The Bathgate Company’. This company was run by Robinson and Williamson. The first regular chemical factory in India was established by a British citizen, David Waldie. The latter was essentially a man of science and came to India in the middle of the nineteenth century after having attained considerable success in chemical research in Britain. He became first acquainted with

158

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

impure chloroform called apric ether which had been introduced as an internal medicine in 1833 (later in 1947, it was used for anesthetic purpose). After that, in 1858, the Cossipore Chemical Works was established at Cossipore (in north Calcutta), by Dr David Waldie. Next in the line of pioneers was Butto Krishna Paul & Company which was established in the year 1855. But one who commands our undivided respect and admiration for his services to the modern chemical industry in India was Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray, called the ‘father of modern Indian Chemistry’. In 1891 he established Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works. In other parts of India, development of chemical industry was also progressing. Professors T.K. Gajjar, A.S. Kotibhaskar and B.D. Amin were pioneers in the chemical field in western India and were responsible for the establishment of Alembic Chemical Works in Baroda in the year 1907. Professor Gajjar founded the Techno Chemical Laboratory in Bombay, while Kotibhaskar and Amin together first started in 1903, a small factory at Parel, Bombay, where they manufactured pharmaceuticals, toilet preparations and other chemicals based on the use of alchohol. In 1935, there were 23 large chemical factories which increased to 38 by 1939. In 1935 Bombay followed Bengal in the concentration of chemical factories. By 1939, Baroda had taken the second place. In 1938, the Indian Chemical Manufacturers’ Association was established. On 6 July 1938, Dr Prafulla Chandra Ray became its first presi­ dent. On the eve of the Second World War, the Indian Chemical Industry presented a stable picture. In 1939, there were 23 sul­ phuric acid factories and the productions of chemicals was steadily rising (De Sousa, 1961: 46). However, it may be said that when the Second World War began, Indian Chemical Industry in spite of all the growth and development it had undergone, presented only a microscopic minority of the national industrial potential. It was not remarkable in comparison to the state of chemical industry in more advanced countries. The capacity for further growth and expansion was not wanting but it needed a major international catas-trophe like the Second World War to neutralize the factors which restricted development and to open up a new era of rapid progress.

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

159

DEVELOPMENT OF PHARMACEUTICAL

INDUSTRIES IN INDIA

To strengthen colonial dominance, the British introduced the West­ ern system of medicine in India. As a consequence, establishment of pharmaceuticals became essential, because these pharmaceutical industries supported the practice of the allopathic system of medi­ cine. For their own purpose, the British set up a teaching institution at Calcutta in 1835 to train medical practitioners. The pharma­ copeas and materia medicas of those days contained mainly ga­ lenicals and inorganic chemical preparations. The raw materials cinchona bark, nux vomica seeds, poppy pods, etc., were shipped from India to England and returned as extracts or tinctures for the physicians’ use. At the turn of the century, in 1901, Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray with great foresight and pioneering spirit started the first Indian owned drug factory, the Bengal Chemical & Pharma­ ceutical Works on the outskirts of Calcutta. By this time, Louis Pasteur (1822-95) had identified pathogenic bacteria as the cause of many infectious diseases and showed the possibility of pro-phylaxis through immunization. Soon many eminent British medical scientists came to India to study tropical infectious diseases which were taking quite a toll of their armies. The early state enterprises in pharmaceuticals were established by them. Haffkine Institute at Bombay (1904), King Institute of Pre­ ventive Medicine at Madras (1904), Pasteur Institute at Coonoor (1907) and the Central Research Institute at Kasauli (1905) were the legacy to this nation. During First World War, the foundations of chemotherapy or use of chemicals in the treatment of diseases had been laid by Paul Ehrlich. The active ingredients of some of the crude plant extracts, viz, alkaloids, were identified. The organic chemists had started synthesizing the active constituents and studying their action. Aspirin, acetanilide, barbital and adrenaline came into use. But up to 1939, that is the beginning of the Second World War, England kept this nation as its exclusive preserve for unloading the products of its drug industry. Most of the British manufacturers opened branches in India or marketed their products through British train­

160

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

ing companies established here. A few Indian enterprises had come up but did not make any significant impact. The general scarcity of imported medicaments during the war years gave rise to a number of small manufacturing units producing distilled water, normal saline and other such essential simple preparations. A few firms started tableting and making formulations, which found a ready market (Ramachandran and Ranga Rao, 1972: M27-36). So from this backdrop, it can be concluded that the pharma­ ceutical industry, though it had its birth in India in the first decade of the present century, was in its infancy at the time of Second World War. Progress was painfully slow. Before the war, India de­ pended almost totally on imports valued at about rupees five crore a year. The war stimulated the demand further. The indigenous industry could supply annually only Rs. 26 lakh worth of medical stores needed by the Director General of Medical Service at the beginning of the war. Realizing the seriousness of the situation, particularly in the context of war effort, the Government of India set up a Medical Store and Supply Committee and two directorates of drugs-dressings-surgical instruments and appliances. These bodies were charged with the task of building up indigenous sources of supply as rapidly as possible without letting political consider­ ations interfere with the implementation of the plans. This bold and imaginative policy paid ample dividends, and that too within a short period of time. Thus in 1939, India was able to produce only 13 per cent of very restricted medical products. By 1943, it manufactured 70 per cent of a very much expanded list. Between the formation of the directorates and the end of the war, Rs. 166 crore worth of drugs, dressings, surgical instruments, hospital glass-ware and porcelain ware, appliances, hygiene chemicals and packing materials have been locally procured after successful results of analytical and quality tests. Large quantities of alkaloids such as—morphine, caffeine, atropine, etc., were produced during the war. India was able to supply large quantities of cod liver oil to Europe to help the reha­ bilitation of war victims. India of course, had for long been drawing her requirements of galenicals from indigenous sources and had no difficulty in meet­ ing the expanded demand during the war. The same, however,

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

161

could be said with regard to synthetic drugs, the want of suitable equipment being the main obstacle in this field. The visit of Grady Mission to India resulted in some equipment being obtained from the USA and a number of items of this group were produced by indigenous manufacturers. According to the 1948 Census of Industries, the pharmaceutical industry claimed third of the value of the products and by-products of the entire chemical industry. Just about balancing with the values of imports of Rs. 8 to 10 crore per year. The Indian pharma­ ceutical industry showed a keen interest in the manufacture of pro­ prietary drugs during the post war period. By 1951, most of the need of requirements of cough medicine, antacids, tonics and so on. The Drugs Act (1940) and Drug Rules (1945) were the main sources of legislation to be enforced by the Union and state govern­ ment. Their responsibility was to regulate the manufacturing process of pharmaceutical products to ensure proper purity and quality of drugs. SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND SOCIO-POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES

OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF PHARMACEUTICALS

IN COLONIAL INDIA

The East India Company established its supremacy in the year 1757. The beginning of the modern factory system thus can be placed in the 1850s (Medhora, 1965: 558-80) More specifically, the year 1858, when the Crown took over the administration of India and is a complex phenomenon which is difficult to encom­ pass in a ruled over India, lasted 90 years from 1858 to 1947 (Roy, 2000: 51). The introduction of ‘entrepreneurship’ can be placed in this juncture. Though the term ‘entrepreneurship’ is a complex phenomenon which is difficult to encompass in a single definition, it should be kept in mind that the introduction of entrepreneur­ ship in a country mostly depends upon the social and economic environment, capacity for vision and an ability to undertake riskbearing over a long period. Therefore, in the Indian context, if anyone tries to understand the emergence of entrepreneurship in the colonial era, he should know the structural features of India’s

162

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

economy of that particular period. For a better understanding, it can be grouped into three broad headings—(a) structural features, which include the overwhelming importance of natural resources and labour to economic growth, (b) global features, which will focus on the fact that India’s economy was more open and had strong global ties at that time, and the (c) colonial features, like large remittance paid by the government to Britain (Roy, 2002: 109-30). However, the structural features of India’s economy changed slowly specifically after Independence (drastic reduction in the influence of global factors on the domestic economy). Before the establishment of industry in India or even before the colonial period, agriculture had been the predominant sector for India’s economy.. But constant high risk, possibility of migrating to cities and to other British colonies made occupational choice more diverse. In such a socio-economic and socio-political climax, Indian intelligentsia took over business for economic self-sufficiency even under the colonial domain. Basically, colonial exploitation, patriotic mentality and overall economic nationalism lead them towards private entrepreneurship as a means of self-sufficiency in livelihood under the shadow of colonial empire. But Indian’s workforce was not significantly prone to industry as of today. In 1901, only about 14 million industrial workers formed only about 11 per cent of the total workforce (Bagchi, 1970: 19 Mukherjee, 2002: 19). So in such a circumstance industrialization began in India. In describing industrialization in colonial India, it is neces­ sary to begin with a distinction between ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ industry. Thus ‘traditional’ industry includes handloom textiles, leather manufactures, metal utensils, pottery, food processing, wood work etc. On the other hand ‘modern’ industry includes cotton and jute mills. Thus it can be said that modern industry was essent­ ially a product of India’s contact with Britain. Factory employment in the colonial period was overwhelmingly dominated by the textile industry-mills for cotton and jute presses, wool and silk spinning and weaving. Mention may also be made like paper, sugar, matches, cement and steel. Technology and capital goods were imported for running these factories. However, these modern factories were con­ centrated in two provinces, such as Calcutta and Bombay due to their positions as major centers of transportation. But in spite of

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

163

that, 1850s and onwards India’s capital markets were inadequate to channeling household savings to industrial investment. Because investment in industry means taking a great risk and machinery, migration, urbanization everything were new ingredients so far as the investment in industry is concerned. The early colonial period between 1858 and 1914 saw positive economic growth for India. India’s real national income grew at over 1 per cent between 1868 and 1914. These growth rates ap­ peared to be rising late in the nineteenth and in the early twentieth century. By contrast, the inter-war period of the 1920s and 1930s was a difficult time not only for India or Britain but also for the world economy too (Mukherjee, 2002: 19). So, the above ment­ ioned comprehensive backdrop of India’s economy during colonial period in a nut-shell has described the beginning of industrializa­ tion and private entrepreneurship in colonial India and the nature of economic condition subsequently. Now it will be the present researcher’s endeavour to look at the emergence of ‘pharmaceutical industry’ in the confluence of colonial industrialization, economic nationalism and modern cultures of consumption. The emergence of ‘pharmaceutical industry’ in the late nine­ teenth century colonial India was one of foreign domination like other modern industries (Chakrabarti, 2011: 117-42) Basically, the development of pharmaceutical industries in India was a cumulative effect of self-sufficiency in natural or indigenous resources, historical trajectory that refers back to Indian nationalism and emergence of scientific professionals as a product of Western education. Beside these factors there are two other reasons which acted as a major catalytic agent for the establishment of pharmaceutical industry in colonial India. These were—(i) establishment of medical insti­ tution for Western medical education and introduction of a new Western health-care system, (ii) a great rise in urban consumerism around the time 1900-1. Being a vast country with huge popula­ tion that was fairly prosperous and constituted a large market which facilitated the entry of foreign pharmaceutical companies in India. India was a very lucrative market for Western companies. In a socio-political climax when Swadeshi fragrance was bloom­ ing in the air, along with several European pharmaceutical compa­ nies, the first indigenous pharmaceutical company—the Bengal

164

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited (BCPWL) made its entry in a very short form in the year 1891. The emergence of such indigenous pharmaceutical took place in such a social context when the people of the country were attracted by the glamour of Western medicine. BCPWL was one such example of the first conscious attempt to replicate the success of European science-based indus­ tries on Indian soil. Such a unique effort of establishing a new kind of private entrepreneurship was very unlikely at that time. In midnineteenth century, middle class intelligentsia were surviving only in salaried administration and intellectual and professional occu­ pations. The most significant reason was the importance of Calcutta as the capital of British India and the seat of commercial capital for colonial empire. As a consequence of this phenomenon, a dispro­ portionate number of Indians specifically the Bengalis were en­ gaged in professional occupations rather than business or trade (Goswami, 1989: 289-309). Thus the major thrust for establish­ ment of pharmaceutical industries in India was (i) to revive the mentality of the Indian intelligentsia into trade or business for economic self-sufficiency, (ii) to strengthen the Indian medical system and (iii) to fulfil the demand of the urban population visà-vis creating a domestic pharmaceutical market even in colonial era. To sum up, it can be said that overall three major historical processes basically led to the emergence of indigenous pharmaceu­ tical industries in India. These were: (i) Industrialization and economic self-sufficiency by Indian nationalists which gained momentum due to the expansion of capitalism in the country. (ii) Encouragement of Indian industrialization by the colonial state power, specially in products like steel, cotton, chemicals and drugs and patronization of Indian industries during the inter war period (iii) The domestic demand for pharmaceutical products which was enhanced by the emergent urban middle class also led to the growth of such industries in the Indian subcontinent (Bhattacharya, 2010).

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

165

In conclusion, it can be said that the emergence of indigenous pharmaceutical industries and its success in colonial India reveal the interconnectivity between science and society and its direct bearing on the material development of society.

NOTES 1. The term ‘indigenous’ has been used to denote the civilisational origin of systems of medicine. The Indian system of medicine is of great antiquity. It is the culmination of Indian thought of medicine with a long and unique cultural tradition. Indigenous medical system includes Ayurveda, Siddha and Unami. 2. Jizya is also spelt as jizyah, it is a tax which was paid by non-Muslim population to their Muslim rulers. Jizya is described in the Koran as a tax that is imposed on a certain erring faction from among the people. During Prophet Muhammad’s life time, the jizya was not imposed on non-Muslims consistently. Folowing Muhammad’s death the jizya was levied on nonMuslims in lieu of military service. 3. Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama becomes the first European to reach India via the Atlantic ocean when he arise at Calicut on the Malabar coast on 20 May 1498. His initial voyage to India was the first to link Europe and Asia by an ocean route, connecting the Atlantic and the Indian Oceans and therefore, the West and the Orient. 4. A joint family is a large family where the grand-parents, father, mother, uncle, aunty and their children live unitedly under one roof. In the joint family system, every member makes financial contribution to the common fund and share common rights in the household property. After marriage, the children lives with the parents in the same house along with his other family members. The eldest male member is usually the head of the joint family. He has to make economic and social decisions on behalf of the family. This type of family system prevailed in the agrarian social structure specifi­ cally in rural areas. 5. Lord Macaulay came to India as the law member of the Governor-General’s Executive Council on 10 June 1834. He was appointed as the President of the Committee of Public Instruction. His major task was to settle down the dispute between Anglicist and Orientalist in 1835. He submitted his famous minutes in February 1835 to the Council which was approved by Lord Bentinck and a resolution passed in March 1835. 6. Sir William Jones, an outstanding scholar from the University of Oxford,

166

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

arrived in Calcutta on 25 September 1783, as a Supreme Court judge. To encourage oriental studies, shortly after his arrival he founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal on 15 January 1784. The Asiatic Society had the support and encouragement of Warren Hastings, the Governor-General of Bengal. 7. According to Merriam Webster Dictionary, the term jagir means a grant of the public revenues of a district in northern India to a person with power to collect and enjoy them and to administer the government in the district. It was a type of feudal land grant in the Indian subcontinent developed during the Islamic rule era of the Indian subcontinent, started in the early thirteenth century. 8. The Third Battle of Panipat was one of the most noteworthy battles of the eighteenth century held on 14 January 1761 at Panipat. The battle commenced between the Maratha Empire and Ahmad Shah Abdali, the King of Afghanistan. In this war the Marathas were defeated. This war altered the power equations in India but not in a predictable manner. 9. Charter Act of 1813 was the Act of the British Parliament asserting the Crown’s sovereignty over British India by defining the constitutional position of the British in India. This It also increased the realm of British merchants in private trading. It was for the first time that the British parlia­ ment recognized the importance of educating the Indians and set aside a definite sum of money for its encouragement. 10. American Civil War took place in the United States from 1861-5 between the Northern and Southern states. The north constituted the areas north of Pennsylvania and the south comprised the territories south of Maryland. There existed fundamental socio- economic differences between the north and the south. The northerners had a composite economic struc­ ture with little scope for agricultural growth whereas the south was prima­ rily agricultural. This difference increased with the passage of time resulting in the Civil War.

REFERENCES Alam, M., The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India: Awadh and the Punjab, 1707-48, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1986. Alavi, S., The Eighteenth Century in India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2008. Armitage, D. The Ideological Origins of the British Empire, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006. Bagchi, A.K., ‘Deindustrialization in India in the Nineteenth Century: Some

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

167

Theoretical Implications’, Journal of Developmental Studies, 12 October 1976, pp. 135-64. ——, Private Investments in India: 1900-39, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1972. Baladouni, V., ‘Accounting in the Early Years of the East India Company’, The Accounting Historians Journal 10(2), 1983, pp. 63-80. Retrieved 13 Nov­ ember 2012. Balfour, E.G., Encyclopedia Asiatica: Comprising Indian-subcontinent, Eastern and Southern Asia, Cosmo Publications, Delhi, 1976. Barker, E., The Ideas and Ideals of the British Empire, Greenwood Press, New York, 1969. Basu, A., The Growth of Education and Political Development in India 1898­ 1920. Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1974. ——, ‘The Conflict and Change over in Indian Chemistry’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 39 (3), 2000, pp. 335-58. Bayly, C.A., The Birth of the ModernWorld: 1780-1914 —Global Connections and Comparisons, Blackwell, Oxford, 2004. Bearce, G.D., British Attitudes Towards India 1784-1858, Oxford University Press, London, 1961. Bhattacharya, N., A Coming Age Story: A History of Indian Pharmaceutical Industry 1905-66, University of Leicester, Leicester, 2010, Retrieved from www.wellcome.ac.uk dated on 11 September 2011. Bowen, H.V., Revenue and Reform:The Indian Problem in British Politics, 1757­ 1813, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991. Buchanan, D.H., ‘The Development of Capitalist Enterprise in India’, in S.C. Kuchhal, The Industrial Economy of India, Chaitanya Publishing House, Delhi, 1965, pp. 450-51. Census of India, Government of India Press, Delhi, 1951. Chakrabarti, P., ‘Science and Swadeshi: The Establishment and Growth of the Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works, 1893-1947’, in Uma Dasgupta (ed.), Science and Modern India: An Institutional History, 1784­ 1947, Pearson Education, Delhi, 2011, pp. 117-42. Chaudhuri, K.N., The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Com­ pany,1660-1760, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1978. Chemical Services Committee Report, Superintendent Government Central Press, Simla, 1920. Clingingsmith, D. and J.G. Williamson, ‘Deindustrialization in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century India: Mughal Decline, Climate Shocks and British Industrial Ascent’, Explorations in Economic History, 45, 3, 2008, pp. 209-34.

168

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

De Sousa, J.P., History of the Chemical Industry in India, Technical Press Publica­ tions, Bombay, 1961. Deane, P. and W.A. Cole, British Economic Growth, 1688-1959: Trends and Structure, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1967. Dutt, R., The Economic History of India, vol. I, Under Early British Rule, 1757­ 1837, Government of India Press, Delhi, 1960, p. 18. F, John, R. (ed.), The Mughal Empire: The New Cambridge History of India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1993. Goswami, O., ‘Sahibs, Babus and Banias: Changes in Industrial Control in

Eastern India’, The Journal of Asian Studies, 18,2, 1989, pp. 289-309.

Griffiths, P.J., The British Impact on India, Macdonald and Company, London,

1952. Grover, B.R., Land and Taxation System during the Mughal Age, Vol. IV, Low Price Publications, Delhi, 2009. Habib, I., ‘The Eighteenth Century in Indian Economic History’, in P.J. Marshall (ed.), The Eighteenth Century in Indian History: Evolution or Revolution, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003, p. 109. ——, ‘Colonization of the Indian Economy, 1757-1900’, Social Scientist, 32, 3, 1975, pp. 23-53. ——, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1526-1707, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1963. Henry, J., The Scientific Revolution and the Origins of Modern Science, Macmillan Press Ltd., London, 1997. Higham, Charles S.S., History of the British Empire, Longmans, Green and Company, London, 1934. Holland, T.H., Conferences for Considerations of the Organization of Chemical Research in India, Imperial Publishing Company, Lahore, 1918. ——, ‘Presidential Address’, Proceedings of the Conference of Chemists, Indian Munition Board, Simla, 1918, p. 4. Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. II, 1908. Indian Industrial Commission: 1916-18, Minutes of Evidence, vol. 4, Supdt. Government Press, Calcutta, 1918, p. 774. ——, Minutes of Evidence, 1918, vol. 3, Supdt, Government Press, Calcutta, 1918, p. 111. Indian Mining Federation, Fifty Years of the Indian Coal Industry, Calcutta, 1963. Kak, S.C., ‘Science in Ancient India’, in: S.R. Sridhar and N.K. Mattoo (eds.). A Portrait of India, AIA, New York, 2005, pp. 399-420. Keay, J., India: A History, Harper Collins, London, 2000. Kohli, S., Sea Power and the Indian Ocean, Tata McGraw Hill, Delhi, 1978.

Colonialism, National Economy and the Development

169

Kuchha, I.S.C. (ed.), The Industrial Economy of India, Chaitanya Publishing House, Allahabad, 1975. Lane-Poole, S., History of India: From Reign of Akbar the Great to the Fall of Moghul Empire (vol. 4), Grolier Society, London, 1906. Levi, S. (ed.), Introduction in India and Central Asia : Commerce and Culture— 1500-1800, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2007. Mahajan, V.D., History of Medieval India, S. Chand, Delhi, 2007. Marshall, P.J., R.K. Ray and H.V. Bowen (eds.), The Oxford History of the British Empire: The Eighteenth Century, vol. II, Oxford University Press, New York, 1998. Medhora, B.P., ‘Entrepreneurship in India’, Political Science Quarterly, 80, 4, 1965, pp. 558-80. Morris, M.D., ‘Trends and Tendencies in Indian Economic History’, in Indian Economy in the Nineteenth Century: A Symposium, Indian Economic and Social History Association, Delhi, 1969, pp. 3-13. Mukherjee, A., Imperialism, Nationalism and the Making of the Indian Capital­ ist Class: 1920-47, Sage, Delhi, 2002. Mukherjee, N., The Ryotwari System in Madras, 1792-1827, Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1962. Porter, Andrew, The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. III, The Nineteenth Century, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1998. Pearson, M., The Indian Ocean, Routledge, London, 2003. Porter A., D.A. Washbrook and Robin J. Moore (eds.), The Oxford History of the British Empire: The Nineteenth Century, Vol. III, Oxford University Press, New York, 1999. Ramachandran, P.K., and B.V. Rangrao, ‘The Pharmaceutical Industry in India’, Economic and Political Weekly, 7, 9, 1972, pp. M27-M36. Ray, P.C., Life and Experience of a Bengali Chemist, vol. 1, Chuckerverthy, Chatterjee & Co., Calcutta, 1932. Ray, R.K., Entrepreneurship and Industry in India.1800-1947, Oxford Univer­ sity Press, Delhi, 1992. ‘Report of the Indian Industrial Commission 1916-18’, cited in S.C. Kuchhal (ed.), The Industrial Economy of India, Chaitanya Publishing House, Delhi, 1975. Richards, J.F., The Mughal Empire, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996. ——, ‘Mughal State Finance and the Premodern World Economy’, Compara­ tive Studies in Society and History, 23 (2), 1981, pp. 285-308. Riddick, J.F., The History of British India: A Chronology, Greenwood Publishing Group, Westport, 2006.

170

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Risley, H.H. (ed.), The Indian Empire: Historical, Imperial Gazetteer of India, 2, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1908. Roy, T., ‘Economic History and Modern India: Redefining the Link’, The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 16, 3, 2002, pp. 109-30. ——, The Economic History of India: 1857-1947. Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2000. Roychaudhuri, T and I. Habib, The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I: c. 1200-c. 1750, Orient Longman, Delhi, 2004. Rungta, R.S., The Rise of Business Corporations in India: 1851-1900, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1970. Rutnagar, S.M., ‘Bombay Industries : The Cotton Mill: A Review of the Progress of the Textile Industry in Bombay from 1850 to 1926 and the Present Constitution, Management and Financial Position of the Spinning and Weaving Factories’, Indian Textile Journal, Bombay, 1927, p. 61. Sarvepalli, G., British Policy in India 1858-1905. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1965. Sharp, H. (ed.), Selections from Educational Records, pt. I (1781-1839). Super­ intendent, Government Printing, Calcutta, 1920. Suri, P. and I. Zaidi, Impact of British Rule on Indian Economy, Raaj Prakashan, Jaipur, 1985. Washbrook, D.A., ‘India, 1818-60: The Two Faces of Colonialism’, in Andrew Porter (ed.), The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. III, The Nineteenth Century, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1994, p. 395.

CHAPTER 5

A Case Study of Three Indigenous

Pharmaceutical Companies in

Colonial Calcutta

. . . In tracing the progress of chemical knowledge among the civilized nations of old, one always find it intimately associated with medicinal preparations, metallurgical operations, the technical arts and the belief in the transmutation of metals. (Ray, 1903)

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, both the profession of the indigenous practitioners and indigenous medicine1 gradually lost their glamour with the advent of the colonial medicine and practitioners. In this perspective, this chapter aims to reveal (a) why indigenous medicine and practitioners lost their attraction after the introduction of the Western medicine in colonial India? (b) what kind of responses were raised by the Indian nationalists to pave the way for effectiveness of our indigenous medical system? (c) what socio-political climax inspired the revival movement of our indig­ enous medical practices which ultimately led to the development of indigenous pharmaceuticals even under the wave of colonial supremacy? This chapter holistically deals with the entire perspective in a comprehensive manner. Historians of colonial medicine have shown that colonial medi­ cine occupied a place within a more expansive ideological order of the empires (Cunningham and Andrews, 1997: 147). Colonial efforts to deal with the health of developing regions were closely linked to the economic interests of the colonizers. Health was not an end in itself, but rather a prerequisite for colonial development. Colonial medicine, or ‘tropical medicine’,2 as it was called during the late nineteenth century, was concerned primarily with main­

172

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

taining the health of Europeans living in the tropics, because these individuals were viewed as essential to the colonial success (Marks, 1997). The health of the colonized subjects was normally only considered when their ill health threatened colonial economic enterprises or the health of the Europeans. Accordingly, the success or failure of health interventions was measured more in terms of the colonies’ production than by measuring the levels of health among the native population (Anderson, 1998: 522-30). From different medical proceedings and reports, it has been re­ vealed that Western medicine in India was, broadly speaking, in­ troduced by four separate agencies (Arnold, 1993: 11; Marks, 1997: 205-19; Anderson, 1998: 522-30). These were: 1. The Colonial State: The European colonial powers began to set up hospitals and dispensaries almost as soon as they established their rule in the sub-continent. The earliest of these were ear­ marked for European use or use by certain class of ‘natives’, most notably military personnel. Hospital and dispensary networks were expanded over time, notably during the nineteenth century, as colonial administrators sought to target larger numbers of Indians. The new institutions took the form of ‘general hospitals’, which were intended to serve the needs of Indian of all classes, religions and castes, as well as facilities for European patients. Broadly speaking, the establishments set up and run between 1750 and 1850 were targeted at members of the colonial ad­ ministration and indigenous elites. However, those set up from the 1880s onwards tended to be of the ‘general’ variety. Many historians have argued that one of the aims in the setting up of these ‘general’ hospitals and dispensaries was to highlight the technical gap between the biomedicine introduced by the colonial administration and the ‘unscientific’ indigenous medi­ cine, which was held out to be representative of India’s back­ ward past. Apart from such facilities of curative care, the colonial authorities also sought to introduce campaigns of preventive medicine, especially immunization campaigns. While elements of these could be seen quite early in the nineteenth century, especially

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

173

with regards to smallpox vaccination, the scope of these activi­ ties became much more pronounced from the 1880s onwards. This involved a wide variety of projects—smallpox, plague and cholera vaccinations, as well anti-malaria and anti-black water campaigns, involving drug treatments and sanitary management. Whilst many of these were targeted at particular sections of society, like plantation and industrial workers, who were consid­ ered to be economically important, campaigns were also directed at all members of specific territorial contexts. Generally speak­ ing, these tended to be urban areas between the 1880s and 1920s, while more concerted efforts were made to target rural areas from the 1930s onwards. Apart from the devolution of political power to locally elected bodies, which made these authorities more open to demands for the setting up of new healthcare facilities, the emergent germ theories of diseases powered the implementation of general sanitary and preventive campaigns, in a such situation where human being were seen as important vectors of human disease and unsanitary conditions considered to be a breeding ground for insect vectors. 2. Missionary Societies: Missionary activity in India became more visible in India after the establishment of European colonial­ ism. Health-work figured quite prominently in missionary es­ tablishments, in a situation where this was often considered to be an effective means of winning over converts. There were other aims informing the missionaries’ health related work as well. Indeed, historians have identified three main aims of mission­ ary work as it developed in the nineteenth century. These were— (i) continuing the work of Christ the healer, (ii) protecting the health of the missionaries themselves, (iii) providing an open­ ing into alien cultures to facilitate conversions. Generally speak­ ing, missionary work was targeted at rural areas, where state sponsored facilities were relatively sparse, if not completely miss­ ing. Thus, the colonial administration remained quite happy for these missionary activists to continue with their medical work, and during epidemic outbreaks of infectious disease, sought to use their assistance in popularizing and spreading immuniza­ tion campaigns. It should be mentioned here that the goal of

174

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

the missionary societies to win over converts to Christ-ianity from amongst communities they were providing health facilities which often did not work out. Conversion remained rare and patients continued to be pluralistic with regards to their healthseeking behaviour. 3. Other Private Initiatives: This involved both European and In­ dian initiative, and could be seen in the cities and towns. At one level, this took the form of the growth of specialized hospi­ tals, some of which only treated Europeans and well-to-do In­ dians. At a different level, the scope of Western medicine was extended through the efforts of the increasingly large numbers of Indian medical graduates and licentiates who were qualify­ ing from the colleges and schools set up in the subcontinent. As there were relatively few employment opportunities in gov­ ernment establishments, a great majority of these graduates and diploma holders involved themselves in private practice, which helped extend the scope of biomedicine in India. Private prac­ tice of this sort could sometimes be based within the new, feecharging specialized hospitals that were popping up all over the sub-continent. More common, however, was the setting up of small, private general practices, which too remained dependent on fee-paying patients. 4. Nationalist Organizations: A related point that needs to be made here is that many of the unemployed doctors joined some of their more successful colleagues in the ever more vocal nation­ alist movement. It is worth pointing out here that while certain elements of the main Indian nationalist parties—that is, the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League and the Com­ munist Party of India—were supportive of the growth of indig­ enous medical systems, like Unani and Ayurveda, a very strong and vocal section also demanded an extension of biomedicine in India. These elements were able to play an active role in the extension of voluntary dispensaries, which offered access to bio­ medical therapies and immunization facilities (Jawaharlal Nehru, first prime minister, was a great votary of biomedicine and the developmental possibilities that it offered).

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

175

However colonial governments usually did little to build rural health services for the general native populations. Rural services, when they did exist, were run by missionaries and focused primarily on maternal and child health. For most rural inhabitants, contact with Western medical services was limited to occasional medical campaigns such as mass vaccinations during infectious disease epidemics. Yet, though this policy left a broad field for action by local traditional healers, colonial medical authorities generally discounted the medical knowledge of local populations, and at times persecuted indigenous health practitioners. Though there were important exceptions to this pattern—such as in colonial India, where British doctors drew on local knowledge both for identification of local illnesses and for expanding their pharma­ ceutical knowledge by incorporating local plants and herbs—in general, disapproval of knowledge and practices was the rule (Packard, 2000: 97-112). Another characteristic of Western medicine was that it tended to be narrowly technical in both its design and implementations. Health was defined during the pre-Second World War era as mainly the absence of disease, and could therefore be achieved by under­ standing and developing methods for attacking specific diseases, mainly those that were infectious, one at a time. This narrow ‘dis­ ease’ approach to health and illness appeared to be cheaper and more manageable than efforts to improve the general health and well-being of colonial subjects through social and economic develop­ ment. Colonial authorities viewed both the provision of broadbased health care and efforts to deal with the underlying social and economic determinants of illness as both impractical and un­ necessary. However, tropical medicine was introduced in the Indian sub­ continent in order to take care of the health of the Europeans and the British army (Arnold, 1988: 1-18). It was evident that no systematic health programme started in India until the revolt of 1857.3 Nearly half of the nineteenth century witnessed the total negligence of the public interests. In the years between 1760 and 1860, India was the main focus of European colonial expansion only. Before the colonial period, public health activities were very

176

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

little known to the natives of India (Mushtaq, 2009: 6-14). In that era, the main stream of medical care among the society was Ayurveda. Home-based care appeared to be the dominant feature. There were very few organized efforts to treat diseases and to prevent deaths. The main focus, in that era, was continued to prevent and cure only Europeans and a section of Indian population for whom the British Government had the direct responsibility to protect and prevent. Sanitary Commissioners were also getting appointed by the Provincial and central government in the late 1860s, to oversee the health of the Indian population and the annual reports of mortality among the natives from the various infectious diseases were recorded by them. They were appointed to initiate the new principles to health care and were having the responsibility of it given by the colonial government (Kumar, 1998: 88). The evolution of public health in British India and the history of disease preven­ tion in that part of world in the nineteenth and early twentieth century provide a valuable insight into the period that witnessed the development of new trends in medical systems. The colonial government set up and strengthened an organized medical system in colonial India. This medical system has replaced the indigenous medicines. Public health efforts were focused largely on protecting the British civilians and army cantonment earlier, to early detection and control of the contagious and epidemic diseases. Sanitation was given the top priority (Tine and Mann, 2004). But due to lack of responsible governance, proper planning and participation of natives, public health policy failed in India. Public health services in India have largely been neglected for a very long time. It has resulted in high cost of illness, debility and death, and the poor people are the main sufferers. Thus the study of colonial health policy in India clearly reflects the connection between the growth of knowledge of various diseases, the economic interest of various sections and the government policy (Muraleedharan, 1991: 101-14). The belief, that Indian diseases were different in nature from that of Europeans, led them to consider the utility of new researches and of indigenous medical knowledge also. The need was also felt to distinguish between healthy and unhealthy areas. For the colonial government, smallpox, cholera, plague, malaria was the big chal­ lenge (Report of the Sanitary Commissioner, 1870: 105). In this

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

177

connection it can be said that health, medicine, and disease— these three were integral components to the colonial discourse in British India which indirectly lead to the introduction of Western medicine in colonial India in a comprehensive manner. This chapter explores the nature of interactions between the East and the West in the field of medicine vis-à-vis the development of indigenous pharmaceuticals. It brings into focus the conditions and historical processes through which there was an interaction between the social and medical domains, particularly under the rubric of colonialism. It discusses how India’s medical tradition faced challenges when modern medical system entered the country; the exchange of knowledge between India and the West; and the influence of local medicinal knowledge on its colonial counter­ part. The exchange of ideas and that of tradition was not a simple journey but rather a long and tortuous trajectory which was char­ acterized by both assimilation4 as well as initiative which sought to differentiate one set of ideas from another. The level of interaction was seldom smooth and it was often ridden with the languages of dominance and hegemony. However, Western medical discourse occupied an important place in the process of colonization. It was a double-edged sword, even while emphasizing the intrinsic dif­ ference between the two cultures. It worked towards a scientific hegemony. Colonial hegemonization precluded the possibility of interaction. Indigenous systems were so marginalized that their practitioners often sought survival in resistance rather than col­ laboration (Kumar, 1997: 166-70). Through specific case studies, this chapter has tried to analyse the origin and development of indigenous pharmaceuticals and the changing medical domain from the point of view of the existing social norms/conditions. However, it is impossible to discuss the development of indig­ enous pharmaceuticals in colonial India without discussing the interplay between historical consciousness and socio-political interconnectivity. A typical mid- and late nineteenth century view that the wealth of nations was tied up with the state of development of the institutions of science and with the capacity for technological innovations (Lourdusamy, 2004: 56). In this interconnectivity of science and technology, science came to be coupled with nationalism (Paul, 1985). This transformation followed the partition of Bengal

178

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

in 1905.5 But sections of the Bengali scientific intelligentsia were to subscribe to the programme of swadeshi, or constructive mod­ ernization (Raina, 1997: 25-42), as different from the path of militant struggle adopted by other sections of the society. This meant shifting the focus of the discussion to scientific and technical edu­ cation appropriate to the needs of Indian society which was tuned with the programme of industrialization being drawn up by the newly emer-gent Indian industrial interests. The basic thrust of swadeshi6 was aimed at working towards economic and scientific self-reliance. Therefore, the discourse of development of indigenous pharmaceuticals in colonial India has been visualized under the shadow of the Bengal Renaissance (Sarkar, 1970: 75). The Bengal Renaissance refers to a social reform movement during the nineteenth and early twentieth century in Bengal of undivided India during the period of British rule. The Bengal renaissance7 can be said to have started with the cultural reformers like Raja Rammohun Roy (1775-1833) and ended with Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941), although there have been many stalwarts thereafter embodying particular aspects of the unique intellectual and creative output (Sengupta, 2001: 13). Nineteenth century Bengal was a unique blend of religious and social reformers, scholars, literary giants, journalists, patriotic orators and scientific discoveries, all merging to form the image of a renaissance, and marked the transition from the ‘medieval’ to the ‘modern’ (Sarkar, 1990: 95). The intellectual awakening that took place during the time of the Bengal Renaissance has been compared to the sixteenth century European Renaissance (Bhattacharjee, 1986), although it must be noted that Europeans did not face the challenges of colonialism as was the case with Bengal under British rule (Kopf, 1969: 43, 145). In the case of the Bengal Renaissance, there was a questioning of practices such as the burdensome dowry system, the unjust caste system and the constraints of some religious beliefs. It was during this time too, that one of the Bengal region’s first social movements came into being, as the Young Bengals promoted atheism and rationalism as a code of conduct to level the caste system. With Rammohun Roy and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar leading the way, the Bengal Renaissance produced a wealth of Bengali litera­ ture. Prominent literary figures at the time included Bengali poet,

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

179

novelist and journalist Bankim Chandra Chatterjee (1838-94), and later Saratchandra Chatterjee (1876-1938). With a specific interest in educational reform, the Tagore family was very influential and active in the Bengal Renaissance. Rabindranath Tagore became the first Asian to win the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1913 for his English translation of his collection of poems entitled Gitanjali. Scientific advances during the Bengal Renaissance included pioneering work in a number of fields by Bengali chemist, physicist, biologist, archaeologist, botanist and science fiction author Jagadish Chandra Bose. Other notable Bengali and Indian scientists from this era were Satyendra Nath Bose, Meghnad Saha and Upendranath Brahmachari. Certainly, the Bengal Renaissance was an exciting period in Bengali history, with contributions by innovative and motivated people benefiting subsequent generations (Gupta, 1958: 8-16). The present chapter deals with the case studies of three indig­ enous pharmaceuticals in Kolkata, namely, Butto Krishna Paul & Co., Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited and East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited. The present researcher has purposively restricted the jurisdiction within Calcutta (now Kol­ kata) because it was the scientific capital of British India and the time frame up to 1947, i.e. up to the end of the colonial period or the day of India’s Independence. The discussions centering around the origin, historical development, coping strategies of the above three mentioned indigenous pharmaceuticals in a comprehensive manner. Before that a brief narrative of why British imperial power imposed their medicine in the Indian subcontinent in the nineteenth century, and how indigenous pharmaceuticals were developed as a nationalist response towards it would not be out of context. WESTERN MEDICINE, NATIONALIST RESPONSE

AND DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS

PHARMACEUTICALS

The British Empire would not have attempted to impose their medicine on the Indian people in the nineteenth century without a strong, underlying belief in the superiority of the European race. The attempt to impose Western medicine can be viewed in a number

180

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

of ways—medicine was thought to be a powerful ‘tool of empire’ (MacLeod, 1988: 3-15). It could be potentially effective at a number of levels. Firstly, it could be used to convince the indigenous popu­ lation of the benevolence of the colonising power (Arnold, 1988: 1-18). Medicine provided a point of contact for colonists with the indigenous population. It was a way for colonists to hopefully establishing respect, and may be trust of the natives. Western medi­ cine helped to legitimise colonisation in the eyes of the imperial powers, who regarded health care as a prime example of the benefits indigenous peoples experienced through the presence of Europeans. Furthermore, medicine was a way of gaining further control over the population through reducing the power of the local healers— often highly influential members of the indigenous society. Control was taken from rebellious indigenous healers and given to Western doctors with allegiance to the empire. Whilst the motives of indi­ vidual Western doctors may have been more humanitarian, for colonial powers medicine was a way of consolidating their authority over a subject people. Western powers believed they were bringing the gift of European civilization to the primitive world. India came to be described as a vast pathological reservoir, ‘overlaid perennially by a thick layer of maladies’. The new code words were ‘sudden’ ‘severe’ ‘decline’ ‘decadence’ ‘deterioration’ ‘degeneration’ and the worst—‘putrefaction’ (Harish, 1990). Western medicine was a ‘civi­ lising vector’ with power to ‘transform mentalities and traditions by importing a new way of life’. An attempt was made to impose Western medicine on indigenous peoples in an effort to replace the perceived barbarity of their practices with progressive civiliza­ tion. Medicine was one of the aspects of ‘civilized’ culture that made the most rapid impression on indigenous people—a hospital could be set up and save lives much quicker than a new system of law or education would bring observable benefits. Imposing Western medicine was a crucial part in replacing native traditions with the values of the imperial power. Traditional healers were seen to stand in the way of progress. Where the aim was assimilation of the indigenous people, getting them to adopt Western medicine was seen to be a key step in the ‘civilizing’ process. The late nineteenth century saw many advances in scientific medicine, further encouraging Western powers to attempt to im­

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

181

pose their ‘superior’ medicines on the indigenous people of India. Early nineteenth century Western medicine had much in com­ mon with traditional indigenous healing practices, and recognized its inability to effectively treat diseases such as cholera, dysentery and fever (Arnold, 2000: 57). This meant it was prepared to interact with and learn from local healers. However, following Pasteur’s discoveries and the development of the germ theory, Western medi­ cine grew more and more confident of its own abilities and corre­ spondingly more willing to dismiss indigenous medicine as nothing more than ‘charms, amulets and incarnations’. The harm native healers could inflict through misguided rituals appeared obvious to colonists. The attempted imposition of Western medicine and corresponding exclusion of other practices was justified on medi­ cine’s rational, progressive, and scientific basis compared to the ‘dogmatic, speculative and ineffective’ other systems. It was be­ lieved that the dangerous diseases in the colonies could only be brought under control through Western medicine. In this way, the indigenous systems were so marginalized that they sought sur­ vival more in resistance than in collaboration. To combat this superiority of Western medicine or the politicoeconomic nature of colonialism, finally gave birth to a new cul­ tural concept for a new identity. The new structural and cultural concept of Indian medicine provided impetus for the growth of nationalist ideas in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This led to the revivalist movement which provided a cultural and political voice to counter with the Indian and Western forms of knowledge. This movement became one of major significance in Indian history. It not only uplifted ideologies of science and medi­ cine but also created a new image for Ayurveda, the traditional Indian system of medicine. As a result, this movement re-estab­ lished an independent professional status of Ayurveda which further established a parallel set of institutions dealing with indig­ enous and modern medicines throughout India. The national elites of India tried to revitalize the Indian systems of medicine, espe­ cially Ayurveda and Unani. . . . In average public esteem, however, the indigenous practitioners retained their place in Calcutta. Gangaprasad Sen and Neelamber Sen, for instance, were

182

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

extremely popular. They introduced fixed consultation fees, priced medicine, publication of sacred texts and publicity through advertisements. Gangaprasad started the first Ayurvedic Journal in Bengali the Ayurveda Sanjivani and even exported Ayurvedic medicines to Europe and America. (Kumar, 1997: 166-70).

However, revitalization of Indian medicine received support from the India’s mainstream leadership, because besides providing legiti­ macy to the national movement and placating demands from vaids and hakims—these were also deemed necessary to meet the ur­ gency of unmet needs for medical care in rural areas. Therefore, it is evident from the above discussion, that the Western medical discourse in colonial India and revivalist movement by the national elites to re-establish the status of Indian indigenous sys­ tems of medicine was a counter hegemonization between the two cultures (Bala, 2012: 1-12). To revive the Indian indigenous system of medicine, along with Ayurveda and Unani, indigenous pharmaceuticals were developed. In other words, it can be viewed as an illuminating lens through which we can visualize the Indian economic self-sufficiency or economic nationalism. These indigenous pharmaceuticals not only changed the economic face but also altered the mentality of the country’s people to some extent. Because, the cost of Western medi­ cine was beyond the reach of the urban lower middle class and the rural natives, these situations yielded multiple results. First of all, the urban lower middle class who were unable to afford Western medicine, was now able to afford this indigenous medicine which not only served their purpose but also brought satisfaction at the psycho-social level. Furthermore, in course of time indigenous medicine became acceptable to the public of different social classes and could make a domestic market even in the colonial setting. CASE STUDY I

BUTTO KRISHNA PAUL & CO. Butto Krishna Paul was born in the well known Paul family at Shibpur, district Howrah, West Bengal. His father was Laxminarayan Paul whose family business was selling spices (Gandhabanik in

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

183

Bengali). Both his parents died during his early childhood and as a result he was unable to continue his education beyond primary level. After the demise of his parents he took shelter in his maternal uncle’s house (Ramkumar De) who was childless. His uncle initially appointed him in his spice shop at Natunbazar, district Howrah. At the age of sixteen, Butto Krishna Paul showed his excellence in that business, as a result of which his uncle inspired him to do business independently. He first opened a shop where he sold opium. Due to his honesty he was totally unsuccessful in that endeavour. He now opened another shop along with a partner Madhav Chandra Daw at 121 Khangrapatti Street (a central loca­ tion of Calcutta) in mid-nineteenth century. Here, along with lamps and spices he also sold allopathic medicines. With his busi­ ness acumen he realized the importance of allopathic medicine and specifically the public demand. All opathic medicines were not easily available and in most cases customers were cheated. In 1855, he opened another shop dealing with imported medi­ cines at Khangrapatti and named it ‘Butto Kristo Paul & Co.’ (Late Babu B.K. Paul, 1914; and Bangsha Parichay, 1328 BS : 309-25). Due to his honesty and perseverance he very soon became a rising businessman. At that time it was not very easy to import foreign medicines. With his untiring efforts and acumen he became one of the first Bengali in Bengal to import foreign medicine into Kolkata. Here he sold apart from allopathic medicines, homeopathic medi­ cines, indigenous medicines, printing machines, dentistry items, ayurvedic medicines, surgical instruments, etc. Very soon the com­ pany acquired almost worldwide fame. In 1881, his eldest son Bhutnath Paul joined the company. The most famous medicinal product in Butto Krishna’s shop was Edward’s Tonic a remedy for malaria, the formula of which had been developed by Sir Edward Gower Stanley (1865-1937). It has an interesting history. While Butto Krishna was still an atten­ dant at his uncle’s shop, Sir Edward Gower once went there to make a purchase, forgetting his wallet while leaving. The follow­ ing day, when he came back for it, Butto Krishna returned it. Sir Edward was so pleased that in acknowledgment, he gave Butto

184

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Source : Personal Collection from Butto Krishna’s family at 92B Shova Bazar Street, Kolkata.

Figure 5.1: Heritage Building of Butto Krishna Paul & Co.

Butto Krishna’s Main Product Edward’s Tonic

Krishna the formula of his antimalarial drug. In return, to honour Sir Edward, Butto Krishna named the medicine, after him which thus became known as Edward’s Tonic ,8 an anti-malarial tonic be­ came so famous that it started to sell even abroad. Butto Krishna’s business further expanded through the merger with the other three companies, becoming Butto Krishna Paul & Co. Pvt. Ltd. In times of epidemics Butto Krishna distributed medicine gratis across Kolkata. When King George V9 (1865-1936) came to India, Butto Krishna opened a charitable hospital avail­ able for the people who took part in the procession. In 1906, Lord Minto (1845-1914), the Governor-General of India, appointed Butto Krishna Paul & Co. Pvt. Ltd. as its chemist and druggist. By that time, the company’s capital was Rs. 10 lakh. In a very short time Butto Krishna had grown from a simple purchasing agent into a successful entrepreneur. His vision was to popularize the affordability of Western medicine into the remotest corners of India. Due to his close association with the British, the company never suffered any business constraints and was successful in all its endeavours. After his death in 1914, Butto Krishna’s eldest son Bhutnath Paul took charge of the company affairs and did a lot to contribute to its growth to eventually become the largest pharmaceutical company in eastern India. During the First World War, the com­ pany began a research laboratory at 18 Sashibhusan Sur Lane,

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

185

Calcutta for manufacturing tinctures and other medicinal prepa­ rations. For this purpose, the company got some patronage from the British government. Due to its business prosperity, the company further established a Homeopathic and Ayurvedic clinic in Calcutta. For operational convenience, the three firms Butto Krishna Paul & Co., B.K. Paul & Co. and B.N. Paul & Co. merged to form Butto Krishna Paul & Co. Thus this first indigenous pharmaceutical company gained its name and fame and enhanced its business more than anyone else of its contemporaries. However, after Bhut­ nath’s death the company gradually lost its name and fame (Government of West Bengal, 1922) and survives today as a sick indigenous pharmaceutical company (File No. 7929 of Butto Kristo Paul & Co., Government of West Bengal, 1922). CASE STUDY II

BENGAL CHEMICAL AND PHARMACEUTICAL WORKS LIMITED (BCPWL) Prafulla Chandra Ray was born on 2 August 1861, in RaruliKatipara, a village in the Khulna district of present-day Bangladesh. His father Harish Chandra Roy was an educated landlord with liberal views. His mother’s name was Bhubanmohini Roy. In 1870, Harish Chandra moved his family to Calcutta. Prafulla Chandra Ray was admitted to the Hare School at first and later to Albert School. In 1879, he passed the entrance examination and was ad­ mitted to the Metropolitan Institute. He decided to take Chemis­ try for his higher studies. In 1882, Prafulla Chandra Ray got the Gilchrist Scholarship and joined the University of Edinburgh. In 1887, he obtained D.Sc in Chemistry at Edinburgh and received the ‘Hope Prize’. In 1888, he returned to India and joined the teaching faculty of the Presidency College. Having obtained his Ph.D under Dr. Crum Brown at Edinburgh, and was implanted in an environment in which the nationalist movement was in its nascent stage. It was Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray, savant and patriot, who conceived the noble idea of starting chemical and pharmaceutical manufacturing in India. He combined the wisdom of the East and the West, by utilizing

186

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Source : www.in.hindustantimes.com

Figure 5.2: Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited

Source : www.in.hindustantimes.com

Figure 5.3: Main Entrance of Maniktala Factory

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

187

indigenous raw materials which our country abounds in and mod­ ern up to date scientific methods for the manufacture of efficient and cheap medicines for the amelioration of the sufferings of his countrymen. His basic intention was to make India self-sufficient in drugs and chemicals and open avenues of employment for edu­ cated young middle class men. Ray’s career was blended with multiple identities, as a chemist, as a foremost industrial entrepre­ neur of the Swadeshi period, as a Gandhian scientist advocating the charkha, a symbol of economic regeneration of the Indian cot­ tage industry. To this extent his career and life took forward the various ideas and commitments that Indian nationalism had arti­ culated (Ray, 1932; Fifty Years of Bengal Chemical, 1951: 92). After returning from abroad in 1889, Prafulla Chandra Ray joined the Presidency College, Kolkata, as a Professor of Chemistry. One of the earliest tasks Ray set for himself on his return from England was to manufacture locally some of the chemicals then imported from England, selecting some of the items from the British Pharmacopoeia. In his autobiography (Minutes of the Meeting 1901-50), Prafulla Chandra Ray has himself narrated the story of the circumstances and for which he set up the Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited (Ray, 1918: 5-7). [Bengal Chemi­ cal thereafter] The problem of middle class unemployment haunted him. He observed with concern that the raw materials available indigenously were exported and transformed into finished products in foreign countries, to be imported back to India. Prafulla Chandra Ray felt that what held up industrial progress was not so much the lack of technological institutes to impart technical training, but the reluctance to start industrial concerns and to struggle to make it successful. He decided to take the plunge himself and the Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited was born in his rented residence. Along with his two very close friends (one a chemist and another a doctor) with a capital of Rs. 700. Ray began Bengal Chemical in a rented house at 91 Upper Circular Road, Calcutta in the vicinity of the now well known Rajabazar Science College of the Calcutta University. Basically it was Ray’s dual pursuit of science and industrialization that led to the setting up of Bengal Chemical. However, the task of manufacturing a few simple prepa­

188

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

rations faced no special difficulties. But the prejudice of consum­ ers against medical preparations of indigenous manufacture proved to be a stumbling block in the path of regular marketing of the production. Marketing of the drugs appeared to be the major prob­ lem. Some nationalistic doctors and traders, however, came to his rescue. Most of the drug dealers were reluctant to take the Bengal Chemical products as imported stuff was available which the cus­ tomers preferred. This was not a problematic factor in the long run. Dr. Amulya Charan Bose, a fellow student of Prof. Ray and Sri Bhutnath Paul of Butto Krishna Paul & Co. provided their helping hand in Ray’s endeavour. They initiated a campaign to popularize Bengal Chemical products. After this with the sympa­ thy and active support of different patriotic medical persons namely, Radha Govinda Kar, Nilratan Sarkar, Suresh Prasad Sarbadhikary, the public responded very favourably. As a result, in spite of the prevailing prejudice against articles of indigenous manufacture. Bengal Chemical’s sales stared picking up. The scale of growth of Bengal Chemical during this period was indeed spectacular (BCPWL, 1920). Table 5.1 highlights the growth of capital and sales of BCPWL from 1901 to 1927. It is evident from the data that both capital and sales of the company gradually increased with time. Initially, the capital was Rs. 23,500 only which stood at Rs. 19 lakhs in the year 1927. So, it is evident from the data that the pharmaceutical company was successful in its endeavour even in the colonial period. However, the participation of doctors and traders in the active management in the initial phase contributed a great deal to the TABLE 5.1: GROWTH OF CAPITAL AND SALES OF

BCPWL FROM 1901-27

Year 1901 1910 1915-16 1926-7

Capital (in Rs.) 23,500 35,000 4, 00,000 1,900,000

Sales (in Rs.) 25,231 3,00,000 5,00,000 2,500,000

Source : Minutes of the Meeting of Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited.

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

189

initial success of this company. Along with its pharmaceutical pro­ ductions, BCPWL initiated the task of reviving the use of potent indigenous drugs. These indigenous preparations proved to be thera­ peutically effective. Demand was raised from the Council of the Indian Medical Congress, held in calcutta in 1898 to include these drugs in the British pharmacopeias. Ultimately they were added in the list and thus official seal of efficacy was obtained (BCPWL, 1920). After the premature death of Amulyacharan Bose, his role was taken over by another reputed medical practitioner, Kartick Chandra Bose along with Sri Bhutnath Paul. Thus the participation of a doctor and a trader in the active management in the initial phase, contributed a great deal to the initial success. The BCPWL started on the basis of import substitution, but soon went beyond that. It initiated the task of reviving the use of potent indigenous drugs. A number of Ayurvedic physicians were contacted and on the basis of the formulas and preparations collected, several preparations were placed in the market. As a result of disuse, the scientific basis of these products was open to doubt. Here too under the leader­ ship of Amulyacharan Bose, who himself started prescribing these drugs, attempts were made to convince the doctors that the active principles were extracted according to scientific methods. It did help in obtaining the confidence of at least a section of the medical professionals. These indigenous preparations proved to be thera­ peutically effective. Demand was raised from various quarters in­ cluding the Council of the Indian Medical Congress held in Calcutta in 1898 to include these drugs in the British Pharma­ copoeias. As a result of this pressure, they were added in the list and thus the official seal of efficacy was obtained. By the end of the 1930s, Bengal Chemical were selling about forty such drugs cover­ ing a wide range of diseases—malaria, skin diseases, rheumatism, dysentery, diarrhoea, bronchitis, tuberculosis, asthma, diabetes, liver ailments, etc. Many of these became household names for remedies. Examples are— Chyavanprash (cough, bronchitis), Syrup of Vasaka (expectorant), Aqua Ptychotis (indigestion, diarrhoea), Kalmegh (Liver troubles) and Makaradhwaja (stimulant and tonic) BCPWL, 1930.

190

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

The company at its inception mainly depended on Prafulla Chandra Ray for financial support but found it difficult to cope. The decision was taken to broaden the financial base and shares were issued to the public in 1901. The manufacturing operations were shifted in 1905 to a full fledged factory in Maniktola, a northern suburb of Kolkata. Along with chemical items and toilet prepara­ tions, it had also undertaken the production of surgical and scienti­ fic instruments, nitric acid, fire extinguishers, sodium thiosulphate, surgical dressings, etc. Sales increased from Rs. 25,000 in 1901-2 to Rs. 16 lakh in 1918-19 (BCPWL, 1920-30). In addition, the announcement of the partition of Bengal in 1905 and the Swadeshi movement and the boycott of foreign goods that followed created a market for products by indigenous enterprises (Sarkar, 1977: 9). Later during the First World War, when normal import supplies were dislocated, goods manufactured in India were in great demand. The Bengal Chemical took full advantage of these opportunities to expand its turnover. However, the basic strength of Bengal Chemical was reflected in its technological capabilities. From its infancy, a chemist of the stature of Prafulla Chandra Ray looked after the technical aspects. He believed that academic knowledge does not provide readymade solutions to concrete problems. He used to stress the importance of practical knowledge. It is not only that the Bengal Chemical succeeded in producing a wide range of products, it also tried to make its activities self-supporting. It had its own power plants, water works and engineering department to construct machinery etc (BCPWL, 1920). The Bengal Chemical succeeded quite easily in producing medical bandages. The problem was regarding com­ pressing and packing them. Machinery could not be imported because of the First World War. Undaunted, they sat down to work and out of the available materials, which too were in short supply, invented four new types of machines and improved one. Huge government orders for surgi-cal dressings now flowed in and were executed (Ray, 1918: 5-7). At the outbreak of First World War, the imperial government real­ ized that it could procure very little chemical and medical supplies from India. During the war period, there was a natural increase in

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

191

the demand of population along with several other factors which provided further impetus to indigenous firms (Morris, 2010). Some of the bigger units set up during this period included Unichem, Chem Pharma, Indo Pharma, Indian Process Chemical Laboratory, etc. Besides, productions of quinine salts and urea stibamine were developed through local research and development. During the period 1916-17 and 1917-18, the total export of Indian drugs and medicine were valued at £3,51,502 and 1,72,678 respect­ ively (Singh, 2011: 93). Bengal Chemical was encouraged to come forward during this time. It began production of wartime necessities like sodium thiosulphate, caffeine, surgical dressing, magnesium sulphate, etc. A new sulphuric acid factory was also established at Panihati (a semi urban area in the North 24-Parganas of West Bengal). At the outbreak of First World War, the colonial government realized that it could procure very little chemical and medical sup­ plies from India. In 1916, Lord Rayleigh noticed the ‘neglect of science’ in India (Report of Proceeding at Burlington, 1918). During the war, the dislocation of imports and the steep rise in demand provided further impetus to indigenous firms. The Munitions Board made frantic efforts to improve the situation. Some bigger units were set up during this time and thus produced essential items like quinine salts, urea stibamine, etc., through local R&D. The First World War made the environment worse for the Bengal Chemical. Competition became intensified as a result of the wide­ spread depreciation of the currencies of the West European countries in the early 1920s and the depression that followed. After First World War some effective measures were made to encourage the chemical industries in India (Holland, 1918: 5). Faced with un­ equal competition, the Indian chemical industry demanded tariff protection in the year 1929. A Tariff Board was formed which suggested that government provide protection in the manufacture of chemicals like sulphuric acid, hydrocholoric acid, nitric acid, magnesium sulphate, etc. Along with this it also advised the govern­ ment to reduce freight rates on raw and finished products (Report of Indian Tariff Board, 1920). The government also turned down the pleas for freight concessions (De Sousa, 1961: 18). The Act

192

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

lapsed in 1933 and the industry was left to fend for itself. A Drug Enquiry Committee was formed in 1930-1 to look into the problem of adulteration and standardization of drugs. Newspapers like the Statesman and Civil & Military Gazette also championed the need for legislative interference to prevent adulteration of drugs. The next issue was about the crucial aspect of government support necessary for protecting Indian pharmaceutical manufacturers. The Drugs Enquiry Committee recommended a 5 per cent increase in import duty on manufactured drugs, which was not heeded by the government of India. In 1937 certain regulations were passed to check the import of substandard drugs. Thus with the resump­ tion of imports after the war, local industry received a set-back as it could not compete with imported products. But Bengal Chemical did not accept it passively. It reacted by initiating various measures to combat the adverse situation. In such circumstances, Bengal Chemical started producing tetanus anti­ toxins. It continued to progress as the domestic market remained quite strong. The 1930s was a period of growth and expansion for the Bengal Chemical. It opened a new factory in Bombay despite the fact that profits had stagnated. In 1932-3 the Bengal Chemi­ cal issued shares exclusively for those in the medical profession (BCPWL, 1932-3). The impact of depression was more severely faced in heavy chemicals and this was sought to be compensated by more stress on other products. Steps were undertaken to develop and market new products especially in pharmaceuticals. In such a context, Bengal Chemical refocused on the local market, particu­ larly on the production of indigenous drugs. In 1934 Bengal Chemical published a booklet in Bengali titled Deshiyo Oushad (ibid., 1934) where it stressed the great Ayurvedic heritage of In­ dia. Besides, to mitigate the domestic demands Bengal Chemical started manufacturing cosmetic products like soap, hair oils, tal­ cum powder, etc. A new department was created for the study of vitamins and manufacturing of vitamin products in the year 1932. In 1937, a separate research wing was established named Sir Prafulla Research Laboratory to carry on in a more organized manner and on a larger scale (ibid., 1937). The range of diseases for which Bengal Chemical placed drugs in the market included liver ail­

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

193

ments, kidney problems, rheumatism, hypertension, neuralgia, tuberculosis, malaria, dysentery, diarrhea, bronchitis, diphtheria, asthma, skin diseases, menstrual problems, diabetes and many others. Besides, to gear up its sales promotion machinery advertisement outlay was drastically increased. In the subsequent period till the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, it went up to Rs. 65,451, i.e., a whipping increase of 277 per cent (ibid., 1939­ 40). Bengal Chemical initiated a number of schemes to popularize its drug products among doctors. On the presumption that it is more effective to have medical men to tackle the medical practitio­ ners, it recruited a number of them. A doctor was selected to be the man in charge of the promotional work. His job, among others, was to make occasional visits to eminent doctors, attend medical conferences for promotional purposes, instruct the medi­ cal representatives on how to interact with doctors etc. In 1932-3, BCPWL issued shares exclusively for the medical professionals. This is how the Board of Directors justified the scheme to the existing share holders. The sale of these shares was initially restricted to the doctors in other regions such as Bombay, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Madras, etc. Occasionally, it also started organizing parties for the medical professionals. When transport problems and excise barriers (in the case of spirituous medicinal preparations) appeared as impediments to sales expansion in other regions, Bengal Chemical started manufacturing operation in Bombay in 1934 (ibid., 1934-5). A full-fledged factory was opened in 1938 (ibid., 1939). The impact of depression was more severely faced in heavy chemicals and this was sought to be compensated by more stress on other products. Steps were undertaken to develop and market new products, especially in pharmaceuticals. A Biological Department was opened in 1929 headed by Dr. H. Ghosh, who later founded the Standard Pharmaceuticals and developed an indigenous process for manufacturing penicillin to battle the adverse situation and succeeded to prevent a fall in its profitability. During the Second World War, both profitability and sales per­ formance improved, though to a lesser extent than during the First World War. After the war the rate of profit sank to the pre war level

194

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

and remained more or less stagnant. Thereafter, the profit rate started fluctuating quite sharply and the trend became downward which led ultimately to losses. On the other hand, after the Second World War, a number of foreign firms approached Bengal Chemical for collaboration. As a matter of policy, the Bengal Chemical was not against collaboration as the deliberations in the meetings of the Board of Directors suggest. They thought, it would help them but adequate follow up measures were not initiated. The BCPWL had successfully used foreign technology in the 1930s and also later for producing sulphuric acid and alum. But gradually they reached a state where they were even unable to decide when and how to seek technical help and use it to their advantage. This kind of post-war situations provided another opportunity for the expan­ sion of local production (BCPWL, 1939-40). Before the Second World War, India had depended entirely on pharmaceutical imports at about Rs. 500 crores in a year. But the war situation stimulated local demand. It should be mentioned here that even in such a context the indigenous industries could provide only Rs. 25 lakh worth of medical stores at the beginning of the war. To mitigate the demand, the Government of India set up a Medical Stores and Supply Committee and two directors of drugs and dressings and surgical appliances. These bodies were given the task of building up indigenous capacities of supply as soon as possible. Professor Ray was elected as the first Chairman of the newly formed Chemical Manufacturer’s Association (CMA). With the local demand for allopathic medicines increasing steeply and imports completely cut off, several indigenous firms came into the market, namely, Calcutta Chemicals, Chemical Industrial and Pharmaceutical Laboratories, East India Pharmaceuticals, Zandu Pharmaceutical Works, etc. Along with other chemical industries BCPWL began to produce surgical dressings, gallic acid, tannic acid, permanganate, quinine ampoules, caffeine, etc. By 1943 the country was able to produce 70 per cent of the medical require­ ment of the war. However, the end of the war once again caused a lull in pharmaceutical manufacturing. War time products like anesthesia, sodium thiomite sulphate and biological products accumulated in warehouses, and cheap imports inundated the

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

195

market. In 1944, Bengal Chemical became interested to take up the management of the Fertilizer Industry and Government of India agreed to hand over control and management to them. In 1945, Bengal Chemical decided to establish a fully equipped labo­ ratory for Chemical Engineering to keep up its chemical research. Along with this, in 1946 it corresponded with foreign consulting chemist. Vaman R. Kokatnur (New York) for establishing a Vita­ min plant (ibid., 1946). During this period, the socio-political climate of Calcutta was in a mess. Business around Calcutta and all over the country had completely collapsed due to the direct action of the Muslim League. In April 1947, one of the represen­ tatives of Bengal Chemical was included in the team of Indian technicians to visit Germany to see the Chemical industry. Their main aim was to establish contacts with the scientists there and to familiarize themselves with update developments in the subject. On the day of Independence, the Board of Directors of Bengal Chemical announced an ‘Independence Day Bonus of 12½ per cent of the basic pay on salary’ (ibid., 1947). [Figure 5.4]. Finally, it can be said that Bengal Chemical was Prafulla Chandra Ray’s sincere endeavour towards a fruitful application of science in the sphere of indigenous industry. The growth and development of Bengal Chemical, gave him faith and confidence about the ability of his own people, particularly the Bengalis, to succeed in business. The entire Indian chemical and pharmaceutical industry received its greatest boost during the two great wars (Chakrabarti, 2011: 117-42). The present researcher has tried to analyse the growth and subsequent decline of the Bengal Chemical in terms of the changing socio-political environments and its response to it. Bengal Chemical was a pioneer in the chemical and pharmaceutical in­ dustries in India. Initially it faced competition from imports alone. The Swadeshi movement and the boycott of foreign goods and then the First World War—when normal imports were cut off— contributed a great deal in finding a market. Bengal Chemical could also exploit the favourable situation because of the dedi­ cated persons employed in the company who developed and manu­ factured a wide range of products. Sales promotion too was taken seriously right from the beginning. After the First World War with

196

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

the crisis in the advanced capitalist countries, the environment changed for the worst, but the Bengal Chemical managed to pre­ vent the fall in its profitability. A large number of drugs were in­ troduced during the period. By the late 1930s, the golden age in the history of the Bengal Chemical had ended. With increasing participation of other firms in its existing lines of business, the company was naturally adversely affected. Investment in new and more profitable areas could have been the answer. Bengal Chemical, however, failed to take advantage of the opportunities that the policy of discriminating protection provided especially from 1929-30 onwards. However, after Independence, the policies of the new government were not conducive to the growth of indigenous units. Bengal Chemical still exists as a Chemical and Pharmaceutical Company in Kolkata. Tables, graphical representations and min­ utes of the meetings of the shareholders have been generated on the basis of data collected from different annual reports of the Bengal Chemical (Chaudhuri, 1988). Figure 5.4 shows a declining tendency of annual rate of growth of sales over the years. But in few years or period it shows negative growth rate of sales. During 1914-20, there was a sharp rise of growth of sales, but it suddenly falls during 1918-20. This may be due to some economic instability of the post war period. Simi­ lar situation was observed during the period 1940-4. However, fluctuation in growth rate was not high compared to previous period. The share of profit in sales of the firm declined from 20 per cent to less than 10 per cent during the period of 34 years (1913-47). The decline was more or less steady over the years except for a few years. It may be due to the fact that, firm had to face competition from other existing firms or due to rising production cost of the firm over the period under study. Table 5.2 highlights number of drug products of Bengal Chemi­ cal manufactured during 1930s. It is important to mention that along with indigenous preparations, the company also produced different preparations for which public demand were high. Here the entire time periods have been divided into three subperiods. First, during 1913-17, share of dividend in profit declined.

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

197

Source: Annual Report, Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited, 1901-47.

Figure 5.4: Annual Rate of Growth of Sales of Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited

Source : Annual Report, Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited, 1901-47.

Figure 5.5: Share of Profit in Sales of Bengal Chemical and

Pharmaceutical Works Limited

198

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

TABLE 5.2: THE BENGAL CHEMICAL AND PHARMACEUTICAL

WORKS LIMITED: NUMBER OF DRUG PRODUCTS

IN THE 1930s

Category Indigenous preparations Medicinal specialties Applications Collodial preparations Gland preparations Haemoglobin Malt preparations Tablets Vitamin preparations Prophylactic vaccines Plain vaccines Mixed vaccine Special vaccine Chemo-vaccine Immunectens Phycatens Antiviruses Bacteriophages Sera Toxoids Jexins Veterinary products Antiseptics and insecticides Total

No. of Products 36 36 11 6 21 8 11 18 8 8 13 9 26 12 11 6 9 6 17 2 96 3 7 380

Source: Minutes of the Meeting of Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited 1930.

During the second period (1918-23), share of dividend sharply increased over time. In the third period (1924-43), dividend steadily declined as time changed. However, after that period, this share shows an increasing tendency till independence. The Com­ pany changed its decision for distributing dividend among its share holders according to market situation over a long period of 34 years. The highest dividend was paid by the company during 1921-4. (Figure 5.6).

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

199

Source: Annual Report, Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited, 1901-47.

Figure 5.6: Share of Dividend in Net Profits of Bengal Chemical and

Pharmaceutical Works Limited

Source: Annual Report, Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited, 1901-47.

Figure 5.7: Dividend Rate on Ordinary Shares of Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited

200

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

The overall dividend rate in ordinary share has an increasing tendency over the period. But during 1927-40, the dividend re­ mains unchanged. In the early 1940’s dividend in ordinary share rises sharply and in the year 1944 it falls suddenly from 20 to 10 per cent (Figure 5.7). Table 5.3 depicts that research and development expenditure of BCPWL from 1937 up to Independence. This period was also very crucial for the company because of the Second World War. However, it is seen from the table that keeping in mind the then socio-political climate and public demand, the company gradu­ ally gave more emphasis on research and development for further enhancement. The success and development of any private entrepreneurship not only depend on its activities but also on its advertisement and sales promotion expenditure policy. Table 5.4 reflects the adver­ tisement and sales promotion expenditure of Bengal Chemical from 1936 to 1947. It is seen from the table that the pharmaceutical gradually increased its expenditure on advertisement and sales pro­ motion even during the war period. So it can be said that even in the war period the Company’s expenditure on advertisement was steady enough. TABLE 5.3: THE BENGAL CHEMICAL AND

PHARMACEUTICAL WORKS LIMITED: RESEARCH

AND DEVELOPMENT EXPENDITURE

Year

1937-8 1938-9 1939-40 1940-1 1941-2 1942-3 1943-4 1944-5 1945-6 1946-7

Expenditure of ‘Sir Prafulla Research Laboratory (in Rs.)

As per cent of total sales

25,000 30,000 29,951 30,040 29,966 12,326 47,698 30,019 30,000 37,842

0.4 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.4 0.2 0.2 0.3

Source: Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Annual Reports 1937-47.

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

201

TABLE 5.4: THE BENGAL CHEMICAL AND PHARMACEUTICAL

WORKS LIMITED: ADVERTISEMENT AND SALES

PROMOTION EXPENDITURE

Year

1936-7 1937-8 1938-9 1939-40 1940-1 1941-2 1942-3 1943-6 1946-7

Advertisement and sales promotion Expenditure (in Rs.)

As per cent of total sales

2,73,291 2,86,415 3,03,269 2,77,854 3,28,305 2,97,927 2,10,310 4,04,247 4,21,672

1.6 4.5 4.6 3.9 3.5 2.5 1.9 2.6 3.0

Source: Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Annual Reports 1912-47.

MAJOR ISSUES OF THE MEETINGS OF THE SHAREHOLDERS

OF BENGAL CHEMICAL AND PHARMACEUTICAL

WORKS LIMITED

Year

Major Issues

1901

To elect directors and confirm services of the staff of the company Establishment of laboratory. Selecting agent for pushing goods of BCPW to the market. People’s attitude survey towards BCPWL’s products. Ten shares of Rs.1,000 granted to Dr. P.C. Ray for his services. Increase of capital of the company by Rs. 25,000. 250 shares of the company released in the market. Manufacturing of scientific apparatuses. Dividend of 5 per cent on the capital. Increase of capital of the company by Rs. 50,000. Five hundred shares of Rs. 100 for extension of the business. Sanction of acid plant. Manufacture of principal mineral acid. Increase of capital of the company by another Rs. 1 lakh out of which Rs.50,000 issued in the form of preference share with 6 per cent guaranteed dividend per annum. Selling of share to the general public. Extension of the company. Establishment of pharmaceutical block.

1902

1903

1904 1905

202

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

1906

Two per cent commission on the gross sale of the company. Purchase of a plant for making barley powder. Arrangement made for connecting the factory with the head office and city office by telephone. Further increase of capital of the company. Issue of ordinary shares. Two per cent worker’s commission. Manufacturing of alum and bleaching powder. Keeping fire engine in the factory. Establishment of new lead chamber. Preparation of different types of acids. Extension of pharmacy work. Manufacture of spirit.

Opening of distillery.

Manufacture of alchohol.

Increase of capital of the company and issuing more shares to market.

Water supply at Asansol. Establishment of acid furnace. Rs. 1,500 as bonus to the employees Establishment of new sulphur furnaces, chimney, new lead chamber, new sulphur godown. Manufacture and sale of oxygen apparatus. Increase of capital of the company. Starting of provident fund scheme to employees. Extension of nitre refinery. Purchase of centrifugal separators. Purchase of boiler and engine. Scheme for remodeling the Bombay business. In view of the gloomy condition of the market amount of dividend reduced. Introducing pyrites in the manufacture of sulphuric acid. Due to heavy demand manufacture of more sulphuric acid. Sanction of Rs. 250 for contribution to the Bengal branch of Indian War Relief Fund. Visit to His Excellency, the Governor, to its Manicktala Factory. Providend fund for the employees was sanctioned. Manufacture of soda bicarbonate. Manufacture of surgical gauges, cotton wool, surgical dressing. Arrangement of fire extinguisher in the company premises. Establishment of a new sulphuric acid chamber. Extension of the factory. Issue of new shares. Establishment of residential quarters for company’s employees. Issue of new shares.

1907 1908

1909 1910 1911

1912

1913

1914

1915

1916

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical 1917

203

Arrangement with the Lister Antiseptic Dressing Company for the supply of absorbent cotton. Manufacture of coal tar products 1918 Annual contribution of the company towards provident Fund fixed at 2½ per cent. Recommendation of Income Tax-free dividend (12 per cent). Purchase of land for increase of the factory. Sense of deep appreciation for the honour of Knighthood conferred by his Majesty the King Emperor on Dr. P.C. Ray. 1919-20 Manufacturing of sulphites, hyposulphites, caffeine. Manufacturing of scientific instruments, gas, water, fittings, surgical in­ struments. Increase of capital of the Company to about 25 lakh. Both Agarpara and Panihati selected as suitable venue for setting new factory. Another plot of land on Dharmatala Street, Calcutta selected for setting factory. Dividend of 17 per cent free of Income—tax declared. 1921 Installation of sulphuric acid plant. Installation of power plant at Panihati. In spite of general depression of trade in the money market, the Com­ pany could affect a greater sale of its commodities than the previous year. Extension of the company. Increase of capital of the company. Declaration of low dividend in spite of the large profits of the Company. 1922 New industry in coal tar products at Panihati. Extension of sulphuric acid plant. Extension of the bonded pharmacy at Maniktala. 1923 Installation of tube wells. Manufacturing of absorbent cotton wool. Manufacturing of surgical cotton. Opening of a cash credit account with the Imperial Bank of India. 1924 Increase of capital of the company. Increase of sales of the company. 1925 Capital of the Company reduced. Opening of an account with Lloyds Bank of India. Clinical Research Association offering to appoint BCPW as one of its selling agents. Declaration of dividend of 10 per cent free of Income-tax. 1926 Dr. P.C. Ray away in Europe. Fall in the sale of chemicals but compensated by demand of pharmaceu­ tical products. 1927 Satisfactory sale of pharmacy. Selling of coal tar and antiseptic dressing.

204

1928

1929

1930

1931

1932

1933

1934

1935

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies Celebration of silver jubilee of the company on 27 January at the Maniktala

Factory.

Increase of capital of the company.

Loss of the company due to failure of Bengal National Bank.

Increase of capital of the company up to 31 Lakhs. Steady improvement in the demand for chemicals and sulphuric acid. Manufacture of vaccines and serai introduced. A dividend of 15 per cent announced in spite of failure of Bengal National Bank. Donation of Company manufactured articles for use to charitable organizations. Bacteriological work started. Company makes scientific grants to institutions on special occasions for the relief of natural diaster. Large order of surgical cotton from the Government of India. Dr. P.C. Ray and Rajsekhar Bose visited Bombay and Madras with the object of advancing the business. Manufacturing of vaccines and sera gained profound success. Dr. Hemendranath Ghosh desirous to go to Europe and America to learn the latest process for the manufacturing of bacteriological and biological products. Continuation of sulphuric acid plant’s work. Ampoules, vaccines, sera and organo-therapeutic products manu­ factured by the company appreciated by the members of the medical profession. New sulphuric acid plant completed. The company sent factory superintendent Surendra Bhushan Sen to Europe to visit and study industries. Increase of capital of the company. Growing competition of with other manufactures of pharmaceutical and allied products. Steady increase in sale of biological products and increase in reputation among the members of the medical profession throughout India. Manufacture on commercial scale of quinine achieves success. Breakthrough has been achieved in Biochemical Department— Photo­ chemical synthesis of vitamin B which created a sensation in the scien­ tific world. To ensure the possibility of getting trained personnel for extension of business. Work on organic arsenic compound similar to sulpharsenol. Research department of the Biological Laboratory undertakes a study of the recent epidemics of meningococcus meningitis and several interesting papers published from this department. Ether being made for the first time in India by the company.

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

1936

1937

1938

1939

1940

1941

205

Two new items of colloid preparation—colloid Iodine and colloid

aurum. Bombay Factory of BCPW show sign of success. ‘Thiarsin’—Clinical reports from practitioners all over the country that this preparation was well received by the medical profession as an effec­ tive remedy for Syphillis. Research department was successful in preparing chloroform. For extension of factory A/C chemical machinary at Maniktala. One ether distillation plant sanctioned. Profits and business of the company showed a satisfactory increase. Research and Development purpose Directors approved two storied building at Maniktala works named ‘Prafulla Bhavan’ for the location of ‘Sir Prafulla Research Departmernt’ Several new products introduced—KONGROT—stopping bleeding and anti-pneumococcus serum. CALSID—Standardized Vitamin product containing Calcium Glucon­ ate, Vitamin D. Anumakardhwaja made available in tablet form Manufacture of strych­ nine and Tannic acid. Increased grant of Rs. 30,000 for research to Sir Prafulla Research Department. Extension of Maniktala Factory. A/C building at Panihati. A/C general machinery at Panihati. A/C general machinery at Maniktala. Due to economic depression prevailing in various parts of Bengal, sales is not satisfactory. Extension of the factory in Bombay. Sanctioned the gift of medicine of the Company’s manufacture to the extent of Rs. 100 for China Relief Fund. Advent of the devastating war Government add 50 per cent Excise Profit Tax. Restricted foreign imports. Sulphuric acid plant at Panihati. New Items in the market—milk sugar, sulfanil, anti-flatulent syrup, medicines for Gangrene, antiperiotonitis etc. Chemical machinery at Panihati. Pharmacy medicinary at Maniktala. Sir P.C. Ray’s 80th Birthday Celebration Committee raising a fund of Rs.15,000 which would be devoted to the promotion of scientific re­ search in India. Appointment of a welfare officer for redressal of grievances and com­ plaints of the employees. Effect of after war reduced buying capacity of people.

206

1942

1943

1944

1945

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies Production of new products like—Chlorobutanol—Analgesic, Antiseptic

Artane—relieving pain and gout.

Silver proteinite—Eye lotion.

Annually Rs. 18,000 donated—to the Calcutta University for the estab­ lishment of the Professorship.

General strike of the workers for extending dearness allowance, increase of rate of daily wages, increment of fireman. Relocating of certain manufacturing sections to Lahore. Import of sulphur from New York. Donation to different relief societies. Extension of work at Dacca. Due to frequent air raids, Calcutta’s situation was very volatile. The overall socio-political condition was very bad for the Company. Large number of employees were evacuating from the city. As a result salary was increased to encourage the employees. Emergency Allowance was given to the employees. For production, emphasis was given on locally available raw materials instead of imported raw material. Indian Chemical Manufacture Association was informed that BCPW was agreeable to give training to Chinese chemists nominated by the Government in the manufacture of coal distillation products and surgi­ cal dressing. For benefit of the company research was started by research scholars. Growing deterioration of food situation. War situation forcibly compelled to use country’s raw materials for manu­ facturing drugs and chemicals. BCPW introduced new products in the market—Ektrokin—amoebic dysentery—Ferralet—anemia—vitamin C. Creation of a new scholarship in the name of Sir P.C. Ray in Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science. Starting a new glass factory. Agreed to take up the management of the Fertilizer Industry (if the Government of India agrees to leave the management). Paying homage to the memory of Sir P.C. Ray (12 August 1944). Difficulties in procuring raw materials, transport of goods. Increase of the capital of the Company. Creation of new shares, new medical ordinary shares of Rs. 100 each. Preference shareholders were entitled to a cumulative preferential dividend of 7½ per cent. A large amount of the company’s profit was transferred to Reserve Fund. In spite of war situation, company’s sales was satisfactory. Due to war, it was apprehended that Indian industries will have to face a very difficult situation for survival. For this purpose, Director decided to send Mr. S.P. Sen, Manager of the Company, to the UK and US to study

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

1946

1946

1947

207

modern methods of manufacture and also to establish contact with those

industries. Government’s assistance was assured in this context.

University of Calcutta decided to establish a Professorship in Applied

Chemistry with a Research Fellowship.

Indian Chemical Society arrange Sir P.C. Ray Memorial Lecture annu­ ally. The speaker will be an eminent chemist and a gold medal will be

awarded to the speaker.

Shifting of the factory from Lahore.

Establishment of a fully equipped laboratory for chemical engineering in

the memory of H.K. Sen.

Increase of capital of the company (increase of sale and profits). Central Government did not provide facilities to the company which they had promised. Requests from different institutions like Indian Institute of Science, Department of Chemical Technology, Department of Applied Chemistry for asking admission of students as apprentice. Correspondence with Mr. Vaman R Kokatmur, Consulting Chemist and Industrial Technologist, New York, regarding vitamin plant. 16 August 1946, Direct Action Day of the Muslim League, collapsed the city and also the country. Business in an around Calcutta completely in a disarray for a number of days. Dr. B.N. Ghosh, Director of the Company invited to visit the Inter— Asian Relations Conference at Delhi. Department of Supply & Industries, Delhi, included the name of Mr. N. Adhikari in team of Indian Technicians visiting Germany for Chemical Industries. Business affected due to postal strike. Terrible Calcutta killing, absence of workers etc. cumulatively affected company’s production, increases cost and wages. A new 4½ per cent second preference shares allotted to existing share­ holders. Rs. 50,000 was sanctioned for Sir Prafulla Research Department. Meeting of Directors held on 16 August at 72 Bakulbagan Road Calcutta, 1947. Independence Day Bonus of 12½ per cent of the Basic Pay on salary to the employees who will attend to their work any day during the Indepen­ dence Day week Deputy Secretary of Government of India, Ministry of Industry & Supply invited Mr. N. Adhikari for a scheme for deputation abroad of scientists connected with industry to enable them to establish contacts with the scientists there and familiarize themselves with up date develop­ ments in the subject.

Source: National Archives of Bhubaneswar, Orissa, Government of India.

208

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

From the overall observation of the minutes of the meeting of the Shareholders of BCPWL, it is found that the company not only gave emphasis on sales and marketing, but also several matters were related with this illustrious journey. These matters may be categorized under different headings such as, Economic Returns, Research and Development (R&D), and Welfare Measures. All these issues cumulatively provide us a composite picture about company’s success. These issues are in a compressed manner highlighted below. ECONOMIC

CAPITAL FUND AND CREDIT An analysis of the Minutes of the Meeting of Shareholders of Ben­ gal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited from 1890 to 1940s reveals some interesting facts. It appears that BCPWL concerned itself during this period with six major activities: first, capital fund and credit remained its primary concern. Its initial fund of Rs. 700 in 1891 left by Prafulla Chandra Ray was expected to be increased to Rs. 25,000 in 1902. It far reached the target and by 1931 it could boast of a capital fund of Rs. 31 lakh by creating newer types of shares. This increase was however stalled due to the inter­ vention of Second World War, but it could still increase its credit to Rs. 50 lakh by 1944. So despite several constraints, the BCPWL secured a remarkable position in Indian economic scenario even in the colonial milieu. As regards the question of sales and market­ ing, BCPWL sought to promote the therapeutic uses of its drugs. Consequent upon its strategy of going to the market and survey­ ing people’s attitude to its products, the company’s sales shot up from Rs. 25,231 in 1901 to Rs. 25 lakh in 1926-7. A further steady increase was noticed in 1942. SALES AND MARKETING When its total sales stood at Rs. 1,17,67,857 and in 1945 despite war restriction and controls it totaled Rs. 1,40,47,504. In 1938 at the All India Medical Conference, Dr Bidhan Chandra Roy eulogized the spectacular progress of BCPWL in the field of chemical and medical preparations.

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

209

RETURNS

DIVIDEND/SHARES/COMMISSION/PROVIDEND FUND Third, in terms of returns in the forms of dividend, shares, com­ mission, providend fund, the company made its marks in a differ­ ent way. Despite its fluctuating fortunes due to war, the company could ensure dividends to its shareholders of around 6 per cent for a long time. Fourth, regarding production and manufacture, the company’s records was still more impressive. (Figure 5.5). PRODUCTION AND MANUFACTURE An indigenous pharmaceutical company, BCPWL, ever since its inception produced chemical and pharmaceutical goods of differ­ ent nature which not only mitigated people’s demand but also created a steady domestic market even in the colonial period. As years rolled on, the company kept on adding to its products newer items of medical and surgical needs. RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT (R & D) Fifth, it did not ignore research and development either. Since its inception P.C. Ray emphasized research and development, for he believed that mere academic knowledge does not provide readymade solution to concrete problems. Much of the profits of the company was ploughed back to infrastructure development, pur­ chase of newer machines, laboratories and installation of newer plants. Emphasis was laid on learning process for manufacture of bacteriological and biological products, much in vogue in Europe and the USA at that time. WELFARE MEASURES Finally, welfare measures also received the attention of the com­ pany. Monetary assistance was provided for establishment of resi­ dential quarters for its employees, donation given to help people in distress caused by flood, famine and earthquakes, etc.

210

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

From the above case study and overall analysis of the Minutes of the Meeting of the shareholders it reveals that how an indigenous enterprise like Bengal Chemical battled against incredible odds and how it optimized production and effort for imperial assistance in the hour of crisis (Roy Sen, 1999) Bengal Chemical had gathered maximum momentum during the two great wars. With only some amount of governmental cooperation and assistance, the achieve­ ments of Bengal Chemical was a pointer to the potential of the chemical and pharmaceutical industry in India which could have developed in a more congenial politico-economic climate. Despite the immense difficulties of war time conditions, Bengal Chemical not only increased production manifold but made deep inroads in new, unchartered areas of production. In the colonial period, govern­ ment patronage and industrial development were directly corre­ lated. Undoubtedly, the British Government’s attitude was hostile towards this development of the chemical and pharmaceutical in­ dustry in India. For expansion of colonization, this attitude was expected. India was a big market to sell these goods. For this they made overt and covert means of restrict and stunt or impede in­ digenous industry like Bengal Chemical. Whatever favour they made to Bengal Chemical was nothing but required for the immediate purpose to fight the war in the east. In spite of colonial subjugation, economic exploitation and official antipathy. Bengal Chemical always tried to establish its potential and tried to reach spectacular heights even in a colonial climate. It was successful to pave the way for a national scientific endeavour even in a colonial environment. CASE STUDY III

EAST INDIA PHARMACEUTICAL WORKS LIMITED With a firm conviction to apply science for the development of society, to use scientific skills to produce medicines for the ailing millions, to cater to the needs of the local talents in scientific re­ search, Asoke Kumar Sen—a nationalist as well as a scientist by himself—took an entrepreneurial stand in British-ruled India. With

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

211

Source: www.eastindiapharma.org

Figure 5.8: Sarsuna Factory, Behala, Kolkata, East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited

a handful of dedicated researchers and close associates in a small establishment he sowed the seeds of the East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited in 1936. On 27 April 1936, the dreams of a pio­ neering Indian entrepreneur first saw the light of day—East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited (EIPWL) was born. Asoke Kumar Sen’s ancestors were from Manikganj, Dacca (now in Bangladesh). He was born on 15 September 1904 at Darbhanga, Bihar to Sarojini Sen and Rai Bahadur Ambika Prasad Sen. A brilliant student graduated with a first class in B.Sc. from St. Xavier’s College, Calcutta and a first class postgraduate degree in Organic Chemistry from the University of Calcutta. He pursued research under the guidance of the eminent professor P.C. Mitra for three years. It was the time when India was under colonial domination. Though pharmaceutical preparations were being manufactured from the first decade of the twentieth century, but the total production was only a small fraction of the total consumption. In his novel endeavour, the person whom he thought to be his most suitable close associate was Hirendranath Dutta Gupta. In 1920s, from Dacca, Bikrampur, Hirendranath Dutta Gupta came

212

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

to Calcutta along with his father. He was only a school boy at the time. After completing his schooling, he joined the prestigious Physics Department of Presidency College. During that time, in the heart of Calcutta, the Freedom movement was at its peak. He became involved in the Freedom movement and was jailed for eight years. While at jail, he switched over his study of interest from science too arts. After his release from jail, he started a business with scientific instruments. During this period, he was married to Sumitra Devi. Her uncle was Asoke Kumar Sen. Through this matrimonial alliance, a strong bondage was formed between these two nationalist visionary entrepreneurs. GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited was established when the country was under the domination of the imperial crown. The task was not easy in those days, with limited resources for carrying out indigenous research. Yet, with great perseverance, zeal and dedication, the scientists and researchers of EIPWL, in its early years, continued their research effort s in medicinal and synthetic chemistry for pharmaceutical product development, with constant inspiration and patient support from the far—sighted founder Asoke Kumar Sen. In spite of several constraints, the enterprise being totally national in character, resources, capital and talents, had to bear the brunt of discrimination with grit and determination. The decade of the 1940s was characterized by socio-economic turmoil of different complexions—all of which threatened to jeopardize the growth of the Company time and again. But the company remained undaunted. As early as 1938, EIPWL began its research and development activities. Since it’s inception, EIPWL’s Research and Development activities continued unabated, aiming for growth and development. Striving against many challenges and odds, the arduous journey of in-house research and product development went on. Since it’s inception in 1937, EIPWL still maintains a steady progress in production and sales. From a meager amount of Rs. 4,000 in 1937, the value of production reached up to Rs. 2 crore in the year 1947 (EIPWL, 2004, 1996).

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

213

Table 5.5 represents the increasing trend of sales and percent­ age of dividend of EIPWL from 1937 to 1947. In continuation with the earlier table, Table 5.6 also highlights the dividend on shares. TABLE 5.5: SALES OF EAST INDIA PHARMACEUTICAL WORKS LIMITED: SINCE 1937 TO 1947 Year

Sales (Rs. in ’000)

1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947

4.2 18.7 26.2 42.2 75.2 175.9 375.5 608.1 1,046.6 1,559.8 2,038.6

Source: Minutes of the meeting of East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited, 1947.

TABLE 5.6: DIVIDEND ON SHARES Year 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947

Sales (Rs. in Lakhs) 0.042 0.187 0.262 0.422 0.752 1.759 3.755 6.081 10.466 15.598 20.386

*PBT (Rs. in Lakhs)

Dividend on Shares (%)

0.004 0.012 0.013 0.013 0.046 0.054 0.125 0.256 0.559 0.762 0.902

*** *** *** *** *** 5 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25

Note : *PBT: Profit Before Tax.

Source: Annual Reports of the East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited.

214

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT Though pharmaceutical preparations were being manufactured from the first decade of the twentieth century, the total produce was only a small fraction of the total consumption. Most of the drugs including simple formulations consumed in the country were imported. Since it’s inception, the objective of the founders was to develop through private entrepreneurship a totally Indian organization to synthesize modern drugs from basic chemicals and cater to the needs of the millions. Though the task was not easy—with limited resources at its disposal. As early as in 1938, EIPWL began its R&D activities in its own laboratory by a group of dedicated scientists. The R&D department of EIPWL from the very beginning got major in-house support to develop a state of the art laboratory as well as a rich library with a rich collection of books and journals including chemical abstracts dating back to 1910. EIPWL made several outstanding break throughs. The synthesis of cinchophen used as an analgesic was the first break-through. The company subsequently developed a process for an antibacterial compound sulphacetamide and started manufacturing Locula a sodium sulphacetamide based eyedrops. Quiniodochlor was another molecule synthesized in EIPWL for the first time in India using phenol as the starting material. With this Enteroquinol was intro­ duced in the Indian pharmaceutical market during Second World War. Another first was the synthesis of the life-saving cardiorespi­ ratory stimulant, nikethamide, marketed as niamine. All these achievements were made possible with the efforts rendered under the joint leadership of the then Research Director Sri N.C. Guha and Production Chief Sri N.P. Chatterjee. In addition certain very important scientific findings of fundamental relevance to basic re­ search and product development emerged from the EIPWL labo­ ratories. These emanated as a number of research publications in the later years to enrich the scientific literature and uphold the scientific caliber of in-house R&D to a level comparable to aca­ demic excellence. However, the following indigenous preparations were produced by the Company within a time span of eleven years (Table 5.7).

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

215

TABLE 5.7: ITEMS PRODUCED BY EAST INDIA PHARMACEUTICAL WORKS LIMITED: 1937 TO 1946 Year in which Production Commenced 1937 1939 1941 1942 1943 1944

1945 1946

Name of Products Kilomal, Omnitone, Gonodina. Rheumin Tablets, Rheumin injection, Cincophen B.P. Salfodid tablets, Streptocy tablets. Enteroquinol tablets, Acidin powder, Laxamin tab­ lets, Bitter pills, Iodochloroxyquinoline I.P. Niamine injections and oral drops, Nikethamide B.P. Kilomal tablets, Cura Ointment, Calron, Calron with liver extract, Diastol, Livotone, Vitasoke, Kafbin, Eastolecithin, Amotone, Haematosan, Thymoglycol, Cylamin, Gluco-iodine, Urea stibamine, Aurozol, Eastodin, Indigenous fluid extracts, Sterilized chemical solution for injections, Colloid products, Vaccines—Plain, Special, Mixed etc., Prophylactic vaccine of cholera, meningitis and typhoid. This is a repetition of above. Ptychesir tablets, Cyclovarin, Locula 10 per cent, Tono­ feron, Vitazyme, Anuran, Eastofilarson, Myostibin, Solustremtocyl Injections, Spirozol injections, Sul­ phocid sodium injections, Pharmaceutical drugs containing of Tinctures, spirits, extracts, liquors, infusions, Liniments etc. Sodium Sulphacetamide.

One thing should be mentioned here is that ‘According to the file of the Patents of Independent India (1947-66) the oldest patent was from EIPWL on Sulfonamide derivative assigned on 11 June 1947’. Source : Annual Reports of East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited, 1937-46.

Since its inception, a strong network of marketing personnel took EIPWL’s products to every nook and corner of the country from the metro cities to small villages. It can be said that EIPWL is another novel endeavour to understand the interaction and interre­ lation between science and society which in turn led to the material and social development of society. In conclusion, it can be said that the Industrial Revolution was an important landmark in the world’s economic history. During this time, India was an exporting country. The things which were

216

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

industrially produced in England were mostly consumed by them­ selves. The English chemical industries produced things which were costly and of limited use. This scenario continued till the end of the eighteenth century. Knowledge of chemistry thus devel­ oped in the early days of British Raj by following the old indigenous practices and embracing new Western technologies (Basu, 2006). Thus the emergence of modern science along with its industrial and commercial applications coincided with colonial explorations and undertaking (Kumar, 2001). The present researcher has selected three indigenous pharmaceuticals in Kolkata, keeping in mind the present socio-economic context of these three pharma­ ceuticals. Besides, the developmental consequences of these phar­ maceuticals in colonial India were completely different. From an analysis of these three indigenous pharmaceutical giants, it reveals that BCPWL was most important. However, the three case studies narrate that the emergence of these three pharma­ ceuticals in colonial India was a result of a cultural collision10 be­ tween the east and the west (Habib and Raina, 2007). The link between the two was mediated by the economy of the colonized country. The struggle to build a strong, scientific and technologi­ cal structure linked to our national needs not only acted as cata­ lytic agent of our economic nationalism but also aided the inde­ pendence movement.

NOTES 1. The term ‘indigenous’ connotes the interlink with the civilization. In colonial India, indigenous medicines were those which were prepared by the country people and the raw materials for the preparation were available within the country. 2. Tropical medicine is an interdisciplinary branch of medicine that deals with health issues that occur uniquely, are more wide spread, or are more difficult to control in tropical and sub tropical regions. Physicians in this field diagnose and treat a variety of diseases and ailments. Leprosy, malaria, dengue, tuberculosis, etc. all are the examples of tropical diseases prevalent in colonial India. 3. One hundred years after the Battle of Plassey, anger against the unjust and

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

217

oppressive British Government took the form of a revolt that shook the very foundations of British rule in India. Indian historians named it the Revolt of 1857 or the First War of Indian Independence. This revolt begun in Meerut by Indian troops in the service of the British East India Company, it spread to Delhi, Agra, Kanpur and Lucknow. Different reasons like social, economic, political, religious and also cultural were responsible for this revolt. 4. Assimilation refers to that result of culture change whereby the members of one society modify their behaviour and values to become very similar to or identical with those of another society possessing a different culture. In another words, it can be a process whereby a group of people having lived among another group of people for a considerable period of time among another group of people, adopt the ways of life of the latter in such a way as to make it completely indistinguishable from the latter. 5. The division of Bengal was carried out by Lord Curzon, the British Viceroy in India, despite strong Indian nationalist opposition. The partition took place on 16 October 1905. It began as a transformation of the Indian National Congress from a middle-class pressure group into a nationwide mass movement. 6. The word ‘swadeshi’ means of manufactured goods made in India from materials that have also been produced in India. Swadeshi was a political movement in British India that encouraged domestic production and the boycott of foreign, especially British goods as a step toward Home Rule movement. This movement was basically for national independence. When Lord Curzon, announced the partition of Bengal in July 1905, Indian National Congress initiated Swadeshi movement in Bengal. Initially it was started in Bengal and then spread all over India. 7. Bengal Renaissance refers to the massive social reform movement during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the regions of Bengal, in undi­ vided India during the period of British Raj. It was a social, cultural, intellec­ tual and artistic movement. The paradigm shift which altered the Bengali tradition was thoroughly influenced by this reform movement known as the ‘Bengal Renaissance’. 8. Edward Gower Stanley, Under-Secretary to the Government of India, Executive Engineer, Public Works Department, was born in 1865 in Lucknow. He was educated in England at the Warwick Grammar School, R.I.E. College, Coopers Hall and had practical training at the Bristol Avonmouth and Portishead Docks. Stanley came back to India in 1887 as an assistant engineer and was posted to the Secundrabad Division, where he was employed in military works. On this occasion he visited Calcutta and

218

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

came to Butto Krishna’s shop. On October 1891 he was transferred to Burma as personal assistant to the Superintendent Engineer, Mandalay and subsequently held charge of that and the Thayetmya divisions. He was permanently promoted to Executive Engineer in January 1897 and called to act as assistant to the Chief Engineer and Under-Secretary to the Government of Burma in February 1898, which appointment he held until April 1903 when he was made Under-Secretary to the Government of India. 9. King George V was the King of the United Kingdom from 1910 to 1936, the second son of Prince Albert Edward latter King Edward VII. He played an active role supporting the troops during First World War. 10. The term ‘collision’ means the conflict between the two opposites. The term cultural collision refers to a context when two different cultures inter­ act with each other with different cultural values.

REFERENCES Anderson, S. (ed.), Making Medicine: A Brief History of Pharmacy and Pharma­ ceuticals, London, Pharmaceutical Press, 2005. Anderson, W., ‘Where is the Postcolonial History of Medicine?—Essay Review’, Bulletin of History of Medicine, 72, 1998, pp. 522-30. Annual Report, From Diamonds to Forever, East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Kolkata, 1996. Annual Report, Fifty Years of Bengal Chemical—1901-50, Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Calcutta, 1951, p. 14. Arnold, D., ‘Introduction: Disease, Medicine and Empire’, in David Arnold (ed.), Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies. Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1988, pp. 1-18. ——, Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenthcentury India, University of California Press, Berkeley (CA), 1993. ——, Science, Technology and Medicine in Colonial India, Cambridge Univer­ sity Press, New York, 2000. Bala, P. (ed.), Contesting Colonial Authority: Medicine and Indigenous Responses in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India, Lexington Books, New York, 2012. Bangsha Parichay, vol. 2, Butto Krishto Paul & Co., Calcutta, Phalgun, 1328 (in Bengali year), pp. 309-25. Basu, A., Chemical Science in Colonial India: The Science in Social History, K.P. Bagchi & Company, Kolkata, 2006.

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

219

Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Annual Report, 1934-5, 1939-40. ——, Minutes of the Meeting of the Directors held on 19 May 1920, Calcutta, p. 11. ——, Minutes of the Meeting, 1919-20, p. 7. ——, Minutes of the Meeting, 1932-3, p. 10. ——, Minutes of the Meeting of the Directors (MMD), 25 November 1937, p. 15. ——, MMD, held on 5 May 1931, p. 10. ——, MMD, held on 28 February 1939, p. 8. ——, MMD, held on 29 May 1920, p. 3. ——, MMD, held on 6 July 1946, p. 10. ——, MMD, held on 16 August 1947, p. 7. ——, Therapeutic Hints, Calcutta (the production range suggests the date to be sometime in the late 1930s), p. 3. Bhattacharjee, K.S., The Bengal Renaissance: Social & Political Thoughts, Classical Publishing Co., New Delhi, 1986. Chakrabarti, P., ‘Science and Swadeshi: The Establishment and Growth of the Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works, 1893-1947’, in Uma Dasgupta (ed.), Science and Modern India: An Institutional History, c.1784 -1947, Pearson Education India, New Delhi, 2011, pp. 117-42. Chaudhuri, S., ‘Bengal Chemical: 1892-1977—Growth and Decline of an Indigenous Enterprise’, paper presented in the National Workshop on Sick Industries Syndrome in India, Ahmedabad, May 1988 (unpublished). Cunningham, A. and B. Andrews (eds.), Western Medicine as Contested Knowl­ edge, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1997. De Sousa, J.P., History of the Chemical Industry in India, Technical Press, Bombay, 1961. Deshiyo Oushad, Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Calcutta, 1934. Gupta, A., Studies in the Bengal Renaissance, National Council of Education, Calcutta, 1958. Gupta, M, Prafulla Chandra Ray—A Biography, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Delhi, 1971. Habib, S.I. and D. Raina, Social History of Science in Colonial India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2007. Harry Paul, W., From Knowledge to Power: The Rise of Science and Empire in

France: 1860-1939, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985.

Holland, T., Conference for Consideration of the Organization of Chemical Research

in India, Government Monotype Press, Lahore, 1918.

220

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Kopf, D., British Orientalism & the Bengal Renaissance, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1969. Kothari, C. R., Research Methodology: Methods and Techniques, New Age Inter­ national Publisher, Delhi, 2004. Kumar, A., Medicine and the Raj: British Medical Policy 1835-1911, Sage, Delhi, 1998. Kumar, D., ‘Medical Encounters in British India , 1820-1920’, Economic and Political Weekly, 32, 4, 1997, pp. 166-70. ——, ‘Science and Society in Colonial India’, Science, Technology and Society, 6, 2, 2001, pp. 375-95. Lourrdusamy, J., Science and National Consciousness in Bengal: 1870-1930, Orient Longman, Delhi, 2004. MacLeod, R.L.M. (ed.), Disease, Medicine and Empire—Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion, Routledge, London and New York, 1988. Marks, S., ‘What is Colonial about Colonial Medicine? And What has Hap­ pened to Imperialism and Health?’ Journal of Social History of Medicine, 10, 1997, pp. 205-19. Morris, M.D., ‘The Growth of Large-scale Industry to 1947’, in Dharma Kumar, Meghnad Desai and Sabyasachi Bhattacharya (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. 2: c. 1757, 2003, Orient BlackSwan, Delhi, 2010, pp. 637-8. Mukhapadhyay, G.C., ‘Late Babu B.K. Paul’, in Commercial India, 29 June 1914, p. 11. Muraleedharan, V.R., ‘Malady in Madras: The Colonial Government’s Response to Malaria in Early Twentieth Century’, in Deepak Kumar (ed.), Science and Empire: Essays in Indian Context (1700-1947), Anamika Publishers, Delhi, 1991, pp. 101-14. Mushtaq, M.U., ‘Public Health in British India: A Brief Account of the History of Medical Services and Disease Prevention in Colonial India’, Indian Jour­ nal of Community Medicine, 34, 1, 2009, pp. 6-14. Nationalist Visionary Entrepreneur, East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Kolkata, 2004. Packard, R.M., ‘Post-colonial Medicine’, in: R. Cooter and J. Pickstone (eds.), Companion to Medicine in the Twentieth century, Routledge, London and New York, 2000, pp. 97-112. Raina, D., ‘Ray’s Life and Experiences as a Text on the History of Science’, in S. Chatterjee, M.K. Dasgupta and Amitabha Ghosh (eds.), Studies in History of Science, The Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1997, pp. 25-42.

A Case Study of Three Indigenous Pharmaceutical

221

Ray, P.C., Essays and Discourses by Dr. Prafulla Chandra Ray: With a Biographi­ cal Sketch & a Portrait , G.A. Natesan & Company, Madras, 1918, pp. 5-7. ——, Life and Experience of a Bengali Chemist, Chuckerverthy, Chatterjee & Co., Calcutta, 1932. ——, A History of Hindu Chemistry: From the Sixteenth Century AD, Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Calcutta, 1903. Report of the Indian Tariff Board on the Heavy Chemical Industry, 1920, pp. 5-8. Report of the Sanitary Commissioner with the Government of India (Bengal), Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, 1870, p. 105. Roy Sen, A., ‘Imperial Policy and Travails of Indigenous Enterprise: A Study in Bengal Chemical Pharmaceutical Works’, Journal of Scientific & Industrial Research, 58, 1999, pp: 63-75. Sarkar, S., ‘Calcutta and the Bengal Renaissance’, in Sukanta Chaudhuri (ed.), Calcutta: The Living City, vol. I, Oxford University Press, Calcutta, 1990, p. 95. ——, The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal—1903-8, People’s Publishing House, Delhi, 1977, p. 9. Sarkar, S.C., Bengal Renaissance & Other Essays, People’s Publishing House, Delhi, 1970. Sengupta, N., History of the Bengali Speaking People, UBS Publishers, Delhi, 2001. Singh, H., Pharmaceutical History of India, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2011. ‘The Neglect of Science’, report of proceedings at a conference held in the Linnean Society, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W., on 3 May 1918, p. 5. Tine, H.F. and M. Mann (ed.), Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India, Anthem Press, London, 2004.

222

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies CHAPTER 6

Conclusion

In the context of human life and existence, pharmaceutical industry stands synonymous to the beginning of human civilization. The pharmaceutical industry is one of the most vibrant and fastest growing segments of the global economy. It is one of the world’s largest developing industries. Pharmaceutical industry ranks fourth in the world in terms of production value and thirteenth in terms of domestic consumption value (National Pharmaceutical Policy, 2006). Besides, pharmaceutical industry caters to the needs of the teeming millions so far as the challenge of global health is concerned. Since ancient times, pharmacy is a separate and complimentary health care profession concerned with collection, preparation and standardization and dispensing of drugs. The ancient Hindus recognized ‘pharmacy’ but in different form and nature. Remedies were obtained from vegetable sources and to a lesser degree from animal and mineral sources (Rana, 1987: 119-21). Therefore it can be said that in India the development of pharmacy or medicine can be traced from our ancient medical heritage, i.e. Ayurveda (Murthy, 1997: 1-14). It is worth mentioning that along with the development of different scientific traditions, development of alchemy and its application for human welfare was also an important attempt in Indian scientific tradition. In this connection, the development of pharmaceutical industries comes naturally as an integral part of alchemy. In ancient India, use of alchemy was inextricably intert­ wined with religious and magical beliefs. But later on, development of scientific attitude drastically altered the usage of alchemical knowledge for the social and material development of the society. Before the advent of the British rule in India several indigenous medical traditions like Ayurveda, Unani or Siddha were used by

Conclusion

223

the country people. In that era, main stream of medical care among the society was indigenous medicine and home-based care, which appeared to be the dominant feature. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, both the profession of the indigenous practitioners and indigenous medicine gradually lost their glamour with the advent of the colonial medicine and practitioners. Historians of colonial medicine have shown, colonial medicine occupied a place within a more expansive ideological order of the empires (Cunningham and Andrews, 1997). Colonial efforts to deal with the health of developing regions were closely linked to the economic interests of the colonizers. The health of the colo­ nized subjects was normally only considered when their ill health threatened colonial economic enterprises or the health of the Europ­ eans. From different medical proceedings and reports, it has been revealed that Western medicine in India was introduced by four separate agencies (Arnold, 1993: 1-16, 18). These were—(i) the colonial state, (ii) missionary societies, (iii) other private initiatives and (iv) nationalist organizations. However, Western medicine was introduced in the Indian subcontinent in order to take care of the health of the Europeans and the British army (Arnold, 1988). It was evident that no systematic health programme started in India until the revolt of 1857. Nearly half of the nineteenth century witnessed the total negligence of the public interests. In the years between 1760 and 1860, India was the main focus of European colonial expansion only. Before the colonial period, public health activities were very little known to the natives of India (Mushtaq, 2009: 6-14). There were only little organized efforts to treat dis­ eases and to prevent deaths. The main focus, in that era, was con­ tinued to prevent and cure only Europeans and a section of Indian population for whom the British government had the direct re­ sponsibility to protect and prevent. In this connection it can be said that health, medicine, and disease, these three were integral components to the colonial discourse in British India which indi­ rectly lead to the introduction of Western medicine in colonial India in a systematic manner. The present monograph tries to explore the nature of interactions between the East and the West in the field of medicine vis-à-vis

224

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

the development of indigenous pharmaceuticals. It brings into focus the conditions and historical processes through which there was an interaction between the social and medical domains, particu­ larly under the rubric of colonialism. It discusses how India’s medical tradition faced challenges when modern medical system entered in the country. The exchange of knowledge between India and the West was not a simple journey but rather a long and tortuous trajectory which was characterized by both assimilation as well as initiative which sought to differentiate one set of ideas from an­ other. The level of interaction was seldom smooth and it was often ridden with the languages of dominance and hegemony. However, Western medical discourse occupied an important place in the pro­ cess of colonization. It was a double-edged sword, even while empha­ sizing the intrinsic difference between the two cultures. It worked towards a scientific hegemony. Colonial hegemonisation precluded the possibility of interaction. Indigenous systems were so marginal­ ized that their practitioners often sought survival in resistance rather than collaboration (Kumar, 1997: 166-70). Through the three case studies, the present study has tried to analyse beginning and de­ velopment of indigenous pharmaceutical industries and the changing medical domain from the point of view of the existing social norms. However, it is impossible to discuss the development of indigenous pharmaceutical industries in colonial Calcutta without discussing the interplay between historical consciousness and socio-political interconnectivity. A typical mid and late nineteenth century view that the wealth of nations was tied up with the state of development of the institutions of science and with the capacity for technological innovations (Lourdusamy, 2004: 56). In this interconnectivity of science and technology, science came to be coupled with nationalism (Paul, 1985: 38). This transformation followed the partition of Bengal in 1905. But sections of the Bengali scientific intelligentsia were to subscribe to the programme of Swadeshi, or constructive modernization (Raina, 1997: 25-42), as different from the path of militant struggle adopted by other sections of the society. The basic thrust of Swadeshi was aimed at working towards economic and scientific self-reliance. Therefore, the discourse of development of indigenous pharmaceuticals in colonial Calcutta has been visu­

Conclusion

225

alized under the shadow of the Bengal Renaissance (Sarkar, 1970: 75). Scientific advances during the Bengal Renaissance included pioneering work in a number of fields by Bengali chemist, physicist, biologist, archa-eologist, botanist and science fiction writer Jagadish Chandra Bose. Other notable Bengali and Indian scientists from this era were Satyendra Nath Bose, Meghnad Saha and Upendranath Brahma-chari. Certainly, the Bengal Renaissance was an exciting time in Bengali history, with contributions by innovative and motivated people benefiting subsequent generations (Gupta, 1958: 8-16). In such a prelude and before going to start the historical case study, the author feels to incorporate a brief narrative why the British imposed their medicine in the Indian subcontinent in nine­ teenth century, and how indigenous pharmaceuticals were devel­ oped as a nationalist response towards it. In the nineteenth century, the attempt to impose Western medi­ cine in the Indian subcontinent can be viewed in different ways. It was introduced to convince the indigenous population of the benevolence of the colonising power (Arnold, 1988: 16, 18). Fur­ ther more, medicine was a way of gaining further control over the population through reducing the power of local healers. Imposing Western medicine was a crucial part in replacing native traditions with the values of the imperial power. However, the late nineteenth century saw many advances in scientific medicine, further encourag­ ing Western powers to attempt to impose their ‘superior’ medicine on indigenous populations of India. Following Pasteur’s discoveries and the development of germ theory, Western medicine became more and more confident in its own abilities. It was believed that the dangerous diseases in the colonies could only be brought under control through Western medicine. In such a way, the indigenous systems were so marginalized that they sought survival more in resistance than collaboration. To combat this superiority of Western medicine, a new cultural concept for a new identity was formed. This new structural and cultural concept of Indian medicine provided impetus for the grow­ ing of nationalist ideas in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This led to the revivalist movement which re-established an independent professional status of indigenous system of medi­

226

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

cine which further established a parallel set of institutions dealing with indigenous and modern medicines throughout India. . . . In average public esteem, however, the indigenous practitioners retained their place. In Calcutta, Gangaprasad Sen and Neelamber Sen were extremely popular. They introduced fixed consultation fees, priced medicine, publica­ tion of sacred texts and publicity through advertisements. Gangaprasad started the first Ayurvedic Journal in Bengali called Ayurveda Sanjivani and even exported Ayurvedic medicines to Europe and America. (Kumar, 1997)

Therefore, it is evident that the western medical discourse in colonial India and revivalist movement by the national elites to reestablish the status of Indian indigenous systems of medicine was a counter hegemonization between the two cultures (Bala, 2012: 1-12). In such a socio-political climax, to revive the Indian indi­ genous system of medicine, along with Ayurveda and Unani, the indi­ genous pharmaceutical industries were developed. These indigenous pharmaceutical industries not only changed the economic face but also altered the mentality of the country people to some extent. Furthermore, in course of time indigenous medicine became acceptable to the public of different social classes and could make a domestic market even in the colonial setting. The present treatise focuses on the scientific endeavour, colonial impact and develop­ ment of pharmaceutical industries in colonial India. Here the development of pharmaceutical industries is an illuminating lens which enables the author to understand the interaction and inter­ relation between Indian traditions of thought and Western science and the subsequent development of the pharmaceutical industries during colonial period in the Indian subcontinent. The work essentially takes into account the origin and development of the three indigenous pharmaceuticals namely Butto Krishna Paul & Co., Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited and East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited. Therefore, the time period of the work is 1855-1947. As the inception of Butto Krishna Paul & Co. was on 1855, the present study begins from this year. It concentrates on the development of pharmaceutical industries during the colonial period. The time period of the study extends up to the end of the British Empire in India, i.e. 1947. The Bengal

Conclusion

227

Renaissance and the social acceptance of indigenous pharmaceuticals played crucial part in the development of these pharmaceutical industries in colonial India. The shift of interest from service sector to entrepreneurship can not only be considered as an economic reorientation but this can be considered a shift in paradigm, a transformation in the philosophy of mankind. This brought a change in the value system in human life. The Western system of medicine which was actually a tool of colonial hegemony attracted the general mass as well for quick recovery from illness. As a consequence, the importance of our traditional system of indigenous medicine declined drastically. The clientele of Western medicine was mainly found among the Europeans and the urban elite class of the country. Though the Western medicine was available to the urban lower middle class and rural poor, but it was beyond the means of these people. The affordability of these medicines was a remote phenomenon for the general mass. On the other hand, the accessibility of the indigenous medicines (outcome of indigenous pharmaceuticals) was very much possible for this common mass because of its local availability and economic viability. This indirectly helped in establishing a domestic market of the indigenous pharmaceuticals even in colonial India. Such incidence stands as an evidence to establish the covariance of science and society which ultimately leads to material development of a society. In spite of the acceptance of the indigenous pharma­ ceutical’s products among the mass, it was very difficult to carry out the business of producing and marketing the indigenous pro­ ducts. The suppression and discouragement of the use of indigenous medicine by the colonial administrator acted as a major hindrance for such practice. In spite of several implausible odds, discriminatory British rules, reluctance to accept indigenous medicine and several other in­ numerable hurdles, these three indigenous pharmaceuticals tried to attain their maximum height even in the colonial environment. But after the death of the founders of both Butto Krishna Paul & Co. and Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited (BCPWL) lost their steady growth curve. Butto Krishna Paul began his business career as a small grocer’s

228

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

shop assistant. His dedication, honesty and cordial assistance of Sir Edward by giving the formula of malarial tonic helped him to reach his apogee. The cumulative effect of all these ventures was the fruitful outcome of first indigenous pharmaceutical in colonial Calcutta as Butto Krishna Paul & Co. In spite of his poor educational background, his business acumen helped him to cope up against all odds even in the colonial set up. In order to carry out his business successfully, he realized the necessity of British patronage. As a consequence of these feelings, he always showed allegiance to the British rulers and carried out his business endeavours to its maxi­ mum height. His indigenous medicinal production was not only popular within the jurisdiction of Bengal but also spread in every nook and corner of the country and beyond. He became a whole sale dealer of several British manufactured items like tasteless quinine, horlics, etc. Even his success in every sphere, due to less education he lacked farsightedness to carry out the business success­ fully. Even after his death, his eldest son Sri Bhutnath Paul tried to maintain its legacy. But after his demise, this indigenous pharma­ ceutical company lost its glamour and economic affluence steadily. The major reasons were—internal family quarrels, no emphasis upon research and development, improper British patronage, several new drug policies of the government cumulatively paved its path towards the decline. On the other hand, BCPWL in spite of having several socio­ political constraints, British government’s antipathy, technological paucity and capital limitations, gained its name and fame as a successful indigenous pharmaceuticals even in the colonial empire. During the First World War, when normal import supplies were dislocated, naturally goods manufactured in India were in great demand. BCPWL took full advantage of these opportunities to expand its turnover. Though after First World War, the environment became worse for BCPWL. Competition became intensified as a result of the widespread depreciation of the currencies of the West European countries in the early 1920s. But BCPWL did not accept it passively. It reacted by initiating various measures like, changing advertisement policy, sales promotion, issue of new shares and establishment of new departments to combat the adverse situations.

Conclusion

229

But after the Second World War, the profit rate of BCPWL started fluctuating quite sharply and the trend became downward which led ultimately to losses. After the death of Prafulla Chandra Ray, BCPWL faced immense difficulties. The relaxation of Import Trade Control by April 1945, created a great difficulties for BCPWL. Promises of protection after the war were not honoured. BCPWL and the Indian Chemical Industry survived in a hostile environment. Lack of fundamental research in basic chemicals, foreign com­ petition, internal failure of management, adverse colonial economy were the major constraints which could not flourished BCPWL in its entirety. The West was gaining drastic change and innovation in basic chemicals and developed effective techniques, but due to colonial subjugation and economic exploitation BCPWL became the back bencher to expand its R&D. In such a contour, British tried to make a steady market of their imported medicines and totally blocked the market of indigenous medicine. As a result of all these circumstances BCPWL failed to maintain its prosperity and profit and was totally unable to achieve the supremacy as a indigenous manufacturer. Whereas East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited (EIPWL) started its illustrious journey in 1936. Since the inception, this pharmaceutical company could maintain its success due to its proper survival strategies. These strategies of survival were to cope up with the international market and also to put major emphasis upon research and development, internal management policy, technical up gradation of both the company and its employees which they maintained till the end of the colonial period and even after the Independence. However, the failure of these two indigenous pharmaceuticals indirectly creates the necessity to understand the context of drug regulation in British India in compressed manner. The history of drug regulation dates back to the British Rule in India when majority of the drugs were imported from abroad. In early decade of twentieth century, many unscrupulous foreign manufacturers flooded the Indian market with spurious and adulterated drugs (Imran, Najmi, Mohammad, Shams and Mushtaq, 2013: 2-9). During colonial period, for Western drugs, the country people were largely depended on imports. At that time, the drug manufacture

230

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

was at a very rudimentary stage (Singh, 2011). There were mal­ practices in the sale of drugs. Both tropical climate and improper storage system were the major constraints for drug storage. As a consequence of these situations, substandard drugs continued to be peddled in the market. The overall situation was very much disheartening. The situation was realized at the governmental level. In March 1927, the Council of State recommended to the GovernorGeneral in Council to urge all Provincial Governments to take steps against indiscriminate use of medicinal drugs (Singh, 2011: 4-9). Besides, to legislate for the standardization of the preparation and sale of drugs, but no results arose from that action. On the other hand, during post First World War, the indigenous pharmaceuticals faced with an uncooperative colonial regime. Though some efforts were made to encourage chemical industries in India. Schemes were also devised by the Indian Munitions Board, but nothing was done to assist domestic pharmaceutical production. In such a climax, faced with unequal competition, the Indian Chemical Industry demanded tariff protection in 1929. A Tariff Board was formed and presided over by Padamji P. Ginwala in 1929. The board suggested that the government should provide protection in the manufacture of chemicals (Report of the Indian Tariff Board, 1929). But, the Pharmaceutical Sector remained un­ protected. As a consequence of this phenomenon, prior to Second World War, India was entirely dependent on imports. During this period, in the field of Pharmaceuticals, Britain was faced with stiff competition from Germany. To counter this, Government of India and Britain, made an agreement at the 1932 Imperial Economic Conference at Ottawa. This agreement provided exchange tariff preferences to Britain on important classes of goods including drugs and medicines (Singh, 2011: 4-9). Before coming to the Drugs Act or Enquiry Committee, a brief reference may be made to certain other activities endangering the public health for which no legal measures were on hand. There was uncontrolled and unrestricted publication of advertisements of drugs and medicines and cures and remedies. The spurious and fraudulent drugs and fake medicines flourished on the support of advertising media.

Conclusion

231

On 9 March 1927, Sir Haroon Ebrahim Jaffer (Ebrahim Jaffer) moved a resolution in the council to take immediate measures to control the ‘craze for medicinal drugs by legislation for standard­ ization of the preparation and sale of such drugs (Report of the Drug Enquiry Committee, 1930-1). He pointed out that many unscrupulous traders were flooding the market with drugs and chemicals of defective strength and impure quality. Even Sera and vaccines were being freely sold to the public without any quality test and ‘boosted up by so called unsolicited testimonials from non-existent individuals’ (ibid.). There were others who held similar beliefs and several caricatures of the spurious Indian markets were circulated in the British and Anglo-Indian press. In the Indian Medical Gazette, Major General Megaw, John Wallace Dick, 1930, described India as a land of quacks, quack traders, quack medicine mongers, etc. (Report of the Drug Enquiry Committee, 1930-1). All these issues had direct bearing on public health. In March 1929, the local governments raised a demand for appointing a small committee for this purpose. Ultimately, the Government of India issued Resolution No. 1637 dated 11 August 1930, ap­ pointed a committee (Drugs Enquiry Committee) under the Chairmanship of Lieut. Col. R.N. Chopra, to look into the problem of adulteration and standardization of drugs. This was indeed a long campaign by both indigenous and international drug com­ panies. In other words, the most significant event in the early part of the twentieth century was the establishment of Drugs Enquiry Committee in 1930 (Reports of the Drug Enquiry Committee, 1930-1: 3; Report of the India’s Pharmaceutical Industry, 2012: 7). In the August 1930 Resolution of the Government had empowered the committee to cooperate members when necessary. This provision enabled the committee to secure assistance of experts specially qualified by local knowledge and experience to contribute to the solution of the problems which engaged its attention. The work of the committee was very organized. As a consequence of which, several views and expressions in professional journals appeared regarding drug adulteration and sale of inferior quality drugs. The committee’s report was taken by the chairman to Delhi and sub­ mitted to the Government of India on 31 March 1931. The Report

232

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

was published on 1 December 1931. It was recommended that there should be a Central Legislation to Control Drugs and Pharmacy. The Committee recommended that every patent and proprietary medicine with a ‘secret formula’, manufactured in India or imported, need to be registered on the lines of the Patent and Proprietary Medicine Act of Canada (Report of the India’s Pharmaceutical Industry, 2012: 7). Regarding indigenous drugs, it was observed that such single or compounded medicine should be brought under control. The control on these drugs should be separate from that of Western drugs and preparations. Recommendations were made for encouragement and development of drug industry in the country. Import duty on manufactured drugs should be increased by 5 per cent. The manufacture at the government medical stores depots should be gradually reduced and thus obtain supplies from local manufactures as far as possible. It was also recommended that steps should be taken to compile Indian Pharmacopoeia without delay. On the whole, the report was received with acclaim. The essential features of the recommendations were published in several journals within the country and abroad. At the governmental level, the action process made a very slow progress but ultimately most of the recommendations of the Committee got to be implemented. In fact, in India, there was no legislation which could directly prevent the drug adulteration or assure conformity to proper standards of purity and strength. However, certain provisions in the Indian Penal Code, Indian Merchandise Marks Act, 1889, and the Sea Customs Act, 1878 (Report on Sea Custom Act, 1878), had bearing on it. The intentional adulteration of drug, sale of a drug which was not of the nature, quality or substance demanded by the purchaser, could be penalized under certain sections of the Indian Penal Code. The Opium Act, 1878 (Report on Opium Act, 1878: 4), Poisons Act, 1919 (Report on Poison Act, 1919: 1-4) and Dangerous Drug Act, 1930 (Report on Dangerous Drug Act, 1930: 9), controlled the manufacture, importation and sale of certain drugs, but exercised no precise bearing on the subject of adultera-tion or standards of strength. Basically, these Acts were designed to meet excise and customs requirements and to prevent the illicit use of certain dangerous drugs.

Conclusion

233

. . . A reference may be made to visit to India in the winter of 1936-7 by Dr. G.C. Anderson, Secretary of the British Medical Association. On his return, he reported on the status of medical profession to the Council of the British Medical Association (BMA). He also reported about the pharmacy and drugs control. He mentioned that the medical profession in India was disturbed because, there was no organized or self-contained profession of pharmacy and measure of drug control. After this, continuous pressure from the medical professionals and educated public was created towards the government. As a result, the Government of India, introduced Import of Drugs Bill in the Indian Legislative Assembly in October 1937. The Bill intended to regulate the import into British India of drugs and medicines. This approach was not well accepted. The professional opinion was for a statutory legislation to cover import, manufacture, storage and sale of drugs. Ultimately, the Bill was withdrawn. This issue raised public protest mainly from the medical professionals. Then the Government of India, decided to introduce a compre­ hensive bill pertaining to control of drugs. In February 1940, the Bill (Drugs Act, 1940) (Report on Drug and Cosmetic Act, 1940: 1-30) was placed before the Legislative Assembly to regulate the import, manufacture, distribution and sale of drugs. In November 1940, the house was informed of the Governor-General having given his consent to the Bill. As per provisions of the Act, the Drugs Technical Advisory Board was constituted in 1941. In 1945, Drug Rules were published. As a prelude to the passage of drugs control legislation, the Government of India had established BioChemical Standardisation Laboratory at Calcutta in 1937. In February 1947, this laboratory was converted to the Central Drugs Laboratory to carry out statutory functions under the Drugs Act and the Rules (Rohit et al., 2012: 49-55). Undoubtedly, it can be said that if we try to understand the Indian indigenous pharmaceutical industries in its totality, we should delve into the past. Therefore it can be said that the present attempt is a new kind of approach to understand the history of indigenous pharmaceutical industry in colonial Calcutta. In doing so, it not only portrays political and economic background to the emergence

234

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

of the indigenous pharmaceuticals in colonial India but links eco­ nomic nationalism and the quest for self-sufficiency among Indian nationalists and entrepreneurs. Thus the development of indig­ enous pharmaceutical industry in India can be symbolized as a specific wave of cultural response to modern science which was to pave the subsequent trajectory to national scientific endeavour in India. At the end of this endeavour, when the author tries to assess the state of Indian indigenous pharmaceuticals with the global pharma­ ceutical market, it gives the impressions that the present environ­ ment is challenging, but at the same time it throws up several new opportunities for the Indian indigenous pharmaceutical companies. What worked in the past may not necessarily hold them in good stead in the future. The Indian indigenous pharmaceutical industries have come a long way and made significant progress in infra­ structural development, technical research and development (R&D) capabilities. With the integration of the Indian pharmaceutical market and the global market, new issues are being faced and tackled by the industry. Some old challenges such as intellectual property rights and pricing continue to be contentious issues in the market (Kadakia, 2009: 76-8). The trends of increased foreign interest in the markets and increased investments in research and development are expected to continue. With numerous strengths and a growing consumer class, the indigenous pharmaceutical industries in India may face certain legacy and new issues, but it is expected to grow manifold and continue to be an attractive investment destination even in the next millennium.

REFERENCES Arnold, D.,Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-century India, Berkeley (CA), University of California Press, 1993. ——, ‘Introduction: Disease, Medicine and Empire’, in David Arnold (ed.), Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, Manchester University Press, New York, 1988, pp. 1-16, 18.

Conclusion

235

Bala, P. (ed.), Contesting Colonial Authority: Medicine and Indigenous Responses in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India, Lexington Books, New York, 2012. Cunningham, A and B, Andrews (eds.), Western Medicine as Contested Knowl­ edge, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1997. Editorial, ‘Late Babu B.K. Paul’, in Commercial India, 29 June 1914, p. 11. Gupta, A., Studies in the Bengal Renaissance, National Council of Education , Calcutta, 1958. Kadakia, P., J. Jacob and A. Singhai, ‘Cover Story: Emerging Opportunities in the Indian Pharmaceutical Industry’, Pharma Bio World, 2009, pp. 76-8. Kumar, D., ‘Medical Encounters in British India, 1820-1920’, Economic and Political Weekly, 32, 4, 1997, pp. 166-70. Lourrdusamy, J., Science and National Consciousness in Bengal: 1870-1930, Orient Longman, Delhi, 2004. Mohammed, I, A.K. Najmi, F.R. Mohammad , Shams T. and A. Shah. Mushtaq, ‘Clinical Research Regulation in India History, Development, Initiatives, Challenges and Controversies: Still Long Way to Go’, Journal of Pharmacy and Bio Alled Sciences, 5, 1, 2013, pp. 2-9. Murthy, A.R.V, ‘Dhanwantari—The God of Hindu Medicine’, Bulletin of the Indian Institute of History of Medicine, vol. XXVII, no.1,1997, pp. 1-14. Mushtaq, U.M., ‘Public Health in British India: A Brief Account of the History of Medical Services and Disease Prevention in Colonial India’, Indian Journal of Community Medicine, 34, 1, 2009, pp. 6-14. National Pharmaceutical Policy, Health Administrator, vol. XX, no. 1 & 2, 2006, pp.1-8. Paul, H.W., From Knowledge to Power: The Rise of Science and Empire in France:1860-1939, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985. Raina, D., ‘Ray’s Life and Experiences As a Text on the History of Science’, in Santimay Chatterjee, M.K.Dasgupta, Amitabha Ghosh (eds.), Studies in History of Science, The Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1997, pp. 25-42. Rana, R.D., ‘Pharmacy in Ancient India’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 22, 2, 1987, pp. 119-21. Report of the Indian Tariff Board on the Heavy Chemical Industry, 1929, pp. 8-15. Report on Dangerous Drug Act, Government of India,1930, p. 9. Report on Drugs and Cosmetic Act, Government of India, 1940, pp. 1-30. Report on India’s Pharmaceuticals Industry, Corporate Catalyst, 2012, p. 7. Report on Opium Act, Government of India, 1878, p. 4. Report on Poisons Act, Government of India, 1919, pp. 1-4. Report on Sea Customs Act, Government of India, 1878, p. 3.

236

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Reports of the Drugs Enquiry Committee, 1930-31, p. 13. Rohit, R.S. et al., ‘The Indian Pharmaceutical Industry: Evolution of Regulatory System and Present Scenario’, International Research Journal of Pharmacy, 3, 6, 2012, pp. 49-55. Sarkar, S.C., Bengal Renaissance & Other Essays, People’s Publishing House, Delhi, 1970. Singh, H., ‘The Overseas Drug Trade of Colonial India’, Pharmaceutical Historian, 31, 2011, pp. 4-9. ——, Pharmaceutical History of India, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2011.

Glossary

Alchemy: A chemical science and speculative philosophy aiming to achieve the transmutation of the base metals into gold, the discovery of a universal cure for disease and the discovery of a means of indefinitely prolonging life. Apothecary: Apothecary is a historical name for a medical professional who formulates and dispenses materia medica to physicians, surgeons and patients—a role now served by a pharmacist and some caregivers. In addition to pharmacy responsibilities, the apothecary offered general medical advice and a range of services that are now performed solely by other specialist pract-itioners such as surgery and midwifery. Apothecaries often operated through a retail shop which in addition to ingredients for medi­ cines sold tobacco and patent medicines. Arthashastra: The Arthashastra is an ancient Indian treatise on statecraft, eco­ nomic policy and military strategy which identify its author by the names ‘Kautilya’ and Vishnugupta, both names that are traditionally identified with Chanakya (c.350-283 BC) who was a scholar at Takshashila and the teacher and guardian of Emperor Chandragupta Maurya. Asiatic Society: The Asiatic Society, a scholarly society founded by Sir William Jones on 15 January 1784. Its main aim was to enhance and further the cause of oriental research. Asylum: In institution for the cure of the people especially those with mental impairments, who require organized supervision or assistance. Ayurveda: Ayurveda is a Sanskrit term, made up of the words ‘ayus’ and ‘veda’. ‘Ayus’ means life and ‘veda’ means knowledge or service. The term ‘Ayurveda’ thus means the knowledge of life or the science of life. Ayurveda is the ancient Hindu system of medicine, which uses the inherent principles of nature, help, maintains health in a person by keeping the individual’s body, mind and spirit in perfect equilibrium with nature. Bahadur Shah: Bahadur Shah was a Mughal Emperor who ruled India from 1707 to 1712. His original name was Qutbud-Din Muhammad Muazzam later titled as Shah Alam by his father. Bengal Renaissance: Nineteenth century Bengal witnessed an intellectual and cultural revival called renaissance. Raja Rammohun Roy regarded as the father of the Bengal Renaissance. The Bengal Renaissance refers to a

238

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

socio-cultural and religious reform movement during the nineteenth and early twentieth century in undivided India’s Bengal province. Bhurja: Bhurja patra, the inner bark on the birch tree grown in the Hima­ layan region was a very common writing material. Brahmo Samaj: It is the societal component of Brahmoism, a monotheistic reformist and renaissance movement of Hindu religion. It was founded in 1861 by Maharshi Debendra Nath Tagore. Calcutta Fever Hospital: In 1835, Mr. James Mantin, Surgeon of the Nature Hospital, suggested formation of a committee which would enquire into the state of the health of the city and suburbs of Calcutta. The reports of the committee contained the idea of setting up a large central hospital to be called the ‘Fever Hospital’. Central Banking Enquiry Committee: Central Banking Enquiry Committee appointed by the Government of India in July 1929 under the chair­ manship of Sir B.N. Mitra. The commission studied the problems of industries in India and strongly emphasized the idea for the formation of specialized institution to provide long term finance to industries. Charter Act of 1813: The East India Company Act 1813 also known as the Charter Act of 1813 was an Act of Parliament of the United Kingdom which renewed the Charter issued to the British East India Company and continued the Company’s rule in India. The Act asserted the Crown’s sovereignty over British India and it allotted Rs. 100,000 to promote education in India. Besides, Christian missionaries were allowed to come to British India and preach their religion. Dangerous Drug Act 1930: This is an Act to centralize and vest in the Federal Government the control over certain operations relating to dangerous drugs (derived from opium) and to increase and render uniform through­ out Pakistan, the penalties for offenses relating to such operations. De-industrialization: The term indicates a process of social and economic change caused by the removal or reduction of industrial capacity or activity in a country or region especially heavy industry or manufacturing industry. It is the opposite of industrialization. Dhanwantari: The original conception of Ayurveda in its entirety is essen­ tially linked to the Lord Dhanwantari, considered as God of Hindu Medicine. The usage of the term ‘Dhanwantari’ generally refers to God of Ayurveda who is responsible for bringing Ayurveda to this mundane world, having learnt it in its entirety from Indra, the Lord of Immortals. He was named Dhanwantari after his father ‘Dhanwa’ a king in the Chandra Dynasty. ‘Dhanu’ is derived to mean a foreign body. One who has a clear and comprehensive knowledge about Shalya (refers to any­

Glossary

239

thing which disturbs body and mind. By implication all diseases can be termed Shalyas) or the foreign body is designated as Dhanwantari. Thus Dhanwantari is one who relieves the suffering of the body and mind. Even in common usage an efficient and successful physician is called Dhanwantari. Dhanwantari hold the esteemed position in the Puranic age. Drug Enquiry Committee: In 1930 the Government of India appointed a committee under the chairmanship of Lieut Ram Nath Chopra to look into the problem of adulteration and standardization of drugs. It was a most significant event in the early part of the twentieth century. Firoz Shah Tughlaq: Sultan Firoz Shah Tuglaq was a Turkic Muslim ruler of the Tughlaq dynasty, who reigned over the Sultanate of Delhi from 1351 to 1388. Fiscal Commission: The term ‘fiscal commission’ means government expendi­ tures, revenuers and debt. Indian Fiscal Commission was established in 1919 and it recommended tariff protection for certain Indian industries. As a follow up to the recommendation a tariff board was established in 1923 and 1924. Foreign Direct Investment: Foreign Direct investment is a direct investment into production or business in a country by an individual or company in another country. Foreign direct investment usually involves participation in management, joint venture, transfer of technology and expertise. For­ eign direct investment was introduced in 1991 in India under Foreign Exchange Management Act. Gandhabanik: The persons who are engaged in selling of spices. Geological Survey of India: Geological Survey of India (GSI) established in 1851. It is government organization attached to the Ministry of Mines. Its main aim is to conduct geological surveys and studies. Gracia da Orta (1501-68): He was a Portuguese physician and naturalist. He was a pioneer of tropical medicine. His remarkable work Conversations on the Simple Drugs and Medicinal Substances of India published at Goa in 1563. Hathi Committee: In 1975 the Government of India appointed this commit­ tee under the chairmanship of Shri Jaisukhlal Hathi. The context was to go into the various facets of the drug industry in India with a view to promoting growth of the drug industry particularly of the Indian and small scale sectors, improve technological development, take effective quality control measures on drugs, reduce the prices of medicines as well as to rationalize the prices structure, provide essential drugs throughout the country, make available raw materials to the industry particularly to the small scale sector.

240

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Indian Industrial Commission: The foundation of the statistical system in India was laid down by the British administration to publish the relevant statistics in different fields. The Indian Industrial Commission (1916-18) appointed by the Government of India recommended that a department of industries should be created in the provinces with representatives throughout the province to collect information on industries. Indian Medical Service: Indian Medical Service (IMS) was one of the military medical services in British India. It served during the two world wars and was in existence until the Independence of India. Indigenous Pharmaceutical: The pharmaceutical which was established by the country men, whose raw materials were available locally and process of manufacturing was local and finally the user of these products were common people of the country. Industries Act 1951: This Act was enacted in pursuance of the Industrial Policy resolution 1948. Under this Act, the entire industrial sector was put under the administrative guidance, promotion and control of the government. The Act was first applied to only seventeen schedule indus­ tries but later on their number swelled to seventy. The main objectives of the Act was to empower the government to take necessary steps for the development of industries, to regulate the pattern and direction of industrial development, to control the activities, performances and results of industrial undertakings in the public interest. Jagir : The term indicates feudal land grant in South Asia bestowed by a monarch to a feudal superior in recognition of his administrative and or military service. The word ‘jagir’ is a distorted form of the more formal Sanskrit term ‘jehagiri’. Materia Medica: The term ‘materia medica’ is a Latin medical term for the body of collected knowledge about the therapeutic properties of any substance used for healing. The term derives from the title of a work by the Ancient Greek physician Pedanius Dioscorides in the first century AD. This term was used from the period of the Roman Empire until the twentieth century but has now been replaced in medical education contexts by the term pharmacology. Morse Code: Morse Code is a method of transmitting text of information. In 1836, the American artist Samuel F.B. Morse developed an electrical telegraph system. This system sent pulses of electric current along wires which controlled an electromagnet that was located at the receiving end of the telegraph system. A code was needed to transmit natural language. Morse therefore developed the modern international Morse Code.

Glossary

241

Mudaliar Committee: The Government of India appointed a health survey and planning committee in 1959 to assess the state of the health care field and to measure the progress achieved after implementing the suggestions of the Bhore Committee of 1946 under the chairmanship of Dr A.L. Mudaliar. Opium Act 1878: An act to amend the law relating to opium. This act may be called the Opium Act 1878. Patent and Proprietary Medicine Act of Canada: The sale of all secret formulae, non-pharmacopoeial medicinal preparations in Canada was regulated by the Proprietary or Patent Medicine Act. This law legalized the sale of such remedies only upon condition that the quantities of the potent drugs used in their manufacture are within the limitations set by an Advisory Board and that these quantities are printed on the labels and wrappers used in connection with the medicine and further that no false misleading or exaggerated claims or representations of a cure for any disease are made on the labels and wrappers or in any other manner respecting the article. Pharmacopoeia: A book containing directions for the identification of samples and the preparations of compound medicines and published by the authority of a government or a medical or pharmaceutical society. Poisons Act 1919: It is an Act to consolidate and amend the law regulating the importation, possession and sale of poisons. It extends to the whole of India. Presidency: It was an administrative division in British India. India was di­ vided into three presidencies namely Bengal, Bombay and Madras. Princely State: The term implies a sovereign entity of British India. It was not directly governed by the British, but rather by an Indian ruler under a form of indirect rule subject to a subsidiary alliance and the paramountcy of the British crown. There were officially five hundred sixty-five princely states in India at the time of Independence in 1947. Rasa Sastra: Historically, Rasa astra or Vedic chemistry is an offshoot of Ayurveda. Rasa sastra can be described as Ayurvedic pharmaceutics which deals with the drugs of mineral origin, their varieties, characteristics, processing techniques, properties and their therapeutic uses. Ryotwari System: The ryotwari system instituted in some parts of British India was one of the two main systems used to collect revenues from the cultivators of agricultural land. Where the land revenue was imposed directly on the ryots was known as ryotwari. Where the land revenue was imposed indirectly through agreements made with zaminders—the sys­ tem of assessment was known as zamindari.

242

History of Indigenous Pharmaceutical Companies

Samhita: It is a Sanskrit word means compilation of knowledge or collection of Mantras or Hymns. Soma Juice: In ancient India, it was an unidentified plant, the juice of which was a fundamental offering of the Vedic sacrifices. It was highly valued for its exhilarating probably hallucinogenic effect. Sulbasutras: The Sulbasutras are part of the Vedic literature. It describes many geometrical properties and constructions. It also tells the classical relation­ ship between the sides of a right angle triangle and arithmetical formulas. Taoism: One of the major religions of China based on ancient philosophical works, primarily the Tao Te Ching. According to Taoism ‘the way’ is the ultimate reality of the universe. Theology: The field of study and analysis that treats of god and god’s attributes and relations to the universe. Third Battle of Panipat: The Third Battle of Panipat took place on 14 January 1761 at Panipat (about 60 miles north of Delhi) between a northern expeditionary force of the Maratha Empire and a coalition of the King of Afghanistan, Ahmad Shah Abdali with two Indian Muslim allies—the Rohilla Afghans of the Doab and Shuja-ud-Daula, the Nawab of Awadh. The battle is considered one of the largest fought in the eighteenth century. Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIP): Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights is an international agreement administered by World Trade Organization (WTO) that sets down minimum standards for many forms of intellectual property regulation as applied to nationals of other WTO members. It was negotiated at the end of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on tariffs and trade in 1994. Tripitaka: Tripitaka is a Sanskrit word means three baskets. It is the three main categories of texts that make up the Buddhist canon. It contains Sutra Pitaka (teaching and sermons of Buddha), Abhidharma Pitaka (philo­ sophical and psychological discourse of Buddhist doctrine) and Vinaya Pitaka (rules and regulations of monastic life). Unani System: Traditional healing system of medicine prevalent in the Middle East, India, Pakistan and neighbouring countries according to which the body comprises four basic elements—earth, air, water and fire—and four humors—blood, phlegm, yellow bile and black bile. An equilibrium in the humors indicates good health while a disturbance in this equilibrium results in disease. World Trade Organization: World Trade Organization is an organization that intends to supervise and liberalize international trade. The organization officially commenced on 1 January 1995.

Glossary

243

Zamindar : An official in pre colonial India assigned to collect the land taxes of his district. A zamindar on the Indian subcontinent was an aristocrat typically hereditary who held enormous tracts of land held control over his peasants from whom the Zamindars reserved the right to collect tax. Over time, they took princely and royal titles such as Maharaja (Great King), Raja (King), Nawab (Lord), Mirza (Prince), Chowdhury (Lord), and many others.

Bibliography

Acharjee, K.K., ‘Condition of the Profession of Pharmacy in India’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 2, 1940, pp. 50-1. ——, ‘Training of Pharmacists for India’, Indian Pharmacist, 10, 1954-5, pp. 9-10. Agnivesa, Carakasamhita, ed. Vaidya Jadavji Trikamji Acharya, Satyabhamabai Pandurang, Bombay, 1941. Alam, M. and S. Alavi, A European Experience of the Mughal Orient, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2001, p. 1. Alam, M., The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India: Awadh and the Punjab, 1707-48, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1986. Alavi, S., The Eighteenth Century in India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2008. ——, The Sepoys and the Company:Tradition and Transition in Northern India 1770-1830, Oxford University Press, Oxford,1995. Ali, M. Athar, ‘A Brief History of Indian Alchemy Covering Pre-Vedic to Vedic and Ayurvedic Period (c. 400 BC-800 AD)’, Bulletin of the Indian Institute of History of Medicine, XXIII (2), 1993, pp. 151-66. ——, ‘The Passing of Empire: The Mughal Case’, Modern Asian Studies, 9 (3), 1975, pp. 385-96. Anderson, S. (Ed.), Making Medicine : A Brief History of Pharmacy and Pharma­ ceuticals, London, Pharmaceutical Press, 2005. ——, Making Medicines: A Brief History of Pharmacy and Pharmaceuticals, Pharmaceutical Press, London, 2005. Anderson, Stuart, ‘ Travelers,Patent Medicine and Pharmacopeias: American Pharmacy and British India, 1857 to 1931’, Pharmacy in History, 58, 2016, pp. 63-82. Anderson, W., ‘Where is the Postcolonial History of Medicine?—Essay Review’, Bulletin of History of Medicine, 72, 1998, pp. 522-30. Annual Report of the Madras Medical College, Madras, Session 1873-4. Annual Report, Fifty Years of Bengal Chemical—1901-50, Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Calcutta, 1951. Annual Report, From Diamonds to Forever, East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Kolkata, 1996.

246

Bibliography

Annual Reports of the Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine, Institute of Hygiene and the Carmichael Hospital for Tropical Disorders, Calcutta, 1925, 1926, 1927, 1932, 1933, 1934, 1936, 1939, 1940. Anthony, H.D, Science and its Background, London, Cornell University, 1948. Armitage, D. The Ideological Origins of the British Empire, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006. Arnold, D., ‘Introduction: Disease, Medicine and Empire’, in David Arnold (ed.), Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies. Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1988, pp. 1-18. ——, ‘The Indian Ocean as a Disease Zone, 1500-1950’, South Asia, 14, 1991, pp. 1-22. ——, Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenthcentury India, University of California Press, Berkeley (CA), 1993. ——, Science, Technology and Medicine in Colonial India, Cambridge Univer­ sity Press, Cambridge, 2000, p. 57. Baber, Z., The Science of Empire :Scientific Knowledge, Civilization and Colonial

Rule in India, State University of New York Press, New York, 1996.

Bagchi, A.K. and K. Soman (eds.), Maladies, Preventives and Curatives: Debates

in Public Health in India, Tulika, Delhi, 2005. Bagchi, A.K., ‘Deindustrialization in India in the Nineteenth Century: Some Theoretical Implications’, Journal of Developmental Studies, 12, October 1976, pp. 135-64. Bagchi, A.K., Private Investment in India: 1900-39, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1972. Bahadur, R., ‘A Short History of All India Compounders and Dispensers’ Association’, Indian and Eastern Chemist, 22, 1941, pp. 113-19. Bala, P. (ed.), Contesting Colonial Authority : Medicine and Indigenous Responses in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century India, Lexington Books, Lanham, 2012. Bala, P., Imperialism and Medicine in Bengal: A Socio-Historical Perspective, Sage, New Delhi, 1992. Baladouni, V., ‘Accounting in the Early Years of the East India Company’, The Accounting Historians Journal 10(2), 1983, pp. 63-80. Retrieved 13 November 2012. Balfour, E.G., Encyclopedia Asiatica: Comprising Indian-subcontinent, Eastern and Southern Asia, Cosmo, Delhi, 1976. Bandopadhayay, A. (ed.), Science and Society in India 1750-2000, Manohar, Delhi, 2010. Banerjee, H., ‘Fashioning a Self: Educational Proposals for and by Women in Popular Magazines in Colonial Bengal’, Economic and Political Weekly, 26(43), 1991, pp. WS50-WS62.

Bibliography

247

Banerjee, M., Power, Knowledge, Medicine: Ayurvedic Pharmaceuticals at Home and in the World, Orient Blackswan, Hyderabad, 2009. Bangsha Parichay, vol. 2, Butto Krishto Paul & Co., Calcutta, Phalgun,1328 (in Bengali year), pp. 309-25. Bansal, U. Rani and B.B. Bansal, ‘Industries in India between Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 19 (3), 1984, pp. 215-23. Barker, E., The Ideas and Ideals of the British Empire, Greenwood Press, New York, 1969. Basalla, G., ‘The Spread of Western Science’, Science, 156, 1967, pp. 611-22. Basu, A., ‘The Conflict and Change Over in Indian Chemistry’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 39 (3), 2000, pp. 335-58. ——, Chemical Science in Colonial India: The Science in Social History, K.P. Bagchi & Company, Kolkata, 2006. ——, The Growth of Education and Political Development in India 1898-1920. Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1974. Bayly, C.A., The Birth of the Modern World: 1780-1914: Global Connections and Comparisons, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 2004. Bearce, G.D., British Attitudes Towards India 1784-1858. Oxford University Press, London, 1961. Beggs, G.D.,‘British Pharmacy in India’, Chemist and Druggist, 60, 1902, pp. 620-2. Bellew, H.W., Cholera in India, 1862 to 1881, Bengal Province, 1862 to 1881, Bengal Secretariat Press,Calcutta, 1884. Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Annual Report, 1934-5, 1939-40. ——, Fifty Years of Bengal Chemical BCPWL, Calcutta, 1952. ——, Minutes of the Meeting of the Directors, held on 19May 1920, Calcutta, p. 11. ——, Minutes of the Meeting, 1919-20, p. 7, 1932-3, p. 10. ——, Minutes of the Meeting of the Directors (MMD), 25 November 1937; 5 May 1931; 28 February 1939; 9 May 1920; 6 July 1946; 16 August 1947. ——, Romance of an Indian Factory, BCPWL, Calcutta, 1939. ——, Therapeutic Hints, Calcutta (the production range suggests the date to be sometime in the late 1930s). ——, One Hundred Years of Triumphs and Travails, BCPWL, Calcutta, 2004. Bernal, J.D., Science in History, MIT Press, Cambridge, 1970. ——, Science in History, Watts & Co., London, 1954, p. 6. Bhatnagar, J.K., ‘We Remember Them’, Pharmacos, 14, 1969, pp. 3-10.

248

Bibliography

Bhattacharjee, K.S., The Bengal Renaissance: Social & Political Thoughts, Classical Publishing Co., New Delhi, 1986. Bhattacharya, A., De-industrialization in the Nineteenth Century: Myth or Reality, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2010. ——, Swadeshi Enterprise in Bengal:1900-1920, Seagull Books, Calcutta. Bhattacharya, N., A Coming Age Story: A History of Indian Pharmaceutical Industry 1905-66, University of Leicester, Leicester, 2010, Retrieved from www.wellcome.ac.uk dated on 11 September 2011. Bhattacharya, S., ‘Cultural and Social Constraints on Technological Innovation and Economic Development: Some Case Studies’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, III(3), 1966, pp. 24-67. Bhattacharyya, A., Swadeshi Enterprise in Bengal: 1900-20, I.N.A. Press, Calcutta, 1986. Bhavamishra, Bhavaprkasha, Chaukhamba Sanskrit Sansthan, Varanasi, 1993. Biswas, A.K., Science in India, Firma KLM, Calcutta, 1969. Biswas, A.K. (ed.), History, Science and Society in the Indian Context, The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, 2001. Bliss, J., ‘The Experience of a Pharmacist in India’, Pharmaceutical Journal and Pharmacist, 84, 1909, pp. 100-2. Born, M., The Natural Philosophy of Cause and Change, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1949. Bose, D.M. et al., A Concise History of Science in India, Indian National Science Academy, Delhi, 1971. ——, A Concise History of Science in India, National Science Academy, New Delhi, 1971. Bose, D.M., S.N. Sen and B.V. Subbarayappa (eds.), A Concise History of Science in India, Universities Press, Hyderabad, 2009. Boussel, P., H. Bonnemain and F. Bove, History of Pharmacy and the Pharmaceu­ tical Industry, Asklepios Press, Paris, 1982. Bowen, H. V., Revenue and Reform: The Indian Problem in British Politics, 1757­ 1813, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991. Bradfield, E.W.C., An Indian Medical Review, Government of India Press, Delhi, 1938. ——, ‘The Development of Capitalist Enterprise in India’, in S.C. Kuchhal, The Industrial Economy of India, Chaitanya Publishing House, Delhi, 1965, p. 450-1. Butt, A.H., ‘The Medical Council of India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1946, pp. 369-72. Butterfield, H., ‘The History of Science and the Study of History’, Harvard Library Bulletin, 13, 1959, pp. 329-47.

Bibliography

249

Butterfield, H., The Origins of Modern Science: 1300-1800, Free Press, Cali-fornia, 1965. Carter, H.V., Memorandum of the Prevention of Leprosy by Segregation of the Affected, Bombay General, 29 June 1887. Cecil, G., ‘Pharmacy in India’, Chemist and Druggist, 58, 1901, pp. 412-13. Census of India, Government of India Press, Delhi, 1951. Chakrabarti, P., ‘Science and Swadeshi : The Establishment and Growth of the Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works, 1893-1947’, in Uma Dasgupta (ed.), Science and Modern India: An Institutional History, c.1784­ 1947, Pearson Education India, New Delhi, 2011, pp. 117-42. ——, Western Science in Modern India: Metropolitan Methods and Colonial Practices, Permanent Black, Delhi, 2004. Chakrabati, D., Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray: The Quest for National Science and Swadeshi Enterprise, Readers Service, Kolkata, 2005. Chakrapanidatta, Chakradatta Sangraha: A Treatise on Principles and Practices of Ayurvedic Medicine, tr. P.V. Sharma, Chaukhamba Orientalia, Varanasi, 2nd edn., 1998, p. 31. Chakravarti, R.N., ‘Bishnupada Mukerji (1903-1979)’, Biographical Memories of Fellows of the Indian National Science Academy, 8, 1984, pp. 191-204. Chandra, B., A. Tripathi and B.De, Freedom Struggle, National Book Trust, Delhi, 1972. Chattopadhyaya, D., History of Science & Technology in Ancient India: The Beginnings, Firma KLM, Calcutta, 1986. Chaudhuri, K.N., The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660-1760, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1978. Chaudhuri, S., ‘Bengal Chemical: 1892-1977—Growth and Decline of an Indigenous Enterprise’, paper presented in the National Workshop on Sick Industries Syndrome in India, Ahmedabad, May 1988 (unpublished). ——, Growth and Structural Changes in the Pharmaceutical Industry in India, Indian Institute of Management, Kolkata, Working Paper Series, 1999. ——, The WTO and India’s Pharmaceutical Industry: Patent Protection, TRIPS and Developing Countries, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2005. Chawhan, M.Y., ‘Pharmaceutical Society of India—All India Conference Contemplated’, Indian and Eastern Chemist, 20,1939, p. 49. Chemical Services Committee Report, Superintendent Government Central Press, Simla, 1920. Chopra, R.N. and I.C. Chopra, Drug addiction with Special Reference to India, Council of Scientific & Industrial Research, New Delhi,1965. Chopra, R.N. and R.L.Badhawar, ‘Poisonous Plants in India’, Indian Journal of Agricultural Science, 10, 1940, pp. 1-44.

250

Bibliography

Chopra, R.N., J.C. Gupta and B. Mukherjee, ‘The Pharmacological Action of an Alkaloid obtained from Rauwolfia serpentine Benth: A preliminary Note’, Indian Journal of Medical Research, 21, 1933, pp. 261-71. Chopra, R.N., ‘All-Bengal Compounders Association’, Indian and Eastern Druggist, 15, 1934, pp. 130-2. ——, ‘Problems and Prospects of a Pharmacological Career in India’, Annual Review of Pharmacology, 5,1965, pp. 1-8. Chukerbutty, S.G., ‘ The Present State of the Medical Profession in Bengal’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1864, pp. 86-8, 109-12. Clark, G.N., Science and Social Welfare in the Age of Newton, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1937. Clingingsmith, D. and J.G. Williamson, ‘Deindustrialization in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century India: Mughal Decline, Climate Shocks and British Industrial Ascent’, Explorations in Economic History , 45, 3, 2008, pp. 209-34. Clingingsmith, D. and J.G. Williamson, ‘India’s De Industrialization in the eighteenth and nineteenth Centuries’, Harvard University Press, paper presented in the Fifth World Cliometrics Conference, Venice, June 2004, pp. 1-56. Clow, Nan, The Chemical Revolution: A Contribution to Social Technology, The Batch Worth Press, London, 1952. Compton,W.H., ‘ R Scott & Co’, British & Colonial Druggist, 1894, p. 154. Cordeiro, J.M. ‘Profession of Pharmacy and Drugs Control in Goa’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 25, 1963, pp. 190-3. Correspondence, ‘Companion and Pamphlets’, Pharmaceutical Journal, 1906, p.149. Crawford, D.G., ‘The Indian Medical Service’, Indian Medical Gazette, 42, 1907, pp. 192-8, 235-8, 275-6, 316-18, 355-7. ——, ‘The Legend of Gabriel Boughton’, The Indian Medical Gazette, January 1909, pp. 1-7. ——, ‘William Hamilton and the Embassy to Delhi’, The Indian Medical Gazette, 42 (1), 1907, pp. 1-4. ——, A History of the Indian Medical Service 1600 -1913, vols. I & II, W. Thacker and Co., London; Thacker Spink and Co., Calcutta & Simla, 1914. Cunningham, A. and B. Andrews (eds.), Western Medicine as Contested Knowl­ edge, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1997. Dampier, W.C., A History of Science and its Relations with Philosophy and Religion. Cambridge University Press, New York, 1949. ——, A History of Science, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1965.

Bibliography

251

Das Gupta, J.B. (ed.), Science, Technology, Imperialism and War, vol. XV, pt. I, Centre for Studies in Civilizations, New Delhi, 2007. Das Gupta, M., Public Health in India: An Overview, Development Research Group, World Bank, 2005. Das Gupta, U. (ed.), Science and Modern India: An Institutional History 1784­ 1947, vol. XV, pt. 4, Pearson Longman, New Delhi, 2011. De Sousa, J.P., History of the Chemical Industry in India, Technical Press Publica­ tions, Bombay, 1961. Deane, P. and W. A. Cole, British Economic Growth, 1688-1959: Trends and Structure, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1967. Deshiyo Oushad, Bengal Chemical and Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Calcutta, 1934. Devi, R., ‘Amar Jiban’, in Naresh Chandra Jana et al. (Eds), Atmakatha, vol. I, Ananya Prakashan, Calcutta, 1981, p. 1. Dutfield, G., Intellectual Property Rights and the Life Science Industries: A Twentieth Century History, Ashgate Publishing Company, Halifox, Canada, 2003. Dutt, R., The Economic History of India, vol. I, Under Early British Rule, 1757­ 1837, Government of India Publications, Delhi, 1960. Dutta, N.C. and Tulika Sen (eds.), Aspects of History of Science, The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, 2006. Editorial News, ‘All India Hospital Assistants Journal’, Indian Medical Gazette, April, 1910, p. 3. Editorial, ‘ The Pharmacist’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1939, pp. 5-6. ——, ‘Calcutta Pharmacies’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1, 1894, pp. 2. ——, ‘Late Babu B.K. Paul, in Commercial India’, Chemist & Druggist, 1914, p. 7 and 11. ——, ‘Pharmaceutical Education and Industries in India’, Indian Medical Record, 40, 1920, pp. 217-18. ——, ‘Science and Industry’, Indian and Eastern Druggist, 3, 1922, pp. 54-5. ——, ‘Western Medicine in India: Proposed India Medical Corps’, British Medical Journal, 9, (2), 1920, pp. 560-2. ——, ‘What the Indian Medical Service has done for India’, Indian Medical Gazette, 47, 1912, pp. 226-38. ——, Indian Lancet, 18, 1901, pp. 445-6. ——, Medical Reporter, 5, 1895, pp. 313-15. ——, ‘Hospitals in India’, Indian Medical Gazette , 1(6), 1881, p. 145. Education and Public Health Department (Public Health), Government of Madras, G.O. No. 3962 P.H. dated 24 November 1948, Tamil Nadu

252

Bibliography

Archives, Chennai. In this document it is erroneously mentioned that the chemists and druggists’ course was originally started in 1898, p. 2. ——, G.O. No. 2797 October 1937, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 3. ——, G.O. No. 1651 dated 3 May 1938, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 7. ——, G.O. No. 3962 P.H. dated 24 November 1948, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 1. ——, G.O. No. 87 dated 6 September 1898, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 7. ——, G.O. No. 154 dated 22 May 1866, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 3. ——, G.O. No. 1677 L dated 11 September 1888 and G.O. No 1662 L dated 26 July 1889, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 2. ——, G.O. No. 205 dated 10 July 1866, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 5. ——, G.O. No. 315 dated 24 September 1881, Tamil Nadu Archives, Madras. ——, G.O. No. 319 dated 24 August 1880, Tamil Nadu Archives, Madras. ——, G.O. No. 491 dated 9 August 1898, Tamil Nadu Archives, Madras. ——, G.O. No. 491 dated 9 August 1898, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 7. ——, G.O. No. 491 dated 9 August 1898, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 4. ——, G.O. No. 554 dated 22 September 1888, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 2. ——, G.O. No. 63, 20 February 1869, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 4. ——, G.O. No. 84 dated 6 February 1893, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 7. ——, G.O. No. 87 dated 27 March 1866; G.O. No. 154 dated May 1866; G.O. No.190 dated 27 June 1866; G.O. No. 205 dated 10 July 1866; Tamil Nadu Archives, Madras. ——, G.O. No. 87 dated 27 March 1866, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 1. ——, G.O. No.319 dated 24 August 1880, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 3. ——, G.O.No.190 dated 27 June 1866, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 1. ——, G.O.No.315 dated 24 September 1881, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 2. ——, G.O. No. 568 dated 1903, Tamil Nadu Archives, Madras.

Bibliography

253

Ernst, W., Mad Tales from the Raj: The European Insane in British India 1800 ­ 1858, Routledge, London, 1991. Farrington, B.G., Greek Science: Thales to Aristotle., Penguin Books, California 1949. Fernandaz, L. (ed.), ‘The Medical Reporter’, A Fortnightly Journal of Medicine, Surgery, Public Health and of General Medical Intelligence, vol. V, The Medi­ cal Publishing Press, Calcutta. Fish, F., ‘School of Pharmacy, Brunswick Square’, Pharmaceutical Journal, 231, 1963, pp. 120-2. Forbes, G., ‘Colonial Imperatives and Women’s Emancipation: Western Medical Education for Indian Women in Nineteenth Century Bengal’, in Modern Historical Studies, 2, 2001, p. 94. ——, Women in Modern India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996. Galison, P.S.R. Graubard and E. Mendelsohn (eds.), Science in Culture, Transac­ tion Publication, Chicago, 2001, p. 11. General Address by J.B. Grant on 6 January 1940 at the Indian Science Congress, pp. 480-6. General Department, Education Branch, April 1882, File 62, Proceedings B 1/ 2, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 2. ——, April 1882, File 62; Proceedings B ½, State Archives of Municipal Department, Medical Branch, December 1886, File M 3C/8 1; Proceed­ ings 30-52, West Bengal State Archives, Calcutta. ——, File 31-8, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, March 1886, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 75. ——, File 31-8/9, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, March 1886, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 70. ——, File 88-1/10 , Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, July 1883, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 92. ——, File 88-1/8, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, July 1883, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 71. ——, File 88-1/9, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, July 1883, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 73. ——, File B 4C/20, Proceedings of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, April 1887, West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, p. 69. Ghosh, J.C., ‘Indian and Eastern Druggist’, Eastern Druggist, 3, 1922, p. 182. ——, ‘Indian and Eastern Druggist’, Eastern Druggist, 4, 1923, p. 261. Giles, G.M.J. A Report of an Investigation into the Causes of the Diseases Known in Assam as Kala-Azar and Beriberi, Assam Secretariat Press, Shillong, 1890. Gibbins, Beltgens, H. de, The History of Commerce in Europe, Macmillan and Company, London, 1891.

254

Bibliography

Golden Jubilee Brochure 1928-78. Institution of Chemists, Calcutta, 1978. Golden Jubilee Souvenir, Bengal Chemists and Druggists’ Association, Calcutta, 1971. Some selected pages became available. The news about the celebra­ tion appeared in the Eastern Pharmacist, 15 (February Issue), 1972, p. 41. Gosling, D.L., Science and the Indian Tradition—When Einstein Met Tagore, Taylor & Francis Group, New York, 2007. Goswami, O. ‘Sahibs, Babus and Banias: Changes in Industrial Control in Eastern India’, The Journal of Asian Studies, 48, 2, 1989, pp. 289-309. Government of India, The Imperial Gazetteer of India , published under the Authority of His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India in Council, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1909. ——, The Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. IV, Administrative, published under the Authority of His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India in Council, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1999, p. 457-80. ——, Personal Communication, through his letter dated 24 May 1994, Letter dated 20 June 1994, E.S. Leedham, University of Cambridge. Griffiths, P.J., The British Impact on India, MacDonald and Company, London, 1952. Grover, B.R., Land and Taxation System during the Mughal Age, vol. IV, Low Price Publications, Delhi, 2009. Gupta, A., Studies in the Bengal Renaissance, National Council of Education, Calcutta, 1958. ——, Studies in the Bengal Renaissance, National Council of Education, Calcutta, 1958. Gupta, M., Prafulla Chandra Ray: A Biography, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Delhi, 1971. Habib, I., ‘Colonization of the Indian Economy: 1757-1900’, Social Scientist, 32, 3, 1975, pp. 23-53. ——, ‘The Eighteenth Century in Indian Economic History’, in P.J. Marshall (ed.), The Eighteenth Century in Indian History: Evolution or Revolution, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003, p. 109. ——, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1526-1707, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1963, pp. 15-21. Habib, S. Irfan and Dhruv Raina (eds.), Social History of Science in Colonial India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2008. ——, Situating the History of Science: Dialogue with Joseph Needham, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1999, p. 5. Habib, S.I. and D. Raina, Social History of Science in Colonial India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2007.

Bibliography

255

Hall, A.R. and M. Boas Hall, A Brief History of Science, New American Library Books, California, 1964. Hall, H.R., The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800: The Formation of the Modern Scientific Attitude, Longmans Green & Co., London, 1956, p. 159. Harnetty, P., ‘Deindustrialization Revisited: The Handloom Weavers of the Central Provinces of India c. 1800-1947’, Modern Asian Studies, 25 (3), 1991, pp. 455-510. Harrison, M., Climates and Constitutions: Health, Race, Environment and British Imperialism in India, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1999. ——, Public Health in British India: Anglo-Indian Preventive Medicine, 1859­ 1914, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1994. Harry Paul, W., From Knowledge to Power: The Rise of Science and Empire in France:1860-1939, Cambridge University Press,Cambridge, 1985. Henry, J., The Scientific Revolution and the Origins of Modern Science, Macmillan Press, London, 1997. Hess, D.J., Science and Technology in a Multicultural World: The Cultural Practices of Facts and Abstracts, Columbia University Press, New York, 1995. Higham, Charles S.S., History of the British Empire, Longmans, Green and Company, London, 1934. Holland, T., Conferences for Considerations of the Organization of Chemical Research in India, Imperial Publishing Company, Lahore, 1918. Holland, T.H., Presidential Address, Proceedings of the Conference of Chemists, Indian Munition Board, Simla, 1918, p. 4. Holmyard, E.J., Alchemy, Penguin, Michigan, 1957. ——, Makers of Chemistry, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1931. Huxley, T.H., Science and Education, Macmillan, London, 1893. Indian Industrial Commission, 1916-18, Minutes of Evidence, vols. 3 and 4, Supdt. Government Press, Calcutta. Indian Mining Federation, Fifty Years of the Indian Coal Industry, Calcutta, 1963. Jaggi, O.P., History of Science and Technology in India: Science in Modern India, Atma Ram & Sons, Delhi, 1984. ——, History of Science, Technology and Medicine in India : Indian System of Medicine, Vol. IV., Atma Ram & Sons, Delhi, 1981. James, S.P., Malarial Fevers: A Statement Drawn up for the Use of Assistant Surgeons, Hospital Assistants and Students, Superintendent Government Printing India, Calcutta, 1908. Johnson, P., A History of the Modern World: From 1917 to the 1990s, Weidenfield and Nicolson, London, 1991. Joubert, C.H., ‘The Indian Subordinate Medical Department’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1908, pp. 385-8.

256

Bibliography

Kadakia, P., J. Jacob and A. Singhai, ‘Cover Story: Emerging Opportunities in the Indian Pharmaceutical Industry’, Pharma Bio World, 2009, pp. 76-8. Kak, S.C., ‘Science in Ancient India’, in: S.R. Sridhar and N.K. Mattoo (eds.). A Portrait of India. AIA, New York, 2005, pp. 399-420 . ——, in S.R. Sridhar and N.K. Matto (eds.), Ananya: A Portrait of India, AIA, New York, 1997, pp. 399-420. Karlekar, Malavika, ‘Kadambini and the Bhadralok’, Economic and Political Weekly, 21 (19), 1986, pp. WS 25-31. Karna Kumar Acharjee, Indian and Eastern Chemist, 21, 1940, pp. 312, courtesy the Regional Research Laboratory, Jammu. Keay, J., India: A History, Harper Collins, London, 2000. Keshawani, N.H., ‘Medical Education in India since Ancient Times’, in C. D.O. Malley (ed.), The History of Medical Education, UCLA, California, 1968, p. 324. Kleinman, D.L., Science and Technology in Society: From Biotechnology to the Internet, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 2005. Kohli, S., Sea Power and the Indian Ocean, Tata McGraw Hill, Delhi, 1978. Kopf, D., British Orientalism & the Bengal Renaissance, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1969. Kothari, C.R., Research Methodology: Methods and Techniques, New Age Interna­ tional Publisher, Delhi, 2004. Kuchha, S.C. (ed.), The Industrial Economy of India, Chaitanya Publish House, Allahabad, 1975. Kumar, A., Medicine and the Raj: British Medical Policy 1835-1911, Sage, Delhi, 1998. Kumar, D., ‘Medical Encounters in British India , 1820-1920’, Economic and Political Weekly, 32, 4, 1997, pp. 166-70. ——, ‘Patterns of Colonial Science in India’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 15 (1), 1980, pp. 105-13. ——, ‘Science and Society in Colonial India’, Science, Technology and Society, 6, 2, 2001, pp. 375-95. —— (ed.), Science and Empire: Essays in Indian Context, Anamika Prakashan, Delhi, 1991. ——, Science and the Raj: A Study of British India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2006. Kumar, N. (ed.), Science in Ancient India, Anmol, Delhi, 2004. Kunjalal, B., The Sushruta Samhita, vol. II, The Chaukhamba Sanskrit Series Office, Varanasi, 1963. Lal, M., ‘The Politics of Gender and Medicine in Colonial India: The Countees of Dufferin’s Fund, 1885-1888’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 68, 1, Spring 1994, pp. 29-66.

Bibliography

257

Lally, J., ‘The Pattern of Trade in Seventeenth Century Mughal India: Towards an Economic Explanation’, Working Paper No. 120/09, Department of Economic History, London School of Economics, London, 2009, pp. 1-80. Lamb, G., The Etiology and Epidemiology of Plague : A Summary of the work of the Plague Commission, Issued Under the Authority of the Government of India by the Sanitary Commission with the Government of India, Super­ intendent Government Printing India, Calcutta,1908. Lane, J., A Social History of Medicine: Health, Healing and Disease in England, 1750-1950, Routledge, London, 2001. Lane-Poole, S., History of India: From Reign of Akbar the Great to the Fall of Moghul Empire (vol. 4), Grolier Society, London, 1906. ‘Late Babu B.K. Paul’ (Editorial), in Commercial India, 29June 1914, p. 11. Letter No. 884 from A.W.Croft, Esq., Director of Public Instruction to the Secretary to GOB, 7 February 1884,West Bengal State Archives,Education & Medical, June 1884, A 1-3, File No. 89-1, cited in Uma Dasgupta (ed.), History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, XV, pt. 4, ‘A History of the Calcutta Medical College and Hospital, 1835-1936’, Samita Sen, S. and Anirban Das, Pearson Longman, Delhi, 2011, p. 496. Levi, S. (ed.), Introduction in India and central Asia : Commerce and Culture— 1500-1800, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2007. Lindberg, D.C, The Cambridge History of Science, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2013. Local Self-Government Department (Public Health), Government of Madras, G.O. No. 590 P.H. dated 15 April 1924, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai, p. 3. Lourdusamy, J., Science and National Consciousness in Bengal: 1870-1930, Orient Longman, Delhi, 2004. MacLeod, R.L.M. (ed.), Disease, Medicine and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion, Routledge, London and New York, 1988. Madhava, Madhava Nidan, Sanskrit Commentary by Sri Vijayarakshitha and Srikantadatta, Chaukhamba Sanskrit Sansthan, Varanasi, 2005. Mahajan, V.D., History of Medieval India, S. Chand, Delhi, 2007. Marks, S., ‘What is Colonial about Colonial Medicine? And What has Happened to Imperialism and Health?’ Journal of Social History of Medicine, 10, 1997, pp. 205-19. Marshall, J.D., ‘ATour in India’, Chemist and Druggist, 104, 1926, pp. 757-60. Marshall, P.J. (ed.), The Eighteenth Century in Indian History: Evolution or Revo­ lution? Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2003. Marshall, P.J., R.K. Ray and H.V. Bowen (eds.), The Oxford History of the British

258

Bibliography

Empire: The Eighteenth Century, vol. II, Oxford University Press, New York, 1998. Martin, J.R., Notes on the Medical Topography of Calcutta, Bengal Military Orphan Press, Calcutta, 1837. Matthews, L.G., History of Pharmacy in Britain, E. & S. Livingstone, Edinburgh and London, 1962. ——, Milestones in Pharmacy, Merrell Division, Richardson-Merrell, Eghan Surray, 1980. Mazars, G., ‘Indian Medicine across the Centuries. A Concise Introduction to Indian Medicine (La médecine indienne)’, in Indian Medical Tradition, vol. VIII, ed. D. Wujastyk and K.G. Zysk, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 2006, p. 1-24. Medhora, B.P., ‘Entrepreneurship in India’, Political Science Quarterly, .80,.4, 1965, pp. 558-80. Medical Circular, ‘Drug Control Order’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1950, p. 13. Medical Communication, ‘Dispenser and Dresser Class’, Chemist and Druggist, 1937, pp. 127, 553. Medical Correspondence, ‘Apothecaries Course at Madras Medical College’, Chemist and Druggist, 39, 1891, p. 352. ——,‘Changing Designation from Army Apothecaries to Assistant Surgeons’, Indian Medical Records, 1894, p. 5. ——, ‘Chemist and Druggist Association’, Chemist & Druggist, 1921, pp. 7-11. Medical News, ‘Changing Designation of Civil Apothecaries’, Indian Lancet, 1901, p. 1176. ——, ‘The Pharmaceutical Society of India’, Pharmaceutical Journal and Phar­ macist, 122 (4), 1929, p. 15. ——, ‘The Retail and Dispensing Chemists’ Association, Bombay’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1963, p. 3. ——, ‘Pharmaceutical Society of India’, Chemist & Druggist, 1939, p. 3. ——, ‘Guide to Health for India and Tropics’, Pharmaceutical Journal and Transaction, 1890, pp. 756-85. ——, ‘Assistant of Medical System’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1944, p. 19. ——, ‘Bengal Chemist and Druggist Association’, Chemist & Druggist, 1972, p. 1. Mehdihassan, S., Indian Alchemy or Rasayana, Vikas Publishing House, Delhi. Mehra, P., A Dictionary of Modern Indian History 1707-1947, Oxford Univer­ sity Press, Oxford, 1985.

Bibliography

259

Memorandum, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 6, 1944, pp. 40-5. Submitted by the Bengal Pharmaceutical Association to the Government of Bengal. Merton, R.K., Science, Technology & Society in Seventeenth Century England, Fertig, New York, 1970. Meulenbeld, J.G. and D. Wujastyk (eds.), Studies in Indian Medical History, Groninggen, Netherlands, 1987. Minutes of the 11th Meeting of the Pharmacy Council of India, 27 November 1957, item 3. Mitra, S.S., Bengal’s Renaissance, Academic Publishers, Delhi, 2001. Mohammed, I. et al., ‘Clinical Research Regulation in India: History, Develop­ ment, Initiatives, Challenges and Controversies: Still Long Way to Go’, Journal of Pharmacy and Bio Alled Sciences, 5, 1, 2013, pp. 2-9. Montgomery,H.R., ‘Madras Apothecary Society’, Madras Quarterly Journal of Medical Science, 8, 1865, pp. 466-73; 9,1866, pp. 190-3. Morris, M.D., ‘The Growth of Large Scale Industry to 1947’, in Dharma Kumar and M. Desai (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. II: c. 1757-2003, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983, pp. 551-676. ——, ‘Trends and Tendencies in Indian Economic History’, in Indian Economy in the Nineteenth Century : A Symposium, Indian Economic and Social History Association,Delhi,1969, pp. 3-13. Mukerji, B., ‘Col. Sir Ram Nath Chopra’s Contribution to the Development of Pharmacy in India’, Pharma Times, 5, 1973, pp. 10-14. ——, ‘Obituary Note’, Pharma Times, 5, 1973, pp. 12-14. ——, ‘President’s Page: International Pharmacopoeia and Indian Pharmacy’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 16, 1954, pp. 127-8. ——, ‘Sir Ram Nath Chopra’, Biographical Memories of Fellows of the Indian National Science Academy, 4, 1976, pp. 171-85. ——, The Indian Pharmaceutical Codex, vol. 1, Indigenous Drugs, Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, New Delhi, 1953. ——, ‘Transcripts’, Office of the Registrar, the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, dated 13 September 2006. Mukherjee, A., Imperialism, Nationalism and the Making of the Indian Capital­ ist Class: 1920-47, Sage, Delhi, 2002. Mukherjee, B., ‘Symposium of Ideal Courses in Pharmaceutics’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 8, 1946, pp. 17-24. Mukherjee, N., The Port of Calcutta: A Short History, Oxford Book & Stationary Co.,Calcutta. 1968. Mukherjee, N., The Ryotwari System in Madras, 1792-1827, Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta,1962.

260

Bibliography

Mukherjee, S., ‘Medical Education and Emergence of Women Medics in Colo­ nial Bengal’, Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata, Occasional Paper, 2012, pp. 1-32. Mukherjee, S.N., ‘History of the Bengal Branch of Indian Pharmaceutical Asso­ ciation’, Pharma Times, 26 (5), 15, 1994, pp. 17, 19, 22, 23. Multhauf, R.P. , The Origins of Chemistry, Oldbourne, London, 1967. Municipal Department, Medical Branch, April 1899, Proceedings B 223 and 224, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 1. ——, December 1896, File 3C/8 1,1, Proceedings 30-52, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 5. ——, Head Medical Service, Collection 1, April 1882, Proceedings 18-23, State Archives of West Bengal, p. 3. ——, January 1895, File C/22, Proceedings 7-9, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 2. ——, March 1894, File C3/1, Proceedings 1-5, State Archives of West Bengal, Calcutta, p. 1. Muraleedharan, V.R., ‘Rural Health Care in Madras Presidency: 1919-39’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, 24, 1987, pp. 324-34. ——, ‘Malady in Madras: The Colonial Government’s Response to Malaria in Early twentieth Century’, in Deepak Kumar (ed.), Science and Empire: Essays in Indian Context (1700-1947), Anamika Publishers and Distribu­ tors, Delhi, 1991, pp. 101-14. Murthy, A.R.V., ‘Dhanwantari—The God of Hindu Medicine’, Bulletin of the Indian Institute of History of Medicne, vol. XXVII, no. 1, 1997, pp. 1-14. Mushtaq, M.U., ‘Public Health in British India : A Brief Account of the History of Medical Services and Disease Prevention in Colonial India’, Indian Journal of Community Medicine, 34, 1, 2009, pp. 6-14. Narayana, P.L., The Indian Pharmaceutical Industry: Problems and Prospects, National Council of Applied Economic Research, Delhi, 1984. Nathan, R., The Plague in India—1896, 1897, Government Central Printing Office, Simla, 1898. National Library of Scotland, India papers Collection, Available from http://www.nls.uk/indiapapers/index.html National Leprosy Fund (Great Britain), Leprosy in India, 1890-91, Superinten­ dent of Government Printing India, Calcutta, 1893. National Pharmaceutical Policy, Health Administrator, vol. XX, no. 1&2, 2006, pp. 1-8. Nationalist Visionary Entrepreneur, East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Kolkata, 2004. Needham, J., The Grand Titration Science and Society in East & West, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1954.

Bibliography

261

North Whitehead, A., Science and the Modern World, Macmillan Press, New York, 1967. Obituary Notice, British Medical Journal, 3, 1973, p. 547. Packard, R.M., ‘Post-colonial Medicine’, in R. Cooter and J. Pickstone (eds.), Companion to Medicine in the Twentieth Century, Routledge, London and New York, 2000, pp. 97-112. Palit, C., Science and Nationalism in Bengal, Institute of Historical Studies, Kolkata, 2004. Pandit, J.K. and C.M. Prasad, ‘Banaras Hindu University Department of Pharmaceutics’, Indian Journal of Pharmaceutical Education, 3 (1), 1969, pp. 27-31. Park, P.K., Textbook of Preventive and Social Medicine, Banarasidas Bhanot Publishers, Jabalpur, 2005. Patel, B.V. ‘Preliminary Report of the Syllabus Committee’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 8, 1946 , pp. 116-38. Patel, R.P., ‘L.M. College of Pharmacy, Ahmedabad’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 21, 1959, pp. 213-16. Pati, B. and M. Harrison (eds.), The Social History of Health and Medicine in Colonial India, Routledge, London , 2009. Pati, B., The 1857 Rebellion: Debates in Indian History and Society, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2007. Patnaik, P., ‘Industrial Development in India Since Independence’, Social Scien­ tist, 7 (11), 1979, pp. 3-19. Paul, H.W., From Knowledge to Power: The Rise of Science and Empire in France: 1860-1939, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985. Pearson, M., The Indian Ocean, Routledge, London, 2003. Pharmaceutical News, ‘Frank Ross & Company’, Chemist & Druggist, 1906, p. 3. ——, ‘Kemp & Co.’, Chemist & Druggist, 1902, p. 7. ——, ‘R. Scott Thomson & Co.’, Indian Journal of Pharmacy, 1894, p. 5. ——, ‘Treacher & Co.’, Chemist & Druggist, 1909, p. 11. Pharmaceutical Records, ‘Pharmaceutical Society of India’, Chemist & Druggist, 1928, p. 273. Popper, K.R., Conjectures & Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge, Harper & Row, New York, 1968. Porter, A., D.A. Washbrook and Robin J. Moore (eds.), The Oxford History of the British Empire: The Nineteenth Century, vol. III, Oxford University Press, New York, 1999. Porter, D. (ed.), The History of Public Health and the Modern State, Editions Rodopi, Amsterdam, 1994.

262

Bibliography

Poynter, F.N.L. (ed.), The Evolution of Pharmacy in Britain, Charles C. Thomas Publisher, Springfield, 1965. Prakash, G., Another Reason :Science and Imagination of Modern India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000. Prasad, B. Bondage and Freedom: A History of Modern India (1707-1947) vol. I: Bondage, 1707-1858, Rajesh Publications, Delhi, 1991. Proceedings of the IPA Annual General Meetings, 3 January 1941, p. 5. Proceedings of the World Congress of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences, Indian Pharmaceutical Association, Mumbai, 2011. Prospectus for Pharmaceutical Studies, Banaras Hindu University, 1940, p. 5; 1944, p. 3. Public Department, Government of Madras, G.O. No. 277, 21 February 1861, Tamil Nadu Archives, Chennai. Punjab University Syndicate Proceedings, 24 April 1942, item 13, p. 49. Rahaman, A. (ed.), History of Indian Science, Technology and Culture AD 1000­ 1800, vol. III, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000. Raina, D. and S. Irfan Habib, Domesticating Modern Science: A Social History of Science and Culture in Colonial India, Tulika, Delhi, 2003, p. 6. Raina, D., ‘Ray’s Life and Experiences As a Text on the History of Science’, in S. Chatterjee, M.K. Dasgupta and Amitabha Ghosh (eds.), Studies in History of Science, The Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1997, pp. 25-42. ——, Images and Contexts: The Historiography of Science and Modernity in India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2003. ——, ‘Indian Chemist P.C.Ray and the Inauguration of the Social History of Science in India’, Science, Technology & Society, 2 (1), 1997, pp. 1-39. Rakshit J.N., ‘Pharmaceutical Education in India’, Indian and Eastern Chemist, 21, 1940, p. 281. Ramachandran, P.K. and B.V. Rangrao, ‘The Pharmaceutical Industry in India’, Economic and Political Weekly,7, 9, 1972, pp. M27 – M36. Ramana, M., Western Medicine and Public Health in Colonial Bombay: 1845­ 95, Orient Longman, Delhi, 2002. Ramkrishnan, K., ‘Rich Dividends from Drugs’, The Hindu, 1 December, 1989. Rana, R.D., ‘Pharmacy in Ancient India’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 22, 2, 1987, pp. 119-21. Rangarajan, L.N. (ed .), Kautilya: The Arthashastra, Penguin, Classics, Delhi, 1992. Rangaswami, S., ‘Department of Pharmacy, Andhra University, Waltair’,

Indian Journal of Pharmaceutical Education, 21, 1959, pp. 268-71.

Rao,U. Rama, ‘The Antiseptic through Quarter of a Century’, Antiseptic, 26,

1929, pp. 193-228.

Bibliography

263

Rau, U.R., ‘Medical Education in India’, Indian Medical Record, 1931, pp. 245-8. Ray, A.P.C., Life and Experiences of a Bengali Chemist, vol. I , Chuckerverthy, Chatterjee & Co., Calcutta, 1932. Ray, P. and S.N. Sen (eds.), The Cultural Heritage of India, vol. VI, Science and Technology, Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, Kolkata, 2002. Ray, P.C., ‘History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India’, Indian Chemi­ cal Society, Calcutta,1956, p. 70. ——, A History of Hindu Chemistry : From the Sixteenth Century AD, Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Calcutta,1903. ——, A History of Hindu Chemistry, vol. I, Bengal Chemical & Pharmaceutical Works Limited, Calcutta, 1903. ——, Essays and Discourses by Dr. Prafulla Chandra Ray: With a Biographical Sketch & a Portrait , G.A. Natesan & Company, Madras, 1918. ——, Life and Experience of a Bengali Chemist, Chuckerverthy, Chatterjee & Co., Calcutta, 1932. Ray, R.K. (ed.), Entrepreneurship and Industry in India:1800-1947, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1992. Report of the Drugs Enquiry Committee 1930-31, Government of India Central Publication Branch, Calcutta, 1931. Report of the Health Survey and Development Committee, vols. I-IV, Manager of Publications, Government of India, Delhi, 1946. Report of the Indian Industrial Commission 1916-18, p. 6, cited in S.C. Kuchhal (ed.), The Industrial Economy of India, Chaitanya Publishing House, Delhi, 1975, p. 27. Report of the Indian Tariff Board on the Heavy Chemical Industry, 1920, 1929. Report of the Sanitary Commissioner with the Government of India (Bengal), Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, 1870. Report on Dangerous Drug Act, Government of India,1930. Report on Drugs and Cosmetic Act, Government of India, 1940. Report on India’s Pharmaceuticals Industry, Corporate Catalyst, 2012. Report on Opium Act, Government of India, 1878. Report on Poisons Act, Government of India, 1919. Report on Sea Customs Act, Government of India, 1878. Reports of the Drugs Enquiry Committee, 1930-31. Richards, F., John, (ed.), The Mughal Empire: The New Cambridge History of India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1993. Richards, J.F., ‘Mughal State Finance and the Premodern World Economy’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 23 (2), 1981, pp. 285-308. —— (ed.), The Mughal Empire, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996.

264

Bibliography

Richmond, L., J. Stevenson and A. Turton (eds.), The Pharmaceutical Industry: A Guide to Historical Records, Ashgate, England, 2003. Riddick, J.F., The History of British India: A Chronology, 2006, excerpt and text search, covers 1599-1947. Risley, H.H. (ed.), The Indian Empire: Historical, Imperial Gazetteer of India, 2, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1908. Rockefeller Foundation Collection, 1933. Rohit, R.S. et al, ‘The Indian Pharmaceutical Industry: Evolution of Regulatory System and Present Scenario’, International Research Journal of Pharmacy, 3, 6, 2012, pp. 49-55. Rohit, R.S., B. Nilesh Ladkat, B. Ravikiran Khodade, M. Pallavi Chaudhuri and V. Pramod Kasture , ‘The Indian Pharmaceutical Industry: Evolution of Regulatory System and Present Scenario’, International Research Journal of Pharmacy, 3 (6), 2012, pp. 49-55. Ross, Frank in Brochure, 4th Indian Pharmaceutical Congress, Jaipur, 1951. Roy Sen, A., ‘Imperial Policy and Travails of Indigenous Enterprise : A Study in Bengal Chemical Pharmaceutical Works’, Journal of Scientific & Industrial Research, 58, 1999, pp. 63-75. Roy, T., ‘Economic History and Modern India : Redefining the Link’, The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 16 (3), 2002, pp. 109-30. ——, The Economic History of India: 1857-1947. Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2000. ——, Traditional Industry in the Economy of Colonial India, Cambridge Univer­ sity Press, London, 1999. Roychaudhuri, T. and I. Habib, The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I: c. 1200 -c. 1750, Orient Longman, Delhi, 2004. Rules Regarding the Measures to be Adopted on the Outbreak of Cholera or Appearance of Small Pox (G.O.C.C. No. 193, dated 3 August 1870), Superintendent of Government Printing, Calcutta, 1870, p. 3. Rungta, R.S., The Rise of Business Corporations in India: 1851-1900. Cam­ bridge University Press, Cambridge, 1970. Rutnagar, S.M., Bombay Industries: The Cotton Mill: A Review of the Progress of the Textile Industry in Bombay from 1850 to 1926 and the Present Constitution, Management and Financial Position of the Spinning and Weaving Factories, Indian Textile Journal, Bombay, 1927, p. 61. Satyabati, G.V. ‘Topics in the History of Pharmacology’, in P.N.Patil, O.D.Gulati and R. Balaram (eds.) History of Pharmacology of Medicinal Plants in India, B.S. Shah Prakashan, Ahmadabad, 2005, pp. 22-3. Sangwan, S., Science, Technology and Colonialism: An Indian Experience 1757­ 1857, Anamika Prakashan, Delhi, 1991.

Bibliography

265

Sarangdhar, Sarangadhara Samhita, tr. by Professor K.R. Srikanta Murthy, Chaukhamba Orientalia,Varanasi, 2001. Sarkar, J., Fall of the Mughal Empire, vol. 4, Orient Blackswan, Delhi, 1992. Sarkar, S. Chandra, On the Bengal Renaissance, Papyrus, Kolkata, 1979. Sarkar, S., ‘Calcutta and the Bengal Renaissance’, in Sukanta Chaudhuri (Ed.), Calcutta: The Living City, vol. I, Oxford University Press, Calcutta, 1990. ——, The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal, People’s Publishing House, Delhi, 1973. ——, The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal—1903-8, People’s Publishing House, Delhi, 1977. Sarkar, S.C., Bengal Renaissance & other Essays, People’s Publishing House, Delhi, 1970. ——, Bengal Renaissance & other Essays, People’s Publishing House, Delhi, 1970, p. 75. Sarton, G., Introduction to the History of Science, Williams & Wilkins, Baltimore, 1927. Sarton, G., Introduction to the History of Science, Carnegie Institution of Wash­ ington, USA, 1931. Sarvepalli, G., British Policy in India 1858-1905, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1965. Seal, B., The Positive Sciences of the Ancient Hindus, Motilal Banarasi Dass, Delhi, 1958. Sen, H., ‘Adu Babu’, in H. Singh, History of Pharmacy in India and Related Aspects- Pharmacy Practice, vol. 3, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2002, p. 101. Sen, S.N., ‘The Character of the Introduction of Western Science in India During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 1 (2), 1966, pp. 112-22. Sengupta, N., History of the Bengali Speaking People, UBS Publishers, Delhi, 2001. Sharma, D. and B. Singh, Science, Technology and Society, New Age International, Delhi, 2006. Sharp, H. (ed.), Selections from Educational Records, pt. I (1781-1839). Superin­ tendent, Government Printing, Calcutta, 1920. Sibthorpe, C., ‘Medical Education in Southern India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1869, pp. 67-8. Silver Jubilee Souvenir, Chemists and Druggist Association, Madras, 1951. Singh, B.R., ‘Use of Chemistry to Understand Vedic Knowledge’, in Bhudev Sharma (ed.), Contemporary Views on Indian Civilization, World Associa­ tion of Vedic Studies, Texas, 2003, pp. 388-99.

266

Bibliography

Singh, H., ‘The Overseas Drug Trade of Colonial India’, Pharmaceutical Historian, 31, 2011, pp. 4-9. ——, ‘Pharmaceutical Education at the Punjab University’, Views and Reviews, Association of Pharmaceutical Teachers of India, Bangalore, 2008, pp. 603-13. ——, ‘The Indian and Eastern Druggist/Chemist’, Eastern Pharmacist, 39, 1996, (November Issue), pp. 45-8. ——, ‘The Pharmaceutical Society of India’, Indian Journal of History of Sci­ ence., 35(1), 2000, pp. 67-76. ——, Builders and Awareness Creators of Modern Pharmacy: Medico- Pharmaceu­ tical Professionals, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2011. ——, History of Pharmacy in India and Realted aspects, vol. 2: Pharmaceutical Education, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 1998. ——, Pharmaceutical Education, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 1998. ——, Pharmaceutical History of India, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2011. ——, Pharmacy Practice, vol. 3, Vallabh Prakashan, Delhi, 2002. Singh, R.S., Industrialization in India: Structure and Pattern, Government Policy and Regulation: Present Problems and Future Prospects, Deep & Deep, Delhi, 1992. Sinha, J.N., Science, War and Imperialism: India in the Second World War, Brill Publication, Leiden, 2008. Sinha, N.K., The Economic History of Bengal :From Plassey to the Permanent Settlement, vol. I, Firma K.L.M., Calcutta, 1965. Slinn, J., ‘Research and Development in the UK Pharmaceutical Industry from the Nineteenth Century to the 1960s’, in R. Porter and M. Teich (eds.), Drugs and Narcotics in History, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995. Smith, Stanistreet & Company Limited, in Brochure, Bengal Pharmaceutical Conference, Silver Jubilee Celebration, Calcutta, 1954, p. 78. Souvenir, All India Chemists and Druggists’ Federation, Third Annual Session, Madras, 1946, pp. 23-35. ——, ‘All India Chemist and Druggists’, All India Chemist and Druggist Federa­ tion’, 1946, p. 4. Special Correspondence, ‘The Medical Profession in India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1877, pp. 396-7. ——, ‘The Story of Bathgate and Co. Ltd.’, Indian Pharmaceutical Congress, Jaipur, 1951, pp. 63-6. Special Correspondence, ‘The Subordinate Medical Department of India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1868, pp. 86-7. Srivastava, G.P., ‘M.L.Schroff—The Architect’, Indian Journal of Pharmaceuti­ cal Education, 4 (2), 1970, pp. 57-8.

Bibliography

267

Subbarayappa, B.V. (ed.), A Concise History of Science in India, Universities Press, Hyderabad, 2009. ——, Chemistry and Chemical Techniques in India, vol. IV, pt. I, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 2004, p. 55. ——, ‘A perspective- Medicine and Life Sciences in India’, in B.V. Subbarayappa, (ed.), Delhi: Centre for Studies in Civilizations, 2001, pp. 1-38. Suri, P. and I. Zaidi, Impact of British Rule on Indian Economy, Raaj Prakashan, Jaipur, 1985. Susruta, Susrutasamhita, tr. Vaidya Jadavji Trikamji Acharya, Chaukhambha Orientalia, Varanasi, 1980. Tayabji, N., Colonialism, Chemical Technology and Industry in Southern India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1995. The Caraka Samhita, vol. I, Shree Gulab Kunvaraba Ayurvedic Society, Jamnagar, India, 1949. The First Hundred Years of H.C. Sen & Company 1880-1980. The Indian Pharmacopoeial List, 1946, Department of Health, Government of India Press, Calcutta, 1946, pp. 29-30. The Neglect of Science, Report of Proceedings at a Conference held in the Linnean Society, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W, on 3 May 1918, p. 5. Thorner, D., ‘Deindustrialization in India 1881-1931’, in: D. Thorner and A. Thorner (eds.), Land and Labour in India, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1962. Tine, H.F. and M. Mann (ed.), Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India, Anthem Press, London, 2004. Tomlinson, B.R., ‘Colonial Firms and the Decline of Colonialism in Eastern India: 1914-47’, Modern Asian Studies, 15 (3), 1981, pp. 455-86. Transaction of Medical Societies, ‘Kemp & Company Exported Indian Drugs to London and American Markets’, Indian Medical Gazette, 1889, p. 11. Trease, G.E., Pharmacy in History, Bailliere, Tindall and Cox Ltd., London, 1964, pp. 151-2. Trease, G.E., Pharmacy in History, Tindall and Cox Ltd., London, 1964. Tylecote, R.F., Metallurgy in Archaeology, Edwin Arnold, London, 1962. University of the Panjab Syndicate Proceedings, 24 April 1942, item 13. Vagbhata, Astanga Samgraha, tr. Prof. K.R. Srikantha Murthy, Chaukhambha Orientalia,Varanasi, 2002. Vagbhatta, Astanga Hridaya, Krishnadas Academy, Varanasi, 1995. Vanga Sena, Chikitsa Sara Samgraha , tr. Dr. Nirmal Saxena, vol. 2, Chau­ khambha Sanskrit Series, Varanasi, 2004. Varadan Srinivas, K.S., ‘Pharmacy Education in the State of Madras’, Indian Pharmacist, 10, 1954-5, pp. 309-311.

268

Bibliography

Varadan, K.S., ‘Pharmacy Education in the State of Madras’, Indian Pharmacist, 10, 1954, pp. 309-11. Varadan, Srinivasa, K.S., ‘Pharmacy Education in the State of Madras’, Indian Pharmacist , 10, 1954-55, pp. 309-11. Varadarajan, L., Journeys in Science, Technology and Culture, Indian National Science Academy, Delhi, 2006. Varadarajan, L. (ed.), Indo-Portuguese Encounters : Journeys in Science, Technology and Culture, Indian National Science Academy, Delhi, 2006. Vries, J. de, ‘The Industrial Revolution and the Industrious Revolution’, Journal of Economic History, 54, 1994, pp. 249-70. Walker, N, ‘Medical Education in India’, British Medical Journal, 2, 1927, pp. 312-13. Washbrook, D.A., ‘India, 1818-60: The Two Faces of Colonialism’, in Andrew Porter (ed.), The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. III, The Nine­ teenth Century, Oxford University Press, Oxford, p. 395. Watts, S. Epidemics and History: Disease, Power and Imperialism, Yale University Press, New Heaven, 1997. ——, Epidemics and History: Disease, Power and Imperialism, Yale University Press, London, 1997. White, D.G., The Alchemical Body: Siddha Tradition in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 2004. Wigley, F.G., The Bengal Code, vol. II, The Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, Calcutta, 1914. Wolstenholme, G. (ed.), Lives of the Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians of London, IRL Press, Oxford and Washington D.C., 1982.

Index

Alchemist 27, 99 Alchemy 22-8, 31, 36, 40, 46, 99, 102, 157, 222 Allopathic system 59, 159 Ancient India 24, 28, 38, 58, 99, 101, 157 Apothecaries 29, 44, 85, 99, 102-7, 110, 112 Arabo-Persian 27, 142, 145-6 Archaeological evidence 28 Asylum 79-80 Atharva Veda 24, 99 Ayurveda 28, 39, 58, 99-101, 181-2, 221, 226 Banaras Hindu University 30, 88, 120 Basalla, George 41 BCPWL 164, 185, 188-90, 192-4, 200-1, 208-9, 216, 227-29 Bengal Presidency 66, 147 Bengal renaissance 45, 178-9, 225 Bishnupada Mukherjee 116, 121, 123 Bombay Presidency 60, 88, 109-10, 147 Botanical garden Botanical survey Brahmo Samaj 67 British concerns British Empire 44, 80, 179, 226 Butto Krishna Paul & Co. 10, 33, 35, 37, 45, 127, 158, 182-5, 188, 226, 228 Calcutta 29, 32-3, 40, 42, 46, 60-2, 64, 67, 69, 71-2, 75, 83, 87-8, 105, 107-8, 111, 114, 116-19, 121, 123-4, 145, 149, 152, 157,

159, 162, 164, 171, 179, 185, 187, 189, 194-5, 211-12, 224, 228, 233 Calcutta Fever Hospital 83 Calcutta Medical College 62 Caraka Samhita 24-5, 100, 157 Case study 182-3, 185, 210, 225 Ceramics 28 Chemical products 157, 188 Chemistry 23-4, 27-8, 31, 34, 36, 40-1, 46, 86-9, 99, 113, 131, 157, 185, 211-12, 216, 241 Chopra, Ram Nath 111, 116-17, 119, 121 City and State Level Chemists and Druggists Aassociation 114 Civilization 21-2, 40-1, 57, 98-9, 145, 180, 216, 222 College of Engineering and Technology 17 Colonial India 28, 30, 35-6, 38-44, 46, 58-9, 62, 66-70, 78-80, 84-5, 87, 102-4, 107, 112, 114, 116, 122-4, 126-7, 129, 139-40, 143-4, 146-50, 159, 161-5, 171-3, 175-80, 182, 188, 191, 208-11, 216, 223-4, 226-30, 233-4 Colonial Bengal 123-4, 126 Colonial science 38, 40, 42-4 Colonialism 37, 40-3, 46, 150, 178 Compounders’ community 11, 44, 103, 107 Cultural collision 22, 216, 218 Dangerous Drug Act 232 Deindustrialization 44, 140, 151-3

270

Index

Dhanwantari 99, 100, 102, 123 Discourse 43, 177-8, 182, 223-4, 226 Drugs Act, 1940 30, 233 Drug and Cosmetic Act, 1940 233 Drug Enquiry Committee 30, 88, 90, 108, 115, 119, 121, 129, 192, 231, 239 East India Company 29, 57-60, 62, 106, 139-40, 144, 148, 151, 155, 157, 161 East India Pharmaceutical Works Limited 35, 37, 45, 179, 194, 210-15, 226, 229 Economic and Social Impact 44, 140, 143 Economic self-sufficiency 46, 139, 162, 164, 182 Edward’s Tonic 35 Egyptian 23, 27 Entrepreneurship 38, 41, 161-4, 200, 214, 227 European science 37, 164 European troop 29, 66, 104, Female physician 67-75 Fever 81, 83, 181 First World War 31, 117, 153-5, 159, 184, 190-1, 193, 195, 228, 230 Foreign Direct Investment 239 da Gama, Vasco 57, 142 Ganguly, Kadambini 67, 69-73 Gazetteer 82, 142 General Medical Council 62-3 Geological Survey of India 153 Glass 29, 30, 62, 68-9, 82, 85-7, 104-8, 110, 112-13, 142-5, 147, 150, 164, 172, 182, 187, 211, 226-7, 230, 234 Goverment of India 30, 36, 60-6, 69-71, 76, 78, 80-4, 86-7, 90, 106, 108-9, 112-13, 115, 117, 143, 146-7, 153-4, 160,

162, 174, 176, 185, 191-2, 194-6, 204-7, 217-18, 223, 228, 230-3 Greek 21, 23, 27 Grewal, Khem Singh 89, 116, 119-21 Gupta, Hirendra Nath Dutta 211 Harappan culture 99 Hathi Committee 239 Historians 21, 37-8, 139-40, 149, 171-3, 223 Historical development 40, 42, 44, 59, 103, 179 Historiography of Science and Modernity 53 History of pharmacy 58, 98 History of science 37, 40-3, 45-7 Hospital assistant 29, 44, 67, 85-6, 102-3, 106-7, 110 Imperial power 179-80, 225 India’s economy 38, 149, 162-3 India’s independence 110, 149 Indian alchemy 23-24, 28, 102, 157 Indian and Eastern Druggist 88, 127 Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science 206 Indian Chemical Industry 34, 157-8, 191, 195, 229-30 Indian concerns 123, 127 Indian intelligentsia 162, 164 Indian Medical Service 29, 44, 59, 93, 103, 117, 240 Indian Merchandise Marks Act 1889 223 Indigenous 35-7, 40, 42-6, 66, 84, 116-19, 121, 139, 150, 160-1, 163-5, 171-2, 174-83, 185, 187-96, 198, 209-10, 214-16, 222-34 Indigenous Pharmaceuticals 35-6, 42, 45-6, 139, 164-5, 185, 209, 216, 224, 226, 228, 233-4 Indus Valley Civilization 23

Index Industrial revolution 22, 32, 34, 38, 41, 44-6, 87, 139-40, 147, 149-58, 162-4, 173, 178, 187, 194, 210, 215-16 Industrial economy 156 Industry 29, 31-5, 38, 40-1, 99, 127, 150, 152, 155, 157-8, 160-3, 191-2, 195, 210, 222, 229-30, 232-4 Interconnectivity 38, 165, 177, 224 Iron & Steel Industries 155-6 Jagannathan, Anne 75-6 Jones, William 146 Joshi, Anandibai 73 Jute factory 152, 154

271

Metals 23-8, 102, 150, 154, 156, 162, 171 Missionaries 173, 175 Modernization 149, 178, 224 Mohenjodaro 23 Mudaliar Committee 241 Mughal Empire 44, 58, 139-42, 151 National Council of Education 235 National economy 44, 139 National Pharmaceutical Policy 222 National science 45, 123 Nationalism 36, 38, 41, 46, 140, 162-3, 177, 182, 187, 216, 224, 234 Opium Act, 1878 232,

Kalba Devi 125 Kautilya’s Arthashastra 25, 27, 157 Licence in Medicine and Surgery 18, 68, 104-6 Legislative Council 77 Macaulay’s minute 145 Madras Medical College 61, 66, 76, 104, 113 Madras Presidency 65, 75, 105, 114, 126 Materia medica 29, 86, 106, 108, 113, 117, 119, 159 Medical Council 62-3 Medical education 29, 39-40, 42-5, 57-9, 61-3, 66-70, 75, 79, 163 Medical institution 45, 61-2, 64-5, 71, 105, 163 Medical services 29, 42, 44, 57-61, 64-6, 79, 84-5, 87, 103, 117, 119, 160, 175 Medico-Pharmaceutical professional 44, 103, 116, 123 Medieval India 102, 178 Meiji restoration 121, 157

Patent Act 232 Pharmaceutical 23-5, 29-37, 39-42, 44-6, 57-58, 85-90, 98-9, 102-4, 106, 110-14, 116, 118-27, 129, 139-40, 158-61, 163-5, 175, 179, 184-9, 192, 194-204, 208-16, 222, 224, 226-34 Pharmaceutical education 39, 44, 57, 85-90, 113, 120 Pharmaceutical Enquiry Committee 119, 121, 129, 192 Pharmaceutical Industry 99, 127, 140, 159, 161, 163-5, 195, 210, 222, 224, 226-7, 231-4 Pharmaceutical journal and transactions 86, 113, 125 Pharmacist 88-9, 109, 121, 132 Pharmacology 31, 89, 116-20, 122-3 Pharmacopoeia 29, 108, 112, 122, 125, 187, 189, 232 Pharmacy 28-31, 33-4, 39, 42, 44, 58, 84-90, 98-9, 103-4, 107-8, 110-16, 118, 120-5, 127-9, 222, 232-3 Pharmacy Council 34, 86, 90, 113, 120-2, 128-9

272

Index

Philosophy 21-2, 24, 99, 121, 146, 227 Poison Act, 1919 232 Portuguese 57-9, 62, 112, 142 Post-Independence 37, 45 Post-Vedic Period 24, 28 Pre-colonial Industrial Situation 150-2 Pre-Vedic Period 23 Product Protection 78, 191, 196, 229-30 Proto scientific 23 Public health 28, 41-4, 57, 60, 63-6, 78-80, 82-4, 109, 113, 175-6, 223, 230 Ray, P.C. 72, 123, 157-9, 185, 190, 201, 203-9 Research and Development 209 Rasasastra 26 Rasayana 24-6, 102 Religion 21-2, 74, 172 Ryotwari system 147 Science 21-2, 24-5, 27-8, 31, 37, 40-3, 45-6, 64, 72, 78, 98, 100, 121, 123, 152, 157, 165, 177, 179, 181, 195, 210, 212, 215-16, 224-7, 234 Science and empire 44, 57-9, 79, 140-2, 148, 151, 179, 226 Science and nationalism 38, 41 Science and society 21, 37, 165, 215, 227 Sea Custom Act, 1878 232 Second World War 34, 38, 115, 149, 154, 156, 158-60, 175, 193-4, 200, 208, 214, 229-30, Siddha 26, 28, 102, 222 Social development 58, 215 Socio-economic 35-6, 82, 139-40, 161-2, 212, 216

Socio-historical 42, 46 Socio-political 22, 36, 40, 44, 46, 59, 68, 115, 139-40, 153, 161-3, 171, 177, 195, 200, 224, 226, 228 Sulbasutras 242 Susrut Samhita 24-6 Swadeshi movement 190, 195 Tantric cult 24, 28, 157 Taoism 242 Technology 22, 37-8, 40-2, 58, 88, 162, 194, 239 Theology 21 Traditional medical system 57 Trajectory 143, 163, 177, 224, 234 Unani 28, 58, 174, 181-2, 222, 226 University 30, 36, 61, 66, 68, 71-2, 87-9, 108, 112, 117-21, 185, 211 Urban middle class 164 Vaccination 82-3 Vagabhtta 26, 101-2 Vedic 23-5, 28, 99 Western education 163 Western medicine 29, 41, 84, 115, 164, 171-2, 174-5, 177, 179-82, 184, 223, 225, 227 Women 40, 59, 66-78 World War 31, 34, 38, 115, 117, 149, 153-6, 158-60, 175, 184, 190-91, 193-5, 200, 208, 214, 228-30 WTO 242 Xnuia 23 Zamindar 147, 243