Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century: Pedagogy, Research and Community-Engagement 9819932114, 9789819932115

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Ben Kei Daniel Ronald Bisaso   Editors

Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century Pedagogy, Research and Community-Engagement

Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century

Ben Kei Daniel · Ronald Bisaso Editors

Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century Pedagogy, Research and Community-Engagement

Editors Ben Kei Daniel Higher Education Development Centre University of Otago Dunedin, New Zealand

Ronald Bisaso College of Education & External Studies Makerere University Kampala, Uganda

ISBN 978-981-99-3211-5 ISBN 978-981-99-3212-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Acknowledgements

The academic staff of the East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development (EASHESD), Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda initiated this book project; we thank all the staff. The book project could not have been successful without the collaboration of all colleagues across Africa and other parts of the world, who contributed and waited patiently as the project was significantly slowed down because of the pandemic. We thank Professor Barnabas Nawangwe, Vice Chancellor, Makerere University, Uganda and Professor Helen Nicholson, Deputy Vice Chancellor, University of Otago, New Zealand, for supporting this international collaborative project. Special thanks go to our colleagues at the Higher Education Development Centre (HEDC) at the University of Otago, New Zealand and all the anonymous book proposal and chapter reviewers. We would also like to thank those who provided other sources of support towards the completion of the project, especially colleagues from Springer editorial team, Grace Liyan Ma and Banu Dhayalan. Ben Kei Daniel, Ph.D., SMIEE Ronald Bisaso, Ph.D.

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Contents

History, Philosophy, Theory and Policy Trends and Challenges the Higher Education Sector Face in Sub-Saharan Africa: Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ben Kei Daniel and Ronald Bisaso Universities of Relevance: The Case of the African Universities . . . . . . . . Ke Yu From Disruption to Reconstruction: Cultural Parameters for Academic Development at a University in a Fragile Context . . . . . . . . Claire Urbach, Ahmed Muse Ismail, Aaron Moratz, and Mohamed Ahmed Kunle The Humanitarian Approach to Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Humanitarian Education as an Essential Part of Higher Education Sector in Sub-Saharan Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Leali Osmanˇcevi´c

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The Pursuit of Critical-Emancipatory Pedagogy in Higher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Twine Hannington Bananuka

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The Dynamics of Globalisation and Internationalisation Processes Shaping the Policies for African Higher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Emnet Tadesse Woldegiorgis

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African Identity in Graduate Research in African Universities: Experience First, Experience Throughout . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Joseph Kimoga Exploring the Context for Enhancing Leadership Capacities in Pedagogy, Research and Community Engagement in Higher Education Institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Ronald Bisaso vii

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Case Studies Constructing Identities of Females in Higher Education Leadership in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Case of Ugandan Universities . . . 141 Florence Nakamanya and Ronald Bisaso The Challenges of Implementing Effective Policies Against Sexual Harassment in East Africa: ‘The Case of Equality University’ . . . . . . . . . . 157 Euzobia M. Mugisha Baine Mapping Key Facts of Ghana’s Higher Education System . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Patrick Swanzy and Fredua Kwasi-Agyeman Quality Knowledge for a Heterogeneous Society: Experiences from Uganda’s University Changing Directions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 Joseph Kimoga Between National Identity, Research and Social Function—Academics’ Perceptions of the Ambivalent Role of the Algerian University . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221 Leonie Schoelen Trailing the Analytics and Research Methods (ARM) Programme in East Africa: Evaluation, Overall Satisfaction and Quality . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Ben Kei Daniel and Ana Stojanov Digital Learning Technologies and Practice Effects of COVID-19 on the Higher Education Online Learning in Sub-Saharan Africa: Evidence from Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 Maxwell A. Phiri and Shem Sikombe The Affordance and Challenges of Implementing a Massive Open Online Course in Kiswahili in East Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 Umayra El-Nabahany, Ben Kei Daniel, Maryam Ismail, and Idris Rai Experiences of Graduate Students’ Online Learning via Massive Open Online Courses at the University of Ghana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297 Yvette A. A. Ussher and Yaw Oheneba-Sakyi Digital Transformation of Higher Education and Twenty-First-Century Skilling in Sub-Saharan Africa: Potentials and Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 Michael Walimbwa Uncovering Epistemic and Social Knowledge Structures That Academic Developers Valorize in the Age of Technology-Mediated Curriculum Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327 Sonja Strydom

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The Value of Community Engagement in Online Doctoral Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351 Mindel van de Laar, Cristina Mancigotti, Paris Cosma, Dennis Katwal, Eyole N. Monono, and Tatenda Zinyemba Building Professional Networks Through the Use of Open-Source Software . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 373 K. Ferreira-Meyers and T. Rugube The Learning Experiences of Adult Learners in a Blended Learning Environment: Opportunities and Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389 Isaac Kofi Biney

Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Ben Kei Daniel, Ph.D., SMIEEE, is a Professor of Educational Technologies (Artificial Intelligence in Education) and Research Methodologies in Higher Education. He is the Head of the Department in the Higher Education Development Centre (HEDC) at the University of Otago, New Zealand. His research focuses on investigating Big Data and Analytics and Digital Transformation (DX) in higher education. In addition, he is researching what constitutes “best practice teaching” in research methods. Dr. Ronald Bisaso is Associate Professor and Deputy Principal of the College of Education and External Studies (CEES) at Makerere University. He teaches higher education studies focusing on leadership and management, comparative higher education and internationalization of higher education. His research interests include higher education leadership and management in sub-Saharan Africa, higher education and socio-economic development, organizational change and capacity building in higher education. He holds a Doctorate of Philosophy in Administrative Science specializing in Higher Education Management from the University of Tampere in Finland, a Master of Science in Educational and Training Systems Design from the University of Twente in The Netherlands and a Bachelor’s degree of Arts with Education from Makerere University in Uganda.

Contributors Twine Hannington Bananuka School of Distance & Lifelong Learning, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda Isaac Kofi Biney University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana

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Ronald Bisaso East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development, College of Education and External Studies, Makerere University, Makerere, Uganda Paris Cosma Maastricht University/United Nations University—Maastricht Economic and Social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology, Maastricht, The Netherlands Ben Kei Daniel Higher Education Development Centre, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand Umayra El-Nabahany The State University of Zanzibar (SUZA), Zanzibar, Tanzania K. Ferreira-Meyers Institute of Distance Education, University of Eswatini, Kwaluseni, Eswatini Maryam Ismail The State University of Zanzibar (SUZA), Zanzibar, Tanzania Ahmed Muse Ismail University of Burao, Burao, Somaliland Dennis Katwal Maastricht University/United Nations University—Maastricht Economic and Social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology, Maastricht, The Netherlands Joseph Kimoga College of Education and External Studies, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda Mohamed Ahmed Kunle University of Burao, Burao, Somaliland Fredua Kwasi-Agyeman Central University, Accra, Ghana Mindel van de Laar Maastricht University/United Nations University—Maastricht Economic and Social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology, Maastricht, The Netherlands Cristina Mancigotti Maastricht University/United Nations University—Maastricht Economic and Social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology, Maastricht, The Netherlands Eyole N. Monono University of Buea, Buea, Cameroon Aaron Moratz University of Burao, Burao, Somaliland Euzobia M. Mugisha Baine East African School for Higher Education Studies and Development, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda Florence Nakamanya East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development, College of Education and External Studies, Makerere University, Makerere, Uganda Yaw Oheneba-Sakyi Department of Adult Education and Human Resource Studies, School of Continuing and Distance Education, University of Ghana, Legon-Accra, Ghana

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Leali Osmanˇcevi´c Department of Communication Sciences, Catholic University of Croatia, Zagreb, Croatia Maxwell A. Phiri School of Management, IT and Governance, University of Kwazulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa Idris Rai The State University of Zanzibar (SUZA), Zanzibar, Tanzania T. Rugube Institute of Distance Education, University of Eswatini, Kwaluseni, Eswatini Leonie Schoelen University of Johannesburg, Cape Town, South Africa Shem Sikombe School of Business, Copperbelt University, Kitwe, Zambia Ana Stojanov Higher Education Development Centre, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand Sonja Strydom Centre for Learning Technologies and Centre for Higher and Adult Education, Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa Patrick Swanzy Department of Teacher Education, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana Claire Urbach University of Burao, Burao, Somaliland Yvette A. A. Ussher Department of Adult Education and Human Resource Studies, School of Continuing and Distance Education, University of Ghana, Legon-Accra, Ghana Michael Walimbwa Department of Foundations and Curriculum Studies, School of Education, College of Education and External Studies, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda Emnet Tadesse Woldegiorgis Ali Mazrui Centre for Higher Education Studies (AMCHES), University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa Ke Yu Department of Education Leadership and Management, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa Tatenda Zinyemba Maastricht University/United Nations University—Maastricht Economic and Social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology, Maastricht, The Netherlands

History, Philosophy, Theory and Policy

Trends and Challenges the Higher Education Sector Face in Sub-Saharan Africa: Introduction Ben Kei Daniel and Ronald Bisaso

Higher education is critical to any nation’s capacity development and economic growth. Nations globally heavily invest in the development of the sector for almost the same reasons. However, for the last two decades, higher education institutions have been operating globally in an increasingly complex and competitive environment (Bernett, 2003; Daniel, 2015). The sector has faced an intense period of significant and rapid institutional change driven by political, cultural and economic weakness in institutional policies, infrastructure deficiency (Abugre, 2018), and technological factors (Daniel & Butson, 2013). Other changes the sector faced include a global growth in demand for accessing education, privatisation of the sector, lack of fully developed culture of research productivity among academics (Puplampu et al. 2022) and the pervasive increase in the utilisation of digital learning technologies (Forest & Altbach, 2007). Furthermore, recent research highlighted challenges in equal representation of women and men in leadership of the higher education sector, manifested by the characterisation of the sector as intensely hierarchical, patriarchal, servile and interdependent institutional culture, shaping the choice of leadership styles (Akanji et al., 2019). All these changes affect every aspect of higher education provision, ranging from the broader environmental context in which they operate to the curriculum and programme structures required for the Future to how they are organisationally structured and funded. Furthermore, there is a growing regulatory demand for transparency and accountability placed upon institutions, despite declining support from government funding and declining support from business and private sectors (Hazelkorn, 2007) (Fig. 1). B. K. Daniel (B) Higher Education Development Centre, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand e-mail: [email protected] R. Bisaso College of Education and External Studies, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_1

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Fig. 1 Summary of the global challenges facing the higher education sector (Daniel, 2015, p. 2)

The main roots of the challenges of the higher education sector, particularly in the Sub-Saharan context are founded in its colonial history, legacy, philosophy and virtues. Since most of the institutions were built after independence of the countries in the region, the tension between catering for local needs, and yet maintaining global outlook continue to persist. Particular challenges can be seen in ongoing massive disruption, marked by a far-reaching drastic transformation of teaching, learning and research from its establishment in the post-colonial era to the twenty-first century. These disruptions are brought about by a widespread global demand for neoliberal educational policy reforms, particularly on the issues of global quality standards in pedagogy, research, compliance and accountability, student mobility and massification of educational offerings. Mohamedbhai (2011) noted that the rising increase in student enrolment lacks sufficient public funding, resulting in poor quality of programmes and learning experiences. Also, the sector is struggling with a wide variety of problems, including enduring colonial legacy and structural, and economic issues (Tilak, 2011). Reforms in the sector that called for nationalisation, decolonisation and indigiensousation of the higher education system have received limited attention and support from the public and the governments (Maringe & Osman, 2022). The rapid transformation and expectations put on the higher education sector by various stakeholders continued to put immense pressure on the sector, in addition to shrinking budgets lack of investment in the sector. Further, the permeation of distributed, mobile, ubiquitous and enterprise digital learning technologies into the learning and teaching spaces have challenged the sector’s traditional functions and core identity. The current book contributes to the growing importance of understanding the regional and global perspectives on the development and the challenges the higher education sector in Sub-Saharan Africa is facing in the era of globalisation, pandemic

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and digitisation. The volume focuses on the critical aspects of the higher education sector in the Global South, with emphasis on Sub-Saharan Africa. It brings together empirical, theoretical and philosophical perspectives from researchers in universities in Sub-Saharan Africa and worldwide. Also, the book highlights the sector’s historical essential stages of growth and development and the contemporary challenges it faces in aligning its goals and capacity globally, during many problems, and maintaining its role in regional and international development.

1 Book Audience This is one of the premier volumes on research themes relating to the Sub-Saharan African higher education. This book aims to set the stage for critical discussion about the current state of the art of higher education in Africa. It has brought together philosophical, theoretical, as well as empirical work underpinning the sector. The book is primarily intended for researchers in higher education, policy-makers, nongovernmental organisations, governments and postgraduate students. In addition, the various research presented in the book might be key readings for most of the higher education institutions in Africa and globally. Chapters are written by well-established and emerging researchers, across Africa, Europe and Australasia, providing balance views in presenting critical issues affecting the higher education sector in the SubSaharan Africa.

2 The Organisation of the Book The book consists of 22 chapters divided into three parts. The chapters in Part I focus on philosophy, theory and policy-related themes. Part II composes of case studies that are either university—or country-specific. Part III brings together studies focusing on various aspects of digital learning technologies ranging—from Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) to the digital transformation of Sub-Saharan Africa’s higher education sectors. Themes covered include: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

The evolution of higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa The identity of higher education in Africa Higher Education as a field of study Academic development in universities in Africa Globalisation, neoliberal policies and politics in higher education in Africa International development and aid towards the higher education sector Critical and emancipatory pedagogies Governance and leadership of higher education in Africa

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9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

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Effects and impact of COVID-19 on the higher education sector Digitisation of learning and teaching in higher education in Africa Remote, distance and blended learning modalities Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) in Africa The Future of the higher education sector in Sub-Saharan Africa

References Abugre, J. B. (2018). Institutional governance and management systems in Sub-Saharan Africa higher education: Developments and challenges in a Ghanaian Research University. Higher Education, 75(2), 323–339. Akanji, B., Mordi, C., Ituma, A., Adisa, T., & Ajonbadi, H. (2019). The Influence of organisational culture on leadership style in higher education institutions. Personnel Review, 49(3), 709–732. Barnett, R. (2003). Beyond all reason: Living with ideology in the university. SRHE and Open University Press. Daniel, B. (2015). Big Data and analytics in higher education: Opportunities and challenges. British Journal of Educational Technology, 46(5), 904–920. Daniel, B. K., & Butson, R. (2013). Technology enhanced analytics (TEA) in higher education. International Association for the Development of the Information Society. Retrieved April 22, 2022, from https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED557187 Forest, J. J. F., & Altbach, P. G. (2007). Introduction. In: J. J. F. Forest & P. G. Altbach (Eds.), International handbook of higher education. Springer international handbooks of education, vol. 18. Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-4012-2_1 Hazelkorn, E. (2007). The impact of league tables and ranking systems on higher education decision making. Higher Education Management and Policy, 19(2), 1–24. Maringe, F., & Osman, R. (2022). Decolonisation of higher education: Opportunities and challenges of reclaiming the public university in the South African context. In: M. Priyam (Ed.), Reclaiming public universities (pp. 107–124). Routledge. Mohamedbhai, G. (2011). Higher education in Africa: Facing the challenges in the 21st century. International Higher Education, (63). Puplampu, B. B., Nkomo, S., du Plessis, Y., Kabagabe, J. B., Garwe, E. C., Namada, J., & Sandada, M. (2022). The role of leaders in building research cultures in sub-Saharan African universities: A six-nation study. Africa Journal of Management, 8(2), 171–193. Tilak, J. B. (2011). Financing higher education in sub-Saharan Africa. Africanus, 41(2), 4–31.

Ben Kei Daniel is a Professor of Educational Technologies (Artificial Intelligence in Education) and Research Methodologies in Higher Education. He is the Head of the Department in the Higher Education Development Centre (HEDC) at the University of Otago, New Zealand. His research focuses on investigating Big Data and Analytics and Digital Transformation (DX) in higher education. In addition, he is researching what constitutes “best practice teaching” in research methods. Ronald Bisaso is Associate Professor and Deputy Principal of the College of Education and External Studies (CEES) at Makerere University. He teaches higher education studies focusing on leadership and management, comparative higher education and internationalization of higher education. His research interests include higher education leadership and management in subSaharan Africa, higher education and socio-economic development, organizational change and

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capacity building in higher education. He holds a Doctorate of Philosophy in Administrative Science specializing in Higher Education Management from the University of Tampere in Finland, a Master of Science in Educational and Training Systems Design from the University of Twente in the Netherlands and a Bachelor’s degree of Arts with Education from Makerere University in Uganda.

Universities of Relevance: The Case of the African Universities Ke Yu

Abstract This chapter reviews the relevant discourse among Sub-Saharan African universities, particularly the connection between the universities and society. Drawing from (Reading’s typology, 1996), this chapter proposes that African universities, similarly to their global counterparts, have entered a phase where the University of Culture and the University of Excellence are unified through the knowledge economy discourse. Manifested in a renewed interest in social relevance and responsibility, universities have entered the age of Relevance: a relevance that is broadly conceived, striding economic, social, political, environmental, and cultural concerns. This relevance discourse has also permeated all pillars of university functions—teaching, research and service—as well as management styles and ethos. This chapter proposes that this broad notion of relevance is particularly appropriate for this context, aligning with the continent’s deep roots in a collective culture.

Interest in the connection between university and society is nothing new. Through universities’ offering of advanced training, societal relevance and contribution were one of the critical objectives among the earliest European universities during medieval (Wildy et al., 2015). So were the Sub-Saharan African universities established in the early 1960s (this chapter recognises the long history and the different waves of the African universities, e.g. those from third century BC and those established by the European missionaries and colonial administrators as part of the colonial project. The focus of this chapter is the 3rd wave of the African universities that commenced in the 1960s), shortly after independence. Through teaching and training, early African universities, for example, the University of Dar-es-Salaam and Makerere, were tasked to stimulate national and regional growth and advance social changes (Coleman, 1986; Mamdani, 2016; Nyamapfene and Ndofirepi, 2017). Similar to Reading’s typology of University of Culture (1996)—universities that promote and protect the idea of national culture—these universities were positioned K. Yu (B) Department of Education Leadership and Management, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_2

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at the centre of the post-colonial nation-building projects, expected to serve as a catalyst and crucial symbol for a new national identity. Also similar to Reading’s description of the subsequent transition to the University of Excellence—where universities increasingly incorporate corporation management style and vocabularies—African universities are also not immune to the new sweeping ethos of utilitarianism and new public management, often “branding themselves through a vacuous appeal to ‘quality’ constantly monitored by a corporate administration in terms of quality control and performance management” (Weinber & Kistner, 2007, p. 2). This chapter further examines this trend. It argues that the African universities, similarly to their global counterparts, have since entered a phase where the University of Culture and the University of Excellence are unified through the knowledge economy discourse. As global competitiveness increasingly depends on knowledge and innovation (Doss et al., 2004), and knowledge and innovation are increasingly seen as commodities, these two types of universities are no longer in contradiction but have converged. This chapter also highlights an additional feature during this convergence. In addition to economic growth, competitiveness and prosperity, a renewed interest in social relevance and responsibility have also become increasingly invoked (Bhagwan, 2018). This ‘new’ social contract calls for further expansions from universities’ third stream function which often focuses heavily on workplace skills, techno-economic spillover and marketable products and services (Kraak, 2000; Subotzky, 1999). Under the notions of service university (Cummings, 1998; Tjeldvoll, 1998), ecological university (Barnet, 2011), engaged university (Benneworth, 2013) and university as anchor institution (Birch et al., 2013), this social contract highlights universities’ obligation in social accountability and responsiveness as well as their role in social transformation, contribution to social values, societal priorities and challenges. It is beyond the scope of this chapter to provide critical analysis of the similarities and differences of the universities forms these new terms suggest, but it suffices to note here that most of these terms indicate a departure from a focus of academic freedom and autonomy as the supreme academia values as well as knowledge production as the primary universities goal. Instead, they advocate a more deliberate consideration of response to industry, policy and societal needs. Universities have entered the age of Relevance: a relevance that is broadly conceived, striding economic and social concerns. This emphasis on the university’s societal relevance or social contract is not new too. Depending on the eras and contexts, relevance has embedded in the missions statements of the universities, sometimes specifically articulated, other times more subtly implied. Like Excellence, relevance also doesn’t contain innate criteria within itself. Throughout history and across spaces, the meaning of relevance, particularly to whom, has indeed witnessed significant changes. Increasingly, relevance in the contemporary era also incorporates a generic sense of necessity for greater adaptability, flexibility and responsiveness to the rapidly changing environment in and outside academia. This ‘renewed’ wave of relevance further widens its reach

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and reference: not only does it stride spheres of economic, social, political, environmental, cultural, etc., it has also permeated all pillars of university functions— teaching, research and service—as well as that of management styles and ethos (Jorge & Andrades, 2017). This chapter reviews the relevant discourse among the Sub-Saharan African universities centred upon the African universities’ raison d’etre (Derrida, 2004). As the development agenda remains high on many African countries’ agendas, this chapter argues that this broad notion of relevance is particularly appropriate for this context, especially considering the continent’s deep root in a collective culture. Instead of being swept away by either an economic concern or social responsibility (Mehta, 2011) or a debate between universities as private or public goods (Broome, 1999; Calhoun, 2006), this broad notion of relevance might also be more helpful in conceptualising African universities’ goals and functions. However, it is noteworthy to make a disclaimer here: the scope of university adopted in this chapter includes only the traditional (and dominant) university form evolved from the early European universities, even though it is only one form of higher learning (McCowan, 2019). Similarly, this chapter also doesn’t discuss other forms within the higher learning space, for example, polytechnics, universities of the technologies or specialised colleges. To illustrate this convergence of a wide range of concerns within the broad discourse on relevance, this chapter starts with a brief review of this notion throughout history, then turns the gaze back onto the African universities. After discussing the convergence across the economic and social domains, the chapter examines this relevance discourse vis-à-vis African universities’ traditional triad functions. The chapter concludes with a revisit of the notion of developmental university, which bears a remarkable resemblance to this relevance discourse. It examines why the developmental university didn’t take off and the potential of reviving it within the context of the University of Relevance.

1 University of Relevance: An Old Term with a New Reference? As mentioned earlier, relevance with regard to universities’ roles in society is nothing new. However, its substance and references regarding relevance to whom have changed significantly throughout history and across space. A review of this history provides us with a clearer understanding of the evolution of this notion and some essential and underpinning changes from both within and outside academia. The contemporary university model essentially evolves from the early European university set up as advanced training facilities for the elites. The emphasis was primarily on interpreting and elaborating—not creating—knowledge (theology). The

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establishment and recruitment of those universities signalled exclusivity and privilege (McCowan, 2019) as what church and theology symbolised at the time. The first breakaway from the church’s influence (relevance to the churches) occurred during the founding of national states and swung those early non-religious universities towards the armpit of the national states as a significant ideological apparatus. During the University of Culture era, the universities were set to reproduce the social legitimation that the nation-states endorsed and needed. Another critical task of these institutions was to cultivate and shape civic and democratic values according to the western notion of citizenship and social belonging (Subotzky, 1999). In addition, they also developed, promoted and disseminated the Western knowledge system through imperialism and colonialism. The Humboldtian model started in Germany in the nineteenth century, represented a breakaway from the state and nationalism influence. In this model, the relevance to the state was downplayed in a newly proposed hierarchy privileging knowledge production over knowledge transmission and self-determination and autonomy over state influence. Similar to Newman’s (1852) idea calling for a liberal education unsullied by the practical concerns of the world—although Newman’s interest was primarily in teaching, not research—this new relevance discourse shifted extrinsic and instrumental attention to intrinsic self-governing. Possibly due to the discovery of new knowledge and a new understanding of the limitation of the traditional knowledge cannon, the universities under this model were tasked to champion new knowledge production, guided by its interest and curiosity. Academic freedom and emphasis on research, particularly blue-sky research, were highlighted (Dillemans, 1996). The University of Excellence rode on a subsequent shift away from an automatic trust for the intrinsic value of research and universities since the 1970s. With a rise of an accountability discourse propelled by increasing accepted supremacy of economic, capitalistic and marketisation ideology, the value of science, research and universities are now expected to be demonstrated rather than assumed (Martin, 2011). Direct state funding shrunk under neoliberalism that advocated for a minimum state. The aloofness of the universities and their self-determined agenda were criticised and rejected. Accompanied by a dramatic massification in the sector, both in terms of training and teaching demand and research capacity, universities are urged to awake from “its myopic absorption with the detached concerns of the ivory tower” (Subotzky, 1999, p. 402) to embrace consumerism, marketisation, efficiency and corporate managerialism. Growth poles theory (Waugh, 2005) also highlights universities’ potential as regional development poles and engines as industries and firms. Although managerialism as the new management ethos, usage of economic vocabulary and performance evaluation in academia, are widely criticised, particularly from within the academia (Readings, 1996; Slaugher & Leslie, 1997), instrumentaloriented discourse on research utilisation, knowledge utilisation, evidence-based/ informed practice, evidence-based/informed policy-making and what works has reemerged (Backer, 1991; Caplan, 1975; Davies et al., 2000; Fullan & Miles, 1992; Larsen, 1980; Oh, 1997; Pawson & Tilley, 1994; Rich, 1997; Weiss, 1980; Yin &

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Gwaltney, 1981). Using one of the most widely adopted research impact methodology—the multidimensional payback model (Donovan & Hanney, 2011)—as an example, the impact dimensions the model recognises expand from traditional academic impact (publication, capacity building) and include that for policy, sector (health) and economic. More recently, the knowledge economy discourse and the human capital theory bring significant changes to universities’ roles. UNESCO makes its declaration in terms of “relevance in (or responsiveness of) higher education (1998). UN’s task force similarly declares the key role the universities should play in national and global development (UN Millennium project, 2005). Since its launch in 2013, the Association of Commonwealth Universities explores this development agenda in its “the world beyond 2015: Is higher education ready” campaign. In 2016, Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) replaced Millennium Development Goals (MDGs, where higher education was absent) and explicitly mentions the role of the universities.

2 Societal Relevance and Contribution: The Case of the African Universities The history mentioned above is primarily replicated among African universities. During the early struggles post-independence, African universities’ agenda mainly targeted developing skilled and productive professionals for nation-building. In addition, a decolomisation mission (Mamdani, 2016, p. 71) aiming for an African Renaissance (Dubow, 2006; Van Wyk & Higgs, 2007) that promotes African value, identity and culture, was also often called for. “Indeed, this was the only kind of institution that could be justified given the scarce state resources and significant competing demands” (McCowan, 2019, p. 92). Thus, African universities’ awareness of societal responsiveness and relevance has occurred much earlier than their Western counterparts and incorporated both economic and social considerations from the start (Lebeau, 2008). The unfortunate turn of the event, however, is when universities’ elite nature (Ashby, 1964) inbuilt into their establishment as colonial projects, exacerbated by their early links to the universities in former colonies as well as the prevailing Humboldtian conceptualisation (Assié-Lumumba, 2006), soon led to the disconnect of the African universities from their immediate environments (Fongwa & Wangenge-Ouma, 2015). Yesufu (1973) highlights explicitly the tension between the political leaders who seek to steer the universities towards a social relevance agenda and the universities themselves who soon become preoccupied with knowledge production and academic autonomy. The implementation of structural adjustment programmes (SAPS) from the 1980s and the imposition of the knowledge economies model from the 2000 in the context of globalisation-led internationalisation further uproot the Africa universities from their local contexts. Since then, a

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constant struggle has emerged between the university on the one hand and the society, community and polities on the other (Albertyn & Daniels, 2009). In some regimes, an additional conflict between the universities that champion civic and social transformation values and the state who fear that civically minded people might become hotbeds of dissent and opposition to regimes intensifies (Nyamapfene & Ndofirepi, 2017; Thomson et al., 2011). With “few exceptions, most universities [in Africa] have essentially been ivory towers” (Lulat, 2003, p. 28). Using universities for the government ideological agendas, e.g. to perpetuate propaganda, is not limited during the era of University of Culture or unique to Africa or China (Brady, 2009); therefore universities’ pursuit of autonomy is not illegitimate. However, societal or political demand has never been completely removed from the expectations placed upon the universities. Indeed, both mass production and the knowledge economy call for the supply of skilled labour. This function is typically served by the universities. A preoccupation with knowledge production can skew universities’ attention at the expense of these demands or expectations. Although the Lagos plan (OAU, 1980) set out African governments’ plan to use science and technology for the continent’s economic development and nationbuilding, the same period also coincides with a “sharp decline in the emphasis on and the level of connecting HEIs [higher education institutions] with external communities…due to the shift from the socialist ideology to a more neo-liberal system coupled with deteriorated support for HE” (Mtawa et al., 2016, p. 129). African universities are affected greater and more negatively by neoliberalism; in the 1970s, when research findings emerged that higher education yields lower returns than primary and secondary education (Fongwa & Wangenge-Ouma, 2015), external funding to the sector withdrew drastically together with other structural adjustments. As many African universities depend heavily on external funding from Western agencies, this withdrawal had a devastating effect on the sector. For example, at the University of Science and Technology in Ghana, no equipment for the electrical engineering departments was purchased from the 1960s to the 1980s with many equipment dated in the 1950s. In Nigeria, a World Bank report in 1988 recorded that everything in the University [of Ibadan] today points to an agonizing decline. Students swarm from their hostels where there are six in a room designed for two, into a dingy lecture room where a teacher shouts his notes across a hall of five hundred listeners...there are generally no course seminars or tutorials...Without doubt the most affected of all the faculties is the Faculty of Science. For several months now we have been expected to run a physics laboratory without electricity, perform biology and zoology experiments without water and get accurate readings from microscopes blinded by use and age…a chemistry laboratory that cannot produce distilled water and hundreds of ‘science graduates’ lacking the benefits of practical demonstrations. (1988, p. 74)

Pressing needs and competition for public expenditure remain high on the continent, while economic growth rate and per capita income remain low. Cost of higher education and number of youngsters, therefore potential enrolment, rapidly increases, resulting in “enrollment in higher education [in African] has grown faster than financing capabilities” (World Bank, 2010, p. xiv). This pressure to increase access

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with reduced funding leads to more significant threats to the sustainability of the African universities (Johnstone & Teferra, 2004). Fortunately, the arrival of the knowledge economy discourse and rekindling of the interest in the sector present another potential window to revisit African universities’ role and functions in societies. Reports such as Higher Education in Developing Countries: Peril and Promise (Taskforce on Higher Education and Society, 2000) and that from Bloom et al. (2006) provide an argument for greater return1 and therefore support, for the African universities. The relevance discourse, particularly regarding economy through curriculum relevance, employment readiness and contribution to national innovation and competitiveness, revives. Expansion of the sector once again becomes a sine qua non for Africa’s development (Makri, 2014). Creating “an African knowledge society through transformation and investments in universities” is recognised as one key goal in the African Union’s Agenda 2063 (African Union Commission, 2015, p. 9). External funding, investment and partnership from significant development agencies, including DFID, USAID, World Bank, UNESCO and OECD (McCowan, 2019), rebound again. However, as Mbah continues to observe: “studies of universities’ contributions to local development are scarce, and the issue of community involvement is even less investigated” (2019, p. 11).

3 Economy and Social Relevance: in Competition or in Conjunction? The revival mentioned above of the African universities’ expected role in the knowledge economy shows a clear and skewed bias towards economic development, as the rhetoric under the University of Excellence. Although initially conceived as an extension to teaching and research, the third mission in theory is broad and encompassing, typically emphasises commercial opportunities and income generation. Similarly, the triple-helix among university, government and industry tends to be primarily orientated towards economics with societal goods often conceived as by-products or afterthoughts. Through patent, technology dissemination and transmission, spinoff companies as well as consultancy services (Etzkowitz & Leydesdorff, 1998), entrepreneurial university (Clark, 1998) and utilitarian university (Cowen, 1971; Lauglo, 1982) flourish under academic capitalism (Slaugher & Leslie, 1997). Explicit concern over a university’s social relevance re-emerged when universities’ service mission solidified as one essential part of universities’ remit in the 1980s (Cooper, 2009; McCowan, 2019). Since the early 1990s, many high-profiled and impact publications (Boyer, 1990, 1996; Gibbons et al., 1994; Lubchenco, 1998; Reading, 1996; Sarewitz, 1996) push this discussion further, calling for a need to

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Due to saturation of lower-level graduates and also the necessity for frontline professionals in economic activities (McCowan, 2019).

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understand relevance through the social lens. They build on earlier articulations such as: • Flexner (1930) who claims that a university is always inside the general social fabric of society; • Bernal (1939) who examines the social responsiveness of science; • Polanyi (1967), who debates on Republic of Science and Open Society; and • Singer et al. (1970), whose input to UNESCO policy for science and development gives rise to Sussex Manifesto. Since the beginning of the new millennium, this societal relevance and impact discourse has gained greater interest and momentum from governments, funding bodies and civil organisations (ODI, 2005). Many national research assessment frameworks start to incorporate societal impact in their research evaluations2 with a broader conceptualisation for societal impact, often including “societal products (outputs), societal use (societal references), and societal benefits (changes in society)” (Bornmann, 2013, p. 217). Revisiting the failure of the SAPs, the 4IR Commission in South Africa claims that it is clear “that economics alone cannot be trusted to solve development problems. It also suggests that development cannot be articulated and addressed through the lens of any discipline that offers a cure-all” (2020, p. 19). Although similar national research assessment frameworks are yet to be implemented among the African countries, indigenous knowledge as a research topic and participatory as a research methodology have been popular in Africa since the early 1990s (Chambers, 1997; Cornwall & Jewkes, 1995; Donnell-Roark, 1998; Ebersohn et al., 2015; Lalonde, 1991; Mulenga, 1999; Slamat, 2010; Wood & Zuber-Skerritt, 2013; Zuber-Skerrit, 2012). An interest in indigenous knowledge production diversity directly challenges a perceived privilege of knowledge universality over local relevance and applicability (Nyamapfene & Ndofirepi, 2017). Knowledge and power, particularly what is perceived as important in research, are also one main concern in participatory research (Gaventa & Cornwall, 2006). Within the broad umbrella of participatory research, action research, participatory action research (PAR), participatory action learning and action research (PALAR), all stress the importance of the researchers and the communities both involved in co-designing research question(s)—often tackling community challenges, knowledge sharing and production through a two-way collaborative process (Nhamo, 2012). These are also united under the call for Mode 2 knowledge production (Gibbons et al., 1994), emphasising user value and application. Although Mode 2 doesn’t specify an interest towards economic or social, knowledge generated through Mode 2 is expected to be more socially robust and appropriate for the complex context than those generated from Mode 1 under specific lab conditions (Gibbons, 2006). With 2

For example, UK’s Research Excellence Framework (REF) has included an impact component since 2014; the Netherland’s Standard Evaluation Protocols (SEP), Australia’s Excellence in Research for Australia (ERA), USA’s STAR Metrics and European Research Council’s grant evaluation and extra funding stream for ‘non-academic impacts’. For a more detailed examination of research impact frameworks, see Reed et al. (2021).

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Mode 2, economic, social, political, cultural, environmental concerns and orientations further converge as knowledge production becomes more problem-based and multidisciplinary. It is further noteworthy that the economic and social dimensions are not always in competition but in some incidences overlap. For example, many challenges, e.g. poverty and inequality, are by nature both economic and social. Many social ills and challenges, e.g. social unrest, are directly caused and can be alleviated by economic development. Similarly, many research producing economic value such as patent and technological capacity upgrading also directly embrace social and transformative agendas (Kruss, 2012). Intellectual property appears to be primarily an economic concern but is also deeply a rights issue. In the same vein, many twenty-first-century skills, e.g. critical thinking and collaboration, have an economic outlook and significant social implications. In the same vein, ideal university graduates should have industries or professional knowledge and skills and civic values as responsive and responsible citizens (McAteer & Wood, 2018).

4 Relevance Embedded in Universities’ Core Functions Universities’ core functions have been defined and categorised by various scholars with noticeable overlaps and slight differences (Castells, 1991; Habermas, 1971). This chapter adopts the most widely accepted three pillars of universities’ core functions (Boyer, 1990): teaching, research and service, when discussing how relevance has permeated all three functions. Various scholars in different times also emphasised different aspects. The earliest history and scholars such as Newman (1852) emphasise teaching and oppose research and service. The Humboldt model privileges research. More recently (compared to the other two), Kerr (1963) prioritises service in his proposal for a multiversity. Due to the historical trajectory and inertia, the Humboldt model dominates the contemporary conception of a university. Accompanying this is a perceived prestige of research over the other two functions, exacerbated by a common academic incentive system where academic and research output is routinely more highly prized and included as critical criteria for tenure or promotion. Noteworthy, however, that while historically, universities tend to focus more on one function, the contemporary world has broadly accepted that these aspects are “not sharply separated” (Arocena et al., 2015, p. 11). Although their relationships remain indirect, their overlap is increasingly discernable. For example, researching teaching (Scholarship of teaching and learning, SoTL) has been an established research area since the 1990s (Boyer, 1990; Glassick et al., 1997). Research-based learning is common at postgraduate levels and increasingly at the undergraduate level, too (Subotzky, 1999). Similarly, ambitious graduates tend to pursue further qualifications in research before proceeding to work in academia or industry for research-related jobs. Knowledge generated from research projects sometimes forms the basis for

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course content (e.g. Favish & McMillan, 2009). Co-operative education (Cook, 2013) and service-learning (Thomson et al., 2011) are examples of the direct incorporation of the service dimension into teaching and curriculum. Community development research (Mtawa et al., 2016), social innovation projects, research for development projects, asset-based community development projects (ABCD), community-based research (CBR), e.g. those in agriculture, infrastructure, water, health, education, etc., are common among community outreach or service projects and vice versa. Lastly but not least importantly, many academics also incorporate research elements and publish on their community outreach or service projects (e.g. McAteer & Wood, 2018). In Africa, Nyamapfene and Ndofirepi (2017, p. 85) broadly observe that “the teaching pillar takes on a considerable stature, with research in close second place. The service element generally tends to be poorly defined and often enjoys only lip service”. The dominance of the teaching pillar in Africa is probably both a result of this function’s longest history (compared to the other functions) and a greater need and demand for skills and trained professionals in the continent. Teaching for a skilled workforce remains one of the oldest university functions and an important focal area for most African universities since their establishment (Fongwa & Wangenge-Ouma, 2015; Thomson et al., 2011). This strong teaching focus, often accompanied by a relatively low level of research activities, is particularly notable with younger universities (Kruss, 2012) and accounts for most of Africa’s higher education expansion (Altbach et al., 2009). Although research tends to occupy a subordinate role among African universities (Sutherland & Wolhuter, 2002), African academics are not immune to the influence of its perceived prestige. Research is directly associated with knowledge production, which has enjoyed esteem since the Humboldt time. In addition, research output and the university ranking, both based primarily on research outputs, also enjoy other advantages such as simple calculation and great potential for benchmarking. As a result, research, particularly those published in high-impact journals, has become one critical criterion universities and individuals compete on (Volkwein, 2010). Other research and funding changes, for example linking government grants to research output, have also changed the research output landscape dramatically: “compared to other regions, Africa has by far the strongest growing scientific production: 38.6 per cent over five years from the start of 2012 to the end of 2016”.3 Increasing research output and visibility from the continent, however, remains constrained by research capacity at personal, institutional and policy levels (Ahmed & Shifraw, 2019; Sawyerr, 2004). Community engagement is usually used in Africa when service is referred to because service often invokes a memory of a mater-servant relationship during colonisation (Thomson et al., 2011). In some countries or languages, e.g. DRC, there is also no direct translation “for the term ‘community service’, ‘community engagement’ or ‘civic engagement’ in the context of university-society relations… [common 3

https://www.elsevier.com/connect/africa-generates-less-than-1-of-the-worlds-research-data-ana lytics-can-change-that.

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terms used] imply a narrow conceptualisation of community involvement as a preprofessional educational activity” (Thomson et al., 2011). Generally, community engagement tends to be most ill-defined function, unevenly executed (McCowan, 2019). There is a common “perception that community engagement and service are merely an add-on, nice-to-have, philanthropic activities” (Bender, 2008, p. 83). “Deep engagement is rare—there is more smoke than fire, more rhetoric than reality…piecemeal, not systematic and reflects individual interest rather than institutional commitment” (Hartley et al., 2010, p. 392). This function’s shortest history compared to the other two functions possibly exacerbates this too. The following section examines how the relevance discourse permeates into each of these functions.

5 Relevance in Teaching Relevance in teaching is manifested in accessibility and inclusivity of students and staff members (Coetzee & Nell, 2018), the focal topic of the curriculum (e.g. on adult education, rural education, agriculture, health, arts, architecture and building science, sports, etc.), the content of the curriculum (e.g. relevant local content and material, use of African language in teaching and learning, etc.), as well as a teaching method (e.g. service-learning). Accessibility and inclusivity are at the heart of the higher education costs and student fee discussions in Africa (Johnstone, 2003) and South Africa’s #feesmustfall movement in 2015 (Swartz et al., 2019). In addition to the concern over physical accessibility, e.g. for a student with a disability (Chiwandire & Vincent, 2019), more recently, digital access over online and remote learning has also been highlighted (Rambe & Moeti, 2016). Curriculum coverage and relevance have been discussed extensively since the establishment of the African universities and feature prominently in Africa’s decolonisation discourse (Fomunyam & Teferra, 2017; Gumbo, 2016; Le Grange, 2016; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2017; Nyamnjoh, 2004). The lack of African language in teaching and learning has been criticised far and wide (Alexander, 2003, 2008; Mazrui, 1997, 2002). Occasionally, scholarly debates also delve into the extent of incorporating African indigenous knowledge systems into the curriculum (Kaya & Seleti, 2013). Increasingly, a problem-orientated curriculum, instead of one based on a disciplinary divide, has been experimented and proposed too (Des Marchais et al., 1992; Ross, 1991). Service-learning, through problem-based learning, experiential learning (Kolb, 1984), compulsory community service, is practised quite commonly among African universities. Although like its counterparts during its early days in the U.S., this practice initially tends to focus on community outreach projects and is more observable in more applied, professional or vocational fields with more intrinsic service and practicum components, it has slowly been incorporated into the mainstream teaching method, even though it often remains not directly funded (Thomson et al., 2011).

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6 Relevance in Research The call for Mode 2 knowledge production and knowledge with greater social relevance and usefulness has gained momentum in Africa (Kraak, 2000; Winberg, 2006). Empirical studies, e.g. that of Wolhuter et al. (2009, p. 279), however, find that many academics have made the mind-shift from the traditional idea of the university as an ‘ivory tower’ institution…to the university finding its raison d’etre in its use for society…however, few academics could thus far progress to the point where they could procure substantial research funding from industry, produce research findings bought by industry or spend much time putting their expertise into service for society.

Mohamedbhai (2011, p. 21) similarly observes: The relevance of the research carried out is…questionable. Most faculty undertake research for personal gain, with the aim of publishing in internationally referred journals for promotion purposes. The chosen topic is often not appropriate to national development.

Although indigenous knowledge as a research topic has continued for a considerable time, funder interest and state-directed imperatives, e.g. through strategic funding schemes, remain a significant influence on the choice of research topic in Africa (Kahn, 2019; Mohamedbhai, 2011), rather than community concerns or needs. Wider audiences and accessibility of research output have been experimented too, although skewed incentive structures still constrain wider dissemination and engagement in the academia (Campbell et al., 2012; Fussy, 2018). Besides relevance in terms of research topic selection and dissemination outlays, research implementation (methodology) itself also reflects relevance, e.g. through the vast interest and practice of participatory research. Khupe and Keane (2017) also stress the importance in terms of participant’s engagement prior, during and post research.

7 Relevance in Community Engagement Relevance is directly implied in community engagement (CE). Since the 1980s, community engagement has often been assigned a central position among all university functions (Mtawa et al., 2016; Smith-Tolken & Bitzer, 2017). Its integration within teaching and research is said to bear the potential to enrich teaching and research and “ensure the relevance, stature and sustainability” (Albertyn & Daniels, 2009, p. 411). It is mentioned in national policies and institutional strategic plans, included as criteria for accreditation, institutional audits or quality assurance, academic performance indicators and funding schemes in some countries (e.g. South Africa and Tanzania, Hall, 2010; Mtawa et al., 2016; Shawa, 2020). In practice, however, it often remains peripheral compared to the other two pillars. “Most induction programs tend to prioritise the teaching and researching the role of

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faculty members” (Shawa, 2020, p. 111). Few institutions conduct internal audits or compile inventories of ongoing CE activities, and only a small number tried to develop CE politics or criteria (CHE, 2008). “Engagement with external stakeholders that does not relate directly or indirectly to teaching or research publication is perceived as detrimental to the academe” (Fongwa & Marais, 2016, p. 202). Many challenges have been identified in examining the effectiveness and efficacy of CE activities (Brown-Luthango, 2013; Hall, 2010; Johnson, 2020; Kruss, 2012; Mtawa et al., 2016; Olowu, 2012; Pienaar, 2012; Smith-Tolken & Bitzer, 2017). They include: (a) A lack of conceptual clarity about what counts as community and community engagement (CE); (b) A lack of an overarching theoretical framework; (c) Epistemological barriers to positioning CE as a scholarship; (d) A perceived different culture, epistemological disjuncture and psychological distance between communities, practice (and practitioners) on one hand and university, research (and researchers) on the other; (e) Inadequate conducive institutional environment, including funding incentives, clear measurement and benchmarking from the universities; and (f) Power differentiation and the tendency of research-led practice resulted in discomfort and resistance from the communities. “This diversity poses significant challenges for creating university-community partnerships” (Thomson et al., 2011, p. 228). Elaborating on these challenges, Chatterjee (1993) explains that community is sometimes referred to an actual group, other time imagined or invoked, sometimes it means societal groups or those specifically located close to the universities, other times broader social context involving all sectors of society, anything outside the universities. Similarly, CE commonly refers to a wide range of activities, including professional services that universities provide to their surrounding communities, including establishing health, legal assistant, library facilities, science shop and consulting services, projects or public lectures. Many scholars have highlighted the importance of establishing a sustained partnership with the community through reciprocity, recognition of power and value of community knowledge (Smith-Tolken & Bitzer, 2017; Weerts & Sandmann, 2008). In this sense, two-way knowledge exchange and more equal relationship with the community are suggested to be essential to move CE beyond a charity mode (Peterson et al., 2008) and community merely as “pockets of needs, laboratories for experimentation, or passive recipients of expertise” (Bringle et al., 1999, p. 9). It is also noteworthy that although more directly relevant to teaching, servicelearning is one primary conceptualisation of CE (Lazarus et al., 2008), with some universities even “mention CE and service-learning in the same breath” (Bender, 2008, p. 83). This conflated understanding is misleading but is an improvement from earlier individual-level volunteerism, which tends to occur even at the periphery of university functions and activities.

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8 Revival of Developmental University? The relevance discussed above bears a remarkable resemblance to those often pointed out in the discussion of the developmental university. The value of pursuing developmental universities in Africa has been underscored by many scholars in historical and contemporary times (Coleman, 1986; McCowan, 2019). By definition, developmental universities are “more relevant to indigenous culture, and the practical problems of development” (Coleman, 1986, p. 484) and is “more closely associated with community service and less tied to the discipline boundaries of traditional academic programs” (Doss et al., 2004, p. 4). It contains the main feature of curriculum and research relevance; it also gives CE greater prominence. This section examines why this model didn’t take off and the potential of reviving this notion in the context of the University of Relevance. The forerunner of the developmental universities is commonly traced back to the land-grant universities in the mid-1860s in the U.S., which aimed to expand access to new population and form a new orientation towards “persistent and significant problems of society” (Ashby, 1966, p. 279). Coleman (1986), in his seminal work on the potential of the developmental university, further points to other forerunners, including the first national university in Japan (the 1880s), which subscribed to the national priority of development, civilisation and enlightenment; and the Soviet Union which used the universities “as an instrument both to right inequalities in society and to socialise students into the ideology of the regime” (p. 477). In Africa, the Association of African Universities (AAU) piloted and endorsed the model and prevailed post-independence (McCowan, 2019). As Fongwa and Wangenge-Ouma (2015) explain, early African universities were “established as developmental institutions—their primary mandate being to assist the new postcolonial polities to modernise and expedite person power formation, and also address basic existential challenges faced by the populations” (p. 534). However, “few institutions in this model were created, and in the context of dwindling state funds and political instability in succeeding decades, the idea fell by the wayside… [some universities] were intended to be developmental, soon reverted to being traditional flagship institutions catering to the elites and with uncertain connections to the wellbeing of society more broadly” (McCowan, 2019, pp. 92, 97). Other reasons for the failure of this model include inadequate donor support, the model’s potential design flaw (e.g. coherence and privilege of shorter-term objective through market approach over longer-term public ones), as well as inadequate readiness for the academics and funders to embrace problem-oriented methods across disciplinary boundaries (Arocena et al., 2015; Subotzky, 1999). Reflecting on barriers to implementing developmental universities in the contemporary age, McCowan (2019) further points out the encroaching pressures and institutional norms from the conventional universities in terms of “regulatory logic” (p. 109), funding and resources (sustainability), working conditions and therefore greater attractiveness. Despite the close resemblance to the University of Relevance, reviving this notion might encounter the baggage development that has developed over the years. One

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such baggage is a close association between developmentalism with the developing world. The early uses of development had been “vague and unreflective” and later easily invoke the paradox between development as a highly aspirational concept— “an enduring faith in the idea of progress”—and the overall low development rate which induces pessimism, “growing disbelief in progress” (Coleman, 1986, p. 482). Similarly, the interest and debate on the developmental state have been waxing and waning (Fine, 1999; Woo-Cumings, 1999). Reviving this notion also does not address the fundamental obstacles in promoting either concept: the enduring separation and prestige of knowledge production over knowledge dissemination and disciplinary divide in much of the setup among contemporary universities. As societies are undergoing fundamental changes, e.g. with the rapid rise of technology and 4IR, the development’s stronger association with economic consideration, the University of Relevance is likely to bear a much better potential to reflect the all-encompassing convergences identified in this chapter and remains relevant into the future.

9 Knowledge Democratisation with University of Relevance A commitment to societal inclusiveness and responsiveness is ultimately about the democratisation of knowledge. By greater diversity and diversification of curricula, a co-production mentality of research agenda, opening up universities to a multiplicity of roles concerning society (e.g. in Kerr’s multiversity), societal value and needs stand a greater chance to be integrated into the increasingly converging functions and purposes of the universities and science. In the learning economies, “knowledge is the crucial resource, and learning is the most important process” (Lundvall & Johnson, 1994, p. 32). University of relevance units this outcome and process as well as the various convergences discussed in this chapter. To fulfill universities’ relevance agenda, African universities should emphasise both the engagement process and outcome (McCowan, 2019), with a willingness to share, offer and receive. What this historical analysis of the evolution of the University in Sub-Saharan Africa demonstrates is a similar shift from University of Culture to University of Excellence (Reading, 1996) among the African universities. We also see that African universities have since entered a phase where these two concepts converge: University of Relevance. University of Relevance unifies the emphasis on promoting national culture, strength and pride from University of Culture and new public management ethos from University of Excellence. In addition, University of Excellence also unifies an expectation of universities’ contribution towards nations’ economic growth and social development. Although an interest, as well as an expectation of such social contract between the universities and the society, is not new, the contemporary era has seen a wider expectation of this social contract permeating all university’s triad functions—teaching, research and service. This chapter proposes that this term—University of Relevance—best captures universities’ contemporary role in society. Instead of being swept away by either an economic concern or social responsibility or a debate between universities as private

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or public goods, this concept is broad enough to embrace all aspects of contemporary universities’ role but also invites considerations on the meaning of relevance, which is helpful to stimulate further debates on this topic. As the development agenda remains high on many African countries’ agendas, this chapter argues that this notion is particularly appropriate for this context, especially considering the continent’s deep roots in a collective culture and social obligations. The expectation that universities should be (more) relevant both in wider societal spheres would naturally lead to a closer relationship between the university, government and society. Ideally, such a relationship should start and involve more dialogues on needs, (co) contribution, limits and boundaries from all sides. Such dialogues, ideally two-way and constructive, can be initiated from any side. Policies can also further provide space and encouragement for such engagements. For researchers, besides participating in such dialogues, it would also be useful to empirically examine and test the applicability and usefulness of this proposed concept in re-imaging the future of the universities.

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Ke Yu is an Associate Professor at the Education Faculty at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. She holds Ph.D. from Educational Management and Policy Studies department at the University of Pretoria, Master in International Business from the Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration, and Bachelor of Economics degree from the University of Shanghai for Science and Technology in China. She is an avid reader and critical thinker. She has published widely in a number of interdisciplinary fields. Her primary research interest includes knowledge production, language and identity, counter narrative and comparative studies.

From Disruption to Reconstruction: Cultural Parameters for Academic Development at a University in a Fragile Context Claire Urbach , Ahmed Muse Ismail, Aaron Moratz, and Mohamed Ahmed Kunle

Abstract In higher education, learning and teaching are often influenced by multiple learning traditions, and universities can benefit from seeking out the best approaches to learning and teaching from their own and other cultural traditions. But when there are major disruptions to educational practice in a culture, the gaps left in development of learning and teaching can take decades to overcome and it can be tempting to import practices wholesale from abroad. This chapter examines the ongoing process of academic development at a young university in a context that has experienced major disruptions to education over successive decades: the University of Burao in the Republic of Somaliland (an autonomous region of Somalia). As part of a Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SoTL) approach to academic development, we analyse the context of teaching and learning at the University of Burao (established 2004), both historically, in light of disruptions to education in Somaliland, and currently. Critical moments of disruption include religious influence, colonisation, independence and regime change, civil war, and reconstruction. Using data from focus group discussions with university staff, we explore ways forward in the development of a culturally authentic tertiary education that will foster both individual development and nation-building. Findings include the need to address a disconnect between cultural values and formal teaching and learning methods; parameters to consider when recontextualising contemporary Western educational practices for the Somaliland context, such as gender roles, religious beliefs, and funding; and opportunities to enhance academic staff development at UoB through reflection on teaching and learning in their local context. The research contributes to knowledge about the needs and experiences of developing universities in developing countries and has

C. Urbach (B) · A. M. Ismail · A. Moratz · M. A. Kunle University of Burao, Burao, Somaliland e-mail: [email protected] A. M. Ismail e-mail: [email protected] M. A. Kunle e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_3

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potential practical and policy implications both for other universities throughout the Somali region and for universities in Sub-Saharan Africa more broadly.

1 Introduction In every culture, learning and teaching have a very long history. One might argue that learning and teaching are part of culture, and vice versa. Who could say which came first? As Stigler and Hiebert (1998) argued, learning and teaching are cultural in nature, because they employ particular cultural scripts. Learning and teaching practices are also instrumental in passing on culture, whether implicitly or explicitly (Thomas, 2016). In higher education, learning and teaching are often influenced by multiple learning traditions, and universities can benefit from seeking out the best approaches to learning and teaching from their own and other cultural traditions. But what happens when there are major disruptions to educational practice in a culture, leaving deep voids in cultural manifestations of learning and teaching that can take decades to overcome? It may be tempting in such cases to import educational content, practice, and even personnel from elsewhere (e.g., Murphy & Mengistu, 2020). However, attempts to implement educational ‘best practice’ from other countries or education systems as part of academic development requires careful contextualisation (or recontextualisation) through a thorough understanding of the local context (Blair, 2014; Blanco Ramírez, 2015; Carjuzaa & Ruff, 2010; Kennedy et al., 2019). This chapter describes and analyses the ongoing process of academic development at a young university in a context that has experienced major disruptions to education over successive decades. By learning from the experiences and knowledge of staff at the University of Burao in Somaliland, we seek to explore ways forward in the development of a culturally authentic tertiary education that will foster both individual development and nation-building. In doing so, we aim to contribute to knowledge about the needs and experiences of developing universities in developing countries.

1.1 The University of Burao The University of Burao (UoB) was established in 2004 in the Republic of Somaliland (an autonomous region of Somalia), as part of reconstruction efforts after a devastating civil war (University of Burao, 2020). UoB was established after the war by the leaders of the two main local clans, who recognised the need to train and equip the next generation of leaders to rebuild the country after a generation of devastating war (University of Burao, 2020). Although it was established in the post-colonial period, like many other universities in Africa during recent decades, it nevertheless borrows features of traditional European universities. For example, UoB adopts role designations such as Chancellor, Vice Chancellor, and Deputy Vice

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Chancellor. However, as a public university, it follows the Somali cultural convention (also evident in the appointment of Somaliland government officials) of ensuring the main clans are evenly represented across the leading roles. If the Vice Chancellor is from one clan, the Deputy Vice Chancellor will be from the other clan, and vice versa for the following term of office. Despite being a public institution, the University exists as part of a largely unregulated HE system in Somaliland, apart from ‘Minimum Standards’ developed by the National Commission for Higher Education in 2014. Pherali and Lewis (2019) argued that this lack of regulation has slowed down academic development. Without effective centralised regulation, benchmarking, or quality control, motivation and resources to invest in research, continuing professional development, or curriculum innovation are lacking. While most of the longer-standing academics at the University were educated in Mogadishu (Somalia’s capital city) in the 70–80s, there are also diaspora returnees who were educated abroad after they fled the civil war, so their education was heavily influenced by Western educational traditions. Now these foreign-trained staff have returned to contribute to their country’s redevelopment. In the last 5–10 years more locally trained academics have started to fill teaching and leadership positions in Somaliland universities, and some of the newest recruits to UoB are recent graduates of the university. Over this same period, a small but growing number of foreign lecturers have been given opportunities to contribute to academic development at UoB. Thus, this moment in history represents an important opportunity for UoB staff to engage in SoTL to develop effective local educational practices through scholarly reflection and contextualisation. The chapter first reviews relevant literature before describing the main historical disruptions to education in Somaliland and their effects on current practices and standards of higher education. The discussion then explores teaching and learning practices and attitudes of staff at UoB through analysis of data collected during a series of focus groups. Insights from staff highlight key contextual factors that influence the evaluation, adaptation, and implementation of educational practices, including the traditional cultural value of egalitarian interaction, and the current reliance on external, primarily Western, benchmarks of education.

1.2 Academic Development Through Scholarship of Teaching and Learning One effective way of ensuring careful contextualisation is through a Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SoTL) approach. In SoTL, practitioners critically reflect on and analyse their own context and the contexts in which other practices are successfully adopted in order to understand the parameters governing effective practice in their own context. SoTL necessarily includes critical reflection on: how students learn, develop, and make meaning; classroom practices; educational ideals; the social

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purposes of higher education (HE); and policy contexts (Kreber, 2013; see also Kalantzis & Cope, 2012). SoTL may be nurtured and enriched through partnerships with other institutions, especially in fragile or conflict-affected contexts such as Somaliland (Pherali & Lewis, 2019). In fact, partnerships with universities in similar situations may provide fruitful opportunities to think through translation and re-contextualisation of foreign ideas for the local context. Despite the emerging body of SoTL literature on academic development in HE, there is still relatively little research into the needs and experiences of young universities in developing countries (Tan et al., 2020). However, some important themes emerge from the available literature. One issue identified in the literature, which is not restricted to universities in developing countries, relates to the decolonisation of curriculum (Behari-Leak & Mokou, 2019). Reflective and critical scholarship is needed to rediscover, engage with, legitimise, and empower indigenous knowledges and methodologies (e.g., Ezeanya-Esiobu, 2015, 2019; see also Brigg, 2016; Carjuzaa & Ruff, 2010; Christie, 2009; Kennedy et al., 2019). Another issue is the pervasive influence of Western HE as a benchmark for education practices and quality globally (Abukari & Corner, 2010; Altbach, 2011; Blanco Ramírez, 2015; Hicks, 2014; Murphy & Mengistu, 2020; Tan et al., 2020). Pherali and Lewis (2019, p. 731) problematise the ‘global convergence’ of quality measurement in HE, which only seems to increase with the internationalisation of HE and the proliferation of ranking systems originating from the Global North. This phenomenon only serves to further strengthen the institutions of the Global North, while institutions from developing countries are at best untouched by such ranking systems, and at worst discouraged by them. More localised quality assurance and ranking mechanisms are being developed by regional HE associations, such as the Association of African Universities (AAU; Association of African Universities, n.d.). However, it remains to be seen whether these mechanisms are yet able to provide a truly contextualised and effective way of assuring and improving quality in HE across Africa, and whether these will benefit institutions who cannot afford association membership. Similar issues of discouragement and exclusion arise from the global academic tendency to emphasise English as a medium for accessing knowledge. Using English for instruction in English as a Foreign Language (EFL) contexts is often perceived to be an essential part of internationalisation of universities, not only to equip graduates for social and international mobility, but to attract students from around the globe (Murphy & Mengistu, 2020; Rose & McKinley, 2018). In EFL higher education contexts, English medium instruction is often perceived to improve job prospects (Kong & Wei, 2019). But although learning English may be promoted as a national priority in some places (Hicks, 2014), it does nothing to support the production of advanced knowledge in the language of the local people. Furthermore, where even teaching staff in an English-medium institution have limited English proficiency, the quality of teaching and learning in English is likely to be questionable (Doiz et al., 2011; Murphy & Mengistu, 2020). Using English as a medium of instruction in EFL contexts also limits students’ ability to grasp and create knowledge, which they may have no problem doing in their more familiar language(s) (Doiz et al., 2011; Murphy & Mengistu, 2020). On the other hand, using the local language for

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instruction at higher education level requires significant investment in terms of not only equipping scholars to design a contextualised curriculum, but also developing textbooks and other resources in the local language. This tension is exacerbated by lack of economic resources in developing countries, and perpetuates inequitable access to global scholarly conversations. The resourcing of universities is an obvious challenge in the pursuit of academic development in developing countries. Altbach (2011) takes a generally pessimistic view on the HE situation in developing countries, arguing that academics in developing countries are on the periphery of the academic world in almost every respect, including qualifications, research infrastructure, research dissemination, language, technology, and job security and conditions. He makes some recommendations for improving the situation, but these suggestions largely ignore the resourcing and systemic realities of the contexts in terms of what changes are possible or likely in the short to medium term. Doerrer (2015) similarly argues that the lack of academic development in developing countries is a result of resource scarcity, which has alienated them from the rest of the academic world, as well as poor remuneration of academics forcing them to take on additional work outside the academy and not having time or money to invest in their professional development. Another issue is the challenge of relating constructively to stakeholders involved in the academic development endeavour. As Abukari and Corner (2010) demonstrate, academic development efforts in universities in developing countries can be negatively impacted by challenges in meeting the expectations of donors or other partners as well as those of local stakeholders. Issues such as fundamental differences in decisions about what constitutes quality can lead to stagnation of academic development partnerships, not only with foreign funders or experts, but also with local community stakeholders. For example, Babury and Hayward (2014) describe challenges to the development of a strategic plan for HE in Afghanistan, in which initial drafts by a South African academic consultant were criticised as being too heavily influenced by factors considered significant in the South African context, such as political issues and gender equity. Furthermore, as Blanco Ramírez (2015) points out, much discourse around relationships with foreign stakeholders is replete with assumptions about HE in the USA (or the Global North generally) as being established, mature, and well resourced, in comparison to a deficit view of universities in other countries as incipient, emergent, or lacking capacity or resources. These assumptions need to be recognised and challenged in order to enable effective partnership.

1.3 Research Aims The literature review demonstrates that as part of a SoTL approach to academic development, we need to understand the context of teaching and learning at UoB, both historically in light of disruptions to education in Somaliland and currently. This will help to determine critical cultural and social factors for recontextualisation of learning and teaching practices. To achieve this aim, we examined the historical

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background of education in Somaliland and collected data on the experiences and attitudes of staff at UoB through focus group discussions and interviews. It was important to allow the UoB staff to speak for themselves about the issues they found most pressing in their context. The following questions guided the research in order to achieve the aims outlined above: 1. What are the main cultural influences on teaching and learning at UoB, both historically and in the present? 2. What cultural and social factors need to be considered in contextualisation of learning and teaching at UoB?

2 Method Semi-structured focus group discussions (FGDs) and individual interviews were conducted with 12 staff members from the University of Burao (UoB) in 2018. Participants included Deans, Associate Deans, Heads of Department, Lecturers, and Administrators with between 1 and 8 years of service at UoB and aged from early 30s to early 60s. Only one participant was female and the rest were male. This reflects the current staff composition at UoB, where the majority of staff (especially in teaching and leadership roles) are male. English was used for the FGDs because it is the language of instruction at UoB, while Somali was used for the individual interviews as it was more familiar to both interviewer and interviewee. Staff were invited to participate in the research via the communication channels usually used at the University: personal oral invitation, WhatsApp message, and email. Thus, participants were recruited through convenience sampling. Participants gave their verbal consent to participate in the research and have their views recorded. The Ethics Committee of UoB approved the research. Semi-structured FGDs were used to generate rich data and allow participants to build on what others said. Four main questions (see below) were used to provide a loose structure for the discussions, and follow-up questions were asked where necessary to further explore topics raised by the participants. In order to further explore some of the themes emerging from the FGDs, one of the Somali researchers facilitated a further round of semi-structured individual interviews in late 2020 and early 2021. The transcribed data were analysed using in vivo and descriptive coding methods to identify themes emerging from the discussions. The transcripts were colour-coded according to the emergent themes; then thematically related segments were extracted, grouped, and summarised. The research team then discussed the summarised data to elucidate the cultural influences on higher education in Somaliland in general and teaching and learning practices at UoB in particular.

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3 Historical Context of Education in Somalia and Somaliland This section presents the findings of our historical review of education in Somalia and Somaliland. It describes the cultural practices associated with teaching and learning among the Somali people from ancient traditions to the present day, including the key moments of disruption and the impact they have had on education and academic development.

3.1 Ancient Traditions Educated individuals have always attained high social standing in Somali society (Abdi, 1998). A common Somali saying, Aqoon la’an waa iftiin la’an (literally: lack of knowledge is lack of light), reflects well the value placed on knowledge in Somali society (Ali, 2016). In the traditional nomadic pastoralist society, clan elders informally taught the young in groups at their homes (Ali, 2016; Saliari, 2015), orally passing on knowledge and skills needed for survival in their harsh desert environment. These included care of livestock, clan history, and rules of warfare (HIP, 2013). This family- and community-based informal teaching was the only form of education in Somali society for hundreds, if not thousands, of years, until the introduction of more formal religious education.

3.2 Islamic Influence The arrival of Islam in Somalia around the twelfth century brought the first disruption to education in terms of the content of instruction (religion), and the mode and language of instruction (written and spoken Arabic). Religious scholars (sheikhs) introduced schools for nomadic children, teaching them how to read, write, and memorise the Qur’an in Arabic (and translate it into Somali) (Abdulahi et al., 2020), thereby privileging written knowledge (Behari-Leak & Mokou, 2019). Eventually other basic education subjects were added to the curriculum (Bekalo et al., 2003). This form of education continued as the sole formal education system until 1945, with every settled community in Somaliland, as well as some nomadic communities, having a small single-teacher school of this kind (Bekalo et al., 2003). The sheikhs collected tuition fees from students in the form of sheep, camels, cattle, and dry goods. Pastoralists who lacked sufficient means would selectively enrol their children to these Qur’anic schools, prioritising sons over daughters (Abdi, 1998). But it was not only family financial limitations that prevented them from educating their daughters in the formal setting of the Qur’anic school. They believed girls would become wives and then mothers of children in a different clan, so they

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preferred their daughters to learn domestic skills from their mother. These attitudes and beliefs resulted in excluding girls from formal education. A school for girls was eventually founded in 1949, supported by traditional elders and Somali chiefs (Dawson, 2017). However, the low participation of girls and women in education is a persistent concern for educational development in Somaliland, as it is throughout Sub-Saharan Africa (Doerrer, 2015). Qur’anic schools continue to play a significant role today; however, they operate as pre-schools or private institutions, not as part of government schools (Jhazbhay, 2008).

3.3 British Colonial Period The northern part of Somalia was colonised by the British in the nineteenth century as British Somaliland, which led to a disruption in terms of centralisation and educational objectives. In the late nineteenth century, the British colonial power attempted to introduce Western-style public schools to provide a fixed number of years of schooling (Bekalo et al., 2003). However, the Western education system did not gain traction until around 1945. Since the main mode of life in Somaliland was nomadic, many people were reluctant to send their children to school in an urbanised settlement and therefore did not encourage it. Moreover, Western-style education was treated with suspicion by religious leaders, traditional elders, and parents, as they associated it with Christianity (Cassanelli & Abdikadir, 2007). The colonial education system, when it did eventuate, was designed to train local people to serve in local government and establish private enterprises (Abdi, 1998). Whereas the Qur’anic schools had used Arabic as a medium of instruction, the colonial government and education system relied on English (and Italian in Italian Somaliland), since the written form of Somali was not established until the 1970s (Bekalo et al., 2003).

3.4 Independence British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland achieved independence from British and Italian colonial powers in 1960 and were unified as the Republic of Somalia. This brought disruptions to education in terms of school systems, languages, access, and social purpose. At that time the education sector in British Somaliland was extremely underdeveloped compared to other British colonies in the region, such as Tanganyika (now Tanzania) (Cassanelli & Abdikadir, 2007). Modern education was available only in the established towns and still served only a minority of the population who could afford it. It was mostly limited to elementary education, with just three secondary schools functioning. Tertiary education was still only an aspiration for the future.

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According to Cassanelli and Abdikadir (2007), the Republic of Somalia faced three major difficulties which affected its capacity to expand formal education across the country: 1. combining the two different school systems of the British and Italian colonies into one national system; 2. having an inadequate supply of trained teachers for education institutions; and 3. trying to educate people quickly enough to support the development of the new unified nation. The merging of the two education systems required significant change in terms of language of instruction (English or Italian), attitudes towards co-education, cost of education (state-funded or parent-funded), and sequence of curriculum across years of schooling (Cassanelli & Abdikadir, 2007). In 1969, the military government of the Republic of Somalia under General Jaalle Mohamed Siad Barre nationalised all educational institutions and made education free and compulsory for all children between six and fourteen years old (Ali, 2016). Educational policy was completely state controlled and centralised, and since the military government was using education as a political tool to prevent the growth of capitalist ideology, individual innovation, invention, and entrepreneurship were discouraged (Ahmed & Bradford, 2011). At the time the military regime took control of the country, Somaliland had not yet established any higher education institutions apart from a teacher training institute in Hargeisa. The only higher education institutions in the Republic, the Somali National University (established 1971) and the Lafoole College of Teacher Education, were based in and around Mogadishu in the former Italian colony (Bekalo et al., 2003). Unfortunately, the corruption of the military government of Somalia, where it was a case of “ayaad taqaannaa” (who you know) not “maxaad taqaan” (what you know), led to the deterioration of the education system (Abdi, 1998). The military regime also diverted all the country’s resources from education towards the security sector, so the education sector declined rapidly (Ali, 2016). Somali intellectuals and professionals emigrated from the country in search of a better life, leading to a halt in the growth of the education sector (Abdi, 1998). In Somaliland, further away from the centre of power in Mogadishu, majority of people had no access to education due to the loss of momentum in education development (Bekalo et al., 2003). The education system then collapsed entirely as a result of the civil war that began in 1988 (Bekalo et al., 2003).

3.5 Civil War The civil war of the late eighties and early nineties caused a major disruption to education through a ‘brain drain’, destruction of educational infrastructure, and the priority of daily survival. In 1988, guerrilla groups of the Somali National Movement (SNM) attacked the military bases in Burao and Hargeisa. In response, the Siad

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Barre military regime heavily and indiscriminately bombed those key cities of Somaliland in an attempt to regain full control over the country (Ali, 2016). Nearly half a million people fled to neighbouring Ethiopia, including teachers and students who had survived the air and ground bombing. The major Somaliland towns of Hargeisa and Burao effectively became ghost towns (Ali, 2016). Educational institutions and their facilities were among the first casualties of the civil war. Along with other social infrastructure, more than 90% of educational premises, including schools, university lecture halls, libraries, and laboratories, were either destroyed or severely damaged in the fighting and subsequent looting (Abdi, 1998; Bekalo et al., 2003). Many former schools became places of shelter for displaced families (Abdulahi et al., 2020; Bekalo et al., 2003). As a result, there were no schools for Somaliland children to attend in the immediate post-war period. Where teaching and learning was able to continue, it took place in mosques, which were more likely to have been spared in the bombings. Therefore, Qur’anic schools were virtually the only providers of education in Somaliland during this period (Bekalo et al., 2003). Bekalo et al. (2003) point out that in the immediate aftermath of the civil war, majority of the adults and all children of school age remained illiterate, due to the destruction of the education infrastructure. Therefore, with the collapse of the government and the resulting lack of education, society became fragmented and Somali youth were easily drawn into clan and sub-clan fighting (Bekalo et al., 2003; Hoehne & Ibrahim, 2014).

3.6 Post-War Reconstruction Despite the long disruption to education in Somalia, Somaliland took positive steps to restore the education system and stabilise the country. However, reconstruction was still a disruption to education in terms of major stakeholders and the increased foreign influence via diaspora returnees. Post-war peacebuilding and reconstruction efforts were mainly initiated and carried out by non-state actors, including diaspora groups and individuals, especially as formal state structures were not installed until 1993 (Ali, 2016; Hoehne & Ibrahim, 2014). Thus, the weak new Somaliland government started a new state-sponsored education system with the help of Islamic charities (Jhazbhay, 2008). Those who had fled the civil war began to return to Somaliland to rebuild their lives (Ali, 2016; Bradbury, 2008). Some educated Somalis who had been living in diaspora (particularly in Europe and North America) since the 1970s due to the corruption of education under the military government, returned to contribute to the reconstruction and rebuilding of the education system in Somaliland (Ahmed & Bradford, 2011). The role of the diaspora community in this process, through providing funds and influence, was significant (Bradbury, 2008; Hoehne & Ibrahim, 2014). For example, some were inspired by the peaceful coexistence they saw between different ethnicities in their adopted communities and wanted to promote that message of peace and unity among their fellow Somalis back home (Hoehne & Ibrahim, 2014). Their involvement

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and investment encouraged the local Somaliland community to take up the slogan of dhis deegaankaaga (build your own community) and participate in the rehabilitation of the social institutions, including primary and secondary schools as well as tertiary education (Ainebyona, 2016).

3.7 Current Situation Reconstructing reliable education institutions in Somaliland is a long process. According to the Heritage Institute (2013), attainment of foundational levels of education increased dramatically, which increased the demand for higher education. In response, the Somaliland tertiary education sector grew quickly from 1998 to the present (Heritage Institute, 2013). However, the main aim was to find productive employment for the youth, who were often enticed to join the armed militias for want of useful work. Therefore, the production of skilled workers, economic growth, and sustainable development were significant drivers in seeking to establish a high-quality and trusted tertiary education system (Ainebyona, 2016). The higher education system in Somaliland now consists of institutions of varying statuses, including public and private universities and franchised tertiary education institutions. The HE system remains largely unregulated at this stage, meaning that there are vast differences in the quality of the institutions that call themselves universities (Pherali & Lewis, 2019). The University of Burao is an example of a public university, along with Amoud University (established 1998 in Borama) and Hargeisa University (established 2000 in the capital, Hargeisa). They were established by diaspora and local communities (including clan elders, religious leaders, educated elites, professionals, wealthy businesspeople, and other prominent individuals) and are now considered public institutions under the authority of the Somaliland government (Ali, 2016; Heritage Institute, 2013). The number of universities has increased rapidly. Before the civil war, there was only one university in Somalia, but Abdulahi et al. (2020) identify 124 universities currently functioning across Somalia, with 70 of those universities in Mogadishu. In Somaliland, there were an estimated 28 functioning universities or tertiary education institutions by 2016. Seven of these are public universities, which are strategically located across Somaliland’s six regions. The other 21 universities are privately run (Ministry of National Planning & Development, 2017). There has also been a noticeable increase in university student enrolment, following the dramatic growth in numbers of students finishing secondary school. From 2013 to 2015, the tertiary higher education student enrolment reached 33,863 students; about 66% of them were male and 34% were female (Ministry of National Planning & Development, 2017). These figures highlight some important areas for academic development in Somaliland broadly: developing and training more academic staff to cope with increasing demand; retaining students; and increasing enrolment and engaged participation of female students.

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University programmes are market-oriented based on student demand, with the highest enrolments in courses like Business and Administration, ICT, and Economics (Ministry of National Planning & Development, 2017). The leading public universities (Amoud University, Hargeisa University, and University of Burao) offer undergraduate and postgraduate degrees and are affiliated with foreign universities and examination bodies. For example, medical students sit for exams from England, and some universities receive visiting professors from foreign universities (Elmi, 2010). The reliance on foreign partnerships for exams and accreditation raises a further question for academic development: whether Somaliland universities should work towards developing their own exams and accreditation systems. While partnerships with foreign universities can serve to motivate and enrich academic development efforts (Pherali & Lewis, 2019), these partnerships are also vulnerable to power inequalities and misalignment of values (Abukari & Corner, 2010; Blanco Ramírez, 2015). As a further example of partnership, several universities in Somaliland, including University of Burao, have become members of the Association of Arab Universities (AArU), an international association body with more than 300 member universities across the Arab world. AArU has accredited the member universities’ programmes, but has also made several key recommendations to the Somaliland member universities with a view to developing higher education in Somaliland. These recommendations include: improving qualifications for positions of faculty Deans; working towards the publication of research papers; and enhancing university facilities and infrastructure, including e-libraries, book copies, and laboratories. Aspects of these recommendations will be discussed in later sections in relation to their implications for academic staff development and contextualisation.

4 Findings and Discussion of FGDs and Interviews This section summarises and interprets the main findings of the FGDs that elucidate the experiences and needs of UoB in terms of academic development. In order to amplify FGD participants’ voices, their words have been included verbatim where relevant. Some limitations of the study must first be acknowledged. Some participants had a limited ability to express their ideas thoroughly in English, and this might affect the richness of the data about teaching practices and issues collected in the FGDs. The use of Somali in the individual interviews mitigates this limitation, since issues raised in the interviews tended to align with those raised in the FGDs and could be discussed more thoroughly. The lack of female voices (reflecting current composition of staff at UoB, as mentioned above) is a further limitation of this study, potentially influencing the topics of discussion in relation to learning and teaching at UoB. Further research should be conducted to give more female staff a voice on these matters. This research also neglects the students’ experience of learning and teaching, and further research with students is needed to complete the picture.

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4.1 Finding 1: Disconnect Between Cultural Values and Formal Teaching Methods Somali culture values egalitarian interaction, making decisions through discussion and consensus (Lewis, 2004). This egalitarianism can be readily observed in tea shops throughout the region, as men gather to discuss the news, politics, and local events. Bradbury (2008) also describes this kind of interaction in clan arbitrations and conflict resolution, where “any adult male can be considered an elder with an equal right to speak in a council” (p. 16), and the aim is to reach a consensual agreement through public discussion. In this cultural dynamic with a reasonably flat hierarchy, men enjoy the opportunity to speak and discuss and share knowledge as equals. While women have traditionally also played a significant role in securing social peace and cohesion (e.g., Izak, 2014; Jama, 2010), the formal public and political domain has, up to recent times, been considered the sphere of men. However, as discussed earlier, religious and colonial education brought disruptions in the way teachers and students relate to each other by introducing a more didactic teaching style. This style is still the predominant teaching style used in Somaliland today, from elementary school to higher education. This style is at odds with the cultural value of egalitarian interaction. It leads to students becoming passive learners who are reluctant to engage in discussion, rather than preparing the next generation of Somalis to participate constructively in community decision-making processes conducted in the more egalitarian style. Participants in the FGDs talked about the positioning of the teacher and students in the learning space, described overwhelmingly as the teacher standing ‘in front of the students’ (Mr. D). Participants described the teacher as actively involved in the classroom and the students as passive participants, estimating the distribution of work as about 80% teacher, 20% students (e.g., Mr. G, Mr. J). This suggests that the amount of time spent talking in the classroom is taken as an indicator of how much educational ‘work’ the participants are doing. Invisible activities like thinking and evaluating were not discussed. In such a strongly oral society, external information processing may well be the everyday norm, which makes it even more important to engage students in opportunities for verbal processing in class. Anecdotally, research participants noted that when Somali students are encouraged to participate actively, they thrive on interaction and participation in the classroom. The teacher’s activities in a formal classroom setting were described as: explaining, writing on the board, asking questions (Mr. D); and reviewing content and assessing students (Mr. M). Participants identified this as ‘teacher-centred learning’ aligned with more traditional (including religious) teaching methods and described it as ‘dominant’ in educational settings, including universities. ‘Student-centred’ teaching, on the other hand, including activities like group discussions, presentations, and brainstorming, was identified as being used much less (Mr. A). Nevertheless, some participants conceded that some lecturers occasionally used strategies like stories, role plays, and games (Mr. C).

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Students’ activities in a formal classroom setting were described as memorisation (Mr. I), rote learning (Ms. F), sometimes role-plays (Mr. A), and group discussions and presentations (Mr. M). One participant (Mr. A), who had experience in training illiterate Somalis as part of NGO projects, commented that the uneducated Somalis he worked with were much more active participants in activities like lectures, seminars, presentations, and group discussions than the students at the University were. This anecdote suggests that the trainees had not been socialised into ‘introduced’ teaching methods and were following more traditional, oral learning practices. Some participants also commented on activities that they felt students were not doing as part of formal education, e.g., ‘free thinking, critical thinking, thinking about how does this apply to what’ (Ms. F); and taking notes and asking questions (Mr. C). Participants suggested various explanations for the prevalence of the didactic teaching style and emphasis on memorisation. Some explained that teachers in Qur’anic schools use teacher-centred methods where students’ role is to memorise Qur’an and then recite, as shown in the following quotes. When it comes to not only the academic but religious or whatever it is, memorisation is a core thing with learning. So a student may not know what’s happening, but he’ll memorise what’s happening. When they learn Qur’an, they might not understand the Qur’an, but they’ll know it by heart. (Mr. I) Since traditionally Qur’anic teachers used to recite Qur’an on students in order students to be able to recite by themselves, students in the university classes try to memorise lessons instead of understanding it. (Mr. C)

Other participants claimed that the passive learning approach of Somalis had originally been learnt from Westerners through colonial education: Before I came here [University of Burao], I had believed that Somalis use passive teaching method of ancient Westerns and when I came here my expectation become true. (Mr. H)

However, the practice of memorisation was also attributed to the cultural practices around oral poetry recitation and Somali nomadic learning traditions. These traditions naturally relied on oral transmission and memorisation, including stories, poetry, songs, and role-plays, because Somali language had no official written form until 1975. Some participants described the influence of traditional learning practices in explaining students’ reluctance to self-expression: Somali youngsters used to learn from the elders through listening and grasping but they did not ask questions and that is why students are inactive in classes. (Mr. A) Even when you see parents, children, they have that traditional belief… you don’t always talk in front of parents and the elder people so they are always afraid of, to speak freely and mention their views. (Mr. C)

The participants also observed that female students, in particular, were hesitant to share their opinions freely: Some of [the reasons] are cultural because girls are a bit shyer than guys, even though they know the concept … they don’t express themselves, they sort of take … a back seat, because they feel … the boys are looking at them. (Ms. F)

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In contrast, Mr. M gave an example from his experience where discussion among peers to co-construct knowledge had positive results. Instead of lecturing, he divided the students into groups to discuss and understand the key concepts. I told them to use the internet, their mobile so that they can search the keywords and then present it by themselves. (Mr. M)

Students found this memorable and helpful for their understanding and recall, and Mr. M reported that their exam results attested this. Students’ attitudes towards educational practices and expectations of how teachers teach in the classroom may influence teachers’ methods. The participants broadly agreed that students appeared to expect university teachers to lecture in a ‘traditional style’ (i.e., teacher-centred, didactic), and when teachers tried different ways of teaching, the students were not always receptive or complained that “this is not real teaching”. (Mr. I) Sometimes if we use pair working or group working or sometimes diagnosing tests, the responses of the students is not, ah…. [positive]. (Mr. C)

Mr. I reported that students did not take his teaching seriously if he did not teach in a didactic, authoritarian style: When it comes to the students, when they’re used to a certain style, when I for example teach English, I try to elicit … have discussions, and you can tell most of the students are thinking ‘this is not what we were taught, this is not real teaching, let’s just relax, let’s talk to each other, let’s speak in Somali’. When I told them to speak in English, they’ll speak Somali because they’re not taking it seriously, because to them, serious means someone rules with an iron fist, you listen to me, repeat what I say, there’s no freedom. (Mr. I)

Another participant observed that as long as most teachers retained didactic lecturing and rote learning methods, students would continue to have those expectations and a negative attitude towards more student-centred ways of teaching. Not only that, but those lecturers who did try new methods could gain a poor reputation among students who might assume “that man, he doesn’t know anything” (Mr. A). On the other hand, one participant also said that if students were made aware of the importance of engaging with their learning through activities like taking notes and asking questions, they might encourage their teachers who are interested in modernising their teaching methods. (Mr. C)

4.2 Finding 2: Basis for Benchmarking and Quality Assurance Participants seemed to believe that the modern teaching and learning practices of the West are the model and benchmark for the teaching–learning system of UoB. While Islamic educational methodology is also influential, as we have seen, it does not occupy that benchmark role. The quotes below reflect how the participants talked

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about the influence of Western teaching and learning practices on the local context of the University. Now lecturers are adapting modern Western methods of teaching, but the speed is lower (Mr. H). Western teaching and learning methods, particularly the modern methods, influence teaching–learning practices of the University of Burao; for example, our medium of instruction is English, the material that are used are from Western countries, we use teaching methods, and our curriculum is copied from Westerns (Mr. B).

Participants acknowledged that some influences from foreign educational practices had been brought into Somali education, although their views may not accurately represent the extent to which local practices resemble Western practices. They emphasised a historical shift: “until 1960, there was no ‘Western knowledge’” (Mr. L), but “nowadays, Western education in schools is more common” (Mr. J). Furthermore, Mr. A and Mr. D identified student-centred teaching methods (used less often) as coming from foreign influence, in contrast to the predominant teacher-centred methods aligned with more traditional and religious educational practices: Even though we have learned about the different lecturing method … 80% is still dominated by lecturer … and maybe teacher-centred method. So that comes from, yes that traditional learning method. This [?small prevalence] of the student-centred method comes from international type of teaching. (Mr. A)

Participants did not seem to be aware of any other potential benchmarks for higher education besides Western education. Although UoB is a member of the Association of Arab Universities (AArU), none of the participants mentioned it, suggesting that the AArU’s role in education quality benchmarking and standards was not a salient feature of the participants’ work. And although the Association of African Universities (AAU) has also developed a benchmarking framework for higher education in Africa, UoB is not a member at this stage and is therefore likely to look elsewhere, including Western universities. That being the case, UoB will need to take a critical approach, acknowledging that Western methods may not be effective in their local context. Nor are Western methods necessarily the best methods for what Somaliland needs at this point in its history. The data revealed three main factors that necessitate thoughtful contextualisation: gender roles, religious influence, and the economic situation. Engagement in scholarly reflection on how Western practices can be fruitfully contextualised for the Somali context should focus on these considerations, which are elaborated below.

4.2.1

Social Considerations for Contextualisation: Gender Roles

One of the themes emerging from the FGDs was gender roles and access to education. Given the gender imbalance among participants in favour of men, it is interesting that the topic of education of girls was raised by one of the male participants (Mr. E), in response to a discussion question about how

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Somalis view education. Somalis traditionally believed, and to a large extent still hold, that women should do home activities such as caring for children, cooking, and cleaning while men are supposed to perform all essential tasks that might be done outside the home, such as earning an income and shopping. When schools and formal education were started in Somaliland, learning was considered an activity outside the home that was only appropriate for boys, and for that reason girls’ education has been a neglected issue. To a certain extent, this ideology persists today, and the numbers of female and male students have historically been unbalanced at UoB—a finding common across Sub-Saharan Africa (Doerrer, 2015). The cost of education combined with beliefs about gender roles may still lead to girls missing out on education if the family has limited resources and prioritises education for their sons. Participants also pointed out how current attitudes towards girls’ education can differ between regions depending on the level of conservatism. However, participants also observed changes over time in the proportions of girls and boys being educated, with an increase in the percentage of girls going to school. Especially in… the west region of Somaliland, the girls are graduating school so much, so much more than before. Even at the University of Hargeisa, last year the graduates were 1040 students. 510 were girls (Mr. E, echoed by Ms. F).

Similarly, the number of female students enrolling in undergraduate study at UoB has increased markedly in many faculties in recent years, although Masters-level study is still male-dominated. The theme of gender roles also emerged when participants discussed the kinds of behaviour that were considered appropriate in the classroom and how that was influenced by traditional culture. For example, Mr. C explained that university students often didn’t ask many questions in class due to a cultural belief that it is inappropriate to speak in front of parents and elders or share their opinion. This was further explained by Mr. I: ‘Silence is a sign of respect’. Moreover, a reluctance to speak in class was considered even more pronounced among female students owing to the culturally defined roles of women and men (see quote from Ms. F in Finding 1 section). These gender differences are important to acknowledge when considering contextualisation and benchmarking. While women’s empowerment is still a topic of conversation in the West, the focus has primarily shifted towards increasing the participation of women in disciplines traditionally dominated by men, such as STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) disciplines. Contextualisation of practices from abroad to the UoB context would require further investigation to ascertain the degree of readiness of the University and the broader community for discussions around gender equity in education and public life (see also Babury & Hayward, 2014), and encourage greater participation from female students within those parameters.

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4.2.2

Social Considerations for Contextualisation: Religious Beliefs

The influence of religion on education ranges from attitudes towards education to the educational content and practices. Participants mentioned that the high value placed on education stems from the importance in Islam of gaining knowledge, particularly knowledge about their religion: It’s actually a requirement for every believer that they should learn, basically should learn their religion. (Ms. F) Traditionally, people believe that Qur’anic knowledge is the prerequisite for being effective for other knowledge. (Mr. L)

Education was thus perceived as a religious value, but there was not enough data from the FGDs to say more about what impact this perception might have on the contextualisation of educational content and practices. However, as mainstream Western practices in higher education tend to marginalise religious beliefs, separating secular scholarship from private religion, this is another area where further investigation would be fruitful.

4.2.3

Economic Considerations for Contextualisation

Universities in Somaliland significantly lack relevant library collections, teaching spaces, science laboratories, essential texts, and other facilities. While the Ministry of Education and Higher Education allocates funding to the public universities, the amounts are small by global standards (e.g., US$220,000 in the 2016 budget for the building of University laboratories) (Ministry of Education & Higher Education, 2017, p. 18). This was an issue identified in the AArU review mentioned in an earlier section and has also been highlighted in the literature as a significant barrier to academic development (Altbach, 2011; Doerrer, 2015). The economic situation and its impact on resourcing must be carefully considered in seeking to contextualise teaching and learning practices for the Somaliland context. This includes the cost of education for families and the ability of educational institutions to pay teacher salaries and purchase necessary and appropriate equipment. The cost of education can often be prohibitive for Somali families: Not everybody can afford schooling because it requires settling, uniform, monthly payments, you know everything. (Ms. F)

For those who can afford to pay university fees, the cost of textbooks may still become a barrier, and library resources are too few to alleviate the problem (Ms. F, Mr. L). Some students may begin the university course but then run into difficulties paying the fees in subsequent semesters and eventually drop out. Then maybe the clever student, which you know he was trying his best, he may be away for say 5 or 6 days, he will not come back until he bring [fees]… So because of the low income of so many families from which the students come from, it’s also impacting the learning of these students. (Mr. M)

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Another related issue is the resourcing of the University itself. Many of the books in the library collection came from well-meaning donors and are either poorly matched to topics relevant for the local context (e.g., books on Australian taxation law) or outdated. But you know, the problem is, our library, you know, maybe there is no different books so if you tell the students to go to library and search these books, maybe they will get only one book. (Mr. L)

The e-library mentioned earlier in this chapter as an initiative funded by the Ministry of Education and Higher Education in 2016, is yet to be operational, exacerbating the lack of access to subscription journals for recent scholarly research. Open Educational Resources have begun to be recognised and supported in the region through the nascent Somali Open Research and Educational Resources (SORER) repository established by SomaliREN (see https://somaliren.org/). Availability of other resources such as for science and medical labs also lags behind that of developed countries. Therefore, contextualisation of educational practices needs to consider the resources available locally and work towards the use and development of quality OERs.

4.3 Finding 3: Opportunity for Enhancing Academic Staff Development Over the past ten years, UoB has pursued several avenues of professional development for academic staff. To start with, several of the current lecturers have received scholarships or study leave to complete further education abroad. The goal of these scholarships was to invest in lecturers who may be an example for the rest of the teaching staff. Moreover, delegations from the various faculties have been sent to professional development training in neighbouring countries, such as a group of lecturers from the Faculty of Information and Communication Technology attending a month-long workshop conducted by an association of Somali universities in Nairobi, Kenya. Other cooperative initiatives from regional universities are offered several times a year. Apart from these targeted investments in high-level teaching and academic staff, the University has continually run training workshops that aim to improve the quality of teaching by all academic staff employed at the University. The Quality Assurance and Curriculum Development Officer conducts training blocks covering each of the faculties and departments, focusing on teaching methodology and curriculum design. Visiting lecturers from abroad have also offered a range of workshops for UoB staff, covering research, adult learning principles, communicational English, and academic English. Finally, the University has started to offer formal learning opportunities in the areas of research and education. The Faculty of Postgraduate Studies was established in 2016 and started offering programmes in 2017, with the initial focus being on

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Educational Leadership and Management and Social Science Research, before a MA Education in English was established in 2019. While these programmes were naturally open to the public, the intention was to provide training for the University’s own staff. More than half of the students that have been enrolled in these programmes to date are either permanent or lecturing staff at the University. Similarly, UoB Research Office was founded in 2014 with the explicit goal to facilitate research from each of the faculties. Since then, all faculties have been trained in research methods, and several papers have been published. While establishing a research culture in an institution that was previously focused solely on teaching takes time, the first steps have been taken. The emergence of a research culture at UoB presents an ideal opportunity for academic staff to engage in SoTL, to critically analyse the UoB context and contextualise learning and teaching models and methods from other contexts. The data from the FGDs indicated some areas that could serve as good starting points for this kind of research, as discussed below. However, SoTL itself also needs to be contextualised to the Somali culture. Somali culture values the independent spirit but not forward planning. This combination fits well with Action Research projects: if an academic has an idea, they can try it out without much planning, and if it fails, it is not a big problem. The UoB context is much less risk-averse than most universities in the Global North. So SoTL, which emphasises praxis, not theory, would seem to be the most constructive and beneficial way to approach academic development in that context. There was some discussion in the FGDs of training offered or available and training needs for university teaching staff. Participants mentioned training provided by the Ministry of Education that they were aware of: The Ministry of Education has given a lot of trainings especially in the towns and big cities for the lecturers and they train them in the more progressive ways, like student-centred, where students are given a lot of activities (Mr. E).

One participant specified that “teachers training included 25% of teaching methodology” (Mr. L). Others acknowledged the importance of training teaching staff in modern teaching methods (Mr. C)—and not only teaching staff but also university administration (referring to Deans and other senior academic staff) to ensure that the managers can contribute to staff professional development: So I think the managers, the educational managers, also should be trained in the modern methods of teaching to contribute the teachers. And also, when the management and teachers are well trained, they may contribute the students. This chain, whole chain needed to be training in good methods of education (Mr. D).

Another participant agreed, arguing that it would be beneficial to train all university staff, in the same way, to achieve uniformity in practice: So I think this [?fruitful and effective] method of teaching means a matter of uniformity, something like training all the lecturers in the University (Mr. A).

Comprehensive training of all university staff was conducted in June/July 2022, as a new compulsory teacher training programme was rolled out to all teaching staff at

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the university. Over 100 staff from a range of faculties took part in a series of 2-week intensive programmes covering a range of learning design topics, and modelling active, student-centred learning. The programme is intended to be run every summer as mandatory in-house professional development. Besides formal training in teaching practices, there was a suggestion that more encouragement of the teachers would be beneficial: So encouragement of the teachers is very important. Not only the staff of the University. There are many teachers who has not been spoken since for a long time, so nobody knows their condition, what they are feeling. So even not only just to [?rely] or [?just that] the Dean has done everything, the management or the top management of the University should also include the teachers, say information in the process (Mr. M).

Feedback on teaching seems to be given through student evaluations (Mr. M), although it was not clear from the data how systematic this process was or whether there was any support given to staff to incorporate feedback in their ongoing practice.

4.3.1

Top-Down Policy or Grass-Roots Movement?

The data brought out contrasting views on how change and development should be implemented in university teaching and learning. On the one hand, several participants commented on the place of policy in developing and improving higher education and showed an eagerness to engage further with policy to ensure positive, lasting, and impactful change: There is something I think is important: policy of education. These issues are related to [?ground… classes, teacher] but can we say, can we discuss here, what the policy of this education? What the goals that we want to achieve. Or the philosophy of education. (Mr. G)

However, others suggested that teachers in such an egalitarian culture will not do what they are told just because of policy, standards, and a perceived need for ‘uniformity’. In their view, implementation cannot come top-down but must be bottom-up, emerging through discussion among stakeholders. Part of this was recognising the University as a complex institution with multiple stakeholders whose actions and attitudes affected one another: I think there is a chain, a chain: the management, the teachers, and students. (Mr. D)

One particular policy area that was discussed was language policy at the national level, i.e., policy around which language should be used for teaching in Somaliland. The language of education, notably HE, was identified as a significant challenge because students enter the English-speaking University having completed their primary and secondary education in their mother tongue, Somali (Mr. E). This is despite English being officially the language of instruction from secondary level. Students’ confidence levels and understanding of the content are therefore reduced (Mr. A, Ms. F, Mr. M), even though they may otherwise be quite capable of understanding the content:

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Some teachers also struggle with English, but since there are no university-level teaching resources published in the Somali language, they have no option but to persevere in English and translate for the students where possible (Ms. F, Mr. M). Participants were interested in looking to other EFL nations to learn how they approached the choice of language in teaching, and this should be a priority area for SoTL. Another area of policy, at the institutional level, was that of teaching approaches. Participants thought it would be desirable to have more uniformity in teaching methods and philosophies to reduce the opportunity for negative attitudes towards individual staff trying new strategies (as discussed earlier). So we need a uniformity. Let Mr. I… apply this method, Mr. G, Mr. H, and Mr. C, Mr. D, [?this activity to the curriculum], so that the people who is, it is always very difficult to apply the change, so I think this [?fruitful and effective] method of teaching means a matter of uniformity. (Mr. A) If it’s possible to come up [with] a standardised [method] of teaching at universities rather than every teacher goes in his direction. If the University sets up a standardised procedure, it will somehow improve their performance. (Mr. M)

A further area of policy, at the institutional level, was quality control or teacher evaluation. Participants indicated that there was some way of evaluating teachers’ effectiveness in teaching, but it was not necessarily set down as a standard procedure, so ensuring fairness for both teachers and students was challenging: The University should have some sort of evaluating procedures of the teachers so that the teacher gets his right and the students get their right. (Mr. M)

5 Conclusion This chapter explored the needs and experiences of a developing university (the University of Burao), by charting the historical disruptions to the development of education in Somaliland and analysing the influence of cultural beliefs and traditions on teaching and learning practices and attitudes at UoB. Critical moments of disruption have included religious influence, colonisation, independence and regime change, civil war, and reconstruction. These have impacted education in Somaliland in almost every respect, including content and purpose of learning, language, governance, access, ideology, infrastructure, and funding. Insights from UoB staff highlighted critical contextual factors that influence educational practices and indicated areas for further reflection as part of a SoTL approach to academic development at the University. These areas included: exploring the disconnect between cultural values and formal teaching and learning methods; recontextualising contemporary Western educational practices for the Somaliland context, especially with consideration of gender roles, religious beliefs, and funding; and enhancing academic staff development at UoB through reflection on teaching and learning in their local context.

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Academic development through SoTL could encourage academic staff at UoB to rediscover or become explicitly aware of Somali cultural values such as egalitarian interaction and robust discussion that could enhance learning and teaching. These cultural values could be reintroduced into the classroom and strengthened with critical thinking to better prepare both male and female students for engaging appropriately as knowledgeable adults in the Somali context, able to influence their community by respectfully contributing informed points of view to help progress the development of their country. As part of this, careful thought should be given to the goals and priorities of higher education for Somaliland as a developing nation. For example, if the priority is to develop innovators and problem solvers, didactic teaching methods may need to give way to authentic and transformative learning, at least in some areas of the curriculum (Kalantzis & Cope, 2012). Students entering university from more didactic learning environments may need to be socialised into new ways of learning to avoid them becoming disengaged. Academic development through SoTL could encourage thoughtful contextualisation of Western educational practices for the Somaliland context, particularly considering social factors such as gender roles, religious beliefs, and resource limitations, which starkly differentiate the Somaliland context from Western contexts. It should be emphasised that the goal is not to introduce Western methods per se, but to identify what are the best methods for higher education in Somaliland at this point in its history, and how today’s university students could/should shape the future of the country and the region. It would be appropriate, therefore, to engage with standards and benchmarks developed by regional peak bodies such as the AAU and AArU, with whose constituent institutions UoB shares more in common. The readiness of UoB for academic development demonstrated through investment in development opportunities for staff and partnerships with foreign academics and universities shows that this could be a good time to initiate a more systematic, scholarly approach to academic development. This could be achieved by promoting, facilitating, and incentivising action research projects to engage in SoTL, and presenting findings in university-wide seminars to enable all staff to benefit from what is learnt. The University should focus its attention on policies and practices around the language of instruction, teaching approaches, and evaluation of learning and teaching, and how these relate to and could help inform the national educational policy. The research also has potential practical and policy implications beyond UoB, both for other universities throughout the Somali region and for universities in SubSaharan Africa more broadly. In terms of curriculum contextualisation within the Somali context, the results place a demand for educational action that transforms current pedagogical practices by embracing best practices from Somali traditions. This study finds that the Somali egalitarian dialogue-centred model holds promise for achieving positive results in improving learning outcomes for adult learners. In the Somali egalitarian context, the age or status of the person speaking matters less than the inherent value of their contribution. Indigenous teaching methods would allow all adult students to be involved in scholarly debates, leading to more active, effective, and authentic learning.

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There are also implications for Sub-Saharan countries more broadly. For example, policy-makers in the various countries could benefit from pooling resources to probe the tensions between using English as a medium of instruction for the sake of internationalisation, on the one hand, and developing advanced knowledge discourses in local languages, on the other hand. Higher education practitioners in these countries could also learn from each other’s indigenous knowledges, especially about pedagogical methods and how to make good use of a more dialogue-centred style or interactive group learning. Such approaches hold promise for the creation of rich knowledge with community impact. Therefore, Sub-Saharan countries should work towards educational policies that resource and incentivise a SoTL approach to academic development to increase universities’ understanding of indigenous pedagogies.

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Claire Urbach is a Lecturer in the School of Postgraduate Studies and Research at the University of Burao, Somaliland. She has over 18 years of experience working in Higher Education and has been a Fellow of AdvanceHE since 2019. She gained her PhD in Linguistics at Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, and has taught linguistics and academic literacy at several universities in Australia, developing expertise in curriculum design, student learning support and research support. She also spent time as a Visiting Lecturer in the Department of Linguistics, English Language Studies and Communication Skills at Makerere University, Uganda. She is passionate about teaching, with a particular interest in student-centred curriculum design to enable student learning, and since joining the University of Burao in 2022, she co-developed and taught a Teacher Training Program for all teaching staff to build capacity for student-centred learning.

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Ahmed Muse Ismail is Dean of the School of Postgraduate Studies and Research at the University of Burao, Somaliland. He had more than 12 years of experience teaching in tertiary education before he took up the post of Dean. He obtained an MBA in Human Resource and Leadership at Kampala University, Kampala, Uganda. He has taught Leadership and Management courses in the University of Burao’s undergraduate and postgraduate programmes as well as other universities in Somaliland. He is interested in teaching and supporting students’ learning. His research interests are in the area of teacher professional development. He participated in curriculum development of undergraduate social science programmes. He also developed various graduate curriculums, compliance policies and other research guidelines. Recently, he co-developed and taught a Teacher Training Program for the University of Burao to boost faculty members’ competencies about student-centred learning. Aaron Moratz MRES, is a Lecturer in the School of Postgraduate Studies and Research, the Academic Coordinator of the MRES in Social Science Research, and a Research Officer in the Directorate of Research, Community Services, and Projects at the University of Burao, Somaliland. Over the course of his ten years at the University of Burao, he previously served as the Dean of Postgraduate Studies and Research Coordinator. In these positions, he developed Master’s programmes and wrote courses in the field of Social Science Research and Educational Leadership. He gained his MRES through the University of Wales Trinity Saint David. His particular interest is in Somali Studies and phenomenological approaches to the study of spirit possession. Mohamed Ahmed Kunle is the Director of Research, Community Service & Projects and a Lecturer in Economics at the University of Burao, Somaliland. He gained his Bachelor’s degree in Economics at Unity University, Ethiopia, before completing a Master of Business Administration at Lincoln University, Malaysia, and a Master of Research at the University of Burao. He has been involved in research, both in academic and development (NGO) settings since 2017. He has conducted research in fields as diverse as small business economics, business ethics, social development, drought management, political processes, educational performance, and graduate employability.

The Humanitarian Approach to Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Humanitarian Education as an Essential Part of Higher Education Sector in Sub-Saharan Africa Leali Osmanˇcevi´c

Abstract Higher education is an integral part of the global humanitarian educational needs, enabling all students to gain a broader perspective and context on this topic. Two main reasons are respecting basic human postulates and changing the future development in Sub-Saharan Africa. Investing in higher education means investing in a better society, critical-thinking and responsible citizens should become imperative for all participants who can influence improvement, adequate equipment and holistic approach to all the higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa. While mentioning permanent investing, particular emphasis is on government and their policies, especially international academic and governmental collaboration and continuous research and field studies. In a broader context, Sub-Saharan Africa is frequently connected to humanitarianism as a concept and many humanitarian actions aimed at different groups of people or events. However, higher education lacks full inclusion of that concept from an academic perspective (as part of an official curriculum) and needs to include Humanitarian Education as a particular field of study. The primary goals of Humanitarian Education are to enable and provide essential knowledge and skills to academic society firstly for recognising and then interpreting specific humanitarian topics and enable them to respond professionally to crises and challenges in that field. This chapter’s primary focus and aim will be the concept of Humanitarian Education its development, directions and opportunities in higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa. The chapter will examine the concept, development, critique and opportunities of implementing Humanitarian Education and dealing with and solving humanitarianism-related challenges offered by adopting this model in the high education curricula and its essential topics. Keywords Humanitarian education · Higher education · Sub-Saharan Africa · Education · Human rights · Humanitarian communication

L. Osmanˇcevi´c (B) Department of Communication Sciences, Catholic University of Croatia, Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_4

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1 Introduction Education is a global concern, wherever or under which circumstances it happens. Quality of Education, with an emphasis on higher education, depends on everything that we perceive as background factors such as are human rights included enough, cultural diversity in educational processes, ethical and non-violent education questions and availability of education for all education. Our focus is on financing and supplies that will help make learning processes easier and enough theory to be put in practical knowledge one day. The solution here is much bigger than the last sentence—both areas should be integrated and combined to get a quality higher education system (Brock, 2011, pp. 19–25). Understanding the multifaceted and comprehensive context of higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa is vital for realising how inevitable it is to invest in education constantly, include multicultural educational good practices, connect with other relevant educational institutions and be prepared for changes in higher education is everything but static. One of the main reasons for the dynamics of change in SSA is a digital divide within countries that mainly depends on technological opportunities and access to digital content. The digital divide would be much smaller if all the SSA countries were equally funded, especially in higher education (Mutula, 2008), particularly regarding Humanitarian Education programmes. When it comes to overall providing finances to SSA countries, World Bank has a significant role because it is one of the leading sources for higher education and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO), along with the public in Africa. However, some of the relevant longitudinal studies as well as research showed that a significant problem for the World Bank and financing higher education in SSA is lack of resources for funding programmes, student fees, teacher’s salaries, etc., so one of the solutions can be found in multiple funding resources and diversity that World Bank needs to accept and share all the costs with other sources, from donators to worldwide organisations and humanitarian aid that are all helping to improve education around the world. However, one of the most critical parts for higher education and its continued funding is cooperation and constant research that can show the impact, success and need on the field for future generations in higher education in SSA (Banya & Elu, 2001; Dzvimbo & Moloi, 2013). Phenomena such as globalisation and internalisation are also huge factors for investing in higher education in SSA. These complex phenomena caused many changes regarding higher education, especially because they are mainly economic phenomena that mostly have close connections to the politics and leading government, which can be the primary cause for the unequal funding for higher education in every SSA country (De Wit, 2011; Korten, 2001, according to Dzvimbo & Moloi, 2013, p. 3). Globalisation and digitalisation are in constant change, and if the result of higher education is educating future responsible adults and citizens, curricula have to be changed simultaneously with global changes in Sub-Saharan Africa. Focusing solely on one part of higher education could not lead to successful learning and educational processes. All parts of higher education should empower each other; the human

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dimension should not be excluded from that process. Educators should be trained and informed constantly and adequately in their educational system, empowered by the government and similar educational systems’ and solutions. Governmental measures for higher education should be constant, either partially from private funding and donating or partially from the country. But resources for higher education should not depend on the current political leader but the whole system. That is also why the high importance of constant research on educational trends, changes in curricula, the connection between theory and later practical work or implementing theory success rate and overall opinion and satisfaction of young people and future leaders and their educators. This paper will be shown the concept and development of Humanitarian Education as a new part of higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa and its connection with fundamental human rights, the impact of globalisation and the digital era on this field, directions and opportunities for adopting this concept in higher education as well as challenges and critical aspects. The main aim is to show how one essential part of education, such as Humanitarian Education, should be an integral part, especially in higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa and what parts of its curricula are mainly connected to it.

2 Humanitarian Education and Fundamental Human Rights in the Twenty-First Century Humanitarian Education is a new concept for improving and empowering higher education and the overall educational system. This kind of education focuses on human and human rights and has its roots in philosophy (Kuznetsov, 2019, p. 3). That kind of concept should be implemented in higher education system because young people in that age are aware of their role in society, and educators should stimulate that role with the main aim of forming adults who will, later in the future, be responsible citizens and have abilities to make changes. Humanitarian Education is one of the elements for achieving that. Also, one of the essential parts of Humanitarian Education is inter-cultural dialogue connected with human rights and enrichment for young people (Sugrobova & Kochergina, 2015, pp. 8–9). This concept gives them a wide range of opportunities to use their human rights and knowledge about them, implement them in a humanitarian context and successfully solve any possible challenge that can endanger their society or themselves. Briefly, Humanitarian Education gives them the right to actively participate (Maclure, 2006, p. 107). Reasons for including Humanitarian Education as an integral part of higher education is based on the fact that it is closely connected to fundamental human rights, especially in the twenty-first century. According to some studies, approaches that connect these two subjects are analytical and operational (Darcy, 2004; Harpviken et al., 2003). While the analytical approach combines human rights with humanitarian agendas and analyses whether they are connected in their core postulates (Darcy, 2004, p. 3), the operational approach deals with the connection between the

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protection of human rights in humanitarian actions, aids and crisis (Bollettino, 2008; Frohardt et al., 1999). Although Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa faces many challenges, it is essential to simultaneously invest in the new concepts that can all benefits and reduce some negative phenomena about those countries and their educational system (Oketch, 2016, p. 525). For example, one of the most related terms to that part of the world is humanitarianism, and everything that is part of it, such as many marginalised communities, is closely connected with human rights, so humanitarian education in higher education could help in reducing some negative appearances like stigmatisation, marginalisation, discrimination and labelling which are all appearances that are violating fundamental human rights in the twenty-first century (Mfum-Mensah, 2018, p. 4). Connection of these two critical and broad areas, both human rights and Humanitarian Education, could successfully empower young people to take action in their society, understand difficult situations through humanitarian perspective and gain humanitarian values, which altogether leads to more quality higher education as well as more quality approach to educating young people holistically (African Higher Education Opportunities for Transformative Change for Sustainable development, 2014, p. 25). A holistic approach is vital for the whole educational system in SubSaharan Africa, but especially educators in higher education that are still neglected, so the investment should be, along with implementing new concepts like Humanitarian Education, constant (Oketch, 2016, p. 529). Also, improving high education in Sub-Saharan Africa with Humanitarian Education could contribute and have a significant role in changing the perspective of that part of the African continent, their educational system and the role of young people and citizens that are future for changing educational policies curricula. Their results could lead, with continuous work, to changes in government policies and strategies related to higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa.

3 Directions and Opportunities of Implementing Humanitarian Education in the Curricula of the Higher Educational System in Sub-Saharan Africa The Humanitarian Education curriculum is still not an integral part of higher education in SSA, although it does not mean it lacks a values component but it is not as integrated as educational needs are. It should introduce young people to the importance of its development, theory and practice, and basic terminology like humanitarianism, humanitarian communication, etc. Also, the development of digital technologies and overall digitalisation of higher education impacts Humanitarian Education, especially in the humanitarian narrative. The importance of implementation of Humanitarian Education can also be proven by a significant event, officially established in 2008 by United Nations General Assembly, which is World Humanitarian Day; an event that was one of the first concrete steps in raising awareness globally about this

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topic (Brock, 2011, p. 19). But, prior to implementing the Humanitarian Education curriculum, it is necessary to conduct research whose results would indicate the needs for higher education in each SSA country. Such foundations are the starting point for creating and implementing Humanitarian Education curricula. Humanitarian Education curricula should first include the current state in every SSA country and enable students to understand all the possible topics of Humanitarian Education. Those topics include humanitarian crisis communication and its understanding, the concept of humanitarianism, understanding humanitarian questions and central issues, gaining primary skills to intervene and act in humanitarian circumstances. It is also vital to highlight principles of diversity, impartiality and basic humanity according to the relevant documents and existing initiatives with examples of good practices in Humanitarian Education. It is also important to emphasise that the frame of Humanitarian Education curriculum must exclude all forms of racial, national and religious affiliation with the main aim of avoiding marginalisation and the inclusion of all social groups whose members have fundamental and equal human rights (Aguilar & Retamal, 2009; Smith et al., 2020; Tawil, 2000). Implementing Humanitarian Education in higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa could also become a valuable platform for lifelong learning and continuous development of theoretical and practical skills and improving Humanitarian Education expertise in general (Kuznetsov, 2019, p. 3). This mainly happens because it starts in higher education where young people are enough formed as responsible citizens who need future direction by their educators to become more aware adults with developed critical skills for positive impact in their society. One of the basic postulates to achieve a positive impact of youth in their society is one of the integral parts of Humanitarian Education curricula that includes humanitarian communication between humanitarians and the media. Humanitarian communication is mainly, at least from a historical timeline, based on communication of suffering, critically observing society and creating a humanitarian spectacle that connects those in need with the audience (Chouliaraki, 2010, p. 4). There are two main appeals of humanitarian communication, shock effect appeal and positive image appeals. Shock effects appeals use materials such as starvation, illnesses, starved or even dead human bodies, extreme poverty to emphasise the importance of someone’s need. Some basic narratives in the media are bordering on pure sensationalism, which is not an ethical part of neither journalism as a profession nor either kind of reporting of one humanitarian action. Mentioned terms such as illness, poverty, hunger and natural disasters are by it all means extremely serious, and there is no need for more shock and sensationalism while reporting on them (Chouliaraki, 2010, pp. 4–8). On the other side, positive image appeals involve more realistic media narrative elements that also show one is suffering but in a real-life condition, saving their dignity and fundamental human rights and including more relevant information on how to help, where to volunteer, etc. This reporting on humanitarian actions can improve their other life, give them concrete contribution and help that is needed at that moment but let them move on, without public judgement and not let that one bad life event mark their whole life as human beings with their dignity, future successes, etc. (Chouliaraki, 2010, pp. 8– 10). Having Humanitarian Education as an integral part of higher education, young

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people in Sub-Saharan Africa could get a much more comprehensive picture of the actual context in their reality and media representation of their reality. Opportunities for including Humanitarian Education in higher education in SubSaharan Africa include learning theory and practice of humanitarianism and its connection with young people. Humanitarianism is a concept in which humans need help, and they respect their fundamental human rights and dignity. Globally, humanitarian aid, willingness to help, empathy and one’s need to involve themselves in helping confront many ethical challenges or dilemmas such as political involvement, the basic human need for feeling better while helping, media exposure and awards (Vaux, 2006, p. 240). When it comes to politics, there is more and more humanitarianism which is determined by political motives and media reporting at the same time, meaning—person, people, part of the world, crisis, etc., which is more attractive to politics is simultaneously more attractive to the media and will get more reporting and help while other will be in the shadow or marginalised. Humanitarianism can be divided into two subgroups, which are traditional one and rights-based humanitarianism (Darcy, 2004, pp. 9–10). Traditional humanitarianism means that people have a universal obligation to act and help when human suffering is at the centre of one society or main topic in the media sphere. In that process, there are a lot of mixed emotions and acts, but the most visible ones are human compassion, empathy and humanity overall. Darcy calls them “humanitarian imperative” (Darcy, 2004, p. 10). On the other side, rights-based humanitarianism is wider than the first one in many ways. Firstly, this approach is based on fundamental human rights and all approaches for helping others are determined by human rights (Eade, 2000, p. 374). Rights-based humanitarianism also combines other agendas to determine who is responsible for different kinds of suffering, which is also one of the main differences between these two humanitarian approaches (Darcy, 2004, p. 10–11). By learning about such essential topics during higher education, young people would be more able to recognise possible challenges and opportunities and become active practitioners in Humanitarian Education.

4 Critical Aspects of Humanitarian Education in Higher Education—Challenges for the Future? Humanitarian Education also has some critical aspects of implementing it, and they can also affect the future of its development in higher education. For example, one of the leading communicology scientists who researched the ethical responsibility of media audiences, Cees J. Hamelink (2002), wrote about the significant need for creating new humanitarian agendas according to the new media globalisation processes to reduce unprofessional media approaches to reporting on this topic. He also states that humanitarian agendas should include both the media industry that creates media content globally and the media professionals, workers and journalists who report ethically without influence from politics and advertisers. For the third

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characteristic of humanitarian agenda in the digital age, Hamelink emphasised the role of the audience and all participants enrolled in humanitarian action with the primary goal of protecting children’s rights (Hamelink, 2002, pp. 16–17). One of the possible challenges or solutions for the future of Humanitarian Education in higher education is also constant researching, not just field research, but international ones with the primary aim to collaborate with other educational institutions, which is beneficial both for educators, young people, society and government as the top of the educational pyramid (Yakoboski & Glidden, 2008, p. 1). Another critical aspect is government financing new programmes and investing in higher education by innovative models such as Humanitarian Education. Private funding or different kinds of donations could help the higher education in SubSaharan Africa, but also, they are the rare and not continuous or permanent type of investing (MacMahon, 2009, according to Oketch, 2016, p. 526). On the other side, government and educational policies often depend on the current political leader or minister of education, which is also unstable for higher education if it is not permanent and imperative while dealing with finances and funds aimed at higher education (Oketch, 2016, p. 529). This is highly important because the higher education system should be modernised according to global changes, especially in the digital era. In the global context, higher education is the future for all changes that can improve current challenges and build a better society for all, especially young citizens. In the context of Humanitarian Education, they have a double role: to become active citizens and become active humanitarian educators for future generations. Government and their policies in Sub-Saharan Africa should be their constant support starting with funding, finances, connecting with other educational institutions and cooperating with them. This kind of future is not impossible as long as all the participants in higher education are aware of its importance than the importance of its changes by implementing new models such as Humanitarian Education and last but not less important, to be aware that education is not steady. However, the dynamic process has to follow current educational trends that globalisation and digitalisation bring.

5 Conclusion Humanitarian Education is a developing concept with many different approaches, mainly because there is no unified or general document, declaration, curricula or any other decision on higher levels of society (e.g. government, ministry of education, etc.). Firstly, higher education should not exclude constant changes in globalisation and digitalisation in the whole world. With changes in that area, it has to come to changes in the educational system to be accurate and in line with present and possible future changes. The development of Humanitarian Education should be rising in higher educational systems, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, because of parts of its curricula that includes terminology and theory closely related to those countries. Connections with other global educational institutions and following examples of good practices in other systems could improve and empower and motivate both

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educators and young people to become more aware of their role in society, in making changes, in critical-thinking and in becoming responsible citizens for their countries. Higher education is a dynamic process with significant responsibility for future leaders who should not depend on a lack of funds or motivation to change current status in higher education. Governmental and economic support should also be constant for the whole higher education system in Sub-Saharan Africa, especially when following the current educational trend that can empower their educational system by changing and adding new concepts in curricula such as Humanitarian Education. Human rights postulates should be one of the main reasons to implement Humanitarian Education and the digital era we live in. Along with international connections and joint investment by all higher education stakeholders, all current challenges could be reduced, and opportunities could solve much more problems. If this chapter could be concluded by one sentence from the beginning, education is a global concern.

References African Higher Education Opportunities for Transformative Change for Sustainable Development. (2014). Association for public and land-grant universities, knowledge center on higher education for African Development. Produced and reviewed by: United States Agency for International Development (USAID). https://www.agrilinks.org/sites/default/files/resource/ files/African%20Higher%20Education%20Opportunities%20for%20Transformative%20C hange%20for%20Sustainable%20Development.pdf. Accessed 5 Apr 2021. Aguilar, P., & Retamal, G. (2009). Protective environments and quality education in humanitarian contexts. International Journal of Educational Development, 29(1), 3–16. Banya, K., & Elu, J. (2001). The World Bank and financing higher education in sub-Saharan Africa. Higher Education, 42(1), 1–34. Bollettino, V. (2008). Understanding the security management practices of humanitarian organisations. Disasters, 32(2), 263–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7717.2008.01038.x Brock, C. (2011). Education as a global concern. Bloomsbury Publishing. Chouliaraki, L. (2010). Post-humanitarianism: Humanitarian communication beyond a politics of pity. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 13(2), 107–126. https://doi.org/10.1177/136787 7909356720 Darcy, J. (2004). Human Rights and Humanitarian Action: A review of the issues (HPG Background Paper). Overseas Development Institute. Dzvimbo, K. P., & Moloi, K. C. (2013). Globalisation and the internationalisation of higher education in sub-Saharan Africa. South African Journal of Education, 33(3), 1–16. Eade, D. (2000). Debating Development: NGO’s and the future. Oxfam GB. https://doi.org/10. 3362/9780855987015.001 Frohardt, M., Paul, D., & Minear, L. (1999). Protecting human rights: The challenge to humanitarian organizations. Thomas J. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University. Hamelink, C. J. (2002). Media globalisation: Consequences for the rights of children. In C. von Feilitzen & U. Carlsson (eds.) Children, young people and media globalisation (pp. 31–41). The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children, Youth and Media, Nordicom i Göteborg University. Harpviken, K. B., Millard, A. S., Kjellman, K. E., & Ska˚ra, B. A. (2003). Measures for mines: Approaches to impact assessment in humanitarian mine action. Third World Quarterly, 24(5), 889–908. https://doi.org/10.1080/0143659032000132911

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Kuznetsov, I. (2019). Humanitarian education as a resource for sustainable development. In IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science (vol. 272). IOP Publishing. Maclure, R. (2006). Pragmatism or transformation? Participatory evaluation of a humanitarian education project in Sierra Leone. The Canadian Journal of Program Evaluation, 21(1), 107– 129. Mfum-Mensah, O. (2018). Education marginalisation in sub-Saharan Africa: Policies, politics, and marginality. Rowman & Littlefield. Mutula, S. M. (2008). Digital divide and economic development: Case study of sub-Saharan Africa. The Electronic Library, 26(4). https://doi.org/10.1108/02640470810893738 Oketch, M. (2016). Financing higher education in sub-Saharan Africa: Some reflections and implications for sustainable development. Higher Education, 72(4), 525–539. Smith, J., Tran, A. L., & Compston, P. (2020). Review of humanitarian action and development engineering education programmes. European Journal of Engineering Education, 45(2), 249– 272. Sugrobova, Y. Y., & Kochergina, L. V. (2015). Humanitarian education in aspect of intercultural dialogue of Crimea. Russian Linguistic Bulletin, 4(4), 8–9. Tawil, S. (2000). International humanitarian law and basic education. International Review of the Red Cross, 82(839), 581–600. Vaux, T. (2006). Humanitarian trends and dilemmas. Development in Practice, 16(3–4), 240–254. https://doi.org/10.1080/09614520600694653 Yakoboski, P. J., & Glidden, R. (2008). Advancing Higher Education. Paper presented on conference “Higher Education in a Global Society” organised by the TIAA-CREF Institute which hosted the Higher Education Leadership Conference.

Leali Osmanˇcevi´c , Ph.D., is a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Department of Communication Sciences at the Catholic University of Croatia. She did professional practice at Matrix Croatica and was an external associate at the Department of Communication Sciences, Faculty of Croatian Studies, and University of Zagreb. She is a participant in domestic and international scientific conferences and she is the author of scientific papers in the field of children and media, children’s rights, humanitarian communication, digital literacies and media ethics. She participated in the first international workshop Digital Data and Security (Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb, George Mason University, Mississippi State University, and University of Split). In addition to her academic and professional work, she is involved in volunteer and professional projects regarding digital literacies, humanitarian communication and communication skills.

The Pursuit of Critical-Emancipatory Pedagogy in Higher Education Twine Hannington Bananuka

Abstract Critical-emancipatory pedagogies have long been sought after by most institutions of higher learning. Critical-emancipatory pedagogies are espoused for being learner-centred, ability to produce graduates who are independent-minded and capable of easy adaptation in the world of work. However, the desired goals have remained more on paper than reality. Most Universities especially in Sub-Saharan Africa face one challenge or another limiting the full implementation and realisation of critical-emancipatory pedagogies. In this chapter, I draw from the experiences of Makerere University, the premier university of Uganda to explore the efforts towards critical-emancipatory curricula and pedagogy over time through policy and practice. I examine the achievements, the challenges and what remains undone and why. I begin the chapter with the definitions and concepts underpinning criticalemancipatory pedagogy, followed by literature on foundations and application of critical-emancipatory pedagogies in various contexts. I then present the experiences of Makerere University of over time in the pursuit of critical-emancipatory pedagogy. I conclude by suggesting a model for the revered critical-emancipatory pedagogy for higher institutions of learning in the global South. Keywords Critical-emancipatory pedagogy · Makerere University · Global South

1 Introduction The past two decades have witnessed an increased push for pedagogies in higher education (HE) that call for student-centred methods (Clark, 2018). Scholars have termed these methods as democratic pedagogies (McMath, 2008), liberatory (Freire, 1970; Nyerere, 1982), engaged learning (Mayaba et al., 2018), deschooling approach (Clack, 2019), collaborative pedagogy (Chenault, 2017), critical pedagogies (Freire, 1970) and or emancipatory pedagogies (Magnússon & Rytzler, 2019; Safari & Pourhashemi, 2012). The push for these methods is driven by the view that learners T. H. Bananuka (B) School of Distance & Lifelong Learning, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_5

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are actors rather than consumers of knowledge (Clark, 2018). Neoliberalism has added another angle: it looks at learners as consumers of knowledge who ought to have a stake in what they purchase (Peters & Tesar, 2017). The traditional pedagogies characterised by lecture methods have also been criticised for promoting rote learning, which inhibits independent learning leading to job seekers rather than job creators (Clark, 2018). The pursuit is taking place amidst increasing enrolment of students in institutions of higher learning and shrinking resource envelope for HE, particularly in the global South (Mamdani, 2007). This creates a dilemma for institutions regarding how to embrace student-centred pedagogies amidst limited resources. This chapter revisits this debate with a focus on HE in Sub-Saharan Africa. Most stakeholders of public and private universities in Sub-Saharan Africa share the above concern. ‘In 2015, Inter-University Council for East Africa (IUCEA), in a shocking survey, concluded that between 51 and 63 per cent of the graduates in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzanian universities were ‘half-baked’, ‘unfit for jobs’ and ‘lacked job market skills’ (Odhiambo, 2018, p. 202). Ezati et al. (2014) share the same concern about Makerere University—Kampala (Mak) of Uganda’. With liberalisation and increased student enrolment amidst decreasing resource envelopes, the mismatch between HE and job skills became more apparent. This ultimately affected the quality of HE, compromising the employability of graduates. The concern for the low quality of HE seen in graduates has since led to pursuing what I call ‘critical emancipatory pedagogies’ (CEPs). The endeavour has been packaged or expressed in various forms such as learner-centred approach, practical learning and collaborative learning. This pursuit is traceable in various universities’ documents such as course outlines, policy statements, strategic plans and prospectuses (Odhiambo, 2018). CEPs are espoused for being learner-centred, ability to produce independent-minded graduates, critical thinkers and capable of easy adaptation to the world of work (Blackmore, 2001; Fleming, 2016; Steinberg & Kincheloe, 2010). However, the desired CEPs have remained more on paper than practiced, especially in universities in Sub-Saharan Africa. Most institutions of higher learning face one challenge or another limiting the full implementation and realisation of CEPs. Universities worldwide take the lead in the direction of the development of the needs of their countries through teaching, research and community engagement (Etomaru et al., 2016; Odhiambo, 2018). In this chapter, I will pay particular attention to universities, not colleges or diploma-awarding institutions. In addition to examples from specific universities, I look critically at Mak over time to explore the efforts toward critical-emancipatory curricula and pedagogy through policy and practice. Mak is the premier university in Uganda and among the oldest on the African continent (Nakabugo, 2008; Ssebuwufu, 2017). I later use Kanter et al. (1992) model of organisational change (Teczke et al., 2017; Todnem, 2005) to examine the efforts, achievements and challenges facing CEPs in Sub-Saharan African universities, and what remains undone and why. It ought to be noted that the desire and pursuit of CEPs speak of the ongoing agenda at most universities in Sub-Saharan Africa. In the sections that follow, I present the fundamental conceptions of criticalemancipatory pedagogy, followed by a summary of the features and conditions of teaching and learning in HE in Sub-Saharan Africa with a particular interest in CEP

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efforts. I then present my experiences with Mak over time in pursuing CEP. I conclude the chapter by suggesting a model for the revered CEP for higher learning institutions in the global South.

2 Critical-Emancipatory Pedagogies A need for critical-emancipatory pedagogy (CEP) in HE institutions can be an endeavour for effective teaching and learning methods. CEP draws from the two independent concepts of critical pedagogy and emancipatory pedagogy. These two also draw from their broader theoretical foundations of ‘critical theory’ (Aston, 2009; Bananuka & John, 2020; Freire, 1970; Roderick, 1986; Welton, 1991) and ‘emancipatory’ research (Steinberg & Kincheloe, 2010). To make sense of critical-emancipatory pedagogy, I first look at each concept independently [historical and practical usage] and later, I try to make sense of their combined usage.

2.1 Critical Pedagogy ‘Critical theory is a theory of history and society driven by a passionate commitment to understanding how societal structures hinder and impede the fullest development of humankind’s collective potential to be self-reflective and self-determining historical actors’ (Welton, 1991, p. 24). Critical pedagogies as teaching–learning approaches draw from the broader critical theory and radical theories (Bananuka & John, 2020; Freire, 1970; Roderick, 1986). The Frankfurt school first developed a critical theory as a social analysis tradition of ‘a more egalitarian, democratic, and ethical social order’ (Steinberg & Kincheloe, 2010, p. 142). Other early influences included John Dewey in America (Nouri & Sajjadi, 2014) and Paulo Freire in Brazil (Freire, 1970). Critical theory has since been associated with feminist, post-colonialist, hermeneutics, semiotics and others (Steinberg & Kincheloe, 2010). Critical pedagogy begins from the position that education is not a simple matter of transmitting knowledge from the teacher or the knower to the learner (Aston, 2009; Freire, 1970). Education is instead a political relationship between the educator on the one hand and the learner on the other. The relationship is laced with power dynamics determining what to learn and how to learn. Therefore, critical pedagogy is a conscious, passionate and ‘painful’ effort to cede power and control of learning from the educator to the learner (Dheram, 2007). ‘… critical pedagogy not only empowers students by giving them the knowledge and skills they will need to function in the larger society as critical agents but also educates them for transformative action’ (Aston, 2009, p. 192). A critical educator requires courage to step out of the norm dictated by cultural values and society to a double position of educator and learner (Aston, 2009; Dheram, 2007). Once this is done, it creates room for the two parties to learn from each other. Equally so, a critical learner ‘understands higher

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education as an opportunity, created for him by his society, to empower himself’ (Dheram, 2007, p. 5). Critical pedagogy creates an opportunity for learners to develop their knowledge, skills and understanding of disciplinary and socioeconomic issues (Steinberg & Kincheloe, 2010). This then propels learners to think critically and influence change on global issues.

2.2 Emancipatory Pedagogy Emancipatory pedagogy draws from the concept of critical-emancipatory research (Safari & Pourhashemi, 2012). Critical-emancipatory research (CER) was first ‘formulated by Adorno, Habermas and the Frankfurt School in 1924’ (Safari & Pourhashemi, 2012, p. 2549). ‘The mandate of the Frankfurt Scholars was clear: to change oppressive structures by engaging in research’ (Dube & Hlalele, 2018, p. 76). Hence, research should never stop at knowing but should go beyond to empowering research participants or respondents to confront forces that subjugate them (Safari & Pourhashemi, 2012). Emancipatory pedagogy was later shaped and popularised by Paulo Freire (1970) in his book ‘pedagogy of the oppressed’. According to Giroux, emancipatory pedagogy is one where students are encouraged to critique existing society and its own claims, values and standard way of doing things (Gordon, 1985). It calls for learners’ courage to dream and envision different societal arrangements and possibilities (Gordon, 1985). Hence, emancipatory pedagogy is a teaching–learning process aimed at empowering and liberating learners from the absolute position and role of the educator (Aston, 2009; Gordon, 1985; Nouri & Sajjadi, 2014). Like critical pedagogy, emancipatory pedagogy begins from the point of concern that power belongs to the teacher or educator. This implies that the learner is subjugated as an inferior partner in the teaching–learning process. The learner is a consumer of knowledge from the educator. The learner’s goodness depends on regurgitating what the educator knows and wants. This inhibits the innovativeness and creativity of the learner. ‘Conventionally’ learning is assumed to produce competent graduates who know and do things alike to the satisfaction of the educator. Emancipatory pedagogy would then imply liberation or transformation from the dominance of the teacher (Biesta, 2017; Blackmore, 2001; Fleming, 2016; Speir & Simmons, 2016). Emancipated graduates primarily direct their own learning and then develop world meanings. This would translate into critical thinking and job creation skills in HE. According to Freire (1970), emancipatory pedagogy is a dialogue between the teacher and the learner underpinned by love, hope, humility, faith, trust and critical thinking. Emancipatory pedagogy dictates that every learner is allowed the chance to be heard. There is room to agree and disagree with the educator in a safe and risk-free environment. Mistakes are a chance for improvement rather than a sign of failure or cause for reprimand. As noted, this requires courage and humbleness from the educator—which skills and attitudes, unfortunately, most ordinary educators do not possess.

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2.3 Critical-Emancipatory Pedagogy (CEP) CEP is ideally a blend of critical pedagogy and emancipatory pedagogy. The key is their inclination to the learner as the driver of his[their] own learning (Blackmore, 2001; Fleming, 2016; Steinberg & Kincheloe, 2010). The two concepts are often associated with the empowerment of the learner. Aston (2009) observes that ‘… key elements of a critical and emancipatory pedagogy include co-operative and collaborative work, discussion and experiential and reflective learning’ (Aston, 2009, p. 189). The figure below shows Bloom’s taxonomy showing a teacher-controlled and learner-driven pedagogy continuum. Therefore, a movement to the right speaks of advancement to CEP.

3 Continuum of Pedagogic Approaches Using Bloom’s Revised Digital Taxonomy It is becoming more urgent that global trends require knowledgeable graduates and practical and creative workers. Figure 1 shows a continuum of pedagogies that speaks more of CEP from essentially teacher-controlled to learner-driven. It is imperative to note that although most professional educators extol CEP, they often add that its practical implementation is complex. The challenge is mainly because implementation requires the educator’s personal passion, commitment and ‘love’ (Freire, 1970). In summary, ‘In this way, a complex critical orientation becomes a valuable tool in formulating an emancipatory democracy’ (Steinberg & Kincheloe, 2010, p. 140). Hence, emancipatory pedagogy leads to critical consciousness through conscientisation (Freire, 1970; Nouri & Sajjadi, 2014). Both pedagogies aim to empower learners who can direct their own learning (Steinberg & Kincheloe, 2010). Therefore, in this

Fig. 1 Bloom’s revised digital taxonomy (Source [Tarling & Ng’ambi, 2016])

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chapter, I choose to use them as one concept, that is ‘critical emancipatory’ pedagogy (CEP) as per Steinberg and Kincheloe (2010) and Speir and Simmons (2016).

4 Tracing CEP in Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Teaching and learning in African higher learning institutions have continued to follow curriculum and pedagogies left behind by colonial masters (Nampala et al., 2017; Odhiambo, 2018). The post-colonial education system manifests through language and instructional methods (Kisitu & Ssebunya, 2016). Pedagogy is key to the goals of any educational system. However, pedagogy must be accompanied by the commitment of stakeholders to pursue the stated goals with adequate funding and human resources. Sanga (2012) notes; one critical role of higher education is to create learning environments that enhance students’ abilities to make sense of their world in ways that enable them to change it for the better, for themselves and others, and to allocate “life chances equally”… Education has to provide academic skills that engage students in understanding and applying various sorts of knowledge, critically and analytically, and social skills that cultivate consciousness of their citizenship and civic participation. (Sanga, 2012, p. 4)

The pursuit of CEP in Sub-Saharan higher learning institutions has been on for a long time and is driven by a desire for ‘good teaching–learning practices’. Over time, the search for good teaching and learning practices has taken the form of critical pedagogy, andragogy, self-directed learning, learner-centred learning, collaborative learning, experiential learning and the like. The pursuit is further seen in the shift of emphasis from the ‘teaching’ to ‘learning’ paradigm (Muyinda et al., 2019). Good teaching–learning processes have recently been associated with flexible learning modes such as Open, Distance and E-Learning (ODeL), e-learning, m-learning and other associated information communication technologies (Asiimwe et al., 2017; Odhiambo, 2018). Asiimwe notes that ‘ICT offers flexibility and the ability to collaborate with others in learning …creates personalised learning environments, makes learning seamless’ (Asiimwe et al., 2017, p. 103). ICT blurs the position of the teacher as all-knowing and allows the learner to research from virtual sources, thereby taking the lead in meaning-making. This is in addition to collaboration with the teacher and other learners known and unknown to them. The temptation to look to the teacher for a solution diminishes, becoming critical in some sense with a feeling of accomplishment and empowerment. This is albeit the challenges and limitations of ICT—mediated learning, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. These challenges include the inaccessibility of ICT infrastructure, limited technical support systems, Internet connectivity and technophobia by some instructors (Asiimwe et al., 2017; Odhiambo, 2018). The strategic plans and learning policies of selected universities show several usage concepts that describe the desired pedagogy. Indeed, most of these concepts relate to CEP in one way or another. The University of Ghana, for example, speaks of innovative teaching and learning methods to produce thoughtful leaders for the

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next generation (University of Ghana, 2014). On the other hand, in an endeavour to produce graduates that can match the demands of the twenty-first century, the University of Cape Town pursues a pedagogy that promotes critical thinking and technical and literary competence and is committed to lifelong learning. This is in addition to the decolonisation of the curriculum to address national development goals (University of Cape Town, 2018). At a national level, Odhiambo (2018) advocates for quality education in higher learning institutions for the broader socioeconomic development of Kenya. Curricula and pedagogy are usually supposed to reflect the aims and objectives of the institution or, more broadly, a country’s development goals. The Universities and other Tertiary Institutions Act (UTOIA) 2001 of Uganda summarises the objectives of a public university as the provision of higher learning, research and knowledge dissemination. This, of course, falls short of stipulating a teaching and learning approach to realise the desired national development plans. This, therefore, gives individual universities leeway in formulating and implementing the desired pedagogy. Odhiambo (2018) notes that most institutions of higher learning in Sub-Saharan Africa are limited by funding (Odhiambo, 2018). Incidentally, external support, mainly from the Global North, goes to research and rarely teaching and learning (Etomaru et al., 2016). The research support is seen as a continued effort by the global North to keep hold of knowledge production. Teferra and Altbach, (2004) notes; In virtually all African countries, demand for access to higher education is growing, straining the resources of higher education institutions. Students have had to be admitted into institutions originally designed for fewer students, and enrolments have escalated, but financial resources have not kept pace. In many countries, resources have actually declined due to inflation, devaluation of the currency exchange rate, economic and political turmoil, and structural adjustment programs, further stressing the financial stability of institutions and systems. (Teferra & Altbach, 2004, p. 25)

Hence, the desire for CEP by most African universities has met several challenges. The question is how these universities can balance the desire for CEP and institutional capacity or affordability. One significant challenge to efforts to realise CEP in most universities in Sub-Saharan Africa is a lack of reward (Odhiambo, 2018). Most universities reward research and development innovations through promotions instead of teaching (Etomaru et al., 2016). This leads teachers or lecturers to consider teaching a secondary assignment hence regurgitating methods and notes used over the years. Research and associated innovations also come with increased funding from government and development partners and recognition for global ranking. However, it cannot be overemphasised that for impactful education, teaching and learning go hand in hand with research, innovation and development. Therefore, effective pedagogy or CEP holds the key to the education of the present African graduate. On the other hand, private universities seem to have suffered a double tragedy. Private universities have not been lucky to attract massive research funds from the global North or government. They have concentrated more on teaching and, worse, rote learning or banking education (Freire, 1970; Odhiambo, 2018).

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In short, most stakeholders in education agree that CEP is the way to go for impactful education. The challenge comes in as it requires great effort, time, small classes, planning, commitment to tasks and roles and embedded costs. Most of these seem way out of reach for most governments and stakeholders in Sub-Saharan Africa. In the next section, I look at Mak as a critical case of an African university to explore the questions raised here from a historical perspective.

5 Makerere as a Critical Case of an African University Makerere University (Mak) has been selected because of the many faces it represents as a typical case of an African institution of higher learning. Mak is a traditional university that has since transitioned from colonial to national and is now a dual-mode university under the neoliberal era (Bisaso, 2017). As a traditional university, I speak of the earliest government universities on the African continent during the colonial days. Makerere was founded in 1922 as a technical institute to train technicians and administrative assistants to serve the colonial government (Bisaso, 2017; Nampala et al., 2017; Sanga, 2012; Ssebuwufu, 2017). Later it was upgraded to a college in 1949 affiliated with the University of London. Mak, for example, bears so much resemblance to traditional universities in Sub-Saharan Africa, such as the University of Nairobi, Kenya; University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania; University of Ibadan, Nigeria; University of Ghana; University of Zambia and others (Nampala et al., 2017; Odhiambo, 2018). Most of these universities later became national universities to prepare leaders for the post-independence development agenda (Bisaso, 2017; Etomaru et al., 2016; Odhiambo, 2018; Sanga, 2012). It ought to be stressed that these universities’ curricula, structure and pedagogies have remained primarily inclined to the colonial education system (Bisaso, 2017; Odhiambo, 2018). With the global wave of neoliberal economic dispensation, which saw reduced government funding, Mak, like most public universities in Africa, adopted a dual financing mode of running private programmes alongside government ones (Odhiambo, 2018; Sanga, 2012; Ssebuwufu, 2017). The approach was a form of survival mechanism to supplement dwindling government funding. Neoliberalism also meant that teaching and learning was crafted to respond to market demands (Mamdani, 2007). Market-driven HE also came with the massification of Education. Private sponsorship, launched in 1992, saw Mak enrolment soar to 80% private within seven years, accounting for 50% of the university’s total revenue (Ezati et al., 2014; Sanga, 2012). The issue then was how such market-oriented education could keep with desired critical-emancipatory pedagogy (CEP). Right now, it is like two universities in one, which makes Mak a good example for both public and private universities in Sub-Saharan Africa. As Uganda’s first and premier university, Mak remained the single university in Uganda until 1989, when other universities emerged (Bisaso, 2017). The number is now close to 50 universities serving 45 million people. This number almost matches Kenya at 47, 30 governmentaided and 17 private ones (Odhiambo, 2018). Since then, emerging universities have

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benchmarked Mak in most of their policies and operations. Therefore, Mak’s history, structure and management speak to a wide range of universities [both private and government-aided] in Uganda and Sub-Saharan Africa. Mamdani (2007), in his book titled ‘Scholars in the Marketplace: The Dilemmas of Neo-Liberal Reform at Makerere University, uses the case of Mak to explain the catastrophe that had befallen public universities in Sub-Saharan Africa due to neoliberal reforms’. Among others was the negative impact on teaching and learning. The desire for more considerable student numbers for financial gain led to less qualified part-time staff recruitment and less attention to teacher-learner interaction. This was and still is amidst insufficient teaching and learning facilities such as classrooms, laboratories, ICT equipment and other essentials such as broadband Internet connection (Ezati et al., 2014; Sanga, 2012). Such dilemmas have continued to hurt efforts toward CEP in most universities in Sub-Saharan Africa. Like most other public universities in Sub-Saharan Africa, Makerere operates on a semi-autonomous mode that controls its curricula and pedagogy, budgets, recruitment and HR policies. However, autonomy is only allowed within acceptable national and international frameworks (Etomaru et al., 2016; Odhiambo, 2018). All higher institutions of higher learning in Uganda are regulated by the National Council for Higher Education (UNCHE) (Etomaru et al., 2016). UNCHE only came into existence in 2001 when the increase in higher learning institutions became apparent. Before then, Mak was the single university controlling most diploma-awarding institutions. In the colonial and later post-independent Uganda, pedagogy in HE was largely teacher-centred and hence less critical or emancipatory but more of what Paul Freire (1970) calls the banking concept of education (Nampala et al., 2017). About colonial education, Kisitu and Ssebunya (2016) note that learning institutions in Uganda followed an established curriculum that teachers and students had to abide by. Colonial education was structured to hand over already crafted curricula or package of knowledge and skills for the African students to perform specific tasks (Bisaso, 2017; Nampala et al., 2017). The aftermath of colonialism slowly brought dissatisfaction with the colonial education system. The roles had changed, and white-collar job opportunities began to shrink, yet graduates lacked independent critical thinking skills, job creation skills, creativity and innovative skills. Questions began to emerge, such as ‘Education for what? Education for who? Education when and where?’ (Nampala et al., 2017). This became more apparent in the neoliberal era when parents began to pay for HE as an investment. This followed the recommendation of IMF and the World Bank to governments of the global South to prioritise primary education as a social investment instead of what HE deemed a private good. As consumers or purchasers of education, private citizens began to compare education investments against profits or outcomes. Hence, curricula and pedagogy became a severe issue of concern. Looking through history, several essential incidences and timelines through policy documents give a sense of CEP pursuit at Mak .

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1. Among other objectives, Mak Strategic Plan 2000/1—2006/7 was the ‘Transformation of teaching and learning through the application of Pedagogic and Information Technology, and Curriculum Reform’. The proposed pedagogical strategy aimed to increase the student–teacher interface (Mak, 2000). Additionally, the strategic plan aimed to promote interdisciplinarity of teaching and learning for all-around graduates. 2. Mak Strategic Plan (2008/9–2018/19) sought to make Makerere a centre of excellence in teaching and learning, research and innovation in Africa. The goal was to produce graduates with problem-solving skills and reflective ability (Ezati et al., 2014). Specifically, the desired pedagogy was learner-centred, problem-based instruction, providing experiential and flexible learning. 3. Mak Strategic plan 2020—2030 theme is ‘Unlocking the knowledge hub in the heart of Africa’. One of the four goals is ‘innovations in teaching and learning that respond to the changing environment with a specific focus on student-centered teaching and learning through’: a. b. c. d.

Learner-centred curriculum Problem/community-oriented Promotion of critical intellectual disposition and independent thinking Mainstreaming open distance and e-learning (OdeL).

4. In the Learning and teaching policy, Mak (undated) agitates for teaching and learning strategy driven by active, self-directed and independent learning philosophy. This is to be hinged on innovativeness, learner-centeredness, lifelong learning (LLL), collaboration and academic freedom, among others. Therefore, the various policy documents summarised above show how Mak has pursued CEP over time. At each point, the focus has remained the same, albeit the practice on the ground. In other words, the dream of CEP still lingers on. This is not to say that no achievements have been registered, but the efforts often fall short of the desired levels. It has been like one step forward, two steps backwards or the other way round. The inability to realise the desired CEP has been due to several challenges that have characterised higher learning institutions in the global South, particularly Sub-Saharan Africa (Odhiambo, 2018). A scan through most universities reveals common challenges: the high teacher-student ratio, significant teaching workload, resource constraint, scarcity of supportive facilities, lack of adequate pedagogical skills and over-reliance on colonial curriculum imposed on both teachers and learners. In addition, there are no institutional commitments later on sanctions for nonimplementation. Implementation remains an individual lecturer matter. Given the extra effort and resource requirements for CEP, even the inquisitive and passionate lecturers to CEP eventually give up. Then the plans and aspirations remain on paper for yet another planning cycle.

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6 Proposed Model for Critical-Emancipatory Pedagogy for HE In this section, I propose a model suggesting the next steps towards realising CEP as the pedagogy in play in Sub-Saharan universities. Looking at the current and future of HE in Africa, and because of the growing population, shrinking government subventions to HE, job requirements, growing need for practical skills and cognisant of the current infrastructure and human resources, particularly academic staff; I now propose a model that would perhaps help institutions to consider what is feasible with CEP. This model speaks of issues with curricula, teaching and learning tools, materials and pedagogy, learner assessment and feedback and teacher-student ratios. The proposed model also cognates the limitations of critical pedagogy, emancipatory pedagogy and ultimately, CEP. It is a highbred model that recognises the strength and limitations of CEP and the inherent institutional and national challenges facing higher learning institutions in Africa, particularly Sub-Saharan Africa. One crucial factor is the identification of stakeholders in pedagogical change (Grice, 2019). These involve students, lecturers, administrators, parents, civil society and political leadership or policymakers at the institutional and national levels. The model also considers the factors as to why the much-desired CEP has eluded many institutions and countries. Therefore, it is noted that a way forward ought to focus on institutional and national policies. My suggested model draws from Kanter et al. (1992) change model by identifying what has worked and what has not. The particular emphasis is on what ought to be done differently, given what has been observed over time. According to Grow (1991), this model requires a change of roles between the student and the educator. The student moves from being dependent to self-directed. On the other hand, the educator moves from an authority or coach to a Consultant or delegator. Tasks or engagements change from Coaching, drilling and lecture to internships, dissertations, individualised tasks and self-directed study groups. Drawing from Kanter et al. (1992) model of organisational change, I note that the pursuit of CEP is an ongoing agenda. A scan through most universities’ strategic plans and teaching strategies, one can note that some achievements have already been made. This is the fact that these universities are at different stages in the pursuit and realisation of CEP. Therefore, in the Table 1, I use the case of Mak to point out what has primarily been achieved and what is generally lacking in the pursuit and realisation of CEP.

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Table 1 Assessment of CEP at Mak (Adopted from Kanter et al., 1992) Kanter et al. (1992) ‘Ten Status of CEP at Mak Commandments for executing Change’ 1. Analyse the organisation and its need for a change

There is a realisable need for change [by default and design]

2. Create a shared vision and common direction

At the policy level, there is expressed vision, but not practically shared or enforced

3. Separate from the past

Partially separated from the past. OdeL is taking root largely occasioned by COVID-19. However, curricula and assessments are so teacher centred

4. Create a sense of urgency

Still lacking at both institutional and national level

5. Support a decisive leader role

Committed leadership but hampered by institutional and national policy frameworks

6. Line up political sponsorship

Political goodwill is expressed but not properly enlisted [rarely captured in national development plans]

7. Craft an implementation plan

Policy documents are uncoordinated and lack an implementation plan

8. Develop enabling structures Primarily of traditional pedagogy, but ad hoc effort is supportive of CEP 9. Communicate, involve people and be honest

Communication and involvement of stakeholders on a steady rise occasioned mainly by the Covid-19 pandemic

10. Reinforce and institutionalise the change

CEP is desired but not institutionalised [there is no enforcement or penalty for non-compliance]

7 Status of CEP implementation at Makerere University Kanter et al. (1992) model recognises the fact that the ten steps or commandments ought to be gauged on effectiveness along the way to allow for ‘nuances and contextual factors because “implementing change is an ongoing process of discovery”’ (Stouten et al., 2018, p. 754).

7.1 Proposed Contextual Model of CEP in Sub-Saharan African HE As noted from the diagram above, the proposed model or framework speaks of the status quo and how to confront the challenge for the dream CEP. ‘A’ represents the dream: a learner-centred pedagogy, self-directed learning, reflective, dialogic and self-reflective. It is believed that once the learning process is mainly in the hands of learners, knowledge retention is higher and leaves an impactful impression on the learners. ‘B’ represents systemic challenges in most universities and national contexts. These include the resource constraints, that is, financial, time

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Fig. 2 CEP model for universities in Sub-Saharan Africa

and human resources. The necessary finances are to purchase books and materials to support independent learning. Other constraints include big-class sizes and ‘colonial’ curricula. Any breakthrough with CEP necessitates a recognition of these constraints and preparedness to confront them. ‘C’ represents the intervening factors to the constraints. These are seemingly complex decisions but should be taken as a bitter pill for CEP to realise. CEP, for example, requires smaller classes, yet the institutions are bombarded with more significant student numbers. ‘D’ represents the quality of the anticipated graduate— the actual value product of CEP. Finally, E and F speak of the context in which a university operates: stakeholders, National Development Plan, education policy and employment policy. In summary, the framework above speaks of how to break the puzzle of the dream CEP pedagogy confronted by enormous challenges that are often beyond the means of individual institutions. Therefore, the framework above suggests an approach to realistically implementing CEP in institutions of higher learning in Sub-Saharan Africa (Fig. 2).

8 Proactive Steps for Implementation of CEP in Higher Institutions of Learning Given Kanter et al. (1992) model of organisational change and the CEP framework presented above, I present a list of recommendations for CEP implementation. These recommendations are both national and institutional.

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National measures: • There ought to be a deliberate national policy to streamline CEP in institutions of higher learning. This should be emphasised and promoted by responsible ministries or bodies responsible for HE, such as UNCHE in Uganda. • There is a need for a deliberate funding programme for CEP popularisation and implementation. Popularisation is needed to bring stakeholders [learners, educators, administrators, researchers, civil society, civil servants, guardians, cultural leaders and politicians] on board to support the efforts. • There is a need to organise orientations and sensitisation sessions for teaching staff. Literature shows that teachers are likely to teach the same way they were taught when they were in school. Therefore, there must be a paradigm shift of attitudinal change among university educators. This is perhaps what Kanter et al. (1992) call ‘separate from the past’. • Countries ought to clearly define the type of graduate desired. The proper definition of the graduate required would automatically influence the type of pedagogy. Once, a country is desirous of [Independent critical thinking skills, innovative and creative, job creation skills and practical skills] graduates, CEP would be at play. • Over-reliance on colonial curricula has hampered indigenous creativity and compromised national development goals. Countries ought to promote and rely on inward-looking curricula in training at HE. This would mean the adaptation of curricula that is problem-based than content-based. • Countries’ ministries in charge of education should promote CEP right from early childhood education. This will help to avoid a cultural shock at the HE level. Institutional measures: • There is a need for the orientation of learners into the CEP learning culture. This is mainly in the short run, where learners are products of teacher-centred pedagogies. • Institutions ought to come up with clear implementation plans for CEP. This might involve but not limited to rewards and penalties, especially for individual educators. • The concept and terminology of lecturing in its ‘traditional sense’ should be dropped, and more participatory terminologies adopted, such as; facilitation, academic advisement, tutorage and mentoring. The title of lecturer could also be replaced with ones like a professor, Consultant or facilitator. • Institutions should urgently adopt a more flexible mode of assessment [formative rather than summative assessment; projects rather than timed examinations; goaloriented than content-based; practical than theoretical; immediate feedback with room for retrials; and solution-focused]. Emphasis should be placed on more engaging tasks such as projects, presentations and assignments rather than endof-semester examinations.

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Table 2 CEP proposed course-mark allocation in HE Course assessment areas

Under- graduate

Graduate

Class attendance

20

20

Class presentations/participation, tasks/assignments

20

30

Course project

20

30

Final assessment/examination

40

20

100

100

Total (percentage)

9 Recommended Marks Allocation for CEP in HE Currently, most universities emphasise final assessment, which does not align with CEP principles. Such assessment will ultimately increase student attendance, discourage cheating in final examinations and produce practical rather than graduates with much theory. Emphasis on class attendance and progressive tasks and projects will enhance practical skills and make learning more engaging. Course project could be done in partnership with industry or based on a learner’s area of interest (Table 2).

10 Conclusion This chapter highlighted the pursuit and struggles associated with the much-desired CEP in institutions of higher learning in Sub-Saharan Africa. The importance of CEP at all levels of education cannot be overemphasised. However, CEP is desirable and critical for graduates who are not only problem solvers but also necessary for national development. Continued over-reliance on colonial education produces book knowledge for consumers and job seekers. There were noted enormous challenges to fully realising CEP in higher institutions of learners. However, the cost of giving up in facing these challenges is higher than confronting them. Therefore, the chapter has stressed an urgent need for institutions of higher learning and nations at large to enact deliberate efforts to realise CEP for impactful education and national development. These efforts do not necessarily come easy but require a concerted effort of all stakeholders in education and national development. The framework suggested helps take stock of what is in place and what is required to get to desirable positions.

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Twine Hannington Bananuka is a Lecturer and Ag. Dean, School of Distance and Lifelong Learning at Makerere University, Uganda. My teaching and research interests are in areas of adult learning and community education/development; citizenship education; and visual, participatory and post-qualitative research methods.

The Dynamics of Globalisation and Internationalisation Processes Shaping the Policies for African Higher Education Emnet Tadesse Woldegiorgis

Abstract Higher education in general has historically been the domain of national policy processes with minimal influences from regional and global processes. The growing phenomena associated with globalisation and internationalisation have, however, been pushing higher education policy to not only go beyond national jurisdictions but also to converge at regional levels. Globalisation has accelerated the growth of interdependence of variances, which in turn have forged integration, cooperation and harmonisation across socio-economic and political processes. Factors that have shaped policy orientations towards internationalisation, regionalisation and harmonisation of higher education processes cover (i) the growing popularity of liberal economic principles, (ii) the increasing relevance of knowledge for economic growth and development, (iii) the introduction of market elements in higher education sectors, (iv) the coming of private providers of higher education and (v) the development and expansion of digital technologies. Regionalisation of higher education policies has always been taken not only as a collective response to challenges of globalisation but also as a regional roadmap for national higher education policy initiatives. For instance, the African Union has been initiating various pan-African higher education harmonisation policies and programmes, including curriculum, academic mobility, quality assurance protocols and centres of excellence; these make the African higher education space more relevant and competitive in the international higher education space and the globalised knowledge economy. The chapter examines the implications of globalisation on African higher education, drawing perspectives from Jan (Scholte, Globalisation: A Critical Introduction, Palgrave Macmillan, 2000) globalisation typology—globalisation as internationalisation, liberalisation, denationalisation, privatisation, universalisation and deterritorialisation. The paper critically interrogates the question of how globalisation and internationalisation processes shape the regionalisation of higher education in Africa by reflecting on the regionalisation and harmonisation of higher education policy processes in Africa. E. T. Woldegiorgis (B) Ali Mazrui Centre for Higher Education Studies (AMCHES), University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_6

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Keywords Higher education · Globalisation · Internationalisation · Regionalisation · Harmonisation

1 Introduction Higher education systems are under constant pressure to respond to their national, regional and international environments. Universities must keep up with their changing socio-economic and political environments to fully maintain their relevance through time. This keeps higher education institutions under constant pressure to revisit their role (social pact) between them and society; this process is traditionally brokered through the state (Pinheiro et at., 2015). Historically, higher education has been the exclusive domain of state policy processes that respond to national stakeholders (including students, institutions, government, employees, industries and local community) without being much influenced by global processes. Nevertheless, as globalisation has led to the acceleration of interdependence, the policy agenda of higher education has moved beyond the jurisdiction of states and is incorporating regional and global interests. The convergence of various economic principles at the global level after the end of the Cold War and the growing popularity of neoliberal economic principles has been shaping national policy processes. Since the 1990s, the introduction of market elements in higher education sectors, the arrival of private providers of higher education, the development and expansion of digital technologies and the advent of the fourth industrial revolution (4IR) have shaped policy orientations towards internationalisation, regionalisation and harmonisation of higher education processes. Globalisation has triggered considerable changes to the higher education landscape, bringing the neoliberal notion of global competitiveness as one of the values of the sector. Expanding the horizon of visibility and influence of higher education institutions at international levels has become one of the main characteristics of the sector. In the age of globalisation, many higher education reforms have been influenced by competitiveness-finance, equity and quality-driven processes focusing primarily on market-based economic globalisation imperatives (Peck & Tickell, 2007). Higher education provides a highly skilled workforce and contributes to the research base and innovation capacity that increasingly determines competitiveness in the knowledge-based global economy. With its central role in cross-cultural encounters, higher education fosters mutual understanding and helps build future global networks. At the same time, cross-border flows of ideas, students, faculties and financing, coupled with developments in information and communication technology, are changing the higher education environment. This implies both increased collaboration and competition between countries and institutions on a global scale. Such trans-border or cross-border interactions in higher education policy imperatives demand supranational regulatory frameworks. These are necessary to deal with common issues such as quality and accreditation standards, international student

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mobility frameworks and credit transfer systems, joint degree programme structures, knowledge management systems and international ranking frameworks. One key aspect of globalisation is the convergence of governance models of higher education systems—whether this convergence is deliberate or not. The widespread development of regional frameworks that define and regulate cross-border interactions in higher education policy processes indicates such convergence. For instance, the number of external quality assurance agencies worldwide has increased sharply in the last twenty years, and there is broad consensus on the main components of the methodology. The African Union (AU) has also established a regional framework called Harmonisation of African Higher Education Quality Assurance and Accreditation (HAQAA). This was established in 2017 to support the development of a harmonised quality assurance and accreditation system at the pan-African level. The HAQAA initiative is fully funded by the European Union (EU), and the process is also linked with the European Quality Assurance Register (EQAR) framework (AU, 2018). Thus, cross-regional initiatives are also bringing about convergence of higher education policy processes at the international level. Sovereign states are collaborating within regional integration frameworks to maximise their competitiveness at the global level. For example, Held and McGrew (2000), in their globalisation debate, argue that regional integration is a collective response to the challenges of globalisation. Trends in many regions are moving towards the creation of shared space in higher education to address critical issues of access, quality, equity, relevance, employability and mobility. The growing phenomenon of globalisation and internationalisation processes have therefore been pushing higher education policy issues, not only to go beyond national jurisdictions but also to converge at regional levels. The emergence of regional and sub-regional regulatory policies in higher education, such as the Bologna Process of Europe, the higher education harmonisation strategy of the AU and the Regional Cooperation Framework of Higher Education in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), puts the old and exclusive role of the state in higher education under pressure as regional organisations are now engaging in policy processes. The Bologna Process is a particularly interesting example of globalisation on a regional scale since its influence extends well beyond Europe, as similar processes are being developed in Africa, Latin America and the Asia–Pacific region (Woldegiorgis, 2019). It is thus crucial to understand and analyse the dynamics between global processes and regional initiatives in African higher education to address critical questions. How do globalisation and internationalisation processes impact and shape regional higher education policies in Africa? How do international and regional developments elsewhere impact the higher education policy reforms in Africa? African higher education institutions are being challenged both by internal and external pressures to become more strategic in their overall policies and operations, including international activities, to appeal to domestic as well as global societies. Under such strenuous changes, what do globalisation, internationalisation and regionalisation mean to African higher education institutions? This chapter aims to critically interrogate the aforementioned questions and discusses the implications of globalisation and internationalisation processes on the regionalisation of higher education in

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Africa. It discusses the implications, interplay and roles of globalisation and internationalisation of higher education in Africa vis-à-vis harmonisation initiatives. The chapter draws its conceptual perspectives from the economic theory of ‘convergence of variance’ and Jan Scholte’s (2000) globalisation typology—globalisation, internationalisation, liberalisation, denationalisation, privatisation, universalisation and deterritorialisation. It provides both conceptual and empirical insights, critically reflecting on higher education regionalisation initiatives in Africa.

2 Dynamics Among Globalisation, Internationalisation and Regionalisation Processes When economist Theodore Levitt coined the term ‘globalisation’ in 1985, he was trying to describe the convergence of socio-economic and political imperatives at the global level that shapes the production, distribution and consumption of goods and sevices (Stromquist, 2002). The notion of convergence, interconnectedness and interdependence are the key concepts in globalisation discussions. As discussed by Held (1999, p. 2), globalisation is ‘the widening, deepening and speeding up of worldwide interconnectedness in all aspects of contemporary life’. Within the framework of convergence, the central idea around globalisation is the facilitation and intensification of ‘flows’ across the globe, be these of capitals, people, ideas, values or policies. Since the 1990s, the development of information and communication technology (ICT) and the end of the Cold War have further facilitated the flow and speeding up of worldwide interconnectedness and convergence. The prevailing ideology of the free market and neoliberal economic principles have become hegemonic values of economic globalisation. As argued by Fukuyama (1992), the end of the Cold War amounted to an ‘end of history’—an irreversible triumph of market principles and liberal democracy as the sole organising tenets for societies worldwide. The convergence of economic values on the tenet of neoliberalism further facilitated the globalisation process. Neoliberalism is a political-economic philosophy that is dedicated to the extension of market (and market-like) forms of governance, rule and control across all spheres of social life (Peck & Tickell, 2007). It is associated with a preference for a minimalist state, concerned with promoting the instrumental values of competition, economic efficiency and choice to deregulate and privatise state functions. As Peck and Tickell (2007) maintain, neoliberalism promotes, and to an extent normalises, a ‘growth-first approach’ to various socio-economic policies. This understanding is tied to a range of liberal assumptions about the significance of market forces in organising economic and social life. The argument is that centralised bureaucratic state structures are too slow, inefficient and ‘out of sync’ with the emergent needs of transnational capital and market-led governance. Therefore, many aspects of human life have gradually begun to be defined in market terms, leading to what some economists such as Stiglitz (2002) refer to as a form of ‘market fundamentalism’. This form of governance has also been validating the foundational

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premises upon which the work of international organisations such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) are based, enabling them to promote market ideologies more widely and confidently. The ascendancy of neoliberalism has also produced a fundamental shift in the way higher education institutions have defined and justified their existence. One of the antecedents of neoliberal assertions of higher education is the commodification of knowledge, which has redefined education and training as an investment in human capital. Human capital refers to ‘the productive capacities of human beings as incomeproducing agents in the economy’ (Zajda, 2008, p. 45). Human capital research argues that education and training raise workers’ productivity by imparting valuable knowledge and skills; they also improve a worker’s socio-economic status, career opportunities and income. As discussed by Saunders (2010), neoliberalism in higher education policy reforms focuses on ‘meeting the needs of the market, technical education and job training, and revenue generation’ (p. 54). Higher education policies and programmes have been framed, justified and promoted on a widely held belief that aligning educational policies and practices with the economic, political and cultural changes that globalisation signifies is necessary. Globalisation has been impacting the higher education sector on various levels, not only expanding the flow of ideas, models, capital and skill across borders but also converging standards and regulatory frameworks at international levels. The process of globalisation has facilitated the convergence of higher education reforms in different societies stressing performativity, as evidenced by the emergence of emphasis on measured outputs (on strategic planning, performance indicators, quality assurance measures, academic audits, international rankings, publication outputs and impacts) (Olssen & Peters, 2005). The convergence of policy variance has led to diverse sets of collaboration and partnership schemes among institutions, which are manifested through the development of joint programmes, academic exchanges, joint curriculum development, research collaborations, benchmarking, etc. The striking similarity observed in higher education policy processes is related mainly to the consolidation of international epistemic communities (a network of knowledge-based experts who help decision-makers to define problems) that seek common responses to common challenges, as well as the imperative to remain competitive in the global market (Woldegiorgis & Scherer, 2019). In the era of globalisation, one can observe many commonalities in the reform themes that emerge across countries, suggesting that national and regional governments not only face common challenges across many jurisdictions but also learn from each other in search of opportunities. However, epistemic communities do not operate in a vacuum. The diagnosis of the challenges faced by higher education institutions— and the interventions to address them—is regulated by regional policy frameworks and processes. Indeed, in the knowledge-based economy, higher education institutions are expected to collaborate to meet the challenges of a global economy and the labour market, as well as contribute to the further enhancement of academic standards. The process of globalisation has also been pushing national higher education systems to converge, collaborate and compete at international levels. Over the past two

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decades, globalisation, regionalisation and internationalisation in higher education have been broadly discussed by scholars. However, despite many excellent works done on the features of globalisation, an extensive review of the literature reveals that (see Hauptman, 2021; Oliver, 2017; Perraton, 2019) scholars have not yet fully conceptualised the process of globalisation, as it is an exceptionally long, uneven and complicated process. As stated by Tsuruta (2004), ‘many authors explain the features of globalisation but not globalisation itself’ (p. 1). The concept of globalisation contains several intertwined dynamics: competition, cooperation, convergence, harmonisation, integration (or interdependency), etc. Moreover, because it is still an evolving process and there are diverse stakeholders and rationales, the concept itself is seen as particularly problematic. Indeed, globalisation has been massively debated, and several typologies have been suggested (Hauptman, 2021). Among these, the typology discussed by Jan Aart Scholte (2000), in his book ‘Globalisation: A critical introduction’, provides a rather general but helpful guide analysing and understanding this complexity. The typology categorises the perspectives according to the nature of the globalisation process—globalisation as internationalisation, liberalisation, universalisation, westernisation or deterritorialisation. This typology is relevant in understanding how higher education can be explained through the lens of globalisation. Scholte’s typology helps us to understand the different features of globalisation as it applies to higher education processes as follows: (i) Globalisation as internationalisation: Even though internationalisation and globalisation are related concepts, they are not the same processes. As Jane Knight (1997) discussed, for instance, globalisation is the flow of technology, economy, knowledge, people, values and ideas across borders. Internationalisation of higher education is one of the ways a country responds to the impact of globalisation, yet at the same time respects the individuality of the nation. According to Scholte (2000), globalisation is a process that stimulates or forces national institutions to assume international standards (which is internationalisation). It is about the convergence of variance and having comparable or similar regulatory frameworks or standards. This is more of a reactionary process towards globalisation to stay competitive and relevant in global markets. The process of creating both bilateral and multilateral relations across borders, recruitment of international students and higher education policy reforms to meet regional and international expectations are examples of this paradigm. (ii) Globalisation as liberalisation, on the one hand, explains the process of removing restrictions on the movements of people and capital in higher education services among different countries. This is to facilitate student mobility, as well as cross-border, online and distance education provisions among countries. It also involves the process of denationalisation and privatisation in the sense of lifting restrictions on establishing private higher education institutions, letting foreign universities operate along with national institutions, introducing tuition fees and encouraging the market force in the higher education systems by considering higher education not only as a public good but also a private good. Globalisation as universalisation, on the other hand, implies promoting and spreading various

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national policy values, models and experiences to other parts of the world to shape and influence the policy process of others as per the promoter’s interests. It is the dynamics whereby social structures and ideologies of the modern world like capitalism, rationalism, industrialism and bureaucratism are spread over the rest of the world, normally destroying pre-existent cultures. For instance, the diffusion of the Bologna Process in Europe across different regions of Asia, Latin America and Africa can be an excellent example of this paradigm. (iii) Globalisation as deterritorialisation: This means delegating national sovereignty to the supranational body or the growing trend of supra territoriality. The increasing role of regional and international organisations dealing with various socio-economic and political issues on behalf of sovereign countries is one of the indications of the notion of deterritorialisation. The growing trend whereby supranational organisations have more agency to introduce regional policy reforms within the framework of regional cooperation is a manifestation of deterritorialisation. There has been a growing awareness of the importance of regional cooperation as seen in the EU, AU, ASEAN, the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Asia– Pacific Economic Cooperation, Mercado Comun del Sur and many other regional and sub-regional initiatives. The commitment to the further enhancement of higher education collaboration, as evidenced in such initiatives as the Bologna Process of Europe or the AU higher education harmonisation strategy, is examples of deterritorialisation processes. Scholte (2000) favours ‘deterritorialisation’ as an account of globalisation that emphasises ‘far-reaching change in the nature of social space’ (p. 46). This typology is not mutually exclusive, and they provide a comprehensive reflection of the implication of globalisation. However, they sum up the impacts of globalisation on higher education policy processes as a phenomenon that influences national governments to internationalise, liberalise, universalise and deterritorialised their higher education systems and processes. Even though Scholte’s (2000) typology gives structures to the complexity of globalisation features, it is not sufficiently comprehensive to fully explain the implications of globalisation on higher education. Globalisation is not a single phenomenon; rather, it is inferred from various phenomena, processes or outcomes which are multidimensional. It is sometimes mixed up with westernisation or internationalisation processes. Nevertheless, globalisation is a much larger and less structured socioeconomic and political force that results in the convergence of policy processes, values, structures and systems at the global level. In contrast, internationalisation implies the different policies and programmes that higher education institutions and governments implement as a response to globalisation. As Knight (2008) argued, internationalisation is ‘the process of integrating an international, intercultural or global dimension into the purpose, functions or delivery of higher education’ (p. 2). Thus, internationalisation is a strategic, or policy-oriented and deliberate or conscious process undertaken by governments, academic systems and institutions to integrate and be competitive in the global systems of knowledge production, dissemination and consumption processes. The quest for excellence and competitiveness at the global level in the process of knowledge production is the underlying rationale for the internationalisation of higher education. Competitiveness in higher education is

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explained as the ability of nations to produce, consume and disseminate knowledge (Van der Wende, 2001). Internationalisation is also academic entrepreneurialism that makes higher education systems more attractive to the global market by incorporating international crosscultural perspectives into national systems. As argued by Davies (1992), internationalisation is ‘closely linked [to] the rise of academic entrepreneurialism and genuine philosophical commitment to cross-cultural perspectives in the advancement and dissemination of knowledge’ (p. 177). The process of internationalisation is also happing within regionalisation frameworks as a collective response to the challenges of globalisation. Transferring several national prerogatives to the supranational level allows states to share expertise, institutions, tools, policies, personnel and funds to better deal with cross-border activities. Regional integration is established on the two-fold notion of convergence and interdependence, in the sense that regional integration is not always a response to global forces, but it could also be integration that stimulates and creates the force itself. In this regard, the emergence of various supranational organisations has facilitated the forum for the rise of collective voices at regional levels addressing common challenges of globalisation. Regionalisation ‘refers to the growth of social integration within a region and the often-undirected processes of social and economic interaction’ (Hurrell, 1995, p. 334). Even though initiatives of regional integration have been seen since the 1930s, the end of the Cold War marked the proliferation and development of regionalisation processes among nations through supranational organisations. The signing in Maastricht in the EU of the 1992 treaty (also known as The Maastricht Treaty), for instance, became a significant milestone, setting a clear framework for cooperation in socio-economic and political issues among European countries. In the same way, the Constitutive Act of the AU, which was signed in 2000 in Lomé, Togo, marked the emergence of the AU, marking the beginning of a new era of socio-economic and political integration in Africa. Hettne and Söderbaum (2008) called the postCold War developments of regionalisation ‘new regionalism’, arguing that it is a new multidimensional paradigm of regionalism that includes economic, political, social and cultural aspects. It is argued that the new regionalism goes far beyond the goal of creating free trade regimes or security alliances but rather incorporates other socio-economic and cultural sectors. The above discussions indicate that there is a conceptual link among the processes of globalisation, internationalisation and regionalisation and a dynamic of interdependence shaping policy processes at national levels. The following section provides practical examples of the implications of the aforementioned processes on African higher education.

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3 Implications of Globalisation, Internationalisation and Regionalisation in African Higher Education African higher education institutions have undergone transformations in responding and complying not only with national demands but also international pressures. Globalisation has been pushing African higher education institutions to align their respective missions, visions and core processes to meet certain international standards to be competitive in the global knowledge production and dissemination processes. Moreover, since the 1990s, international institutions (mainly the World Bank and IMF) have been instrumental in pushing African higher education to embrace the neoliberal reform agenda through Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). The World Bank, in particular, has dominated post-colonial development plans and assistance to sub-Saharan African countries, and it has also been one of the principal architects of structural adjustment policies. As part of the overall neoliberal economic reforms, the Bretton Woods institutions—the World Bank and IMF—developed a series of strategies recommending the introduction of market elements to African higher education, which most African governments adopted. The recommendations of the World Bank within the SAPs framework associated with higher education reforms have been widely implemented in many African countries. Nevertheless, the implementation process was uneven as each country followed a different track on the recommendation of the World Bank. The analysis of the Bank’s recommendations was published in two policy papers, first in 1988 under the title ‘Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Strategies for Adjustment, Revitalization, and Expansion (World Bank, 1988). Six years later, it issued its second policy paper titled ‘Higher Education: The Lessons of Experience’ (World Bank, 1994), in which it reaffirmed its 1988 policy recommendations but with greater emphasis on the neoliberal agenda. The central line of policy recommendations included institutional differentiation (incorporating private institutions), diversification of funding (introduction of tuition policies and cost-sharing schemes), establishing regulatory bodies (including quality assurance and accreditation agencies) and entrepreneurship in higher education (engaging in profit-making activities). These recommendations were adopted and implemented in most African higher education systems between 1991 and 2004, leading to the transformation of the sector into a market-driven ideology. At least at the level of rhetoric, discussions emerged among policymakers and researchers imagining the revitalising of the roles of African universities as agents of ‘knowledge and information society’ or ‘knowledge-based economy’ in which Africa could play a role. One of the main transformations overserved in the post-1990s higher education reform initiatives was the privatisation of the higher education sector in Africa. In the aftermath of adopting neoliberal reforms, most African higher education systems liberalised their higher education policies, allowing private institutions, as well as distance, evening and summer programmes to exist in their systems. For instance, at Makerere University in Uganda, distance education constituted up to 30 per cent of the total enrolment of the university over just five years (1990–1995). Similarly, at the

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University of Cape Coast in Ghana and at the Catholic University of Mozambique, distance education represented 50 per cent of total enrolment in the 1990s (Siaciwena et al., 2000). There were only about twenty private higher education institutions in Africa before 1990, but this number increased to 468 by 2007 and 901 by 2016, accounting for more than 24 per cent of enrolments in the region (UniRank, 2018). This has contributed to the enormous expansion of the sector on the continent, not only in terms of size and number of institutions but also in terms of forms and structures carrying diversified roles and programmes. The introduction and expansion of ICT facilities in African higher education has also enabled cross-border, distance and online education to flourish in the region. To regulate the new digital developments, many African countries have introduced ICT policies and digital strategies to optimise service delivery and upscale productivity. Therefore, African universities have experienced an upswing in the quality of ICT infrastructure that integrates new technologies in teaching, learning and research processes. The development and expansion of digital facilities in many higher education institutions has created an environment conducive to forging various international partnerships and integrating into the global knowledge system. The World Bank has been providing loans and grants to support e-learning and innovative digital development transformations in Africa. For instance, the Bank approved $100 million development assistant ($50 million credit and $50 million grant) to help Niger implement an ambitious programme to use digital infrastructure and services to modernise its economy and strengthen access to essential services in 2020 (World Bank, 2020). Similar digitalisation initiatives have been seen in several other African countries, funded mainly by the World Bank and the EU. Generally, developments in digital technologies, expansion of private higher education and the coming of new modes of delivery through distance and online platforms have significantly changed the operation and orientation towards market values of higher education institutions in Africa. Even though the development of ICT facilities and the expansion of the private higher education sector in Africa have been the most prominent developments since the 1990s, neoliberal reform towards the market is not limited to private higher education. Public higher education institutions have also introduced various tuition policies and cost-sharing schemes to generate income to cope with the gradual decline of public funding. While tuition fees were introduced in most western and southern African countries, various forms of cost-sharing schemes were adopted in eastern African countries, including in Kenya in 1991, Tanzania and Uganda in 1992 and Ethiopia in 2003. Many African higher education institutions also started to engage in various income-generating activities, which sparked policy debates among institutions within the notion of ‘entrepreneur universities’. The introduction of market elements in public institutions has been described as the ‘privatisation of public institutions’ or ‘commercialisation of knowledge’ (Ehrenberg, 2006), implying that public institutions are also incorporating market and neoliberal elements in their systems. The incorporation of market elements in public institutions has also led to the penetration of various values from the corporate world into the higher education sector, redefining some of the established notions in the system. The notion of

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‘mentoring’ has changed to ‘coaching’; students are now considered ‘customers’, and higher education leaders are treated like ‘Chief Executive Officers’. Thus, African universities are being pushed towards entrepreneurial values to generate and expand their income base, therefore integrating market values from the private sector. Thus, the threshold of tolerance between the public and private responsibility of higher education has blurred. Academic staff compromise the quality of education, stretch their working schedules and accommodate part-time employment in the private higher education sector (Mogaji et al., 2020). Income generation through consultancy work and research engagements with private companies has been highly rewarded by higher education leadership. Higher education scholars have raised concerns over the trend of excessive neoliberal values in education services and the marketisation of knowledge as a tradable commodity (Mihyo, 2004; Raychaudhuri & De, 2008; Singh, 2004). The debate goes on whether higher education should be a commodity to be traded or should remain a public good. The significance of higher education is mostly viewed by society through the performances, competencies and contributions that institutions bring to bear while attempting to address socio-political and economic issues. As such, higher education has become strongly associated with social change in the eyes of its public, as an agent of production, dissemination, application, promotion, protection, control and utilisation of knowledge. Societies also pride themselves on the high-level expertise that not only exhibits knowledge but also uses such knowledge to support change. Thus, how do African institutions manage to strike a balance between individual, social and corporate responsibilities while interacting with their stakeholders? As globalisation shapes, higher education institutions in line with market elements, promoting academic mobility and attracting international students has become a source of alternative revenue in many countries. In this regard, developed nations are the beneficiaries of international student mobility as more than 90 per cent of international students have enrolled in institutions in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries. For instance, six countries— the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Australia and Japan—have been dominating the flow of international students, hosting 70 per cent of the world’s international students for the past two decades (Perez-Encinas, Rodriguez-Pomeda & de Wit, 2020). African students crossing borders for higher education training constitute the largest proportion of international student mobility. According to Campus France (2020), about 5 per cent of the 8.1 million higher education students in Africa have crossed a border, compared to the global average of 2.4 per cent. According to the report, more than 404,000 university students from sub-Saharan Africa are currently studying outside their homeland. This number is expected to rise as the total student population is expected to reach 22 million by 2027. The growing number of joint degree programmes, exchange programmes and international research collaborations facilitates cross-border interactions among higher education institutions. As globalisation accelerates the internationalisation of higher education and concerns over regulation of quality and relevance, institutional and programme accreditations procedures, and frameworks on recognition of foreign qualifications have become crucial. This has also brought various quality assurance agencies to

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Africa. National quality assurance institutions, for example, started to flourish in the 1990s in most African countries. For instance, between 1991 and 2007, Cameroon, Ghana, Tanzania, Mauritius, Tunisia, Liberia, South Africa, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Sudan, Egypt, Namibia, Uganda and Zimbabwe established quality assurance and accreditation agencies (Materu, 2007). Nevertheless, the challenges of quality, recognition of qualifications, credit transfer systems, etc., have crosscutting implications across the region that transcend national borders. These concerns are not only shared among higher education institutions across Africa but have also demanded a collective endeavour in the process of addressing them since the nature of the concerns transcends national jurisdictions. Thus, the emergence of regional higher education policies and the efforts to harmonise them emanated from the new context of internationalisation and associated challenges of the sector, which demanded collective intervention and close cooperation among nations. The AU, in collaboration with other regional and global partners, including the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization and the EU and the Association of African Universities (AAU), have been developing various regional higher education policy frameworks. These include: the Arusha/ Addis Ababa Convention on the Recognition of Studies, Certificates, Diplomas, Degrees and Other Academic Qualifications in Higher Education in African States; the AU Higher Education Harmonisation Strategy; the African Quality Assurance Network (AfriQAN); and African quality assurance and rating mechanisms are some of the regional frameworks that have been put in place.

4 Harmonisation of Higher Education Systems The concept of harmonisation of higher education systems comes from an economic theory that has its roots in the industrial revolution. Harmonisation is explained in economies as the convergence of various policy processes among nations to facilitate the establishment of a free trade area. In macroeconomic theory, convergence refers to the forces that make different economies more alike (DeLong & Dowrick, 2002). However, the concept of harmonisation in higher education was first coined in the Sorbonne Declaration in 1998 and established by the Joint Declaration on Harmonisation of the Architecture of the European Higher Education Area (Sorbonne Declaration, 1998, p. 1). This document then became the foundation for the Bologna Process of Europe. The latter process is a higher education harmonisation initiative created by the European Ministers of Education to introduce a three-cycle degree structure, credit transfer system, quality assurance and qualification recognition mechanisms among European higher education institutions (Zgaga, 2007). In 2007, the AU also adopted the concept, developing a strategic document called ‘the African Union Higher Education Harmonisation Strategy’ (AU, 2007). The AU harmonisation strategy is also intended to create a harmonised higher education system across Africa to realise mutual recognition of qualifications, enhance the mobility of students and academics across the continent and improve the quality of programmes.

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In both cases, the concept of harmonisation is used to indicate the coming together or convergence of higher education systems in their respective regions. The EU is widely recognised as the first region to initiate a harmonisation strategy at the continental level. Even though the Bologna Process is the pioneer of higher education harmonisation initiatives, the practice is not uniquely European as it has since been implemented in other regions, including Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa and Southeast Asia. The AU launched its higher education harmonisation initiative after a strategic document was endorsed by the Third Ordinary Session of the Conference of the AU Ministers of Education (COMEDAF III), which took place in Johannesburg South Africa, from 9 to 10 August 2007. The harmonisation strategy has been operational since then with a set of objectives that includes: bridging the gap between disparate educational systems in Africa towards a definitive African higher education space; providing an integrating platform for harmonisation initiatives at regional and continental levels; facilitating the mutual recognition of academic qualifications; promoting intra-African mobility of students and academic staff; providing a framework for the development of effective quality assurance mechanisms; and ensuring that African higher education institutions become an increasingly dynamic force in the international higher education arena. The rationale for harmonisation is based on the belief that such an initiative will help foster more regional integration, facilitate academic and labour mobility, establish qualification recognition frameworks and assure the quality of higher education in Africa. To implement the harmonisation strategy, the AU has launched four processes around mobility, curriculum integration, the promotion of centres of excellence and ensuring quality, respectively. The major initiatives are the Mwalimu Nyerere mobility programme (promoting student and academic mobility); Tuning Africa (working towards harmonisation of curricula); the Pan-African University Network (establishing centres of excellence through joint degree programmes); and a variety of African quality assurance and rating mechanisms. Re-affirming the pan-African legacy of Julius Nyerere, the Mwalimu Nyerere mobility scheme, for example, was initiated to facilitate intra-African mobility of students in the areas of science and technology. The programme provides scholarship grants for African students, with a binding commitment that the recipients of the scholarship will stay and contribute to the development of Africa from two to five years after graduation (Woldegiorgis, 2017). Similarly, the Pan-African University (PAU) was established as a flagship institution to promote science, technology and research in African higher education institutions. It was established in 2009 by the AU as a network of five highprofile African universities to train the best students at master’s and doctoral levels. The PAU is structured as a network of African universities across all five regions, namely North, East, West, Central and southern Africa. As part of the curriculum harmonisation initiative across Africa, the AU has also subsequently launched a Tuning Programme that was designed to facilitate the harmonisation of curriculum and recognition of qualifications across the region. Tuning is a methodology developed to find a common standard or set of reference points of convergence for generic and subject-specific competencies for each specific discipline across higher education institutions to facilitate comparability of programmes (Onana, 2014). The term

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‘tuning’ implies that universities need not ensure uniformity or unification in their degree programmes via a prescribed set of regional curricula. Tuning as a curriculum harmonisation strategy was first developed in Europe in 2001 to facilitate recognition and comparability of qualifications following the adoption of the Bologna Process. Since the adoption of the AU higher education harmonisation strategy, tuning has also been adopted in Africa as a curriculum harmonisation methodology intended to create common points of reference, understanding and standards. The other process adopted as a harmonisation strategy by the AU is called the African Quality Assurance Support Programme (QASP), which was launched to facilitate quality assurance networks and standards across Africa. Within the framework of QASP, the AU, in collaboration with the AAU, established the AfriQAN among African universities. This is a network that promotes collaboration among existing quality assurance agencies in Africa. The idea behind the establishment of AfriQAN is that the network will take the lead to make possible the development of pan-African quality assurance standards and guidelines as a common reference point and thereby contribute to the harmonisation process. With support from the EU Commission, the AU also established a programme called Harmonisation, Accreditation and Quality Assurance in African Higher Education (HAQAA) in 2016. This initiative has set itself the goal of supporting African governments in developing a harmonised quality assurance and accreditation system at the institutional, national, regional and pan-African levels. These regional initiatives of harmonisation of higher education systems in Africa emerge with the collective intention of making the higher education sector on the continent more competitive at international levels. Apart from the initiatives at the continental level, there have been various sub-regional harmonisation initiatives in Africa. Among others, the Lusophone Higher Education Area, established in 2004; the Conseil Africain et Malgache pour l’Enseignement Supérieur (CAMES), established in 2005; the higher education harmonisation initiative organised via the Inter-University Council of East Africa (IUCEA); as well as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Education Protocol operational since 2001 are some of the early (sub-regional) regionalisation initiatives. However, most regionalisation initiatives in Africa, both at the continental and sub-regional levels, are donor-dependent. For instance, the EU has been excessively involved in the AU higher education harmonisation process from the outset, initiating, funding, expert-advising, and in some cases, process-owning the various functional elements of the harmonisation initiatives. The European Union Commission (EUC) has, for example, been fully funding the Mwalimu Nyerere mobility programme since inception—allocating e45 million in the 2014–2017 period, e63 million in the 2018–2020 period, and e108 million for 2014–2020. As part of the Pan-African project, the EUC has also allocated e13 million to cover the full expenses of the Tuning Africa project, continental quality assurance and accreditation project in 2019 (European Commission, 2019). The AU member states currently contribute only about 28 per cent of the budget of the organisation and donors the remaining 72 per cent. This has allowed the EU to dictate the AU’s activities (Woldegiorgis, 2019). Furthermore, member states are not fully committed to the AU initiatives, at least in terms of funding. The AU is still too removed for

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many African states to see the benefits of membership. Therefore, many regional projects remain heavily dependent on donors’ goodwill, which raises the issue of sustainability and ownership of policy processes. Despite funding challenges, however, most African higher education systems have already been highly integrated into the European Bologna model. This has a historical context as it is related to the long-standing dependency of African institutions on European universities. Historically, ‘modern’ higher education systems in Africa are largely a product of European colonial intervention. Most higher education systems, curricula, medium of instruction and policy transformation frameworks are still reflections of European systems. Thus, ignoring European higher education reform will have implications for African higher education institutions as it may mean isolation from their historical partners. Therefore, even if internal dynamics within the African higher education landscape were to have played a significant role in regional higher education reform initiatives, the introduction of the Bologna Process would still have formed the basis of the various harmonisation initiatives in Africa. Most African higher education institutions have firm relationships with European universities directly affected by the Bologna Process. African higher education institutions have therefore felt the pressure to align with reform stemming from the Bologna Process to avoid isolation from their historical partners. For instance, when the French institutions shifted their higher education system to the Bologna model, the higher education institutions in the former French colonies of North and West Africa felt the urgency of shifting their higher education systems to the 3-cycle Bologna structure along with the French reform initiative (Woldegiorgis et al., 2015). For example, countries in the Maghreb region of North Africa (namely, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia) were the first to implement the ‘Licence-Master-Doctorate’ higher education degree structure in their systems. Moreover, Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely, Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, São Tomé and Príncipe) have also aligned their systems with the Bologna Process to create a Lusophone Higher Education Area through the Fortaleza Declaration since 2002 (Declaração-de-Fortaleza, 2004). The members of SADC, in collaboration with the Southern African Regional University Association and the South African Qualifications Association, have been in the process of harmonising their higher education systems in line with the principles of the Bologna Process since 2001 (Knight, 2013). On the same level, the Economic Community of West African States has established its education sector strategy to harmonise academic programmes and recognition of qualifications acquired since 2003 (Hoosen et al., 2009). The IUCEA also put a system of cooperation among universities in the region, thus facilitating academic mobility and recognition of qualifications taking the European experience (IUCEA, 2012). Thus, regionalisation and internationalisation processes have been intertwined, shaping national higher education policies in Africa. Globalisation has created a conducive environment for interconnectedness and interdependence of higher education variance through the constant flow of models, structures and values across regions, a situation Benjamin Levin calls an ‘epidemic of education policies’ (Levin, 1998). Explaining similar scenarios, a considerable

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volume of literature on the inter-regional movement of ideas and practices in public policy has been developed over the last twenty years through various concepts including ‘policy transfer’, ‘policy diffusion’, ‘cross-national attraction’, ‘policy borrowing’ and ‘policy convergence’ (Dolowitz et al., 2000). The Bologna Process of Europe is a manifestation of such interconnectedness and interdependence of variances both through internationalisation and regionalisation processes. International processes and other regionalisation initiatives have also influenced the development of higher education regionalisation in Africa. For historical reasons, however, European rather than other policy initiatives have had the most apparent impact in the context of Africa.

5 Conclusion Globalisation has intensified worldwide socio-economic and political relations that link distant localities so that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away. It represents the convergence of the global economy, expansion of transnational linkages between economic units, creating new forms of collective decision-making, development of intergovernmental and quasi-supranational institutions, intensification of transnational communications and the creation of new regional policies. After the end of the Cold War, the neoliberal market-oriented economic ideologies became hegemonic, shaping worldwide policy processes. International monetary organisations, mainly the World Bank and IMF, have also become instruments of neoliberal globalisation in the global South, promoting marketoriented reforms, including privatisation and deregulation processes. As globalisation has intensified the flow of ideas, values, capital and people across borders, interconnectedness and interdependence among various systems have become apparent. Higher education institutions are now more interconnected and internationalised than ever before. Through various international partnership schemes, including academic mobility, joint programmes, quality assurance strategies and research collaborations, African universities engage across multiple internationalisation processes. Internationalisation is a process of integrating international and global initiatives into higher education institutions’ operations and functions at national levels. It is a national and institutional response to globalisation to be connected and relevant in the global knowledge system. Moreover, in response to global challenges, various countries initiate different higher education regional policy reforms through regional integration forums. The phenomenon of globalisation has led to the acceleration of interdependence of variances that forge integration, cooperation and harmonisation of socio-economic and political processes. Regionalisation processes are also collective responses to globalisation that address common challenges and exploit opportunities together. The pioneer of higher education regionalisation processes was the European Bologna initiative. Taking the Bologna Process as a point of reference, many regions (including Africa) have

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been working on the harmonisation of higher education systems in their respective regions. The AU still promotes and hosts regional projects, including the Mwalimu Nyerere programme that promotes student mobility; Tuning Africa, which works towards harmonisation of curriculum; the PAU Network, which established joint degree programmes; and the African quality assurance and rating mechanisms, which are intended to set up common understanding on quality and recognition of academic qualifications. Thus, globalisation, internationalisation and regionalisation processes are highly interconnected, shaping the policy dynamics at national levels. Historically, the higher education sector has predominantly been the exclusive domain of national policy processes, without being much influenced by regional and global processes. The growing phenomena of globalisation and internationalisation processes have, however, been pushing higher education policy issues not only to go beyond national jurisdictions but also to converge at regional levels. The AU higher education harmonisation strategy has, however, been exclusively dependent on the goodwill of donors, which has allowed them to dictate the AU’s activities. This is manifested in the aforementioned regional higher education project hosted by the AU.

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Emnet Tadesse Woldegiorgis is an Associate Professor and Director at the Ali Mazrui Center for Higher Education Studies, University of Johannesburg. He did his Ph.D. at the University of Bayreuth, Germany, where he also worked as a post-doctoral researcher. He did his joint Masters Degree in Higher Education Studies at Oslo University in Norway, Tampere University in Finland and Aveiro University in Portugal. He has been researching higher education issues since 2006 and published several academic works on theories of regionalization, internationalization, academic mobility, and economics of higher education, partnership models, decolonization debates and harmonization strategies in higher education.

African Identity in Graduate Research in African Universities: Experience First, Experience Throughout Joseph Kimoga

Abstract Research that deeply roots in and reflects one’s sociocultural identity is wished for any researcher. However, in the African context, there is a tendency of advising graduate researchers to prefer literature authored and/or edited by nonAfrican expert scholars to indigenous literature. Findings of most non-African scholars unfortunately lack a truly African relevance and scholarly flavour. This has contributed to graduate research that is devoid of African philosophy and paradigm, and not fully responding to African challenges. By design Africans are immersed in a wealth of experience gathered from their rich sociocultural interactions. These experiences nurture their perceptions and perspectives which they in turn ought to use, for instance, through research to shape their African reality. Letting graduate researchers derive research issues from their lived experiences and researching on them using the African philosophies and paradigms enables to express their African identity in research. This chapter aims to argue for “experience first and experience throughout”. Experience comes before any paradigm and determines which appropriate paradigm to use. Their indigenous experience helps to inform their research choices and actions, which helps to uphold their African identity and render their research responsive to the African issues and challenges. The researcher’s ability to question their value system and set of beliefs enables them to appreciate that their consequent research choices and undertakings are dependent on their lived experiences rooted in their native interactions. Propagating imported philosophical and paradigmatic trends and mentalities at the expense of new and emerging African philosophies and paradigms, disenfranchises an indigenous African researcher who would wish to draw on their plethora of experience to approach research issues using African paradigms. This study draws on research experiences of graduates, mainly Ph.D. holders, and graduate students in Uganda. The study further analyses some key institutional policies and practices as well as graduate guidelines in order to explore attitudinal implications and propagations. The chapter tackles the issue of critical and emancipatory pedagogies.

J. Kimoga (B) College of Education and External Studies, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_7

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1 Introduction Research that is deeply rooted in one’s sociocultural identity is highly desirable for a number of reasons. For example, it either informs or strengthens the researcher’s experience-based assumptions. It also promotes the researcher’s social and cultural experiences. In higher education, the trending advice to postgraduate scholars is “literature first, literature throughout”. This requires reading literature to identify and/or develop a research idea serendipitously. Albeit acknowledging the importance of literature in research, the majority of the existing literature is authored and/or edited by non-African expert scholars, and it is based on Eurocentric epistemologies and worldviews. While their findings are valuable and backed by sound arguments, most of them relate less to African interests and concerns. For example, the researcher’s choices and actions have a strong or at least a loose bearing on their lived rich experiences which same world of experience shapes their set of beliefs and value system (Hofer, 2008). Cultures are fragmented in nature and composition and defined by their histories, present and aspirations (Bailin & Battersby, 2007). One whose world of experience is Eurocentric will most probably lack Afrocentric experience and will have a greater inclination towards making epistemic contributions to their surroundings. The African epistemology is characterized by solid and harmonious relationships with others, peace with nature, communal living, spirituality, ethics and morality (Bakari, 1997; Phefo et al., 2015). There are fostered virtues of trust, togetherness and love, strengthening a sense of belongingness and security and ensuring physical and ideological identity, i.e. a sense of community belongingness (Alumona & Azom, 2017). Individual and collective interdependence is conspicuous (Oelofsen, 2015). Without a doubt, much scholarship done in Africa but lacks an African identity does not fully respond to African challenges (Mampane et al., 2018). Research done in Africa should have an African perspective as well as respond to Afrocentric challenges. By design, Africans are immersed in a wealth of “insights, ideas, information, experiences, practices, worldviews and perspectives” gathered from their rich sociocultural interactions (Manthalu & Waghid, 2019a, p. 31). They use this wealth for instance, through research to shape their African reality. Letting postgraduate researchers derive research issues from their lived experiences and researching them using the African ontologies and epistemologies enables them to express their African identity in research. In addition, higher education through curriculum, policies and practices that cherishes and promotes African thinking and perspectives is much desired for the growth of African research. Problem and aim: The overarching problem is that the absence of African ontologies and epistemologies, e.g. the communal/collective interdependence and Afrocentric experience in research conducted by sub-Saharan graduates obscures their African identity in research, which is indispensable in addressing sub-Saharan issues and challenges. The primary purpose of this study is to advocate for research that begins and develops on the indigenous experiences of researchers. The researcher’s ability to question their value system and beliefs enables them to appreciate that their consequent research choices and undertakings depend on their lived experiences

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rooted in their native interactions. Therefore, I argue for “experience first, experience throughout” in graduate research. Experience comes before any paradigm and determines which appropriate paradigm to use. Unless sub-Saharan graduate researchers are encouraged to use their rich experience to inform their research choices and actions, their research will remain devoid of African identity. The absence of that unique attribute in research may hardly render it responsive to the sub-Saharan issues and challenges. This affects the type of graduate products churned out who may be more westernized than Africanized in knowledge and affects systemic and operational mentalities in and outside institutions. Faculty and related graduate offices take pride in propagating the westernized philosophical and paradigmatic trends and mentalities at the expense of new and emerging African ontologies and epistemologies. These have disenfranchised indigenous African researchers who wish to draw on their plethora of experience to approach research issues using African paradigms. Therefore, I draw on my experience during my tenure at Makerere University to justify my argument. After that, I review and discuss Euro-American versus African world views in the light of cultural ontology and epistemology and right to education, epistemic hegemony, decolonization and Afrocentric epistemology. In the last section, I make a case for experience by reviewing and discussing identity, lived experience and experience in research.

2 Imported Practices in Graduate Research: Drawing on Experiences at Makerere University Like many other universities in Africa, Makerere University is obsessed with university rankings. While this is a valuable way to rate her teaching, research and knowledge transfer performance, the rating scale may not be congruent with Afrocentric ontologies and epistemologies. The Afrocentric ontologies and epistemologies promote collective and communal interdependence contrary to the EuroAmericentric ontologies and epistemologies that promote egocentrism and individualism. According to the most reputable global agency, The Times Higher Education World University Rankings, the basis for ranking university teaching considers that “a high proportion of postgraduate research students is an indicator of teaching at the highest level that is thus attractive to graduates and effective at developing them” (The World University Rankings, 2021). Whereas the ranking’s interest seems to be in Euro-Americentric in-class teacher-learner instruction, the African approach is more apprenticeship. A student learns in the field with a mentor. In research, the agency measures institutional productivity by counting “the number of publications published in the academic journals indexed by Elsevier’s Scopus database per scholar”. However, many dynamics and politics are involved in getting a journal indexed. In the context of this chapter, it may depend on whether or not journals and articles promoting Afrocentric epistemology may be considered for indexing. Most indexed journals have secured prominence due to their editors and authors, who have

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international repute in some educational issues. Most of them, however, use western ontologies and epistemologies. In addition, it is often hard to get published in such highly regarded journals, and if one succeeds, there is a high monetary cost attached to readership accessing the published work. Therefore, most scholars in African universities resort to publishing in local journals that are less stressful and provide open and cost free access to the local readership. Most of these outlets, however, can hardly be indexed. Since the agency examines a university’s influence by “capturing the average number of times a university’s published work is cited by scholars globally”, it may be hard to consider the non-indexed journals where most local scholars publish. In the international indicator, the agency calculates “the proportion of a university’s total relevant publications with at least one international co-author”. This depends significantly on a foreign co-author who would want to associate with an African scholar. Most foreign scholars prefer to be the lead authors, and Africans as data contributors assume the co-author position. Many African scholars gladly welcome, especially a western or some prominent scholar, as the lead name for their work to be readily accepted in indexed journals. Moreover, African universities are expected to attune to the world publication expectations. In the policy on appointment and promotion (Makerere University, 2006), sub-section 14.2, clause 1, number ii, it is stated that “Scholarships in refereed Journals as well as Published books and articles in published books are of academic value and should be considered. A good publication is that which is based on original research and published by professional organizations and has been peer-reviewed”. In addition, the research and innovations policy (Makerere University, 2008), subsection 4.3.1, number (b) requires “staff at levels of lecturer and above (or equivalent) to publish at least one paper in a peer-reviewed journal yearly” and (c) “doctoral students in the course of their studies to publish at least one paper in a peer-reviewed journal before they graduate”. While peer readers seek to prove that articles are suitable for publishing in their journals, some tend to determine quality based on the writer’s background. This may justify why many journals insist on writers removing any traces that may reveal their identity. This concealment is not only ethical, but also aids in reducing the reviewer’s bias. Notwithstanding, some reviewers detect origin based on the author’s writing style. When African universities regard refereed journals as highly academic value, they overlook the dynamics involved in getting published in those journals. They fail to appreciate that the author has to fit in the western thinking of the journal objectives, scope, editorial, and readership. Unfortunately, many African-based journals have also adopted Eurocentric publishing tendencies so as to attract the western readership. The directorate of research and graduate training, sub-section 2.8 “Theoretical/ conceptual framework” (Makerere University, 2016), guides students to make “an examination of existing or self-formulated theories about the researcher’s objectives”. It further explains conceptual framework as “a scheme of concepts (variables) which a researcher will operationalize in the study to achieve the set objectives”. This is obviously a positivist undertone. The absence of other worldview options in the guidelines is a clear suggestion that only positivist worldview and epistemology

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count. It is a Euro-American epistemic dependence and leaves no room for Afrocentric approaches. This is further attested in sub-section 2.12 Methodology “(vii) Data quality control: reliability and validity of instruments; and (viii) Measurements: the formulae or scales in the study”. These are all indicators of positivism, a westernized epistemology, as the only option for graduate research at Makerere. A question that cannot be missed in any viva voce for masters or Ph.D. candidates is: “which referencing format was used?” Students are asked to articulate whether they used the Harvard, Cambridge, or American Psychological Association (APA). The approved format is APA sixth edition in the directorate of research and graduate training, sub-section 2.17 “Reference” (Makerere University, 2016). A researcher is encouraged to write according to the institutionally preferred format. This lends African research to Euro-American alignments. It is a neo-colonial dependence and short of epistemic autonomy and a pointer to the need for an Afrocentric format. The policy on appointment and promotion of academic staff as reviewed and approved by the university council (Makerere University, 2006), sub-section 14.1, number vi, “Qualification” indicates institutional preferences. It states, “Masters and Ph.D. degrees by Coursework and Dissertation should be rated higher than those by Thesis or by Coursework only. This is because the Masters and Ph.D. degrees by Coursework and Dissertation have a wider (broad) knowledge base”. The wider knowledge base is due to the content taught. Higher education institutions create and maintain a mind-set among their staff and students that knowledge directly taught in class is superior to experience-based knowledge. This thinking encourages looking at knowledge as hidden in books most of which are western authored and promotes Eurocentric theories and epistemologies as the best for accomplishing research. However, it is a myopic view because it underrates the indigenous thought and experience, which a Ph.D. by research may easily adhere to.

3 Literature 3.1 Cultural Ontology and Epistemology Phefo et al. (2015, p. 256) define ontology as “a formal and an explicit specification of a shared conceptualization that represent definitions, types, properties, and interrelationships of objects and other entities that are part of their existence”. In brief, ontology refers to the essence of things or of meanings. It results from the values put together to explain reality. Therefore, the value system ascribed to an object defines it and determines how it is held. So, Africans conceptualize reality based on cultures, practices, activities, and social relevance. As Doerr (2009) states, sociocultural events enable meaning ascription and meaning-making. Concepts, ideas and abstract realities acquire meaning based on events and how they occur—Africans bank on their heritage to define the essence of events, objects and concepts. The

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Afrocentric definitions may be similar or familiar to other ontological and epistemic communities but do not share the same cultural source. However, no culture claims dominance and ownership of knowledge (Bailin & Battersby, 2007). What individuals believe about what counts as knowledge, where it resides, how individuals come to know, and how knowledge is constructed and evaluated stand at the centre of the science of knowledge, i.e. epistemology. Since every culture provides its understanding of the world and an alternative approach to human problems, every culture rightly claims source of knowledge. Different cultural contexts have put measures of how knowledge is tested and one’s proficiency. Hofer (2008) states that the factor structure used to determine the epistemic level in the USA may not apply in other contexts. This is because the sources of knowledge differ according to culture. People’s beliefs about themselves and their world depend majorly on their immediate and distant surroundings. These epistemic beliefs assist in composing a knowledge determinant. People’s knowledge perspectives change according to their changing circumstances, which are rooted in their cultural milieu. It is, therefore, necessary to “be sensitive to the multiple aspects of cultural contexts as well as to the changing nature of cultural influence” (Hofer, 2008, p. 6). Cultures operationalize and conceptualize differently from others depending on the contextual applicability of their conceptualizations in terms of understanding and standards. Therefore, there cannot be any measure or comparability of conceptual usability. As Bailin and Battersby (2007) argue, cultures are fragmented in nature and composition and defined by their histories, present and aspirations. The blunder of homogenizing culture was made when researchers assumed that they could apply the same Eurocentric epistemic perspectives to study and understand the behaviour of black people (Bakari, 1997). Scholars were cobwebbed in inaccurate branding of cultures as the same. Africans have their perceptions of knowledge and its constitution based on beliefs shaped by their cultural experiences and perspectives. According to Bakari (1997) and Phefo et al. (2015), the African epistemology is characterized by solid and harmonious relationships with others, peace with nature, communal living, spirituality, ethics and morality. Therefore, “higher education students who thoroughly understand Afrocentricity and Afrocentric epistemology are more likely to utilize student development models which are culturally relevant, thereby more useful to Africans” (Bakari, 1997, p. 4).

3.2 Right to Education The right to education is given wide recognition in international and local human rights instructions. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) 1948 (United Nations, 2015) states that the right to education is for all people. Similarly, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) 1966 (United Nations Human Rights, 1976), in Article 13, guarantees the right of everyone to education. Following the Republic of Uganda (Uganda Government, 1995), Article 30 reiterates that “all persons have a right to education”. However,

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the ICESCR emphasizes that “education shall be directed to fully developing the human personality and the sense of its dignity”. This implies that the right to access education extends to rights in receiving education to frame the whole human personality. There are many disablers to accessing higher education today depicted in the shortage of funding for students from poor economic backgrounds, disrespected rights for specific minority groups, institutional mission orientations, institutional knowledge and ideological stringency (Mampane et al., 2018). Institutional epistemic and ideological inflexibility violate the right to education and knowledge. They limit learners to particular orientations and deny them a chance to explore other options. Any education is perceived as the passage to growth and development for the learner. It opens their prospects and prepares them to take charge. Education is supposed to transform the person, shape their critical abilities and make them free thinkers. According to Freire (2000), education that simply prepares learners as parrots that merely recall information and stick to specific epistemologies instead of creating think tanks that freely explore world views dehumanizes the learner. In order to ensure rights in education, the learner’s cultures, aspirations, and needs have to be protected. “Education should reflect the lived experiences of participants in education—their ‘situationality’” (Adebisi, 2016, p. 440). “Situationality” is about banking on lived experience whereby one employs the indigenous tools as a standard that sieves out colonial influences and ideas from indigenous education.

3.3 Epistemic Hegemony Colonialism succeeded in subjugating the African cultures, practices and stances. Africa has always been proud of its rich heritage, history, ways of perceiving reality, and understanding and explaining the sources of knowledge. These were all suffocated at the dawn of colonialism (Adebisi, 2016). The colonizers mistook Africa for a lost primitive entity that they explored and subjected to colonial rule. Exploration, in this case, connotes power differences in terms of superior explorer and inferior explored. According to Adebisi, it also carried the undertones of civilized versus uncivilized, which differentiation has been imprinted in the minds of many. Everything superior and good was branded European. This explains why Eurocentric worldviews were promoted in the colonial and post-colonial education at the expanse of indigenous worldviews (Heleta, 2016). This has affected how African epistemology is regarded beyond the continent. It is taken as inadequate and inferior to western epistemology. This is epistemic violence which scholars (Heleta, 2016; Simukungwe, 2019) regard as control and suppression of indigenous understanding of the world in favour of Eurocentric and western epistemologies. Moreover, some African scholars feel convinced that their researches are inferior to those of the western world. According to Heleta (2016) and Simukungwe (2019), many Africans believe that they have to look up to their western counterparts for expert knowledge and fit their worldviews. Unfortunately, the unscrupulous and

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uncritical adoption of Euro-American world views weakens our African perspective of appreciating reality (Oelofsen, 2015). Colonialism is a system whereby one government subjugates the other and alters their social values, beliefs, standards, consciousness, practices and perceptions (Mampane et al., 2018). However, Maldonado-Torres makes more precise distinctions of the concept. He defines colonialism as “a political and economic relation in which the sovereignty of a nation or a people rests on the power of another nation”, and coloniality as “long-standing patterns of power that emerged as a result of colonialism, but that define culture, labour, intersubjective relations, and knowledge production well beyond the strict limits of colonial administrations” (Maldonado-Torres, 2007 cited in Manthalu & Waghid, 2019a, p. 243). Colonizers did not stop at exercising political rule over the colonized countries but also let their influence permeate the entire ways of the colonized. The African voices and knowledge aspirations were silenced and replaced with alternative goals (Toure et al., 2008). The main avenue through which colonialism impacted African society was education and literature (Adebisi, 2016). However, the education retained after colonialism was devoid of the genuineness of the African heritage and thus rendering shallow knowledge about Africa. Western elites defined a curriculum and an education system that was more of a copy and paste from the west for the African learner (Mampane et al., 2018). This reduced Africa to a colonial replica whereby everything was done in the same way it is done in the colonial headquarter and often done after the approval of the colonizers. In the process, the African imagination, organization and cherished agendas were either ruined or declined (Enaifoghe, 2019). As part of the epistemic violence, the researches done in Africa were not geared towards the growth of the research but to satisfy the private aims of the researcher (Adebisi, 2016). This continues to persist in the minds of many African post-colonial scholars. Many seek to suit their researches to the satisfaction of the non-African intellectuals. In other words, Adebisi contends that African scholars’ research efforts get dislocated from their scholarly context because they lack control over deciding on what constitutes knowledge. Scholars (Mathebula, 2019; Waghid & Manthalu, 2019) opine that there is pressure for many African institutions to subscribe to the global “knowledge society” membership and make loftier the positivist stance which objectifies reality. Despite African researchers acknowledging that their African outlooks have been overshadowed by other epistemologies and detached from their long-cherished values and beliefs (Toure et al., 2008), many still glorify global rating standards as the best measure for their institutional researches. Ngwenya (2019, p. 120) regrets that “unfortunately, these standards also seem to maintain and perpetuate coloniality, which in turn seems to continue to marginalize the same group that was marginalized because the ratings are based on what America and Europe deem to be the best, which happens to be embedded within coloniality”.

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3.4 Decolonization Responding to the question raised on whether African leaders should withdraw from Hague-based International Criminal Court, Donald Trump said that “I think there is no shortcut to maturity and in my view, Africa should be recolonized because Africans are still under slavery” (AfricaMetro, 2017). This is a harboured mentality by many in the west that Africans are not yet up to the standard of working on their problems. Although Trump felt concerned about how African leaders deplete their countries, the suggestion of re-colonization was minimized to Africans. Africans need to decolonize and manage their challenges. The wave of decolonizing Africa started in 1965 during a call by Ghanaians to decolonize higher education (Nkrumah, 1965, cited in Mampane et al., 2018; Fataar, 2018). Furthermore, in 2016, the postapartheid South African students staged a severe protest agitating for the decolonization of higher education. They asked for a change in the knowledge and curricula that they deemed to expose them to Eurocentric knowledge and preferred an Afrocentric curriculum to tackle the African challenges (Fataar, 2018). All education is a political engagement because it directly or indirectly propagates the designer’s ideologies. Simukungwe (2019) identifies that Africa is stuck in colonial-embedded knowledge and ideologies, some of which are irrelevant to her needs and directions and disempowering African student aspirations. In the mind of advocating for a colonial free education, Nyerere (1971, cited in Enaifoghe, 2019, p. 66) opined that “The thoughts bestowed by instruction or discharged in the psyche through training, ought to be freeing thoughts; the aptitudes procured by training ought to be freeing abilities subsequently”. Education ought to produce a mind free of any colonial influences. Unfortunately, the common assumption held by most advocates for decolonizing higher education is a total erasure of any colonial elements. They seek to disqualify, dis-engage and water down any knowledge approaches that are Eurocentric. For instance, Hungwe and Divala (2019) argue that it is necessary to identify and remove any traces of colonial value system and set of beliefs, customs and practices that persist in African higher education. They advocate for a total erasure and purgation of any residual colonial educational elements that continue to define African higher education. This is a fanatic approach because it brands decolonization as “a ‘reaction’ rather than a ‘response to’ or a ‘way forward’ from neoliberal/colonial norms” (Tavernaro-Haidarian, 2019, p. 24). Nevertheless, Manthalu and Waghid (2019a) explain decoloniality as a re-ordering of power asymmetries resulting from colonial segregations and discriminations. It seeks to change from the Eurocentric epistemic hegemony to consider other relegated epistemologies as basic forms of perceiving the world. Proper decolonization of higher education calls for consideration of all forms of knowledge and appreciation of their contribution to the world order. Therefore, any mentality of taking an epistemology as superior to others is discouraged by this epistemic openness (Fataar, 2018). Decolonization of higher education does not seek to destroy but build on what is already in existence. It is “a process that does not seek to dismantle or even ignore colonial realities in favour of something else, but rather as a process that ‘builds

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on’ these yet ‘evolve’ from the status quo by ‘including’ and ‘integrating’ more values” (Tavernaro-Haidarian, 2019, p. 26). The worldviews already in place are not considered evil and irrelevant to knowledge production and, therefore, need not be destroyed (Manthalu & Waghid, 2019a, 2019b). These worldviews are regarded as contributing to where African knowledge is. Decolonization ought to be a critical acceptance of various worldviews without reference to strictures that marginalize some epistemologies and glorify others. Decolonization in higher education implies “having representation of unduly marginalized interests and perspectives that resulted from systematic privileging of other entities such as topics, concepts, voices, worldviews, perspectives, cultures” in higher education research and “…incorporating insights, ideas, information, experiences, practices, worldviews and perspectives into programmes of studies” (Manthalu & Waghid, 2019a, p. 31). Minimizing the social identity of a particular group easily translates into epistemic injustice of underrating their knowledge and thought. Therefore, there is a need for mutual acceptance and adoption of whatever approach and methods are relevant and appropriate in the research undertakings. Decolonization seeks to create new world views in higher education based on the African epistemic constitution. Decolonization makes one critically interrogate the existing epistemologies with questions such as: “Where does the settled knowledge come from? In whose interests does the settled knowledge persist? What does the settled knowledge include, or what does it leave out? What are the settled knowledge’s authoritative claims? What are the underlying assumptions and silences that govern such knowledge?” (Mathebula, 2019, p. 8). Decolonialists need to re-examine the existing Euro-American worldviews and their philosophies and assert Afrocentric ontologies and epistemologies as equally good in research. Therefore, emphasizing the importance of African knowledge and culture in research instead of the Eurocentric knowledge enables to fasten the process of decolonizing the foreign knowledge hegemony (Adebisi, 2016). It is incumbent on researchers to engage indigenous epistemologies and desist from marketing the foreign approaches as superior (Mampane et al., 2018). Therefore, research and curriculum in higher education institutions should be geared towards addressing the needs of Africans and solving their problems. It should be anchored in the experiences of students. Mampane et al. opine that decolonization begins by acknowledging the unfairness of the colonial policies to local education, and succeeds in creating an independent education where a multicultural pedagogy is advanced. A country whose education is not colonial free cannot claim independence. However, Simukungwe (2019) cautions that a mere change of the education theory and practice without revisiting the meanings of education concepts cannot yield true decolonization. Educational concepts ought to be understood in light of the African context tied into a cultural experience. Therefore, education conceptualization must be liberated from colonial to indigenous understanding and linked to practical reasoning and local experience (Shawa, 2019). Garuba (2015, cited in Heleta, 2016) says that the process of reconceptualizing and decolonizing higher education requires reconsideration of what makes up an object under study, i.e. its essence, then proceed to how one comes to know about the object. This process

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enables the identification of fundamental cultural related knowledge bases. This helps to reduce the dominant Eurocentric approaches to knowledge and increases the Afrocentric epistemologies. Higher education in Africa has been reduced to universalized standards and ratings. The performance of academia is judged according to their ability to research within the current and existing world views. Accessing higher education institutions is dependent on set standards determined according to international practices. Higher education returns are weighed according to the nature and number of employable graduates. Mbembe (2016) concludes that these are all impersonal and mechanical standards. In order to recover the personal, human and communal perspective of higher education, there must be a joint engagement that calls for the involvement of “policymakers, students, academics and intellectuals … to engage in dialogues about decolonizing education” (Shawa, 2019; Simukungwe, 2019, p. 76). Higher education academics and students must assert their African scholarly presence to reduce Eurocentric bias. Therefore, this project requires an overhaul of the African mind-set to shift from glorifying Eurocentric worldviews to emphasizing indigenous thought and knowledge (Mbembe, 2015 cited in Oelofsen, 2015). According to Mbembe (2016), the whole process of decolonizing higher education institutions requires an overhaul of the entire institutional infrastructure, administrative and managerial structures and systems, curriculum and methods of assessment, repositioning students in higher education not as consumers but as decision-makers. Heleta (2016) observes that despite some institutions claiming to put decolonized policies and frameworks in place, most of their cultures and epistemological orientations are still Eurocentric. There is less will to engage in real decolonization. Many institutions are still propagators of colonial hegemony.

3.5 Afrocentric Epistemology The world is increasingly becoming global. Globalization is a process that seeks to bring together all the world’s political and economic operations into one and handled as a single village (Okorie, 2010). This has lots of benefits mainly, unity in diversity and mutual support. Conversely, there is a rapid decline of identity, culture, corruption of history and language, decayed values and compromised norms in societies (Mampane et al., 2018). However, Mampane et al. opine that globalization’s rapid influence and transformation can be controlled if glocal viewpoints are brought together with global viewpoints in a healthy way. Precisely, this suggests mutuality between Afrocentric epistemology and Euro-American epistemologies. There are different nomenclatures attributed to Afrocentric epistemology. Mathebula (2019, p. 2) uses endogeneity to refer to “knowledge of Africans, generated by Africans and for Africans in higher education institutions”. Further on, the same scholar uses “knowledge democracy” as “knowledge about the people, by the people and for the people that address problems and issues directly or indirectly posed by Africans themselves” (p. 18). The central point is that Afrocentric epistemology is

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indigenous and enables in appreciating Africa better as it tackles African issues. Its endogeneity is rooted in its ontological appreciation and explanation of reality in relation to cultures, practices and social relevance. This is implied in the words of the Pan-Africanist Kwame Nkrumah (1956, cited in Enaifoghe, 2019, p. 67), “We should, in the improvement of our colleges, remember that once it has been planted in the African soil, it must flourish amid African conventions and societies”. Graduate research in Africa must be rooted in their culture, thinking and practices, that is, in Afrocentric ontology and epistemology. Since decolonization means Africanisation of knowledge, a genuine African worldview is required to Africanize research. Euro-American world views instead internationalize the African research engagements. This whole endeavour means placing the African worldview at the centre of searching for solutions to African challenges (Mathebula, 2019). Graduate research needs to focus on internationalizing African conceptualization premised on solid arguments to strengthen the African research identity. Knowledge of the local culture and creating a strong epistemology form a formidable ground for internationalizing African knowledge (Neale-Shutte & Fourie, 2006 cited in Enaifoghe, 2019). “Africanising the educational system includes creating scholarship and research set up in African scholarly conventions” (Oelofsen, 2015, p. 77). The scholar assumes that this education approach churns out products that are not detached from their local communities and their African challenges. Adebasi (2016) rightly discusses that indigenous knowledge cannot be delinked from the sociocultural context of a person. Society and culture shape and nurture a person’s outlook based on societal values and principles. Therefore, indigenous knowledge is reflective of social philosophy and thought. Acknowledgement of the African worldview in higher education research transforms the position of Africa in the knowledge economy. African epistemology quests for truth based on how indigenous culture understands truth (Oelofsen, 2015). It seeks to empower Africans to enunciate philosophical stances rooted and centred on African culture and context. Concepts are understood in the light of Africa’s reality. Oelofsen maintains that Africans cannot be understood separate from the community they are nurtured. Therefore, the person and community are so intertwined that disentangling them is equal to denying African thought and knowledge. Individual good, success and satisfaction reflect the nature of the community in which they flourish. The task for educators in higher education is to transform the students’ mind-set into critically appreciating their own and other’s viewpoints, “practice to recognize frames of reference and use their imaginations to redefine problems from a different perspective and be assisted to participate effectively in discourse” (Mampane et al., 2018). Afrocentric epistemology cannot exist and thrive unless African academia learns to assert themselves as drivers of their African thought and knowledge, build on their past and forge their African epistemological future directions (Heleta, 2016). Afrocentric epistemology ought to tackle problems persistent in African society and the whole world. Therefore, the starting point is enabling African students to solve their challenges (Mathebula, 2019). Students should be able to set their problematics or look at the existing problems from the indigenous perspective and respond to societal needs and challenges using the African ontologies and epistemologies

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and experience. African communities have suffering masses, deprived, exploited and suppressed voices that need to be represented in African philosophies. Therefore, higher education is mandated to ignite students’ awareness and interest in the plight in Africa. “Higher education that is detached from its social situatedness will glaringly fail to contribute to social transformation” (Waghid & Manthalu, 2019, p. 49). Graduate research in Africa can be more beneficial if it connects with tackling the local challenges from an African perspective (Mbembe, 2016). Preferring foreign epistemologies to indigenous thought and knowledge will continue to cripple African graduate research unless African universities confront Euro-American epistemic hegemony in their research undertakings and practices (Shawa, 2019). Taking the counsel of Ngwenya (2019, p. 120), “if the present higher education system continues to promote the colonial hegemony, … our higher education system will forever overlook the national needs and caring for the other in favour of neoliberal perspectives, which constantly undermine the concepts of Africanization and indigenous knowledge, in favour of individualism and competition, and which continue to devour the dreams of underprivileged students”.

4 Experience 4.1 Identity There is no society without language. Language defines a society and its culture. The colonizer’s language is how colonialism managed to permeate and leave a lasting influence on Africans. The language established and made ideological permanence by conceptualizing situations and events in their colonial understanding. By that, a colonial epistemic identity was created. According to Mampane et al. (2018), the imposition of language is the imposition of culture. Since the foreign language became the medium for school instruction and the official public sphere, colonial cultural superiority suppressed the indigenous cultures. Identity is how a group or person perceives oneself and is perceived by others based on culture, colour, faith or belief, tribe, language, etc. (Alumona & Azom, 2017). Africans, by nature, tend to value family attachments, sex, tribe, and these define their social position and set a basis for othering. In such attachments are fostered virtues of trust, togetherness, and love, strengthening a sense of belongingness and security and ensuring physical and ideological identity. Therefore, as Alumona and Azom maintain, in Africa, the sense of community belongingness strongly plays a role in community identity. There is an emphasis on “I am because we are”, which recognizes the presence and importance of others in one’s existence and identity formation. Individual and collective interdependence is prominent (Oelofsen, 2015).

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4.2 Lived Experience Edmund Husserl explains that the essence of an entity lies in its distinct perceived features. People get to attach the object concerning the features. Therefore, separating the features from an object turns the object into something else. However, our familiarity with the object depends on how we experience it through the sensual realm (Lindseth & Norberg, 2004). For example, fire as an object with its element of burning flames may be perceived as a refiner to some, a destroyer to others or a purifier. The varying experiences attest to the essence of fire. The only way to know people’s experiences of fire is through what they tell out. In the process, the narrator shares their positional experience. The ascription is dependent on the experience of the perceiver. Therefore, the lived experience of the perceiver of a phenomenon is paramount (Mapp, 2008). This is why studies like phenomenology cherish the lived experiences of the subjects involved in a situation. The assumption is that their experiences nurture the beliefs they hold about reality. Such studies reveal the details and complexities of people’s lived experiences, which allows a more insightful and deeper appreciation of their world (Finlay, 2009). The phenomenological terrain is not concerned with factual bases. It is somewhat interested in telling from lived experience. The unpleasant and pleasant happenings, unjust and just situations, dishonest and honest persons, and so on expose us to the experience of human conduct. One relates what they have subjectively experienced, which may not be put to judgement (Lindseth & Norberg, 2004). Humans narrate, act and live according to what is familiar to them. These scholars aver that lived experience has to be written in texts to interpret it. The lived experience connects one to the ontological world of lived truth. Lived experience sets the foundation for the perspective from which one views reality and interacts with it and in it. Therefore, as Finlay (2009) affirms, our world perceptions are grounded on our lived experiences and established beliefs. This means that engaging in how our lived experience, knowledge and beliefs reflexively impact our actions and choices, is very important.

4.3 Experience and Research There is a reciprocal relationship between human beings and culture. Culture, as to how a society conducts its affairs (Toure et al., 2008), is by implication dependent on society and cannot exist outside it. Human beings shape society which in turn nurtures them. In shaping society, an acceptable way of being is formed and sustained through a nurtured behaviour. Through culture, members connect with others and with their environment. For Okorie (2010), culture makes up the whole human being to the extent that the being is identified about the culture displayed through behaviour. This means that human thoughts, knowledge and actions display their culture. However, society is dynamic again because of constant intermingling with humans from other cultures. Since people are not imprisoned in their cultures, their interactions with

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others influence their own cultures. They copy behaviour, actions and practices like a dress, dance and food. Therefore, cultures are informed and keep refining and changing as they borrow from each other. In higher education research actions and decisions, culture plays a significant role because it lies at the back of the mind of any researcher. Therefore, research is not only a political but also a cultural action. Higher education issues cannot be understood and explained away from their context or “social situatedness” according to Waghid and Manthalu (2019). These scholars state that social inequalities can be appreciated when related to society’s historical, cultural, political and economic realities. Researchers are more abreast with these local realities than the distant realities and can quickly and relevantly tackle social inequalities. Therefore, African universities ought to provide a genuinely African environment to enable academia and students to embark on research anchored in their African experience to solve their local challenges. Research should seek to handle local problems before extending interest in far-off problems. Waghid and Manthalu suggest that African universities should encourage their researchers to use indigenous epistemologies and pedagogies and not fall into benchmarking the indigenous epistemologies with Euro-American epistemologies. No epistemology can claim precedence or superiority to be benchmarked with. Therefore, African epistemologies can best be benchmarked on the standard of indigenous culture representation and conceptualization. The African worldview is premised on the basis that it is diverse. Africa has diverse cultural beliefs and values. These can be better explained through lived experiences. The African cultural diversity is its epistemic wealth if the various worldviews can be clearly explained and well used to solve challenges. This challenges the hegemony of the Euro-American epistemologies, which claim universality (Adebisi, 2016). African researchers, academia and students have an experience deeply rooted in their cultures and can thus make sense of the world around them. On the other hand, they have the task of unravelling the African research from the Eurocentric mentality and glorification and adopting Afrocentric epistemologies (Enaifoghe, 2019). In the African sense, problem posing and solving that is critical, imaginative, done together and including diverse views banks on the interacting members’ experiences and culture (Mampane et al., 2018). Research meaningful to the local situation relates to the lived experiences of researchers and the research whereby the concepts carry meaning that connects to the context within which they are used (Manthalu & Waghid, 2019b). The role of experience in research highlights the social dimension of African research. The African researcher is a communal being, and their living is inseparable from their community. One of the prominent epistemologies upheld by Africans is the Ubuntu which is based on the communal-centric in contrast to the individual-centric living. Ubuntu is a Nguni term often translated as “I am because we are” (Tutu 2007, cited in Oelofsen, 2015, p. 141). It accentuates belongingness and participation. This worldview regards the person as a social being and entirely immersed in the society they live in. Their society then influences one. This epistemology emphasizes that people live in communities and interrelate with others, so much so that their way of life is communal oriented (Tavernaro-Haidarian, 2019). Therefore, in Ubuntu,

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the personal identity is intimately connected to others. African interests are geared towards the common good despite individual uniqueness and diversity, just as their communities rotate around being together. In this regard, education in Africa is aimed at fostering a sense of community life and mutuality and being duty-bound to its well-being (Manthalu & Waghid, 2019b). Oelofsen (2015) perceives society as a set of standards from which we view the world. So, mutual appreciation and co-existence are necessary in appreciating the world. As such, experience garnered through co-existence helps us understand and explain the world we live in.

5 Conclusion ‘Experience first, experience throughout’ graduate research is all that is required to centralize the African identity in the research done by an African. Africa is blessed with rich conceptualizations that constitute African epistemologies and paradigms. However, these paradigms and epistemologies are obscured by proliferated and glorified western epistemologies and paradigms. I have argued that the best way to enable African research respond to indigenous issues and challenges is by applying indigenous world views. This effort begins with decolonizing the graduate research and Africanising it by placing their lived experiences at the vantage point of being the starting, central and summit in research. As a way forward, it is very important to appreciate “knowledge democracy” by Mathebula (2019, p. 18) as “knowledge about the people, by the people and for the people that address problems and issues directly or indirectly posed by Africans themselves”. Therefore, in the graduate research education, the higher education curriculum in research needs to dedicate focus on handling the needs of Africans and solving their problems. Key educational concepts should be explained and understood in light of the African context tied into a cultural experience. It should be anchored in the experiences of students. Students should be able to set their problematics or look at the existing problems from the indigenous perspective and respond to societal needs and challenges using the African ontologies and epistemologies. This will prompt how they perceive, approach and handle others’ lived experiences as embodiments of Afri-based content. The methodologies and methods that align to Ubuntu paradigm are those that seek to obtain knowledge as from a collective source as well as analysing it from the Afrocentric perspective drawing on local conceptual frameworks. Afrocentric epistemologies and ontologies can also be used to investigate Eurocentric challenges. This is especially possible in as far as Eurocentric “insights, ideas, information, experiences, practices and perspectives” (Manthalu & Waghid, 2019a, p. 31) are gathered from their rich sociocultural interactions and experiences.

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References Adebisi, F. (2016). Decolonising education in Africa: Implementing the right to education by reappropriating culture and indigeneity. Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly, 67(4), 433–451. AfricaMetro. (2017). World news: Donald Trump no shortcut maturity Africa recolonized. www. africametro.com/world-news/us-canada Alumona, I. M., & Azom, N. S. (2017). Politics of identity and the crisis of nation-building in Africa. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95232-8_17 Bailin, S., & Battersby, M. (2007). Beyond the boundaries: The epistemological significance of differing cultural perspectives. In H. V. Hansen, et al. (Eds.), Dissensus and the search for common ground, CD-ROM (pp. 1–16). OSSA. Bakari, S. R. (1997). Epistemology from an Afrocentric perspective: Enhancing black students’ consciousness through an Afrocentric way of knowing. Different Perspectives on Majority Rules. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/pocpwi2/20 Doerr, M. (2009). Ontologies for cultural heritage. In S. Staab & R. Studer (Eds.), Handbook on ontologies, international handbooks on information systems. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3540-92673-3 Enaifoghe, O. A. (2019). The decolonization of African education and history. African Renaissance, (Special Issue), 61–84 . Fataar, A. (2018). Decolonising education in South Africa: Perspectives and debates. Educational research for social change (ERSC), 7(Special Issue), vi–ix. Finlay, L. (2009). Exploring lived experience: Principles and practice of phenomenological research. International Journal of Therapy and Rehabilitation, 16(9). Freire, P. (2000). Pedagogy of the oppressed (30th-anniversary ed.). Bloomsbury. Heleta, S. (2016). Decolonization of higher education: Dismantling epistemic violence and Eurocentrism in South Africa. Transformation in Higher Education, 1(1). Hofer, K. B. (2008). Personal epistemology and culture. In M. S. Khine (Ed.), Knowing, knowledge, and beliefs: Epistemological studies across diverse cultures. Middlebury College. Hungwe, P. J., & Divala K. J. J. (2019). The conundrum of decolonisation and Afrophobia: A case for South African higher education. In C. H. Manthalu & Y. Waghid (Eds.), Education for decoloniality and decolonisation in Africa (pp. 225–240). Palgrave Macmillan. Lindseth, A., & Norberg, A. (2004). A phenomenological hermeneutical method for researching lived experience. Nordic College of Caring Sciences, 18, 145–153. Makerere University. (2006). The policy of appointment and promotion of academic staff. Makerere University. (2008). Research and innovations policy. Makerere University. (2016). Directorate of research and graduate training—Doctoral supervision guidelines. Mampane, M. R., Omidire, F. M., & Aluko, R. F. (2018). Decolonising higher education in Africa: Arriving at a glocal solution. South African Journal of Education, 38(4). https://doi.org/10. 15700/saje.v38n4a1636 Manthalu, C. H., & Waghid, Y. (2019a). Decoloniality as a viable response to educational transformation in Africa. In C. H. Manthalu & Y. Waghid (Eds.), Education for decoloniality and decolonisation in Africa (pp. 25–46). Palgrave Macmillan. Manthalu, C. H. and Waghid, Y. (2019b). Decolonization as democratising African higher education. In C. H. Manthalu & Y. Waghid (Eds.), Education for decoloniality and decolonisation in Africa (pp. 241–254). Palgrave Macmillan. Mapp, T. (2008). Understanding phenomenology: The lived experience. British Journal of Midwifery, 16(5). Mathebula, T. (2019). African philosophy (of education) and decolonisation in post-apartheid South African higher education. In C. H. Manthalu & Y. Waghid (Eds.), Education for decoloniality and decolonisation in Africa (pp. 1–24). Palgrave Macmillan. Mbembe, A. (2016). Decolonising the university: New directions. Arts and Humanities in Higher Education, 15(1), 29–45.

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Ngwenya, C. (2019). Decoloniality and higher education transformation in South Africa. In C. H. Manthalu & Y. Waghid (Eds), Education for decoloniality and decolonisation in Africa (pp. 111–124). Palgrave Macmillan. Oelofsen, R. (2015). Decolonization of the African mind and intellectual landscape. Phronimon, 16(2), 130–146. Okorie, N. (2010). Globalization, Africa and the question of imperialism. Journal of Global Communication, 3(2), 01–07. Phefo, S. D. O., Kefitile, N., & Hlomani, H. (2015). Towards the cultural knowledge ontology. IEEE 16th International Conference on Information Reuse and Integration. https://doi.org/10.1109/ IRI.2015.85 Shawa, B. L. (2019). In defence of education that embodies decolonisation. In C. H. Manthalu & Y. Waghid (Eds.), Education for decoloniality and decolonisation in Africa (pp. 89–110). Palgrave Macmillan. Simukungwe, M. (2019). Universities as sites for advancing education for decolonisation. In C. H. Manthalu & Y. Waghid (Eds.), Education for decoloniality and decolonisation in Africa (pp. 9–88). Palgrave Macmillan. Tavernaro-Haidarian, L. (2019). Decolonization and development: Reimagining key concepts in education. Research in Education, 103(1), 19–33. The World University Rankings. (2021). Methodology. https://www.timeshighereducation.com/ world-university-rankings/world-university-rankings-2021-methodology Toure, K., Diarra, M. L., Karsenti, T., & Tchaméni-Ngamo, S. (2008). Reflections on cultural imperialism and pedagogical possibilities emerging from youth encounters with the internet in Africa. In K. Toure, T. M. S. Tchombe, & T. Karsenti (Eds.), ICT and changing mindsets in education. Mali: ERNWACA/ROCARE. Uganda Government. (1995). The constitution of the Republic of Uganda. United Nations. (2015). The universal declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) 1948. https://www. un.org/ United Nations Human Rights. (1976). International covenant on economic, social and cultural rights (ICESCR) 1966. https://www.ohchr.org/ Waghid, Y., & Manthalu, C. H. (2019). Decoloniality as democratic change within higher education. In C. H. Manthalu & Y. Waghid (Eds.), Education for decoloniality and decolonisation in Africa (pp. 47–68). Palgrave Macmillan.

Joseph Kimoga is an associate professor of higher education in the East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development, College of Education, Makerere University, Uganda. He is passionate about personal experience and its central role in researcher decisions and actions, and he has much interest in personal abilities and aspirations. Personal experience, abilities and aspirations are key in defining not only one’s identity but also the type of research and education that is Afrocentric and diversified. He prefers the advocacy and interpretive paradigms as the most apt in these research undertakings.

Exploring the Context for Enhancing Leadership Capacities in Pedagogy, Research and Community Engagement in Higher Education Institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa Ronald Bisaso

Abstract There are unprecedented changes in the pedagogy, research and community engagement across disciplinary fields in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). However, efforts to sustain such changes have been quite unsustainable especially for donor-funded programmes. Moreover, little or no systematic studies have examined the conditions under which pedagogical leadership, research leadership and community engagement leadership operate and the ways in which such leadership capacities can be sustainably enhanced. The phenomenon is explored across three regimes: the nationalist, the neoliberal and the ‘rising’ knowledge society to situate the phenomenon in historical perspective. Different nuances typify the changing nature of the higher education landscape in SSA. First, the nationalist university founded on the premise of training professionals for the immediate post-independence period under strong government control. Second, the neoliberal university characterised by new legislation, privatisation and liberalisation of higher education. Third, the university in the ‘rising’ knowledge society anchored on globalisation and emphasis on knowledge explosion and exchange. By analysing leadership capacities associated with pedagogy, research and community engagement provided by the existing leadership development programmes, the paper illuminates the importance of embedding context in such leadership programmes as well as the need to focus on the understanding of higher education more than management skills and skilling. It is therefore imperative to rethink the investments in and delivery of programmes to improve on leadership and management of pedagogy, research and community engagement in higher education systems and institutions in SSA. Keywords Leadership capacities · Higher Education · Sub-Saharan Africa

R. Bisaso (B) East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_8

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1 Introduction The pervasiveness of the waves of change in Higher Education (HE) systems and institutions has increasingly presented demands for adaptation and responsiveness of leadership and management in HE in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) in the postindependence period. In SSA, flagship universities were established typified by a ‘one-country one-institution’ pattern (Tabulawa & Youngman, 2017). During their inception, such universities were to produce skilled labour and along the way established newer fields such as technology, law, forestry and commerce to drive both national and regional economies (Eisemon, 1994; Mamdani, 2008). In essence, the African University was modelled on colonial legacy that focused on ‘excellence’ as a universal standards yardstick. But this pattern was challenged through ‘nationalist movements’, which considered ‘relevance’ as more critical for Africa resonating with the notion of the ‘developmental university’ (Mamdani, 2018). In fact, some universities in the 1960s were used as instruments for proliferating ideological ideals of governments (Eisemon, 1994). Even then, post-colonial universities have been under constant pressure to improve on their interface with society which is largely hesitant (Ajayi et al., 1996) and institutions continue to operate as ‘ivory towers’ (Eisemon & Salmi, 1993; Musisi, 2004). In the 1980s, African states experienced unprecedented fiscal crises (Abugre, 2018; Musisi, 2003; Ngirwa et al., 2014) and ‘fortunes of the African University dipped’ (Mamdani, 2018, p. 32). Consequently, the World Bank sanctioned reforms in the public sector which transformed higher education institutions, which had been part of the public sector (Brett, 1994). Whereas such reforms were evident in Makerere University which was regarded as a ‘model’ university and indeed ‘a quiet revolution’, related changes were noticeable in premier universities in Ghana and Tanzania (Abugre, 2018; Ngirwa et al., 2014) triggering a shift from ‘elite’ to ‘mass’ higher education and new legislations that granted autonomy to institutions to diversify revenue and academic programmes. With strong market forces in the fast liberalising higher education systems that saw the establishment of private universities, the new economy necessitated a review of the existing curriculum and development of market-driven professional programmes by public universities in order to produce ‘relevant’ graduates to drive the liberalising economy (Mamdani, 2018). Adapting the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)’s emphasis on the drift to the knowledge-based economy in the 1990s and to which higher education systems in the developed economies had realigned, the World Bank, as a major player in higher education policy in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), explicitly articulated the need to construct knowledge societies in SSA (Obamba, 2013; World Bank, 2002). Worth noting, according to UNESCO (2006), any country with the building blocks of a knowledge society can attain or aspire to be one irrespective of the level of development. In line with this discourse, it is not surprising that higher education is considered critical for rural development strategies given the development trajectory of SSA (Osiru et al., 2016, p. 12). Moreover, it is averred that

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(research) universities in developing contexts contribute to knowledge society development (Altbach, 2013). Recent studies show that higher education institutions are indeed strategically repositioning to be in sync with national development priorities (Ndibuuza & Langa, 2019). Even then, harnessing the benefits that accrue from the link between higher education and national development is still slow and hesitant in SSA (Bloom et al, 2014, p. 37; Cloete & Maassen, 2015, p. 2). To address this state of affairs, development partners have demanded that funded projects should articulate how universities would contribute to social change in the developing countries (Collins, 2014). Overall, the envisaged knowledge society is built on knowledge as a critical resource for development, technological advancements to augment the information and communication revolution, global labour mobility as well as political and social changes (World Bank, 2002). The next section focuses on how leadership in terms of pedagogy, research and community engagement has been constructed across the three regimes as applicable to the analytical lens—nationalist, neoliberal and ‘rising’ knowledge society. This is followed by a section on the known leadership development programmes and finally, the discussion and conclusions are presented.

2 The Nature of Leadership in the Three Regimes As noted, the nature of leadership and leadership capacities can be analysed according to the different regimes in higher education that have epitomised sub-Saharan Africa in the post-colonial era with a view of illuminating changes, continuities and possibilities for further reform.

2.1 Leadership in the ‘Nationalist’ Regime In the first decade of the post-independence period, national universities were preoccupied with training professionals to serve in priority positions previously occupied by the departing expertise from the colonising countries sometimes as a response to national manpower surveys (Eisemon, 1994, pp. 95–96). Such provision of higher education was managed by the State nuanced in the legacies of Anglophone and Francophone traditions (Eisemon & Salmi, 1993). Prior to this, for example, Higher Education in ‘British’ Africa was controlled by the colonial governments and not the imperial government in London. Conversely, in French West Africa, there was direct control of higher education from Paris given the centralised nature of the French Higher Education system. Unsurprisingly, even with the localisation of content of the academic programmes in the 1970s, academic degrees and certificates awarded at the University of Dakar in Senegal were not recognised as equivalent to the French degrees after all the university had been perceived as a “French University designed to serve Africa” (Eisemon & Salmi, 1993, p. 156).

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It is along similar lines that, historically, like elsewhere, there has been state dominance with respect to the policies governing the practice of higher education. In sub-Saharan Africa, universities were directly steered by governments through legal instruments that subordinated higher education to state supremacy since it was more or less a government department. The heads of state were the chancellors of the universities and in most cases appointed the vice chancellors and other central administration officials (Eisemon & Salmi, 1993, p. 159; Ngirwa et al., 2014). Deliberations on policies and activities of the university were curtailed by the legislation because it lacked provisions that permitted the involvement of stakeholders in university governance. Rather, universities were predominantly unquestioning recipients of government directives (Musisi, 2003, p. 616). Such centralisation of authority accounts for the numerous challenges of higher education on the continent, “… caused by poor management and policy decisions, such as centralisation of power, the lack of participation by academic leaders and the exclusion of the academic community in formulating and initiating the changes that were being introduced” (Ngirwa et al., 2014, p. 132). This was compounded by centralisation of strategic planning of higher education at system level through the University Grants Committee (UGC) and largely remaining an elusive institutional activity (Eisemon & Salmi, 1993, p. 160) since UGC provided expertise in drafting strategic plans every three years for the University of East Africa, for example. With the dissolution of the University of East Africa, the University Grants Committee was constituted by the Minister of Education and Makerere University was represented by three deans. However, UGC had no legal framework backing its establishment and was consequently disbanded after drawing the last three year plan for Makerere University for the period 1976/77 to 1980/81(Eisemon, 1994, p. 93). It is therefore not surprising that strategic planning at institutional level has only become evident in the early 1990s in SSA (Hayward, 2008; Salmi, 2007). Leadership profiles were therefore inclined to compliance to the interests of the governments and their academic disciplines hence “the scholar vice-chancellor” juggling the roles of teaching and “even [writing] an occasional scientific paper, while he was managing the institution” (Saint, 2004, p. 64). Moreover, in some countries, the vice-chancellorship had, for some time, been held by political officials who were non-academicians until the late 1980s and early 1990s (Ngirwa et al., 2014, pp. 131–132). Leadership capacities were therefore not enhanced since at the time, “academic leaders such as rectors, deans, and department heads rarely trained in the management of large, complex institutions…” (World Bank, 2002, p. 62) which complexity possibly had not been envisioned by higher education systems and institutions.

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2.2 Leadership in the ‘Neoliberal’ Regime Triggered by public policy reforms sanctioned by the World Bank across sub-Saharan Africa, several changes occurred in higher education beginning the 1990s in terms of legislation, strategic planning and governance (Brett, 1994; Eisemon et al., 1993; Saint, 1992). Legislative reforms have been evident in different countries beginning the 1990s leading to enactment of new laws on higher education in the 2000s (Bisaso, 2010; Masaiti & Mwale, 2017; Ngirwa et al., 2014). The legislations grant autonomy at institutional level with respect to the running of academic, financial and administrative affairs. Indeed, financial and administrative autonomy have been considered as the most critical drivers for higher education reform in Africa (Eisemon & Salmi, 1993; Musisi, 2003; Ngirwa et al., 2014). Undoubtedly, strengthening institutional autonomy is an antecedent for most of the contemporary reform-initiatives initiated by governments with a focus on self-governance and (re)organisation of higher education (Maassen et al., 2017). Under such conditions, ministerial power to directly run universities diminishes to issuing directives to the vice chancellors on matters of policy as governmentuniversity relationships become ‘indirect’ enacted through state-supervision of the diversifying higher education system. For instance, such supervision is illuminated in the emergence of national regulatory bodies for quality assurance and accreditation to regulate, monitor and standardise university education as well as changes in the composition of governing boards to include different external stakeholders (Bisaso, 2010, 2017; Ngirwa et al., 2014). At institutional level, university leadership has been transformed from traditional occasional managers in the calibre of senior professors to more professional and perhaps full-time strategic leadership roles (Altbach, 2014; Saint, 2004). Evidently, vice chancellors are the chief executive officers responsible for the dayto-day academic and administrative activities of the university (Udegbe & Ekhaguere, 2017, p. 281). Relatedly, there has been creation of two or three offices of deputy vice chancellors in charge of finance and administration, academic affairs and research. Moreover, with increasing pressure for efficiency and effectiveness, which is a trait of neoliberalism, several administrative and managerial structures have been established such as directorates for quality assurance, human resources and research among others (Bisaso, 2017). Further entrenchment of neoliberalism is in terms of the appointive rather than elective deans in some contexts as early as the 1990s (Tabulawa & Youngman, 2017, p. 30). At the same time, decentralisation of decision-making through departmental, faculty or school boards has been concurrently mainstreamed (Abugre, 2018; Bisaso, 2010). In the neoliberal period, strategic planning became institutionalised in most of the universities (Abugre, 2018; Bisaso, 2010). Responding to the autonomy that had been granted, institutions have had to adapt strategic profiling as a mechanism for competitiveness in complex environments. Agreeably, strategic planning is a recent phenomenon that became evident in the 1970s but not as an institutionalised practice in universities until the 1990s. In fact, strategic planning has been labelled

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as a ‘donor’ project that was to be used as a tool for determining effectiveness of the organisation after granting institutional autonomy. Indeed, initial efforts to institutionalise strategic planning were led by consultants or “expert expatriates” (Lebeau, 2018, p. 2) who were less aware of the context and without much stakeholder consultation leading to unrealistic and difficult to implement strategic plans until the beginning of the 2000s when comprehensive participatory planning processes involving faculty deans and other stakeholders were initiated (Musisi & Muwanga, 2003, p. 18). Strategic plans have entailed updated vision and mission statements of universities (Amonoo-Neizer, 1998, p. 309; Musisi & Muwanga, 2003, p. 20). Even with the drift towards institutional self-determination, some African governments never fully ceded control of higher education institutions since these were key institutions for the transformation of society (development universities). Moreover, as universities were changing from ‘elitist’ to ‘mass’ institutions due to the increase in demand for higher education, there was decline in government’s capacity to fund higher education (Eisemon & Salmi, 1993). Moreover, universities that thrive on the state purse are still confronted with “delays in the release of funds and the low levels of allocation, particularly for operational purposes resulting in inability of universities to plan ahead or sustain any efforts for improvements” (Amonoo-Neizer, 1998, p. 303). Paradoxically, even with calls for efficiency and effectiveness associated with the neoliberal reforms, institutions are bedevilled with slow and cumbersome administrative processes that curtail access to and clearance of financial resources; and untimely procurement of essential materials for the core activities of teaching and research (see Abugre, 2018; Ishengoma, 2017). It may be argued that the prevailing circumstances are either a question of limited adaptation of leadership and managerial capacities as new global demands and trends emerge or misalignment to the context the reform was meant to improve. Finally, the need for robust leadership and management in higher education in developing country contexts has been emphasised beginning the 1990s again corresponding with the advent of neoliberal reforms (Mouton et al., 2015). For leaders to operate in the neoliberal environment, new leadership competences would be necessary hence leadership training. Whereas frameworks for leadership and management capacity improvement are offered (Muriisa, 2014; Ngirwa et al., 2014) but they are rather normative statements of attributes that may not necessarily be in tune with the changing leadership contexts and capacity deficits in higher education. It is therefore important to further explore research-based interventions across contexts.

2.3 Leadership in the ‘Rising Knowledge Society’ Regime The past two decades have witnessed increasing emphasis on the role and relevance of higher education institutions (HEIs) in the transformation of society through generation of knowledge and creation of innovations to foster national development and to improve on people’s quality of life. This is articulated in national development

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plans and agendas (e.g. Uganda Vision 2040; Kenya Vision 2030) as well as continental agendas such as the African Union Commission’s Agenda 2013–2063 and the Continental Education Strategy for African (2016–2025). The overriding emphasis of the agendas is knowledge generation for the knowledge-based economy through research and human capital development, which is the cardinal role of the university. Correspondingly, UNESCO (2009) states that: “at no time in history has it been more important to invest in higher education as a major force in building an inclusive and diverse knowledge society and to advance research, innovation and creativity”. This perhaps illuminates the focus on the changes taking place in the pedagogy, research and community engagement in the different disciplines especially the science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Apparently, in developing country contexts without strong government policy on the role of higher education in national development, most universities have redefined their missions and visions to operate in the knowledge-based economy. Indeed, one of the most clearly articulated area of focus in the mission statements of eight flagship universities in sub-Saharan Africa has been ‘to deliver knowledge products that would enhance national and regional development’ (Cloete & Maassen, 2015, p. 2). Currently, the mission statements in the strategic plans of flagship universities in Africa in many ways highlight excellence, relevance and global competitiveness as their pillars (Teferra, 2017). However, one of the constraining feature is the capacity deficit of university leadership and management in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) universities to articulate the knowledge economy discourse (Cloete et al., 2011, p. 20) and administrative developments in higher education regarding this discourse have been hardly explored in SSA (Abugre, 2018) although technology transfer offices, university-industry interface units and policy frameworks are found in some universities (Bisaso, 2011, 2013; Ndibuuza & Langa, 2019). Therefore, such operating internal and external environments of higher education will continue to change which calls for “preparedness and new professional capabilities” of academic leaders in all spheres including pedagogy, research and community engagement (Kohtamäki, 2019, p. 72).

3 Mechanisms for Strengthening Leadership Capacities With demands for strengthened and adaptive leadership capacities in SSA, profiling capacities would benefit from to understanding the mechanisms through which they are built. Such capacity building ordinarily responds to the challenges of leadership in SSA; lack of vision for leadership development, lack of qualified staff in leadership/management positions, lack of succession plans, lack of financial and infrastructural resources and lack of structural and systematic training/skills development programmes (Bakuwa & Mouton, 2015; Hoba et al., 2013). Moreover according to the vice chancellors from African universities; poor relationship with governments, industry and communities, limited strategic planning capacity, inefficient functioning and human resources management within universities, poor branding and

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marketing by universities and gender equity in university leadership and management (Okalanyi & Adipala, 2016, p. 211). Perhaps, what is even striking and would even affect efforts at improvement is that most academic leaders and managers “…often move from meeting to meeting…[solve] administrative challenges and have very limited time for dealing with strategic issues that can better position their universities for international competitiveness and development relevance” (Okalanyi & Adipala, 2016, p. 208). Recent studies on leadership training highlight challenges somewhat inclined to the knowledge society discourse, including; the importance of rankings and institutional reputation, continuous changes in ICT, societal and economic expectations and concerns about employability among others (International Association of Universities [IAU], 2017, p. 4). These challenges are associated with teaching, research and community engagement in higher education institutions. Previous research on the training programmes shows that systematic training commenced in the early 1990s designed by UNESCO. In the same way, in subSaharan Africa, the Association of African Universities (AAU) embarked on training in 1993, which later transformed into leadership development and management development in 2003. The Association of African Universities took initiative to embark on the delivery of training programmes since there was little or no “scholarly input into the search for solutions to the crisis that had plagued African [Higher Education] for over a decade” (Mouton et al., 2015, p. 21). Other initiatives include the Higher Education Leadership and Management (HELM) initiative in South Africa and in 2009; the Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY) through the institutional strengthening strategy focused on the development of leadership capacity of senior leaders and awarded grants to three regulatory bodies: the Tanzania Commission of Universities (TCU) in 2009; the National Council for Higher Education in Uganda in 2010; and the National Council for Tertiary Education in Ghana in 2011 (Mouton et al., 2015). Recent studies have again shown a related pattern regarding the ‘interests’ in leadership training. The International Association of Universities on behalf of the World Bank carried out a study to map the existing leadership training programmes for mid-level and senior-level management globally. A total of 78 programmes were surveyed excluding programmes that lead to an academic degree (IAU, 2017). Furthermore, Rumbley et al. (2017) report on the “state of play” in management training schemes delivered through development cooperation. Generally, leadership training programmes are offered by organisations/networks/ associations linked to the higher education sector (Rumbley et al., 2018). In certain instances, general public sector management units or institutes provide the training where university administration has not ventured yet (Mouton et al., 2015). As already highlighted, leadership in higher education in complex global environments call new sets of skill, knowledge and competences. Unfortunately “[t]he majority of higher education leaders and managers around the world receive no formal or specialised training for their work” (Rumbley et al., 2018, p. 6). Yet at the same time, whereas management training is desired across the continent, there is little or no consensus on how it should be conducted, even though trainings commenced more than two decades ago hence disharmonised efforts in the transformation of higher education through leadership development (Mouton et al., 2015). In the case

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of Uganda, Tanzania and Ghana, where leadership and management development was implemented by regulatory bodies, there was no pathway for sustainability after the funding period (Effah, 2015; Mkude et al., 2015; Olupot et al., 2015). Moreover, the impacts of such training programmes have not been documented and even more worrying, most of the training programmes are offered in the developed contexts (Rumbley et al., 2018). Available evidence shows that even those offered in SSA are delivered through a presential mode and are not credentialed since the implementers are not mandated higher education institutions. This happens against the backdrop of the dearth of adaptive leadership in contexts such as SSA. Newer initiatives that have taken a different dimension have focused on institutionalisation of higher education studies specifically leadership and management by ‘migrating’ the professional field of study and adapting through a multi-institutional multi-country partnership in sub-Saharan Africa (Bisaso & Hölttä, 2017; Ssentamu et al., 2014). This has been through developing capacities in higher education research at doctoral level and then transferring the knowledge bases in form of non-degree, masters and doctoral programmes in leadership and management using the model of training of trainers, joint curriculum development, and accreditation of such programmes by national accreditation agencies. It is through funding by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Finland that such programmes have been developed at the East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development at Makerere University and Uganda Management Institute have been developed. It is our contention that once such programmes are offered by the mandated units in the field of higher education studies; sustainability is likely to be guaranteed and the research-based training would be the norm blended with opportunity to apply the knowledge in a range of areas including pedagogy, research and community engagement.

4 Discussion and Conclusion There is no doubt that leadership in pedagogy, research and community engagement among other areas is critical for the effectiveness of higher education and in ensuring that higher education institutions contribute to the development trajectories of the respective countries. It is also our contention that such leadership is profiled through the lenses of the capacities that are needed or that should be developed. In the context of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) which is the scope of this paper, it is evidently clear that there have been efforts to transform higher education but such efforts have been externally driven within the broader framework of a university nuanced in the national, neoliberal and the rising knowledge society discourses. Apparently, there are overlaps in the discourses but with varying emphases in terms of legislation, government-university relationships, institutional strategic positioning and the criticality of leadership and leadership capacity enhancement. The paper has attempted to illuminate the degrees of emphases that culminate into the following points for discussion and conclusion.

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First, leadership capacities in higher education institutions operate in a broader environment. It is therefore imperative that profiling such capacities carefully illuminates the trends in the higher education system and institutional environments in order to account for the perennial challenges that continue to affect higher education in SSA which leadership can only confront to an extent. For instance, as noted already, each regime has created different demands for the institutions but the key adapters, e.g. the flagship universities continue to play a central role of producing leaders for other universities (see also Teferra, 2017). By implication, most of the second, third and fourth generation institutions are led by products of the flagship universities. Moreover, there is mission overload compounded by systemic isomorphism where missions, academic programmes and academic staff within the higher education system are more of the same hence there is institutional and/or programme diversity but little or no differentiation. This would therefore necessitate rethinking the generic nature of leadership capacities to extend it to the understanding of the broader context in historical as well as current perspectives hence a multidimensional view of the operating environment pedagogy, research and community engagement. It may as well be important to explore the continental agendas and how they influence higher education (Okalanyi & Adipala, 2016). It is this broadened perspective, which leaders of higher education should have or capacitated to have in order to adapt their institutions through continuous profiling for efficiency, relevance and global competitiveness. Second, Higher Education as a field of study and by extension higher education leadership and management in SSA suffers from an identity crisis. It has to be appreciated that the evolution of the field a knowledge base in the United States in the 1960s and in Europe in the 1970s/1980s was out of practical concerns of massification in the United States; and the need for systematic information to the new models of decision-making and student unrests in Europe (Kehm, 2015). In SSA, there are fragmented efforts with little or no institutionalisation (Bisaso & Nakamanya, 2018; Lebeau, 2018). The paper has highlighted some of the demands in the higher education environment that leaders have to address but with a broader mind-set. Apparently, neoliberalism became one of the drivers for leadership development programmes on the continent but this did not culminate into the development of the field of higher education as was the case elsewhere instead unsustainable ad hoc arrangements emerged or continue to emerge but whose impact has remained elusive. As a response to such pitfalls, this paper has highlighted the importance of growing the field institutionally because the demand for researchers and professional expertise in higher education leadership and by extension pedagogy, student support services, brand and public relations, international relations, research management and ICT management in higher education is not about to be satisfied. But to sustainably address the capacity needs, the solution partly lies in growing the scholarship and training professionals in higher education as an academic enterprise and for purposes of this paper, leadership and management (Bisaso & Hölttä, 2017; Ssentamu et al., 2014).

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Third, training in leadership has been conducted by associations or networks related to higher education (Rumbley et al., 2018) or general public sector management units or institutes because university administration had not considered leadership capacity development within their institutions urgent (Mouton et al., 2015). Truly, the actors, i.e. the networks and associations have made and continue to make a contribution. However, the unsustainability that has affected most of these earlier efforts is not only worrying but also unsustainable. This is because, in the context of SSA, there has been much reliance on “donor-led expertise on higher education development” or “occasional higher education researchers” (Kehm, 2015) drawn from their respective disciplinary but with experience in the practice of higher education such as vice chancellors, respected academicians and heads of commission of higher education (Mouton et al., 2015). This has curtailed the growth of the field and specific initiatives beyond the funding periods of capacity development projects due to slow processes of institutionalising higher education research (Lebeau, 2018) and professionalisation of leadership and management (Bisaso & Hölttä, 2017). Yet at the same time, capacity development in higher education has been shifting from “external educational consultants to more institutionalised efforts within higher education institutions” (Kohtamäki et al., 2015, p. 79). Overall, as we rethink and invest in leadership development, it is important to concentrate on building programmes in the field of higher education ranging from non-degree to postgraduate programmes that are flexibly delivered using both presential and blended learning supported by technology, credentialed with academic credits and continually informed by research on the thorny issues that may be affecting higher education on the continent at any one time. The mandated centres/schools/ units within universities should be supported in order to sustainably institutionalise any such efforts at transforming higher education through leadership and management development. This will most likely sustainably contribute to the needed capacity of higher education researchers and professionals to grow the field from the seven (7) programmes found in Africa out of an estimated 450 academic degrees that are offered in the field of Higher Education globally (Rumbley et al., 2014). Perhaps, the main contribution of this paper is on understanding the broader context or operating environment of pedagogy, research and community engagement, which in itself provides a basis for the enhancement of the leadership capacities.

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Dr. Ronald Bisaso is Associate Professor of Higher Education and Deputy Principal of the College of Education and External Studies (CEES) at Makerere University. He teaches higher education studies focusing on leadership and management, comparative higher education and internationalisation of higher education. His research interests include: higher education leadership and management in sub-Saharan Africa, higher education and socio-economic development, organizational change, and capacity building in higher education. He holds a doctorate of philosophy in Administrative Science specialising in Higher Education Management from the University of Tampere in Finland, a Master of Science in Educational and Training Systems Design from the University of Twente in the Netherlands and a Bachelors Degree of Arts with Education from Makerere University in Uganda.

Case Studies

Constructing Identities of Females in Higher Education Leadership in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Case of Ugandan Universities Florence Nakamanya

and Ronald Bisaso

Abstract Adopting a type of identity in leadership contributes significantly to the success of female leaders. Our study was underpinned by African feminist philosophy. Owing to the relative increase in the number of females occupying leadership positions in universities in Uganda, our study dwelt on constructing identities of females in Higher Education leadership positions. We employed a semi-structured interview method to access the experiences of four female senior and nine middle leaders in Higher Education positions. Our findings showed that ‘self’ factors such as possession of traits, past academic leadership experience, and family background and ‘others’ factors as mentors and role models significantly contribute to the leadership identity of females in universities in Uganda. It was, therefore, concluded that the variations in the traits possessed by female leaders accounted for their diverse personalities in leadership. Female leaders’ past academic leadership experience enabled them to execute their leadership roles more effectively. Female leaders’ family backgrounds also permitted them to persevere and work hard while performing their leadership duties. We also concluded that mentors and role models were a source of encouragement and inspiration, which shaped the identity of female leaders in universities in Uganda. Our study recommended developing more robust structured mentorship programmes, refresher courses, workshops, and other public and private forums like media where females in leadership interact with each other, as this may help inspire more females in leadership. In order to gain leadership identity early enough, motivating the girl child to seize leadership opportunities in schools and communities is necessary. Keywords Identity · Leadership · Female · Higher Education

F. Nakamanya (B) · R. Bisaso East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development, College of Education and External Studies, Makerere University, Makerere, Uganda e-mail: [email protected] R. Bisaso e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_9

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1 Introduction Adopting a type of identity in leadership contributes significantly to individual success. Our chapter identifies the critical factors for reconstructing female identity as leaders in sub-Saharan Africa, using Ugandan universities as a case. We focus on this phenomenon because the number of females in high and middle leadership positions is still significantly low in sub-Saharan Africa (Coleman, 2019). Moreover, in most cases, those occupying such positions are the ‘first’ (Nakamanya, 2017). We purposively interviewed female leaders, and we thematically analysed our data. We will discuss the literature review, methodology, findings, discussion, and recommendations in our chapter.

2 Literature Review We used the African Feminist Theory to explore the role of self and others in shaping female leaders’ identity in Uganda’s universities. These echo the theory’s tenets of voicing the realities of females in African countries, advocating for the right of females to live free of patriarchal oppression, discrimination, and violence, and are required in opting for what to adopt from the possession of traits, past academic leadership experience, family background, mentors, and role models. We state that females depend on the self and others to build the identity necessary to perform in leadership positions. First, possession of personal traits is critical for the identity of females in leadership positions in Higher Education. Senior female leaders were hardworking, disciplined and productive in developed countries such as the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and Australia (Bagilhole & White, 2008; White et al., 2012). Relatedly, traits such as being supportive, innovative, and leading by example were vital to the identity of females in middle leadership positions in South Africa and Nigeria (Mankayi & Cheteni, 2021; Okeke-Ihejirika, 2017). Scholars (Read & Kehm, 2016; White et al., 2012) also agreed that visionary traits such as setting a strategic vision, having specific technical training, and opportunities for mobility were important in shaping the identity of senior female leaders in Higher Education in the developed country setting. Female leaders in Ghana and South Africa were also strategic thinkers, provided direction to faculty members, and positioned their Faculties for the future, and these helped in the formation of their leadership identity (Alabi & Alabi, 2014; Kele & Pietersen, 2015). Women’s administrative traits are also a strong indicator of the leadership identity of females. This is, for example, depicted in leaders like Vice-Chancellors having vital academic research records and financial expertise (Read & Kehm, 2016; White et al., 2012). In the Ugandan context, female middle managers supervise and administer their units’ affairs, dealing with human and financial resources as well as legal matters in their faculties or schools (Kabonesa & Kaase-Bwanga, 2014). From the ongoing

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analysis, administrative traits are critical in shaping the leadership identity of higher education females regardless of context and level of leadership position. In the United Kingdom, United States of America and Australian universities, traits like teamwork, communication, and consultation (Guillet et al., 2019; White et al., 2012) also strongly relate to an adopted identity of females in senior leadership. This is also apparent in Ghana and South Africa, where female middle leaders have interpersonal skills, which have enabled them to deal with the challenges in their leadership positions (Alabi & Alabi, 2014; Mankayi & Cheteni, 2021). The ability to network is part and parcel of leadership identity. Studies indicate that female senior managers are externally focused, solicit resources through interacting with the corporate and community sectors, and demonstrate publicizing and marketing traits (Bagilhole & White, 2008). Females in the middle tiers of management also engage in partnerships and networking activities, which is critical in shaping the leadership identity of females in the Ugandan context (Kabonesa & Kaase-Bwanga, 2014). Second, females in leadership positions also attribute their adopted identity to their prior experience in academic leadership positions such as; Deans, Heads of Departments, and Deputy Vice-Chancellors. Prior professional and leadership experience contributes to the leadership identity of females in higher Education. This helps female leaders to bring about change in their work (Read & Kehm, 2016). Prior professional and leadership experiences also expose female leaders to different practices, successes, and challenges and contribute to how they react to their leadership trials in Uganda and South Africa (Kabonesa & Kaase-Bwanga, 2014; Mabokela & Mlambo, 2014). Third, the personal background also crucially contributes to an identity adopted in leadership. For example, Kleihauer, Stephens and Hart (2012) discuss that firstborn children are subjected to strict parental rules and high expectations, enabling them to take up and sustain leadership roles. Scholars add those firstborn children are generally achievement-oriented, motivated, confident, assertive, and likely to exhibit leadership characteristics in South Africa (Doubell & Struwig, 2014). Concerning mentorship, mentors have shared their leadership experiences and guided, advised, and encouraged mentees in their leadership roles (Hill & Wheat, 2017; Moodly, 2021). Other scholars have emphasized that formal mentoring programmes for female leaders also help them grow professionally in their leadership roles (Coleman, 2019). Mentors also provide training and career support to female leaders, enabling them to execute their duties effectively (Ohemeng & Adusah-Karikari, 2015; Redmond et al., 2017; Toni & Moodly, 2019). Mentors help shape females’ identities regardless of their context and level of leadership position. Role models also significantly shape the identities of females in leadership positions in Higher Education. Role models inspire and remind female leaders of their duties, which enable them to work hard to succeed in their leadership roles (Byrne et al., 2019; Moodly & Toni, 2017). In the developed contexts, female senior and middle leaders serve as role models for younger scholars and leadership spaces (Redmond et al., 2017). Therefore, there is a need to deliberately offer role models for upcoming females in leadership as this will encourage other young aspirants to

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follow suit, increasing the participation of females in the university setting (Coleman, 2019). Despite the scholarly efforts made to indicate identity traits adopted by female leaders in various contexts, there is still a need to focus on the role of self and others in shaping the type of identity adopted by female leaders in Higher Education in Uganda.

3 Methodology 3.1 Main Research Questions Our primary research question is what are the critical factors contributing to shaping female leaders in Higher Education in sub-Saharan Africa, using Ugandan universities as a case?

3.2 Research Design We specifically opted for the multiple case study design because it allowed us to access data within and across settings and understand unique and critical cases.

3.3 Sample Characteristics and Recruitment The sample of female leaders in universities in Uganda in the field study is further elaborated in Table 1. At the time of data collection, there were 39 female leaders (senior = 7; middle = 30) in Ugandan universities. However, we interviewed 13 female leaders from Ugandan universities in this study. While the senior leaders included ViceChancellors and a Deputy Vice-Chancellor, the middle leaders consisted of Deputy Principals and faculty Deans. The universities were categorized as public (P.U.), i.e. Table 1 Sample of female senior and middle leaders in universities in Uganda

Category of university

Senior leaders

Middle leaders

Public universities

2

3

Private religious-affiliated

1

3

Private-for-profit

1

3

Total

4

9

Source A field study

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government-owned. Because of privacy, universities are labelled as A, B, C, and D, private religious-affiliated (PRU), i.e. those that are started and owned by religious groups (E, F, G, and H), and private-for-profit universities (PPU), i.e. those that are owned by individuals or groups (I, J, and K). Pseudonyms were used to protect the participants’ identities. As a result, the sample size was four senior leaders (PUSL1, PUSL2, PRUSL1, and PPUSL1) from all the categories of universities and nine middle leaders (PUML1, PUML2, PUML3, PRUML1, PRUML2, PRUML3, PPUML1, PPUML2, and PPUML3) choosing three females from each category of the university. Those female leaders were selected based on their level of leadership position, university category, and willingness to participate in this study. Stratification was used to select the Ugandan universities, and the female leaders were purposively chosen within each stratum, providing relevant information in line with our research question.

3.4 Data Collection Face-to-face interviews were used to collect our data. The interviews were captured using an audio recorder stretching between 45 and 1.30 min following the participants’ consent. The interview method enabled us to access the voices of females on their identity while performing leadership roles in higher Education.

3.5 Data Analysis After collecting the data, we followed the four stages of qualitative research data analysis, including data preparation, data identification, data manipulation, and data analysis. The data preparation stage involved organizing all the data from interviews. The data was processed and kept in proper files holding the date, place of collection, nature of interaction, and follow-up dates, which enabled us to handle our data better. At the data identification stage, data from different participants were identified by an index, which enabled us to make changes and improve the data. Codes were also used to label and group data segments by category. For instance, we used the initials PUSL1, PUSL2, PRUSL1, and PPUSL1 for the senior female leaders and PUML1, PUML2, PUML3, PRUML1, PRUML2, PRUML3, PPUML1, PPUML2, and PPUML3 for the female middle leaders in Ugandan universities. Codification of data helped in easy access and identification of data during reference and analysis. The data manipulation stage entailed developing categories by looking for similar ideas from single stories of senior female leaders. In the data analysis stage, we pulled data strings together to form sub-themes, which were further merged into more enormous umbrellas based on their embedded similarities. We then interpreted the data findings through these umbrella themes representing the whole data. All

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in all, thematic analysis enabled us to identify the critical factors for reconstructing female identity as leaders in the sub-Saharan African context, using Uganda as a case.

4 Findings Key findings suggest that possession of traits, past academic leadership experience, family background, and the role played by mentors and role models were critical to the identity adopted by females in leadership positions in universities in Uganda.

4.1 ‘Self’ Factors 4.1.1

Possession of Traits

Possession of personal and people traits plays a critical role in the identity created by females in leadership positions in universities in Uganda. Traits such as being honest, accountable, focussed, hardworking, patient, people, communication, and teamwork were essential for females when executing their leadership duties in Ugandan universities. Female leaders had acquired Education, which enabled them to deal with people, prioritize their work and solve their leadership challenges. In addition, some of the female leaders had acquired Education from institutions that were in line with their religions, which gave them an opportunity to be nurtured, acquire leadership skills and take up leadership roles early in their lives, which influenced their behaviour in their current leadership positions resulting into better performance in leadership. At the family level, some of the female leaders were introduced to a lot of responsibilities and hard work at an early age, which prepared them for leadership in their current positions because they learnt how to manage and handle challenges in life when they were children. Such skills are critical in leadership and enable female leaders to execute their leadership roles more effectively. For instance, participant PRUML2 serving in a private religious-affiliated university reported about her Education’s role in leadership. She said that: My Education in management has helped me be patient, deal with people, prioritize my work, produce results, shine and stand out from the crowd. I have also realized that several things motivate a person in leadership, not only the financial benefits. For example, if I look at the person and I feel that this person does not want to do work until when I coerce that person, I know the theory I must use and I know why that person is behaving the way he or she is behaving.

Relatedly, a middle leader PPUML2 from a private-for-profit university argued that: I attended Christian-founded schools which value and cherish integrity. I do not even know how to deal with fake requisitions. This value has therefore worked for me, and I have been able to lead this Faculty.

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Insights from a participant PRUSL1 serving in a private religious-affiliated university reported that: I am a Christian and very honest in nature. For example, I am serving this university and I am not planning to work elsewhere. I need money but money is not at the forefront of my things. If I am to get money, it must be clean money. I came here to serve and so I must perform well.

Participant PUML3 also intimated that: I was the eldest child in my family which introduced me to responsibility and hard work at an early age. When my mother went upcountry to work, I was left in charge of the home, and I took care of my younger siblings. This taught me a lot, especially about managing finances and doing the right thing at the right time, which is very important in this position at my university.

From the above findings, it is evident that Education, religion, and family life contributed to the production of diverse personalities in female leaders, shaping their identities in senior and middle leadership positions in universities in Uganda.

4.2 Past Academic Leadership Experience All the participants pointed out that their prior academic leadership experience was another identity-creating factor for females in leadership. Female leaders agreed that their experience in academic leadership positions was essential because it helped them solve leadership challenges and learn more about leadership, enabling them to execute their leadership roles more effectively. In support, PPUSL1 from a privatefor-profit university recapitulated that: I was a Head of Department at Makerere University. I encountered several challenges, and I learned how to solve them. I also learned how to deal with many responsibilities, solve leadership problems, be innovative, and exhibit teamwork. I carry this experience to this leadership position and perform my duties well at this university.

Furthermore, PPUML1 recognized that experience from her previous leadership position contributes to better performance in a leadership position. She reported that: It is very important to have a leader who takes you where they have been, not a leader who tells you to go there when they have never been there. I assume a Dean who has been a Head of a Department tends to appreciate the system more fully, tries to avoid the past mistakes, and is likely to perform better.

In sum, the female senior and middle leaders agree that their past academic leadership experience has shaped their identity. They have learnt from their past mistakes, which has helped them solve their leadership challenges, resulting in better performance as they execute their current leadership roles in universities in Uganda.

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4.3 Family Background Family background was critical in shaping the leadership identities of female leaders in universities in Uganda. Some female leaders grew up in humble families with limited resources and were the firstborn children in their families. This exposed them to many challenges and responsibilities as they grew up, which in turn prepared them for leadership at an early age. With such family backgrounds, female leaders could work hard, persevere, and deal with challenges as they execute their leadership duties. For instance, participant PUSL2 referred to her family background that: I come from a very humble and low-income family. I grew up from a hard life of a rural girl, which helps me persevere and achieve much in life. In primary, I used to first dig in the morning before I went to school and then walked two kilometres. My father also used to borrow money whenever I was going back to school. So, all these give me the stamina to work hard even in this leadership position.

In addition, growing up in religious families also shaped the leadership identities of some female senior and middle leaders. In agreement, participant PRUML3 shared that: I grew up in a religious environment seeing my father bringing up so many children with limited resources. This made me appreciate that life is meaningless unless one gives back and treats people well. I also learnt about sharing and living with different people. We have financial constraints at this university, but I know how to use limited resources to solve my leadership challenges, and this has helped me do my work well in this university.

In a private-for-profit university, participant PPUML3 also reflected on how her family background has shaped her leadership identity. She said that: I am the firstborn in this family. My father introduced me to business when I was a child. He left me in charge of funds, selling and asking people to pay. Unfortunately, he died, and I became an orphan early. I went through a hard life; trust me; I learnt how to handle hard life and solve my problems. I believe that I always have a solution for any problem in this Office.

In brief, family background has shaped the identity of female leaders, enabling them to persevere, work hard, and execute their leadership duties excellently.

4.4 ‘Others’ Factors 4.4.1

Mentors

There was a unanimous report by the participants that having mentors was critical for shaping the identity of female leaders in Ugandan universities. The senior and middle leaders agreed that their mentors offered advice, guidance, and encouragement, and they learnt a lot from mentors, which enabled them to perform their leadership responsibilities. All the senior leaders reported the role played by their academic mentors. As PRUSL1 reflected that:

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I was mentored by females of substance and they have continuously mentored me. For instance, one of them shared with me at master’s that she had all her children when she was a mother and an academician. When she shared, that was enough. This encouraged me, and I knew I could also achieve.

The findings of senior leaders concurred with those of middle leaders from public universities and private religious-affiliated universities, except that participants from private-for-profit universities also attributed their identity to their professional mentors. In this respect, PUML3 shared about her academic mentor: My mentor, who also happened to be my supervisor at my master’s, had her own leadership style. She always modelled and followed me up. She encouraged me to become the head of the department of our unit, something I did. In fact, I learned to be proactive from her.

On the same issue, PRUML2 serving in a private religious-affiliated university stated that: Yeah, I have mentors like the former Dean who used to be here. I used to come in here, work with him, and do certain things with him. My professor of PhD also mentors me. She has really done a very good job. She is in South Africa, but she continues to mentor me in my line as Dean. She keeps promoting and telling me what to do and ensuring that I perform my duties well.

Some participants recognized professional mentors as key to their leadership identity in their institutions. PPUML1 argued on this issue that: It is vital in life to appreciate that you don’t know it all and that you’re not above them all. My mentors are people who have succeeded professionally, not necessarily in my area but in their area. So, I pick a leaf from them.

In addition, middle leaders added other mentors, including; family (PUML2, PRUML1, and PPUML3) and spiritual people (PUML1 and PPUML1), as critical for their leadership. For instance, a participant PUML1 shared that: My church mentors have always modelled me for leadership. They carry a certain charisma and have a unique leadership style. They also taught me good management skills, which I greatly employ in my routine work. These skills have therefore helped me to lead my Faculty very well.

A dominant view from the above participants was that they agreed that academic and professional experts gave them all it took to perform as leaders; words of encouragement, advice, and shared experiences helped them position themselves.

4.5 Role Models The presence of role models contributed to the identity of females when in leadership positions in universities. Participants strongly felt that they got much inspiration from their role models and learnt a lot from them. For instance, the senior leaders acknowledged the contributions of their academic, workplace, and field role models. Participant PUSL2 working with a public university reported that:

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Professor is my source of inspiration. She is a person of first. She is the first female graduate of medicine in her country, the first female Vice-Chancellor of her institution and an internationally recognized researcher. She did her roles very well and finished her two terms without blemish. She left legacy as an administrator and an academician.

While participants from public universities and private religious-affiliated universities emphasized academic role models, those from private-for-profit universities identified role models related to their social lives, including; spiritual people and family members, as critical in their leadership identity. A similar trend was evident in middle leaders. For instance, PUML3 admired the way her role model did her work. She said that: I really admire and love the way she does her work. While still serving in this university, she was at per with almost everyone. She would make us feel satisfied that she was working on all our issues even if, at times, she would not even follow them up. She is a great source of inspiration to me.

Participant PRUML1 instead commented on her professors and supervisors: The people I would love to be (laughs). Well, I can say that when I went to do my master’s, I encountered two Canadian professors with the humankind of leadership style. They were my supervisors for my research and Heads of departments in their respective faculties. How they handled their departments gave me the idea of having a humanitarian education.

On a different plane, another participant acknowledged the importance of spiritual role models in her service. PPUML1 shared that: I have spiritual role models. To me, that is very important because they provide moral and spiritual support. Without which, basically, I cannot execute my duties.

Therefore, participants affirmed that their role models helped them understand that they can do better, believe that they can achieve, persevere, not think about gender inhibition, and fight for equality in their institutions, and all these are indicators of leadership identity.

5 Discussion 5.1 ‘Self’ Factors Female leaders identified personal and people traits as critical in shaping their identity in leadership positions in Higher Education. Honesty, accountability, focussed, hardworking, patience, people, communication, and teamwork-oriented traits enabled those female leaders to execute their duties effectively. Perhaps, such traits help them to deal with people, solve problems, and to perform better in their leadership positions. Similar traits such as hardworking disciplined and honesty have been associated with the identity of senior female leaders (White et al., 2012). However, scholars identified other traits such as being respectful, productive, democratic,

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resilient, courageous, trustworthy, democratic, patient, optimistic, self-confident, tough, humour, and integrity as critical to success in senior leadership. Most of the traits identified by participants resonate with those given in the literature, for example; initiating and sustaining collaborations, being consultative, having interpersonal skills, being a people manager, having communication skills, information sharing, involving others in decision making, respecting others, rewarding workers, recognizing worker’s achievements, having communication skills, and negotiation skills, all of which simplified those senior leaders’ work and learnt how to solve their problems in their current leadership (Guillet et al., 2019). In addition, senior female leaders perform their roles because of their visionary, administrative, and networking traits (Read & Kehm, 2016; White et al., 2012). Whereas these traits are essential to the identity of females in leadership, being focused and hardworking was paramount to all the senior leaders in Ugandan universities. Personal and people traits such as being honest, accountable, focused, hardworking, patient, team builder, and people-oriented enabled them to deal with people, solve problems, and perform better in their leadership roles. Researchers suggested that being supportive, innovative, and leading by example are critical for the identity of females in middle leadership positions in South Africa and Nigeria (Mankayi & Cheteni, 2021; Okeke-Ihejirika, 2017). Furthermore, as identified in this study, teamwork traits conform to other researchers, except that effective communication and people-oriented skills were seen as essential in shaping the identity of female middle leaders in Ugandan universities. These scholars added that possessing such skills has exposed them to people who mattered, boosted their confidence, and taught them how to deal with the challenges in their leadership positions in Ugandan universities (Kabonesa & Kaase-Bwanga, 2014). In addition to the study findings, literature further argues that possessing visionary, administrative, and networking traits has improved work performance in female middle leaders (Alabi & Alabi, 2014; Kabonesa & Kaase-Bwanga, 2014). Therefore, it is evident that the above traits are essential in shaping the identities of female middle leaders regardless of their context. In this study, senior female leaders concurred with middle leaders that past academic leadership experience enabled them to shape their leadership identity. Prior participation in academic leadership positions exposes females to other successes and challenges and is instrumental in bringing about change in their work (Read & Kehm, 2016). Having prior professional and leadership experiences enables those leaders to progress and perform better in their leadership roles in South Africa (Mabokela & Mlambo, 2014). Admittedly, leadership experience is critical for the identity of females in senior and middle leadership positions. Female senior and middle leaders’ family backgrounds enabled them to be independent, responsible, and challenging when executing their leadership duties. Many senior leaders in this study grew up in harsh village life with no one to look up to; instead, people looked up to them, which has always triggered them to work hard even in their current leadership positions. Hailing from humble and low-income families, these participants also learned to persevere and achieve much in life. Growing up and being nurtured under Christian solid value systems and being the firstborn girl in the family exposed these leaders to numerous challenges, something that has helped

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them perform their current work better and generally achieve much in leadership. These diversities enable one to exercise traits like self-confidence, self-esteem, and assertiveness while in a leadership position (Doubell & Struwig, 2014). A similar scenario exists in female middle leaders. The literature emphasizes that being the firstborn child provided opportunities for them to take on supervisory responsibilities and exercise leadership early, which has assisted them in leadership (Doubell & Struwig, 2014).

5.2 ‘Others’ Factors According to senior female leaders, mentors are critical in creating their identity in leadership in Ugandan universities. This resonates with scholars who suggest that mentors have continuously guided, advised, and encouraged their mentees in leadership roles (Hill & Wheat, 2017; Moodly, 2021). Nevertheless, formal mentorship programmes enable female leaders to think about their potential and grow professionally in leadership (Coleman, 2019). Much as there is evidence of efforts by individual female leaders to mentor fellow females, participants did not allude to the existence of structured mentorship programmes for female leaders in Uganda’s Higher Education system. Unsurprisingly, this may account for the diversity of mentors ranging from academic and professional to family and spiritual mentors who have contributed significantly to the identity of middle leaders in their leadership performance. Many scholars (Ohemeng & Adusah-Karikari, 2015; Toni & Moodly, 2019) aver that mentors advise and equip female leaders with relevant skills to perform their leadership duties effectively. This notwithstanding, most middle female leaders have been mentored by men because males dominate the senior and middle leadership positions in Ugandan universities. Conversely, many participants reported that they are mentoring females for leadership. This could help to increase female participation in leadership positions in universities in Uganda. Harnessing such attempts into structured mentorship programmes may enormously contribute to the success of females in leadership. Academic, workplace and field role models have enabled to shape of the identity of senior female leaders. Role models have continuously inspired female leaders, resulting in better work performance (Byrne et al., 2019; Moodly & Toni, 2017). Whereas the first female senior leaders attributed their success to females outside the Ugandan setting, the most recently appointed Vice-Chancellor attributed hers to those females occupying senior leadership positions in Ugandan universities. While these participants did not have Ugandan role models, they were role models to other recent senior leaders. Role models teach middle leaders to persevere and fight for equality in their institutions, enabling their leadership responsibilities in the South African and Ghanaian contexts (Ohemeng & Adusah-Karikari, 2015; Toni & Moodly, 2019). Among female middle leaders, participants in public and private religious-affiliated universities

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recognized the importance of academic role models including professors and supervisors. Participants working with private-for-profit universities instead identified role models such as spiritual people and family members as essential for their identity creation in leadership positions. The participants identified their role models as a result of previously working with them or pursuing their post-graduate Education. Moreover, choosing role models is not limited by any boundaries. Some study participants indicated having local role models, including; professors, supervisors, family, spiritual people, and other former research supervisors in Canada and South Africa.

6 Conclusions We concluded that ‘self’ factors such as possession of traits, experience, and family background and ‘others’ factors like mentors and role models significantly contribute to the development of the identity of females in leadership. Possession of traits contributed to producing a diverse personality, shaping the identity of females in leadership. Possessing people and personal traits helped them to deal with people, solve problems, and to perform better in their leadership responsibilities. We also conclude that prior academic leadership experience plays a critical role in the identity created by females in leadership positions. The experience enabled the female leaders to execute their leadership roles more effectively. One’s family background was another identity support in leadership because it permitted the female senior and middle leaders to persevere, work hard, and execute their duties effectively. Finally, the mentors advised and encouraged the female leaders; the role models were a source of inspiration, which helped shape their leadership identity in Ugandan universities.

7 Recommendations We recommended that aspiring female leaders in the higher education sector in subSaharan Africa emulate the personal and people traits of those who have managed to crack the glass ceiling. Parents in sub-Saharan Africa should also encourage girls to seize leadership opportunities in schools and communities from a tender age. This may enable them to gain experience, which is necessary to take up senior and middle leadership positions in Higher Education later in life. Females occupying leadership positions in the higher education sector in subSaharan Africa should also use the media to sensitize the public on gender and equality. This may reduce the traditional thinking that leadership is meant for their male counterparts, attracting more females to participate in Higher Education leadership. Regarding the role of mentors, the Ministries of Gender, Labour, and Social Development in sub-Saharan Africa should start more robust structured mentorship programmes in schools, universities, and society. Universities in sub-Saharan

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Africa should also continuously organize leadership refresher courses and workshops to share their leadership experiences. This may inspire more females and perhaps increase their numbers in leadership.

References Alabi, G., & Alabi, J. (2014). Understanding factors that influence leadership effectiveness of deans in Ghana. Journal of Higher Education in Africa, 12(1), 111–132. Bagilhole, B., & White, K. (2008). Towards a gendered skills analysis of senior management positions in the United Kingdom and Australian universities. Tertiary Education and Management, 14(1), 1–12. Byrne, J, Fattoum, S., & Garcia, M. C. D. (2019). Role models and women entrepreneurs: Entrepreneurial superwoman has her say. Journal of Small Business Management, 57(1). Coleman, M. (2019). Women leaders in the workplace: Perceptions of career barriers, facilitators and change. Irish Educational Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/03323315.2019.1697952 Doubell, M., & Struwig, M. (2014). Perceptions of factors influencing the career success of professional and businesswomen in South Africa. South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences, 17(5), 531–543. Guillet, B. D., Pavesi, A., Hsu, C., & Weber, K. (2019). What can educators do better to prepare women for leadership positions in the hospitality industry? The perspectives of women Executives in Hong Kong. Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Education, 31(4), 197–209. Hill, L.H., & Wheat, C.A. (2017). The influence of mentorship and role models on University women leaders’ career paths to University presidency. The Qualitative Report, 22(8), 2090– 2111. Retrieved from https://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol22/iss8/2 Kabonesa, C., & Kaase-Bwanga, E. (2014). Rethinking leadership, management and career advancement for 21st-century deans in the social sciences and humanities at Makerere University. Journal of Higher Education in Africa, 12(1), 27–52. Kele, T., & Pietersen, J. (2015). Women leaders in a South African higher education institution: Narrations of their leadership operations. International Journal of Sustainable Development, 8(5), 11–16. Kleihauer, S., Stephens, C. A., & Hart, W. E. (2012). Insights from six women on their personal journeys to becoming deans of Agriculture. A qualitative study. Journal of Leadership Education, 11(1), 64–83. Mabokela, R. O., & Mlambo, Y. A. (2014). "The older women are men: Navigating the academic terrain, perspectives from Ghana. Higher Education, 69, 759–778. Mankayi, M., & Cheteni, P. (2021). Experiences of female deans in South African Universities: A phenomenological study. Cogent Education, 8(1), 1–16. Moodly, A. L. (2021). Divergence of perspectives on women and higher Education leadership? In conversation with men in leadership. South African Journal of Higher Education, 35(5), 184–203. Moodly, A., & Toni, N. M. (2017). Accessing higher education leadership: Towards a framework for women’s professional development. South African Journal of Higher Education, 3(3), 138–153. Nakamanya, F. (2017). Success factors for women in leadership positions in Universities in Uganda. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Makerere University, Kampala. Ohemeng, F. L. K., & Adusah-Karikari, A. (2015). Breaking through the glass ceiling: Strategies to enhance the advancement of women in Ghana’s public service. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 50(3), 359–379. Okeke-Ihejirika, P. E. (2017). Asserting agency by negotiating patriarchy: Nigerian women’s experiences within university administrative structures. Journal of Global South Studies, 34(1), 1–21.

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Read, B., & Kehm, B. M. (2016). Women as leaders of higher education institutions: A British– German comparison. Studies in Higher Education, 41(5), 815–827. Redmond, P., Gutke, H., Galligan, L., Howard, A., & Newman, T. (2017). Becoming a female leader in higher Education: Investigations from a regional university. Gender and Education, 29(3), 332–351. https://doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2016.1156063 Toni, N., & Moodly, A. (2019). Do institutional cultures serve as impediments to women’s advancement towards leadership in South African higher Education? South African Journal of Higher Education, 33(3), 176–191. White, K., Bagilhole, B., & Riordan, S. (2012). The gendered shaping of university leadership in Australia, South Africa and the United Kingdom. Higher Education Quarterly, 66(3), 293–307.

Dr. Florence Nakamanya is a Lecturer and a Higher Education expert in the East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development at Makerere University. I have actively participated in teaching, research, community outreach and administrative duties. Florence holds a Doctor of Philosophy in Educational Management from Makerere University. I have three refereed journal articles and one refereed book chapter in Springer. I have experience on four research projects on Women’s Leadership and Graduate Employability participating as a Principal Investigator and a Team Member respectively. My research interests are Gender, Leadership, Internationalization and Management issues in Higher Education. Dr. Ronald Bisaso is Associate Professor and Deputy Principal of the College of Education and External Studies (CEES) at Makerere University. He teaches higher education studies focusing on leadership and management, comparative high-er education and internationalization of higher education. His re-search interests include: higher education leadership and manage-ment in subSaharan Africa, higher education and socio-economic development, organizational change, and capacity building in higher education. He holds a doctorate of philosophy in Administrative Science specializing in Higher Education Management from the University of Tampere in Finland, a Master of Science in Educa-tional and Training Systems Design from the University of Twente in the Netherlands and a Bachelors Degree of Arts with Education from Makerere University in Uganda.

The Challenges of Implementing Effective Policies Against Sexual Harassment in East Africa: ‘The Case of Equality University’ Euzobia M. Mugisha Baine

Abstract This chapter presents insights from my auto-ethnographic reflections as the Head of a coordination Unit for implementing Equality University’s Policy and Regulations Against Sexual Harassment from 2019 to 2021. Information is based on four reported cases of sexual harassment, which were handled according to the Policy. Two were handled successfully, and the two staff involved were dismissed from the University service. The third was acquitted, and the fourth did not take off. As the Head I received the complaints and instituted procedures as the Policy prescribed. I kept a diary where I recorded events, insights and lessons that emerged throughout the hearing. Experience indicates that having a policy against sexual harassment is crucial because it is a reference point for solving the problem. However, there are significant policy implementation challenges. These include, among others, a lack of regular and effective policy dissemination channels to staff and students, resulting in inadequate knowledge and skill in collecting and preserving crucial evidence; pervasive negative collegiality among staff; institutional cover-ups and cultural normalization of sexual harassment; confusion between seduction, consensual relationships and sexual harassment; a vicious cycle of intimidation, fear, impunity and a sense of entitlement among those engaged in sexual harassment; lengthy and bureaucratic procedures in handling complaints; limited resources for the implementation organs. There is a constant struggle between the dignity and rights of survivors/victims; personal and institutional reputation and a culture of toxic collegiality that allows sexual harassment to be pervasive. To increase policy effectiveness, University’s top leadership needs to take the lead in public discourse around zero tolerance and walking the talk; having a witness protection policy and implementation mechanism; faster investigation of actual and suspected cases of sexual harassment, and disciplinary decisions made on errant individuals should be publicized in the most read media by University community and beyond.

E. M. Mugisha Baine (B) East African School for Higher Education Studies and Development, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_10

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1 Introduction Sexual harassment is a form of sex-based discrimination, which is endemic in all societies worldwide, and Universities are no exception. Equality University is one of the oldest and most prestigious and research-intensive Universities in East Africa. On several occasions, however, the University has been in the media spotlight for sexual harassment and sexual assault cases. This point to a persistent problem that the University has been struggling to address even though a policy against sexual harassment has been in place since 2006. Some progress has been made in implementing the Policy, but the vice persists. This demonstrates that the problem is very profound. Since 2000, Equality University has been implementing a programme aimed at mainstreaming gender in its core functions. These are teaching and learning, research and innovations, knowledge transfer partnerships, networking and support services. Equality University was established in 1922 as a male-only University, and women were first admitted in 1945. Available information is scanty on the University’s efforts at gender mainstreaming from 1945 to 1989. However, from 1990 onwards, Equality University’s efforts to mainstream gender into its functions were enhanced. First, the University instituted an affirmative action of adding 1.5 extra points to all female entrants from high school in response to persistently low numbers of female students. Second, the School of Women and Gender Studies (SWGS) in the College of Humanities and Social Sciences (CHUSS) was established in 1991. It started as a Department of Women Studies, and when the University became Collegiate in 2012, it became an SWGS in CHUSS. Third, the University Senate established a Gender Mainstreaming Committee in 1998; the Equality University Gender Mainstreaming Programme (GMP) and its implementation organ, the Gender Mainstreaming Directorate (GMD), were established in 2000. The GMP, however, started without an overarching policy framework. In order to institutionalize the programme, the GMD conducted a Situation Analysis of the Gender Terrain of Equality University (GMD, 2004) and the information obtained influenced the development of two gender-responsive policies of the University. These are the Policy and Regulations against Sexual Harassment (PRASH) of 2006 (as amended) and the Gender Equality Policy of 2009. These two policies contribute directly towards Equality University’s strategic objective of becoming a research-led university that is professional, inclusive, equitable and open to diversity. Through the policies, Equality University is committed to promoting zero tolerance of sexual harassment, gender equality, women’s empowerment and social justice within its functions and beyond. A vital component of the University’s GMP is implementing the Policy against sexual harassment and achieving zero tolerance for vice. This chapter presents perspectives from reflections on my three-year experience steering the implementation of the revised PRASH from 2019 to 2021. It is divided into six sections. The first section is an introduction; the second provides a background to formulating the PRASH at Equality University. At the same time, the third is a discussion of the literature surrounding the problem of sexual harassment in

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higher education institutions (HEIs), including universities. The fourth explains the methodology used to gain perspectives, including describing the cases and how they were selected. The fifth section discusses the cases, including my reflection on matters surrounding each case. The sixth section concludes and proposes ways to more effectively implement policies against sexual harassment in Equality University, which may also resonate in the East African region and beyond.

2 Background to Formulation of the PRASH Policy in Equality University The University established an Equality a Policy and Regulations Against Sexual Harassment (PRASH) in 2006. This was influenced by the results of a situation analysis of the gender terrain of Equality University conducted in 2004 by the GMD. The analysis revealed, among others, that sexual harassment was a systemic problem; a manifestation of gender-based violence and the abuse of power by those who engage in sexual violence and discrimination; the most typical form of abuse of power in the University; the majority of victims of sexual harassment were women while the majority of perpetrators are men; the gendered Nature of the distribution of power where men held most positions of power and fewer women occupied positions of power (GMD, 2004). The 2004 Situation Analysis revealed the existence of sexual harassment at three levels: staff to staff, staff to students and students to students. It also revealed the difficulties in addressing the problem due to the power dynamics and cultural normalization (among others) surrounding the problem. The PRASH was formulated in 2006 and became operational on 1 September 2006. Implementation of PRASH was vested in two main organs. First, section 7.2 stipulated that ‘each college/faculty/ school/institute and administrative Unit shall appoint a unit anti-sexual harassment committee to deal with complaints at the local levels’. Second, section 7.1 stipulated that a Senate committee known as the Equality University anti-sexual harassment Committee was the body with appellant jurisdiction charged with the duty of and authority to ensure full implementation of the Policy. The composition of the Unit Committees was as follows:

2.1 Unit Committee (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

The administrative Head of the Unit (e.g. a Dean or Head of Department) Two senior members of the academic/administrative staff Two junior members of the administrative/academic staff Three members of the support staff Two student representatives

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The Administrative Unit head chaired the committee, and the Unit Management Board appointed the other members.

2.2 The Senate Committee (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k)

The Vice-Chancellor The Chairperson of the University Disciplinary Committee Four Representatives from Humanities Faculties/Schools Four representatives from Science Faculties/Schools Dean of Students University Legal Officer Dean of the School of Law University Counsellor Two Student Representatives Two representatives of administrative staff Two representatives of support staff

The Vice-Chancellor chaired the committee, and Senate selected other members, and the committee had the power to co-opt others as and when necessary. Procedurally, if there were a case of sexual harassment, the victim would report to the chair of the Unit committee, who would handle the investigation and conclusion of the matter at the Unit level. If either party was unsatisfied with the decision of the Unit Committee, they had a right to appeal to the Senate Committee, and the same procedure would be followed.

2.3 Challenges in Implementation of PRASH, Which Necessitated a Review in 2018 After eleven years of the Policy’s existence (2006–2017), no case was ever reported and handled following the PRASH provisions. Cases were often informally reported and talked about in corridors and whispers but never formally submitted to be handled per the Policy. In February 2018, however, there was an explosive story of sexual harassment at Equality University, broken by one of the leading television stations in the country. One of the students who was a victim of sexual harassment from one of the lecturers worked with the Station’s investigative journalists and video-recorded the lecturer as he demanded sex in exchange for her marks. This was in several locations near the university campus on several occasions for a paper she had sat for twice and was remaining with only one chance to redo for her to graduate. If she failed it the third time, she would not be able to graduate. The story was aired on national television, and it sent Equality University into soul searching regarding the effectiveness of its PRASH.

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The Vice-Chancellor set up an ad hoc committee chaired by one of the most senior professors from Equality University’s School of Law to investigate sexual harassment at the University. The terms of reference were: to investigate the causes of increasing cases of sexual harassment at the University; receive submissions on sexual harassment from community members of Equality University; review Equality University’s PRASH and make recommendations for its improvement of PRASH. The ad hoc committee’s findings revealed, among others, a climate of impunity in which sexual harassment and abuse took place at the University. Staff and students knew the notorious perpetrators; stories did the rounds in hushed whispers, but the perpetrators were rarely held to account. In addition, where some cases were reported, the relevant units rarely took the appropriate investigative action, especially true for academic ‘stars’ who attract substantial financial grants to the University or are respected by their peers and students. The culture of impunity allows the vice to thrive, despite the Policy’s existence. The committee made several recommendations for changes in the PRASH, and on 5 December 2018, Equality University’s governing Council adopted them with minor modifications. Changes relevant to this chapter are: (a) Unit Committees were abolished and replaced by one University-wide standing Roster of 100 staff of integrity, drawn from all units, representing different categories of staff hierarchies and students. These are trained in handling cases of sexual harassment, and if a case is received, an ad hoc investigation committee of 3–7 members is constituted from among these 100 members while making sure no member is drawn from the Unit where the accused is based. (b) Second, the responsibility to receive cases, manage their investigation and coordinate other implementing organs of PRASH was removed from the Units and vested in the GMD, supported by the Directorate of Legal Affairs (c) It became an offence for any staff or student to receive a complaint and not hand it over to the GMD for appropriate handling per the revised policy provisions. These changes allowed me to participate actively as the head of the coordination unit. Before sharing my perspectives from experiences and lessons learnt in implementing the PRASH, I review the literature surrounding sexual harassment in higher education is discussed in the following section.

3 Literature Surrounding the Implementation of Policies Against Sexual Harassment in Universities 3.1 Sexual Harassment: The Concept The vice of sexual harassment and how it affects the objectives and missions of HEIs has begun to find its way into higher education discourse but has not been for a long time. The vice has to be understood from existing power dynamics, social structural inequalities and cultural discourses that surround it at given times in different

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societies. The PRASH 2006 for Equality University defines sexual harassment as unwelcome sexual advances and requests for sexual favours or unwanted physical, verbal or nonverbal conduct of a sexual nature. Such conduct would constitute sexual harassment when: (a) Submission to such conduct is made either explicitly or implicitly a term or condition of an individual’s employment or academic achievement or advancement; or (b) Submission to or rejection of such conduct is used or threatened to be used as the basis for decisions affecting the employment and/or the academic standing of an individual; or (c) Such conduct has the purpose or effect of unreasonably interfering with an individual’s work or academic performance or creating an intimidating, threatening, hostile or offensive working or learning environment. The above definition supports several perspectives advanced by several researchers. Menon et al. (2014) advances the view that sexual harassment is about the abuse of power and a form of social control exercised mainly by men to ‘keep women in their right places,1 i.e. the subordinate position in society, which is embedded in East African patriarchal and patrilineal societies, like in many parts of the world. In East Africa, victims are generally not encouraged to report cases of sexual harassment, and many victims suffer in silence. This is mainly because of the widespread normalization of the vice, which inhibits the ability to recognize and denounce the vice’ (Guschke et al., 2019). This results in weak policies and implementation mechanisms and weak penalties if and when it is reported (Agaba, 2020). Tampah-Naah, (2020) argues that sexual harassment strongly manifests in HEIs of countries with weak educational systems, low levels of accountability and high levels of poverty and gender inequality. Regulska (2018) similarly argues that sexual harassment and endemic gender-based violence in higher education are signs of institutional failure and undermine HEIs contribution to development objectives such as Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The PRASH of Equality University was formulated within the framework of HEIs, trying to put mechanisms in place to change the status quo. The international campaigns against sexual harassment, such as the MeToo Campaign, have highlighted the persistent problem of sexual violence in society. How different institutions handle the problem reflects the seriousness of the problem. An examination of research indicates the persistence of the problem even where formal policies have been in place for a reasonable time. Sexual harassment affects both men and women. However, women worldwide have disproportionately experienced sexual harassment broadly, and HEIs are critical sites (Dranzoa, 2018; Regulska, 2018) for its reinforcement. 1

Sexual harassment can happen between men and women, women and women and men and men. However, in the context of East Africa the emerging discourse is predominantly that between men and women. Even then, it is not an easy subject due to cultural, religious and political considerations and the inherent power dynamics.

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3.2 How Do Universities Handle Sexual Harassment? Available literature indicates that, particularly in higher education, sexual harassment ‘is part of a continuum of different forms of actual and potential forms of genderbased violence residing in higher education systems, ranging from bullying and sexist jargon to sexual abuse and rape’ (Bondestam & Lundqvist, 2020). This systematic review also indicates that ‘there is no research-based evidence on formal mechanisms or case management structures dealing with experiences of sexual harassment in higher education’ (Bondestam & Lundqvist, 2020). Similarly, Bennet (2009) had earlier noted that there is very little ongoing engagement with the issue of sexual harassment at Universities in South Africa, apart from high-profile cases discussed in the media and that there could be no such a thing as gender equality in education while the levels and complexity of sexual harassment and sexual violence were so high. In a study on the implementation of sexual harassment policies in three universities in South Africa (the University of Botswana, the University of Western Cape and the University of Stellenbosch), Bennet (2009) also noted that none of the universities regarded the implementation of the policies against sexual harassment as a core strand of University’s interest in building cultures of democracy. This resonates with the findings of the Equality University ad hoc PRASH investigation committee report, which found laxity in implementing the Policy and PRASH was ignored without any consequence.

3.3 Absence of or Weak Penalties Even where sexual harassment has been proven, the perpetrators often get away with weak penalties that are not commensurate with the trauma, stigma and anguish that the victims go through. On 29 September 2020, a male administrator at Equality University was convicted of indecent assault by the magistrate. However, the sentence was to pay a fine of $1080 or two years in prison. He paid the fine and went home. However, this case ran for two years and attracted media attention and diplomatic concerns because the assaulted student is a Kenyan national. The case brought her a lot of anguish and stigma, including character assassination, where it was claimed that the woman had an affair with the administrator before as if even then, that would give him a right to assault her sexually. The national legal and Policy frameworks in East Africa are not upfront in proactively fighting the vice. For example, in Uganda (one of the East African countries), the Employment Act of Uganda requires that Employers who employ 25 people have a policy against sexual harassment. This implies that sexual harassment can only happen when 25 or more employees work. Even then, the mechanisms to ensure the implementation of that provision remain unclear. The penalty for an offender convicted of sexual harassment is a fine of six currency points (equivalent to $3) or imprisonment not exceeding three months. This suggests the matter is taken lightly,

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yet sexual harassment results in a life-long emotional, psychological and physical trauma. This underscores the importance of institutions proactively fighting the vice. The following section is a discussion of the methodology employed to generate insights.

4 Methodology Adams, T.E. & Brochner, A.P. (2011) overview of auto-ethnography and Mendez M. (2013) discussion of auto-ethnography as a research method. The research design is a case study that (1) utilizes my qualitative auto-ethnography from a policy implementer’s perspective and (2) is supported by a documentary review and a research diary. Ellis, c, guides the study. Information is based on reflections on the first four complaints of sexual harassment that were reported to the GMD when it assumed the responsibility for coordinating the implementation of the revised PRASH. In order to uphold research ethics and confidentiality, Equality is the pseudo name assigned to the University where these cases happened to keep as anonymous as possible. However, complete anonymity may not be possible for readers from Equality University since many can relate to the information shared. Although sexual harassment in Universities is multi-dimensional and affects both men and women of all categories of stakeholders, this chapter is based on four reported cases against four male lecturers whom their female students accused of soliciting sex for marks. These were successfully investigated and prosecuted following the 2018 revised PRASH through the University structures. As the coordinator of the investigative processes, I received the complaints and initiated procedures. Four cases and Two were found guilty of sexual harassment and dismissed from the University service in 2020. One was acquitted due to insufficient evidence, and the fourth failed to progress due to the victim’s reluctance to testify. Throughout the process, I kept a research diary where I recorded experiences, reflections and lessons that emerged. The following are details of each of the four cases.

4.1 Case One: Successfully Investigated and Prosecuted, Resulting in Dismissal of a Lecturer On 2 April 2019, I received a written and signed complaint of sexual harassment from a fourth-year female student distressed with a persistent request for sex in exchange for a better mark from one of the lecturers since she was in her second year, whom she believed deliberately failed her in one of her second-year papers in order to solicit sex from her under duress. This case was investigated, the lecturer was found guilty of sexual harassment and professional misconduct, and he was dismissed from the University. The submission from the complainant is summarized below, but some details have been removed to ensure confidentiality.

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I am a fourth-year student, and I have been going through hardships in my academic life since my second year, in the second semester with one of the male lecturers. When my results were released for year 2, semester 2, I was not contented with one of my paper’s marks. I took the step to contact the responsible lecturer, and I went to see him in his office. The moment he saw me, he said, ‘finally you have come’. I explained my discontent, and he replied that he was not the one who marked the paper, but he could help me by changing my mark through someone with a password to the results system. He requested me to give him my telephone number so that we keep in touch. As I was moving out of his office, he said, ‘I would like to have a sexual relationship with you. Will you accept?’ I just kept quiet and moved out. After that, he kept calling me asking me to meet him to tell me how far he had gone with my marks issue. After several calls, I accepted and met him at Nature.2 During the conversation, he continuously asked me to have a sexual relationship with him, but I told him I could not do that because he is like my parent and, at the same time, my lecturer. During the conversation, I also asked him if I could apply for my paper to be remarked, but he discouraged me, saying it would be costly and the lecturer who marked would connive with the one to remark the paper, and I still got a lower mark. He also suggested that if he tries and fails to change the mark, I should redo the paper and, in that case, he would make sure he is the one to mark so that I get any mark that I needed. I told him my parents could not give me money to redo that paper, but he said he would pay for it. I totally refused and cut off communication for about two months. Later in my third year, when I went for my internship in a social security firm nearby, I received a call from him telling me he was my internship supervisor. This worried me so much that I revealed everything to my parents, uncle, and elder brother. When he came to supervise me, he reminded me that I refused to give him sex, but I would not run away from him since now he was my internship supervisor and, at the same time, my lecturer of one of my fourth-year semesters one papers. During my internship supervision which he did only once, he dominated the whole conversation asking me why I had refused to give him sex. This stressed me to the extent that after he left, I told one of my supervisors, the relationship manager at the firm where I was doing the internship, who helped me get some counselling about the problem. The following morning, the graduate student also quarrelled at one of us, whom he claimed goes to the lecturers and spoils his name. I had talked to the president of our programme about my predicament. He complained to the female lecturer about how her fellow male lecturer had promised to set a very hard paper for the whole class to punish them. He had told me before and added that he would influence another lecturer to fail me. One of the male lecturer’s student confidant had recorded their complaints and handed them over to the male lecturer. The following morning, I noted that one of our discussion group members had posted something on the group’s WhatsApp chat saying that we should be careful with what we discuss in class about the lecturer. I was concerned and called that student, who told me we were relaying what we discussed in class to the lecturer. That day I went back to the lecturer with my friend to explain that what annoyed him was not true, but he did not listen. I later called my uncle and told him what had transpired in the meeting, and he advised me to go to the male lecturer, explain again what transpired in the meeting, and use the same chance to record him because the situation was getting out of hand and I had

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never recorded him. I have some recordings to that effect and retained a copy of some of the WhatsApp messages. The lecturer also complained that I had spoilt his name among students, that the students were telling him he slept with me and gave me free marks on another paper, yet I had refused. I have suffered stress, I went to the doctor thinking I was suffering from some disease, and the doctor said it was stress killing me quietly. Even if I have failed one of the papers, I attribute it to the stress from harassment and the intimidating words from this male Lecturer, which made me lose concentration. In conclusion, I request your administrative and parental help with my life and academics. I am tired and fed up.

The student submitted an audio recording of two conversations between her and the lecturer, which she deliberately and discreetly took. The audio confirmed almost all the issues raised in her written complaint and also raised other issues. The lecturer is heard assuring the student that he is indispensable because University cannot afford to lose him and that even if she reported, nothing would happen. On receiving the complaint, I initiated the investigation procedure as prescribed in the PRASH. The student also reported the matter to the Head of the Department, who was the immediate supervisor of the lecturer’s complaint. The next day, the Head of the Department contacted me over the matter and requested to handle the matter. He was concerned about how the case would play out in his administration since he had just been elected the school’s Dean. I informed him that the Policy had changed, that, effective December 2018, GMD was the Unit responsible for coordinating the implementation of the Policy (including the investigation processes), and that Unit Committees had been abolished. He requested that I send him an email about the change so he could share it with his colleagues. The Head of the Department informed the defendant lecturer about the matter. On learning that the student had reported him and the incriminating evidence tendered, the lecturer attempted to kidnap her using her fellow student. However, the student who was to execute the kidnapping at a fee changed his mind and alerted the victim. With the support of her family, she opened a case at the police, and while at the police station, the would-be kidnapper sent a message to the lecturer confirming that he had the girl, and the lecturer sent him 300,000 shillings ($80) for executing the assignment. The lecturer was arrested and later released on police bond. As a result, the student’s identity and the lecturer became public, and the student suffered a backlash. The media picked interest in the case, and it went viral in the process. The investigation was conducted by interacting with all the critical witnesses mentioned in the student’s submission. First was the student and her discussion group members, the lecturer and his female colleague, the internship coordinator, the Dean and the Head of the Department where the lecturer is employed. The investigation

2

Nature is a label I have assigned to one of the buildings on Campus where teaching is done.

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committee also examined all the tendered documentation students. The committee concluded that. (a) Whereas the lecturer denied sexually harassing the student, the audio recordings and the testimonies from the student, her coursemates and staff interviewed found him guilty of sexual harassment and unprofessional behaviour. (b) The lecturer had a hand in kidnapping the student. The intention was to get the student’s handbag and mobile phone with the hope of destroying evidence since she had recorded him using her phone. (c) The harassment started when the student was in their second year, but the case emerged in her fourth and final year. The investigation was conducted during the final year semester, and due to bureaucracy and due process requirements, it was not concluded when she sat her last exams. During that final semester, she continued to experience threats and intimidation from some academic staff and fellow students in her college. On 24 May 2019, she wrote to the committee citing several incidences that made her afraid and uncertain about the fate of her academic performance in her final exams. For example, she did and submitted (by email) coursework in one of the course units taught by another male lecturer. However, that lecturer later said that she had not attached the coursework to the email. However, a copy of the email she submitted indicated she had attached the coursework. During the final exam of that same paper, the lecturer accused her of reporting every small matter to higher authorities and rudely told her to wait for the Vice-Chancellor to invigilate her. Some students stigmatized her for reporting the lecturer. She tendered WhatsApp messages telling her she brought it upon herself. (d) The Head of the Department commissioned an exam review where the harassed student believed the tormenting lecturer had influenced his colleague to fail her. The HOD did not disclose why he wanted the paper remarked. The committee observed glaring variations between the original mark of 19 out of 70 and a new score of 49 out of 70 awarded after remarking, which meant that the student passed the paper after remarking. The committee concluded that the lecturer who was the subject of harassment influenced his colleague to fail the complainant.

4.2 Case Two: Successfully Investigated and Prosecuted, Resulting in Dismissal of a Lecturer (a) On 21 February 2019, the Principal of one of the Colleges received an anonymous letter dated 23 January 2019 from someone asking the University to act on the misconduct of one lecturer in one of the departments on the allegation of routinized sexual harassment of students. (b) The anonymous person claimed to be a former student of the college who abandoned her studies because of a retake in a paper taught by the said lecturer. She claimed to have missed graduation in 2014 and tried to secure an audience with the lecturer in vain. She again missed the 2015 graduation.

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(c) The anonymous person also claimed that at one of the attempts to meet the said lecturer in 2016, she met five other girls alleging that the same lecturer had refused to teach them for an entire semester though he had set exams for them. As a group of six female students, they complained formally to other department lecturers, but they were not assisted. Three of the six students went ahead to retake the paper, but they failed it again. They alleged that the lecturer failed them because they had reported his misconduct (refusing to teach them and demanding sexual favours in exchange for marks). Further, the anonymous complainant alleged that those students who had failed the paper but ‘complied’ by giving him ‘sex’ were later ‘cleared’ and graduated. (d) The plea of an anonymous person gave the contacts of three of the six girls and pleaded with the University to help the six students to retake, pass and qualify for graduation. (e) Upon receipt of the anonymous letter, the Principal of the College sought information regarding the allegations from the Head of the Department where the lecturer worked. (f) The Head of Department informed the Principal that indeed the said lecturer’s conduct had hitherto been considered in a special Disciplinary Committee meeting of the department on 6 July 2017 following ‘evidently a large number of formal and informal complaints from students and faculty…about the unprofessional conduct’ of the said lecturer and that the lecturer ‘pleaded guilty to sexually harassing one of the students’. That he ‘apologized to the students in the presence of the disciplinary committee and was given a final verbal warning as punishment for his unprofessional conduct’ (The HOD attached Departmental minutes to this effect). (g) The Principal forwarded the anonymous letter and the feedback from the department to me for further handling according to the revised Policy. (h) Upon receipt of the Information from the Principal, I contacted the students named in the anonymous letter through the quoted telephone numbers. Two responded, and I met them in my office on 13 March 2019. However, they denied that the said lecturer had sexually harassed them themselves but said they used to hear that the lecturer in question routinely sexually harassed female students. However, one of them said she had deferred retaking the course when another instructor would teach it, as one of her friends had told her. Later, she resorted to retaking the paper, losing hope of changing the course Lecturer. On the morning of 19 March 2019, I was coming from VC’s office, and I met a colleague who greeted me and mentioned my name. Two young females unknown to me were going down the stairs, and upon hearing the mention of my names, they stopped, and one of them approached me and said, ‘you are the person I have wanted to see. Can I come and see you?’ I accepted and invited her to come to my office that afternoon and gave her directions. At 2:00 p.m., she was in my office and narrated her ordeal, which partly corroborated some of the information in the anonymous letter. The Information regarding this case came in at about the same time as case one above. I informed the student that the University was constituting a Committee

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to investigate allegations of Sexual Harassment and asked her if she would be willing to come and testify, to which she answered in the affirmative. When the committee started its work, she was invited to testify before the committee and agreed that her testimony was audio-recorded. She informed the committee that she was not herself a victim of sexual harassment. But she complained that the lecturer refused to teach them as a group and failed his papers. She also told the committee of a female student who abandoned the course because she could not submit to the lecturer’s sexual demands. She did not have her number but knew where she runs a shop in the city centre. She promised to contact her and inform the committee. She later informed the committee that when she contacted the studentturned businesswoman, she did not want anything to do with Equality University and advised the witness not to be involved in these matters because the lecturer could kill her. This suggested a dead end. The sexual harassment allegations were contained in the anonymous letter, so technically, there was no witness. From the documentation, however, there was a contact of a female student who had complained against the same lecturer and the department ‘handled’ the matter as described in (f) above, and I contacted her. It emerged she was from another college in the University which shares similar course units. Her submission is summarized below. However, some details have been removed to ensure confidentiality, like in case one. My stay at the University was relatively satisfactory until the second year, the second semester of the academic year 2015/2016, when I was offered a course unit instructed by the defendant, and I was regrettably involved in examination malpractice. On a fateful day, the lecturer decided to give the class an abrupt test for the course unit. One of my friends and course-mate had travelled upcountry and asked me to do the test for her because she feared getting a retake in the defendant’s papers. Regrettably, I wrote the test for myself and, at the same time, wrote the same test for my friend. When the test results were released, we both did not have results. I went to see the lecturer to follow up, and he showed me my paper stapled together with my friend’s. I admitted before the lecturer that I wrote the test for my friend and that I was wrong and apologized. I requested for pardon and to do another coursework. I recalled that during the previous three consecutive lectures before releasing the test results, the lecturer would always ask who I was during the class, but I would not respond. This was because I did not want to reveal myself to the lecturer, given the sexual harassment rumours that were always going around. However, this bothered me, and I wondered why the lecturer followed me. Later I made several attempts at remedial coursework with no success. I heard from students in my second and third years in my first year that this lecturer had the habit of asking for sexual relationships from female students to give them marks. Because of this, I would not go to his office to ask for a remedial test for the paper when he would be there alone. I would wait for an opportunity when other people would be in the office; then, I would go there. Nevertheless, whenever I asked for a remedial test, the lecturer said he was swamped until I gave up. However, I needed to do the coursework in order for me to graduate.

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Then one morning, I was informed by my friend that the said lecturer had given her another question to pass on to me instead of the pending coursework and that I was to submit the coursework at 2:00 p.m. on that day. I did the remedial coursework and submitted it to the lecturer at 2:00 p.m. that day. The lecturer marked the work immediately, and, in my presence, he said he entered the mark on his computer. He said he had awarded me a perfect mark that I had never earned before. He then asked me to go nearer to him and see the results on his computer screen. When I got closer, he stood up quickly, grabbed me by the waist, and started forcefully caressing and kissing me. This shocked me so much, and I found myself standing there motionless. I looked at the lecturer, very numb. I stormed out of his office and decided to keep this incident to myself because of the shock. I sat for the exam, but I still failed the paper when the results were released. During 2017/2018, the academic year, I decided not to register to redo the paper and first concentrated on my third-year studies. Unfortunately, he was our lecturer in another third-year paper! During lectures, he would mention in class how he did not like looking at a particular student (whose names he did not mention). Although I thought he was referring to me because I had rejected his sexual advances, I decided to let it pass. During a test for the third-year paper, he deliberately isolated me and did not allow any student to sit near me. All these incidences bothered me so much. I lost morale and hope of ever passing these papers. Then one time, the subject’s course coordinator invited all students who had complaints to see him and I used that opportunity to talk about my problem. I narrated my ordeal, and he advised me to write the complaint. The coordinator submitted the letter to the Head of the Department, who also listened to me. I was invited to testify before the Departmental Committee, and they asked me how I wanted to be helped. My request was to be taught by another Lecturer since I was going to redo the paper. The committee promised another lecturer would teach the course during the 2017/2018 academic year. Indeed, the former Head of the Department taught the course, and I sat the exam, but again I failed the paper! When I went back to the Departmental Coordinator to follow up, I was advised to consult the same lecturer who had harassed me and whom I requested the department to change! This meant he did not teach but still examined the paper! I was shattered. I did not go back to him and decided to leave the University and wait for a time when I would have another opportunity to sit the course, i.e. when it is not taught by and examined by my tormentor. In the meantime, I am still waiting for such an opportunity. I also know girls who are in a similar situation as mine. They gave up studies other than submitting to the lecturer’s demand for sex. There were also some corridor talks where some gave in to his sexual demands and graduated.

The student provided contacts of ten female coursemates who similarly gave up completing their studies. I contacted them, but I could not convince them to return and testify because I had no way of assuring them that it would not be business as usual where the University did not care about their plight. However, the committee interacted with the College administration, including those who sat in the Departmental meeting as described in (f) above. The investigation committee interacted with the defendant, witnesses of the case and office bearers who supervised the lecturer.

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The committee found the lecturer guilty of sexual harassment and recommended his dismissal, and he was dismissed from the University Service in 2020.

4.3 Case Three: Investigated Found Guilty of Sexual Harassment But Acquitted of Sexual Harassment Due to Insufficient Evidence On 21 March 2019, a female student from the college of the first case reported a case of alleged multiple harassment and assault against another lecturer alleged to have occurred on 18 March 2019 during a lecture. On 22 March 2019, a local tabloid published an article alleging that that particular lecturer had a habit of harassing female students by engaging in ‘sex for marks’ and ‘transactions’. ‘On 23 April 2019, as part of the investigation, the vice-chancellor’s office received a report from Equality University police on a complaint filed by the student regarding the assault case’. The police stated that the student reported that the lecturer assaulted her during a lecture because she refused to move out of the lecture room after he accused her of answering her phone loudly and that the student later expressed unwillingness to proceed with the case and her case papers were put away. On 2 May 2019, the Vice-Chancellor wrote to the lecturer to submit a written explanation regarding the alleged harassment cases, namely: the alleged multiple harassment and assault against the female student; Tabloid article, which alleged that he had a habit of sexually harassing female students and engaging in ‘sex for marks’; his alleged perpetual threats to students to fail them if they decline his sexual advances, and his alleged unprofessional conduct while performing his duties as an academic. On 6 May 2019, the lecturer responded to the VCs letter and denied all the allegations as baseless except the isolated case of ‘assault’ which he said he had handled amicably. This case was also assigned to the committee investigating case one because they were from the same college and emerged around the same time. The committee obtained documents (the Police letter to the Vice-Chancellor and copies of the communication between the Vice-Chancellor and the lecturer). The committee also interacted with the lecturer and some personalities mentioned in the lecturer’s response to the Vice-Chancellor. In the course of the investigation, the following emerged. (a) The University Police confirmed the assault case, but they said the student decided not to proceed with the case. I obtained her telephone number and contacted her, but she declined to come. She said her parents were against proceeding with the case for her safety. (b) One of the witnesses, a female student, alleged that in 2015/2016 when she was in the first year and during one of the lectures, this same lecturer confiscated the cell phone of another of her classmates for answering it in class and told her to get it from his office at 7:00 a.m. the following day. Her classmate abandoned the phone and never went to his office because when they joined in the first year,

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older students told them to avoid ever going to this lecturer’s office because he is known to sexually harasses students. The witness provided me with the telephone number of the student who abandoned her phone. I called her on 18 May 2019 and asked her about the incident, and she confirmed what the witness said: this lecturer regularly harasses students sexually but threatens them, and they are afraid to come out. I asked her to come and testify, and she said she was upcountry, expecting a baby and was due to deliver in July 2019 and therefore unable to travel to Kampala. Subsequent calls from me remained unanswered. (c) On 6 June 2019, one Juliet Natasha ([email protected]) (whom the committee later concluded was writing under the pseudo name) wrote an email to the Vice-Chancellor, copied to me, alleging that this same lecturer had been voice-recorded by some students asking for money and sex in exchange for marks; doing ‘virtual rape’ to some students; that students complained to his Head of Department, but their complaint remained unattended to and instead referred them back to the lecturer; that the affected students submitted the same complaint to the Dean, but the letters were not responded to; and that some students missed graduation because they refused to heed to this lecturer’s demand of sex in exchange for marks. In the email, Natasha requested the committee to investigate these issues, especially for the 2018/2019 academic year and exercise utmost confidentiality to protect the students who would come up with evidence implicating the lecturer. Natasha also mentioned that the student was willing to testify. There was no other contact other than the email. I got in touch by replying to the email and requesting her to get in touch, but there was no response. Nevertheless, the committee proceeded with the investigation and interacted with office bearers in the college (the Dean, HOD, graduate and undergraduate coordinators, class representatives) and students. (d) The defendant lecturer was the Timetable and Examination coordinator in his department for over ten years. Yet, this role is supposed to rotate among academic staff since it is a leadership role. The Dean and Head of Department confirmed they had heard the ‘sex for marks’ and ‘money for marks’ allegations against the lecturer but had never got the complainants to pin the lecturer down. However, they could not explain how the lecturer with a such grave allegations against him, however unproven, could remain the examination coordinator for such a long time. (e) One of the student witnesses informed the committee that the college administration knew about the allegations against this lecturer and several others in the college but did not have the will to solve them. They protect their fellow staff, and students are abandoned. She provided telephone contacts of a graduate student who was a top student but abandoned her course other than submit to the sexual demands of her then newly allocated supervisor. I contacted the graduate Student, and her case is the subject of case four below, which failed to take off.

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4.4 Case Four: Failed to Take off During the first case investigation, one of the witnesses contacted a top female master’s student from the same college and asked me to contact her and listen to her story of sexual harassment. I called her twice, and each time we agreed to meet, she did not turn up, though she would call to apologize. On the third attempt, she agreed to meet me, and she came to my office on 30 May 2019; she narrated her story as follows: I was a master’s student at this college; I did well in my coursework and started on my master’s research. I was allocated a male supervisor for my dissertation in 2017. The first time I met him in his office, he welcomed me warmly, and we talked about my research topic and agreed on how to proceed. As I stood to leave, he came a bit closer to where I was as if to see me off to the door. Instead, he closed the door and quickly grabbed and started to kiss me forcefully. I resisted and threatened to shout, and then he disengaged and opened the door. I quickly went out, much traumatized, went home and temporarily left the course. The programme coordinator noticed later that I had disappeared and contacted me. I came and narrated my ordeal to him, hoping I would find justice. The programme coordinator simply allocated another supervisor to me without any consequence for the errant supervisor. I felt betrayed and just abandoned the course. I am now completing a different course at another institution, but that is not what I would have wanted. Can anything really happen to this man? He shattered my dream.

I assured her that we would follow up on her case because the Policy had changed, ensuring that she got justice. I took the time to explain the changes the University had put in place to ensure cases like hers do not go unattended. We agreed that she would write her complaint as required by the Policy, and I do the necessary followup. She asked me to give her the complaint form to fill out. However, on second thought, she said she needed to first discuss the matter with her mother, who was herself a former staff of Equality University. When I followed her up, she told me her mother discouraged her from following up on the matter because it was too risky. At that time in 2019e, she (the MA student) had already undergone much trauma and moved on to another course in another institution. However, an undergraduate female student who is struggling academically has complained of sexual harassment by the same lecturer, and this case is among the ongoing cases we are yet to conclude due to disruptions occasioned by the COVID-19 pandemic. I still hope to use this case to convince the former master’s student to testify, but my numerous calls remain unanswered.

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5 Discussion of the Cases and Reflections Therein The cases above revealed the complex Nature of the problem of sexual harassment in African Higher Education Institutions. Universities in East Africa (and elsewhere) are at various levels of trying to address the problem of gender-based violence in their systems through enacting and implementing relevant policies. However, despite these efforts, the cases illustrate a systemic, pervasive and deeply rooted problem of sexual harassment in universities. There is a constant struggle between the dignity and rights of survivors/victims; personal and institutional reputation; the need to implement the Policy to the letter; and a culture of toxic collegiality that allows sexual harassment to be pervasive with impunity despite the existence of a policy to combat it. The policy implementation has generated several lessons discussed in the following subsections.

5.1 The Role of Top Leadership and Management of the University In order to effectively promote zero tolerance of sexual harassment in universities, there has to be demonstrable commitment and articulation by the top University administration and those coordinating policy implementation (Bondestam & Lundqvist, 2020). These researchers rightly observe that passive leadership increases the risk for both male and female employees of being subjected to harassment, while clear and active leadership, which demonstrates that it will not tolerate sexual harassment, prevents it. In 2017 during the public presentation as part of the competitive process for the position of the Vice-Chancellor, the current Vice-Chancellor made a public pronouncement that, should he be successful, promoting zero tolerance to sexual harassment in Equality University would be one of the strategic interventions for which the public should hold him accountable during his term of office, The relative success that Equality University has begun to register since 2019 is partly attributable to the commitment and conviction of the Vice-Chancellor and the current management team. In 2018, when the review of PRASH was already underway but not yet finalized, two cases involving Equality University staff were handled under the 2006 PRASH. As I was not yet responsible for coordination, I had been transferred to the GMD in an acting capacity, so I followed the two cases with keen interest. At the time, I was also a member of the disciplinary organ of the University, a body that would hear the case if the report came for disciplinary action. One of the cases originated from the media with overwhelming evidence. The media also escalated the second one and ended up in the law courts. The Principal of the College, the Unit supposed to form an investigative Committee under the old Policy, dragged its feet in forming the committee and concluding the investigation. But when the media escalated the cases, they went beyond the Unit, and the University management picked interest.

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The investigations were eventually completed and reports came to the disciplinary organs, and both staff were eventually dismissed in 2018. However, they appealed to the University Staff tribunal, and their cases are yet to be concluded. Before 2018, cases were previously reported, but the top administration did not take them up, similar to the situation reported in Australia, where Universities actively covered up cases or blocked studies on the prevalence of sexual harassment for fear of reputational damage. I am aware of two cases in Equality University reported in 2007 and 2010; committees were put in place, investigations were done, and reports were written. However, the top administrators of the time, one a Dean and another a ViceChancellor, did not progress in any organ. The victims never received justice, and the two staff who were accused remain in the university service to date.

5.2 Personal and Institutional Reputation vs Victims’ Rights and Dignity When cases come up, the units are more concerned about individual and institutional reputation than the suffering of the victims. This influences their course of action. As the previous sections suggest, the responsible officers often prefer to handle cases locally at the Unit level than scaling up the complaints and investigation as the Policy requires. This means that the rights and dignity of the victim are sacrificed for departmental/institutional reputation. The head of the department’s request in the first case above was to handle the case locally. It is possible that if the Policy had not been changed, the first case would have ended up like the second one, where a departmental committee forgave the perpetrator despite the numerous complaints they had received over time. This is one of the main reasons the Policy remained mainly on the shelves from its formulation in 2006 till 2017. Although cases emerged, for eleven years, no case was officially recorded and handled according to the Policy. However, since 2019, the GMD has received 21 cases at various handling levels. Four were concluded (with two dismissals and two acquittals), investigations are ongoing (and have been delayed due to disruptions occasioned by COVID 19 pandemic) for six and ten are at various levels of gathering evidence. This indicates that the revised PRASH is beginning to have an impact.

5.3 Evidence and Policy Implementation Sexual harassment at the University happens in private spaces, and the victims find it difficult to prove in an increasingly legalistic community. From 2019 to 2021, I received 20 complaints of sexual harassment against staff filed by students. Only, one is for a hostel custodian who harassed resident students. The rest is sex-formarks cases lodged by students against their instructors. Only, four cases have been

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concluded with two dismissals and two acquittals. Six are ongoing, but ten cannot commence due to inadequate evidence to affirm. Students and staff alike know those who sexually harass their victims habitually. However, coming up with credible evidence is a big challenge. The victim in the first case began experiencing the problem in the second year. She was only lucky to have had a relative in the security who guided her in collecting the evidence while in her 4th year. However, it was risky because she agreed to meet her tormentor in his car while playing cooperative to collect the evidence. She deliberately structured the conversation to cover all the previous interactions, but he could get to know what would have happened is anybody’s guess.

5.4 Pervasive Negative Collegiality Frustrates Implementation The investigation revealed prevalent negative collegiality tendencies among departments, promoting collusion and refusal to disclose information. For example, both lecturers involved in the two cases were known by their colleagues as serial harassers. The Head of the Department and the Dean knew about their predatory behaviour, but they did not put mechanisms to call them out. Instead preferred counselling them and ignored the plight of their victims. Even outsiders to the departments were aware of their behaviour. On 20 April 2019, a police officer who helped the offender in case one to get police bond after the attempted kidnap came to my office to inquire about one of the programmes. He had been informed that the GMD is the Unit currently in charge of investigations. Before he left, he commented that it was common knowledge that this lecturer habitually harassed students sexually with three of his colleagues. One of the three mentioned is the one who was taunting and intimidating the student during her fourth-year exams, telling her to wait for the Vice-Chancellor to come and invigilate her, the same whom she believed her tormenter influenced to fail her. The question is, if it was common knowledge that they are habitual harassers, why would they not be held accountable and disciplined? As the lecturer’s conduct had hitherto been considered in a special Departmental Disciplinary Committee meeting of 6 July 2017 following ‘evidently’ a large number of formal and informal complaints from students and faculty…about the unprofessional conduct of the said lecturer and that the lecturer ‘pleaded guilty to sexually harassing one of the students’. That he ‘apologized to the students in the presence of the disciplinary committee’ and ‘was given a final verbal warning as punishment for his unprofessional conduct’. The department assumed the power it did not have by forgiving the harasser because only the appointing authority had the power. However, the fact that they could cover up the conduct without any consequence is quite revealing. Even where a female student made a complaint, as in case two, the department protected the interests of the perpetrator of sexual harassment rather than the student.

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5.5 Institutional Cover-Ups of Sexual Harassment Are a Major Bottleneck Institutions work through individuals holding positions of responsibility. Mcall 2019 rightly observed that reputation management has led to situations where complaints are silenced, and victims cannot protect themselves from common retaliation and reputation damage. Moreover, when this happens, harassers become emboldened, and victims cannot come up since they see the futility of coming out. The lack of concrete actions to combat sexual harassment is not because cases do not emerge or are not known in Equality or elsewhere in other universities. There is a pervasive cultural normalization, trivialization and cover-up of the problem, which erodes or does not build confidence in institutional response mechanisms. During the investigation of the second case, I could not convince the two female students (out of the six mentioned in the anonymous letter) to testify against the lecturer. They claimed not to have been harassed by the lecturer. However, they were part of the six whom the lecturer refused to teach and ignored because they always went in a group. Nevertheless, before they left my office, one of them dropped her guard and said she had declined to register for the failed paper in the previous academic year because her friend had told her that a new lecturer would be assigned to teach the paper. In return, she was disappointed to find the same lecturer still teaching the paper. I noted that she did not see his failure to teach as harassment. Probably, they saw me as just another staff who did not care to solve their problem. They had no reason to believe I would act differently because of their previous experience. This problem affects not only Equality University by other African universities. About South African Universities, Draper (2019) explained that in 2017 47 rape cases were opened, but there was no follow-through on what happened to them. She added that sexual violence remained rife on South African Campuses because of a culture steeped in patriarchy and because little to no support is offered to survivors of rape, and that women who chose to report sexual misconduct in Universities were likely to be met with further suffering.

5.6 Confusion Between Seduction, Consensual Relationships and Sexual Harassment In all cases that have been investigated successfully or not, when allegations are raised, the perpetrators are always quick to claim the struggling students are weak academically and want to claim sexual harassment to get off the hook easily. Alternatively, the allegations result from malice from colleagues who use students to fight them. During the investigation, one of the members who attended the departmental meeting where the perpetrator was given a final warning generally blamed female students for enticing the lecturers to sleep with them in exchange for marks. She believed that not all students’ allegations should be taken as truth. She asked: at

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what point did the sex-for-marks allegations happen—is it after failing the paper or before? What if a lecturer genuinely admires a student and wishes to have a consensual relationship? Where does one draw a line between sexual harassment and ‘proposing’ to a student? ‘What if the lecturer wanted a genuine love relationship that the female student turned down and later failed his paper and wanted to use against him?’ This view and question are commonly raised in my day-to-day interaction with colleagues. It erroneously confuses sexual harassment with seduction and consensual relationships. Even in case two, the lecturer claimed that weak students make those allegations. However, from the testimonies by the witnesses to this investigation, it was noted that the defendant lecturer habitually produced incomplete exam results, which explains many students’ complaints of missing marks and errors. Even where he was named in audit reports, he continued to teach without any consequence. In examining the different papers, he taught and the students who had failed to graduate due to his papers, the committee identified many students who had abandoned their courses other than submitting to his sexual demands. Moreover, the department had swept the matter to allow the lecturer to continue teaching without being accountable.

5.7 Academically Struggling, Assertive or Those with Financial Problems Are Most at Risk Academically, weak students are quick targets of sexual harassment because they are the ones who are compelled to seek their lecturer’s audience for assistance. This frequent, one-on-one interaction created an increased risk for sexual harassment. Even when such students’ scripts are remarked, the chances are that the same poor mark will be awarded because of staff fraternity. Colleagues who solicit sex for marks support each other in their crime such that a harasser asks colleagues to ‘fail’ a particular student so that it is not very obvious that a harasser is the one who deliberately failed her. The colleagues also help intimidate the student into silence if she raises a complainant. In the audio recording submitted by the student in the first case, the perpetrator is heard saying: ‘you think I am stupid to use my paper to fail you? I will ask my colleague to undermark you in his paper if you refuse’. He echoed the same issue earlier when he discouraged her from having her paper remarked in the second year, saying it would be costly since the lecturer who marked would connive with the one to remark the paper, and I give her a lower mark. This is a disturbing abuse of power and taking advantage of the students in their care.

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5.8 Orientation of New Students and Staff and Continuous Professional Development Critical to Effective PRASH Implementation There is limited awareness about the problem of sexual harassment and other University policies among students and staff. Refresher courses are not very common, yet these are avenues of facilitating and diffusion of information to combat a problem as pervasive as sexual harassment. In both cases, students suffered for a long time, two years and each dropped out without taking any further steps beyond their immediate environment. The staff are the ones who confuse seduction, consensual relationships and sexual harassment, and yet under normal circumstances, they would be the ones to explain to the students. This points to a need for systematic orientation and new staff and students and continuous professional development for staff.

5.9 A Vicious Cycle of Intimidation, Fear and Unresponsive Institutional Structures When a complaint of sexual harassment is made or rumoured, people are quick, almost unconsciously, to find what was wrong with the victim rather than calling the perpetrator to account. They ask, for example, how she was dressed, why she went to see the lecturer in his office at an awkward time, not why the lecturer invited her to see him at that time, implying that the perpetrator would be excused. The focus then shifts from holding the office bearer who is more powerful than the victim in most cases. This shifts the blame to the victim and is similar to what is at the University of Nairobi and elsewhere in Africa. This further stigmatizes and silences the victims. Victims are particularly rightly afraid and vulnerable to further harassment if and when the perpetrator finds out they have been reported, as demonstrated by the experience of the first case. In Equality University and other African Universities, a climate of fear pervades because victims who report sexual harassment allegations are blocked and mishandled by other staff who are colleagues of the harasser and are labelled ‘dangerous’. This instils fear among students that some deny being affected and refuse to testify even when they know the dire consequences. There is a tendency for victim-blaming, intimidation, threats and false accusations, which silence the other victims who would have wished to speak out. Therefore, many victims fear the risk involved in reporting. Many students have been sexually harassed but fear reporting or do not see any use in reporting because they believe that Lecturers protect each other. One of the staff witnesses affirmed that colleagues are vindictive to those who report their vices. In one of the incidences regarding the second case, they reported the lecturer’s refusal to teach them at 2.00 p.m., and by 4.00 p.m., the said lecturer was already informed about the student’s complaint and was in class bragging that there was nothing the

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student could do about their problem. No wonder the two I interacted with could not come out to admit being harassed, let alone testify.

5.9.1

Impunity and a Sense of Entitlement

In both cases, the embattled lecturers portrayed themselves as untouchable and staff whom Equality University could not do without through false claims. For example, in the second case, the lecturer claimed to have taught the courses for 30 years (yet he joined the University in 2005); that he is the only expert in the discipline, and he is the one who designed 90% of the courses taught in the programme. Because of the nonresponsive institutional mechanism, the students believed that he was indispensable. Students’ complaints of a clash in timetable remained unattended; the lecturer in question used it against the complaining students, and there was no consequence. From audit documentation and the testimonies by the witnesses, it was noted that the defendant lecturer habitually produced incomplete exam results, which explains the many students’ complaints of missing marks and errors in marks. Even though he was reported for sexual harassment named in audit reports, he continued to teach without any consequence. In examining the different papers, he taught and the students who had failed to graduate due to his papers, the committee identified a student who had abandoned her course other than submitting to his sexual demands and was willing to testify. This situation is similar to other universities in the region and other institutions where staff accused of sexual harassment often land new jobs or Donovan (2020), where a student at the University of Nairobi expressed frustration that even if they report someone as per the Policy they will be cautioned and you will still see them around the University, and they would have to deal with the stigma where people may think a victim wanted it; one of the staff among the six cases under investigation has since retired from Equality University but has already secured another job in another public university in Uganda. One of the academic leaders from Equality informed me that one of the academic leaders involved in sexual harassment was given an option to resign and take another job in another regional University in South Africa rather than expose him. All this perpetuates impunity and a lack of accountability. In the audio submitted by the witness in the first case, the lecturer is frustrated that the girl refused to submit to his sexual demands, yet the whole class knows he slept with her. He is not bothered about how the girl feels but expresses a sense of entitlement to her body. In the same video, the student asks why he insists she should sleep with him when he (the lecturer) is like a parent and father figure. The lecturer asked how old she was, and the student replied that she was 23. Then the lecturer relies upon ‘Then you are edible!’ This disturbing conversation demonstrates a sense of entitlement in patriarchal institutional culture that runs counter to the spirit of PRASH.

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The Lengthy Bureaucratic Grievance Handling Procedures

The law in Uganda and the countries that apply common law from Britain maintain that someone is innocent until proven guilty. This discourages the victims and investigators alike involved in investigations. The reports and investigation commenced in April 2019, but the final decision by the University’s disciplinary organs concluded on 8 August 2020.

5.9.3

Limited Resources for Policy Implementation

The GMD, which has a logistical and process responsibility of receiving and managing the investigation of cases and being the Gender equality entity, is grossly under-resourced in terms of staff and funding. The Unit is unable to support more than one investigation committee, and this slows down the several investigations.

6 Conclusion and Recommendations The presentation of the cases and discussion of experiences in policy implementation has highlighted the complex Nature of the pervasive problem of sexual harassment and misconduct at Universities in the African region. Undoubtedly, having a policy against sexual harassment is very important. However, willingness and commitment to implementation are more crucial. In order to increase the effectiveness and institutionalization of the Policy in realizing zero tolerance for sexual harassment, the paper recommends several interventions. First, the top leaders and managers of the universities have to be unequivocal and make public pronouncements about their institutional commitment to combat sexual harassment. They have to implement policies, implementation frameworks and resources to implement the policies. Investigation of sexual harassment outside the Unit where the case has been reported to facilitate objective handling of the cases as much as possible. The institution’s management should clearly state its seriousness and purpose in dealing with sexual harassment. Second, policy dissemination should be invested, primarily while recruiting fresh students and staff and continuous professional development. As Oni et al. (2019) rightly suggest, efforts should primarily be directed at the first-year students when they arrive on campus. Moreover, I add that PRASH dissemination should also include an essential component during the induction of new staff and refresher training. Clear guidelines on when and where to seek help must be regularly available to students and staff. The capacity and resources of the implementation organs such as the GMD and Directorate of legal affairs need to be enhanced so that investigations can be faster and decisions made in relatively good time. Third, a monitoring and evaluation framework for the policy implementation needs to be put in place so successful policy implementation can be measured with clear qualitative and qualitative indicators.

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References Agaba, J. (2020). Sexual harassment on campuses: Activists call for harsher penalties. University World News. Bondestam, F., & Lundqvist, M. (2020). Sexual harassment in higher education—A systematic review. European Journal of Higher Education. Routledge. Dranzoa, C. (2018). Sexual harassment at african higher education institutions. International Higher Education, 94, 4–5. https://doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2018.0.10553 Equality University Gender Mainstreaming Directorate. (2004). The situation analysis of the gender terrain at Equality University. Guschke, B. L., Busse, K., Khalid, F., Muhr, S. L., & Just, S. N. (2019). Sexual harassment in higher education—Experiences and perceptions among students at a Danish University. Women, Gender & Research, 28(1–2), 11–30. https://doi.org/10.7146/kkf.v28i1-2.116114 Mendez, M. (2013) Auto ethnography as research method: Advantages, limitations and criticisms. Theoretical Discussion Papers Series, University of Quintana Roo. Menon, A., et al. (2014). Knowledge and perceptions of sexual harassment in an institution of higher education in sub-Saharan Africa. Medical Journal of Zambia, University of Zambia, 41(3), 137–143. Regulska, J. (2018). The #MeToo movement as a global learning moment. International Higher Education, 94(5), 5. Tampah-Naah, C. (2020). Beyond rhetoric of sexual harassment policy to good leadership in higher education institutions: Case study of University for Development Studies. Journal of Education and Practice, 4(40), 1–13.

Dr. Euzobia M. Mugisha Baine is the Director, Gender Mainstreaming Directorate at Makerere University. She holds a Ph.D. in Education (University of Birmingham UK, 2007); a postgraduate certificate in research in education (University of Birmingham, UK, 2004); a Master of Arts in Gender, Women & Development (Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, The Netherlands, 1998); a Bachelor of Arts in Social Sciences (Makerere University, 1994); and Higher Diploma in Marketing (NCBS Nakawa, Uganda, 1993). She is a real-world Researcher situated in an interpretive research paradigm and her research interests include social identities and social justice; gender equality, equity & gender mainstreaming; higher education leadership, management, quality assurance and organizational culture; and general public policy. She is jointly appointed as a Lecturer in the East African School for Higher Education Studies and Development, College of Education & External Studies, Makerere University and is a facilitator in qualitative research and gender mainstreaming in higher education.

Mapping Key Facts of Ghana’s Higher Education System Patrick Swanzy

and Fredua Kwasi-Agyeman

Abstract Higher education is recognised as a key driver of national development. It is acknowledged to contribute to development through the formation of human capital; building knowledge bases; the dissemination and use of knowledge; and the maintenance of knowledge. This seems to have heightened the need for scientific knowledge about higher education systems worldwide. This chapter maps Ghana’s higher education sector to provide a critical perspective and better the understanding of the evolution and current state of the sector for higher education stakeholders to appreciate the sectors changing landscape for sustainable practices. Through a comprehensive literature review, policy document analysis and statistical data from various official sources the paper brings scattered pieces of information together in order to highlight some key features of Ghana’s higher education system. It emerged that Ghana inherited its higher education from Britain but the sector has since been reformed and expanded. The chapter also describes some characteristics, issues and developments to enhance the understanding of the current higher education sector and concludes with the implications this has for the country in the future. Keywords Ghana · Higher education · Systems · Sector · Universities · Institutions

1 Historic Overview Higher education in Ghana dates back to the pre-independence era. In 1948, the British colonial government as a result of the recommendations of Asquith and Eliot Commissions established the University College of Gold Coast and affiliated it to the University of London to be in charge of its academic programmes (Girdwood, P. Swanzy (B) Department of Teacher Education, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana e-mail: [email protected] F. Kwasi-Agyeman Central University, Accra, Ghana © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_11

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1999). This relationship was discontinued when Ghana obtained independence from Britain in 1957. The University College of Gold Coast attained sovereign university status, its name was changed to University of Ghana and given the powers to award its own degrees in 1961 (Girdwood, 1999). In December 1960, the Government of Ghana appointed a University Commission to advise it on the future development of university education in Ghana. Following the report of the commission which came out in early 1961, government transformed the then Kumasi College of Technology which was established by a Government Ordinance on 6 October 1951, into a full-fledged university and renamed it Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) by an Act of Parliament on 22 August 1961 (Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, 2015b). Similarly, the University College of Cape Coast was established in 1962 and upgraded to a full university in 1971 to provide specialised training for teachers of science and mathematics in secondary and technical schools (Manuh et al., 2007; University of Cape Coast, 2015). Ghana maintained these three universities till 1993 (Eshun, 1998) but as Ghana’s population increased and demand for higher education heightened, discussions for the need to revive the sector gathered momentum resulting in higher education reforms in 1993. Any discourse on Ghana’s higher education cannot ignore the significant change that characterised the sector in 1993. An economic crisis in the early’80s brought on in part by the global increase in the price of oil and disappointing growth in Ghana’s economy had led to a reduction in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) allocated to education from 6.4 to 1.3% in the 1980s (Girdwood, 1999). As a result, the quality of education deteriorated and school enrolments stagnated (Dwomoh, 1994). The Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), a military government led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, initiated education reforms in 1987 as part of a Structural Adjustment Programme negotiated with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank and aimed at halting the decline in expansion and quality through a radical overhaul of both the structure and the content of education (Acheampong, 2008). A University Rationalisation Committee (URC) was established to undertake a comprehensive review of post-secondary education in the country (University Rationalisation Committee, 1988). The mandates of URC covered the following: 1. Re-defining the structure of the higher education system; 2. Making higher education more cost-effective; 3. Increasing the capacity of institutions for income generation and encouraging private sector participation in the funding of higher education institutions; 4. Obtaining an appropriate balance between science/technology and social sciences/humanities enrolments in relation to national manpower needs; and 5. Improving the management of the higher education institutions. The URC recommended the expansion of the higher education sector. This expansion was achieved through regrouping, rationalisation and upgrading of existing post-secondary institutions to tertiary status and the establishment of new universities.

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2 Ghana’s Current Higher Education Landscape Ghana’s higher education sector includes universities and non-university institutions. The universities are a mix of public, private, national and international institutions whilst the non-university sector includes nurse training colleges, colleges of education and several national or international specialised colleges (Gondwe & Walenkamp, 2011). The higher education landscape comprises of 15 public universities, 10 public technical universities, 7 public degree awarding and professional institutions, 65 public nurses training colleges, 4 colleges of agriculture. The private higher education institutions are made up of 1 private polytechnic, 17 private nurses training colleges, 4 private colleges of education, 2 distance learning institutions, 7 chartered private higher education institutions, 5 registered foreign institutions, 10 tutorial colleges and 109 private tertiary institutions offering Higher National Diploma/Degree Programmes. The sector also includes 1 regionally owned (West Africa) tertiary institution (Ghana Tertiary Education Commission, 2022). Both the traditional and technical universities are permitted to offer programmes at undergraduate and postgraduate levels however differences exist between them in that the academic programmes of the technical universities are expected to have a strong practical component and also to offer vocational and technical graduates with a more logical avenue for academic and professional progression (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2014). The non-university institutions, on the other hand, offer sub-degree professional higher education (certificates and diplomas) (Gondwe & Walenkamp, 2011).

3 Enrolment and Participation Enrolment in Ghana’s higher sector has witnessed significant change. It has increased steadily in the last two decades. For example, gross enrolment ratio (GER) rose from 2.9 in 1999 to 6.52 in 2007 and 16.23 in 2015 (Times Higher Education, 2017). The total amount of students enrolled in higher education as of 2015 stood at 396,264 (National Accreditation Board, 2016) from 9,997 in 1992 (Bailey et al., 2011). Out of the 2015 figure, 52.94% were enrolled in public universities, 17.69% in private universities, 12.61% in polytechnics (now technical universities), 11.22% in colleges of education, 3.03% in colleges of nursing, 2.32% in quasi-public universities and 0.19% in colleges of agriculture (National Accreditation Board, 2016). Enrolment in public universities increased from 84,078 in 2005 (Manuh et al., 2007) to 209,790 in 2015 (National Accreditation Board, 2016). Total enrolment in the polytechnics (now technical universities) as of 2015 stood at 49,980 (National Accreditation Board, 2016) surging from 24,664 in 2005. Similarly, enrolments in the Colleges of Education showed a positive trend. In 2005 their enrolment stood at 27,077. By 2015 the figure had catapulted to 44,447 (National Accreditation Board, 2016). Enrolment data for private universities, quasi-public institution, Colleges of Education, Colleges of

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Table 1 Enrolments in higher education from 2005 to 2015 Public Universities

84,078

115,452

209,790

Private Universities

*

*

70,085

*

*

9208

Polytechnics (Now Technical Uni)

24,664

43,113

49,980

Colleges of Education

27,077

30,461

44,447

Colleges of Nursing

*

*

12,010

Colleges of Agriculture

*

*

744

Quasi-Public Institutions

Source Manuh et al. (2007), National Accreditation Board (2016) * No data

Nursing and Colleges of Agriculture for 2005 and 2010 were unavailable. Table 1 presents trends in total enrolments in Ghana’s higher education sector from 2005 to 2015. Table 1 shows that most subsectors of Ghana’s higher education have seen growth in student numbers from 2005 to 2015. This might have been caused by the establishment of additional public universities which saw the total move from 3 in 1992 to 9 in 2015; delivery of more academic programmes by distance mode; the adoption of dual-track tuition approach; upgrading of polytechnics to tertiary status; stoppage of payment of teacher trainee and nursing training allowances by government that led to abolishment of quota systems; restructuring of the student loan scheme; and the establishment of the Ghana Trust Fund (GETFund) to offer additional fiscal support to the higher education sector (Atuahene, 2014). Despite this growth in student numbers, Ghana’s higher education participation rate of 16.23% (Times Higher Education, 2017) is less for a country classified as lower middle income and the global average of 26% (Times Higher Education, 2017). Gender disparity is also common in Ghana’s higher education sector. The proportion of female students is lower than that of males across all levels of higher institutions in Ghana. Female enrolment is about 29% of total students enrolments, compared to the national target of 50% (Budu, 2017) but this excludes Colleges of Nursing where 75.3% of the students are females (Government of Ghana, 2013).

4 Academic Staff Academic staff play a critical role in the academic operations of HEIs. Their core functions include teaching, research and community service. In Ghana, there seems to be shortage of qualified academic staff in HEIs. Manuh et al. (2007) report that HEIs face academic staff vacancy rate of 40%. In 2017, the National Council for Tertiary Education (NCTE) lamented that 2,676 academic staff in eight public universities is inadequate to teach and supervise 128,326 students (GhanaWeb, 2017b). This shortage seems to have been caused by a ban on recruitment of university teachers by

Mapping Key Facts of Ghana’s Higher Education System Table 2 Qualifications of staff of some public HEIs in 2015

187

Qualifications

Universities

Doctor of Philosophy

1365

105

4

Master of Philosophy

1185

147

332

537

1235

814

–

–

460

332

359

96

3419

1846

1706

Masters Bachelor Others Total

Polytechnics (Now tech uni)

Colleges of education

Source National Accreditation Board (2016)

the government and the National Council for Tertiary Education and National Accreditation Board’s (now merged as Ghana Tertiary Education Commission) tightening of qualification requirements for university teaching. The Ghana Tertiary Education Commission insist on doctoral degree as the appropriate qualification of an academic staff (GhanaWeb, 2017b). It is also reported that faculty members leave to join other sectors with better conditions of service and remuneration whilst others travel overseas to seek greener pastures (GhanaWeb, 2017b). This situation makes it difficult for HEIs to build the critical mass of researchers to engage in academic research (Manuh et al., 2007). Table 2 presents the qualifications of academic staff in public universities, polytechnics and colleges of education in 2015. Attempt to obtain current data proofed futile. Further to this is the age structure of the academic staff. Forty per cent of the academic staff are above 50 years of age and would soon hit the compulsory retirement age of 60 (Manuh et al., 2007). The ageing faculty coupled with poor postgraduate training and the unwillingness of young graduates to pursue career in HEIs compel HEIs to retain retired academic staff especially professors on contract (Manuh et al., 2007). This ageing syndrome is not peculiar to Ghana but even in South Africa where major transformation in Higher education has been achieved. Academic staff in HEIs are categorised into ranks. An academic is normally tagged as a full professor, associate professor, senior lecturer, lecturer and tutor similar to global trends. Figure 1 presents the ranks of academics in Ghana in 2015. Data on previous years is scarce. It could be deduced from Fig. 1 full that professors in HEIs total 755. Out of this, 555 work as full-time staff whilst 200 work on part-time basis. Similarly, HEIs can boast of 1,837 senior lecturers, comprising of 1,437 and 400 full-time staff and part-time, respectively. In the case of lecturers, 4,843 work full time with 1,817 working as part-time staff. The total number of assistant lecturers and tutors amounted to 1,591 and 903, respectively. These include full- and part-time staff. Promotion criteria for academics in Ghana seem to be undergoing a review. The premier university, University of Ghana has revised its promotion criteria (Effah & Addae-Mensah, 2015) with regard to publications. For example, for a lecturer to rise

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Ranks of Academic Staff 2015 7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 Prof.

Srn. Lect.

Lect

Full-time

Assis. Lect

Tutor

Part-time

Fig. 1 Ranks of academic staff (Source National Council for Tertiary Education [2016])

to Senior Lecturer, an academic will require a minimum of 10 publications (15 for Research Fellow to Senior Research Fellow), 24 publications from Senior Lecturer to Associate Professor (30 for Research Staff) and 35 publications for a Full Professor (45 for Research staff) (Effah & Addae-Mensah, 2015). A careful study of this policy portrays that it overconcentrates on quantity but vague on the quality indicators of a publication an academic can tender in for promotion. The ratio of an academic staff to student population is also high in HEIs. Currently, the ratio is six times more than the required internationally acceptable student-toteacher ratio and worse in some disciplines (National Accreditation Board, 2016). Student-to-lecturer ratio in business programmes stands at 161:1, deviating from the normal standard of 27:1 (National Accreditation Board, 2016). Furthermore, medicine programme ratio, which is supposed to be 12:1, is 30:1 (GhanaWeb, 2017b), and such abnormal proportions run through all the other courses such as applied sciences, engineering, humanities and science, generating quality concerns amongst the populace (GhanaWeb, 2017b). Ghana introduced a Free Secondary High School policy in 2017 (Akufo-Addo, 2017). Four hundred and twenty-four thousand and ninety-two (424,092) students who graduated from junior high school are reported to have been enrolled in Senior High Schools (Akufo-Addo, 2017). The potential influx of graduates for the Senior High Schools to public HEIs further threatened the existing lecturer-student ratio. Even though the government intervened by giving clearance to the institutions to recruit more staff to augment the staff strength of the institutions, the lecturer-student ratio still remains at unacceptable level (Ghana News Agency, 2020). Staff mobility in Ghana is mostly internal. Academic staff in public universities sometimes take up part-time positions in private universities (Tawiah, 2014). This condition has heightened as a result of poor conditions of service of public university lecturers and the fragile financial positions of private universities to support the recruitment of high calibre academic staff. Few Ghanaian academics have also been beneficiaries of international mobility programmes such as Erasmus Mundus and

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Marie Curie fellowships. Since 2004, two hundred and forty-five (245) Ghanaians have benefited from Erasmus scholarships (citifmonline.com, 2017). In addition, Marie Curie fellowships awarded to Ghanaians from 2007 to 2014 amounts to 16 (European Commission, 2016). These included academic staff in HEIs. Since the adoption of Ghana’s 1992 Constitution, universities have enjoyed high levels of academic freedom. Academic freedom in Ghana comes in the following forms. First, it is understood to mean an academic performing his/her scholarly duties without interference (Effah, 2015). It also includes HEIs councils making their own internal decisions without external interference (Effah, 2015). Although, currently, for the most part, universities are insulated from external forces and interference, there are still reservations about situations in which they are compelled to conform to the demands imposed by ministries, government agencies (Effah, 2003) and politicians. In addition to this, the sole right possessed by Government of Ghana to appoint chairpersons and some members of HEI councils of public HEIs seems to threatening academic freedom in public HEIs (GhanaWeb, 2017a). The Government of Ghana in 2020 introduced and presented the Public universities Bill to Parliament. There is fear that the passage of this Bill in to law will further choke the freedom enjoyed by academics. Appointment of council members in private HEIs differs. Faith-based HEIs have their councils appointed by the highest body of the religious organisation whilst for-profit HEIs, appointment of councils is normally influenced by their owners.

5 Funding and Resources Higher education in Ghana is mainly funded by the government in line with social democratic principles espoused by the first post-independence government (Manuh et al., 2007). However, as Ghana began to experience an economic crisis in the 80s coupled with growth in student numbers, the funding model began to shiver and became unsustainable. By 2000, the government’s share of higher education funding was about 70% (Atuahene, 2014) but continued to shrink. Ghana now spends about 23.2% of its total budget expenditure on education (Ministry of Education, 2012). Out of this, 21.6% is allocated to the higher education sector (Ministry of Education, 2012). Unfortunately, this falls short of the funds required by higher education institutions, negatively impacting their academic operations (Materu, 2007). For instance, the funding gap in higher education between 2011 and 2015 was in the range of 39.7–41% (Newman & Duwiejua, 2015). To give financial life support to the sector, alternative financial systems have been introduced. Ghana’s higher education sector is sustained financially through four main sources, namely government subvention; allocations from Ghana Education Trust Fund (GETFund); internally generated funds (IGF); and contributions from donors (Atuahene, 2014). Figure 2 depicts Ghana’s higher education funding structure.

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Fig. 2 Ghana’s higher education funding structure (Source Author)

Government Subvention

Donors

HE Funding structure

GETFund

IGF

Government subvention remains the predominant source of funding for the higher education sector (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2012). This is a direct transfer of funds from Government of Ghana to the higher education institutions and is captured in the government’s annual fiscal budget. In 2010, GHS 198,889,276 was released by the government to the sector as against GHS 231,918,186 incurred by HEIs (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2012). This increased to GHS 208,288,251 in 2011 (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2012) representing 75% of the approved budget for the higher education sector. Government subvention in 2012 surged to GHS 490,619,775.52 (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2012). Though this portrayed an increase in real terms, it only contributed 56% of the total incomes (GHS 871,829,195.52) for the higher education sector (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2012). Government subvention stalled in 2013 but witnessed a significant rise to GHS 716,888,397 in 2014 (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2015). However, this fell short of the projected total expenditure of GHS 1,024,275,063 (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2015). This indicates an adverse variance of GHS 71,599,780 representing 8% of the approved budget. By 2015, government subvention had reached 969,000,000 (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2016). Figure 3 shows government subvention between 2010 and 2015. As government subvention plummeted in percentage wise in relation to budgetary expectations of HEIs, GETFund was established by Ghana’s Parliament through the Ghana Education Trust Fund Act 2000, Act 581 in 2000 (Government of Ghana, 2000). The mandate of GETFund is to provide additional funds for the development of physical and academic infrastructure at all levels of education (Government of Ghana, 2000). GETFund also engages in funding Faculty Development and

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Government subvention from 2010-2015 Amount GHC 96,90,00,000 71,68,88,397 49,06,19,775

49,06,19,775

20,82,88,251

19,88,89,276

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2012

2013

13,20,51,000

2011

8,05,00,000

2010

8,47,53,000

2009

5,64,05,000

2008

5,17,31,000

2007

3,78,50,000

5,32,00,000

2006

2,72,80,000

5,19,20,000

GETFUND ALLOCATIONS AMOUNT GHC

2014

20,69,89,000

Fig. 3 Government subvention (Source National Council for Tertiary Education [2016])

2015

Fig. 4 GETFund allocations (Source National Council for Tertiary Education [2016])

Research such as supporting faculty to acquire higher degrees, undertake research and participate in conferences and seminars (Government of Ghana, 2000). GETFund is funded through Value-Added Tax (VAT) (Government of Ghana, 2000). Ghana’s VAT currently stands at 12.5% and the GET Fund is financed with 2.5% points (Effah et al., 2009). The Fund has, since its establishment, provided additional financial resource support to the higher education institutions (Bailey et al., 2011). Figure 4 presents the trend of total GETFund allocation to the higher education sector from 2006 to 2015. Figure 4 suggests that in 2006 and 2007 GETFund contributed GHS 51,920,000 and GHS 53,200,000 to the higher education sector, respectively. However, financial resources provided by GETFund to the sector plummeted in 2008 and increased marginally in 2009 to GHS 37,850,000. From 2010 to 2015 GETFund contribution surged significantly from GHS 51,731,000 to GHS 206,989,000. Similarly, Internally Generated Funds (IGF) provides financial life support to higher education. These are revenues that are derived from the regular activities or operations of higher education institutions. The sources include but not limited to revenue from book sales, hospitals, printing press, user fees and consultancies

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Internally Generated Fund Amount GHC 90,00,00,000 80,00,00,000 70,00,00,000 60,00,00,000 50,00,00,000 40,00,00,000 30,00,00,000 20,00,00,000 10,00,00,000 0 2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Fig. 5 IGF (Source National Council for Tertiary Education [2016])

(National Council for Tertiary Education, 2016). Ever since IGF became a funding stream it has experienced significant growth. Figure 5 shows IGF’s contribution to higher education from 2005 to 2015. Figure 5 shows that IGF generated by HEIs increased from GHS 27,915,919 in 2005 to GHS 147,694,341 in 2010 representing an increase of 429%. A chunk of this revenue came from universities (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2016). In 2011, income from IGF amounted to GHS 150,800,000. By 2015, the IGF figure has reached GHS 803,539,274 an increase of 2800% of the 2005 figure. In the same year, universities generated GHS 529,380,973 representing 84.52% of the total revenue (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2016). This additional funding has helped to enhance the financial sustainability of higher education institutions. Revenue generated from IGF is normally spent on direct academic expenditure, administrative and service activities, and investment. Equally, donor agencies contribute greatly to the fiscal well-being of Ghana’s higher education sector. They include but not limited to the following: World Bank, International Monetary Fund, European Union, United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Netherlands Universities Foundation for International Cooperation (NUFFIC) and Department for International Development (DFID) (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2016). These agencies are known to have contributed GHS 16,872,500 in 2008, GHS 24,532,440 in 2010, GHS 27,925,121 in 2011, GHS 218,474 in 2012 and GHS 38,870,370 in (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2016) 2015 but available data on revenue generated from each agency is limited. The revenue generated from the funding sources enumerated above seems to have helped make the higher education sector financial viable yet the sector still faces some challenges. The Ghanaian higher education sector is considered to be underfunded compared to countries like South Africa (Materu, 2007). Additionally, the cost of higher education keeps escalating whilst funds channelled to the sector continue to plummet in percentage terms (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2016). This

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has been linked to irregular release of funds, inadequate budgetary allocations which hinders effective operations (National Council for Tertiary Education, 2016), lack of discipline in the budgeting process (Newman & Duwiejua, 2015) and growth in student numbers (Swanzy, 2015) and corruption (Baffoe, 2014).

6 Research Output Research produced in Ghana comes from several sources. These include universities and other organisations, such as Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), Cocoa Research Institute of Ghana (CRIG), Centre for Scientific Research into Plant Medicine (CSRPM) Ghana Atomic Energy Commission (GAEC), Korle Bu Teaching Hospital (KBTH) and Komfo Anokye Teaching Hospital (KATH) (Owusu-Nimo & Boshoff, 2017). Though there is little data on the volume of research produced in Ghana, it seems the research produced by universities form the chunk of Ghana’s research output. Currently, most universities especially the publicly owned have prioritise research ahead of their other two mandates thus teaching and community service. This policy shift has compelled some public universities to develop policies to guide them in their research endeavour (Andoh, 2017). Currently, Ghana’s traditional universities namely University of Ghana (UG), Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) and the University of Cape Coast (UCC) now have research policies in place to guide them to improve the quality and quantity of their research (Andoh, 2017). Additionally, they have established research directorates to create conducive environment to promote research and their research agenda but these directorates lack human capacity and logistics (Mensah, 2018; University of Ghana, 2014). Academic staff are expected to generate knowledge in their teaching, research and community service (Manuh et al., 2007) and this form part of their career progression. However, the HEIs seem to lack the resources to help staff observe this policy, leaving individual academics on their own in adhering to this policy. Research output is normally disseminated in scientific journals, conference proceedings, technical reports, books and monographs with those disseminated in peer-reviewed scholarly journals often tagged as high-quality scientific knowledge production (Tijssen, 2015). Research output authored by some Ghanaian scholars is often found in journals, books and monographs published by Taylor and Francis, Emerald, SAGE, Springer, Wiley and Elsevier (Alemna, 2016). A publication by these houses are deemed quality in Ghana, however, there are instances where HEIs pressure on academics to “Publish or Perish” compels some scholars to patronise the services of predatory journals (Alemna, 2016). Ghana can boast of a few journals but their publication frequency is irregular. Most of them are not indexed in creditable databases and hardly have online portals which sometimes hinder the visibility of papers published in the journals (Alemna, 2016). Table 3 presents a list of some journals registered in Ghana, their focus and their publishers.

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Table 3 List of journals published in Ghana No.

Name of Journal Focus

Publishers

1.

Ghana Journal of Higher Education

Higher Education

National Council for Tertiary Education

2.

Journal of Education Management

Education

University of Cape Coast

3.

Wisconsin Journal

Multi-disciplinary

Wisconsin University College

4.

Ghana Medical Journal

Medicine

Ghana Medical Association

5.

Journal of Medical and Biomedical Sciences

Biochemistry, Genetics and Molecular Biology

University of Development Studies

6.

West African Environmental Science and Ecology University of Ghana Journal of Applied Ecology

7.

African Review of Physics

Physics and astronomy

African Physical Society

8.

Ghana Library Journal

Practice and research in librarianship

Ghana Library Association

9.

Ghana Social Science Journal

Multi-disciplinary

University of Ghana

10.

Ghana Journal of Geography

Physical and Human Geography

University of Ghana

11.

The Journal of Science and Technology

Science, Humanities and Technology

Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology

12.

Ghana Journal of Science

Science and Technology

Council for Scientific and Industrial Research of Ghana and the Ghana Science Association

13.

African Journal of Management Research

Management, organisation, finance, University of Ghana public sector management, marketing and decision systems

14.

The Oguaa Journal of Social Science

Multi-disciplinary

University of Cape Coast

15.

Cape Coast Journal of Literature and the Arts

Literature, film and art

University of Cape Coast

(continued)

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Table 3 (continued) No.

Name of Journal Focus

Publishers

16.

The Ghana Mining Journal

University of Mines and Technology

Mining, Geology, Geomechanics, Mineral Processing, Metallurgy, mineral economics and education

Source Author

Table 4 Types of publications Publication types

UG

KNUST

UCC

UEW

Total

Article

2,905

2,230

1,139

203

6,477

Book chapter Conference paper Review Book

127

63

48

18

256

51

149

33

10

243

132

112

51

4

299

21

63

4

2

Total

90 7,365

Source Adapted from Iddris (2017)

There seems to be no accurate data on research output of Ghanaian scholars, however Iddris (2017) and Andoh (2017) findings of their systematic review using Scopus and Web of Science, respectively, offer some clues on research output of University of Ghana (UG), Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), University of Cape Coast (UCC) and University of Education (UEW). Table 4 depicts publication types and output of some Ghanaian Universities. Table 4 as presented by Iddris (2017) portrays UG’s research output as the highest in the country followed by KNUST, UCC and UEW, respectively. Andoh (2017), on the other hand, presents a bibliometric analysis of co-authored articles of Ghanaian academics research in environment and natural resource sciences in Ghana from 2000 to 2015 using Web of Science (WoS). His findings suggest that the total number of articles increased from 200 annually in the year 2000 to more than 1,000 articles annually in 2014 (Andoh, 2017). In 2015, the total number of Ghana-authored articles in the WoS was 7,253 indicating an increment of about 3,600% between 2000 and 2015 (Andoh, 2017). Averagely, research produced by Ghanaian academics in all fields is on the rise as well as the citations. Ghana’s environment and natural resource sciences publications of 7,253 in the WoS during 2000–2015 are cited 88,473 times with 79,227 times cited without self-citations (Andoh, 2017). The average number of citations per item was 12.20 (Andoh, 2017). Research output is protected in Ghana at various levels. At the national level, the Government of Ghana has developed the National Intellectual Property Policy and Strategy (NIPPS) to effectively harness and manage the intellectual property system in Ghana (Ntrakwah-Mensah, 2016). The Patents Act, 2003 (Act 657) (Patents Act) and the Patents Regulations 1996 (L.I. 1616) (Patents Regulations) constitute the legislative frameworks for the grant and protection of patents in Ghana. The Patents

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Office of the Registrar General’s Department is the issuing office of a patent in Ghana (Ntrakwah-Mensah, 2016). Intellectual Property (IP) is also taken care off by some HEIs. The University of Ghana and Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology have intellectual property policies that provide security and inspire discovery of new knowledge (Kwame Nkrumah University of Science & Technology, 2015a; Unversity of Ghana, 2016) but data on the IPs owned by them and other Ghanaian universities seem to be scarce.

7 Internationalisation Internationalisation is not alien to Ghana’s higher education sector. Its recognition dates back to the early post-independence era. The Act of Parliament, 1961, Act 79 that established the University of Ghana explicitly mentions internationalisation (Government of Ghana, 1961). Specifically, section 2F of the Act mandates the university to provide access to higher education and offer opportunities for research to students from other countries, particularly countries in Africa (Government of Ghana, 1961). It also highlighted the need to establish close relationship with other HEIs both in Ghana and overseas (Government of Ghana, 1961). Nonetheless, internationalisation in current Ghana’s higher sector seems to be driven by contemporary issues (Jowi et al., 2013). Internationalisation is seen as a possible response to globalisation (i.e. as a way to make HEIs more effective in response to the globalisation of societies, cultures, economies and labour markets (UNESCO, 2004). Activities related to internationalisation in Ghana include a broad range of elements such as curriculum, teaching/learning, research, institutional agreements, student/faculty mobility and development cooperation (UNESCO, 2004). International students enrolled in Ghana’s HEIs as of 2014/2015 academic year stood at 15,105 (National Accreditation Board, 2016). Higher education internationalisation in Ghana is not guided by any national regulatory framework instead internationalisation seem to mostly rest on individual HEIs. As a result, activities related to internationalisation in Ghana are uncoordinated (Gyamera, 2016). At the national level, the government via its ministries of Education, Finance and Economic Planning and Foreign Affairs enter into bilateral agreement with countries especially those in the Global North in specific areas of education cooperation (Effah & Senadza, 2008). For example, through agreements reached by the government and other partners, an avenue was created for building institutional management and higher education capacity in higher education institutions in Ghana (Effah & Senadza, 2008). At the institutional level, interest in internationalisation seems to be increasing steadily and is gradually being included in policies and practices (Gyamera, 2016). This interest seems to be pushed by the desire to attract and recruit foreign students, foster collaboration with universities and international bodies especially in the Global North, jointly participate in research and academic mobility, to make them competitive and also secure their share of the international higher education market (Gyamera, 2016). The main strategies used to spearhead the internationalisation agenda of HEIs include the development of mission

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statements, collaborations, establishment of international offices and benchmarking but these seem to have been domesticated by the HEIs to suit their own context. To show their commitment to internationalisation, most HEIs especially the public ones have rewritten their mission statements to capture phrases that include “World Class” institutions (Andoh, 2017). Another means through which most HEIs internationalise is through collaboration but differences exist in their commitment (Gyamera, 2015). For example, the University of Ghana and the University of Cape Coast have about 400 and 35 memorandum of understandings (MOUs), respectively, with universities in Africa, Europe, America and Asia (Gyamera, 2015). In most cases, the collaborations these HEIs engage in centre on staff and student exchange programmes, joint graduate programmes, research collaborations and joint conferences and seminars (Gyamera, 2016). In furtherance of their internationalisation agenda, some HEIs in Ghana have benchmarked their policies, strategies and practices to leading universities abroad (Gyamera, 2016). They do this by either involving foreign scholars in their academic operations or benchmarking the curriculum of universities abroad or both (Gyamera, 2015). As part of the internationalisation initiative, centres for internationalisation have been established by Ghanaian HEIs to promote and coordinate all the activities related to this endeavour (Gyamera, 2016). Though the roles of these centres mainly include collaborations, marketing and international student recruitment, coordinating of student and staff exchange programmes (Gyamera, 2015), these centres bear different names at different universities. For example, the office is called Centre for International Education (CIE) at the University of Cape Coast (University of Cape Coast, 2018). At the University of Ghana and Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, the unit is named International Programmes Office (University of Ghana, 2018) whilst it is known as the Centre for International Programme at University of Education, Winneba and UDS International at the University of Development Studies, respectively (University for Development Studies, 2018; University of Education, 2018). Internationalisation brings benefits to HEIs but it also poses a challenge to them. This includes the commercialisation of higher education and the imposition of foreign or irrelevant curriculum and policies in Ghanaian higher education systems (Jowi et al., 2013). In addition to this, is the absence of institutional internationalisation strategies (Knight & Sehoole, 2013) and lastly inadequate funding to facilitate internationalisation activities in HEIs (Knight & Sehoole, 2013).

8 Graduate Education and Capacity Development Postgraduate education is seen as key to Ghana’s development. This is because its acquisition increases the capacity of individuals to create new knowledge for social, scientific and civic progress (Morgan & Finkelstein, 2017). Postgraduate education first emerged in Ghana in the 1960s after the University of Gold Coast weaned itself from the University of London and was renamed University of Ghana (Agbodeka, 1998). Since then postgraduate education in the country has witnessed significant changes. Amongst this is the expansion of the sector. Initial postgraduate

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programmes offered by the University of Ghana mainly focused on Arts disciplines (Agbodeka, 1998) but later postgraduate programmes were developed in humanities and science by the university (Agbodeka, 1998). Currently, provision of postgraduate education is widespread. In addition to University of Ghana, postgraduate education is offered by other public universities and private universities but mostly in Humanities and Arts disciplines. Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) postgraduate education still lags behind. The huge investment required for providing postgraduate programmes in STEM might be serving as a disincentive to the universities. When postgraduate programme was introduced by the University of Ghana in 1963/1964 academic year (Agbodeka, 1998) and subsequently by the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology and the University of Cape Coast (early post-independence universities), it was under the supervision of the various academic departments offering the programmes (Agbodeka, 1998; Amehoe, 2013). However, this seems to have resulted in duplication of academic programmes by departments such as the situation that existed at the University of Cape Coast in the early 2000s where the Institute for Educational Planning and Administration (IEPA) and Institute of Education, respectively, offered a Master of Education with a major in administration and a Master of Education with a major in Management. To minimise these occurrences, most universities have established Schools of Graduate Studies to coordinate and supervise the activities of postgraduate education in their institutions in order to sanitise postgraduate education provision. Postgraduate education is classified into postgraduate certificate, postgraduate diploma, masters and doctoral studies in line with global trends. Postgraduate certificate and diploma programmes focus on producing professionals for the job market and or preparing graduates for master’s programmes (Amehoe, 2013) and span between 1 and 6 months. Master’s programmes, on the other hand, fall under nonresearch and research oriented. The non-research master’s programme is also referred to as taught or coursework postgraduate programme. This is normally delivered and assessed through a series of lectures, tutorials and seminars following a structured timetable (Abaidoo, 2016). Non-research master’s programme sometimes requires a mini research thesis worth 6 credits or 12 credits (Amehoe, 2013). Qualifications awarded via this study path normally include Master of Arts (M.A), Master of Science (M.Sc), Master of Public Health (MPH), Master of Agriculture (M.Agric), and Master of Laws (LLM) and Master of Business Administration. This normally takes 12 months to complete but sometimes differ for Master of Business Administration programmes. Similarly, research master’s programme consists of a coursework and a supervised research project. It requires students to take up 24–36 credits of course work and write thesis (Amehoe, 2013). This programme spans 24 months for full time and 36 months for part time and can be extended for additional 12 months (Abaidoo, 2016). Equally, the doctoral education offered in Ghana consists of coursework, seminars and research. The coursework, seminars and thesis normally carry 18–24 credits, 12 credits and 45 credits, respectively (Abaidoo, 2016). The duration for

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doctoral studies in Ghana is normally four years for a full-time programme and six years for part-time (Abaidoo, 2016). The mode of postgraduate education has changed tremendously over the last 20 years. From initial full-time on-campus provision in 1963 at the University of Ghana, postgraduate education is now offered via weekend classes, evening classes, distance, online, sandwich (summer). This has led to the emergence of non-regular learners such as mature, part-time and off-shore students and have resulted in growth in enrolment in the sector. Data for enrolment in the sector prior to 2011 is scarce. Figure 6 presents enrolment growth of public postgraduate education in humanities and science from 2011/2012 to 2014/2015 academic year. Figure 6 portrays that enrolment for the Sciences and Humanities varies. Whilst the enrolment for sciences increased from 2011/2012 to 2012/2013 academic year, there was a decrease in the humanities (National Accreditation Board, 2016). As the figure for humanities increased in 2014/2015 academic year, the figure for the sciences plummeted. Similarly, student enrolment of research masters witnessed expansion. This is showcased by Fig. 7. 7,000 6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1,000 -

6,495

6,268 5,324

5,103

1,138

1,478

1,440

1,232

2011/12

2012/13

2013/14

2014/15

Science

Humanities

Fig. 6 Masters (non-research) enrolment growth (Source National Accreditation Board [2016]) 6,000

4,840

5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1,000

1,578 1,259

1,264

1,688

1,258

892

2011/12

2012/13

Science

1,789

2013/14

2014/15

Humanities

Fig. 7 Masters by research enrolment growth (Source National Accreditation Board [2016])

200 Fig. 8 Doctoral enrolment growth (Source National Accreditation Board [2016])

P. Swanzy and F. Kwasi-Agyeman 600

561 386

437 523

400 387

200

410 390

329

2011/12

2012/13 Science

2013/14

2014/15

Humanities

Figure 7 shows that 1,578 students enrolled for humanities in 2011/2012, but this reduced marginally to 1,264 in 2012/2013 and rose astronomically in 2013/2014 to 4,840. The Science enrolment for the 2015 year ending is the lowest (892), a decrease after it had seen a marginal increase in enrolment in 2013/2014 academic year (National Accreditation Board, 2016). With regard to doctoral studies, the student growth rate is similar for humanities and sciences with the exception of 2011/ 2012 academic year where growth in humanities outpaced sciences. However, enrolment in both humanities and sciences experienced a decline in 2014/2015 (National Accreditation Board, 2016) as depicted by Fig. 8.

9 Conclusion and Implications This article showed that Ghana inherited its higher education from Britain but the sector was reformed and expanded in 1993. Currently, the higher education sector includes universities and non-university institutions and is a mix of public, private, national and international institutions. The mode of higher education delivery in Ghana has also changed drastically. It has shifted from the traditional on-campus provision to include distance, online and part-time provisions. This has resulted in astronomical increase in the total number of students enrolled in the sector. Higher education is mainly funded by the government in line with social democratic principles but this is unsustainable and has led to the introduction of alternative fiscal paths to give the sector financial life support to the sector yet the sector is heavily underfunded compared to some of her peers in Sub-Saharan Africa like South Africa. Internationalisation is gradually being included in policies of HEIs and manifesting in their practices yet staff mobility is mainly domestic with few academics engaging in international mobility.

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Ghana News Agency. (2020). Government gives financial clearance for tertiary employment. Retrieved August 2, 2020, from https://newsghana.com.gh/government-gives-financial-cleara nce-for-tertiary-employment/ Ghana Tertiary Education Commission. (2022). Accredited institutions. Retrieved January 2, 2022, from https://gtec.edu.gh/accredited-institutions GhanaWeb. (2017a). Akufo-Addo appoints council chairpersons for universities after court order. Retrieved August 19, 2018, from https://www.Ghanaweb.Com/ghanahomepage/newsarchive/ akufo-addo-appoints-council-chairpersons-for-universities-after-court-order-559038 GhanaWeb. (2017b). Lecturers in short supply in public universities. Retrieved February 24, 2018, from https://www.Ghanaweb.Com/ghanahomepage/newsarchive/lecturers-in-short-sup ply-in-public-universities-511676 Girdwood, A. (1999). Tertiary education policy in Ghana: An assessment - 1988–1998. World Bank. Gondwe, M., & Walenkamp, J. (2011). Alignment of higher professional education with the needs of the local labour market: The case of Ghana. The Hague Netherlands Organisation for International Cooperation in Higher Education (NUFFIC). Government of Ghana. (1961). University of Ghana act 1961, act 79. Government of Ghana. Government of Ghana. (2000). Ghana education trust fund act 2000, act 581. Government of Ghana. Government of Ghana. (2013). Implementation of the Ghana shared growth and development agenda (GSGDA): 2012 annual progress report. National Development Planning Commission (NDPC). Gyamera, G. O. (2015). The internationalisation agenda: A critical examination on internationalisation strategies in public universities in Ghana. International Studies in Sociology of Education, 25(2), 112–131. Gyamera, G. O. (2016). Why can’t mine be international?: An exploration of the challenges of internationalisation in the public universities in Ghana. Proceedings of the Asian conference on education (pp. 35–49). Iddris, F. (2017). Examining the research output of lecturers in selected public universities in Ghana. Paper presented at the 1st International Conference on Competency-Based Training and Research from 13–15 September, 2017, University of Education. Jowi, J. O., Knight, J., & Sehoole, C. (2013). Internationalisation of African higher education: Status, challenges and issues. In C. Sehoole & J. Knight (Eds.), Internationalisation of African higher education: Towards achieving the MDGS (pp. 11–32). Sense. Knight, J., & Sehoole, C. (2013). Introduction. In C. Sehoole & J. Knight (Eds.), Internationalisation of African higher education: Towards achieving the MDGS (pp. 1–10). Sense Publishers. Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology. (2015a). Intellectual property policy. Kwame University of Science and Technology. Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology. (2015b). University history. Retrieved August 3, 2015b, from https://www.Knust.Edu.Gh Manuh, T., Gariba, S., & Budu, J. (2007). Change & transformation in Ghana’s publicly funded universities. Woeli Publishing Services. Materu, P. N. (2007). Higher education quality assurance in sub-Saharan Africa: Status, challenges, opportunities and promising practices (Vol. 124). World Bank Publications. Mensah, C. (2018). UCC launches 5-year corporate strategic plan. Retrieved August 20, 2018, from http://www.Atlfmonline.Com/home/11-campus-news/8812-ucc-launches-5-yearcorporate-strategic-plan.Html Ministry of Education. (2012). Education finance brief: Ghana’s presentation in Addis Ababa. MOE. Morgan, M. J., & Finkelstein, J. (2017). The changing status of higher education in the ‘moronic inferno’. Perspectives: Policy and Practice in Higher Education, 21(4), 144–149. National Accreditation Board. (2016). Tertiary education statistics report: Composite statistical report on all categories of tertiary educational institutions in Ghana for the 2014/2015 academic year. National Accreditation Board.

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National Council for Tertiary Education. (2012). 2011 budget report. NCTE. National Council for Tertiary Education. (2014). Report of the technical committee on conversion of the polytechnics in Ghana to technical universities. NCTE. National Council for Tertiary Education. (2015). 2014 budget report. NCTE. National Council for Tertiary Education. (2016). 2015 budget report. NCTE. Newman, E., & Duwiejua, M. (2015). Models for innovative funding of higher education in Africa - The case of Ghana. In P. Okebukola (Ed.), Towards innovative models for funding higher education in Africa (pp. 1–24). Association of African Universities. Ntrakwah-Mensah, A. (2016). Ghana launches a national intellectual property policy. Retrieved August 1, 2018, from https://www.Lexology.Com/library/detail.Aspx?G=89862cf5-4fb1-4d5e88b6-34112cbc9fb4 Owusu-Nimo, F., & Boshoff, N. (2017). Research collaborations in Ghana: Patterns, motives and roles. Scientometrics, 110, 1099–1121. Swanzy, P. (2015). Quality assurance in Ghanaian polytechnics: Perspectives and strategies of rectors, vice rectors and quality assurance officers. [Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation]. University of Adelaide. Tawiah, K. B. (2014). Academic Galamsey: Who qualifies to teach at a university? Retrieved August 17, 2018, from https://www.Myjoyonline.Com/opinion/2014/march-23rd/academic-galamseywho-qualifies-to-teach-in-a-university.Php Tijssen, R. (2015). Research output and international research collaboration in African flagship universities. In N. Cloete, P. Maassen & T. Bailey (Eds.), Knowledge production and contradictory functions in African higher education (pp. 61–74). African Minds. Times Higher Education. (2017). Study in Ghana. Retrieved August 9, 2017, from https://www. Timeshighereducation.Com/student/where-to-study/study-in-ghana UNESCO. (2004). Higher education in a globalized society. UNESCO. University for Development Studies. (2018). UDS international. Retrieved July 11, 2018, from https://www.Uds.Edu.Gh/about-us/uds-international University of Cape Coast. (2015). About UCC. Retrieved July 31, 2015, from http://ucc.Edu.Gh University of Cape Coast. (2018). Centre for international education: About us. Retrieved May 4, 2018, from https://cie.Ucc.Edu.Gh/nt-overview University of Education. (2018). Centre for international programmes. Retrieved July 11, 2018, from http://www.Uew.Edu.Gh/departments/centre-international-programmes University of Ghana. (2014). Strategic plan 2014–2024. University of Ghana. University of Ghana. (2018). International programmes office: Our mandate. Retrieved June 10, 2018, from http://ipo.Ug.Edu.Gh/our-mandate University Rationalisation Committee. (1988). University rationalisation study, volume ii, final report. University of Ghana. (2016). Intellectual property series held at the university of Ghana. Retrieved August 1, from https://www.Ug.Edu.Gh/news/intellectual-property-series-held-uni versity-ghana

Dr. Patrick Swanzy is an Education Quality Specialist and a Lecturer at the Department of Teacher Education, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana. He earned his Ph.D. in Education from the University of Adelaide, Australia specializing in quality assurance in higher education. In 2017, he won a Carnegie Corporation of New York’s scholarship for a postdoctoral research fellowship in higher education studies at the Institute for PostSchool Studies, University of the Western Cape in South Africa. His research interest includes quality assurance in higher education; higher education policy studies; disability studies in higher education; and school safety and surveillance.

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Fredua Kwasi-Agyeman is a lecturer at Central University in Ghana. He obtained his Ph.D. in Higher Education Studies from the University of the Western Cape, South Africa. His research interest is in Funding in Higher Education.

Quality Knowledge for a Heterogeneous Society: Experiences from Uganda’s University Changing Directions Joseph Kimoga

Abstract The attribute of offering quality knowledge to a heterogeneous society cannot be understated as key to any university. In the wake of universities transiting from being ivory towers to centres of innovation, there is pressure exerted on universities in some African contexts to side-line humanities and put sciences to the fore. Institutions feel that the best accountability is by aligning institutional strategies to external expectations and demands. This leads “to ‘mission stretch’ or even ‘mission overload’ that may be threatening institutional coherence, integrity and efficiency”. This reduces a university to a homogeneous whole. On contrary, the aim of this chapter is to advocate for a university, which is a centre for ‘offering a universe of quality knowledge to a heterogeneous society’. This suggests that a university ought to cater for all academic service users in their varying abilities and interests. The transformation from ivory-tower-ness to centre of innovation is a shift from being theoretical to being original and creatively relevant to society. This equally applies to sciences and humanities. Universities have to enable academic service users of varying abilities, interests and aspirations access knowledge that fits the desired quality. African universities ought to embrace quality curriculum diversification, which caters for all instead of curriculum homogeneity encouraged by political players. The chapter uses critical discourse analysis to explore the embedded implications in the political utterances that advocate for universities to adopt sciences only as key for national growth. The Makerere University Strategic Plan 2020–2030 has been assessed to determine institutional ‘mission stretch’ as they respond to the political expectations at the expense of curriculum diversification and innovativeness. This chapter tackles the pertinent issue of politics in higher education in Africa. It seeks to underscore the far-reaching impact of political actors in the development and directions of higher education in Africa. It will benefit institutional managers and regulatory agencies in as far as maintaining institutional coherence, integrity and efficiency is concerned.

J. Kimoga (B) College of Education and External Studies, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_12

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1 Introduction A university’s main attribute is to offer a range of quality knowledge to a heterogeneous society. In the wake of universities transiting from being ivory towers to centres of innovation, there is pressure on universities in some sub-Saharan countries to side-line humanities and put sciences to the fore. Particularly, governments believe that sciences are the means to national growth. According to Varghese (2014), this prompts a students’ rise in preferring sciences to humanities. Reichert (2009, p. 8) observes that “in responding to their key stakeholders …, institutions (or units within them) feel pressurized to prioritize some dimensions over others, i.e., those dimensions which they feel will most easily provide access to resources and rewards”. Institutions feel that the best accountability is by aligning institutional strategies to external expectations and demands. Meeting the national in addition to international mandates such as global trends and rankings, lead “to ‘mission stretch’” or even ‘mission shift’ “that may be threatening institutional coherence, integrity and efficiency” (ibid. 8). The stretch or change leads to inequity in the operationalization of the mission, and it reduces a university to a homogeneous whole. University as a compound word comprises ‘universe’ and ‘ity’. While ‘universe’ can, in simple terms, refer to ‘world’, the suffix ‘ity’ relates to the degree of quality (Quora.com). Therefore, ‘universe’ + ‘ity’ form a noun ‘university’ that denotes a world of quality. Since the world is a composition of diverse realities, and therefore, a non-homogeneous whole, each reality should fit a level of quality, hence University in diversity. By inference, a university is a centre for ‘offering a universe of quality knowledge to a heterogeneous society’. This suggests that a university should cater to all academic service users in their varying abilities and interests. Due to massification, higher education assumes diversity because of the high number of students with diverse motives, talents and prospects (Takwate, 2016; Teichler, 2015; Varghese, 2014). Therefore, universities have to serve the varying interests, abilities and aspirations of the constituent diversity that subscribe to the academic services offered. The University is tasked to provide knowledge of a recognized level of quality. The transformation from ivory-tower-ness to the centre of innovation is a shift from theoretical to original and creatively relevant to society. This equally applies to sciences and humanities. Universities have to enable academic service users of varying abilities, interests and aspirations to accessing knowledge that fits the desired quality. Unfortunately, for example, in Uganda there is apparent marginalization of liberal arts in favour of STEM (Makerere University, 2020; Mubiru, 2020). In addition, some humanity subjects have been erased from the curriculum and others merged in the curriculum such as Classics, Anthropology and Archaeology (Makerere University, 2020). Homogenization of higher education echoes adverse effects on the economic growth of any nation south of the Sahara. The sub-Saharan context has rich youthful human resources with diverse talents and aspirations, which need to be tapped into. In addition, it is endowed with a wealth of resources, natural setup, rich history,

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theatrical and sports talents, spiritual orientations, etc., all of which contribute to the economic growth if well appreciated, nurtured and supported. In this study, I exemplify and analyse how political utterances by the Government of Uganda (GoU) promote a homogeneous higher education. Makerere University being the premier and largest in learner and faculty constituent size is a centre for most state efforts and thus appropriate for this study reference. Through critiquing the Makerere University institutional policies, practices and plans, I prove how the GoU utterances translate into homogeneous institutional commitments. After that, I make a detailed discussion of homogeneous higher education in sub-Saharan contexts drawing on existing scholarly works. This culminates in a review of diversification of higher education as the preferred option (Smith, 2013; Takwate, 2016; Teichler, 2015). Problem: Due to the Uganda Vision 2040 pressure to achieve a middle-income level (Uganda Government, 2007), Uganda is putting a lot of emphasis on science and technology as the main avenues at the expense of other non-sciences. This could be partly due to pressures caused by global competitions and international funders of higher education, for example, the World Bank (Mayo, 2009). However, whereas sciences are good for the nation, they cannot respond to all national and individual needs and satisfy all interests and aspirations. The problem grappled within this study is homogenizing higher education in sub-Saharan contexts. Since the sub-Saharan context is endowed with diversity in nature, culture, beliefs, talents, etc., diversifying higher education is more apt. Therefore, this chapter aims at advocating for a university as a centre that offers a universe of quality knowledge to diverse members of society. Quality assumes the sense of being relevant to the needs of society in terms of being critical and original in responding to challenges in society. The chapter generally makes a case for institutional diversification instead of specialization.

2 Methodology Higher education institutions are in the dilemma of either pursuing their mission or adhering to the political actors’ expectations who are in control of their immediate budgetary support. The problem is aggravated when we have unstable political institutions where politicians are constantly changing policies and expectations to an extent that the University in Africa cannot sustain its own policies. My concern about engendering a heterogeneous university in contrast to the homogeneous one required a closer look at institutional operations’ political influence. I undertook a critical discourse analytic approach on utterances by the GoU directed to higher education institutions in Uganda. This philosophical and methodological approach assumes that ideologies are naturalized through the language used in discourses. The language gradually impacts the actions and behaviours of the actors to whom it is directed. In other words, the power of the language utterer is exercised on the utterance recipient, who gradually changes their actions in response. Makerere University has, for example, already operationalized the course reduction and merging

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(Makerere University, 2020). Makerere has tuned efforts towards being researchintensive (Makerere University, 2013). Since the approach depends on sustained utterances in various discourses, it was very convenient in analysing the language of the GoU. This would enable me to explore how these utterances can impact the direction of higher education in developing contexts like Uganda and other similar subSaharan contexts. Therefore, the language of the GoU at various occasions was taken as a key in this determination. The emphasis on sciences is apparent in the utterances by the GoU. This is then reflected in the homogeneity of supportive commitments by the institutions.

3 Critiquing Utterances by the Government of Uganda On the 24th graduation ceremony of Islamic University in Uganda held on Saturday 5th November 2016, in a speech read by the Vice president, the GoU raised concern on the poor quality of graduates in Uganda (Okiring, 2016). He stated that “the government is focusing on vocational skills development to bridge the gap”. The GoU added that there is a “need for more science and technology-based programs”. These statements by the GoU at University graduation purport curricula that are less skills based, more theoretical and abstract, and less relevant to societal needs. GoU is more inclined to vocational skills. However, this stretches the mission of universities to the realms of polytechnics and vocational institutions. Should universities focus on the production of skills or educating knowledgeable and critical beings? Universities are expected to be knowledge generators and incubators whereby teachers and learners engage in knowledge discovery and exchange of critical academic ideas to help transform society. Promoting vocational skills to bridge the gap of poor quality graduates is advocating for preparing learners for manual and practical jobs. This disengages a university from providing a universe of quality knowledge to diverse learner constituents. Some may not be interested in manual jobs. The GoU seems to equate ‘poor quality’ to mental and theoretical learning. This is confirmed in the further utterance by the GoU on the “need for more science and technology-based programs”. However, it is a modest suggestion for ‘more’ not ‘only’; the undertones attached reflect a preference to non-science based programmes. In the same speech, the GoU advised universities to “review curricula to incorporate skills in academic programs, [skills] vital to transforming Uganda into a middle-income society”. This was a directive to higher education institutions to ring-fence those relevant skills and incorporate them into the curricula. A directive done in a discourse that prefers sciences to humanities may be taken for an executive call to eliminate programmes that lack practical relevance to ushering Uganda into a middle-income economy. In this relation, on Friday 8 November 2019, in the meeting that the GoU had with the Makerere University Council, government directed the University to phase out humanities courses (Matovu, 2019). The directive at Nakasero State lodge would see the institution changing focus to science driven courses. Based on the directive, the chairperson council committed that, “there will be an assessment and review

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of all the courses to determine the ones that will be merged and those that will be scrapped off”. The power exercised in the directive of the GoU in conjunction with the place where the meeting took place reflected the urgency and importance of action. The committee’s commitment, short of appropriate consultations with other constituents, e.g. students and staff, and reflection on the University’s mission, indicates the utterer’s power. The directive is a bold statement that the GoU decides the direction of the University. He clearly showed his inclination towards a homogeneous and science specialized institution. In addition, at the inaugural Makerere University Agricultural Week at Freedom Square, on 25th and 25 September 2019, the GoU lauded Makerere University on integrated education (State House Uganda, 2019). In speech, the GoU hailed the science scholars for “thinking right” to develop the nation. Rightly so, academic research and innovation should benefit national growth. Research and innovation are not a preserve of sciences or practical fields alone. They apply to any field. The GoU’ ‘thinking right’ seems to insinuate that no research and innovation can be possible outside the science field. Precisely, those in humanities think ‘wrongly’. Government’s mind is further reiterated in the appreciation to the vice chancellor for “encouraging students to prioritize research and innovation at the university instead of only theoretical courses”. This signals institutions to take serious consideration of the type of programmes that auger well with the interests of the GoU. The fear harboured by institutions funded by the state is, getting stuck with theoretical programmes that cannot attract support from the state. The GoU confirmed that “as a government, we can reconsider our funding to support postgraduate training, especially sciences”. This would create an imbalance in the citizenry who feel they have a right to equally benefit from the national support to pursue their career interest. It is incumbent on the government to support all citizens in their education regardless of career interests. And after school, the government has to create jobs or provide an enabling environment for job creation in anyone’s field of expertise. Nonetheless, at the same event, the GoU stated, “This business of being in the fifth position cannot be allowed. Makerere should be in the first position because this is an indigenous university”. Government then vowed that, it “will do whatever it can to make sure Makerere is on top” (State House Uganda, 2019). The ranking of universities is becoming the main way to prove an institutional level of output. Universities in Africa are evaluated using the same global ranking parameters. Universities that strive to achieve high-ranking status in the academic world ought to double efforts in research, which is critical in determining institutional performance. In sub-Saharan contexts where the state facilitates most public universities, institutional performance on the league table reflects the level of government’s input in education. The utterance and commitment by the GoU is an implied call for serious focus on graduate programmes and science subjects that encourage research that can score high in rankings. Agaba (2019) reported that the GoU made an executive order to increase the salaries of academic scientists, excluding lecturers in the arts and humanities. The GoU said this was to minimize ‘double loyalty’ of scientists to public service and private sector in the same source. Their undivided attention to the challenges of

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Uganda would benefit “to turn the country’s economic fortunes and develop it into a middle-income state”. This effort by the GoU has been divisive among those who serve in academia. The remuneration according to field disregarded level of education and rank. Many in the arts and humanities felt deflated by the salary rewards that segregate. The GoU seemed to maintain that the non-scientists do not contribute to the development of the country. Banking on positional power, a bold line is drawn between those who matter and those who do not deliver for national growth. At the inauguration of the natural product code-named UBV-01N for treating COVID-19 at Mulago Hospital on Wednesday 27 January 2021, which took place soon after re-election to power, the GoU reiterated the issue of salary. Government stated that “this term of office, one of my seven priorities will be to ensure scientists are well paid. Even if we don’t have money, our scientists must get enough pay”. Without any doubt, the GoU advocates for a specialized science nation and no space for humanities, which by implication are theoretical, unproductive and resource wasting.

3.1 Institutional Strategies Following the GoU concern on the relevance of academic programmes to the national growth, the Makerere University council directed management to restructure programmes. This led to erasing 20 courses, which created a reduction from 82 to 62 courses. The aim was to make the University more research-led to respond to “national, regional and global development challenges” (Makerere University, 2020). The planners saw it wise to erase some courses and merge others into course units to achieve this goal. For example, a development studies programme that attracted many students was turned into a course unit. Different strands in psychology, which stood as separate courses, were merged into a single course. This was meant to increase the percentage of science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) students from 35% to at least 40% of the total enrolment. As Director Quality Assurance explained, “We are going to be research-led and focus more on graduate training. Our curriculum will face more in the direction of science and technology to the level of about 40%. The country will not thrive without these disciplines. For every 10,000 students admitted at the University each year, 4,000 will be graduate students” (Mubiru, 2020). Nonetheless, in 2019/2020 national budgetary allocation, Makerere University received 30 billion Uganda shillings to enhance research that benefits the national growth. Applications across the University were called for to win grants to that effect. Based on the Research and Innovation Fund committee report, over 700 applications were received for the RIF1. However, after careful scrutiny by the reviewers, only 224 proposals were suitable to share on the grant. Since the government grant mainly aimed at applied and innovative research as the best for tackling national growth, the University had to keep the financier’s interest in view. Scanning through the list of RIF1 awardees, over 130 (58%) granted projects were science based.

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In addition, institutions have decided to strategize their actions to absorb the indirect pressure resulting from utterances by political persons. In the Strategic Plan 2020—2030, Goal 1, Makerere committed to transforming into a research-led university (Makerere University, 2020). The intention was to respond “to national, regional and global development challenges and contribute to global knowledge generation”. This would necessitate an increase in graduate enrolment and emphasizing science programmes. The assumption is that graduate and science programmes fit the environment of research than humanities programmes. To ensure sustainability, the University planned to engage the government in supporting graduate programmes through the Student Loan Scheme and other forms of funding. In the bid to transform the University into research-intensive, the Directorate of Research and Graduate Training (DRGT) set the University Research Agenda 2013–2018, which is still in operation (Makerere University, 2013). The agenda puts research and innovations at the centre for achieving a research-driven institution. The DRGT commitment to research and innovation enables the University to rate high on the league table of global ranking and become more relevant to the local, regional and international communities through new knowledge outputs. This auger well with the intentions of the GoU in promoting science and research in the University and the country. Indeed, the institutional efforts of programme restructuring, granting funds to more science-related project proposals, strategizing for research-led universities and research-driven agenda for higher ranking transform the University. However, their operationalization is attributed to the GoU explicit and implicit directives. They reflect an institution that is moving towards homogeneity in focus. Science subjects and research being the interest of the GoU seem to be the current preferred focus of Makerere University.

4 Homogeneous Higher Education DiMaggio and Powell (1983) characterized institutional homogenization in the form of aligning with the significant other. Institutions adopt the attributes and ways of the other to succeed. The normative is reflected in professional networking whereby their practices are tied to a specific standard or code for practice. Countries south of the Sahara, as elsewhere in the world, have put in place regulatory bodies and agencies to streamline and control the quality of professional and academic standards of institutions. In Uganda, the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) (Laws of Uganda, 2001) is mandated in number 5, part (d), article (ii) to accredit all academic and professional programmes in higher institutions of learning in consultation with Professional Associations and regulatory Bodies. In part (g), the body must monitor, evaluate and regulate higher education. Further, in part (i), the body harmonizes and equates degrees, diplomas and certificates awarded by the different public and private institutions of Higher Education. The

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assumption is that streamlining professional norms produces a unified level of professional standards and practices (Andreescu et al., 2012). Despite the differences in institutional missions, these national agencies ensure that institutions keep to the broader objectives and functions of higher education. According to Reichert (2012), these bodies and agencies also regulate the nature of student access to institutions. For example, the NCHE in Uganda ensures and coordinates minimum standards for admitting students in all higher education institutions. The body also regulates staff recruitment and tenure. The national agencies as well see to the quality of the institutional performance. This is reflected in creating the directorate of quality assurance in most universities to ensure a streamlined and harmonized quality in all institutions. The main roles of the quality assurance desk in universities are to ensure high standards in teaching, research and support services (Makerere University, 2007). The NCHE accreditations and standards sometimes do not consider the unique missions and profiles of the institutions but instead subject them to a uniform standard. Nevertheless, Reichert intimates that the academic credentials of those who work in institutions at various levels and standards for promotions and qualifications for academic ranks are determined mainly by such national agencies. In addition, programmes in universities are accredited by the same agencies basing on benchmarking global high performing universities. The content may differ across academic fields, but the structure and goals remain similar (Andreescu et al., 2012). The normative isomorphism reflected in such controls and regulations bonds institutions to specific homogeneous ways. However, the following two classifications by DiMaggio and Powell (1983), namely coercive and mimetic isomorphism, relate more to the internal institutional homogenization by shifting their missions congruent with the external influence. The coercive and mimetic explain why and how many university missions are either limited or ambitious in their focus. Precisely, institutional autonomy and academic freedom are jeopardized. Institutions cannot stand as autonomous academic entities. The adoption of coercion is prompted by pressures from external agencies on which an institution depends. These could be political, financial, social or cultural that force an institution to align to them. Unfortunately, many institutions tend to bend to the social, political and economic demands outside their institutional mission. Governments exert pressure on institutional expenditures and demand them to adopt global and international dimensions to become more competitive (Estermann & Pruvot, 2011). They are pressured to prefer some dimensions over others because they enable easy access to resources and other support. Scott (2007, cited in Reichert, 2009) calls this ‘mission stretch’. Moreover, governments seek curriculum reviews that rhyme the theory and practice to the needs of society, mainly enhancing national growth. According to Varghese (2014), this has seen a rise in preferring particular subjects to others, which has led to an increase in enrolments for those subjects and affected the social mind-set of the de-emphasized subjects. This carries adverse effects on the institutional effective and efficient performance. This is mainly displayed in the teachers’ actions, researchers’ orientations and leadership trends.

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At the level of coercive isomorphism, institutions in many sub-Saharan countries as in other global contexts lack financial independence. Their budgets have to be financed by governments even though some governments do not have adequate funding or have different priories, e.g. defence. However, governments also have their national objectives, which they seek to achieve through various means of education. In Uganda, the government assumes that universities specializing in science and research can deliver desired national growth. As financiers, governments set conditions that have to be satisfied by the financed institutions. Andreescu et al. (2012) opine that when institutions get vital support from a single source, they become dependent on the financier, increasing homogeneity instead of promoting diversity. For the sake of accessing the national funding, institutions have to align their missions and goals to the government interests, which homogenizes their focus (Reichert, 2012; Zha, 2009). Institutions like Makerere shift mission to a narrower research-led to align with the interest of the state. In poor contexts where institutions are resource-constrained, most of them are likely to shift missions to fit the financier’s interests. This creates stiff competition between universities to share scarce national resources. Zha further explains that the need to survive makes them vulnerable to their governments’ pressures to adjust to their national objectives and interests. Since many universities exist in a single country, the competition for resources inevitably shapes them into similar entities due to refining their missions and goals to suit government interests. As Reichert lists, governments extend their indirect influence on institutions by committing annual grants to institutions to run their ordinary activities and notable projects, availing mega research grants that are highly competed for—like the RIF1 in Makerere and providing scientific infrastructure. However, this government effort is dedicated to specific institutions deemed capable of producing the required quality of research. The conditions attached to these funds influence institutional policy choices, practices and student and staff academic directions. Governments know which research is necessary for national growth and thus limit academic research to the applied type that addresses local challenges and strengthens institutional presence in global ranking competitions. In Makerere, faculty has shifted to consultancy-like research whereby the output is geared towards addressing the needs of the state than contributing to the knowledge economy. By so doing, institutions like Makerere adjust the marketability of their products, policies and professionalism in favour of the interests of the financiers. This increases homogeneity within the higher education system leading to “academic” or “mission drift” (Hezelkorn, 2012, p. 838). Notwithstanding the three categories of universities, namely research-intensive, teaching and research and teaching-intensive, governments emphasize “world-class universities” in which ‘research’ is implied and preferred to universities where teaching is involved (Andreescu et al., 2012). To enable their universities to access global recognition, governments stretch their budgets to support universities in their research. The GoU resounded that, “The government will do whatever it can to make sure Makerere is on top” (State House Uganda, 2019). In research-intensive institutions, doctoral, masters and science programmes are concentrated than in other university categories. This denies a chance for students to study from a university of

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their preference, especially if they do not fit the research-intensive category (Daxner, 1995), and creates programme and clientele level homogenization. The Makerere Director Quality Assurance asserted that, “We are going to … focus more on graduate training … [and on] science and technology”. In such institutions, teaching is oriented towards equipping learners with knowledge necessary for handling the challenges identified by the financier and capturing many beneficiaries’ interests. Hezelkorn (2012, p. 844) states that “knowledge production achieves accountability via social and public accountability”. The government preference to emphasize and support scientific research in some universities creates a differentiation between institutions as research-intensive versus teaching-intensive and enables the supported to perform better on the ranking league table. This may explain why universities like Makerere are rated higher than the rest in Uganda in regional and global rankings. The mimetic is driven by a voluntary institutional desire to imitate the other perceived as superior and more successful. To achieve professional recognition and excellence, many institutions forfeit their autonomy. This is apparent in their decision to shift from profiles that better define their identity to those that align them to broader standards. These standards constitute common ways of evaluating institutional performance and practices. This mimetic isomorphism results from the desire to copy celebrated for their better performance (Zha, 2009). Reichert (2012) observed that as institutions seek to emulate the better institutions; faculty also shifts from horizontal networking to vertical interaction with faculties from the academically celebrated institutions. Thus, they feel more attached to international institutions than their institution. Although institutional performance growth benefits, some adverse effects (Sliwka, 2010) on what differentiates an institution from the other, some of the exclusive values and objectives that prompt the creation of an institution may be lost. Struggling to access global classifications and ranks not only homogenizes institutions but also may blind their appreciation of the good that other local institutions can offer. Among the typical trends, today is the global research and academic ranking of universities. Universities are evaluated according to a unified system of performance in teaching, research and knowledge transfer (Kaiser et al., 2012). The parameters used to judge are the same across all institutions (Hezelkorn, 2012; Reichert, 2012). This has led sub-Saharan universities to benchmark universities that score high on the ranking board. This makes higher education in particular contexts defined according to higher education policies and practices of other copied contexts (Zha, 2009). As averred by Hezelkorn, when institutions begin to be categorized according to their performance ability, they assume prestigious positions. They become models to copy by those institutions lower in prestige (Andreescu et al., 2012). According to Kaiser et al. (2012, p. 888), “most existing rankings in higher education take the form of a league table. A league table is a single-dimensional, ordinal list going from ‘best’ to ‘worst’, assigning to the entities unique, discrete positions seemingly at equal distance from each other (from 1 to, e.g., 500)”. The ranking focuses more on institutional research output, especially preferring the basic research to applied research. The ranking process is “driven quantitatively by bibliometric practices which count productivity principally by journal articles, and impact by citations or rather what

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one academic has written and another read” (Hezelkorn, 2012, p. 854). This homogeneous approach leaves out many other elements like research published in other outlets, e.g. local institutional journals, magazines and books, impactful published research that appeals more to the local than the international readership, and so on. In addition, the composite institutional parameters for judging performance do not cater for differentiation in language (medium of research and instruction), socio-cultural and political complex contexts and resource and infrastructural accessibility. For instance, institutions in stable economies that enjoy autonomy from external bodies have different working conditions from those that entirely depend on the government as the leading financier. For example, while research funds in Makerere and other institutions south of the Sahara is encumbered with government conditions, money for research by autonomous institutions in developed economies may be condition free. For that matter, Kaiser et al. (2012) make a comprehensive critique of rankings as non-considerate to internal institutional differences, over-emphasizing research at the expense of other institutional missions, interest put on research-intensive and eliminating teaching-intensive institutions, preferring English to other languages of university researchers, bias against humanities and social sciences, and unclear weighing scale for the cumulative performance in the indicated areas.

5 Diversification of Higher Education Diversification is the process through which a homogeneous system becomes more heterogeneous (Sabic, 2016). Diversification is to engross in generating an assortment of something (Offorma, 2010). This points to a system of production that outputs various goods. It is an activity or a process that leads to a multiplicity of differences, and thus a shift from rigidity to flexibility (Takwate, 2016). In education, diversification is how a system adapts to various trends and operations (Varghese, 2014). According to van Vught (2008: 152, cited in Smith, 2013), diversity is “the variety of entities within a system”. It is both internal (differences within institutions) and external (differences between institutions). van Vught shares with scholars (Teichler, 2015; Takwate, 2016; Reichert, 2009) that intra-diversity relates to instructional and research practices, curricula and degree programmes and their quality, whereas inter-diversity refers mainly to structural, programmatic, reputational, procedural, constituent, systemic, ethics and values (Varghese, 2014; Teichler, 2015; Takwate, 2016; Reichert, 2009; Sabic, 2016). Adaptation in higher education is not always easy due to strong policies that seek to keep the status quo of the institutions. This renders diversity to be a controversial issue (Teichler, 2015). As is the case in Makerere University and other sub-Saharan institutions, external forces and actors, mainly state, regulate the nature and direction of curricula, learning and research. They exert much influence on how higher education operates and its expected benefits to society. Nonetheless, globalization is affecting the direction of higher education (Zha, 2009). Higher education is no longer about satisfying the immediate community’s

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needs but also impacting the national and international community. Higher education has to stretch beyond teaching and research to innovation and knowledge transfer (Reichert, 2012). This tasks institutions to equip graduates with the necessary abilities for research and innovation that commit to dealing with local and international challenges. It necessitates institutional profiles and missions that are inclusive of the diversity of clientele with diverse interests. However, this does not deny that some higher education faculty and managers do not stick to their stated institutional missions in their practices. In Teichler (2012) ‘drift’ theory, actors keep adopting methods and ways of the perceived successful institutions. Regardless, profile and mission diversification increases coherence and efficiency and minimizes mission homogenization. A country with diverse institutions with a homogeneous mission may not meet the needs of the diverse citizenry and society (Reichert, 2012). However, a country with institutions that offer various missions enables to accommodate the diverse citizenry, satisfies diverse needs and labour market and optimizes the efficacy of higher education institutions (Hezelkorn, 2012). This diversified higher education helps bond institutions with their local communities by equipping clients with diverse knowledge and skills necessary for social advancement. Institutions make internal differentiation of programmes, policies, practices and services as prompted by the nature of students and society (Reichert, 2012). This is a form of mission stretch as institutions seek to satisfy their service users and consumers at the expense of institutional mission. Therefore, there has been a growing interest in the diversification of education in many contexts. In Europe, for example, there has been increased access to higher education by students from varying backgrounds, restructuring programmes to suit different student clientele, upgrading non-degree awarding institutions to university status and so forth (Teichler, 2004). Collaboration with other international institutions helped usher in modern and global higher education trends in size and expansion of universities, equity and equality and technology.

5.1 Learner Diverse Constituency According to Teichler (2012) ‘expansion and diversification’ theory, higher education will increasingly diversify in expansion to meet society’s diverse needs and interests. The changing nature of students’ constituency in diverse composition has ushered in diverse interests, endowments, needs and clients from various socio-economic backgrounds (Reichert, 2012). This necessitates providing services in terms of diversified curriculum theory and practice to satisfy their multiplicity. Keast and Williamson (2005) argue that teaching is a political exercise in a political space. Teaching denaturalizes single perspectives and opens the realization of diverse views. Each learner is a unique being that represents their unique knowledge. Their unique presence in a diverse community makes them feel their indispensability in the learning environment. Heterogeneous education should seek to meet the needs of diverse learners and the diverse needs of the society (Sliwka, 2010; van Vught et al., 2010). Society has to benefit from the diverse abilities, knowledge and values equipped to the learner. In a

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diversified education environment, students are allowed to interact and compete with peers of various backgrounds; they can realize where their strengths and weaknesses are and discover where they can easily succeed (van Vught et al., 2010). For learners, diversity increases their choices and widens accessibility for various prospective applicants (Horta et al., 2008, cited in Smith, 2013). It enables students of diverse educational backgrounds to access higher education institutions (Sabic, 2016). The growing number of applicants to higher education is due to the changing perception of higher education from being for the upper class of those who went through high-class schools and scored super grades. The growing trend is that higher education is the avenue to success in society and a route to a good job (Takwate, 2016; Teichler, 2015; Varghese, 2014). Therefore, this has widened the diversity in the students’ constituency, namely, diverse interests, aspirations and abilities (Teichler, 2015). Although Teichler underlines that there is lessened institutional autonomy in determining the direction of learning, institutions retain the power to match learners’ diverse educational needs, ability and speed and decide on learning styles. They reserve the mandate to match their mission and activities with the diverse, complex and altering societal interests (Smith, 2013; Varghese, 2014). Higher education, which is responsive to the needs of society, engenders economic growth. It, therefore, acquires a market value (Takwate, 2016). In this respect, Varghese argues that higher education should wholesomely equip learners with knowledge as insight and reflection, and skills as abilities and practicality to benefit society. As Blake (2017) opines, institutions need to be flexible to cater to the career and personal life-related varying needs of students. True diversity does not lose sight of the learner constituents and society (Smith, 2013). An institution can adopt diverse instructional methods and take care of the heterogeneity of learners (Sabic, 2016). And using a variety of options in instructing diverse students does not harm (Rawls, 2014). Students instead benefit enormously. Bengochea (2010) reveals that students benefit by refining their critical faculties and cognitive abilities in diverse instruction. Some instructional approaches engage them more actively and critically in learning. Institutional diversity can only prosper if the system and ethos of an institution are less inclined to specific institutional dimensions (Reichert, 2009). In this regard, Rawls (2014) advises institutions to remain true to their mission. They ought to stick to what they cherish as their traditional best. This does not imply non-response to the needs of society. It simply calls for a response that does not forfeit the critical mission. It is further advisable that institutional leadership play their managerial role in making a genuine institutional study and evaluating their mission, strengths, prospects and position in the competitive environment (Estermann & Pruvot, 2011).

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5.2 Curriculum Diversification Researchers (e.g. Offorma, 2010; Reichert, 2009; Smith, 2013) use a generic reference to the curriculum as a programme. Since students access higher education with the primary purpose of learning, they enrol on different programmes based on their interests, abilities and aspirations. Programmes differ according to academic level, field, objectives and emphasis. Within programmes are the content and pedagogy. Higher education programmes are designed to support and uphold the institutional mission. This explains the subject diversity reflected in various institutional setups. While all-inclusive institutions offer all subject clusters, specialized institutions keep to single programmes (Sabic, 2016). According to Offorma, the programme includes “studies (subjects, contents, subject matters and bodies of knowledge), … activities (the overt or covert, mental or physical, leaner-oriented and goal-oriented learning experiences presented to the learners), and … guidance (the assistance given to help one solve their educational, career or vocational, and socio-personal problems)” (2010, p. 93). This is what diversified learning should seek to achieve. Any curriculum should provide relevant approaches to prepare learners to handle any personal and social challenge effectively. Due to the ever more varied society, students need to become more aware of the social changes, orientations and goals. Society demands various skills to tackle varying social challenges. According to Kigotho (2014), higher education needs to use varied delivery modes and offer varying instead of a homogeneous study programme. This is beneficial to low-income countries, which need to diversify their economies than sticking to specializations. Since, as Kaulich (2012) argues, diversified economies are not much affected by economic shocks which may occur in some sectors and not in others, countries south of the Sahara need to encourage institutions to prepare human resources that engage in diverse sectors rather than a single sector.

6 Conclusion A university that offers a universe of quality knowledge to a heterogeneous society is preferred in sub-Saharan Africa than specialized and homogeneous universities, which some governments propagate. In this chapter, I have argued that despite the rich endowments of the student constituency and the diverse nature of our countries, promoting a specialized higher education may be a miscalculation. Higher education must cater for all types of learners and ought to satisfy their needs and aspirations. The primary role of government is to provide an enabling environment for institutions to support the diverse citizenry that accesses higher education. The next role is to make it conducive for the institutional products to apply their acquired knowledge and skills in their areas of interest.

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References Agaba. J. (2019). President’s salary order drives wedge between academics. https://www.universit yworlnews.com/post.php?story Andreescu, L., Gheorghiu, R., Proteasa, V., & Curaj, A. (2012). Institutional diversification and homogeneity in Romanian Higher Education: The larger picture. In A. Curaj, P. S. L. Vlasceanu, & L. Wilson (Eds.), European Higher Education at the crossroads: Between the Bologna process and National reforms (pp. 863-885). Springer. Bengochea, A. (2010). How we diversified: Two administrators at Connecticut College describe how they and their faculty colleagues changed the way professors are recruited and hired. Blake, K. (2017). University and college programs are diversifying to meet continuing education students’ needs. Business NC. Daxner, M. (1995). Homogeneous or differentiated options for students? Tertiary Education and Management, 1(2), 148–152. DiMaggio, P. J., & Powell, W. W. (1983). The iron cage revisited: Institutional isomorphism and collective rationality in organizational fields. American Review, 48, 147–160. Estermann, T., & Pruvot, E. B. (2011). Financially sustainable universities II: European universities diversifying income streams. European University Association. Hezelkorn, E. (2012). Everyone wants to be like Harvard”—Or do they? Cherishing all missions equally. In A. Curaj, P. S. L. Vlasceanu, & L. Wilson (Eds.), European Higher Education at the crossroads: Between the Bologna process and National reforms (pp. 836-862). Springer. Kaiser, F., Faber, M., & Jongbloed, B. (2012). U-Map, university activity profiles in practice. In A. Curaj, P. S. L. Vlasceanu, & L. Wilson (Eds.), European Higher Education at the crossroads: Between the Bologna process and National reforms (pp. 887-903). Springer. Kaulich, F. (2012). Diversification vs specialization as alternative strategies for economic development: Can we settle a debate by looking at the empirical evidence? United Nations Industrial Development Organization. Keast, H., & Williamson, B. (2005). (In)visibility: teaching diversity on an “homogeneous” campus. Learning Communities & Educational Reform, Washington Center. Kigotho, W. (2014). Diversification of tertiary education growing—Study. University World News. Laws of Uganda. (2001). Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions Act, 2001. Blackhall Publishing. https://www.ugandalaws.com/principal-legislation/universities-and-other-tertiaryinstitutions-act-2001 Makerere University. (2007). Makerere university quality assurance policy framework. Makerere University. (2013). Makerere University directorate of research and graduate training: The university research agenda (2013–2018). Makerere University. (2020). Strategic plan 2020–2030: Unlocking the knowledge hub in the heart of Africa. Matovu, M. (2019). President Museveni directs Makerere University to phase out Humanities Courses - https://ugmirror.com/ Mayo, P. (2009). Competitiveness, diversification and the international higher education cash flow: The EU’s higher education discourse amidst the challenges of globalization. International Studies in Sociology of Education, 19(2), 87–103. Mubiru, B. (2020). Makerere University restructures 20 programmes; agricultural, psychology, engineering courses merged. https://campusbee.ug/news/makerere-university-restructures-20programmes-agricultural-psychology-engineering-courses-merged/ Offorma, G. (2010). Curriculum diversification as a function of social engineering/restructuring. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/280722561 Okiring, C. (2016). Museveni concerned about quality of university education. https://ugandarad ionetwork.com/story/museveni-concerned-about-quality-of-university-education Rawls, T. (2014). Diversification or specialization? The key to growing graduate programming. New and innovative market opportunities. www.evolution.com/category/revenue-streams/mar ket_opportunities/

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Reichert, S. (2009). Institutional diversity in European higher education: Tensions and challenges for policymakers and institutional leaders. European University Association. Reichert, S. (2012). Refocusing the debate on diversity in Higher Education. In A. Curaj, P. S. L. Vlasceanu, & L. Wilson (Eds.), European Higher Education at the crossroads: Between the Bologna process and National reforms (pp. 811-835). Springer. Sabic, N. (2016). Diversification of higher education in Europe. A policy narrative that legitimizes resource concentration. Central European University, Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy, and International Relations. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Sliwka, A. (2010). From homogeneity to diversity in German education. OECD Educating teachers for diversity: meeting the challenge, 205–217. Smith, D. (2013). Differentiation and diversification in Higher Education: The case of private, faithbased Higher Education in Manitoba. Canadian Journal of Higher Education, 43(1), p23-43. State House Uganda. (2019). President lauds Makerere on integrated education – PPU. https://sta tehouse.go.ug/media/news Takwate, K. T. (2016). Diversification management at Tertiary Education Level: A review. Journal of Education and Practice, 7(4), 110–115. Teichler, U. (2004). The changing debate on internationalization of higher education. Higher Education, 48, 5–26. Teichler, U. (2012). Diversity of Higher Education in Europe and the findings of a comparative study of the academic profession. In A. Curaj, P. S. L. Vlasceanu, & L. Wilson (Eds.), European Higher Education at the crossroads: Between the Bologna process and National reforms (pp. 935-959). Springer. Teichler, U. (2015). Diversity and diversification of Higher Education: Trends, challenges and policies educational studies. No 1, 14–38. Uganda Government. (2007). Uganda vision 2040. https://www.gou.go.ug/content/uganda-vision2040 van Vught, F. A., Kaiser, F., File, J. M., Gaethgens, C., Peter, R. & Westerheijden, D. F. (2010). The European classification of Higher Education institutions. www.u-map.eu Varghese, N. V. (Ed.). (2014). The diversification of post-secondary education. International Institute for Educational Planning. Zha, Q. (2009). Diversification or homogenization in Higher Education: A global allomorphism perspective. Higher Education in Europe, 34(3), 459–479. https://doi.org/10.1080/037977209 03356628

Joseph Kimoga (Ph.D.) is an associate professor of higher education in the East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development, College of Education, Makerere University, Uganda. He is passionate about personal experience and its central role in researcher decisions and actions, and he has much interest in personal abilities and aspirations. Personal experience, abilities and aspirations are key in defining not only one’s identity but also the type of research and education that is Afrocentric and diversified. He prefers the advocacy and interpretive paradigms as the most apt in these research undertakings.

Between National Identity, Research and Social Function—Academics’ Perceptions of the Ambivalent Role of the Algerian University Leonie Schoelen

Abstract This chapter aims to trace and position the changing and ambivalent role of the Algerian university as viewed by its principal stakeholders. Empirically based on 15 semi-structured interviews with professors at Algerian universities and research institutes, it answers the following research question: Which functions does the present-day Algerian university incorporate, and what are the reasons for prioritisation in an accompanying policy agenda? Initiated by the La Refonte— “redesign”—labelled higher education reform in 1971, aimed at decolonising the inherited French university, the Algerian higher education system has been undergoing significant transformation through expansion of its institutions, nationalisation of its staff and curricula, and unparalleled equity in access. At the same time, it is exposed to graduate unemployment locally and increasing higher education internationalisation, which is also politically targeted regarding research. This policy has brought about recent quality assurance initiatives, including an evaluation and subsequent closing of research laboratories and a sharp rise in Ph.D. candidates and young lecturers being hired. As a theoretical framework of analysis, the various categories of university functions—each of them comprising of several thematic sub-categories—in their historical evolution globally are put forward as developed by sociologist Manuel Castells, namely, ideology, elite selection, training for the bureaucracy, research and “other”, defined as the “social need” of the “post-colonial university”. It is found that, indeed, the latter function is decisive in contemporary Algeria, complemented by national philosophy elements of the distinct Algerian university identity. Keywords Algeria · Higher education · Internationalisation · Policy · University functions

L. Schoelen (B) University of Johannesburg, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_13

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1 Introduction Ever since the La Refonte higher education reform in 1971 (MESRS, 1971) aimed at decolonising the inherited French university, the Algerian higher education system has been undergoing significant transformation through the expansion of its institutions, nationalisation of its staff and curricula and unparalleled equity in access. At the same time, it is exposed to increasing higher education regionalisation as well as internationalisation, which is also politically targeted with regard to research. This policy has brought about recent quality assurance initiatives, among others, an evaluation and subsequent closing of research laboratories, and a sharp rise in Ph.D. candidates and young lecturers being hired. While this might seem paradoxical, the empirical evidence presented in this chapter will explain this status quo. It may be characterised as conflictual, contradictory and emotional rather than rational, which is reflected in higher education policymaking. For instance, the high politicisation of the language question reflects a contemporary identity conflict of society (Sebihi & Schoelen, 2021); Arab rather than African, Tamazight versus Arab and the tendency towards, as well as orientation to, France and Europe. Hence, Algeria can be seen as an illustration of African ambivalences (Macamo, 2005). Further, Algeria can be seen as a current example of the phenomenon of “(…) internationalisation, by becoming embedded in emerging countries, shifts away from the Western, neo-colonial concept it represented when first coined” (De Wit, 2016, p. 16). This chapter positions, by tracing the changing and ambivalent role of the Algerian university, as viewed by its principal stakeholders, guided by the following research question: Which function is most pronounced in the present Algerian higher education system and why is it seen as a priority? The data presented is sourced from 15 semi-structured interviews with professors—enseignants-chercheurs at universities or researchers at national Institutes as well as one representative of a political entity. Their various disciplines have been aggregated into the two broad categories Arts/Humanities/Social Sciences and Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM). The data was analysed drawing on qualitative content analysis by theory-guided (deductive) coding. The operationalisation of the question requires a concept of positioning, which can be found in a definition of university functions over the time of higher education institutions’ global development from medieval to contemporary times as a frame disconnected from the specific national or political contexts: As theoretical framework, the various categories of university functions—each of them incorporating several thematic sub-categories—in their historical evolution globally are outlined below as developed by sociologist Manuel Castells, namely ideology, elite selection, training for the bureaucracy, research and “other”, defined as the “social need” of the “post-colonial university”. With those the five functions as axes of analysis, the extent of their expression points at system characteristics and a tendency towards either pillar of a continuum of national and international orientation, respectively, the oscillation between global

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and local. Therefore, the outcome depicts the macro-level context as the Algerian higher education system Algerian academics are part of. Further contextualised, the historical dimension cannot be treated in isolation as noted by scholars and prominent Algerian social scientists (Ghalamallah, 2006; Guerid, 2010, 2012) and, indirectly, the influence and impact (or lack of) the so-called legs colonial (Bayard & Bertrand, 2006), including any prevailing neo-colonial implications (Khelfaoui, 2010), while first and foremost referencing the present.

2 Ideology Function University ideology is defined as follows: “An ideology-diffusing institution is an enactment of the first fundamental role of universities, despite the ideology of their ideology-free role” (Castells in Muller et al., 2017, p. 35). Statements below exemplify the conveyed conviction that there is a particular national ideology in the Algerian higher education system, which is accepted, and which applies to all members of the university community, cutting across disciplines and personal research interests. Hence, it can be concurred that the Algerian university as a single institution but also the system more broadly deviates from what is increasingly put forward as the standard in a liberal and market-oriented Anglo-Saxon higher education system, with related discussions and practices having meanwhile reached European countries. Implications of this paradigm become apparent as it is equally given to adhere to some—religious—principles, to which reference is made, yet not explicitly mentioned: “Ah, okay, of course, of course. It’s true, you’re talking about the philosophy of; yes, we must not get out of what the country imposes, we must not go against the principles of the country” (12_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences). Likewise, it is highlighted that a socialist basis governs Algerian higher education policy: “the goal of our teaching is not to create the elite, it is to give a general education to all people” (10_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_executive function_ research unit). By referring to society, it is reiterated in that every member of society contributes to each other’s university education. Correspondingly, the training function is even subordinate to a related concept; “ At times, one has the impression that, for the most part, the university serves as a means of social appeasement rather than a place to actually train leaders” (1_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_research), which underlines the importance of a socialist orientation in the Algerian university as social peace. The Algerian university also appropriates the role of social ascension, which is referred to as: “I had a friend, who, we’ll say, lived in precarious conditions, but this guy was a real genius. And the university allowed him to have a doctorate, to compete for a scholarship abroad, to go to Canada, to study. So yes, it plays the role of an elevator” (14_m_STEM_administrative function_central unit). Through this very elevator, social capital such as studying abroad is acquired, which means prestige, yet, more tangibly, better living conditions.

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Access to university is articulated as a right which derives from the history of French occupation where universities were almost exclusively attended by European settlers and out of reach of the Algerian Muslim population: “ Whoever says ‘democratisation’, the opening of the university, says ‘democratisation’; it’s giving all Algerians, all young Algerians, access to university; it’s a must” (15_m_Arts_ Humanities_Social Sciences_administrative function_faculty). Indeed, the opening of universities for all makes it the default choice and option for tertiary education which the associated expectation of success: “That too is a factor that has led to policies taking the direction of massification. If today we consider that a child, if it is not an academic, it fails” (3_f_STEM). In addition, education is portrayed as a nation-building element: “, so the proverb says (speaking in Arabic): ‘If this education no longer exists, the nations will disappear’ (…) So that sums up a little bit the role of the university” (13_m_STEM_ administrative function_faculty). It also serves as a vehicle for national interests transmission: “So, it is to train people who will be capable of situating international issues, and defend national interests” (16_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences). In this context, the discrepancy between ideology-free(er) experimental sciences and other disciplines is underlined; Because them, in the humanities and social sciences, the weight of ideologies are huge. Okay. They are huge; they are even applicable to all methods, to all strategies that can be implemented in these universities. Us in the technical sciences, we are somewhat free, we got rid of ideology, and philosophies, no (...). (3_f_STEM)

As opposed to the global trend of internationalisation in higher education systems, including on the African continent, the system features no foreign institutions of a comprehensive university type, unlike others in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: “I wonder why Algeria does not have an American university, whereas you take Egypt, Lebanon, they have one” (14_m_STEM_administrative function_central unit), and there is a direct link with the national public authority in the form of the Ministry, which becomes apparent as its special characteristics; “First, I said, it’s an Algerian university. It is a public university. It is not private. And therefore, there is a tutelage, which is the Ministry” (7_m_Arts_ Humanities_Social Sciences_executive function_central unit). Hence, the publicly financed Algerian university is coupled with centralisation in governance. There is limited institutional autonomy, which may lead to a certain passive positioning by academics: “ So, the Ministry, it provides its assessments. We do what the Ministry plans, its (section) policy” (17_m_STEM_executive function_political entity) as well as waiting for decisions rather than taking action independently: “So now, what are the challenges and also the opportunities, the potential chances of Algerian higher education? I would say, it depends on the decision-makers” (9_f_ STEM_executive function_research unit). Accordingly, an indicator for a closed system, which is aligned with a specific nation-building ideology, is the fact that nationally-oriented research institutes exist, e.g. the: “Research centre about the national movement and 1st November revolution” (15_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_administrative function_faculty). These particular historical references are

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thus portrayed as defining the Algerian university and a higher education system as a whole. From this background, language also plays a central role as a national identity marker. Arabic is attributed a political a dimension in that its status as a national language should be recognised on a different level, too: “ For the future, we hope that the Algerian university will train its executives in its language, Arabic, the national language” (12_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences), while there is acknowledgement “(…) that Arabic is a very politically sensitive topic (…)” (14_m_STEM_ administrative function_central unit) and concerns are raised with regards the effects of a monolingual academic environment which applies to certain disciplines: I will give you a striking example. Generally, the humanities and social sciences are lagging behind. All the disciplines of the humanities and social sciences are really, really lagging behind, because that is where students, lecturers, researchers are in strictly arabophone environments. Yes. So, nowadays, we know how science is distributed in the world; it is well known that the major poles of science are not in the Arab countries, that is a reality, nowadays, we must accept it as it is. (3_f_STEM)

Overall, it can be observed that there are ambivalences which seem to be incompatible with the individual versus the system level. To sum up, ideology is present at the Algerian university in the form of nation-defining elements and policies, which address national development and accordingly target nationally-oriented research first and foremost.

3 Elite Selection Function The university elite selection function is defined as follows by Castells: Secondly, universities have always been mechanisms of selection of dominant elites. Included in such mechanisms beyond selection in the strict sense, are the socialisation process of these elites, the formation of the networks for their cohesion, and the establishment of codes of distinction between these elites and the rest of the society (…). (Castells in Muller et al., 2017, p. 36)

As has been shown in the previous section, the Algerian university is public and state-based. The default model does not emphasise selection: “And then the principle of elitism and all, it’s not, it’s not very rooted either” (9_f_STEM_executive function_ research unit). While is concept is not socially acceptable from a political orientation of access for all, a necessity for a certain elitist approach is nevertheless voiced; “I think that the university, it’s technically, it’s historically, it’s the temple of knowledge. It must remain a temple of knowledge; it must not be a tool to be used by everyone” (9_ f_STEM_executive function_research unit). Accordingly, “so far, Algerian society has had respect for the academic. It is important. So, he is seen as the researcher, the lecturer, the intellectual, all at the same time, we are respected” (16_m_Arts_ Humanities_Social Sciences).

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This ambivalence is then expressed by specific types of institutions, which diverge from the standard, especially the French-modelled école type: “the university is still the privileged place next to the national institutes of administration, the Algerian ENA, which operates on the French model…” (1_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_ research). Though it is stated that the distinction école-university is somewhat formal only, nevertheless, they are known to admit only the best; “It’s a first filter, if you want. It is the first filter to choose the best (…)”, and, as a result, to have the status of excellency: “(…) An école is a centre of excellence, so the best first-year students are directed towards this discipline” (6_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_executive function_central unit). The Grandes Écoles actually have beneficial circumstances such as: “They have more freedom? They are autonomous, yes, totally” (12_m_ Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences). Hence, écoles enjoy the institutional autonomy restricted or absent at universities, which translates into self-administration and governance choices. Their privilege is most pronounced in having much less students: (…) So, it’s based on quality, and the universities, I do not mean to say that universities do not train well, but universities face the quantitative side more than écoles. Because the number of écoles, for an école you can find, for example, a number that does not exceed 250 students per year. But for university, it is at least 4000, 4000-5000. (6_m_Arts_Humanities_ Social Sciences_executive function_central unit)

Within the Algerian comprehensive university, there also exist, albeit covert, selection mechanisms, notably, the decision of who and how many, can study abroad; “Well, but the whole Algerian society is relatively disappointed by the standard of the Algerian university, and this same society, if it had to choose for its children, it is rather to send them to study abroad. And that is recent; it is recent, you see? So to speak, there is a loss of confidence” (16_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences). In addition, going abroad to study is portrayed as rejection of the national system for quality reasons and individual progress: “Selection? They self-select (laughs). Actually, when they feel that they are good, or when they go abroad” (8_9_f_STEM_1_ executive function_research unit). Another mode of selection of elites within the system is the existence of private tertiary institutions for specific sectors and in-house institutes for large state companies such as SONATRACH. There are projections for their potential and future role, even though they are not widespread yet and only hesitantly enter the market: “We know that there are private universities already, in Algiers, especially in other disciplines, not in the humanities, in economics, business; is not for nothing. Yes, and the law is there. It’s not for nothing; it means that there is a state reason behind it, state logic, they tell themselves… And demand, too. It is needed!” (1_m_Arts_ Humanities_Social Sciences_research). This statement shows that this development is not only demand-driven but, more so, encouraged by government, which is an indication for a shift in policy towards a more diversified higher education landscape, and, to an extent, governance structures.

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4 Training of the Bureaucracy Function The training of the bureaucracy function is defined as follows by Castells: “The training of the bureaucracy, be it the Imperial service or the plethora of lawyers that populated the Italian or Spanish administrations, was (and is) a fundamental function of the university in most countries” (Castells in Muller et al., 2017, p. 39). The decades after independence saw a movement against French colonial structures most remarkable in the post-secondary education system by a policy to “algerianise” the university: So there were the coopérants, that is to say, the foreigners who taught. It was done, it was done. They stopped in the mid-80s, no, rather, late 80s. They wanted to algerianise, that means they thought that there were enough people trained to be able to algerianise the university. There are alot of people who would tell you: ‘Since Algerianisation has taken place, the university is not doing well’. It is an opinion. Now, it depends, because in certain disciplines, Algerians, when they stay here, and they work, they get results, they are really not stupid. So is Algerianisation a good thing or not? (9_f_STEM_executive function_research unit)

Broadly speaking, Algeria’s colonial history has impacted its present-day administration structures; “Yes, it continues. And it’s not just that, and it’s not just the university that works on the French model. You know, practically all of it, a large part of Algerian legislation is inspired by the French model” (16_m_Arts_Humanities_ Social Sciences), training bureaucrats in the narrow sense as state executives continues to play a role; “The state being the state, and the state needs administration executives to function” (1_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_research). The Algerian university is predisposed for this role, which it readily assumes; “We will mainly train civil servants” (16_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences). While the bureaucratic training seems contrary to a university function; “They are civil servants. For me, a researcher, if he becomes a civil servant, he is dead” (1_m_ Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_research), the health system expansion, among others, continues to have an impact on university education in Algeria today as medicine and related disciplines are preferred, which consequently carry the highest social prestige, too: (…) Because here, we are on, I must do medicine to be valued; if I miss medicine, I must at least be a pharmacist. We are on this logic here, okay, a little more in (institution), but I think it’s the Algerian university which is like that. Then it is by order, there is surgery, dentistry, it is now called dental surgery, but you are still a doctor, you wear a white coat. Then architecture, everyone is fighting to be an architect because an architect, it’s an agency, it’s a lot of money, etc. And you are sought after. (7_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_ executive function_central unit)

Therefore, rather than a bureaucrat as a state administrator, a medical doctor is the profession to be aspired to. Likewise, the state is the only employer for education and in general, social sciences and humanities graduates. Like … Listen, for the people who are at the level of the social sciences and humanities departments; they have no other relations than with the state. They cannot work other than in teaching, and they cannot do anything else. Then, you will see the number of those who

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come out of the social sciences departments. It is enormous. And who will make them work? (10_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_executive function_research unit)

In this context—rather than theory-based training, preparing for research or a career in academia—recently, the policy has focused on professional skills and competences in course offers at the Algerian university. In the context of the Bologna Process reform adoption, the LMD, courses have a different, applied profile. This fact is an indication for the training of the bureaucracy at the Algerian university in the form of professional training for business in regional development. Overall, it reflects the variations and thus tension between training and education.

5 Research Function The university research function is defined as follows by Castells: The science-oriented university came, in fact, very late in history, in spite of the practice of science in universities in all times, including the achievement of fundamental scientific discoveries in universities that were by and large ideological apparatuses. The first universities focusing on science and research as a fundamental task were the leading German universities in the second half of the 19th century (…). (Castells in Muller et al., 2017, p. 37)

In the Algerian context, research capacity was historically abroad: (...) after independence, there were few researchers who were trained, not many really; people were not even highly qualified; there were too few doctors and everything. Well, there was the research that was done with France; Algeria had sent hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of Algerians to the United States, Canada, England. To 90%, we never took advantage of them, to 90%. They don’t come back. (9_8_f_STEM_1_executive function_ research unit)

As a consequence of this state policy, there was emigration and, hence, insufficient local capacity. The institutionalisation process testifies to the fact that scientific research is relatively recent at the present-day Algerian university in that: “scientific research, in a way, passed through 5 or 6 ministerial departments. So this translates into its instability” (17_m_STEM_executive function_political entity). Likewise, the respective public entity has only existed for 15 years: “scientific research in Algeria is very, very young, so, compared to what exists in the world. And, so, before 2008, there was no responsible body that managed scientific research and technological development in Algeria” (17_m_STEM_executive function_political entity). As a result, it has been the policy priority recently to develop the previously missing regulatory basis; “so this is the new law on scientific research and technological development, which allows us to carry out our activities, or, rather, to carry out our actions within a regulatory framework, through texts that we propose to the government for adoption” (17_m_STEM_executive function_political entity). Nonetheless, criticism is voiced from a social sciences perspective, with an assessment of the quantity-quality ratio: “So, I will give you just, some figures. There is something like 1400 research units, but in terms of production, there are very, very

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few units which manage to produce new things. Very, very, very, very few” (16_ m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences). In order to compete internationally, visibility has to be increased which is by publications, which overall remain weak in these disciplines so the mere number of units is not significant in this case since the actual outputs are measured as itemised indicators, among others. Accordingly, in some disciplines, quality assurance remains an issue; “what grieves me is to see that in our scientific journals at the national level, we accept everything and anything” (1_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_research). In the same vein, standards and elements of academic quality assurance are still partly in the process of development: We have launched things, research, laboratories. There are 10, for example, which will receive recognition, 10 out of (number), because they have made scientific productions which have been recognised by international standards, SCOPUS, etc. So we will award those, and we are showing that excellence is important in a university. (7_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_executive function_central unit)

The principal function of the/any university as an institution is put forward as being research, e.g.: “The objective of all education, when you see English or American universities, any university has its objectives, it is to have Nobel prizes at home” (10_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_executive function_research unit). Innovation, too, ought to be at the forefront of higher education policy and administration; “Processes, I am not a decision-maker, but the steps are to immerse innovation in the student but also in the lecturer because a lecturer remains a researcher” (7_m_Arts_ Humanities_Social Sciences_executive function_central unit). It is in this context that the issue of increasing quantities of student numbers as outlined above becomes problematic: And then there are more problems, more, how do I say, more structural. We wanted to give a status of lecturer-researcher … Yes … to the university lecturer, but in reality, the massification of teaching means that, in reality, he can only accomplish his task as a lecturer and not as a researcher. Okay. And that too, it’s a fatal blow to research and higher education because we know very well that higher education is fuelled through research. (3_f_STEM)

A certain type of research is characteristic of the Algerian national context, namely “ research, it’s the engine of the national economy” (17_m_STEM_executive function_political entity) and “we do teaching, we do research. But why? We must be an actor in territorial development. Basically, that’s it” (14_m_STEM_ administrative function_central unit). This objective of contributing to national development requires an orientation towards and correspondingly promotion of applied rather than basic research. The latter is underlined by the need of usefulness of research, i.e.: “it’s research by objectives, it’s top-notch research, it is research that contributes to the development of the national economy, it is research that answers the questions of researchers, the social and the economic sector, it is useful research” (17_ m_STEM_executive function_political entity). Not least, permanent researchers at specialised institutions did not talk about their specific status and the in principle more favourable working and budget-related conditions when compared to universities.

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6 Other Functions: Social Need and Post-Colonial Context The so-called other functions are united by their “third-mission” characteristics, i.e. the interaction between university and society, which has a specific expression at universities in the Algerian context. The social need function is defined by Castells as follows: In many societies, and certainly in the West, the demand for higher education has reached the status of a social need, regardless of the actual functional requirements of the economy or of the institutions. This social need, as expression of the aspiration of all societies to upgrade their education, has led to the so-called ‘massification of the university system’, as the institutions respond to excess demand by downgrading some elements of the system and transforming them into reservoirs of idle labour, a particularly useful function if we consider that this idle labour is in fact formed by potentially restive youth. Thus, an implicit function of modern university systems is that of surplus labour absorption, particularly for those lower middle-class sectors who think their children are entitled to social mobility through the university system. (Castells, 2017, p. 41)

The status quo evoked by the general access to tertiary education policy has consequences: “But starting from the principle that after the baccalaureate everyone does university; I believe that it is the strategic error; it is the strategic error” (3_f_ STEM) and it leads to the situation of an inflation of degrees and, at the same time, a skills gap; “At the moment, it is giving people a diploma (laughs). What is wanted, it’s giving people skills” (14_m_STEM_administrative function_central unit). Furthermore, it is suggested that continuously expanding the national system—in each Wilaya—is a strategy to hide otherwise obvious unemployment: Yes, it’s this massification. And when we see the real objective of this massification, it is, in reality, it is a camouflage of the thing, of people who do not work. What is it called, people who do not have work? The unemployed. The unemployed students. They are paid to stay at university. You see the things? Yes. And after, they are dropped with the worthless diplomas. (10_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_executive function_research unit)

Yet another, related reason aligned with the social peace paradigm is avoiding civil unrest caused by lack of employment: “Because we rather overloaded universities to avoid unemployment and the social crisis” (1_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_ research). The particularity of the so-called third-world university lies in its post-colonial context, as defined by Castells in the following: (...) the specificity of the university system in the Third World is that it is historically rooted in its colonial past. Such specificity maximises the role of universities as ideological apparatuses in their origins, as well as their reaction against cultural colonialism, but emphasises their ideological dimension in the first stage of their post-independence period. (Castells in Muller et al., 2017, p. 43)

Academics may thus have an ambiguous relationship with their contemporary professional setting; there is an oscillation between frustration and optimism. On the one hand, the status of development is openly declared as: “we are in a third-world country, underdeveloped” (15_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_administrative

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function_faculty). On the other hand—by the same person—there is outspoken national pride: “so we can be proud in Algeria”. The relationship with France then is equally ambivalent: “and we stayed attached to France for a very long time in a very, I would say natural way. It’s the umbilical cord that has remained … even if it was cut, badly cut, or I don’t know” (7_ m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences_executive function_central unit). The system expansion, while based on a socialist conviction, also incorporates the dimension of undoing the former colonial power’s exclusionism; “So, we tell you that we have opened the university, we have opened, we have democratised. But in fact, it is rather, we have massified, that’s all, compared to what France did. France, which had closed the university to Algerians; therefore, after independence, one had to do the opposite, that’s it” (16_m_Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences). Not less linked with the country’s colonial past is the persisting issue of emigration by—especially postgraduate—students, which leads to national brain drain as it is stipulated: “So, the French state, them, it rather, it will find the student ready, ready-made” (16_m_ Arts_Humanities_Social Sciences). In conclusion, the theoretical framework for analysis, Castells’ functions of the university, has proven suitable to assess the positionality of the Algerian higher education system in its continuum between the local and the global while it is not fully adequate in depicting the Algerian case as the decisive factors are simply subsumed under the “other” category in his functions model. Besides, the ideology function is far from having exerted influence in the past only, with no significance in the present day. Applying the theory to the Algerian higher education system, it is also partly undifferentiated in the sub-functions, as, e.g. research as a new/non-default function is multi-faceted and concerns a variety of aspects. The most dominant university function in the Algerian context as conveyed by its stakeholders has been identified as the social need in surplus-labour absorption, complemented by national philosophy and principal elements of the distinct Algerian university identity. This outcome has been dealt with in depth by Algerian academics, both in the recent past and in the Diaspora (Khelfaoui, 2012). The contemporary Algerian university is tightly linked to central government as for its national groundings and governance structure. It is also an institution which incorporates social change as well as needs, and, hence, is intricately associated with societal demands of higher education for all on a national scale. In contrast, elite selection only takes place in the framework of postgraduate research education and access to opportunities abroad. Training of the bureaucracy then is more a relic, with a less essential role in the present system. It has only recently institutionalised research, which means that process are subject to adoption and adaptation. In parallel, there exist external impact factors, notably with regard to language use and presence and quality assurance activities and guidelines more generally. Lastly, its history still shapes, respectively, continues to inform some practices and structures—albeit not policy in any way. The resulting macro-level ambivalences imply a similar oscillation on the micro, individual, level of the Algerian academic, which are exacerbated by the de facto non-existence of a meso governance level, i.e. institutional autonomy. The presentday Algerian higher education system is furthermore characterised by the quasi-total

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absence of non-academic community stakeholders—industry, civil society organisations and the local environment. The latter conditions topical prevailing socioeconomic challenges countries in the region and beyond are grappling with, notably graduate as well as widespread youth unemployment and increasing social unrest or the potential thereof. The findings have a broader impact on on-going and future university reforms and corresponding higher education policy shifts in African and Arab contexts from the background of the evolution and transformation of emerging countries into knowledge economies.

7 Notes The interviews were conducted in person in Algeria, April-June 2018, in the framework of the data collection phase for the author’s thesis. More details and a comprehensive description may be obtained from the manuscript as submitted for examination in the University of Paris’ open-access institutional repository—see Chapter 5, methodology, and the Annex C, List of Interviews. This contribution contains elements of earlier sub-sections as included in the manuscript. Pp. 70–79 of Castells (1993) are re-published identically in Castells (2001). And as Chapter 3, pp. 35–55 in: Muller, J., Cloete, N., & van Schalkwyk, F. (2017). The pagination is taken from the latter for consistency and referenced as Castells in Muller et al. 2017 in the text. Legs colonial—Colonial legacy. École Nationale d’Administration (ENA)—Elite higher education institution in France and Algeria, aimed at training civil servants for the public sector. Grandes Écoles—Modelled after the French type of national elite higher education institutions for state employment. Their structure and internationally distinct type is identical with the French system. SONATRACH—Algerian state enterprise and biggest company on the African continent, it has a monopoly on fossil fuel exploitation in the country. https://sonatr ach.com/. The French terminology “LMD” (Licence-Master-Doctorat) used in literature and interviews is retained, referring to the adoption of the Bologna Process higher education reform in Algeria. Wilaya—Algerian administrative district. “Third World”—This outdated terminology is rejected by the author as it is highly problematic due to its neo-colonial notion and its inherent global North-centrism, however, is retained here for referencing the original. Nevertheless, it is highly questionable—if not incomprehensible—that Castells does not change it even in 2017, almost 25 years after its first publication in 1993.

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Dr. Leonie Schoelen is a higher education expert with a focus on the African continent. She completed her Ph.D. entitled Facing the Global—Ambivalent Coping Strategies in the Algerian Academic Field in Sociology and Education Sciences before embarking on a PostDoc fellowship at the Strategic Initiatives and Partnerships Office, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, in Cape Town, South Africa, 2021–2022. As of 2023, she is affiliated with the University of Johannesburg, South Africa, in the capacity of research associate. She continues to work as a free-lance consultant, among others, previously with the Pan-African University (PAU), in the framework of which she has been advising on quality assurance-related topics. She is currently Senior Desk Officer in the higher education management in development cooperation section at the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD).

Trailing the Analytics and Research Methods (ARM) Programme in East Africa: Evaluation, Overall Satisfaction and Quality Ben Kei Daniel and Ana Stojanov

Abstract The (A)nalytics and (R)esearch (M)ethods (ARM) is a research-led academic development programme, composed of a series of workshops and consultations on research methods, analytical models and digital technologies. It mainly comprised of 13 fully developed workshops intended to provide research training and data literacy to faculty and postgraduate students. The ARM workshops cover introductory and advanced training in research methodologies and digital tools for supporting research. The educational design of the programme takes a holistic approach, where research methodology is viewed as a discipline, instead of fragmented methods, and approaches to support the learning of research. The programme was offered to various universities in East Africa and assessed against its value and quality. This chapter describes the ARM programme and present results of its evaluation. The chapter discusses the implications of programme in the context of advancing faculty and postgraduate students’ research literacy and training in East Africa. Keywords Analytics · Research methods · Research methodology pedagogy

1 Introduction Research methodology is an essential component of students’ acquired knowledge and skills, enabling rigorous empirical work informed participation in social discourses and benefits individuals in many ways. As creating literate research graduates is one of the goals of higher education (Wong et al., 2021), evidenced in the graduate attributes developed by universities worldwide, postgraduate programmes at many universities around the world include a research methodology component, which enables students to understand how knowledge is produced in the field of study (Murtonen, 2015). Further, professional organisations also recognise the importance of research skills (Marfleet et al., 2006) and some require a degree B. K. Daniel (B) · A. Stojanov Higher Education Development Centre, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_14

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with a research component for accreditation purposes. The advantages of taking research method courses are also evidence from studies with alumni that indicate having undergraduate research training has been beneficial for their careers and lives (Bauer & Bennett, 2003). However, students find research methodology challenging despite the importance of research methodology courses (Morgenshtern et al., 2011; Murtonen & Lehtinen, 2010). The complexity of the domain and the abstractness of the content (Earley, 2014; Howard & Brady, 2015) cause comprehension difficulties of common research concepts even for experienced researchers (Belia et al., 2005), thus it is no wonder that students face challenges understanding methodological concepts such as quantitative, qualitative or sampling (Benson & Blackman, 2016; Deem & Lucas, 2007; Murtonen, 2015). Abstract and dense content, superficial and rushed teaching, and theory removed from practice lead to superficial instead of deep learning (Wong et al., 2021). Students’ misconceptions about and attitudes towards research (Earley, 2014; Meyer et al., 2007; Sizemore & Lewandowski, 2009) may lead to anxiety (Papanastasiou & Zembylas, 2008), inadequate motivation, low interest or belief that the content is unconnected to their needs (Briggs et al., 2009; Nind & Lewthwaite, 2017; Vandiver & Walsh, 2010), which add to the already existing challenges of teaching research methods (Earley, 2007). These difficulties of teaching and learning research methodology are evident across disciplines (Daniel, 2018; Murtonen & Lehtinen, 2007), including political science, sociology (Ralston, 2019; Williams et al., 2008), counsellor education (Davis, 2019), psychology (Balloo et al., 2018), marketing (Armstrong & Vos, 2018), business (Benson & Blackman, 2016) and social science (Markle, 2016) to name a few. Because learning research methodology, the systematic way of addressing research problems, involves both theoretical and procedural knowledge and practical skills (Kilburn et al., 2014), it is inseparable from teaching and learning research methods (Nind & Lewthwaite, 2017), ways to collect and analyse information. This means that students need to simultaneously learn abstract epistemological and ontological concepts (Nind & Lewthwaite, 2017) and develop skills for engaging in specific procedures and applying specific techniques, which significantly demands students’ resources (Saeed & Qunayeer, 2020). Lecturers too face challenges. Due to lack of pedagogical culture, such as exchange of ideas or debates about the best way to teach (Earley, 2014; Nind & Lewthwaite, 2018; Wagner et al., 2010) or lack of pedagogical training (i.e. instruction on how to teach research methodology), teachers may not have a good grasp on how to convey the concepts they need to teach nor have a single approach to teaching (Engbers, 2016) and clear goals in terms of preparing students to be consumers or producers of research (Bernstein & Allen, 2013; Hardcastle & Bisman, 2010; Onwuegbuzie et al., 2010). Tertiary teachers of research methodology are expected to be creative and come up with ways to make these courses engaging and interesting (Benson & Blackman, 2016) and to teach the content effectively so that students can apply what they have learned (Nind & Lewthwaite, 2017). In an attempt to overcome the obstacle of teaching research methodology, researchers have examined several teaching practices to promote student-centred

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teaching, such as lecturers asking students to develop research projects from scratch (Braguglia & Jackson, 2012; Lundahl, 2008; Vandiver & Walsh, 2010), including posing of a research question, designing questionnaires, collecting data and writing reports (Ball & Pelco, 2006), students developing research proposals (Saeed & Qunayeer, 2020) or integrating subject matter and research methodology courses (Jakeman et al., 2016). Other approaches have been conducting seminars or workshops (Edwards & Thatcher, 2006; Spronken-Smith, 2007). Students report that these active learning approaches to research methods are helpful in their learning (Keenan & Fontaine, 2012). To help students master research methodology, the first author has developed an Analytics and Research Methods (ARM) workshop to provide introductory and advanced training in research methods and analytics. ARM consists of six researchinformed teaching workshops on research methodologies, analytical models and digital technologies. The workshops belong to four thematic groups (see Fig. 1): quantitative methods, qualitative methods, mixed methods and tools/frameworks. The first workshop, digital tools, introduces students to the most commonly used digital tools for research. The second workshop, TACT (Trustworthiness, Auditability, Credibility, Transferability) framework, teaches students about four dimensions that should be considered when determining the quality of qualitative studies: trustworthiness, auditability, credibility and transferability (Daniel, 2018).

Quantitative Methods

Qualitative Methods

ARM Program

Mixed Methods

Fig. 1 ARM as an integrated research methodology programme

Tools/ Frameworks

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The third workshop, visual analytics, teaches students to present the data analysis results visually. The fourth workshop, survey design, introduces students to the characteristics of a good survey. The fifth, Nvivo, teaches students to analyse qualitative data using the Nvivo software. The sixth, the tripartite method, teaches students to systematically review literature by describing, synthesising and critiquing the reviewed literature (Daniel & Harland, 2017). In the next section, we present the results of trialling ARM at two universities on three campuses in East Africa. The workshops were conducted between 2017 and 2019, each workshop lasting three hours. The workshops were facilitated by one of the co-authors.

2 Trialling of ARM in East Africa Two hundredth and fourteen attendees filled in the evaluation forms after attending six ARM workshops, and detailed demographic characteristics of the participants are given in Table 1. The means and standard deviations for the questionnaire items are presented in Table 2. As seen from the table, overall, students evaluated the workshops favourably. Several exploratory analyses were undertaken to see who benefited most from the workshops. Because the Cronbach alpha for the first thirteen items was 0.80, we calculated a composite score, and the results from that composite score are reported in the subsequent analyses.

3 Differences by University One-way ANOVA indicated significant difference for the composite score, F (2, 210) = 20.11, p < 0.01, overall satisfaction F (2, 207) = 6.23, p < 0.01, and the quality of the workshop, F (2, 208) = 4.32, p < 0.05. Post hoc tests revealed that the difference in overall satisfaction was between Alpha University in Uganda and Beta University in Dar es Salam—Tanzania (see Table 2); the difference in quality rating was between Alpha University in Uganda at one side, Beta University in Tanzania and Theta University of Zanzibar, and the difference in the composite score was significant between all the three universities (see Table 3 for means and standard deviations).

Trailing the Analytics and Research Methods (ARM) Programme … Table 1 Detailed demographic characteristics of the attendees of ARM workshops

239

Frequency

Percent

Alpha University (Kampala—Uganda)

68

31.8

Beta University (Dar es Salam—Tanzania)

38

17.8

Theta University (Zanzibar—Tanzania)

108

50.5

18

8.4

University

Attendees per workshop Digital tools TACT

61

28.5

Visual analytics

28

13.1

Survey design

25

11.7

NVivo

44

20.6

Tripartite

38

17.8

Age 18–24

11

5.1

25–34

62

29

35–44

77

36

44–45

51

23.8

55+

11

5.1

Missing values

2

0.9

Gender Male

111

51.9

Female

101

47.2

Missing values

2

0.9

33

15.4

Degree Bachelor Diploma

10

4.7

Masters

143

66.8

Ph.D.

23

10.7

Staff

1

0.5

Missing values

4

1.9

Stage of research Planning

156

72.9

Doing

10

4.7

Writing up thesis

21

9.8

Submitted thesis

14

6.5

Making amendments

9

4.2

Missing values

4

1.9

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Table 2 Means and SD for the individual items Mean

SD

Overall, I found this workshop interesting

1.30

0.59

The content of this workshop was easy to understand

1.76

0.76

This workshop was a good supplement to the lectures and textbook readings

1.48

0.66

This workshop was helpful in my research

1.36

0.59

This workshop helped me understand the material covered in other lectures and textbook readings

1.57

0.61

Next year, this workshop activity should be used again in [other training workshops or courses]

1.64

0.68

This workshop was an efficient way of teaching research methods

1.57

0.61

This workshop captured and held my interest

1.54

0.59

This workshop was a valuable learning experience

1.50

0.54

This workshop was engaging

1.57

0.62

After completing this workshop, I have gained a better understanding of the content of research methods

1.56

0.58

I understood how to apply the concepts covered in this workshop in my research

1.72

0.72

This workshop was well organised

1.64

0.80

The overall level of satisfaction with the ARM programme in the light of the challenges encountered in learning research methods

4.29

0.88

Compared to other workshops on research methodology, how would you rate the quality of the ARM teaching

4.43

0.85

Note The rating scale is 1 = Strongly agree, 5 = Strongly disagree, except for the two last items, where 1 = Very dissatisfied, 5 = Very satisfied

4 Workshop Type Three separate one-way ANOVAs indicated that participants rated the workshops differently in terms of overall satisfaction, quality and composite score. In particular, Bonferronis post hoc comparisons revealed that survey design was rated lower than TACT in terms of overall satisfaction. The survey design was also rated lower than digital tools, TACT, visual analytics, NVivo and Tripartite (see Table 4) in terms of the composite score.

5 Age Age differences were found in the ratings of overall satisfaction, F (4, 203) = 4.52, p < 0.01 and quality, F (4, 202) = 4.12, p < 0.01, but not in the composite score, F (4, 207) = 1.92, p > 0.05. Post hoc comparison with the Bonferroni test revealed the

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Table 3 Means and standard deviations for overall satisfaction, quality of teaching and composite score by University Overall satisfaction with the ARM programme

Quality of the ARM teaching

Composite score

N

Mean

SD

Alpha University (Kampala—Uganda)

67

4.55

0.82

Beta University (Dar es Salam—Tanzania)

36

3.94

1.04

Theta University (Zanzibar)

107

4.23

0.82

Total

210

4.29

0.88

Alpha University (Kampala—Uganda)

67

4.67

0.88

Beta University (Dar es Salam—Tanzania)

35

4.23

1.00

Theta University (Zanzibar)

107

4.35

0.75

Total

209

4.43

0.85

Alpha University (Kampala—Uganda)

67

1.58

0.31

Beta University (Dar es Salam—Tanzania)

38

1.83

0.27

Theta University (Zanzibar)

108

1.44

0.34

Total

213

1.55

0.35

Table 4 Overall satisfaction, quality of teaching and a composite score for each of the workshops Overall satisfaction

Quality of teaching

Composite score

N

M

SD

N

M

SD

N

M

SD

Digital Tools

18

4.22

1.17

18

4.33

1.14

18

1.35

0.22

TACT

59

4.54

0.73

58

4.66

0.71

61

1.59

0.29

Visual analytics

26

4.12

0.99

26

4.12

1.07

27

1.50

0.43

Survey design

25

3.84

1.07

25

4.16

1.03

25

1.87

0.26

Nvivo

44

4.23

0.80

44

4.41

0.69

44

1.49

0.38

Tripartite

38

4.39

0.72

38

4.55

0.69

38

1.50

0.32

Total

210

4.29

0.88

209

4.43

0.85

213

1.55

0.35

differences are between the 18–24 (M = 4.90, SD = 0.30) and 35–44 (M = 4.07, SD = 1.03) group, as well as the 35–44 and 55 + (M = 4.90, SD = 0.31) group in terms of overall satisfaction. In terms of quality rating the difference was between the 35–44 (M = 4.16, SD = 1.05) and 44–55 (M = 4.66, SD = 0.72) group.

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6 Gender There were gender differences in terms of overall satisfaction ratings, F (1, 206) = 6.92, p < 0.01, and quality ratings, F (1, 205) = 4.32, p < 0.05, but not in terms of the composite score, F (1, 210) = 1.67, p > 0.05. In particular, males (M = 4.44, SD = 0.90) tended to be more satisfied than females (M = 4.12, SD = 0.84). Likewise, males (M = 4.54, SD = 0.90) tended to rate the quality of the workshop higher than females (M = 4.30, SD = 0.79).

7 Degree There was no significant difference for the ratings for either overall satisfaction, quality or the composite score between participants from different degrees.

8 Stage of Research There was a significant difference between participants at a different research stage in terms of the ratings for overall satisfaction, F (4, 202) = 3.22, p < 0.05. LSD post hoc test indicated that the difference was between the participants who were planning their research (M = 4.17, SD = 0.89), whose rating indicated lower satisfaction than those doing their research (M = 4.78, SD = 0.67) and who had submitted their thesis (M = 4.78, SD = 0.58). There was no difference in quality ratings, F (4, 201) = 1. 62, p > 0.05. There was a marginally significant difference in the composite score F(4, 205) = 2.21, p = 0.07; thus, we decided to look at individual items for more insight. There were differences in the seven items outlined below. This workshop was a good supplement to the lectures and textbook readings. Those at the planning stage (M = 1. 55, SD = 0.68) and those who have submitted the thesis (M = 1.71, SD = 0.82) agreed less with this statement compared to those who were doing their research (M = 1.10, SD = 0.31) or writing their thesis (M = 1. 19, SD = 0.40), suggesting that workshops benefit most those who need the information at the present moment, suggesting a need for a continuous offering of research methodology workshops. This workshop was helpful in my research. Those who have submitted their thesis (M = 2.07, SD = 0.62) tended to agree less with the statement compared to those who were at the planning stage (M = 1.35, SD = 0.58), doing their research (M = 1.10, SD = 0.32), writing up the thesis (M = 1.14, SD = 0.48) or making amendments (M = 1.22, SD = 0.44), perhaps not surprisingly as those who have submitted the thesis presumably did not have active projects.

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This workshop helped me understand the material covered in other lectures and textbook readings. Those who had submitted their thesis (M = 2.14, SD = 0.66), tended to agree less with the statements compared to those who were planning (M = 1.55, SD = 0.60), doing their research (M = 1.30, SD = 0.48), writing up the thesis (M = 1.52, SD = 5.11) or making amendments to the thesis (M = 1.44, SD = 0.53), again suggesting that this cohort of students has most likely already mastered the skills targeted in the workshop. Next year, this workshop activity should be used again in [other training workshops or courses]. Those who had submitted the thesis (M = 2, SD = 0.67) tended to agree less with the statement compared to those who were in the planning stage (M = 1.62, SD = 0.68) or doing their research (M = 1.2, SD = 0.42). Compared to participants who were doing their research, those writing up their thesis (M = 1.81, SD = 0.68) tended to agree less with the statement. This pattern of results indicates that those at the later stages of their research (i.e. writing up or post submission) may underestimate the learning opportunities offered by the workshop due to hindsight bias (Roese & Vohs, 2012). This workshop was an efficient way of teaching research methods. Those at the planning stage (M = 1.51, SD = 0.57) or doing the research stage (M = 1.2, SD = 0.42), tended to agree more with the statement compared to those who have submitted the thesis (M = 1.86, SD = 0.36) or making amendments (M = 2.11, SD = 0.78). Those doing the research were also more likely to agree then those writing the research (M = 1.67, SD = 0.86). This workshop captured and held my interest. Those making the amendments (M = 2.11, SD = 0.78) were less likely to agree with the statement then those in the planning (M = 1.54, SD = 0.59), doing (M = 1.2, SD = 0.42), writing (M = 1.52, SD = 0.51), or submitted stage (M = 1.42, SD = 0.51) stage, suggesting that those who see immediate benefit of the workshop are more likely to be interested in its contents. This workshop was engaging. Those at the amendment stage (M = 1.11, SD = 0.33) tended to agree more with the statement then those planning (M = 1.60, SD = 0.61) or writing (M = 1.81, SD = 0.68) their research.

9 Conclusions and Implications Overall the ARM workshop programme was evaluated positively, and students expressed a significant degree of satisfaction with it, suggesting that students find this activity beneficial for their learning. The exploratory analysis also suggested that different demographic groups may have had a different experience. The fact that students at different stages of their research engaged differently with the workshop suggests that a more targeted approach could be needed to deliver the content at the optimal time for the student. Students planning the research tended to be less satisfied overall with the programme than those conducting the research or submitted the thesis, perhaps because the programme is mainly targeted at those who have an initial

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research idea and need support implementing it. Interestingly enough, students who were at the earlier stages of research generally tended to respond more positively to the items tapping at different aspects of the workshop, indicating that they found it most beneficial. In the future, the ARM programme could be expanded to include workshops that help students more easily navigate the planning stage. The trialling of the programme in Universities in East Africa suggests a valuable resource for advancing the student’s research methodology skills and knowledge.

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Ben Kei Daniel Ph.D., SMIEEE, is a Professor of Educational Technologies (Artificial Intelligence in Education) and Research Methodologies in Higher Education. He is the Head of the Department in the Higher Education Development Centre (HEDC) at the University of Otago, New Zealand. His research focuses on investigating Big Data and Analytics and digital transformation (DX) in higher education. In addition, Ben is researching what constitutes “best practice teaching” in research methods. Dr. Ana Stojanov is a Lecturer in Higher Education at the University of Otago, New Zealand. She runs workshops focused on theories of teaching and learning, quantitative research methods and basic statistical concepts. Her research interests are broad and emerging, but they all relate to academic literacy. She is particularly interested in how students master difficult statistical concepts.

Digital Learning Technologies and Practice

Effects of COVID-19 on the Higher Education Online Learning in Sub-Saharan Africa: Evidence from Zambia Maxwell A. Phiri and Shem Sikombe

Abstract This chapter seeks to identify the main factors influencing university students’ satisfaction with online learning and their experience with the opportunities and challenges of using online learning during the COVID-19 pandemic. A survey of three universities resulted in a response rate of 44.5% of questionnaires that were subjected to confirmatory factor analysis and Maximum Likelihood estimation using structural equation modelling. The main factors identified and validated through confirmatory factor analysis are training, internet self-efficacy, platform availability, service quality, perceived usefulness, perceived cognitive absorption, confirmation, information quality and satisfaction. In terms of direct and indirect causal effects, training has a significant and positive effect on internet self-efficacy. Similarly, internet self-efficacy has a significant and positive effect on perceived usefulness and perceived usefulness on satisfaction. Additionally, platform availability and service quality have a significant and positive effect on satisfaction. Furthermore, perceived cognitive absorption has a significant and negative effect on satisfaction. However, information quality and service quality have no significant effect on the confirmation. Contrary to previous studies, confirmation did not affect both perceived usefulness and satisfaction. The findings on confirmation can be attributed to the low implementation of online learning in Zambia and Sub-Saharan Africa in general. Therefore, students’ perception of the congruence between the expectation of online learning use and its actual performance could be limited. Students’ experience with online learning reveals that the system provides opportunities to manage study time, course load and privacy. However, findings also show that students face several challenges centred on the intermittent internet network, high cost of internet, online learning platform instability and insufficient online learning infrastructure. The research proposes a validated model for predicting students’ satisfaction with online learning during

M. A. Phiri School of Management, IT and Governance, University of Kwazulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] S. Sikombe (B) School of Business, Copperbelt University, Kitwe, Zambia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 B. K. Daniel and R. Bisaso (eds.), Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3212-2_15

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the COVID-19 pandemic in Zambia and Sub-Saharan Africa in general. Furthermore, suggestions for ameliorating the challenges related to online learning have been proposed. Keywords Online learning · COVID-19 pandemic · Students’ satisfaction · Higher learning institutions · Sub-Saharan Africa · Zambia

1 Introduction The outbreak of novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) globally, particularly in Africa, has caused unprecedented disruption to the higher education sector. Pre-COVID-19, online learning has been utilised on relatively a small scale. However, the pandemic has provided prospects for restructuring the conventional classroom-based educational system in the higher education sector in Sub-Saharan Africa. It has provided an opportunity to re-examine online learning to a large extent (World Economic Forum, 2020). Most higher learning institutions have taken practical steps towards adopting a blended learning approach involving various online learning platforms to improve students’ access and equity. However, according to UNESCO (2020), 89% of Sub-Saharan African students do not have home computers, and 82% do not have access to the internet. Several universities have negotiated with internet service providers to zero-rate online learning platforms in response to these challenges. In some instances, universities have made data packages and computers available to some students to improve access to online learning platforms. However, despite these innovative responses, there is limited research on factors that affect students’ satisfaction regarding online learning. Another underexplored area is the student’s experience of the opportunities and challenges of the full rollout of online learning during the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 has severely impacted students and higher learning institutions worldwide (Adnan & Anwar, 2020). In response to this, many countries, including Zambia, closed learning institutions across the country in the first quarter of 2020 to observe the evolution of the pandemic. However, in June 2020, graduating students opened schools, followed by the rest of the students in September 2020 under the ‘new normal, emphasising a blended approach to learning that involves both physical and online learning. Zambia’s current situation is a fair representation of how governments in Sub-Saharan Africa have been responding to COVID-19 regarding higher education learning’ (World Economic Forum, 2020). Similarly, in other continents, steps have been taken in the higher education sector to contain the spread of COVID-19. For example, Shahzad et al. (2020) report that almost 120 countries stopped physical learning affecting approximately a billion students worldwide in March 2020. Furthermore, higher education institutions were advised to migrate to mandatory online learning to avoid losing learning time (Chen et al., 2020; Shahzad et al., 2020). However, there are several challenges to the rapid transition from traditional face-to-face learning to online learning, such as students’

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adaptability, investment in online infrastructure and general change management processes. Nevertheless, because nobody knows when the pandemic will cease to exist, higher education institutions have chosen to exploit the available tools to make online learning operational on a wide scale by leveraging information and communication technologies (Agarwal & Kaushik, 2020). Technology development has significantly increased society’s dependence on information and communication technology (Farahat, 2012; Sharma et al., 2020). Information and communication technology offers user flexibility, efficiency and tremendous success in task performance (Carlos et al., 2006; Dominici & Palumbo, 2013; Erichsen et al., 2014; Sharma et al., 2020). One of the critical sectors leveraging information and communication technology like never before is the higher education sector through online learning. Higher education institutions globally are increasingly embracing online learning to facilitate information exchange and collaborative learning (Chen et al., 2020; Farahat, 2012), which has significantly increased with the advent of the pandemic.

2 Online Learning and Implications During COVID-19 Pandemic Ideally, online learning has previously been utilised on a relatively small scale during pre-covid times (Coman et al., 2020). However, the pandemic has provided an opportunity to re-examine the conventional classroom-based educational system in the higher education sector, including Sub-Saharan Africa (Chen et al., 2020; Reimers et al., 2020). For example, how can online learning be applied to a large extent during and post-COVID-19? A baseline study on COVID-19 impact on Africa, the Americas, Asia and Pacific and Europe by Marinoni et al. (2020) argue that Africa was severely affected by ted the pandemic due to limited communication infrastructure lockdown down. However, the study also reveals that African HEIs were optimistic about new enrolments in the coming years despite the impact of the pandemic (Marinoni et al., 2020). Nevertheless, there is limited research on students’ satisfaction regarding online learning during the pandemic in Sub-Saharan Africa. Similar studies emphasise the importance of students’ satisfaction with online learning in other regions. For example, in the study of faculty satisfaction with online learning in America, Marasi et al. (2020) argue that faculty satisfaction is essential for online learning success. Chen et al. (2020) reiterate the importance of user satisfaction on online education platforms in China during the COVID-19 and found that platform availability had the most significant impact on online learning satisfaction. Furthermore, Yekefallah et al. (2021) argue that to ensure acceptance of e-learning by students, understanding satisfaction is a critical aspect and a significant indicator of educational quality. However, Debrah et al. (2021) take a unique perspective to explore instructional experiences in education colleges that conventionally focus on

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face-to-face interactions. The study reveals several challenges affecting students’ experiences, such as poor internet connectivity, inadequate infrastructure and high cost of data. Furthermore, the study recommends the institutionalisation of online learning in the curriculum in Ghana. In Sub-Saharan Africa, very little is known regarding students’ satisfaction with online learning (Asunka, 2008). Student satisfaction is a critical aspect of online learning quality and success (Yekefallah et al., 2021). Second, the ability to effectively learn digitally is likely to vary based on various online learning infrastructures and devices, as illustrated above (UNESCO, 2020). Third, unlike conventional faceto-face classroom learning, which involves a great deal of interaction, this aspect is missing in online learning. Therefore, we argue that lack of interaction can significantly and adversely impact students’ satisfaction with online learning. Fourth, COVID-19 has significantly affected resource distribution, with health emergencies being the priority leaving other sectors such as the higher education institutions underfunded. The COVID-19 emergence has left minimal investment resources in mandatory online learning infrastructures such as computers, and access to fast, affordable and reliable internet connectivity by both students and lecturers. Additionally, the opportunities and challenges of online learning in the context of the pandemic have also received limited research attention. Finally, the few studies on the subject matter exclusively focus on Asian, American and European countries such as China, Malaysia, Pakistan, Italy and Taiwan (Alsamarraie et al., 2019; Bauk et al., 2014; Dominici & Palumbo, 2013; Mailizar et al., 2021; Marasi et al., 2020; Sharma et al., 2020). Therefore, extending similar studies to the Sub-Saharan African countries will provide some exciting lessons using evidence from Zambia. This is because online learning’s success should be evaluated among others from the end-user perspectives, such as students (Adnan & Anwar, 2020). Therefore, the chapter addresses the following research questions: Research question 1: What main factors influence university students’ satisfaction with online learning during the COVID-19 pandemic? Research question 2: How do the factors affect students’ satisfaction with online learning during the COVID-19 pandemic? Research question 3: What are the main opportunities and challenges of online learning during the COVID-19 pandemic from students’ perceptions? The remainder of the chapter is organised as follows: Sect. 3 discusses online learning and students’ satisfaction, leading to the proposed model and hypotheses in Sect. 4. Section 5 outlines the research methodology and is followed by qualitative and quantitative data analyses in Sect. 6. Discussion of findings and conclusions are presented in Sects. 7 and 8.

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3 Online Learning and Student Satisfaction The most popular model for evaluating customer service satisfaction in the service sector is SERVQUAL (Service Quality). The model was first proposed by Parasuraman et al. (1985, 1988) and measures service quality using five dimensions, namely tangibility, reliability, responsiveness, assurance and empathy. In the SERVQUAL model, Parasuraman et al. (1985) describe service quality as the difference between expected and perceived service. The key to ensuring the quality of service is to meet or exceed customer expectations regarding service quality delivery (Zeithaml et al., 2002). The model has been significantly used in measuring the perception of service quality in service sectors. For example, in the study of higher education quality and student satisfaction in Zambia, Mwiya et al. (2017) applied the service performance model as an extension of SERVQUAL. The study found that service quality performance dimensions were significantly associated with overall student satisfaction, which affected students’ behavioural intentions. The findings were consistent with similar related studies in Colombia (Melchor & Bravo, 2012) and Jordan (Twaissi & Al-kilani, 2015). Furthermore, Delone and Mclean (1992) proposed an interactive framework for operationalising the information system (IS) success. They included the influence of information and service quality on user satisfaction. However, Chen et al. (2020) note that system quality and information quality have a specific and common effect on system use and user satisfaction in the model. Additionally, Shahzad et al. (2020) applied the updated Delone and Mclean (2003) IS Success model for understanding the effect of information quality, system quality and service quality on the net benefits of online learning in Malaysia. Shahzad et al. (2020) found that similar factors significantly influenced female and male students’ satisfaction and E-learning portals. However, Erichsen et al. (2014) established significant differences between male and female students regarding online Ph.D. supervision satisfaction levels. Additionally, initially developed by Davis (1989), a technology acceptance model (TAM) is anchored on three main variables, namely perceived usefulness, ease of use and user acceptance of information. The TAM has been extensively applied to understanding students’ satisfaction with online learning (Bhattacherjee, 2001; Carlos et al., 2006; Farahat, 2012; Mailizar et al., 2021; Marasi et al., 2020). TAM has gained considerable attention in understanding and managing the process of new information and communication technology adoption, satisfaction and intention to continue using online learning (Bøe et al., 2020). The TAM is used to predict any information and communication technology system’s acceptability, including online learning in higher education institutions, before implementation through perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use (Bøe et al., 2020; Mailizar et al., 2021). Perceived usefulness is the degree to which an individual assumes that technology can yield better results (Bhattacherjee, 2001). This suggests that if students perceive that the online learning system will improve their results, they are more likely to use online learning (Luan & Teo, 2009). Perceived ease of use describes the user’s understanding of the amount of effort needed to use the system or the degree to which the user feels

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that using a specific technology would be effortless (Bhattacherjee, 2001; Luan & Teo, 2009). Therefore, we argue that perceived ease of use is the students’ perception of the degree of effort needed to learn using online learning. Customer satisfaction is the state of enjoyment or disappointment caused by contrasting the product has perceived effect or service with the anticipated gain (Bøe et al., 2020; Carlos et al., 2006; Chen et al., 2020). Martín-rodríguez et al. (2015) add that customer satisfaction is a measure of the difference between one’s expectations and the yield perceived in terms of the good or service. In the study of students’ perceptions of Ph.D. supervision in America, Erichsen et al. (2014) found that students who were supervised online were less satisfied than traditional face-toface supervision. The study also established that male students were more satisfied with online supervision than their female counterparts (Erichsen et al., 2014). Additionally, Al-samarraie et al. (2019) argue that the level of students’ satisfaction with the e-learning system could have far-reaching implications on their overall university experience. Furthermore, in their study, Chen et al. (2020) focused on the quality of interaction, platform availability, service quality, information quality, system quality and personal factors regarding user satisfaction with online learning. Similarly, Carlos et al. (2006), using an extension of the TAM to understand e-learning continuance intention, identify information quality, service quality and system quality, perceived usefulness, perceived cognitive absorption and perceived ease of use, and internet self-efficacy as influential factors on online learning in addition to interpersonal and external influence. Additionally, in the study on the determinants of students’ acceptance of online learning and how these determinants can shape students’ intention to use online learning in Egypt, Farahat (2012) identified the social influence of students’ referent group, perceived usefulness, perceived ease of use and attitude towards using online learning as crucial determinants of students’ behavioural intention to use online learning. However, these variables have varied influences on online learning user satisfaction; for example, Martín-rodríguez et al. (2015) summarise that course, technology and interaction significantly affected online learning satisfaction. Chen et al. (2020) found that three variables, namely the quality interaction, platform availability and service quality, significantly affected customer satisfaction. However, personal factors had no direct influence on user satisfaction. Therefore, Chen et al. (2020) concluded that consumers had a rational mindset and were not emotionally prejudiced with online learning. In the same vein, Carlos et al. (2006) found that perceived quality, perceived usefulness and perceived control significantly affected satisfaction. Nevertheless, the subjective standards of interpersonal and external control did not have a significant impact on satisfaction. The findings by Carlos et al. (2006) are corroborated by Chen et al. (2020) on interpersonal influence on online learning satisfaction. However, Farahat (2012) found that students tended to have a negative attitude towards using online learning at Egyptian universities. Contrary to the preceding findings, Agarwal and Kaushik (2020) found that online sessions disrupted a monotonous routine, which led to effective use of study time. The content was easy to access

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among postgraduate medical students. Additionally, students felt inspired to read course material and not worry about the COVID-19 pandemic (Agarwal & Kaushik, 2020). Furthermore, Bøe et al. (2020) argue that online learning is highly dependent on user satisfaction which influences the user intention to continue using the system. Additionally, Farahat (2012) adds that the effective implementation of online learning requires the buy-in of key stakeholders. User acceptance of an online learning system is an essential factor determining the success or failure of the online learning system (Al-samarraie et al., 2019; Bøe et al., 2020; Carlos et al., 2006). Therefore, higher learning institutions need to know before implementing online learning if students will accept the system. However, it is even more critical now under the COVID-19 pandemic, which has forced most higher learning institutions to migrate to fullscale online learning mandatorily. Therefore, it is more compelling to examine students’ satisfaction levels with regard to using online learning during the COVID19 pandemic. Furthermore, it is also essential to explore online learning opportunities and challenges during the pandemic in Sub-Saharan Africa using evidence from developing countries like Zambia.

4 Proposed Model and Hypotheses Despite higher education receiving a reasonable discourse on the effect of various factors affecting students’ satisfaction with online learning, most of the studies were conducted before the COVID-19 pandemic and yielded varying results. However, even during pre-covid times, Sub-Saharan Africa has not received significant scholarly attention on this subject. In this research, we have reviewed the literature on relevant theoretical models (Al-samarraie et al., 2019; Bhattacherjee, 2001; Carlos et al., 2006; Chen et al., 2020; Delone & Mclean, 1992; Marasi et al., 2020; Parasuraman et al., 1985, 1988). After confirmatory factor analysis, some factors were dropped. The chapter will apply a combination of SERVQUAL, IS success model and TAM models to examine the influence of information quality, service quality, training, internet self-efficacy, perceived usability, platform availability, perceived cognitive absorption and confirmation on students’ satisfaction with online learning. The above constructs are summarised in Fig. 1.

4.1 Hypotheses Information and service quality have considerable implications on the quality of the outcomes and, ultimately, customers’ satisfaction in the IS domain (Carlos et al., 2006). Therefore, the quality of the information refers to the quality of the output, such as the timeliness and accuracy of the information produced by the information system (Delone & Mclean, 1992; Mckinney et al., 2002). On the other hand,

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Fig. 1 A proposed model for predicting students’ satisfaction with online learning (Note SQ— service quality, TR—training, ISE—internet self-efficacy, PU—perceived usability, PA—platform availability, SAT—satisfaction, IQ—information quality, PCA—perceived cognitive absorption, CONF—confirmation)

service quality refers to evaluations of the superiority of a service in terms of the variations between perceptions and experiences of the consumer (Parasuraman et al., 1985, 1988). Previous studies have shown that these variables influence customer satisfaction (Carlos et al., 2006). Furthermore, Carlos et al. (2006) argue that perceived usefulness significantly affects user satisfaction with online learning. Similarly, Franque et al. (2020) observe that the most-studied constructs from previous studies that influence user satisfaction and IS continuance intention are perceived usefulness, perceived ease of use, service quality, information quality, confirmation and continuance intention. Additionally, Bøe et al. (2020) reiterate that satisfaction, perceived usefulness and confirmation were the most widely used constructs in extant literature. However, in a meta-analysis study, Franque et al. (2020) argue that the variables and relationships used in IS continuance intention are very scattered. The studies examine various IS technologies from different periods and different geographical areas with distinct cultures. Therefore, this research considers that information quality, service quality, perceived usefulness, perceived cognitive absorption and confirmation have a major impact on student satisfaction with online learning during the COVID-19 pandemic in the context of a developing country Zambia in Sub-Saharan Africa. Farahat (2012) suggests that students’ satisfaction with online learning could be due to their perceived ease of use. Perceived ease of use could be shown by their

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desire to use the internet and information and communication technology alongside their ability to participate in autonomous learning. Besides, an individual’s understanding of online learning’s usefulness is an important attribute that can improve their academic performance in online learning. Moreover, previous experience with information and communication technology, such as internet self-efficacy, can also affect students’ intention to learn online (Hsu & Chiu, 2004). Furthermore, Adnan and Anwar (2020) argue that students must have sound computer and internet skills to engage in online learning activities to ensure an efficient and fruitful online programme. Therefore, internet self-efficacy can significantly influence online perceived usefulness and, subsequently, satisfaction, as previous studies have shown (Carlos et al., 2006). Furthermore, in their investigation of faculty satisfaction with online teaching in America, Marasi et al. (2020) found that training related to online teaching and course management significantly affects job satisfaction. This point is reiterated by Agarwal and Kaushik (2020), who acknowledged that the COVID-19 pandemic exposed the importance of online training for paediatric postgraduate students in India. Therefore, we extend these arguments and hypothesise that training students on online learning may improve their internet self-efficacy, which may, in turn, lead to positive perceived usefulness and satisfaction with online learning. In a similar study, Chen et al. (2020) found that online learning platform availability significantly affected students’ satisfaction with online learning. Online learning platforms, such as Zoom, Google Classroom, Edmodo and Moodle, offer online classroom technology. However, students may face challenges when using online learning systems such as slow internet, cost of data and limited individual computer and internet skills to navigate the system (Chen et al., 2020). Therefore, it is essential to understand if the online learning platform availability meets students’ satisfaction levels, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic. The following hypotheses are derived from the above discussions considering the new operating environment under the COVID-19 pandemic, which demands complete migration to the online learning system. The ‘new normal’ requires addressing factors that may affect online learning and the satisfaction of a large population of students. The study examines the levels of students’ satisfaction with online learning in Sub-Saharan Africa using Zambia as a typical case and posits the following hypotheses: Hypothesis 1: Information quality positively affects confirmation levels of students’ expectations with online learning. Hypothesis 2: Service quality positively affects confirmation levels of students’ expectations with online learning. Hypothesis 3: Service quality positively affects students’ satisfaction with online learning. Hypothesis 4: Training positively affects the internet self-efficacy of a student. Hypothesis 5: Internet self-efficacy of a student positively affects the perceived usefulness of online learning. Hypothesis 6: Perceived cognitive absorption positively affects satisfaction.

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Hypothesis 7: Platform availability positively affects satisfaction. Hypothesis 8: Confirmation while using online learning positively affects satisfaction. Hypothesis 9: Confirmation while using online learning positively affects perceived usefulness. Hypothesis 10: Perceived usefulness positively affects satisfaction.

5 Methods 5.1 Study Context Zambia is a Southern African country with a population of approximately 17 million and covers about 752,618 square kilometres (Office Central Statistical, 2019). The population density is relatively low, at 22 persons per square kilometre compared with an average of 44 for Sub-Saharan Africa (Ibid.). Zambia’s education follows a threetier system of early childhood education, primary school, junior secondary, senior secondary and higher education comprising colleges and universities (Mkandawire & Iion, 2019). Since 1990 the higher education sector in Zambia has evolved, and the education system has been liberalised, which has led to an increase in the private sector players. However, the sector still suffers from limited infrastructure, including investment in information and communication technology and physical infrastructure (Mkandawire & Iion, 2019). As of late 2018, Zambia had six public universities comprising about 57,000 students and seventeen private universities comprising over 35,000 students (Masaiti & Simuyaba, 2018). However, the Higher Education Authority (2021) report shows that Zambia currently has nine public and 54 private universities with around 110,000 students. The current chapter focused on three universities that implemented online learning systems, particularly during the COVID-19 lockdown periods between March and November 2020, representing a population of about 40,000 students. Of the three, one is a private university. Most of the universities have not fully established online learning systems. Furthermore, before the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, online learning has been voluntary and was implemented on a relatively low scale for distance education students. However, this scenario changed significantly with the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic for the surveyed three universities, which were forced to migrate to online learning during the stated period. The stated universities have continued implementing a blended approach comprising online learning and physical classes in the wake of the second wave of the COVID-19 variant in 2021.

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5.2 Measures The operationalisation of the constructs was based on existing and validated instruments. The constructs were adapted from different studies in higher education studies and the IS success model, for example, information quality, perceived usefulness, internet self-efficacy, perceived cognitive absorption, confirmation and some measures of satisfaction were adapted from Carlos et al. (2006). They conducted a study on e-learning continuance intention using an extended TAM. The study demonstrated that the user’s intention to continue using an online system is determined by satisfaction. Additionally, satisfaction is jointly influenced by perceived usefulness, information quality, confirmation, service quality, system quality, perceived ease of use and perceived cognitive absorption. Similarly, Bhattacherjee (2001) initially applied the IS continuance model measures in the banking sector and found that perceived usefulness and confirmation significantly influenced satisfaction which subsequently affected IS continuance intention. Furthermore, the construct platform availability and some measurement items for the satisfaction construct were adapted from Chen et al. (2020). The study established that platform availability significantly influenced user satisfaction during the COVID19 pandemic in China (Chen et al., 2020). The training construct was adapted from Marasi et al. (2020), who examined faculty satisfaction with online teaching in America using Herzberg’s two-factor theory. The study found that overall, lecturers were satisfied with online learning. Agarwal and Kaushik (2020) corroborate the importance of training students on using online learning as a contributing factor to satisfaction using postgraduate medical students in India. Table 1 summarises the main constructs, operational definitions and references. Furthermore, item measurements, factor loadings, composite factor reliability and Cronbach’s Alpha reliability are presented in Appendix I. The composite factor and Cronbach’s Alpha reliability values were greater than 0.60 and, therefore, acceptable as recommended. Together, these results suggest that each scale demonstrated convergent validity (Field, 2009; Hair et al., 2014; Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007).

5.3 Sample Characteristics A total of 600 questionnaires were distributed online to all identifiable universities accompanied by a cover letter requesting the Registrar or Vice-Chancellor of the university to approve data collection from their students through a shared link. Some universities could not respond while others declined to participate. However, three universities agreed to participate and shared the questionnaire link with their students. Nonresponse from other universities could be attributed lack of implementation of the online learning system, particularly the private universities. The data collection was conducted between September and November 2020. After one month,

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Table 1 Operational definitions and sources Construct

Definition

References

Training

Training on how to use the online learning system

Marasi et al. (2020)

Information quality

Information quality refers to the quality of the output generated by an information system, such as information accuracy and timeliness

Carlos et al. (2006)

Service quality

Service quality is the evaluation relating to the superiority of a service

Carlos et al. (2006)

Perceived cognitive absorption

Cognitive absorption in the IS domain indicates a state of deep involvement and enjoyment of the software

Carlos et al. (2006)

Internet self-efficacy

Internet self-efficacy is the belief that one can effectively use the internet over and above basic personal computer skills

Carlos et al. (2006)

Perceived usefulness

Students’ perception of the expected benefit of online learning use

Carlos et al. (2006) and Bhattacherjee (2001)

Confirmation

Students’ perception of the congruence between the expectation of online learning use and its actual performance

Carlos et al. (2006) and Bhattacherjee (2001)

Platform availability

Students’ expectations that the platform could meet their Chen et al. learning needs and provide necessary functions for learning (2020)

Satisfaction

Students’ affect with (feelings about) online learning use

Carlos et al. (2006) and Bhattacherjee (2001)

a reminder was sent requesting respondents to answer the questionnaire. Another reminder was sent two weeks after, and the survey was closed after two months. A total of 267 completed questionnaires were collected and analysed. Table 2 shows the demographic information of respondents. The majority of respondents were male (63%), and most of the respondents came from two public universities representing (89%). The demographic information also reveals that the most popular online learning platforms are Zoom (29.6%), followed by Edmodo (20.6%) and Moodle (19.1%). Most students access online learning using smartphones (67.4%), and the majority were third and fourth years (about 33% each). The students were predominantly from the Business and Social Sciences (77%).

Effects of COVID-19 on the Higher Education Online Learning … Table 2 Demographic information of respondents Gender University E-platforms

Tools

Year of Study

Field of study

261

N

Frequency (%)

Female

105

37

Male

162

63

Private

30

11

Public

237

89

Moodle

51

19.1

Edmodo

55

20.6

Google Classroom

42

15.7

Zoom

79

29.6

Astra learning

10

3.7

Gmail meetings

4

1.5

Others

26

9.7

Laptop

71

26.6

Desktop

10

3.7

Smartphone

180

67.4

Tablet

6

2.2

First

57

21.3

Second

34

12.7

Third

88

33

Fourth

86

32.2

Five

2

0.7

Business and Social sciences

204

77

Science

39

14.6

Engineering

15

5.6

Medicine

8

3

6 Measurement Model Results Confirmatory factor analysis was used to validate the constructs in Amos 25 using the Maximum Likelihood estimation (see Appendix II). The average extracted variance (AVE) values were greater than 0.50. The diagonal values in Table 3 are the square root of the AVE. These values should be higher than the inter-construct correlations to demonstrate adequate discriminant validity (Field, 2009; Hair et al., 2014; Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007).

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Table 3 Correlations of latent variables 1 TR

2

3

4

5

6

7

ISE

0.487

PA

0.523

0.631

0.794

SQ

0.620

0.653

0.688

0.795

PU

0.437

0.679

0.545

0.652

0.601

0.634

0.708

0.790

0.672

0.818

PCA

0.093

0.149

0.133

0.182

0.024

0.005

CONF

9

0.800

SAT

IQ

8

0.789

0.875 –

0.030

−0.073

−0.011

−0.032

0.047

0.050

0.021

0.828

−0.159

−0.190

−0.201

−0.231

−0.352

−0.335

−0.418

−0.054

0.773

The obtained values for discriminant validity (diagonal figures in italics) are also the average extracted variance squared. Each construct’s value exceeded its highest correlation with any other construct. The findings showed that discriminant validity was not a problem with the data. Note PCA only had two measurement items. Hence, AVE could not be computed. TR—training, ISE—internet self-efficacy, PAv—platform availability, SQ—service quality, PU—perceived usefulness, SAT—satisfaction, PCA—perceived cognitive absorption, CONF—confirmation, IQ— information quality

6.1 Assessment of Common Method Bias Podsakoff et al. (2003) assert that common method bias is a serious problem in research, particularly for single respondents, because it threatens the validity and reliability of research findings. Common method bias is the degree to which parameter estimates converge to values different from their true population value due to the presence of measurement errors (Siemsen et al., 2010). The chapter checked whether common method bias posed a serious problem by specifying all items to load onto a single latent variable. The model did not fit the data well, χ 2 = 4471.255, DF = 902 and χ 2 /DF = 4.957; RMSEA = 0.122, PNFI = 0.519, PCFI = 0.570, CFI = 0.598, TLI = 0.578, RMR = 0.135, GFI = 0.464 and PGFI = 0.423. The results suggest that a single factor does not describe the data; hence, common method bias may not be a problem in the current study.

6.2 Tests on Hypotheses There were ten hypothesised relationships among constructions. After data analysis using Structural Equation Modelling and applying the Maximum Likelihood estimation, the results indicate that six out of ten hypotheses were supported. H3 (b = 0.513, t = 7.773, SE = 0.066), H4 (b = 0.595, t = 7.986, SE = 0.075), H5 (b = 0.766, t = 11.023, SE = 0.069), H7 (b = 0.426, t = 4.114, SE = 0.104) and H10 (b = 0.220, t = 5.961, SE = 0.037) were significant at p < 0.01. Hypotheses H6 (b =

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Table 4 Regression estimates Estimate

SE

t

P

Comment