Guanzi: Political, Economic, and Philosophical Essays from Early China, Volume Two [2] 0691048169, 9780691048161

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Princeton Library of Asian Translations

GUANZI 管子 Political, Economic, and Philosophical Essays from Early China a n d t r a n s l a t io n by

a study

W. Allyn Rickett

Volume Two C H A P T E R S XII，35—XXIV， 86

Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey

Copyright © 1998 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton New Jersey 08542 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 6 Oxford Street, Woodstock, Oxfordshire 0X20 1TR All Rights Reserved First paperback printing, 2021 Paperback ISBN 978-0-691-21898-4 The Library of Congress has catalogued the cloth edition as follows: Kuan, Chung, d. 645 B.C. Guanzi: political, economic, and philosophical essays from early China. (Princeton library of Asian translations) Translation of: Kuan-tzu/Kuan Chung Parallel title in Chinese characters “In 1955,1 revised part of my translation of the Guanzi’s surviving seventy-six chapters and submitted eight of them as a Ph.D. dissertation to the University of Pennsylvania. . . In 1965 the University of Hong Kong Press published my Kuan-tzu: A repository of early Chinese thought, which contained twelve chapters, including the original eight of my dissertation”一Pref. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Philosophy, Chinese. I. Rickett, W. Allyn, 1921- II. Title. III. Title: Kuan-tzu. IV. Series B128.K832E57 1985 181M1 84-15094 ISBN 0-691-06605-1 (v. 1: alk. paper) ISBN 0-691-04816-9 (v. 2: alk. paper) This book has been composed in Monotype Times New Roman and Union Way Fang Song 仿 宋 press.princeton.edu Printed in the United States of America

ISBN-13: 978-0-691-04816-1 (cloth) ISBN-10: 0-691-04816-9 (cloth)

Contents

Preface

ix

Introduction General Content of Volume Two, 3; Changes in Format, 4; Special Terms, 5; Rhymes, 6; Recent Developments in Guanzi Studies, 8; Translation Procedures and Methods of Notation, 9

3

GUANZI XII, 35. CWM•侈 靡 （follows XIX, 59) XVI, 49. Ife 内 業， Inner Workings, and Introduction to the Four “Xin shu” Chapters

15

XIII, 36. Xin Shu Shang ^ # J ：(follows XIII, 37) XIII, 37. Xin Shu Xia /C: # T , Art of the Mind, Part II

56

XIII, 36. Xin Shu Shang

65

XIII, 3 8 U &

# J i, Art of the Mind, Part I

白心， Purifying the Mind

82

D/ 水地， Water and Earth

98

XIV，40. «SV5W 四時， The Four Seasons

108

XIV, 4 1 .奶 / 刀 五 行 ， Five Phases

118

XV, 42. 5W 勢， On Paying Attention to Circumstances XV， 43. ZAe/tg 正， Rectification

129 136

XV， 44. 九變， The Nine Alternatives XV, 45. ite/z 心 任 法 ， Reliance on Law

140 143

XIV, 39.

XV, 46. XXI， 67,

Fa 明法， On Making the Law Clear, and Fa J/e 明法解， Explanation of the “Ming Fa”

152

XV， 47.

iS/n• 正世， Rectifying the Age

170

XV， 48. Z/»’ Gi/o 治國， Maintaining the State in Good Order

175

XVI， 49. Afe; Ife 内 業 （precedes XIII， 36) XVI，50. 心喂 SAfln 封襌 ， The Feng and Shan Sacrifices XVI， 51 •

小問， Minor Queries

181 186 v

CONTENTS XVII，52. 0* C/i抓 0 Z/m 七臣七主， Seven Ministers and Seven Rulers XVII, 53. Jin Cang ^ On Maintaining Restraint Gwo 入國， On Entering the Capital

XVIII, 54.

201 214 227

XVIII，55. Aw

九守， Nine Things t6 Be Preserved

231

XVIII, 56.价 咖

GOTg 恥” 桓公問， Queries of Duke Huan

238

XVIII，57. Dm ZW度地， On Appraising the Terrain

240

XIX， 58. /) ，• K/训 地 _ ， Categories of Land XIX, 59. ZWd ZAz•弟子職， Duties of the Student XII, 35. CW Mz•侈靡， On Extravagance in Spending

254 283 292

XIX， 60.

Z/wo 言 昭 （ lost)

XIX， 61. Aiw 泓 修 身 （ lost) 問霸 （ lost)

XIX,62.

XIX，63. Mw Afi/i 牡民解（ lost) XX， 64. 劭 /J/e 形 勢 解 （see Volume One, 1,2) Baf Jie 立政 九敗解（see Volume One, I， 4)

XXI， 65. Zi ZAe叹

XXI, 66. Tie 版 法 解 （see Volume One, II， 7) XXI, 67. Ming 明法解（see XV， 46) XXI，68. Cftew C/ie叩 臣 乘 馬 ， and Introduction to the Z/wng 輕重 Section XXI， 69. CAe/ig Afa SAw 乘馬數， The Art of Fiscal Management XXI， 70. Wfert

337 364

Afa 問乘馬（ lost)

XXII, I X . S h i Y u ^ % , Discourse on Economic Matters

368

XXII, 72. Hai Wang

372

i , Kingship Based on the Sea

Zw 國蓄， The State’s Store of Grain

376

XXII， 74. 5%仰 Gwo Gmz• 山國軌， Using Statistics to Control State Finances

388

XXII, 75. STiaw gwan 57m 山權數， Methods for Coping with Change

396

XXII，76. iSTia/i ZW iSAm 山 至 數 ， The Best Methods for Insuring Fiscal Control

406

XXII, 73.

vi

CONTENTS XXIII, 77. Di Shu l i

Methods for Exploiting the Earth

421

XXIII, 78. KuiDu

Calculations and Measures

430

XXIII, 7 9 U t m in State Finances

國准， Maintaining Stability

443

XXIII, 80. 輕重甲， Economic Policies, Part A

446

XXIV ，81. Qing Zhong Yi 輕重乙， Qing zhong Economic Policies, Part B

466

XXIV, 82.

ZAo/tg

XXIV， 83. Economic Policies, Part D

輕重丙（ lost) 輕重丁， gfwg zAo/zg

XXIV， 84. gz>zg ZAong 肠 輕重戊， 2z>jg Economic Policies, Part E XXTV， 85. Qing Zhortg Ji 輕重己， Qing zhong Economic Policies, Part F

480 498 509

XXIV, 86. 0 呢 及洲客Ge咫輕重庚（ lost) Appendix. End-Rhymes for Rhymed Passages in Guanzi Volume One

517

Bibliography

525

Abbreviations, 525; Commentators, 525; Older Works in Chinese and Japanese, 529; Recent Works in Chinese and Japanese, 535; Works in Other Languages, 541

Index

547

vii

Preface

It has been almost a dozen years since the publication of the first volume of this translation of the Guanzi, much longer than I had ever anticipated. Some of this delay has been due to complications encoun­ tered in preparing the manuscript for electronic publication, some to the especially difficult nature of several chapters, but a lot to the increasing inefficiency of old age. Fortunately, throughout the process I received tremendous help from friends and scholars both here and abroad. Initial help came in the form of reviews of the first volume, especially those by William Boltz, Robin Yates, and Roger Ames, which led to some changes in the way I have handled matters in this second volume, as outlined in the introduction. I owe tremendous thanks to William Baxter for getting me started on archaic rhymes, but I also need to absolve him of any blame for the results. John Knoblock, after reading an early draft of my translation of the “Bai xin” chapter (XIII，38), made a number of suggestions that were of great help in coming to grips with that very difficult chapter, and I was also greatly helped by Harold Roth, who went out of his way to send me drafts of his work on early Daoism and the “Nei ye” （ XVI，49) and “Xin shu” （ XIII， 36 and 37) chapters of the GuanzL Many thanks are also due to J. L. Kroll for his comments on my introduction to the “Qing zhong” chapters and to Koichi Shinohara， who was kind enough to send me a copy of his book， Benares to Beijingy thereby introducing me to the important studies of Kanaya Osamu on the G如 故 I also owe a great debt of gratitude to many Chinese friends， including Ma Feibai, Hu Jiacong, Wu Baosan, and Zhao Shouzheng in Beijing and Wang Demin and Chen Shuyi, editors of the Guanzi xuekan, in Zibo. Both Zhao Shouzheng and Ma Feibai contributed greatly to this volume. Zhao’’s translation of the into modem Chinese has provided an invaluable check on my own work, while Ma5,s kindness as teacher and friend has left an indelible impression on me. I consider the time I was able to spend with him in Beijing as one of the highlights of my life. His work on the uQing zhong** chapters is crucial to the study of those important texts, and shortly before his sad death in 1984 he presented me with two unpublished manuscripts dealing with the uNei ye,Mwhich I was later able to have published in the Guanzi xuekan. One ix

PREFACE of these, consisting of collected annotations on the text including his own extensive comments, was of major assistance in revising my 1965 translation of the “Nei ye” for this volume. Another person who must be mentioned is David Goodrich, who has made it possible for me to have this volume published by setting me up with the computer program necessary for electronic publication. As hard pressed for time as he is, on countless occasions he interrupted his work to bail me out when I was in trouble. My appreciation of such generosity knows no bounds. Also of tremendous importance during the past two years has been the help and understanding of Lois Wescott Rickett. Finally, there is Adele Austin Rickett, my wife of fifty years, who provided major support for this project from its inception in 1948 to her death in February 1994. In the fall of 1993, realizing that her long struggle with cancer was coming to a close, she gave up her own work to read my manuscript for me, completing the final chapter just days before she died. Her passing has been a terrible loss, and it is to her memory that this volume is dedicated. Medford Leas, Medford, New Jersey December 1996

x

Guanzi f g \

In t r o d u c t io n General Content o f Volume Two This second volume, completing the translation of the remaining fortytwo chapters of the Guanzi (XII, 35-XXIV, 85), contains several of the most difficult and most interesting selections in the entire work.1Among them are the four so-called “Xin shu” 心術 texts, namely, the “Nei ye” 内 業（ XVI, 49)， “Xin shu shang” 心術上 and “xia” 下 （ XIII, 36 and 37)， and “Bai xin” 白心（ XIII， 38)， which are basic to the study of early Chinese theories concerning self-cultivation and the relationship between body and mind as well as the development of Huang-Lao 黃老 political thought.2 Similarly, “Dizi zhi” 弟 李 職 （ XIX, 59) provides us with one of the oldest surviving discussions of education in China, out­ lining the duties of the student and pointing up the fact that the goal of traditional Chinese education was more a matter of shaping attitudes and instilling discipline than the acquisition of knowledge. Included in this volume also are several extremely important philo­ sophical essays dealing with Yin-Yang and Five Phases thought, wSi shi” 四 時 （ XIV, 40) and “Wu xing” 五 行 （ XIV, 41)， as well as what may be the world’s earliest attempt at a systematic study of soils and plant ecology, “Di yuan” 地 員 （ XIX, 58)， and one of the earliest dis­ cussions in Chinese literature of irrigation and flood control， “Du di” 度 地，（ XVIII, 57). Similarly, “Shui di” （ XIV，39)， which deals with the natural and supernatural properties of water, refers to the circulation of blood and oxygen in the body some two thousand years before William Harvey’s discoveries and contains a surprisingly modem description of the development of a human fetus. Equally important are a series of chapters dealing with economic thought, especially “Chi mi” 侈 靡 （ XII，35)， which presents a very modem sounding, and for traditional China very unusual, theory stress­ ing extravagance in spending as a way to promote a stated economic well-being. Moreover， the “Qing zhong” 輕重 chapters (XXI， 68-XXIV， 1Seven chapters from the last half o f the text (XIX, 60-63, XXI, 70, and XXIV, 82 and 86) have been lost. Another three so-called “Jie” 解 chapters (XX，64-XXI, 65 and 66), consisting of line-by-line explanations o f chapters contained in the first volume, have been translated along with the original texts. 2 For a discussion o f Huang-Lao thought, see the introductory comments to the , 少；義， “a sense of duty” or “righteous conduct,” and " 禮， “ritualistic principles” or “propriety，” are valued.19 M e a n in g o f X jn sh u

The use of the term xin shu in connection with these chapters presents a problem. It is a fairly common term in pre-Han and Han literature.20 18 Qiu Xiguiy , (3al-2; 63.12-13). In fact, I believe this ref­ erence to xin shu may well involve deliberate tampering with the text by some early commentator who was attempting to explain the mean­ ing of the title.21 The title itself is appropriate for the primary subject of these chapters, but there is some question about how it should be trans­ lated. The character for jcm，心， is a pictograph of the physical heart, and this is its basic meaning. However, by extension it is also used to refer to the mind or, just as in the West, the emotions.22Why the early Chinese should have associated the mind with the heart radier than the brain (nao , lit., the substance inside the top of the skull) is not at all clear. It probably has something to do with the fact that the beating of the heart, along with the breath, is the most obvious distinction between life and death. 57m originally seems to have meant a “road” or “path,” and by extension “the way things operate,” “method” or “technique，” and finally a “skill” or “art.” The term xin shu appears in one other chapter of the Guanzi, MQi faM 七法 or “Seven Standards” fll, 6/lb7- 8; 1:22.12)， where it is listed as one of the standards along with laws of nature (ze 則)， physical qualities (xfflTig 象)， standards for measurement 〇 法) , forms of transformation (hua i t ) 9permissive or inhibitory actions {jue sai ^ ) , and categories of mensuration (ji shu that are vital for successful rule. Further on (2a5-6; 23.3), the text explains that “Being factual, sincere, liberal, generous, temperate, or altruistic is called xin shu," which I translated there as “patterns of mental behavior.” In the Zhuangziy V, 13/14bl (Watson, Chuang Tzu9pp. 145-146), Li ji, XI, 19/lb8-9 (Legge, Li Ki 28:110), and Huainanzi, 7/1 lb 10 (Morgan, Tao, the Great Luminant, p. 75), all references cited in note 20 above, Xunzit XV, 21/lb8-9 and 13b9-10 (Knoblock, Xunzi 3:100 and 103), and XVIII, 25/ 2b7 (Knoblock, Xunzi 3:176), the Li j i t XI, 19/15a9 (Legge, Li Ki 28:110), the Huaimmzi, 1/I4b7 and 7/llblO (I^lorgan, Me Grea/ 24 and 75)， the {似• ， 3/5bl-6, and the Shuo yuan, 19/13b3 and 14a 10. The uTreatise on Literature** o f the Qian-Han shut 30/23b4-5, also lists a separate work entitled Xin shu. 21 See the “Xin shu shang,” 3 al- 2 (63.12- 13) and n. 36. 22 In my 1965 Kuan-tzu, I rather consistently translated xin as uheartMor uheart/ mind” rather than simply as “mind.” Here I iiave used both “mind” and “heart,” depending upon the context. Actually there are problems connected with all three o f these translations. For a fascinating discussion o f the subject, see Harold H. Oshima, 4w/2g)28 This means that he relaxes his body, geng)29 And without doing anything achieves fame•(名 He abjures the well-spoken word30yet performs the well-done deed. Though his undertakings are successful, he seeks to remain nameless. Those who possess real ability do not become famous.31 They manage their affairs so smoothly there appears to be nothing to it.32 [V] Who is it that is able to establish order33 while not establishing order, (治 cfey) Initiate affairs while not initiating them, (始 Bring them to a conclusion while not bringing them to a conclusion,( 終 办 测 容 ） Be personally involved34while not being personally involved? (躬 kjdwng) Thus it is said: How beautiful the sage, rising like a mountain. MCf. the “Nei ye,” 5a2 (103.1), and “Xin shu xia,” 6 a ll (6 6 .1 4 ): 能 毋 （ 無） 卜筮 ， “Without resorting to tortoise shell and milfoil, can you foretell bad fortune from good?** The Hanfeiziy V, 15/1 alO (Liao, Han Fei Tzu 1:134), when listing portents of ruin, states: a[If the ruler] indulges in selecting lucky days, worships spirits, trusts in divination by tortoise shell and milfoil, and seeks enjoyment from sacrificial feasts, ruin is possible.** The Huainanzi, 8/1 a 11-13 (Morgan, Tao, the Great Luminant, 80)， also states that in the time o f great purity, “there was no recourse to the selection of lucky days, the casting of lots, or divination using trigrams.” 29 The Yang edition writes 刑，“punishments,” for 形，“form” or “body.” Guo Morno would follow the Yang edition since he believes that the discussion is primarily dealing with military affairs. 30 Xu Weiyu would emend 去 to 出 in accordance with the “Appended Treatise A” 繫辭 o f the >7力/1容，VII, 6/5b5-6 (Wilhelm, / CAi/ig 1:328): “The Master said, ‘The man of quality remains within his room. If the words he speaks are well spoken (出其 言 善 )， then from even beyond a thousand ", people will respond to them.’” Thus this sentence would read: *The words he speaks are well spoken; the deeds he performs are well done.” 31 The Yang edition mistakenly writes 0 for 名 . 32The following sen ten ce, 審 置 出 入 而 觀 物 所 栽 ， is clearly out o f place. I have transferred it to 9b2 (69.12). , 33 Emending 法 to 治，both here and below [Guo Moruo]. 34 Following Guo Moruo in emending 弱 （ /vVwA:), “weak,” here and at the end o f the sentence, to 躬 in order to preserve the rhyme. 而知凶吉乎

89

XI II ， 38

70.9

70.10

10b

70.11

70.12

7〇 .i3

BAIXIN

Thus it is also said: Without35 seeking the mean, he achieves it. (+ tiawng)36 Who is it that is able to grasp what lies within this mean? (中 tidwng) And id further: Success once achieved may be destroyed; ( S xiwa) Fame once achieved may be lost. (If k*iwa) And again: Who is it that can reject fame and success (功 And return to being like one of the masses? (同 rfevtTig)37 Who is it that can reject success and fame (名 wytewg) And return to having no accomplishment?(成 Those with no real accomplishments honor having accomplishments.( 成 办 》«g)38 Those having real accomplishments, honor having no accomplish­ ments. (j^, djieng) As the sun reaches its peak， it begins to set; as the moon becomes full, it begins to wane. Things reach their peak only to decline, become full only to shrink, and become great only to be destroyed. Who is it that can make himself forget himself,( 己知 >y)39 To follow Heaven and Earth’s guiding principle? (紀 Way) [VI] Should others speak well of him, the sage pays no heed. t*ieng) Should they speak ill of him, he also pays no heed. t'ieng) 35 Emending 有 to 不 [Yu Yue and Dai Wang]. 36 Wang Niansun would emend 有 中 有 中 to 中 有 有 中 . Thus: “Within the center there is another center.*^ This would accord with a somewhat similar statement appearing in the “Nei ye,” 3 b ll (101.140): 心 之 中 又 有 心 ， “Within the mind there is another m ind.” 37 These two quotations are very similar to the Zhuangzi, VII, 2 0 /llb 9 -1 0 (Watson, Chuang Tzu, 214): *i once heard a man of great accomplishments say, 'Those given to boasting will have no success. Success once achieved may be destroyed; fame once achieved may be lost. Who can rid himself o f success and fame and return to join the masses o f men?,M 38 The meaning of this and the following sentence is not at all clear. I have followed Wang Niansun, who would emend the first sentence, 有 成 無 贵 其 成 也 ， to read 無 成 责 其 有 成 也 ， in accordance with the phraseology o f the following sentence. Guo Moruo, on the other hand, would leave the first sentence as is and emend the second se n te n c e , 有 成 责 其 無 成 也 ， to r e a d 有 成 無 贵 其 成 也 • Thus: “Having no accom­ plishments is honored as an accomplishment. Having accomplishments is not honored as an accomplishment.” 39 The Yang edition for 己 無 已 writes 已 無 已 . I have followed Wang Niansun and Yasui, who would read 已 as 己 and interpret the sentence in accordance with the Yin Zhizhang commentary, emending 無 to 亡 = 忘 .

90

PURIFYING THE MIND

70.14

71.1

71.2 11a 71.3

71.4

71.5

Unswayed， he waits•( 之 （ /fey) Devoid of preconceptions, he never divides his attention• ( 之 （ /fay) Quietly，40 he dears iiis mind. (清 仿 y/e/ig) He does not merely take the word of those beside him that under­ takings have been completed, (j^ djieng) He investigates and seeks verification, refusing to listen to specious arguments•(辯 6 rv t^ ) All things come to him, and the good and the bad both show themselves. ( 見 知 [V II] Heaven must be suspended in place by something; Earth must be supported by something. If Heaven were not suspended in place, it would already have fallen. If Earth were not supported, it would already have sunk. Now Heaven does not fall, nor does Earth sink. Something always suspends or supports them. Again, how much more must this be the case with men. Men must have something to control them. It is like the vibrations of a thunder drum.41 Since a drum is unable to activate itself, something must activate it.42 Now what is this something like? If we look for it， it is not to be seen.( 見灸從/〇 If we listen for it, it is not to be heard•(聞 m_/wan)43 So widely dispersed， all under Heaven is filled with it•(滿 But we are not conscious of its filling•(塞 jay) It is collected44 in the muscles and flesh, (膚 /?(/way)45 Making its presence known through one^ complexion. siak) It goes and comes，（來 toy) But no one can tell w hen.( 時 冷 7ay) It is spread out evenly in its squareness; { if pjwang) It is concentrated in a mass in its roundness•(圃 gnvfl/i)46 40 Reading 激 as 寂 [Li Zheming and Yin Tongyang]. 41 According to the Zhou li, 12/8b7 (Biot, TcheouAi 1:265), Therefore it is said: MLaw must14remain constant. It is the determining factor as to whether one survives or perishes, has order or chaos. It is the great standard by which the sage prince fashions his empire, the positions of the prince and minister, superior and inferior, the high and the low, all being derived from it.” Therefore it is called “为 法 , 15 In accordance with the law of ancient times, society did not permit people to request personal interviews with their rulers or seek to have [their relatives and friends] promoted, nor did it permit dilettantes,16 scholars of wide learning, and professional advocates. It also banned extraordinary service and deviant behavior.17 These were all encom­ passed by the law in order to serve the ruler. Therefore, two things were taken as constants by enlightened kings: One was to make the laws clear and see that they were strictly observed. The second was to prohibit people from pursuing private interests so that they might be restrained and employed. These two are what rulers should take as constants. Now the law is the means by which the sov­ ereign unifies his people and employs his subjects. Pursuing private interests is the means by which his subjects encroach upon the law and create disorder for the ruler. Therefore the sage princes set their standards, established laws, and saw that they were strictly observed. This was so because men of ex­ ceptional talent,18 those who were practiced in dealing with the law,19 dilettantes,20 and those of wide learning were not permitted to disrupt the law; while those who had large followings and were strong, those who were rich or high in status, and those who possessed their own warriors were unable to encroach upon it. Confidants, close associates, relatives, and favorites were unable to deviate from it. Precious cxirios 13 The Yang edition mistakenly writes 伏 for 艰 . 14 Inserting 不 following 可 Pgai, Zhang Peilun, and Xu Weiyu]. 15 Fa means “pattern” or “standard” as well as “law.” Thus the meaning here is that the reason law is called fa is because it is the pattern, or standard on which the sagely prince fashions his empire and which also determines the positions o f prince and minister, superior and inferior, the high and the low. 16 Emending 間 （the Yang edition writes 間） to 棚 pSun Yirang and Xu Weiyu】 . 17 This probably refers to the activities of such men as Shu Diao 竪刁 and Yi Ya 易 牙 . The former castrated himself in order to serve Duke Huan 桓 o f Qi 齊 in his harem. The latter killed his own son and cooked his head to present it to the duke as a special delicacy. See my 1985 Guanzi, 428. 18 Emending 諶 杵 to 堪 材 ，here and below [Sun Yirang]. 19 Following the Yin Zhizhang commentary’s inteipretation o f 習 士 . 20 Emending 聞 to 棚 ， here and below [Sun Yirang]. See n. 16, above.

146

RELIANCE ON LAW

90.13

9〇 .i4

91.1

91.2

91.3 7b

91.4

91.5

91.6

and strange objects were unable to tempt them, and nothing that did not lie within the framework of the law was able to function. Therefore law became the supreme way of the empire and was what the sage princes put into effect. Nowadays the empire is not the same. Everyone has good laws, but they are unable to see that they are observed. This is so because men of exceptional talent, those who are practiced in dealing with the law, dilettantes, and scholars of wide learning are able to use their expertise to disrupt the law and confuse their superiors. Those who have large followings and are strong, those who are rich or of high status， and those who possess their own warriors are able to use their power to violate the law and encroach upon the authority of the prince. The lords of neighboring countries are able to use their power to determine his heir apparent and pick his chief minister. Great21 ministers are able to use their private resources to subvert the hundred surnames and fleece the public wealth to provide salaries for their private knights. Under such circumstances, it is never possible to expect laws to be carried out and the country to be well governed. The sage princes were not like this. Their prime ministers were not allowed to fleece the public wealth to provide salaries22 for private purposes. Their ministers were not allowed to appoint their relatives and favorites to office. The sage princes also made their laws clear and firmly saw to it that they were observed. Their ministers sought to communicate their ideas and rally round the ruler like the spokes of a wheel in order to serve him .23 The hundred surnames united in hannony, obeyed orders, and abided by the law in order to carry out their duties. Therefore it is said: “There is one who creates laws, there are those who see that they are observed, and those who pattern themselves on them.” Now the one who creates laws is the prince, those who see that they are observed are his ministers, and those who obey them are the people. When the prince and his ministers, superiors and inferiors, the high and the low, all adhere to the law, this is called24 “great government.” Thus princes fall into three different categories in terms of their political methodology. Now those who do not privately form cliques of people they like, do not privately punish people they dislike, but rather set up 21 The Yang edition mistakenly writes 天 for 大 . 22 The text here is obviously faulty. 1 have followed Guo Morno by inserting 公 以 祿 following 翦 . 23 Similar statements are to be found in the Hanfeizi, XV, 36/4al3 (Liao, Han Fei Tzu9 2:147), dind Huainanzif 9 /7all (Ames, The Art o f Rulershipt 180). 24 Deleting 為 [Dai Wang].

147

XV, 45

91.7

91.8

91.9 8a

91.10

91.11

91.12

91.13

91.14

92.1

8b

REN FA

standards and establish laws and rely on procedures and measurements when rendering judgments are first-class rulers. Those who privately reward people Uiey like, privately punish people they dislike, go against their great ministers, distance themselves from their officials of the left and right, and rely solely on their feelings when rendering judgments are second-class rulers. Those who privately reward people their minis­ ters like, privately punish those their ministers dislike, go against public law， undermine their own integrity, and listen solely to their great min­ isters are rulers who are in grave danger. Therefore whoever acts as a ruler of men should not overly like people or overly dislike them. Overly liking people is called losing one*s sense of benevolence; overly disliking them is called losing one^ sense of the power to punish. Should a ruler lose both his sense of the power to punish and his sense of benevolence, he will be endangered. Therefore the enlightened kings controlled six things: letting people live, executing them, enriching them, impoverishing them, honoring them, and humiliating them. These are the six handles on power that the ruler controls.25 There are four things in which rulership resides. They are: civil power, military power, the power to punish, and the power to be benevolent. These are the four positions in which the ruler dwells. When one relies on others for what he himself should control, it is called “being stripped of one’s handles on power.” When one relies on others for the things in which rulership resides, it is called "losing one9s posi­ tion.MIt is impossible to expect to have orders carried out if one has been stripped of one’s handles on power or has lost one’s position. Laws being inequitable and orders being incomplete are also ways to be stripped of one’s handles on power and to lose one’s position. Now， the existence of unjust laws and faulty orders is prevented by the sage prince himself. Thus, those high in status are not able to threaten him, the rich are unable to bribe him, the lowly are unable to manipulate him, close associates are unable to become intimate with him, and beau­ tiful women are unable to corrupt him. Since the prince is firm and unshakable, those whose behavior is strange or depraved are fearful; since strange behavipr is eliminated and depravity reformed, orders will hardly have gone out before the people move.26Therefore the sage prince in establishing27procedures and measurements and setting up standards 25 Bi/tg 柄 （秉)， “handle o f power，’， is a key Legalist term appearing frequently in the Hanfeizi, where it usually refers to the power o f life or death. 26 The same statement appears in II, 7 /8 al0 -l 1 (1:28.13-14). 27 Emending 失 to 投 in accordance with citations o f this passage in the lTwen /e(/“ ，52, 2:936, and the Taipingyulan, 624/lbl [Hong Yixuan and Wang Niansun].

148

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92.3

92.4

92.5

92.6

92.7

9a 92.8

92.9

92.10

92.11

and laws is like Heaven and Earth in his consistency, like the orderly sequence of stars in his stability, like the sun and moon in his brilliance, and like the four seasons in his reliability. This is so because his orders have hardly gone out before the people obey them. However, the prince doomed to failure is not like this. As soon as the laws are established, he turns around and cancels them. As soon as the orders have gone out, he again28 recalls them. He enacts unjust laws that pursue his selfish interests. He issues faulty orders that are incom­ plete. For this reason, those high in status are able to threaten him, the rich are able to bribe him, the lowly are able to manipulate him, those near at hand are able to become intimate with him, and beautiful women are able to corrupt him. Since, in respect to these five, he places no restraints upon himself, his ministers, the hundred surnames, and people in general encourage the ruler’s selfishness in order to curry favor with him. If they are successful in currying the ruler’s favor, his power will be encroached upon daily. If they are not successful, resentments are created daily. Now to suffer such encroachment and give rise to resent­ ments is the path followed29 by the prince who is doomed to failure. When someone is a ruler but is incapable of putting his laws to use or making his ideas successful,30looks to his ministers when taking action, or deviates from the law after listening to those high in status among his ministers, this is what is meant by those high in status threatening him. When the rich use their gold and jade to manipulate the ruler to gain their desires,31 and he deviates from the law and listens to them, this is what is meant by the rich bribing him. When the lowly bow and scrape and with pathetic faces voice their plaints to the ruler, and the ruler, on this account, deviates from the law and listens to them, this is the lowly manipulating him. When close associates crowd around expressing their affection and making known their desires to the ruler, and the ruler, on this account, deviates from the law and listens to them, this is what is meant by close associates becoming intimate with him. When beautiful women using clever words and seductive looks make requests of the ruler, and the ruler, on this account, deviates from the law and listens to them, this is what is meant by beautiful women corrupting him. The prince32 who maintains good order is not like this. No matter 28 Emending 後 to 復 in accordance with the Ancient, Liu, and Zhu editions [Wang Nian;un]. 39 Emending 慎 to 循 [Guo Moruo]/ 30 Inserting 能 before 通 . The Yang edition lacks 適 ， but has the 能 . 31 Emending 來 to 求 [Yasui and Wang Niansun】 . 32 Emending 世 to 君 [Ding Shihan and Yasui].

149

XVt 45

92.12

92.13

92.14 9b

93.1

93.2

93.3

93.4

93.5

93.6 10a

REN FA

whether people are close or distant, near or far, high or low, beautiful or ugly, he uses procedures and measurements when judging them. When he executes people, they bear no resentment; when he rewards them,33 they have no feeling of gratitude. By using the law to regulate them, he becomes like Heaven and Earth in having no self-interest. For this reason his officials present no self-serving argximents, members of the gentry offer no self-serving advice, and the people present no self-serving talk. All with open minds listen to their34 superiors. Their superiors take im­ partiality as the basis for conducting inquiries and the legal system as the basis for rendering judgments. Therefore running the empire is not an onerous task. Now the muddle-headed prince is not like this. Since he looks at things with a selfish bias, there are things he does not see. Since he listens with a selfish bias, there are things he does not hear. Since he thinks with a selfish bias， there are things he does not know. Now selfishness is the way to be kept in ignorance and lose one’s position. Since the person on high casts aside impartiality and the law and listens to self-serving talk, die ministers and hundred surnames all pursue their own interests and employ devious techniques when instructing the country. They form factions and cliques to establish their private interests, request private interviews and employ and promote their friends and relatives in order to disrupt impartial laws, and employ their minds to take advantage of their sovereign. Since he has no procedures or measure­ ments to prevent this, self-serving talk will daily increase, and impartial law will daily decline. The stated lack of good government stems from this. Now the prince and his ministers occupy the positions of Heaven and Earth, while the people resemble the multitude of things. If each person is established in his own separate role and awaits the orders of the prince, how can he exercise his mind in the pursuit of his own private interests? Therefore if people honor the orders of their ruler and carry them out, even though they meet with failure, there should be no punishment. Should they do something that is not in accordance with the ruler's orders, even though it may be to the ruler’s advantage, they should be punished with death. This is so because inferiors in serving their superiors should be like an echo responding to a sound; ministers in serving their ruler should be like a shadow reflecting the original form. Therefore when the superior 33 The Yang edition mistakenly omits the character 者 . 34 Following the Yang edition which for 於 writes 其 .

150

RELIANCE ON LAW

93.7

93.8

issues orders, those below should respond. When the ruler acts, his min­ isters should follow. This is the way of good government. Now if some­ thing is done that is not in accord with the orders of the ruler, but he rewards it because it is of some advantage to him, this would be to teach people to engage in reckless innovation. If people honor35the orders of their ruler but in carrying them out meet with failure and are punished, this will cause people to become concerned about their welfare and deviate from the law. If the ministers and hundred surnames are concerned about their own welfare and manage things with their own interests in mind, the legal system will be damaged and orders will not be carried out. ” The Yang edition mistakenly omits 遵 before 主 .

151

XV， 46 and X X I， 67

Ming Fa

明法 Ming Fa Jie

明法解 O

n

M

a k in g t h e

E x p l a n a t io n

L aw C

of the

lear and

“M

in g

Fa”

Introductory Comments The “Ming fa” is distinguished by being one of the few chapters in the Guanzi to have a separate jie M or line-by-line explanation of the text. Although very short, it sets forth a fundamental concept of the Shang Yang-Hanfeizi school of Legalist thought: that a successful ruler must institute clear laws and procedures in order to control his ministers and officials and prevent the formation of bureaucratic cliques and the corruption of his administration. Ideologically it is very similar in content to the previous “Ren fa” 任 法 chapter (XV，45), but it is clearly not the work of the same author, being very different in style, in terms of both its language and its presentation of arguments. The “Ming fa” is also distinguished by its close connection with the “You du” 有 度 chapter (II，6) of the a portion of which is made up of passages that are either identical or similar to ones found in the “Ming fa.” Luo Genze concludes from this that the “Ming fa” repre­ sents a condensed version of the “You du.” 丨 I doubt this very much. Not only does the portion of the “You du” that is similar to the “Ming fa” represent only a minor part of the “You du，” but the sequence of similar passages as presented in the two texts is quite different, something very unlikely if the former were a mere condensation of the latter. Further­ more, the style of writing is very different. The MYou duJ, author tends 1 Guanzi tanyuan, 100-101.

152

ON MAKING THE LAW CLEAR to be much more wordy and to add unnecessary particles where they do not appear in the “Ming fa” text.2 The “You du” chapter’s extensive use of particles is characteristic of a rather late literary style. In fact, a number of scholars, including Guo Moruo, believe that it could not be the work of Hanfeizi himself and must have been produced sometime after his death, since its opening paragraph appears to refer to the demise of the states of Chu 楚 ， Qi 齊 ， Yan 燕 ， and Wei 魏 • Hanfeizi died in 233 B .c .，but these states did not become extinct for another eight to twelve years.3 Whether the MYou du,J chapter of the Hanfeizi was actually written by Hanfeizi or not, I believe that its author borrowed from the “Ming fa，” expanding and modifying its arguments, when producing his own work. Such unlicensed borrowing of material was a common practice in early China and would not have seemed beneath even such an outstanding writer as Hanfeizi, not to mention one of his later followers. As mentioned in the introductory comments to the previous chapter, “Ren fa” 任 法 （ XV，45), Zhou Ying would include it along with six other chapters among the remnant writings of the Jixia 稷 下 scholar Tian Pian 田 駢 • However, judging from its literary style and content, I suspect that the “Ming fa” is a relatively early 〇in 秦 Legalist text, probably dating from ^ie first half of the third century B.C., before the production of the Shangjun shu, about 240 B .c. and earlier than the “Ren fa” chapter.4 Its apparent use of 医 ， a Qin substitute for 也 ， would seem to attest to its Qin origins.5 The importance of the “Ming fa” is indicated by the fact that it is one of only five chapters having separateyte. The others are “Mu min” 牧民 (I，1)， “Xing shi” 形 勢 （ I, 2), the “Jiu bai” 九 敗 section of “Li zheng” 立政（ I，4)， and “Ban fa” 版 法 （ II, 7), all of which are included in the “Jing yan” 經言 or “Canonical Statements” section that is supposed to 2 For example, the “You du” （ 2a5-7) version for the “Ming fa,” lObl 1-11 al (94.5- 6)， fo r 今 主 釋 法 以 譽 近 能 則 臣 難 上 而 下 比 周 矣 ；以 黨 舉 官 則 民 務 交 而 不 求 用 矣 writes 今 若 主 釋 法 以 眷 近 能 則 臣 籬 上 而 下 比 周 矣 ；若 以 黨 舉 官 則 民 務 交 而 不 求 用 矣 .In both sentences the panicle 若 ， meaning “if,” has been added unnecessarily to the “You du” text. For a translation o f this passage see n. 26, below. 3 For Guo’s views, see the Guanzijijiao, 2:768. For other views, see W. K. Liao, Han Fei TzUy 1:36. 4 Kanaya Osamu, Kanshi no kenkyu^ 188-190 and 335, considers the 7/12bl2 13a

>5.5

55.6

2:94.4 »6/10bl1 J:55.8 57/13a7

55.9

2:94.5 46/10bll 11a

they do not. People use the law to resist civil functionaries; inferiors use the law when working for their superiors. Thus deceitful persons are unable to cheat their ruler, jealous persons are unable to use their wicked minds, and persons given to slander and flattery are unable to carry on their clever ruses. Even beyond a thousand li distance, they dare not presume to do wrong. [MF] M e n there is weighing by a balance scale, cheating in respect to weight becomes impossible. [MFJ] The balance scale is the means by which one arrives at figures for weight. However, if people do not use it, it is not because they do not believe it is a good tiling, but because they know that for them its weights will not be allowed to determine proper amoxmts or its beam allowed to determine proper weight.24Since people know that the balance scale is useless, they will not use it. Now, if an enlightened ruler occupies the throne， officials will not be able to bend the law， and civil fonctionaries will not be able to promote their private interests. Since people realize that serving civil functionaries is of no advantage, bribes will not be paid to them. Since the balance scale correctly determines weights, wicked and deceptive persons are unable to promote their private interests. [MF] When calculations are made according to jet/” 尋 and zAa” 客 丈 ，25 discrepancies in length become impossible. [MFJ] The cAf 尺 （ foot) and am 寸 （ inch), jam and zAa喂 are the means for determining true length. Therefore, if one uses a foot ruler 尺 寸 ） to measure the length, one may do it ten thousand times, but it will never fail. For this reason, even for the wealthy and high in status, the numerous and strong, the measurements of a foot rule will not become any longer, and even for the poor and lowly, humble and despised, it will not become any shorter. It is always fair and never prejudiced. Therefore, wicked and deceitful persons are unable to distort its truth. [MF] If the ruler relaxes his laws and takes praise as the basis for promoting ability, his ministers will abandon the person on high and form cliques among their subordinates. If he takes factional allegiance as the basis for promotion to office, the people will devote their energies to forming political associations rather than seeking to be of use.26 241.e., people know that corrupt officials will demand whatever they please and pay no attention to amounts stipulated in the law. 25 The xun and zhang were measures ofxight and ten Chinese feet, respectively. 26 This passage appears with some modification in the HanfeizU II, 6/2a5~7 (Liao, Han Fei Tzut 1:38): uIf the ruler takes praise as the basis for promoting ability, his ministers will abandon the person on high and form cliques among their subordinates. If he takes factional

161

XV, 46 3:55.11 67/13i 12 13b

55.12

55.13

55.14

2:94.6 45/1la 1

3:56.2 67/13t9

56.3

56.4

56.5

2:94.6 46/1 la )

MING FA

[MFJ] The reason a state falls into disorder is because the ruler ignores facts and relies on criticism and praise. Therefore, the enlightened ruler, when listening to his subordinates, assigns responsibilities to those who give advice on the basis of facts, and examines the performance in office of those who praise others. Those who give advice that does not fit the facts are punished. Civil functionaries who are disruptive in office are also punished. For this reason, no one dares submit empty advice, and unworthy people dare not accept office. The muddle-headed ruler is not like this. Since, when he listens to advice, he does not scrutinize the facts, his ministers make use of empty praise to advance their factions. Since, when employing officials, he does not assign them on the basis of merit, stupid and corrupt civil functionaries occupy the court. Such being the case, his ministers promote each other’s excellent reputations and falsify each others claims to merit. They devote their energies to increasing the number of their political associates rather than seeking to be of use. [MF] For this reason, the failure of officials to maintain order is due to the ruler having taken praise as the basis for bestowing rewards and vilification as the basis for punishment. [MFJ] The muddled-headed ruler does not investigate the reputed meritorious labor of his ministers. If those who praise them are numerous, he rewards them. He does not examine their alleged crimes and mis­ takes. If those who vilify them are numerous, he punishes them. Such being the case, depraved ministers are rewarded though they lack merit, while those who are loyal and upright are punished though they are innocent. Now, if there is much merit but still no reward, ministers will not strive with all their might to serve the ruler. If conduct is correct, but still punished, the worthy and wise will not make fUll use of their abilities. If bribes are paid to obtain ranks and salaries, corrupt and shameless men will occupy offices. If people who are given commissions are worth­ less yet have positions of honor, the people will turn their backs on impartial laws and rush to those who are in power. Such being the case, sincere and honest men will lose their positions and uncorruptible civil functionaries will fail to maintain order. [MF] Thus men who delight in reward and hate punishment abandon the way of public good and indulge in selfish stratagems.27 allegiance as the basis for promoting people to office, they will devote their energies to forming political associations rather than seeking to be o f use in accordance with the law.'* 27 The Hanfeiziy II, 6/2a7-9 (Liao, Han Fei Tzut 1:38), version of this and the previous MF sentence is slightly different: ^Therefore, if offices lose those who are able, the state will

162

ON MAKING THE LAW CLEAR 1:56.6 >7/14aS

>6.7

>:94.7 }6/lla4

\:56.9

37/UalO

56.10

56.11

>:94.8 t6/lla5

=

6.13

[MFJ] If ordinary civil functionaries carry out the law and have no selfish motives, wicked ministers will be unable to gain any advantage. Because of this, they will devote their energies to harming them. If the ruler does not investigate their crimes, but punishes civil functionaries on the basis of trumped up charges, ministers in general28 will have to render service to those who are in high and important positions and seek their praises in order to avoid punishment and receive salaries and rewards. [MF] They form cliques in order to act together,29 thus30 forgetting about the ruler and seeking personal31 associates to sing their praises.32 [MFJ] When evil ministers bring ruin upon their ruler, they do it gradu­ ally and subtly, causing the ruler to be confused and unaware of what is happening. On high, fliey spy upon the ruler; below they buy praise from the people. They praise their own faction and see to it that the ruler honors its members. They vilify those who do not praise them and bring about their dismissal by the ruler. Whatever is in their interest, the ruler listens to and acts upon. Such being the case, his ministers forget about their ruler and rush to their personal associates. [MF] Thus their political associates are numerous33and their praisers many. Both within the court and without, they form factions, and even though they may commit great evil, for the most part they are able to keep their ruler ignorant of it. [MFJ] If the ruler lacks political and statistical methods, his ministers will easily cheat him. If the state has no clear laws, the hxmdred surnames will treat doing wrong lightly. For this reason if wicked and depraved persons are employed in national affairs, ministers will look to them for advantages. Such being the case, those who listen and observe on their become chaotic. If the ruler takes praise as the basis for reward and vilification as the basis for punishment, men who love reward and hate punishment will give up acting in the public interest and indulge in selfish stratagems.” MEmending 姦 to 人 [Yu Yue]. 29 Emending 匿 to 医 • Guo Moruo explains that 医 （政） was used in Qin texts for 也 . The 如•，II, 6》 2a9, version writes 也 . Wang Niansun would read 匿 as 慝 • Thus: “They form cliques to commit evil acts together.” 30 Inserting 故 after 是 in accordance with the A//7. 31 Emending •死 to •私 in accordance with the Ancient, Liu, Zhu, and Qing Zhao editions of the MFJ. In the Yang edition and Ming Zhao edition, the M FJ also writes In the II, 6/2a9, rendering of this sentence, 私 （死 ） is written 外 • Thus, “outside associates.” 32 The HanfeizU H, 6/2a9 ( Liao, Han Fei Tzut 1:38-39), rendering o f this phrase writes 外 交 以 進 其 與 . Thus: “seeking outside associates to promote their group.” 33 Deleting 者 after 求 [Tao Hongqing and Xu Weiyu】 .

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2:94.8 46/1 h 7 3:57.1 67/141.8

57.2

57.3

ISa

57.4

2:94.9 46/1 laB

3:57.6 67/15al2

57.7

57.8

MING FA

behalf will be nximerous, and even though they may be extremely per­ verse,34 the ruler has no way of knowing it. [MF] For this reason, loyal ministers are killed though they are blame­ less, while depraved ministers are promoted though they are undeserving. [MFJ] In general, ministers who are called loyal devote themselves to clarifying political methods based on law and day and night assist the ruler to understand the rational principles of procedures and statistical methods in order to maintain good order in the empire. Wicked and depraved ministers know that political methods based on law will make clear to him the necessity of maintaining good order. If good order pre­ vails, evil ministers will be restrained, and gentlemen who advocate political methods based on law will become prominent. Hence, those who are depraved strive to make sure that law is not understood and that the ruler is kept unaware so that they may do as they please. Now, if upright and honest ministers obtain employment, ministers who are wicked and depraved will be restrained and suffer harm. This is why uprightness and honesty cannot be promoted along with wickedness and depravity. When evil and depraved ministers are at the side of the ruler, they are certain to be filled with hatred toward loyal ministers.35 Being so filled with hatred, they are certain to look for every opportunity with the ruler to endanger them. If the ruler, without making any inves­ tigation, relies upon their words, loyal ministers, though innocent, will be restrained and killed, while depraved ministers, though undeserving, will be promoted. [MF] When the blameless are killed and the undeserving are pro­ moted, ministers in general will stress their private interests and treat lightly the public good. [MFJ] All rulers wish for riches and honor, to be revered and famous, and to possess the empire for a long time. They also wish to have their orders carried out, what they prohibit stopped, and no enemies any­ where within the four seas. All rulers hate to be kept in ignorance, cheated, bypassed, and to have their authority encroached upon. They also hate to lose their empire and have their ancestral temples eradicated. Loyal ministers are ones who wish to clarify political methods based on law in order to achieve what the ruler wishes and eliminate what the ruler hates.36 When wicked ministers usurp the authority of the ruler 34 Emending 義 to 俄 [Wang Niansun, Yasui, and Dai Wang]. 35 Emending 分 to 令 in accordance with the citation of this passage in the gtmMu zAtyaot 32/24b8 [Wang Niansun]. 36 Adding a final 也 after 之 in accordance with the citation o f this passage in the 从 ti zhiyao, 32/25a6 [Xu Weiyu].

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1:94.10 16/1U10 h57.10 >7/15al2

ISb

57.11

57.12

2:94.10 « 6 /llall ):57.13 S7/15b6

»7.14

：:94.11

16/llall

:58.2 .7/lSbll

8.3 6a

and make use of selfish interests to endanger loyal ministers, the latter have no way to advance their impartial statistical methods. [MF] Ten men will arrive at priviate gates, but not one will visit the court. [MFJ] The muddle-headed ruler, when bestowing ranks and salaries, listens to the words of important ministers rather than use laws and orders as a basis for judging merit and hard work. When meting out punishments, he also listens to them rather than use laws and orders as a basis forjudging crimes and mistakes. Therefore, discarding impartial law and listening only to his important ministers, he rewards the people they wish to reward and punishes the people they wish to punish. Such being the case, his ministers devote themselves to joining factions with important ministers and forget the ruler. They rush to the gates of impor­ tant ministers but do not come to court. [MF] A hundred men will worry about their families, but not one will plan for the state. [MFJ] The enlightened ruler, in maintaining good order, clarifies the separate responsibilities of his officials and supervises their accomplish­ ments. Those who are successful in their tasks, he places in office; those who are not successful, he dismisses. Therefore, all of his ministers work to the best of their ability and strive with all their might to handle his affairs. The muddle-headed ruler is not like this. Therefore, his min­ isters may occupy official positions and receive large salaries, but none of them will make any effort to bring order to the state. They only aspire to acquiring important positions in running the state, monopolizing its benefits, and exploiting its people in order to enrich their own families. [MF] When even though large numbers of people are to be counted among the ruler^ subjects, they do not revere him as their prince, and when even though the various officials are all in place， they are not there to serve the state, this is called “a state without people.” [MFJ] When an enlightened ruler occupies the throne, the masses within his borders strive with all their might to serve their ruler, and the various officials fulfill their separate responsibilities in achieving order so that the state will be secure. The muddle-headed ruler is not like this. Even though there are knights who are valiant and strong, great ministers use them for their private purposes and not to serve the ruler. Even though there are scholars who are extremely wise, great ministers use them for their private purposes and not for maintaining the state in good order. Therefore, even though large numbers of people are to be counted among the ruler's subjects, he is unable to bring them forward, and even though the various officials are all in place, he is unable to control them. Such being the case, he is a ruler in name only. 165

XV, 46 2:94.12 45/IIM

3:58.6 67/16:6

58.7

58.8

2:94.1) 46/1113

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58.11

58.12

2:94.1 ：： 46/16bS

MING FA

[MF] Being “a state without people” does not mean any decrease in the number of ministers at court.37 It means that the various families devote their energies to achieving mutual advantage and not to honoring the prince. [MFJ] The enlightened ruler makes those under him strive with all their might to maintain his laws and orders.38 Therefore his ministers devote themselves to honoring the ruler and dare not spend time caring for their own families. Since the distinctions between minister and ruler are clear and attention is paid to the positions of superior and inferior, the great ministers occupy their respective positions and dare not promote each other. The muddle-headed ruler is not like this. Since the legal system is rejected and not implemented, his ministers are able to devote their energies to benefiting their own families. Since there is no distinc­ tion between prince and minister and no separation between superior and inferior, his ministers are able to devote themselves to promoting each other. Such being the case, it is not that the number of court minis­ ters are few, but that their numbers cannot be put to use. [MF] Ministers of low integrity will manipulate salaries to support their political associates and not treat their offices as their primary con­ cern. Therefore, their offices will fail to function.39 [MFJ] When the ruler strengthens the authority of his officers and sets up civil functionaries, it is not just to honor them personally and provide them with large salaries, but to see that they upiiold the ruler’s laws and carry out his orders in order to maintain order among the hun­ dred surnames and punish robbers and bandits. For this reason, if they are appointed to a major post, their ranks are high and their salaries large. If they are appointed to a minor post, their ranks are low and their salaries meager. Ranks and salaries are the means by which the ruler manages his civil functionaries and controls his officers. When the muddle-headed ruler is in control, officers and civil functionaries occupy honored posi­ tions, receive large salaries, support their political associates, but do not treat their offices as their primary duty. Such being the case, the offices fail to function. [MF] For this reason, when the former kings ruled their states, they selected men on the basis of law and did not depend on their own judg­ ments when elevating them. 37 The //a; 於 izi*，II, 6/2b 12, version o f this sentence for 朝臣 writes 朝 廷 . Thus: “does not mean any decrease in the size of the court.'* 38 Emending 分 to 令 [Zhao Shouzheng]. 39 The A//7, when repeating this line, for 失 能 ， “fail to ftmction,” writes 失 職 ， “neglect their duties.”

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59.5

59.6

59.7

[MFJ] When the enlightened ruler selects worthy men, he tests those who are said to be brave on the basis of their military experience and those who are said to be wise on the basis of their experience in office. He elevates those who prove to have achievements in the military and employs those who prove to have maintained good order in office. Therefore, lie uses accomplishments in warfare as a basis for determining who is brave and who is cowardly and the maintenance of good order while executing official duties as the basis for determining who is stupid and who is wise. Hence, bravery and cowardice, stupidity and wisdom become as obvious as the difference between black and white. The muddle-headed ruler is not like this. Since he listens to what people say without conducting any tests, liars obtain employment. Since he hires people without checking on them,40 unworthy individuals are unrestrained. Therefore, the enlightened ruler uses the law as a basis for judging what people say and to seek out the facts. He takes their perfor­ mance in office itself to check on merit. He relies on the law alone and does not depend on his own judgment when elevating them. [MF] They assessed merit on the basis of law and did not depend on their own judgments to make decisions. [MFJ] In all cases, what is called MmeritMis something which contrib­ utes to the security of the ruler on high and benefits all the people. Now, destroying enemy armies, killing their generals, winning victories, seiz­ ing what is attacked, and seeing that the ruler is without fear of danger and destruction and that the hundred surnames are free from the catastrophies of death and being taken captive~these are the ways in which military personnel become meritorious. Upholding the laws of the ruler, maintaining order within his borders, seeing that the strong do not oppress the weak, that those with large followings do not use violence against those with few, and that all of the people are content to strive with all their might to support their ruler一"these are the ways in which civil functionaries become meritorious. Correcting the ruler^s faults, retrieving the ruler^ mistakes, clarifying ritualistic principles and correct social behavior in order to guide the ruler so that he has no harmful or mean behavior and avoids the catastrophies of being kept ignorant and cheated—these are the ways in which ministers become meritorious. Therefore, the enlightened ruler, in maintaining good order, clearly defines duties and checks on performance. Those who have merit are rewarded; those who disrupt good order are punished. In the application 40 Emending 官 to 課 in accordance with the z/ ^ 如 ，32/26b6, citation o f this passage [Wang Niansun and Guo Moruo】. The Yang edition for 課 writes 言 .

167

XV, 46

2： 94.m 46/1116 3 :59.9 6

59.10

s9.il

2： 9s.i 46/111:7 3： s9.i » 67/1717

S9.i3

2： 95.i 3： 6〇 .i

MING FA

of punishments and rewards, since the ruler does not assign them on the basis of his judgment alone, each person receives what is appropriate. [MF] Therefore, the able41 could not be concealed and the corrupt could not disguise their actions. [MFJ] When the enlightened ruler establishes good order, he pays attention to right and wrong and investigates the facts, using procedures and measures to judge people. What accords with the law is permitted; what does not is stopped. Those whose achievements live up to their words are rewarded; those whose achievements do not are punished. Therefore, those who are said to be wise and able must have obvious achievements before the enlightened ruler will elevate them; those who are said to be evil and corrupt must have committed obvious wrongs before he will get rid of them. Such being the case, when ordinary scholars communicate with those on high, no one is able to be spiteful. When the unworthy may be restrained and cashiered, no one is able to praise42 them. [MF] Those who would praise the unworthy were not able to advance; those who would slander the worthy were not able to retreat.43 [MFJ] Since the way of the enlightened ruler is to establish what the people want in order to seek their achievement, he institutes ranks and salaries to encourage them. Since it is to establish what the people hate in order to prevent their doing what is harmful, he institutes corporal and other punishments to frighten them. Hence, when he judges there to have been merit, he applies rewards; when he judges there to have been a crime， he applies punishment. Such being Ae case, those among his ministers who would praise44 those without merit dare not advance, and those who would vilify the innocent are unable to retreat. [MF] Such being the case, ruler and minister were clearly separated, and since this separation was clear， good order was easily maintained.45 [MFJ] To regulate his ministers and exercise sole control over matters of life and death is the role of the ruler. To post orders and accept regu41 Deleting 匿 in accordance with the M E / and //an 加 ’21，II，6/3a3, renderings of this sentence [Wang Niansun]. 42 Emending 舉 ，“to elevate,” to 譽 • See n. 44, below. 431.e., they would be punished on the spot. 44 Emending 皋 ， “to 譽 in accordance with the original MF statement [Igai and Tao Hongqing]. 43 The A/E/ repetition of this sentence does not repeat the two characters 明 別 • Thus: “Since a clear distinction exists between ruler and minister, good order is easy to maintain.” The //flwyWz丨•，II, 6/3a6, rendition of this sentence is worded somewhat differently: 則 君 臣 之 間 明 辩 易 治 ， “Thus the separation between prince and minister is clearly defined, and good order is easy to maintain.”

168

ON MAKING THE LAW CLEAR 18a

50.2

S0.3

S0.4

2:95.2 46/llbl0 ):60.6 57/18a9

60.7

lation is the role of the minister. To have majestic authority and to be revered and famous is the role of the ruler. To be unpretentious and humble, respectful and afraid is the role of the minister. To have his orders carried out and what he prohibits stopped is the role of the ruler. To uphold the law and to listen and obey is the role of the minister. Therefore, the high and low positions of the ruler and minister are like those of Heaven and Earth. The difference in their roles is like white and black. Since the ruler and minister are clearly separated, the ruler is honored and the minister humble. Such being the case, those below in following the one on high are like the echo responding to the sound. The minister in taking his ruler as a model is like the shadow following the form. Thus the one on high issues orders and those below respond; the ruler acts and the minister follows. Thereby orders are carried out, what is prohibited is stopped, and what is sought is obtained. This is what is meant by “good order being easily maintained.” [MF] Even though the ruler did not himself conduct activities below, by upholding the law, things were properly done. [MFJ] The enlightened ruler grasps political methods and relies on his ministers below. He causes his ministers to contribute their wisdom and ability and bring forth their experience and skill. The wise contribute their calculations; flie able present their achievements. On the basis of their previous statements, he scrutinizes their later work. If their contribution is proper, he rewards them; if not, he punishes them. In setting up offices, employing civil functionaries, and maintaining order among the people, he uses the law as a basis for testing results. By upholding the law, he makes a model of it, and with no trouble to himself, separate responsibilities are clearly distinguished.46 46 A character appears to be missing after 分 職 ， “separate responsibilities.” I have followed Tao Hongqing in adding 別 .

169

X V ， 47

Zheng Shi

正世 R e c t if y in g t h e A g e Introductory Comments MZheng shiMis another in this series of short Legalist or Huang-Lao chapters that probably originated in the state of Qin ^ . It is less stridently Legalist than the “Ming fa•” Dealing mainly with the need for the prince to establish appropriate rewards and punishments, it also calls upon the ruler to be evenhanded in establishing his laws and prohibitions and capable of changing with times and customs. It is probably later than the “Ren fa” 任 法 （ XV, 45) and “Ming fa’，明 法 （ XV，46) chapters and is certainly by a different author. The sentence patterns tend to be longer, and it is distinguished further by the frequent use offu as an initial particle of accentuation, which in this text is primarily used to indicate the beginning of a new paragraph. The text is also remarkably free of corruptions by Guanzi standards. As mentioned in my introductory comments to the “Ren fa,” Zhou Ying believes that this is one of the surviving works of the Jixia 稷 下 scholar Tian Pian 田 骄 ， a theory that I find difficult to accept, especially in the case of this chapter. Luo Genze maintains it is a Han work dating from theperiod following the emperors Wen 文 and Jing 景 （179-141 B.c.) and lumps it with the following chapter, “Zhi guo” 治 國 （ i v ，48)， as the work of a political writer who was primarily Confiician in orientation, as indicated by his stress (13bl2; 97.2) on propriety (/f 禮 ） and duty (yf ^ ) , but also influenced by Legalism.1While he may be correct, I tend to beiieve it is late Qin，partially, because of its apparent use of 医 ， a Qin substitute for 也 （see note 5 below), and partially because I think its con­ tent is closer to tGat of the “Ren fa” and “Ming fa” than to “Zhi guo.”

2:95.6 I2a2

Translation In ancient times, those who wished to rectify the age and regulate the empire took action only after they had first observed closely the political 1 Guanzi tanyuan, 101-105. Kanaya Osamu, Kanshi no kenkyut 331, tends toward a Qin or early Han dating.

170

RECTIFYING THE AGE

， 5.7

>5.8

>5.9

>5.10

»s.ii

12b

9s.i2

95.13

situation within their states， considered carefully their undertakings and affairs, familiarized themselves with the customs of their people, reached a fundamental understanding of the causes of order and disorder, and come to know wherein gain and loss would lie. Thus laws could be established and good order prevail. When the people are not harmonious and the state is not tranquil, it is either because of failings2 at the top or excesses on the part of tfiose below. If the prince of men is perverse and does not follow3the way of good government, if his punishments and excecutions are irrational, if his taxes and levies are too onerous and exhaust4the wealth of the people, and if he is hasty in issuing his orders and drains his people’s strength, then since the peopled wealth will have been exhausted, aggressive and violent behavior will become inevitable. Since the peopled strength will have been drained away, shiftlessness and indolence5will certainly arise. Once the people have become aggressive and violent, shiftless and indolent, if the prince resorts to the application of laws and punish­ ments, it will lead to excessive punishments and increasing disorder. Now if the people are overworked and destitute, they will become contemptuous of prohibitions and treat crime lightly. If such is the case, the fault lies with the sovereign. If the fault lies with him and he does not change, the people will have no reason for trusting his orders. Should the ruler lighten his policy regarding punishments, treat the hundred surnames liberally, lighten taxes and levies, relax his orders and yet the people continue to be depraved and irascible and pursue selfish interests in violation of regulations, feign wisdom, resort to trickery and deceit, and rely on force to contend with others, then these excesses lie with those below. Should this be the case, if the prince does not investigate and make changes, he will not assert his supremacy over violent men and depravity and disorder will not be prevented. Should this happen, the authority of the prince will be damaged and his majestic power will daily decline. Therefore, nothing is more important to the prince than achieving supremacy. What we call “achieving supremacy” means having laws established and orders carried out.6 Laws having been established and orders carried out, his ministers will observe the law and carry out their 2 Inverting the two characters 非 失 to read 失 非 [Wang Niansun]. 3 Emending 修 to 循 [Ding Shihan]. 4 The Yang edition mistakenly writes 得 for 竭 . 3 Reading 悦 as 睨 . 6 Deleting the final 勝 ， “achieving supremacy,” as a reduplication of the same character appearing at the beginning o f the sentence [Jin Tinggui and Li Zheming].

171

XV, 47

95.14

96.1

96.2

96.3

96.4 13a

96.5

96.6

96.7

ZHENG SHI

duties while his various officials will possess constant standards. Since the laws are not violated,7 the people will esteem honesty, revert to the essential industry of agriculture, and become frugal and industrious. Thus your rewards must be sufficient to employ people; your majestic power must be sufficient to achieve supremacy. Thereafter, yoxir subor­ dinates will submit. Now in ancient times there was more than one so-called enlightened prince. The rewards they instituted might be meager or substantial, the prohibitions they established might be light or severe, and the accom­ plishments they left behind were certainly not the same, but it was not a case of deliberately trying to be different. Everything changed in accor­ dance with the times and was determined by the prevailing customs. If the people were irascible and their actions were dissolute, the re­ wards had to be substantial and the prohibitions severe. Therefore, when the sages instituted substantial rewards, it was not because they were wastefiil, and when they established severe prohibitions, it was not be­ cause they were cruel. If their rewards were meager, the people would not be profited; if the prohibitions were light, perverse individuals would not be afraid. Had they instituted rewards that were not profitable yet wished to employ people, the people would not have put forth their full effort. Had they established prohibitions that were not frightening yet wished to prohibit things, perverse individuals would not desist. It is because of this that laws may be proclaimed and orders issued, but the people do not obey them. llius, if the rewards do not provide sufficient encouragement, members of the gentry and the people in general may not be employed. If punish­ ments are not sufficient to instill fear, violent men will treat them lightly and violate the prohibitions. Once people are subject to your awesome power to kill them, they will become obedient. Once they see profit, they may be employed. Once they are well regulated, they will do what is correct. Once they are secure, they will become peaceful. If robbers and brigands are not vanquished and the perverse and dis­ orderly are not stopped, the strong will plunder the weak and the many will wreak violence on the few. This is the great worry of the world and the great fear of its people. If these worries and fears are not relieved, the people will not be secure in their homes. If they are not secure in their homes, they will lose faith in their superiors. 7 Emending 匿 to 医 ， Guo Moruo explains that 医 （政 ） was used in Qin texts for 也 • See XV, 46, n. 29.

172

RECTIFYING THE AGE

>6.8

>6.9

)6.i〇 1 >6.ii

)6.i2

>6.i3

)6.i4

97.i

No blessing is greater than good order; no harm greater than disorder. The Five Emperors and Three Kings achieved success, established their fame, and became well known to later generations by providing bless­ ings and getting rid of harm.8 While their conduct of affairs was not necessarily the same, they were united in their objective. If people are greedy and their conduct is irascible, yet punishments are light and criminal activities are not exposed, this will strengthen depravity and disorder and abet perverse and dissolute behavior. Such is loving people but harming them in actual practice. These two factors must be taken into consideration. If supremacy is not achieved over robbers and brigands, good people will be endangered. If laws and prohibitions are not established, wicked­ ness and perversity will flourish. Thus, nothing is more pressing in the conduct of affairs than having a proper objective. In establishing good order, nothing is more important than being evenhanded. When regulat­ ing the people, if the ruler acts too hastily, the people will feel oppressed. If they feel oppressed, they will feel distressed. If they feel distressed, they will lose their feeling of having a secure livelihood. If the ruler is too relaxed, the people will become remiss. If they become remiss, they will become depraved. If they become depraved, they will act in their own self-interest. If they act in their own self-interest, they will abandon the public good. If they abandon public good, it will be difficult to em­ ploy them. Therefore, it is because the ruler is unable to be evenhanded that good order cannot be established. If one is unable to be evenhanded, good order becomes difficult to maintain. Thus evenhandedness in con­ trolling the people must be taken into consideration. The sages brilliantly understood the reasons for having order or dis­ order and studied the beginnings and endings of affairs. In establishing order among people, they hoped to benefit them and that is all.9 There­ fore, when establishing10 their evenhandedness, they did not long for the past or remain stuck in the present. They changed with the times and developed along with customs. Nothing is more important to the way of the prince than achieving supremacy. Supremacy having been achieved, the way of the prince is established. Once the way of the prince is established, those below will submit. Those below having submitted, instruction can be established 8 For a list of the Five Emperors and Three Kings} see my 1985 Guanzi, 168, n. 37. 9 The Yang edition mistakenly writes 上 for 止 [Xu Weiyu】 . 10 Reading 位 as 立 [Yasui, Zhang Peilun, and Tao Hongqing].

173

XV, 47

97.2 14a

ZHENG SHI

and transforming the people can succeed. Now if the people are not compliant in mind and submissive in action, one cannot use phrases about propriety and duty to instruct and transform them.11 The prince must take this into consideration. 11 Emending 也 to 化 [Guo Moruo].

174

XV， 48

Zhi Guo

治國 M

a in t a in in g t h e

State

in

G

ood

Order

Introductory Comments This short but interesting chapter stresses the importance of agriculture and the necessity of eliminating nonessential production that would draw off needed labor and inevitably lead to the impoverishment of the great masses of the people and the destruction of law and order. The theme is traditionally Legalist, but the tone is very different. Law is not a major consideration. In fact, in one passage (15b7-8; 98.11), the writer states that the legendary emperor Shxm # Mwas not one to use severe punish­ ments or strict laws and prohibitions, and so the people were drawn to him.” One of the most interesting passages (15a9-l 2; 98.6-7) presents a rather unusual utopian view of society under China^s ancient kings: Since the former kings made the four classes of peoplepeasants, gentry, merchants, and craftsmen~~exchange their skills and perform each other's work, there was no way in which the benefits at the end of the year could be excessive for any one class. For this reason the people did the same kinds of work and their income was equal. Both Luo Genze and Kanaya Osamu believe this chapter is quite late. The latter would date it as late Warring States or even Qin or early Han.1Luo Genze concludes that it is the work of a Han political writer sometime after the reigns of emperors Wen 文 （179—157 B.c.) and Jing 景 （156-141 B.c.).2 His main reasons for this conclusion are: (1) the reference (15a6; $8.4) to Mount Heng 恒 （怪）山 as Mount Chang 常 山；（ 2) the emphasis on agriculture, which was a major theme of such political writers as Jia Yi 買 誼 （ 201-169 B.c.) and Chao Cuo 鼂 錯 （ d. 154 B.c.); and (3) the use of shi ^ (15a8: 98.5) as a measure for grain, which seems to have begun in the Qin but was not in general usage until the Han. Luo*s first point is questionable, as pointed out in note 11 below, 1Kanshi no kenkyu, 109-11 and 331. 2 Guanzi tanyuan, 101-105.

175

XV, 48

ZHI GUO

but the others appear to make sense. Furthermore, another passage (15a9; 98.6) speaks of peasants having to sell their children. As Luo pointed out in his discussion of V, 13, such references are common to die Han but do not appear in earlier texts.3 As mentioned in the introductory comments to XV, 45, Zhou Ying would include this chapter among those he attributes to the Jixia 稷 下 scholar Tian Pian 田 駢 ， but in my opinion such a conclusion is entirely groundless. Not only does the internal evidence discussed above present strong arguments for an early Han dating, but the style is very different from that of the other texts.

2:97.5 14a5

97.6

97.7

97.8

Translation It is ever so that the way to maintain good order in a state is to be certain, first of all, to make its people prosperous. When the people are prosperous, they are easy to keep in order. When the people are poor, they are difficult to keep in order. How do we know this? If people are prosperous, they will feel content in their local districts and treat their homes as very important. If they are content in their districts and treat their homes as very important, tiiey will respect their sovereign and be leery of committing crimes. If they respect tiieir sovereign and are leery of committing crimes, they will be easy to keep in order. If the people are poor, they will feel threatened in their districts and treat their homes lightly. If they feel threatened in their districts and treat their homes lightly, they will dare to denigrate4their sovereign and violate his prohi­ bitions. If this occurs, they will be difficult to keep in order. Therefore, a state that is well ordered is always prosperous, and a chaotic state is always5 poor. For this reason, those who are good at managing their states are certain, first of all, to make their people prosperous and after­ ward institute good order among them. In the past, how was it that seventy-nine generations of princes did not use the same legal system nor issue similar orders and yet were all able to be kings over the empire?6 They made certain that the state was 3 See my 1985 Guanziy 225. 4 The gim 从 m说 少如，32/16a 1，cites this passage writing 凌 for 陵 . The meaning is essentially the same. 5 The Yang edition for 常， “always,” writes 必， “is certain to be.” 6 This passage is cited in both the Yiwen leiju, 54, 2:976, and the Taiping yulan, 638/ 4b 13, where it is attributed to the now lost Shenzi of Shen Buhai (d. 337 B.c.). H. G. Creel includes it in his Shen Pu-hai as Fragment 12 (p. 361), but in n. 3 he expresses his doubts about its authenticity because it is rather atypical o f Shen's other statements.

176

MAINTAINING THE STATE

>7.9

14b >7.10

>7.11

>7.12

，7.13

)7.14

)8.1

祕

.2

15a

prosperous and the grain was plentiful. Now, having the state prosper­ ous and grain plentiful depends on agriculture. Therefore the former kings held them in high esteem. It is ever so that the most pressing matter in managing a state is to be certain first of all that nonessential production and luxury and artfulness are prohibited.7 If nonessential production and lxixury and artfulness are prohibited, the people will have no way to make a living when wan­ dering about. Such being the case, they must remain engaged in agri­ culture. When people serve in agriculture, fields will be well cultivated. If fields are well cultivated, grain will become plentiful. If grain is plen­ tiful, the state will prosper. If the state prospers,8 its anned forces will be strong. If the armed forces are strong, they will be victorious in battle. If they are victorious in battle, the state’s territory will expand. For this reason the former kings knew that having a large population, strong armed forces, extensive territory, and a prosperous state were certain to depend on grain. Therefore they prohibited nonessential production and put a stop to exotic arts so as to benefit agricultural activities. Now those who engage in nonessential production and exotic arts from one days, work may obtain five days’ food while a peasant may work for an entire year and not have enough to feed himself. Hence people abandon essential activities to perform nonessential work. If this occurs, the fields will be left uncultivated and the state will become impoverished. It is ever so that in agriculture the monthly income is not enough, and only at the time of the harvest is there a surplus. Therefore, if the sover­ eign acts suddenly in his collection of taxes and has no fixed time for them, the people will be forced to borrow on the basis of returning two for one in order to pay them. Since working the fields has a set schedule, if the rainfall is not certain to be sufficient, flie people will have to borrow on the basis of two for one to hire help [in carrying water to the fields]. When merchants buy up grain at five in the fall and sell it back in the spring at ten, this requires another borrowing at a rate of two for one.9 Fees10charged at the customs and markets, taxes on stored grain, the 10 7 According to 1 ,1/1 al 1 (1:1.9): uNow the essential component in reducing punishments is to prohibit luxury and artfulness.** 8 Emending 者 to 則 ， both here and in the following two sentences, in accordance with the citation of this passage in the Taiping yulany 822/3a5. 9 This refers to the springtime phenomenon known as the qing huang bu jie # ^ 浮， “floating,” asy!/ 稃 ，a cake formed fh>m sacrificial rice, which fits the description of this type o f soil. 1801 have followed Xia Weiying in emending 忍 藹 忍 to 大 R 忍 細 蔺 忍 in accordance with the pattern set for other soils. The 沿 VIII, l3/9a7, equates yiVire/i 藹 忍 with/m 叩 蒡， whicii the Guo Pu commentary identifies as a species ofFeri’Z/d (如 蘇 ) , a field mint, that produces edible seeds, currently used primarily for their oil. Zhang Peilun and Xia Weiying, however, say that pang, in the Etya, should be written ^ ° ^ t t , which the Shuowen jiezi, 7A/115b6, says is the name o f a grain and that later commentators identify as j i a nonglutinous panicled millet (Panicum miliaceum).

277

X I X t 58 24.11

24.12

24.13

24.14

DI YUAN

(Phragmites communis)m and are as luxuriant as the hair on a fox. Their stalks may be either yellow or black; their panicles are black. They are large grained and may be planted anywhere. Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agriculture, horticulture, or forestry, fu soils are 20 percent less productive than the three (su9wuy and wei) soils. The above thirty different types of Soils altogether produce twelve different types of grain.182 The first group in the intermediate grade of soils is called the five ju 恋 •183 The chief characteristic of the five yw is that they are light184 like jian Jfi loess,185but they have a high moisture content and resist [wind] erosion. Their characteristic grains are coarse and fine varieties of nonglutinous spiked millet186 that have red stalks and yellow spikes with black spots.187 They are able to withstand flood and drought and are small-grained like /m•縻 •188Whether they be used for animal husbandry， agriculture, horticulture, or forestry,yw soils are 30 percent less produc­ tive than the three (su, wu9and wei) soils. Soils ranked belowy t/ are called the five 墟 • 丨89The chief character­ istic of the five /ti is that they are hard and firm. Their characteristic grains are coarse and fine varieties of Handan 那 鄲 rice1%that have stalks and leaves like fuxun and large grains. Whether they be Emendinggtia/t 篡 to Zrt/a/t 蕾 （雈 ） [Xia Weiying]. See n. 21，above. the five sut wu, wei9 yin, rang, and fu soils each produced a coarse and fine variety of a characteristic grain: spiked millet, two different types of panicled millet, leige rice, wet chang rice, and yinren millet. 18Vm 恋 has the meaning o f “porous.” See n. 113, above. 184 Reading / 丨>i 麋 as "/ig 玲 [Xia Weiying]. 185 For a discussion of jian ift, see n. 192, below. 186 As mentioned above (see n. 13), there is some question about the proper identification of j i S. since at different times in history it has referred to both a panicled and a spiked species of millet. For this early period, however, it most likely refers to a spiked millet (Setaria italica). 187 Inserting 以 before 慈 and emending 慈 to 茲 （see nn. 173 and 178, above) [Zhang Peilun and Xia Weiying]. Following Xia Weiying, who would emend ma 麻 ， “hemp (Ca/t/ta厶 & sa"va)，” to 縻 ， a variety o f panicled millet (Pamcum mi7iacetmt). As Xia points out， hemp seeds are very different from millet. 189 Emending /u 鱸 to /u 壤 ， here and below [Wang Shaolan and Sun Yirang]. See line lal2 ; 21.1 and n. 19 above. 190 The identity of this grain is not clear, but it appears from the description that follows to be a variety of rice. It undoubtedly obtained its name from the Handan 邯鄲 area o f southern Hebei, which was famous for its production of both rice and spiked millet during the Warring States period. 191 Reading^/kcti/t 扶 槱 as/kct//! 考夫樣[Xia Weiying]. is said to be a black rice 黑 稻 . 111

1821.c.,

278

CATEGORIES OF LAND

25.1 6a

25.2

25.3

25.4

used for animal husbandry, agriculture, horticulture, or forestry, lu soils are 30 percent less productive than the three (su9wu9and wei) soils. Soils ranked below lu are called the five jian ^ . 19l92The chief charac­ teristic of the fivejian is that they are powdery like grain dust and covered with a fragile crust.193 Their characteristic grains are coarse and fine varieties of li S millet194 that have green stalks and yellow panicles (spikes?). Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agriculture, hor­ ticulture, or forestry, jian soils are 30 percent less productive than the three (suy wu, and wei) soils. Soils ranked belowyY奶 are called the five 剽 .195The chief charac­ teristic of the five pwo is that they are like 狂powder used in paint that is white in color.196Their characteristic grains are coarse and fine varieties of ju millet197 that have black stalks and green panicles. Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agriculture, horticulture, or forestry, piao soils are 40 percent less productive than the three {su9wu, and wei) soils. Soils ranked below ptoo are called the five 沙 .丨98The chief char­ acteristic of the five is that they are grainy like rice grits,199containing fine dust and coarse grains.200Their characteristic grains are coarse and fine varieties of pei % millet201that have white stalks and green panicles with red spots.202 Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agricul191Jian ^ is described as being a loess-type soil, yellow in color and fine as dust. Xia Weiying says it is the same as the huang tang H discussed at the beginning o f the chapter, lb3; 21.2. Xia describes it as a yellowish soil, too salty to produce good crops, that is found in the lower reaches o f the Yellow River. The description o f jian here seems at odds with with what is said about huang tang, above. 193 Emending 肥 ，“fertile,” to 脆 [Ding Shihan and Tao Hongqing]. 194 Emending li JE» 4tthe lichee fruit,Mto li ^ [Xia Weiying]. Li ^ is described in the Yu pia/t, B, 194/35all, as a tall species of millet ( 長 禾 ) ,but tkere is no information concerning whether it was a panicled or spiked variety. 195 Readingpi'ao 剽 as pi’ao 漯 ，which refers to a white, veiy light soil that is easily blown about by the wind. 196 Following Zhang Peilun in emending 脈 to 香 = 蜃炭， a white powder obtained from burning oyster shells. It is used to make a white paint. 197Ju ^ is mentioned in the Shijing, no. 300 (Karlgren, Book o f Odes, 258-259), where the Mao commentary describes it as a variety of black panicled millet 黑 黍 . 1M 沙 refers to soils that have a high sand content. 199 Emending 屑 ，a very fine dust, to 循 ，broken bits of rice. 200 Following Igai and Xia Weiying in emending 厲 to 糲 . 201 Emending pei (also read fu ) to pei (also read pi) % [Wang Yinzhi]. According to Guo Pu*s commentary to the Eryat VIII, 13/7b9fpei % is another black panicled millet like the ju 柜 ， but its kernel is different inside. 202 Emending ma« 蔓 to ma/i 瑀 [Xia Weiying】 .

279

X l X t 58

25.5

25.6

泛7

25.8

D I YUAN

ture, horticulture, or forestry, sha soils are 40 percent less productive than the three (suy wu, and wei) soils. Soils ranked below sha are called the five ge 1®,203 The chief characteristic of the five ge is that they are as rocky as a stone pile204 and unable to withstand flood or drought. Their characteristic grains are coarse and fine varieties of 令如扣 穆芽己millet205that has black stalks and black panicles. Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agricul­ ture, horticulture, or forestry, ge soils are 40 percent less productive than the three (su, wu, and wei) soils. These thirty types of intermediate grade soils altogether produce twelve different types of grain.206 The first group of lower-grade soils is called the five 少 仰 猶 .207 The chief characteristic of the five^oi/ is that they smell like manure. Their characteristic grains are coarse and fine varieties of At/fl 華 millet208that have white stalks and black panicles. Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agriculture, horticulture, or forestry, you soils are 50 percent less pro Juctive than the three (5 u ，wt/，and soils. Soils ranked below you are called the five zhuang jit.209 The chief characteristic of the five z/iwfl/ig is that they are the color of a rat’s liver. Their characteristic grains are coarse and fine varieties210of green Hang 梁 millet211 that have black stalks and black panicles. Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agriculture, horticulture, or forestry, zhuang soils are 50 percent less productive than the three (yw, ww， and soils. 203 Reading 塥 as 福 [Zhang Peilun and Xu Weiyu】 . Ge 痛 refers to soil that is very rocky and of poor quality. 204 Reading 累 as 磲 and 僕 as 墣 . 2WFollowing Xia Weiying who would emend 移 to 穋 and 杞 （ 把）to f己 and identify qiuqi as probably being a variety of panicled millet. 206 1.e., the five shu9luJiantpiaot shat and ge soils produce coarse and fine varieties of ji (nonglutinous spiked millet), Handan rice, and lifju tpeit and qiuqit all o f which appear to be varieties of a glutinous panicled millet (shu ^ ) . 207 Redding 猶 as 蕕 ，the name o f a foul-smelling water plant (Cafyo/^eri’5 divancara) [Zhang Peilun]. Hence the name for this soil, which smells like manure. 208 ‘7/wa Mw” 華 黍 [Hua Millet] is the name o f a lost poem in the 209 Emending to A：[Tang Lan and Xia Weiying]. The Huainanzi, 4 /1 2 b l0 -l 1, refers to a zhuang soil, which is associated with the color red and south. Xia Weiying adds that south of the Yangtze River, red soil is very common. 210 Adding the usual separation into coarse 大 and fine 細 ，which is missing in the text here. As Xia Weiying points out, it is necessary to have two varieties of grain listed under each type of soil in order to achieve the final tally of thirty-six grains and ninety soils mentioned at the end of the chapter. 211 Reading 梁 as 粱 which is a variety o f spiked millet (Setoria i7a/{〇i). In this case the grain would be a light green in color.

280

CATEGORIES OF LAND

25.9

25.10

25.11

25.12

Soils ranked below zhuang are called the five zhi 5t.212 The chief characteristic of the five zhi is that [when wet], they may become com­ pletely saturated and disintegrate, or [when dry], they may crack and lose their vitality.213Their characteristic grains dioyanshan rice214 with black kernels and 朱 财 rice215 with yellow kernels. Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agriculture, horticulture, or forestry, zhi soils are 60 percent less productive than the three (su9 and wei) soils. Soils ranked below the zW are called the five gwe 敦 .216 The chief characteristic of the five que is that they are infertile and incapable of withstanding flood or drought. Their characteristic grains are coarse and fine varieties of soybeans 大 菽 （ •Sq/Vi AispWfl),217218which produce many white beans. Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agricul­ ture, horticulture, or forestry, que soils are 60 percent less productive than the three (su, wu, and wei) soils. Soils ranked below the que are called the fivexi The chief characteristic of the five xi is that they are firm but not completely hard.219 Their characteristic grains are /eng 稜 rice，220Aef e 黑 鶴 ， and 馬 f^.221 Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agriculture, horticul­ ture, or forestry, xi soils are 70 percent less productive than the three (su9wu9and wei) soils. Soils ranked below the xi are called the five jie H .222The chief char­ acteristic of the five jie is that they are extremely salty and bitter. As a soil type, they rank at the very bottom. Their characteristic grain is a 2l2Reading 植 as 埴 （see line lb 8 ; 21.5, above) which the 热 Mow/iyi•枕i’，13B/6b7, identifies as a sticky clay. 213 Deleting ^ as an explanation for the previous character ffi by some early commentator. 214 The identification o f 腐 滕 (lit., ‘*wild goose food”） is not clear. Xia Weiying points out that local names for several varieties of rice contain the character yan fSk • Xia also suggests that sAa/i iH may be a mistake for 秈 ， a variety o f common Annamese, nonglutinous rice. 215 Again, the identification o f 朱樹 （ lit.， “red foot’*) is not clear, but it is most likely a variety of rice. The name indicates that its stalks near the roots were reddish in color. 216 Emending Am 觳 to gne f t = 确 ，“stony soil” [Zhang Peilun]. 2,7 See n. 34, above. 218 Emending 鳧 to 舄 = 潟 [Sun Yirang].沿 潟 is land， usually tidal, that has been impregnated with salt. 219 Reading 骼 as 珞 [Igai】 . 220 Following Xia Weiying in emending /丨 如 陵 稻 to /e/ig 稜 稻 ， a species of black rice, contrasting with the white rice listed below. 221 Emending 夫 to 扶 [Xia Weiying】 . /ifei* e 黑 薄 , “black goose,” and wfl/if 馬 扶 , “horse groom,Mare also varieties o f black rice. 222 J/e 桀 should probably written 磔 [Zhang Peilun].

281

X I X ， 58

25.13 7a

DI YUAN

long, narrow variety of white rice.223 Whether they be used for animal husbandry, agriculture, horticulture, or fo restry ,^ soils are 70 percent less productive than the three (ji/, wu9and wei) soils. These thirty types of lower-grade soils altogether produce twelve different types of grain, and the entire total of ninety types [in all three grades] of soil produce thirty-six types of grain. 223 Two characters are clearly missing following c/ra/ig xta 長 狭 ， “long and narrow,” since this white rice (6 似• 白 稻 ） should come in two varieties as do the other grains listed above.

282

X IX ， 59

D izi Zhi

弟子職 D

u t ie s o f t h e

Stu d en t

As one of the earliest essays on education in China, uDizi zhi^ has enjoyed considerable attention from Chinese scholars ever since Han times when it circulated as an independent work as well as a chapter of the Gwfl/zzzV It is cited by Xu Shen 許 慎 （ d. A.D. 120?) in his Sftwewe” jiezi, by the great Han commentator on the Confucian classics, Zheng Xuan 鄭 玄 （ a.d. 127- 200)， and by Ying Shao 應 邵 （ fl. a.d. 178-196) in his Fengsu tongyi? The dominant figure in Song Neo-Confucianism, Zhu Xi 朱 熹 （1130-1200)， gives the fiill text in his K //jingzhuan tongjie, 10, and at least a dozen special studies of the text were published by scholars during the Qing.123 In recent years two studies, which include translations into modem Chinese, have been published by Taiwan scholars Feng Yongmin and Yin Xianliang,4 and there is also an excellent study and translation into German by Gustav Haloxm.5 Written completely in rhymed prose, this relatively short chapter opens with a brief introduction outlining in general the proper behavior and attitudes of a student, followed by several short sections describing the early morning duties of the student, his proper behavior in class, the 1 See

the uTreatise on LiteratureMo f the Qian-Han shu, 30/10b2. the Shuowen jiezi, see n. 49, and for Zheng Xuan, see n. 47. See also the Fengsu tongyi, 2, 92. 3 These include such well-known scholars as Hong Liangji 洪 亮 吉 （ 1746- 1809)， Zhuang Shuzu 莊 述 祖 （ 1751 - 1816)， Wang Shaolan 王 紹 蘭 （1760-1835), Wang Yun 王 筠 （17841854), Xu Han 各 潑 （early 19th cent.), Huang Pengnian 黃 彭 年 （1823-1891), Zhong Guang 錄 廣 （late 19th cent.), and Sun Tongyuan 孫 同 元 ， a Ming scholar whose commentary on the According to Zhuang, this Chi mi chapter was written about 287 B.C., during the reign of King Min if of Qi, by Su Qin who, according to tradition, was the chief architect of the so-called vertical alliance of the six eastern states against Qin. Su primarily served the King of Yan 燕 ， but after the defeat of the alliance in 298 B .c . he moved to Qi, where he entered the service of King Min. Zhuang believes that both this chapter^ emphasis on change and its chi mi economic theory 20 For 21

further discussion of this term, see my 1985 Guanzi, 114-115. See my 1985 Guanzi, 115-116.

301

XII, 35

CHI MI

were compatible with Su’s philosophic approach. He explains that Su spent many years as a child and young scholar in Luoyang 雜 ( 洛 ) 陽 ， a major commercial center in northeastern Henan, and this provided the background for his unorthodox approach to economic development. However, Zhuang really presents little evidence beyond general suppo­ sitions to support his thesis. I tend to agree basically with Guo’s dating even though I feel some of his arguments are also flawed. His primary evidence for an early Han dating~women-dominated gevemment, the superior valu^ o f iron, and the power of water—is based on a single paragraph (19b 12—20a 10; 61.5-10) of the final section of the chapter (18b2-20b5; 61.1-61.14), which I suspect may be a later addition. However, before continuing with the problem of dating， it is important to consider a question raise] by Professor Yang (p. 61), namely, Whether one can be sure that the whole chapter. . . or even the economic passages came from a single hand.” I think it is safe to say that this chapter certainly contains material derived from different sources as well as passages that were probably inserted into the text sometime after its initial compilation. The story concerning Duke Huan and the Zhongqin Zhuzi (Ilb4~12a4; 53.1454.6) appears to be an obvious case in point, and I suspect that the final section of the text (18b2-20b5; 60.1-61.14) dealing with the impor­ tance of grasping the vital forces of the Yin and Yang and the Five Phases may also be a later addition since it does not seem to fit very well with the rest of the text. Moreover, several other passages, often the more garbled ones, such as 10b4-12a4 (53.2-54.6), appear either to be out of place or to represent later insertions. The problem of determining consistency is complicated by the fact that the dialogue format used in the chapter tends to divide its contents into small, separate units that need not follow a strictly logical sequence. No single question and answer totally covers any one of the major topics discussed in the dialogues. Thus bits and pieces of material dealing with economic policy, for example, are scattered throughout the text and inter­ spersed with material dealing with other facets of rulership. The unusual use of rhyme in this particular text also presents a problem. Generally speaking, rhyme in prose texts serves a relatively clear stylistic purpose. In addition to its use as a mnemonic device, especially in popular sayings or portions of texts that were meant to be chanted, it is also used to show emphasis, or to introduce or sxim up important points. However, in this chapter, the use of rhyme sometimes seems to

302

ON EXTRAVAGANCE I N SPENDING serve none of these purposes and constitutes such an abrupt change of style that one is led to wonder if perhaps some of these passages do not constitute later insertions. This brings us back to Guo Moruo^ above-mentioned use of state­ ments to be foxmd in the final section of the chapter (18b2-20b5; 60.161.14) as proof of Han origin. Duke Huan’s final question to Guanzi is about planning, and the first part of Guanzfs reply (18a6-18bl; 59.1160.1) is very much to the point. He talks about the need to xmderstand the waxing and waning of Heaven and Earth’s vital forces, the need to know one^ relative strength, and the need to serve Heaven in accor­ dance with the seasons, the spirits in accordance with Heaven, and ghosts in accordance with the spirits. As a result, the state will suffer no retri. bution, the prince will live a long life, and the people will escape being killed. Then Guanzi concludes these remarks with a final admonition to be wise when setting a plan in motion so as to avoid becoming involved in war. The original text probably ended here, but it continues with a lengthy discussion of Yin and Yang and the five phases, including the statement about the power of water, as well as what appear to be prognostications for the future, including the ones about women in government and the value of iron. It appears to me that this section of the text is out of proportion and differs somewhat in style from the main body of the text. Moreover, while Yin and Yang are mentioned in the earlier sections, the change referred to there has nothing to do with the five phases. If my supposition is correct, then much of Guo^ argument is valid only for wliat is actually a later addition, perhaps originally intended as a commentary, rather than the main body of the text. In spite of evidence that this chapter was probably derived originally from various sources or at least contains later additions, the major question, as I see it, should be whether it generally hangs together as a consistent set of ideas. By and large, with some notable exceptions， I think it does, and any contradictions are relatively minor. I also believe that tiiere is additional evidence to support Guo^ general dating of early Han. When Guanzi tells the duke that he must under­ stand the waxing and waning of Heaven^ and Earths vital forces (18a7; 59.12)， the term he uses for waxing is 滿 instead of the usual term ， ying S.. The modem commentator Lin Pu suggests that this is because was the personal name of the Han emperor, Hui 惠 （ r. 194-186 B.c.), and was thus a proscribed Character during the early Han. Another sucli example is to be found in the use of gwo 國 to replace Zww容邦 in

303

X I I t 35

CHI MI

the rhymed passage 7bl0 (50.10). Bang was the personal name of the first emperor of the Han.22 Furthermore, excluding some badly corrupted passages and some other possible late additions, the prose in general is clearly and forcefully written. The imagery is far more vivid, the style much looser, and the sentence structure much more elaborate than that of almost any other chapter in the Guanzi, and it reads much more like a text from the end of the third or beginning of the second century B.c. than one produced at the end of the fourth or beginning of the third. Within the Guanzi itself, the general style of this chapter, exclusive of the above-mentioned corrupted and rhymed passages, most closely resembles that of chap­ ters in the final uQing zhong^ section (XXI, 68-XXIV, 85), which most certainly date from the Han but were probably composed somewhat later, perhaps from the middle to the end of the second century B.c. The time gap between this chapter and those in the “Qing zhong” section， which are also devoted to political economics, must still have been close enough for the proponents of alternative economic policies to consider cW m/’ economic concepts worth attacking. The “Siii yu” 事 語 （ XXII， 71) and “Shan zhi shu” 山 至 數 （ XXII，76) chapters also make use of Guanzi as a spokesman， but in these texts he is attacking cA/ m/ con­ cepts as preached by their personifications, a Mr. Great Extravagance (Taishe 秦 奢 ） and a Mr. Special Privilege (Te 特 )• Finally, it is quite possible that this text originated at the court of Huainan 淮 南 ， tiie Han dynasty kingdom in the old area of Chu 楚 • O f the seven instances of irregular rhyme in this chapter, one, the combin­ ing of groups ^ and ^4, is unique to the Guanzi; of the others, one, # and 真 ， is very common in Han and pre-Han rhymed prose in general， but the remainder appear almost exclusively in texts associated with the old area of Chu. It is also worth noting that “Chi mi” appears as one of a series of chapters in the “Duan yu” section that seem to be connected with Huainan and the old area of the state of Chu.23

Translation 2:44.12 la6

[Duke Huan] asked the question, “May I ask how this is applied?” “Have the rich build grandiose tombs163to employ the poor, construct highly elaborate grave sites to employ164engravers and sculptors,165use large coffins to provide work for carpenters, and prepare numerous sets of funerary clothing and coverlets to provide work for seamstresses. Since this is still not enough, there should be bundles166containing dif­ ferent gradations of sacrificial meat, containers holding different types of grain, and funerary objects of metal, pottery, and jade. Doing this provides a source of living from which, thereafter, all people benefit, and it is appropriate even when the country is preparing for war.

MIssue orders setting a standard price [for grain]3and maintain control over land utilization and policies affecting people.4 In this way opening and closing the gates to wealth will lie entirely in the hands of the ruler on high, and there will be no need to seek it directly from the people. MThe state of a lord protector5 can only control half its wealth with the ruler and6his subjects maneuvering back and forth in respect to the remaining half in order to satisfy their needs. Since a state that adheres to the way of a true king controls its wealth from the beginning, if its needs are deficient by one part, it will add one; if it is deficient by two, parts it will add two, and so on up to ten. “Since its prince controls the raising and lowering of grain prices, from each year’s harvest he can set aside in storage 30 percent of the crop. In ten years, then, he will have a three-year7surplus. Then, if there is a year of severe droughts or floods and the people lose their primary source of income, he builds palaces and pavilions, thereby providing employment for those households so poor that they have nedier a dog in front nor a pig behind. Thus, his building of palaces and pavilions is not to gratify iiis pleasure, but to maintain equilibrium in the economic policies of the state. is another name for the legendary emperor Shun 舜 . is an abbreviation f o r 平 奉 ， a term that literally means “level” but was used especially during the Han to indicate a standard, happy-medium price set by the government for various commodities as well as a balance in the weight of coins. Pingzhun is the title of chapter 30 o f the Shi ji, which deals with money and the economy. 4 The meaning o f 人 莢 , “policies affecting people,” is not clear. Zhao Shouzheng says it refers to the control of prices. Xu Weiyu would emend 人 to 之 . Thus, “maintain control over plans (or policies) for the utilization of land.” 5 fh e Yang edition mistakenly writes 朝 for 霸 . 6 Emending 之 to 與 [Guo Moruo]. The two characters are easily confbsed when written in script. * 7 Emending 五 ，“five,” to 三 [Wang Yinzhi]. 2 Youyu

3 ZAtm 準

365

X X I ， 69

62.6

62.7

20b

62.8

62.9

62.10

62.11

CHENG MA SHU

uNow, however, when it comes to the prince who fails to institute planned fiscal management, he is oblivious to the beginning and end of seasons and launches projects, mobilizes the masses, and erects palaces and pavilions spring and fall, summer and winter. His people lose their primary sources of income, but he is unaware of having ruined his plans for spring and that the failure of his plans for summer and fall has become inevitable. It has also become inevitable that people, lacking even gruel to eat, will be forced to sell their children.8Fierce and resolute men will become exceedingly violent, while people who are poor and sick become beggars. Should the prince implement laws to restrain them, ihe people may be punished and executed, but they will not submit to his govern­ ment on high. Such are the results of failure in the art of planned fiscal management. MThe standard prices for commodities associated with fiscal manage­ ment should be the same throughout the empire. If your standard price is cheaper {qing ® ) than that of others, your goods flow abroad. If it is more expensive 重 )， goods will be dumped on you. This being the case, the goods of rival states will flow back and forth, and experts who have mastered these fluctuations in price zAcwg 輕 重 ） will compete with each other for profit. When it comes to die state that adheres to the way of a true king, the prince controls the flow of goods and puts a stop to this.” “What do you mean by saying ‘he controls the flow of goods’?” said Duke Huan. “From one man’s plowing， five people may eat,” replied Guanzi. “Or it may be only four people, three people, or even just two, but in each case the amount of effort expended in working9 the land is the same. However, when work in the fields and policies affecting prices support each other, it means that the state's economic policies can maintain con­ trol over seasonal activities.10Should the prince fail to maintain control over policies affecting prices, the people will control them from below.11 When this happens, the economic policies of the state become meaningless.” “Is this all there is to the art of fiscal management?” asked Duke Huan.* * Inserting 者 following 子 [Wen Yiduo]. as 攻 [Li Zheming]. 10 Following Guo Moruo in reading 時守 as 守 時 . The point here seems to be that unless the government maintains control over prices, their rise and fall will seriously affect the number of people who can be fed through the same amount of work. " Emeniling 上 to 下 [Igai and Zhang Peilun]. 9 Reading 功

366

THE A R T OF FISCAL MANAGEMENT 62.12

62.13

62.14 21a

63.1

“Establish prices for textiles and other commodities. The price of commodities will rise or fall along with the value of money, and it is grain alone that will determine whether they are expensive or cheap.” “What do you mean that ‘grain alone will determine whether things are expensive or cheap’?” MWhen grain is expensive, all other things are cheap; when grain is cheap, all other things are expensive.” uHow does one fiirther pursue12 the art of planned fiscal management?” asked Duke Huan. “In the commanderies 郡 ) and prefectures 縣 )， levy a specific amount of tax on first-class land, another specific amount on intermediateclass land, and a third specific amount on lower-class land. Then, having fixed your tax rates on the basis of the relative fertility of their soils, people will not move away. You will then have provided relief for the poor, and assisted those who do not have enough, and your subjects below will be happy with their ruler on high. All this is because you will have taken the richness of first-class soils to make up for the deficiencies13of those in the lowest class. If you are able to take charge of the four seasons, control the opening and closing of gates to wealth, and your people do not move away, it will provide a stability similar to placing a square object on the ground. This is what is meant by the art of planned financial management. 12 Emending 贱 13 Emending 求

to 踐 [Yin Tongyang and Guo Moruo】 . to j [Yu Yue and Ding Shihan】 .

367

XXII， 71

Shi Yu

事語 D is c o u r s e o n E c o n o m ic M a t t e r s

Introductory Comments “Shi yu” is another short chapter in this series of dialogues between Duke Huan and Guan Zhong. In this one, Guanzi rebuts the theories of two personifications, Mr. Great Extravagance (Taishe 泰 奢 ） and Mr. Idle Fields (Yitian 佚 田 ） • Great Extravagance represents an economic theory that advocates the encouragement of extravagance in spending as a means to stimulate economic development, a tlieory discussed at considerable length in the “Chi mi” 侈靡 chapter, XII，35, “On Extrav­ agance in Spending.’’1Mr. Idle Fields represents a view that advocates making use of the resources of others (their land, wealth, and human resources) to secure control of the empire. Guan Zhong^ attack on both of these ideas reflects his stress on the primacy of agriculture and the need for the state to control the economy so that it can build up strong reserves and thus free itself from the need to rely on others. Although the form of this chapter differs slightly from that of the previous two, the style of writing is very similar, and it actually contains one line, lb4-6 (63.12-13), that is very close in wording to one in XXI, 68/19a7-9 (3:61.5). Thus it is quite possible that all three of these chap­ ters are by the same author. In any case, they are clearly written about the same time, later than the “Chi mi” chapter, which I believe to have been early Han, but before Sima Qian 司 馬 遷 （145- 86? B.c.). This would place it about the middle of the second century B.c.

3:63.8

U8

Translation Duke Huan questioned Guanzi, saying, MMay I ask about the best method for handling the economy?^ 1 The same theory is presented by supporters of Emperor Wu's monopolistic policies in the Yan tie lun I, 3/8bl-3 (Gale, Discourses on Salt andiron^ 22), but contrary to what is said here, Guan Zhong*s name is used in that work to support such a theory, just as it is in XII, 35. See the introductory comments to XII, 35, n. 7.

368

DI SCOURSE ON ECONOMIC MATTERS

63.9

63.10

lb 63.11

63.12

63.13

“What do you mean by ‘the best method’?” Guanzi replied. “Great Extravagance (Taishe 泰 奢 )2instructed me，saying, ‘If carriage curtains and umbrellas are not made in profusion and large quantities of clothing are not produced，women’s work will not flourish. Sacrificial rites involving dishes and platters must3entail the use of sacrificial ani­ mals. If the Greater Lao sacrifice of the feudal lords and the Lesser Lao sacrifice of the great officers fail to do this, the six domestic animals will not proliferate.4If pavilions are not lofty and palaces elegant, various kinds of woods will not be widely used.5 What do you think of this statement?” “It is not the right method,” said Guanzi. “What do you mean ‘it is not the right method’?” “This is a method suitable for places where the amount of territory to be held by each rank is set: The amount controlled by the son of Heaven is a thousand li square, while that of the ordinary feudal lords is a hun­ dred li square. Along the seacoast, the amount controlled by a viscount (zz• 子 ） is seventy // square， and that of a baron (/ww 男 ） is fifty. These all work together like the chest and arms. Therefore stabilizing the pressure of government demands and coping with surpluses and shortages may be handled completely by the people below and not become the concern of the prince. However, where the territory is small but the prince wishes to5 compete with larger states, the peasant must plow when it is still cold and weed when it is hot, but the fruits of his labor will go to the government. Women must be diligent in spinning and weaving, but the results of their work will go to public storehouses.6 This is not done to create resentment among the people or ruin their aspirations but is due to the fact that xmless he possesses accumulated reserves, the prince will have nothing with which to employ men. Furthermore, unless he possesses accumulated wealth, he will have nothing with which to en­ courage his subordinates. Great Extravagance^ plan cannot be used in a country that is facing danger.” 2 Originally written Qinshe 秦 奢 ， the 9 m has been emended to in accordance with the way the name appears in the passage below, lb7 (63.13) [Yao Yonggai and Ma Feibai]. The following discussion of Great Extravagance's plan is clearly a rebuttal against the eco­ nomic theories presented in XII, 35. 3 Emending 下 to 必 [Igai and Ma Feibai】 . 4 The Greater I 如 大 % had as its primary sacrificial animal the ox; for the Lesser Lao 小 牢 it was the sheep. s Deleting 舉 as a reduplication o f 與 [Yu Yue]. Ma Feibai would read it to mean ‘*to raise troops.” Thus, “the Tuler wishes to raise‘troops to compete with larger states.” 6 For a very similar passage, see XXI, 68/19a7-9 (3:61.5). Guo Moruo believes that this passage is a misplaced slip from XXI, 6 8 , but the wording is slightly different and the context is also not the same.

369

XXII, 71 63.14 64.1

64.2

64.3

2a

64.4

SH I YU

“Good!” said Duke Huan. Duke Huan again questioned Guanzi，saying， “Idle Fields (Yitian 佚 田） said to me， ‘Those who are skiUfol can make use of the resources that do not belong to them and employ men other than their own.7Why not rely on the help8 of the feudal lords in controlling the empire,?>, Guanzi replied, uWhat Idle Fields says is wrong. When it comes to those who are good at running their countries: Their land having been opened for cultivation, ( # kiay) Their people settle down•(處 / ’fey) Their granaries being fall, (實 Their people know propriety and moderation•(節 toe/)9 Moreover, if a country lacks public stores of grain, it will be besieged. If its city walls are weak,10they will be penetrated. Indeed, unless one stabilizes the internal situation, it is impossible to retain control of the empire. What Idle Fields says is wrong.” Guanzi then continued, saying, MIf every year one-tenth of the harvest is stored away, in ten years there will be a fiill year of reserves. If every year two-tenths of the harvest is stored away, in five years there will be a fUll year of reserves. If half of the year’s grain is taken over by the state and vegetables11 are gathered by the people to make up for this, then half of the grain will be in the hands of the government. ^Therefore take careful note of the harvest and store up grain accord­ ingly. Over a period of time, accumulate stores so that the state will have ten years of reserves.12 Prosperity will then vanquish poverty, bravery 7 This seems to have been a rather common statement. It appears in the Shangjun shu, III, 9/4al(M bl (Duyvendak, Lord Shangt 241), to describe the enlightened (Legalist) ruler who looks only to performance, and in the ffuainanzi, 9/2 lb7 (Roger T. Ames, The Art o f Rulership, 204), where it is used to describe the actions of King Wu o f the Zhou who, after conquering the Shang, made use of their land and people. * Reading 權 as 勸 = 助 [Wen Yiduo and Guo Moruo]. 9 This passage is taken from a longer rhymed passage in 1,1/U 8-9 (1:1.7-8). 10 The Yang edition for 脆 writes 肥 . Both should be emended to 佩 [Ma Feibai]. 11 This writing o f 綈 素 appears to be a corruption o f 夷 疏 （ = 蔬 ) , which appears in a similar context in XXIII, 78/9bl 1 (3:91.6). As Ding Shihan points out, 夷 and 桑 are inter­ changeable elements in early scripts, and 素 （ ar. fay) and Mm 疏 （蔬 ，a r siViy) are very close in pronunciation. 12 Having reserves that would last ten years seems to have been a Han ideal. Jia Yi (201169 B.c.), in his Mu, IV, 4/9a2- 3, states: “Since Yu 禹 （the founder o f the Xia 夏 dynasty) had ten years o f reserves, he was able to avoid the disaster o f nine years of floods. Since Tang 湯 （the founder o f the Shang 商 dynasty) had ten years o f stores， he was able to overcome seven years o f drought.” Again， in III, 9/10a3-4, he states: “The method o f a true king is for the people to have one year o f food surplus left over from three years o f plowing. In nine years the surplus will be three year's food. In thirty years the people will have reserves for ten years.”

370

DISCOURSE ON ECONOMIC MATTERS

64.5

64.6

will vanquish cowardice, wisdom will vanquish stupidity, the subtle will vanquish the crude, those having a sense of duty will vanquish those who do not, and trained knights will vanquish the untrained hordes who are forced to fight. With all13these victories in hand, you will sally forth like the wind and rain and move like thunder. Since you will be able to go and come freely, no one will be able to resist you.14There is no need to wait upori allies. Therefore what Idle Fields says is wrong.” , 32 According to the Mengzit IA, 3/4: uLet each homestead of five mu be planted with mulberry, then those people who reach fifty years o f age may wear silk.** 33 A span (vvei• 团 ） was a measure o f circumference with varying values. Basically it is a circumference covered by a man's embrace. One source gives it as eight Chinese or approx­ imately six English feet.

395

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Shan Quan Shu

山權數 M e t h o d s f o r C o p in g w it h C h a n g e

Introductory Comments As in the title of the previous chapter, the meaning of the initial character, j/w/i 山， is di^icult to explain. For a discussion of various interpretations, see my introductory comments to “Shan guo gui” 山國 軌 （ 文XII,74). As witli that chapter， I have followed Guo Moruo’s sug­ gestion that 丨 办 戊” was originally a copyist’s mark that was mistakenly incorporated into the title of the text. Here also the Yang and Zhao texts differ in the way they divide up the text. The latter is clearly divided into seven formal sections, as indicated by breaks in the text, while the former has only one such break, between sections four and five. In addition to having shan as the initial character in their titles, both this and the previous chapter are very close in terms of style and the use of specialized vocabulary. Furthermore, the contents of this chapter appear as a logical development of ideas presented in its immediate predecessor. Accordingly, it is highly likely that the two chapters came from the same source and were written sometime during the latter part of the second century B.c. Translation

3:73.10 12aS

73.11

[I] Duke Huan questioned Guanzi, saying, uMay I ask about methods for coping with change?” MHeaven displays its changes in terms of the seasons,replied Guanzi. MEarth displays them in terms of the products it produces, people in terms of their work effort, and the prince in terms of his orders. If the prince fails to cope with the changes wrought by Heaven, he will also be at a loss in coping with changes related to Earth and people.” “What do you mean1 by this?” 1 Emending

396

•為 to vm• 謂 [Wen Yiduo].

METHODS FOR COPING WITH CHANGE

73.12

73.13

73.14

74.1

74.2

“When Tang 湯 2 suffered seven years of drought and Yu 禹3 suffered five years of floods, there were people who lacked even gruel to eat and those who were forced to sell their children.4 To rescue these people, Tang coined money from the metal of Mount Zhuang 莊 山 ， and Yu did likewise from the metal of Mount Li 歷 山 . 5 Now the kingly ruler retains 30 percent of the harvest each year and in three and one-third years acquires the equivalent of a foil year’s harvest In thirty-one years, he will have acquired the equivalent of eleven and one-third harvests. 6 Storing away one-third of the harvest is not enough to harm anyone, and the peasants will still treat their work seriously by continuing to work hard. Thus when Heaven sends down harm in the form of fierce droughts and major floods, people will not end up starving to death in ditches or being reduced to beggary. This is the way to take advantage of seasonal work in order to prepare for changes wrought by Heaven.** “Good!” said the duke. “I wish to put into effect methods for coping with change. How do I go about it?” Guanzi replied, uThe red silks7 produced in the area south of Mount Liang 梁 山 8 and the W9 made of Ve 夜 stone10 are not to be found any2 The legendary founder of the Shang dynasty. 3 The legendary founder of the Xia dynasty. 4 Following the 7b/ig (Wfl/i，8 ,45c, which for 賣 子 者 writes 有 賨 子 者 . 5According to the Yan tie lun I, 2/4b2-6 (Gale, Discourses on Salt and Iron, 12): **In ancient times, during the floods of Yu and the droughts of Tang, the hundred surnames became so exhausted that they were forced to borrow from one another in order to obtain food and clothing. Yu coined money for his people from the gold of Mount Li and Tang did likewise from the copper o f Mount Yan 嚴 山 • Therefore the world called them benevolent.” Zhuang and Yan appear to be different names for the same mountain, the former having become a taboo character during the Later Han since it was the personal name for the Emperor Ming 明 （ a.d. 58- 75). A Mount Yan is located in Yingjing 滎經 Xian in the mountainous area of Sichuan southwest o f Chengdu 成 都 . There are several mountains named “Mount Li” in China. Perhaps this refers to the one located in Licheng 歷 城 Xian, northwest o f Jinan 濟 南 in west-central Shandong. 6 There is a problem with the arithmetic here. Igai and Ma Feibai would emend 31 to 33 1/3 and 11 to 10 while Yu Yue and Guo Moruo would emend 31 to 37. However, neither o f these suggestions provides a satisfactory solution. 7 Qian here probably refers to silks colored with a red dye produced from the root of the madder plant (Wa/t 茜 ） • 8 Several peaks in China bear this name, making identification difficult. However, Zhang Wenhu would identify it as LiangfU Shan 梁 父 山 ， a lesser peak lying to the south of Mount Tai 泰山 in west-central Shandong. 9 Emending 6*• 伴，“coins,” to 沅 璧 ， a stone， usually jade， disk with a hole in the center said to represent Heaven and often presented as a token of honor [Sun Yutang]. 10Zhang Peilun, Ren Linpu， and Zh^ao Shouzheng would identify Ye as Ye 液 Xian on the northwest coast of the Shandong Peninsula. To the southeast o f Ye Xian is Laiyang 萊 陽 Xian, famous for its Laiyang stone or jade， which was said to be o f a unique light green or reddish green color.

397

X X I I ， 75

74.3

74.4

74.5

74.6

13a

74.7

SHAN QUAN SHU

where else in the world.” He then said:" “One should use these to comer the nation’s grain supply, each year acquiring one-tenth， so that in five years the price of grain may rise tenfold over what it was before.” Con­ tinuing on，he added, “I suggest that you establish a coinage. Use two years* worth of your reserve supply of unhusked grain to hire labor112for the stated copper mines, set up smelters for casting coins,13 and bring the prices of your goods14into line with those of the rest of the world. If one’s prices are higher (zAowg 重 ) ,other people’s goods will be dumped on one. If one^ prices are cheaper (qing $1), one^ goods will flow abroad.15Therefore one must be in line with the rest of the world. Having one's goods flow abroad means that one has lost control over the situa­ tion. Having goods dumped on one means that one^ plans have failed. If one is not prepared to cope with changes wrought by Heaven, people below will seek help from each other and be forced to become each other’s secret slaves. Such is the beginning of physical punishments and fines and the origin of disorder and ruin.16What was equal becomes unequal, people who were prosperous become impoverished,17and the stated grain reserves become empty. This is entirely the result of failing to cope with the changes wrought by the three, Heaven, Earth, and people.” “How does one,” asked the duke, “pursue methods for coping with changes wrought by these three?** “When the harvest is rich, store away half of it; when it is poor, do the same.” “A poor harvest,” said the duke, “is reason for increasing the amount of grain available. Why store away half the harvest?” “During bad years it is easy to increase the price. One can become ten; ten can become a hundred. Bad years should be used to control 斤 ） 18of grain good ones. For the same figure at which a single catty 11 The three characters 管 子 曰 that precede this and the following sentence are superfluous and should probably be deleted. 12 Reading 顧 as 雇 [Ma Feibai]. According to the 5如 ，24B/8- 9 (Swann, Food 233), Jia Yi 寶 誼 admonished the throne (175 B.c.): “The law allows the world to hire labor 顧 and pay a fee 租 in order to cast copper and tin to make coins.” 13 Following Guo Moruo’s interpretation o f 餘 落 ， which literally means a “black people place.” 14 Emending 力 to 物 [Zhao Shouzheng】 . 15 For a similar statement, see XXI, 69/20b2-3 (3:62.8). 16 Emending the second 之 to 亡 [He Ruzhang]. 17 The two characters 不 加 ，which destroy the balance o f the sentence, appear to be an interpolation and thus have been deleted [Zhongguo Renmin Daxue group]. 18 A Han jin or catty equaled 8.6 oz. or 244 grams.

398

METHODS FOR COPING WITH CHANGE may be sold in a bad year, it is possible to buy ten in a good year. If one follows this plan for good years, the cost will be reduced by 90 percent and there will be a ninefold profit. By making proper provisions in this way during good years, the ability to cope with changes wrought by the three, Heaven, Earth, and people, will come to lie entirely in the hands of the prince. This is what is meant by a state being able to cope with changing conditions•”

74.8

74.9

74.10

74.11

74.12 13b

[II] Duke Huan questioned Guanzi, saying， “May I ask about the state’s fixed system [of economic policies]?” “The state has no such £xed system,” replied Guanzi， “because its land has different capacities for production.” “What do you mean?” asked the duke. “High-grade fields will produce ten sW 石 per /m/ 畝 , intermediategrade 吞 elds five，and lower-grade fields three.19The remainder all belong to the category of uncultivated fields. In each case a single peasant can work a hundred mu9but the price of unhusked grain will vary from one to ten to thirty or even a hundred. Thus policies based on the movement [of grain from where it is cheap to where it is expensive] will permit a hundred mu to be parlayed into a thousand mu. In this way, a country of a hundred chariots may be parlayed into one of a thousand， and one of a thousand may be parlayed into one of ten thousand. Therefore land has20 different capacities and the state has no fixed system.’’21 “Good!” said Duke Huan. ‘*Now,’’ continued Guanzi，22 “a small country may wish to become a large one and a large one may wish to rule the world, but such a thing will never be possible unless they both come to understand planning designed to cope with change.” [HI] “Once one has carried out such policies, what then?” asked Duke Huan. 19 A Han mu equaled .1139 acres. As a measure of capacity, a shi (also known as a hu M) equaled 19.968 liters or about .565 U.S. bushel. Thus a yield o f 10 shi per mu would be about 49.61 bushels per acre. For a discussion o f yields cited in this and other texts, see the previous chapter, XXII, 74, n. 5. 20 The Yang edition mistakenly writes 無 for 有 . 21 Emending 莢 to 制 [Igai and Guo Moruo]. 32 The text below clearly indicates that this sentence belongs to Guanzi. Therefore I have followed Zhang Peilun and Xu Weiyu in emending the beginning of the sentence to read: 管子曰今小國.

399

X X I I t 75

74.13

74.14

75.1

75.2

75.3

75.4 14a

SHAN QUAN SHU

“If the prince,” replied Guanzi， “understands methods involving the large and small fields, 23 he need not fear those whose fields are large because his are small, and if he understands the methods involving the manipulation of prices (9 知g zAerng 輕 重 )， he need not fear those who have much because he has little. These are major aspects of state planning.” “Good!” said Duke Huan. “Is there a way to use these to unite24 the entire world, control all within the four seas, and strengthen one^ repu­ tation without end?J, “There is,” replied Guanzi. “Maintain a secure grasp of statistics, stabilize the flow of grain, act before situations have fUlly developed， and continue to control them once they have reached fruition. See that the value of goods goes from one to ten, and that there is a ninefold profit for one’s use. By employing the method of alternately relaxing and intensifying government demands as well as policies that manipulate goods and prices, one may be parlayed into ten and ten into a hundred. Take this ten and divide it into two parts, setting four-fifths of one part aside as reserves and using the other part to intervene in the market with the prince alternately opening and curtailing its operation.” “What do you mean ‘opening and curtailing its operation’?” asked the duke. Guanzi replied， “If the prince does not exalt benevolence (卿 仁 ), the state25 will not receive any support in return. If the prince does not exalt compassion and respect for elders, his people will be rude toward their relatives and make light of transgressions. Such being the height of social disorder, the prince should request that the one-tenth remaining in the national plan be used to erect tablets or commemorative gates and present gifts of money to filial sons in the districts (xiang All the younger and older brothers of such filial sons, no matter what their number, should be exempted from military service. With the erection of tablets and commemorative gates and the exaltation of benevolence, compassion, and respect for elders, people will spend their wealth rather than hoarding it, and goods will become plentiful and cheap. If, accord­ ing to plan, one takes advantage of goods being plentiful and cheap to bring fliem under control, then five parts in ten will again remain with the government on high, and if one uses the other five parts26to activate 23 Lit., “broad” 廣 and “narrow” 狭 . 24 Reading 蓋 as 盍 = 合 [Wen Yiduo]. MThe Yang edition mistakenly writes 問 for 國 . 26 Deleting 如 as an interpolation taken from the same character in the following clause.

400

METHODS FOR COPING WITH CHANGE the market, it will be like the sun and moon continuing on without end. This is the way to possess the world for a long time and may be said to be the way to stabilize [the flow of grain].”

75.5

75.6

75.8

75.9

75.10

75.11

[IV] Duke Huan questioned Guanzi， “May I ask about methods of instruc­ tion?” “For those who are most knowledgeable about agriculture，” replied Guanzi/* one should establish an award of one catty of gold or an equiva­ lent value in grain amounting to eight shi. Similar awards should also be established for those who are most skilled in raising the six domestic animals ("w jcw 六 畜 ),27 planting trees, growing melons and gourds， onions and garlic, vegetables and fruits, and making them plentiful. The same should also be done for those who are most skilled in cxiring people’s diseases， those who are most able to understand the seasons and predict whether the harvest will be good or bad and which crops will fail and which will flourish, and those who comprehend silkworms and mulberry trees and how to prevent silkworms from becoming sick. Carefully listen to what these people have to say and store their infor­ mation away in public offices. Moreover, do not let military service interfere wilii them in any way. This is a major aspect2 728of state planning. In meeting the needs of the state, it will insure that there will be not only enough to cover its expenditures but also sufficient to increase its reserves.29Thereafter, one should establish boimdaries [limiting the cir­ culation of goods], adjust the urgency of one^ demands, collect and distribute all things, and keep them under control by making use of fiscal planning and the expertise of five types of officials.” “What do you mean by ‘expertise of the five types of officials’？ ” asked Duke Huan. “Experts in the (SW 詩 ） may be used to keep records of social events. Experts in the calendar (shi B#) may be used to keep records of harvests. Experts in the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu # ^c) may be used to record successes and failures in political and military affairs. Experts on sacrifices to the God of Roads (xing ^f) may instruct people concerning travel conditions.30Experts on the Book o f Changes 27 Usually given as horses, oxen, sheep, pigs, dogs, and fowl. 28 Inserting 大 before 者 [Wang Niansun]. 29 Deleting 困 （the Yang edition writes 因) , which is superfluous and destroys the syntactical balance, and emending 蝥 to 澹 = 賒 [Wang Yinzhij. 30 The god of roads is mentioned in both the K ", 8/4a4 (Steele, / ", 191), and the “Yue ling” 月 令 chapter of the Zi 力，V, 6/22b/8 (Legge, h A7, 28:296-297), but little is known

401

X X I I ， 75 75.12

75.13

75.14

76.1

76.2 ISa

SHAN QUAN SHU

(K 易 ） may be used to foretell calamity or happiness， 3丨 success or failure， while those who are experts in divination by tortoise shell may divine bad or good fortune, profit or loss. Anyone skilled in one of these five should be awarded the amount of land that can be cultivated by a single horse and clothing equal in value to one catty of gold. This is the means to keep the prince from becoming confused and reckless. These five*312 types of experts can see things very quickly. His experts on the calendar will give3334him early warning concerning the days ahead. Thus the prince never misses opportunities, his plans never fail, and everything flour­ ishes. His experts on the Spring and Autumn Annals^ observe35 gains and losses in the distant past as a means to provide instruction for what lies ahead. Experts in the Book o f Odes record men whose words are never in error. Experts on sacrifices to the god of roads inform36 the prince of road conditions and see to it that he makes no mistakes in ritual37 while traveling. Experts on the Book o f Changes [as well as divination by tortoise shell] foretell calamity or happiness, bad fortune or good so that confusion will not arise. These are the prince^ controls over changing conditions.” [V] “I have now heard about the methods involved in establishing con­ trols over changing conditions，but what about insuring the stability of the state?" asked Duke Huan of Guanzi. 4ig-《 i Theory in the Gwa/m].

GZYJy 114-122. Guo Morno 郭 沫 若 .‘ “ Chi mi ’ pian de yanjiu”侈 靡 篇 的 研 究 [A Study of the “ Chi Mi”Chapter, ⑵• ,XII, 35]. 力w歷 史 研 究 3(1954): 27-62. ----- • “ Gudai wenzi bianzheng de fanzhan”古 代 文 字 辩 S E 的 發 展 [The Dialectical Development ofAncient Scripts]. ATflogw考 古 ，1972,no. 3:2-13. -•“ Song Xing Yin Wen yizhu kao”枭 0 尹 文 遣 著 考 [On Remnants of the Writings of Song Xing and Yin Wen]. Contained in his collected works, Gmo Aforwo• 郭 沫 若 文 集 ，16: 224-266. Beijing: Renmin Chubanshe 人 民 出 板 社 ，1962. Hu Jiacong 胡 家 聰 • ‘ “ Chi mi’ pian duandai zhiyi”侈 靡 篇 斷 代 質 疑 [Queiy into the Dating of the “ Chi Mi”Chapter]. +華文 史 論 叢 ，1980, no. 4: 149-157. ----- .“ ‘ Dizi zhi’ bu shi Rujia zhi zuo”弟 子 職 不 是 儒 家 之 作 [“ Dizi Zhi” Is Not a Work of the Confucian School]. Wenshi ¥v 16(1983). ----- • ‘ Qing zhong’ zuo yu zhanguo kao”管 子 邊 重 作 于 戰 國 考 [An Examination into Whether or Not the “ Qing Zhong”Chapters of the Are Works of the Warring States Period]. 中國 史 研 究 ，1981, no. 1. “ Jixia Daojia cong Laozi zhexue jicheng bing tuiyan le shemma?”稷 下 道 家 從 老 子 晳 學 並 推 衍 了 甚 馬 [What Did the Jixia Daoists Inherit and Promote from the Philosophy of Laotzu?]• 幼 eAw/灸exwe zAanxifl/i 社會 科 學 戰 綫 ，1983,no.6:4(M5. -• “ Zhanguo xingming fashu zhi xue de tantao”戰 國 形 名 法 術 之 學 的 探 討 [Discussion of the Study of Form and Name, Law and Method during the Warring States Period]. ZAo/iggt/o 力m中 國 誓 學 研 究 ，1986, no. 1: 32-34 and 41. Hu Jichuang 胡 寄 窗 .ZAo/iggwo力>1皮7s •中 國 經 濟 思 想 史 [History of Chinese Economic Thought]. 3 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe上 海 人 民 出 版 社 ，1983 reprint. Huang Han 黃 漢 • Gt/fl/izi• 力;ag/7six/awg 管 子 經 濟 思 想 [Economic Thought in the Guanzi], Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1936. Translation contained in Maverick, Tan, and Wen, Economic Dialoguesy 213-403. Huang Zhao 黃 釗 • “ Qianlun ‘ Shui di’ pian chengwen de shixian”淺論 管 子 水 地 惫 成 文 的 時 限 [ABrief Discussion of the Date of Composition of the 4wiy扣 暫 學 研 究 ，1980, no. 1. Qiu Xigui 裘 錫 圭 • “Mawangdui iLfloz，’ ‘Jia’ ‘Yi’ ben juanqianhou yishu yu Dao» fajia” 馬 王 堆 老 子 甲 乙 本 卷 前 後 逸 書 與 道 法 家 [The Lost Texts Attached to the Front and Back of the Laozi “A” and “B” Texts from Mawangdui and theDaoist-LegalistSchool].Z/k>wggM〇z/^ciie 中 國 哲 學 .Secondcollection, 68- 84. Beijing: Sanlian Shudian 三 聯 書 店 ，1980. Rong Zhaozu 容 筆 祖 • “Bo Ma Feibai guanyu Gwfl/izf ‘Qing zhong’ pian de zhuzuo niandai wenti” 驳 馬 非 百 關 於 # 子 輕 重 篇 的 著 作 年 代 問 題 [Refuting Ma Feibai on the Question of the Time of Composition of the 4*Qing 金hong” Chapters of the Gw似m]. I 奴 力 m歷 史 研 究 ，1958, no. 1:29-40. Shi Shiqi 石 世 奇 and Chen Weimin 陳 為 民 • “Gwfl/izi* ‘qing zhong’ lun chutan” 管 子 輕 重 論 初 探 [Preliminaiy study of the Q ingZhongTheory in the Guanzi], In Wu Baosan and Chen Zhenhan, Jingji sixiang lunwen j i 9 299-318. Sun Yin 孫 引 and Tao Li 陶 李 • “(JMfl/izi* ‘Chi mi’ pian ruogan wenti de tantao” [A Discussion of Some Problems Related to the “Chi Mi” Chapter of the ⑵ 】• 財 經 研 究 ，1980, no. 3: 64-70. Takeuchi Yoshio 武 内 義 雄 • ‘Shinjutsu’ to ‘NaigyS’” 管 子 c〇心 術

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RE CENT WORKS 内 業 [The “Xin shu” and “Nei ye” Chapters of the GMfl/izz]. 支 ‘ ， Special Issue 特 別 號 ， 10 (April 1942). Tang Lan 唐 蘭 • “Mawangdui chutu Yi ben juanqian guyi shu de yanjiu” 馬 王 堆 出 j ：老 子 乙 本 卷 前 古 佚 書 的 研 究 [A Study of the Lost Ancient Book Found at the Head of the Lao Tzu (Text B) Unearthed at Mawangtui and Its Relation to the Struggle between the Confucians and Legalists in Early Han]• 沿 wgM 仰 以 如 考 古 ， 菝 ，1975, no. 1: 7-38. Toda foyosaburO 户 田 金 三 郎 • “Gogy6 setsu seiritsu no ichikOsatsu” 五 行 説 成 0 — 考 察 [A Study of the Formation of the Five Phases Theory]. •SW/w砂 出 / 支 那 學 研 究 12 (March 1955): 38-45. Wang Da 王 達 • “Gwfl/izf ‘Di yuan’ pian de diquxing tantao” 管 子 地 肖 篇 的 地 區 性 探 討 [Discussion of the Regional Nature of the Gwflwzz’s “Di Yuan” Chapter] . 農 史 研 究 集 刊 2 (1960): 207- 228. Wang Guowei 王 國 餐 • 购 哪 切/ig • 王 觀 堂 全 集 [The Complete Works of Wang Guowei]. 16 vols. Taipei: Wenhua Chubanshe 文 化 出 版 社 ，1968. Wu Baosan 巫 寶 三 • Gwfl/izfjingji sixiang yanjiu 管 子 經 濟 思 想 研 究 [A Study of Economic Thought in the Guanzi], Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe 中 國 社 會 科 學 出 版 社 ，1989. --------- ， Zhongguo jin g fi sixiangshi ziliao xuanji 中 鲺 經 濟 思 想 史 資 料 選 輯 [Collected Materials on the History of Chinese Economic Thought. 2 vols•纟 eijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe 中 國 社 會 科 學 出 版 社 ， 1984. Wu Baosan and Chen Zhenhan 陳 振 漢 • 加• /i/mvew力 經 濟 思 想 史 論 文 集 [Essays on the History of Economic Thought]. Beijing: Beijing Daxue Chubanshe北 京 大 學 出 儉 社 ，1982. Wu Guang 声 光 • “Gwflwz/ sipian yu Song-Yin xuepai bianxi” 管 子 四 篇 與 宋 尹 學 派 辨 析 [An Analysis of Four Chapters of tfie Gmc/iz/ and the Song-Yin School]. ZAo/i踩 wozAext/es加 中 國 暫 學 史 研 究 ，1986, no. 4: 37-42. Wuhan Shuili Dianli Xueyuan Z/w/i踩 mo Bianxiezu 武 漢 水 利 電 力 學 院 “ 中 國 水 利 發 展 史 ” 編 寫 組 [Wuhan Institute for Water Con­ servation and Electrical Power, Compilation Group for 7%e q/* Development o f Water Conservation in China], MGuanzi *Du di* pian shi woguo xiancun zuizao de shuili jishu lilun zhuzuo” 管 子 度 地 篇 是 滅 國 現 存 最 早 的 水 利 技 術 理 論 著 作 [The “Du Di” Chapter of the Gwfl/izf is Our Country’s Earliest Existing Work on the Techniques and Theory of Water Conservation]. Zijcwe力hi/i 力 學 季 刊 ，1977, no. 3: 230-233. Xia Jin 夏 晉 • “Gt/fl/izf ‘Qing ziiong’ pian tanyuan” 管 子 輕 重 篇 探 原 [On the Origin of the MQing ZhongMChapters of the Guanzi], GZYJy 52-64. XiaWeiying 夏 緯 琪 • /wViwyfflasW地 同 篇 校 釋 [Annotations and Explanations to the MDi Yuan** Chapter of the Guanzi], Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju 中 華 書 局 ，1958. ^ --------- • Liishi chunqiu “Shang N o n g ” teng sipian jia o sh i S 氏 春 秋 土 M：等 四 篇 校 釋 [Annotations and Explanations of the “Shang Nong,” etc” Four Chapters of the feeijing: Zhonghua Shuju 中 華 書 局 ，1956.

t

那

539

BIB LIOG RAPHY Xu Lijun 徐 立 軍 • “‘Xin shu’ deng si pian shu Daojia zhuzuo” 心 術 等 四 篇 屬 盜 道 家 著 作 [The Four “Xin Shu” Chapters Are Daoist Works]. GZAX, 1978, no. 1: 38-42. Xu Qingyu 徐 慶 譽 • “Gwa/iz/ zhengzhi sixiang de tantao” 管 子 政 治 思 想 的 探 討 [An Examination of the Political Thought of the Gwanzi]. Jotirnaf o f Orien­ tal Studies 2 (January 1955): 72-88. ， 古 代 社 會 與 去 代 思 想 研 究 [A Study of Early Chinese Society and Its Thought]. 3 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe 上 海 人 1 民出版 社， 1965. Ye Shichang 葉 世 昌 • “Yanjiu gushu zhuzuo niandai de yige fangfalun wenti” 研 究 古 書 著 作 年 代 的 一 個 方 法 論 問 題 [AProblemofMethodologyinthe Study of Dating the Composition of Ancient Books]. ZG XKy 1990, no. 2: 8-9. ---------. **Zhongguo fengjian guojia de caizheng he Guanzi 4Qing zhong* + S 封 建 國 家 的 財 政 和 管 子 輕 重 [Fiscal Policies of China’s Feudal States and the **Qing ZhongMChapters of the Guanzi], GZXK9 1988, no. 3: 9-15. Yinqueshan Hanmu Zujian Z&engli Xiaozu 銀 雀 山 漢 墓 竹 簡 i 理 小 組 [The Small Group in Charge of Handling the Bamboo Slips from the Han tomb at Yinqueshan]. 57叫 Mes/m” /ffl/imu 銀 雀 山 決 墓 竹 簡 [The Bamboo Slips from the Han Tomb at Yinqueshan]. Vol. 1. Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe 文 物 出 版 社 ，1985. Yin Xianliang 尹 顯 年 • “Guanzi dui dizi de shenghuo jiaoyu” 管 子 對 弟 子 的 生 活 教 育 [Education for Living Imparted by Guanzi to Students]. ZAowgAtifl we/i/wflyiaf/igyMeAww 中 華 文 化 復 興 月 刊 ，17,3 (March 1984): 14-16. You Yu 友 于 • “Gwfl似 " D i yuan’ pian yanjiu” [A Study of the “Di Yuan” Chap­ ter of the Gwflfizi]. 農 史 研 究集刊 1 (September1959): 12-36. ---------• ‘Du di’ pian tanwei” 管 子 度 地 篇 探 微 [Probing the Fine Points of the 4*Du DiMChapter of the Guanzi], Nongshi yanjiu jik a n jfe. 9F 究集刊 1 (September 1959): 1-16. Yu Dunkang 余 敦 康 • “Lun Guan Zhong xuepai” 論 管 仲 學 派 [On the School of Guan Zhong]. ZAo/iggwo zAexwe 中 國 哲 學 • Second collection, pp. 39-67. Beijing: Sanlian Shudian 三 聯 書 店 ，1980. Translated by Ai Ping in S/iWes in Chinese Philosophy (Winter 1982-1983), pp. 3-60. Yue Aiguo 樂 愛 國 • “ Gmatizi* ‘Nei ye， pian xintan” 管 子 内 業 篇 的 新 探 [New Examination of the uNei yewChapter of the Guanzi], G ZXKt 1992, no. 4: 6-12 and 19. Zhang Xincheng 張 心 澂 . 肠 feAw to/igfazo 偽 書 通 考 [Comprehensive Exami­

nation of Forged Books]. 2 vols. Changsha: Commercial Press, 1939. Zhao Shouzheng 趙 守 正 • f 子 經 濟 思 想 研 究 [A Study of Economic Thought in the Gua/m]. Shanghai: Guji Chubanshe 古籍 出 版 社 ，1989. -------- • Gi/anzf 如 似 /e 管 子 通 解 [Comprehensive Explanation of the Gi/anzi]. 2 vols. Beijing: Be丨jing Jingji Xueyuan Chubanshe 釓 京 經 濟 學 院 出 版 社 , 1989.

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WORKS IN OTHER LANGUAGES ZAimawe c/aaV/iVw 植 物 學 大 辭 典 [Botanical Nomenclature]. Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1923. ZAonggwo A/mwg dflaVtoi/i 中 國 古 今 地 名 大 辭 典 [Comprehensive Dic­ tionary of Ancient and Modem Chinese Place-Names]. Edited by Zang Lihe 臧 勵 麻 • Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1930. Zhwgwew 中 文 大 辭 典 [The Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Chi­ nese Language]. 40 vols. Taipei: Zhongguo Wenhua Xueyuan dhubanshe 中 國 文 化 學 院 出 版 社 ，1962-1968. Zhou Fagao 周 法 高 • See Chou Fa-kao. Zhou Lisheng 周 立 升 and Wang Demin 王 德 敏 • “Gwflwz/ zhong dey7wg-扣 lun ji qi lishi gongxian” 管 子 中 的 精 氣 論 及 其 麁 史 貢 獻 [The 扣 Theory in the Gwcr/iz/ and Its Historical Contribution]. Z/icxt/e 少伽力《 晳 學 研 究 ， 1983, no. 5: 73-78. Zhou Qianrong 周 乾 溁 • ‘“ Chi mi’ pian sixiang qingxiang chutan” 侈 靡 篇 思 想 傾 向 初 探 [Preliminary Discussion of the ideological Orientation of the 4i 斤 （catty o f weight), 343 “Jin cang” 禁 藏 （chapter XVII, 53)，108n, 201, 214-226, 462n, 510-511n, 516n; dating of, 214-215 Jing 景 （ Hanemperor, 156- 141 B.c.)，170, 175, 351,407

IND EX Jing 涇 （ river), 257- 258 yiVtg 經 primary pattern, standard), 111，

Juqiao 巨 攝 （name of granary), 426 justice, 113, 142; chief of, see ji•李

122,220 7知g 靜 （ quiescence, calm), 23, 29, 31-32, 41,43-44,48, 53-55, 58, 61-^3, 66, 69, 72, 73-76,78, 82, 87,114-115, 132134, 138, 232-233,297,312, 331 jV/tg 精 （vital essence, fineness, subtlety)， 29-30,35,38-39,43,45,47, 51-53, 60, 76, 94, 101, 103, 105, 122 Jing fa {see Bib., Older), 2 7 ,42n, 72n, 78n, 83, 85, 133n “Jing yan” 經言 section, 153 yiw 九 (nine), 119 “Jiu bai” （section of “Li zheng” chapter), 153 “Jiu bian” 九 變 （chapter XV, 44), 140-142, 189n; dating of, 141 力1/ tfe 九 德 （nine virtues), l 〇2 “Jiu fii” 九 凊 (“Nine Treasuries” chapter o f Guanzi), 346, 352, 355 jiugong (nine services), 121 y/M Aw• 九 惠 （nine compassions), 227-228 zAi’ s/w 九 九 之 數 （ nine-nine sys­ tem of calculations), 499 力•《 / / 丨 底 吏 （functionary in charge of stables), 193 力 仍 如 九 竅 （nine apertures), 23, 4 8, 55n, 65,71,75, 104,232, 235 “Jiu shou” 九 守 （chapter XVIII, 55), 231237; dating of, 231-233 yi’Mjom 九 叛 （nine marshes)， 500 力t/ zAom 九 (nine regions^, 46, 254, 256, 268,477, 499-500 Jixia 稷下 Academy, 4, 8, 17, 20,23, 35, 69, 84-85,120, 143,170,176,227, 284285, 299-300 Jiyin 濟 陰 （ place), 407,413 Johnson, Wallace (see Bib., Recent), 10 joy, 31-32,40,43, 52, 54, 63, 144, 199, 205 Ju 莒 （ state), 195, 198, 199,475, 503- 504 ^ 聚（ subdistrict), 3〇l, 3 2 3 judgments (criminal cases), 136, 148, 150, 166-168, 409,511 力//| 郡 （ commandery), 367,411-412 “Jun chen shang” 君 鱼 上 ^chapter X, 30), 143n “Jun chen xia” 君 臣 下 （chapter XI, 31), 143n yw/izi• 君 子 （man of quality, gentleman), 30, 44,60, 74, 80, 125-126, 199, 206, 491; virtuous prince, 195-196,219,252 Jupiter (5“/ jc//ig 歲 星 ),111

Kanaya Osamu (see Bib., Recent), 8-9n, 2 In, 30n, 32n, 35n, 36, 69n, 84n, 99, llOn, 119, 130n, 141, 144, 153-154nn, 170n, 175,202,215n, 232n, 284n, 300, 344n, 351n, 377,510 Karlgren, Bernard (see Bib., Other), 215n kidneys, 103 kindnesses, 125, 159 kings, 63, 94-95, 116, 148, 158, 166, 176, 179-180, 181, 190, 191, 193, 196,210211, 215, 217,224, 239, 295, 309, 320, 323, 329, 332,361, 365-366, 373, 375, 377-378, 383, 386-387, 397, 412,414, 416, 421-422,425, 439,442, 445,453, 458,468-469,471,481,493, 500, 505 knees, 197 knights, 124, 128, 165, 187-188, 195,206, 218, 226, 371, 379, 385,406,407-409, 417,436,450,463, 473, 511-512, 514515; private, 147,376 knives, 469 Knoblock, John (see Bib.t Other), 17n, 293n knowledge. See z/u•知 Kong Yingda 孔 穎 達 （ 574-648), 182 Kroll, J. L. (see Bib., Other), 337, 347 Kuaiji 會 稽 （ place), 183 “Kui du” 揆 度 （chapter XXIII, 78), 228229nn, 310n, 342n, 343, 345, 347, 370n, 377n, 408-409nn, 425nn, 430-442, 459nn, 468n, 51 In; dating of 430 Kuiqiu 葵 丘 （ place), 181 - 183 ICuniun zhi xu 昆 备 之 虚 （Kunlun Wastes), 464-465 Kunwu 泜 （昆）吾 (mountain), 3〇5 labor, 175, 206, 247-248, 251, 312, 329, 360-362, 369, 377, 393, 398, 415,417, 427,441, 456-457. See also service Lai 萊 （ state), 475, 486, 503- 504 lakes, 254, 328, 454, 500 lame persons, 229 land, 122, 125, 145, 187, 206-207, 223224, 240, 242-243, 245, 247, 253, 305, 320, 341, 349, 351, 360-361, 365-367, 370, 378-380, 385, 389-391, 393, 395, 399,402, 404,409, 412,414,416-419, 431,441,445,460, 462, 468,470-471, 473,476,477,494-495; maximum utilization o f (/z/i 也 /丨 •盡地力),340; public, 441. See also rfl/ig "e f t 列

559

IND EX /fl/iggfl/i 瑯 歼 （jadelike stone), 464-465 Langmu 娘 牡 （place name), 4 l8 Lao Dan 老 胁 . Laozi Laozi 老 子 （ j 從 Bib., Older, Zflozi*), 17, 5 In, 232 Laozi (see Bib., Older), 15-55 passim, 60n, 66, 70, 83, 85, 95n, lOln, 116n, 133n, 270n, 331n (Mawangdui 馬 王 堆 silk scroll), 17, 20,67, 95n Ifloz/ “B” (Mawangdui 馬 王 堆 silk scroll), 17n, 20,24,43, 58n, 67,83, 85,95, 129, 231 lapis lazuli, 464-465 lacquer, 481 lard, 250 law, 21,35,70,73,78, 84,86-87, 121, 137138, 143-151 passim, 152-169 passim, 171-173, 175, 179, 201, 203-205, 207212,214, 217-218, 220, 222-223, 232, 239, 246, 253, 296, 312, 319, 366, 380, 403,433,442, 459 lead, 423,424 league. See dang M leaves, 113, 209 left, 87, 96, 197, 235, 271, 287-288, 497 legal system (/b z/ii• 痪 制 ),150-151, 156, 158, 166, 176,212, 305, 329 Legalism, 20, 33, 35, 136, 143, 152-154, 170, 175,214, 231,298, 349 leniency, 126 leopard, 194, 299, 310, 431-432, 464 leveling stick (gai• 概 )， 101 levies, 171, 212, 378, 383, 392,413,467, 471,481,496 /!• 李 （minister of or chief justice), 12 In, 124, 127 /i• 利 ：advantage, benefits, 123, 133, 137， 150, 155, 165-167, 173, 175, 179, 187188, 216-217, 219, 244, 250-251, 309, 318, 378, 428,435, 4 4 4 ,4 6 8 ^ 6 9 ,4 7 3 , 491, 500, 505; profit, 31,38,40,54, 74, 86, 94, 107, 172, 207, 210, 219-220, 222-223, 293, 312, 316-318, 321, 328330, 341, 343-344, 349, 359, 364, 366, 376-382, 384, 399, 400, 411,420,424425,435,445,469,478, 497 // 理 （inherent order, principles, reason), 5, 44, 61,74, 77, 80, 86, 138, 155, 159, 219,236, 237, 308, 312. See also /i•李 /i• 禮 （ritualistic principles, propriety), 21, 32, 33, 35, 37n, 52-54n, 63,72, 77, 125, 143, 145, 167, 170, 174, 190-191, 218-219, 284, 293, 296, 311-312, 319-

560

320, 328, 335, 349, 369-370,402,418, 454,500 Li Chunyi (see Bib., Recent), 119 Li Cunshan (see Bib., Recent), 29n, 3536, 84 Li Er 李 耳 . Laozi Li j i (^ee Bib., Older), 2 In, 2 2 ,28n, 98, 102-103nn, 108, 112-113nn, 1 2 0 ,126n, 134n, 228n, 252n, 284, 288-291nn, 332nn, 401n, 458n, 509,512n Li Kui 李 悝 （Li ICe 毒 克 ，economic advi­ sor, c. 400 b.c .)，l6 ln , 340, 359, 390n Li Shan 李 菩 （ d. 689, commentator on Wenxuan\ 105, 182, 328n Li Shan 歷 iL (Mount £i), 397 Li Si 李 斯 （Qin chancellor, d. 208 B.C.), 298 Li Sizhen (see Bib., Recent), 39n “Li zheng” 立 政 （chapter 1,4), 153, 243n, 487n Liang 粱 （ state), 354,427, 457, 501-502 Liang Ju M % person), 407-408 Liang Shan 粱 山 （Mount Liang), 397 Liang Wei 梁 渭 （ person), 394 Liangfit 梁 父 （iiill at foot of Mount Tai), 183,422, 482 Liao, W. K. (see Bib., Other), 153n Liaodong 遗 東 （ place), 426, 456 licentiousness, 49, 158-159, 206, 222, 225 Lie nii zhuan (see Bib., Older), 186 Liezi 列 子 （legendary sage), 19 life, 29, 32, 39,42-43,47,49, 51-52, 63, 92,94-96,100-101,106, 111, 137, 155156, 168, 180, 190, 209, 252, 312, 321, 511,516. See also longevity likes, 74, 80, 137, 148, 158, 218, 238 limbs (arms and legs). See si zhi limestone, 265; powdered lime, 241 Lin Pu (see Bib., Com.), 303 W/tg dq/i/ 令 大 夫 （senior great officer), 462, 478 Wng s/h• 陵 石 （type of stone), 423 Ling Tai 金 臺 （Spiritual Tower of King Wu), 239 Linyi Xian 臨 邑 （Shandong place), 108，

120 /i/tzAe 凜 者 （minister in charge of grana­ ries), 124 Linzi 焱 瑙 （capital o f Qi), 4, 16, 242 Wm 六 （ six), 119 Liu An 劉 妾 （ ?179-122 B.C., king of Huainan 淮南 >,17, 57-58, 70, 85, 100, 130,202 Liu Bang 劉 邦 （Han emperor, r. 206-193 B.C.), 297

IN D EX /i•“ 厶 iVt容 六 柄 （秉 ） （ six handles on power), 148, 156 Liu edition {see Bib., Older, Guanzi, Liu ed.), 10 " “ 为 六 府 （six treasuries), 121 "m Ae 六 合 （six directions^，95- 96 Liu Ji 劉 績 {fl. 1490, jee Bib., Com.; Guanzit Liu ed.) 10, 292 Liu Jie 劉 節 （modem scholar), 32n Liu Kui 鈿 逵 （fl. c. a.d. 295, commentator on Wenxuan), 196n, 260n //u 扣 六 律 （six Yang pitch pipes), 121 "u /设 六 S (six Yin pitch pipes), i21 Liu Shipei (see Bib.t Com.), 182 Zw too 六 韜 （鼓）(從e Bib.，Older), 214, 224-225nn, 231,233 "M wm 六 務 （six things to pay attention to), 208 Liu Xiang 劉 向 （ 5ee Bib., Older, Gt/a/i欢 Shuoyuan; Xin xu)t 34, 56, 95, 70, 85, 98, 100, 119, 182, 186, 229, 240, 259, 337, 352-353, 355n, 356-357,430, 438n, 446,466,480, 510 Liu Xiaogan (see Bib., Recent), 16n Liu Xin 劉 歆 （son of Liu Xiang, d. a.d. 23), 353, 355,421n liuxu 7^ % (six domestic animals), 116, 126, 209, 222, 223,243, 309, 369, 373, 383, 401,453, 496 Liu Yuanlin 劉 淵 林 • 汾 e Liu K u i 劉 逵 Liu Zongxian (see Bib., Recent), 3 In Liusha 流 沙 （ 入lashan and Gobi deserts), 184 livelihood, 173, 177,403,482, 503, 512 liver, 103 Lizhi 離 枝 （ state), 454-455, 506- 507 l o a n s : g o v e r n m e n t , 4, 113, 221, 339, 343344, 352, 356, 359-360, 362, 364, 376, 382, 385, 390-392,414,447, 459, 475476,479; private, 177-178,442,483485,490-491 loess soil, 257-258,278 Loewe, Michael (fee Bib., Other), 16-17nn, 178n, 181,380n Long Hui (see Bib., Recent), 24n, 27n Long Wall. See Lung Yu Shun longevity, 18-20, 23, 35, 38, 52,65, 8283, 85, 112, 145, 303,331,511 Longxia 龍 夏 （ place), 393,418, 494 lord protector. See 6a 霸 乂 love, 54, 63,133, 137-138,141, 155,173, 193,296, 308, 327-328,458 low (status). See humble persons

lowlands, 419 loyalty, 21n, 162, 164,206,213, 222,226, 244, 295, 327-328, 345, 379,410,412, 463,489 Lu 魯 （ state), 354,477,495, 501-502, 508 Lu Tai 鹿 臺 （Deer Tower), 413 lumber, 193 Lun heng [see Bib., Older), 186,198-199nn Lunyu {see Bib., Older), 190n, 413n Lung Yu Shun (Long Yuchun, see Bib., Recent), 7, 25, 214,225-226nn, 272n, 275n, 287n, 289n, 316n lungs, 103 Luo 洛 （ river), 257-258 Luo Genze (see Bib., Recent), 8, 32, 99, llOn, 119, 130n, 136, 141, 144, 152153n, 170, 175-176, 178n, 182, 202, 215, 227, 241, 257,284, 301, 348, 357, 359-360 Luo Jizu 羅 繼 祖 （ 從e Bib., Recent), 1On Luoyang H ( 洛）柘 （city in Henai^， 302 luxury, 177, 205, 293, 306, 310-311, 315, 330, 349 Lii (Han empress, wife of Liu Bang), 297 Lii Buwei 呂不 i (Qin chancellor, d. 235 B.C.), 298 Lushi chunqiu (see Bib., Older), 37, 53n, 68,108,110,120, 186, 198-199nn,208n, 231, 233n, 259, 275n, 334n, 421n, 441442nn, 491n, 500n, 509, 513n ma 麻 （Canna6i_5 hemp), 260n, 261, 272,459,493,495-496. See also hemp Ma Feibai (Yuancai 元 材 , see Bib., Com.; Recent), 9, 16n, 28, 58n, 346-347, 351360, 372, 388,430,480, 509 Machida Sabur5 (see Bib., Recent), 99, 300, 35In Madu 烏 瀆 （ place), 488 magnetite, 423-424 Mair, Victor (see Bib., Other), 18-19nn, 29n majesty (wei• 威 ) ，156, 159- 160, 169, 171172, 189, 190,210, 224, 308-309, 312, 515 malachite, 409,438 male, 103,427,492-493 man, mankind, 23-24, 29, 3 2 ,4 1 -4 2 ,4 8 49, 52, 61-62,72,76, 91, 103, 104, 106-107, 119, 131, 235, 305, 328, 396, 398-399; ordinary or common man, 80, 93, 94, 218 man o f quality. See j’m/iz丨 •君子

561

IND EX mandate of Heaven, 181, 183 maneuvers, 131 manpower, 121, 181, 248 maps, 188 markers (boundary), 423,424 markets, 177,295,306,316,330, 339-342, 351, 359, 379, 380-282, 391-392,400401,409-411,415-416, 418,434-436, 439-440,448,450, 456,461-462,477, 492-493, 503 marking line (咖 /i容绳 )， 210 marshes, 105,141-142, 191,208-209,243, 254, 273, 351, 389, 392, 425, 431-432, 443-445, 452-^53, 455, 458, 476-477, 483-484,495,499-500, 513, 515 Masters of Destiny. Siming 司明 matchmakers, 229 material things, 206, 218, 327 materials, 188, 395 mats, 184,198,253,284,286,288-291,482 Maverick, Lewis (see Bib., Other), 337338n, 347 Mawangdui 馬 王 堆 silk scrolls, 17, 19n, 129, 233 measure. See du Si (proper measure); shu 數 （ methods) measurements ^/iVrng 董 ) ，148, 150, 160， 168, 251, 329,351. See also wu liang 五董

meat, 228,287, 309, 316, 319,441,475, 499,511,513-514 mediums of exchange, 342-343, 378, 380, 390 melons, 223, 401 Mencius (see Bib., Older, Mengzi), 33-36, 47n, 84, 297 Meng 蒙 b a c e ) ， 16 Mengzi (see Bib., Older), 18, 29n, 33, 54n, 60n, 97n, 228-229nn, 24In, 319n, 38In, 395n, 441nn, 511n merchants (j/rdrtg 商 ) ，175, 179, 207, 220, 298, 300, 311, 329, 339, 349-350,417, 428,449, 458,468, 476,478-479,482, 487, 491 merit, 111-113, 142, 158, 160-162, 165, 167-168, 191, 210-211, 217, 251, 310311, 320-321,385, 425,474,493, 504, 512-514 metal: material, 101, 114, 145, 223, 307, 319, 342, 349, 398,408, 421, 424, 445, 467, 504; as one of five phases, 98, 101, 118,126, 128. See also wu 五行 methods, 312; political, see shu statistical, see 5/tt< 數 Miao 苗 （ people), 106n

562

migration, 115, 159, 376-223, 316, 319. See also population milfoil, 51, 60, 89, 123 millet, 185,260n, 2 6 1,268,270,274,211280, 360-361,423, 494, 513-514 Min 湣 （king of Qi, 300-284 B.c.), 301 mind，56. See also jciVi 心 minerals, 421,439. See also individual types “Ming fa” 明 法 （chapter XV, 46), 10, 143n, 152-169, 170; dating of, 153 “Ming fa jie” 明 法 解 （chapter XXI, 67)， 10, 152-169; dating of, 153-154 Ming Shan 明 ib (Ming ^fountains), 409 ， 438 Ming Tai 明 臺 （Bright Tower), 238 mining, 128n, 311, 349-350, 398 ministers, 2 1 ,6 7 ,7 2 ,9 4 , 128, 145-151 passim, 154-169 passim, 171, 192, 201213 passim, 224-226,234, 244, 253, 311, 314-315, 317-318, 321, 328, 330, 335, 379, 3 8 5 ,4 1 2 ,4 3 3 ,4 3 6 ,4 5 3 ,463, 468,476, 4 8 8 ^9 0 , 513; chief minister, see 都；仍/ig 卿； jcra/tg 相 • a /如 specific departments mirrors, 510, 514 misfortune, 130-131, 145, 318 mistakes, 74, 80, 162, 165, 167, 171, 203, 205,217,219 mists, 252 moats, 244, 365,450 model，106, 169 moderation, 53, 218, 287, 370, 381, 460 modesty, 314 Moguang 末 光 （ place), 425, 439,468 Mohism, 20n, 33-35, 67, 215, 293 mold (clay), 145 money, 293, 310, 319, 338-362 passim, 364, 367, 376-377, 380, 383-384, 386, 391-394,408,410, 412,417, 421, 425, 445, 464, 468-469, 471, 476, 485, 489491,494; quantity theory of, 4,338,406; supply of, 4, 339, 342, 345, 349, 380, 388-390, 392, 397, 408,410-417,422, 429,434, 437-439, 445,460,463-465, 477. See also coinage; gold; jade; pearls moneylenders, 482-485, 490-491 monopolies: government, 4, 339-340, 344, 348-351, 355, 359-360, 372,407, 418419; private, 434 moon, 79n, 50, 61-62, 86, 89-90, 93, 115-116, 137, 149, 307, 330, 378,401. See also great luminaries morale, 320 mother, 50,62, 121, 142, 189, 378,463,491

IN DEX Mountain Rong. See Shan Rong 山戎 mountains, 43, 89,104,115,125,128,141142, 196, 208-209, 234, 243, 249-250, 254, 256-258, 264-265, 267, 271, 274275, 305, 308, 319, 330, 335, 351, 372373, 375, 377, 390-393, 394, 395,408, 421-425,431-432,439,443-444,460, 463,467-471,476-477,483, 495, 499, 504, 506-507, 513,515; gods of, 418 mourning, 199, 319, 450 mouth, 42,49, 61,73, 78, 92, 104, 199, 286-289,432, 464 Mozi 墨 子 （Mo Di 墨 揉 ，方從 Bib., Older, Mozi)t 18, 33, 38n Mozi (see Bib., Older), 140 Mu 穆 （duke of Qin), 186, 197 mu ^ (area measure), 178 mu 穆 （odd generation ancestors), 415 “Mu min” 牧 民 （chapter I, 1), 44 沁 460n “Mu min jie” 岐 民 解 （lost chapter XIX， 63), 154n mulberry, 261,269,271,274, 276, 395, 401,458, 493 muscles, 48, 62,91, 113 music, 3 2-33,37n, 52,63, 143, 145, 206, 216, 225, 251, 296, 307, 311, 333, 335, 447, 489 musical instruments, 112, 144,206, 307. See also specific types musical notes. See wu sheng 3. % names (mf/ig 名 ),21, 3 1 ,47, 6 0 ,70, 74, 79, 84, 87, 92, 106, 136, 138, 213, 232, 236, 312,425,433; o f plants and trees, 254-255; rectification of (zAe/ig miVig 正名） , 2$4,432. a 私o terminology Nanling 南 嶺 （ mountains), 257 natural resources, 385,388, 392,421-429 passim. See also resources nature: basic quality, see zAi• 質 ；fimdamental qualities, see jc//ig 性 ； inner reality, see gfng 情 ； natural world, 468 Needham, Joseph (see Bib., Other), 16n, 18-19nn, 37-38nn, 39n, 99n, 100, 102n, 22 In, 24 In, 254n, 259,260,263n, 266nn needles, 374, 469 needy, 122, 448 ye 内 業 （inner life，workings，train­ ing), 28- 29, 85 “Nei ye’，内 業 （chapter XVI, 49), 3 ,6 ,9 , 10, 15-55, 56-64 passim, 6 5 ,76n,； 83, 90n; composition of, 27-28; dating of, 32-39 neighbors, 204, 212, 309, 351,433,461 nephrite (white), 438

nests, 431,443-444,499 nets, 114, 134, 220 nine. See listings underjiu Ning Qi 甯 戚 （advisor to Duke Huan), 197-198,461,473,482-483 Niu Shan 车 山 （Mount Niu), 488 Niuzhi 牛 表 . 5ee Yuezhi 月氏 nobles, 317-318, 369, 467, 476 nonactivity (bu dong ^ Hi), 297, 331. See also ww wei•無為 nonassertiveness. See we/ 無 為 nonessential (secondary) production (mo 末 ) ，175, 177,216,295,306,434 north, 115, 118, 121n, 123, 341,386,419, 431,439-440,451,454,467,482,484, 506-508 Northern Sea (Beihai 北 海 ),427,457 nose, 68,103, 433 noxious influences, 221 Niihua 女 華 （ person), 448 numerology, 119 oaths, 308 obedience, 114, 136, 138, 160, 172, 174, 312,412,436, 485 obeisance, 485 offices, 162, 165-167, 169, 251, 314, 326, 350, 375, 410; office head， see 都 officials, 71, 145-146,152, 154-167 pas­ sim, 172, 199, 203-205, 207,228-230, 236, 239, 242, 247, 252, 295, 316, 320, 326-327, 361, 374, 392,401, 418, 436, 449-450,453,468, 488,490, 501-502, 511, 513. See also cffl/M 大 夫 ； 都 ； ling dafit 令 大 矢 ; qing dajii 擗 大 夫 ; wu g u a n 五 官 old people (/do 老 ) ，115, 217, 227- 228, 384, 440, 449-450, 461, 490 One, the. See K — or 壹 oneness. See^i — or 4 open-mindedness. See xu A oppression, 173, 204, 318 order. See zhi v# orders, 94, 111, 113-114, 124-127, 133, 136-138, 145, 147, 149-150, 155-160, 162, 164-166, 168, 171-172, 176, 179, 203, 206-207, 210, 217, 220, 222,250, 253, 317, 332, 360, 376, 380, 383, 385, 387, 392, 396,405,425-^26,431,438, 457,459, 462-463,469,471,473,476479,481,484,488-491,496, 511-512, 514 ornaments, 405, 464 orphans (g« 孤）112, 115, 154,221,227229, 385, 449-450, 490

563

IN D EX Oshima, Harold (see Bib., Other), 22n outer area. See sui tH outer district. See xian f t outlying area. See bi outsiders, 318- 319 overwork, 171,204,211, 218 owls, 185 oxen, 394,404,451 pagination, o f Guanzit 10 palaces, 73, 79, 128, 144,205, 218, 251, 365-366, 369, 395,427,455,457,489490,512,515 pardons. 111, 115, 159, 187, 203,205,217, 221,230, 423-424,514 parents, 229,248, 328-329,438,440,489 passes (mountain), 112,130, 264 paths, 112, 501 pattern, 160 (cAengdi•程式),252 (/b/i 犯 範 . See also ze 則 pavilions, 128, 209, 239, 365-366, 369, 372, 457 peace, 34,61,138,172,181,196,305, 315, 317, 377, 395, 405 pearls, 209, 217, 296,307, 328, 342, 345, 376, 386, 409,421, 425, 431, 438-439, 464, 468-469, 481 peasants (no/ig 1 ) ，175-176,178,340,356, 359-363, 369, 399,408,441,455-456, 458-459,462-463,469,475, 478,482, 494 Peng Meng 彭 蒙 （Jixia scholar), 68, 144 Pengcheng 釤 域 6lace), 100 Pengzu 彭 祖 （Chinese Qethuselah), 19n pentatonic scale. See wu sheng S. % perceptivity, 110-111, 134, 236 personator, of corpse (shi f \ 312-313 persuaders, 167 perverseness, 163, 171- 173,448n petty person re/i 小 人 )，199 pheasants, 263 phoenix, 185 pigs, 263, 365, 380-381 p/zig 丨 •平糴 （ eve卜normal granaiy), 191n pitchpipes (W 律 or • 呂），122,2& . See

also litt hi 六 律 ；liu lii 六 S plains, 254, 264,269, 274,470,476,484 planets, 114, 137 planks (wood), 248 plans, 51, 53, 55, 94, 129, 198-199, 318, 331, 336, 359, 373-374, 390, 398-403, 405,409, 411-412, 417-419, 434,439441, 448, 453. See also ce cheng ma ^

乘馬

564

planting, 178,380,442,445,456,459,493, 499,512 plants, 125-126, 178, 191,208-209, 221222,249, 252, 254-256,261-263, 265268, 270-275, 336, 389,453, 459,481482,489; medicinal, 274-275 plastering, 221, 511 plateau, 279 pleasures, 218, 293, 306, 310, 317 pledge (security), 404, 486 plenty, 218, 220, 250, 315, 359, 382, 384, 392,40(M 01,516 plowing, 111,310,325,362,366,369,382, 393,455,458,460,485,515 poetiy, 37n, 52 pools, 245,247, 454 poor people, 159, 161, 206, 250, 295-296, 308, 311, 365-367, 379-380, 390, 393, 395,413, 434,436,458,461, 477,482, 485,490-491,497 population, 189, 247, 341, 345, 373-374, 377; movement, 116,214,223,295,305, 383, 389-390,477. See also migration pork, 514 portents, 335,488 positions (of ruler and officials), 72, 75, 112, 115, 148, 150, 155, 158, 162, 165166, 169, 190, 206, 211-213,217-218, 317,334 posterity, 204 pottery, 145, 319 poverty, 142, 171, 175-177, 179, 207, 209, 218, 228-230, 296, 318, 327, 370, 378, 395, 398, 403, 450, 455, 484, 498 power (political), 38, 78, 147-148, 155, 156-157, 162, 191-192, 203, 210, 213, 224, 294, 335, 390,410, 415, 437, 453, 461-462. See also /丨•!< Wng 六 柄 （秉） Power, the. See Z)e 德 praise, 144, 162-163, 168, 188, 190,210211,213,217,319 prayers, 111, 221, 309 precious objects, 217,408 preconceptions, 16, 37, 74, 77, 78, 91, 157 pregnancy, 127- 128 prejudice, 157, 161 preparedness (military), 214 presumption o f authority, 157 pretense, 74, 80, 194, 211 prices, 207, 339-342, 351, 356, 359, 362, 364-367, 373-375, 376, 381-382, 385, 387, 388, 391-395, 398,400, 408,410411,413-414, 417, 421, 423,426-429, 434-435, 437, 439-440, 449-451, 455,

INDEX 459,463, 466,470,472,477-479,4844 8 7 ,4 8 9,495^97, 501-502, 504; ma­ nipulation of, 400, 423,429, 436,470472,496, 502, 505-508; stabilization o f (z/w/i 准 ， 准 牟 ),342, 345, 350, 359, 365, 376, 381-382, 384, 398. See also qing zhang pride, 311 priest, 193-194 primary occupation. See agriculture; essen­ tial production princes, 18,44, 60-61,67, 71,75, 80, 94, 125,128,142-151 passim, 155-168 pas­ sim, 170-174, 176, 180, 192-196,207, 210-211,235,239, 251-253, 306-335 passim, 340-341, 365-366, 369, 376387, 390-391, 395, 396-405, 408-420, 423-426, 432-435, 440-442, 444, 457460,463,471,483-485,487-489,493, 501-502, 504-505, 507-508. See also junzi 君 ^ prisoners, 251, 469 private interests, 146, 150, 161, 164-165 procedures {du 147-150, 152, 158, 160, 164, 168,203, 208, 329 production, 296, 307, 342, 381, 389, 396, 399, 408, 416,419, 435, 441-442, 459, 463,478, 490,495-497, 866, 509. See also essential production; nonessential production profit. See "•利 prohibitions, 78, 113-115, 125, 145-146, 154-156, 158, 160, 168-169, 170-172, 176-177, 179-180, 187, 208, 211,217, 392,418, 420,424, 501,513. See also si 力/ i 四禁 promise, 234 promotion, 146, 150, 161, 164, 166-167, 311,321, 323 property, 387, 391,417 propriety. See "•禮 prosperity, 88, 126, 141, 157, 176-177, 179, 187, 191, 207,222, 309, 341, 345, 370, 378, 398, 403 provisions, 230, 249 prudence, 218 public good, 148, 162, 164, 173, 218 pulse (办 m 豆),51, 260n, 423, 450,486, 489, 493 punishment, 50,61,63,73-74,78, 93, 111, 115-117, 125, 131, 134, 136-138,, 141142, 147-148, 150, 155-159, 162-163, 165, 167-168, 170-171, 172-173, 175, 179, 189-190, 193,203-205, 207-208,

211-212, 214, 216-218,220, 222, 230, 234-235,239, 252, 305, 308-309, 319, 321,361,366, 398,424,511,514 puns, 196n, 199 Puyang 濮 陽 （place name), 427,457 Qi 岐 （ mountain), 12In Qi 齊 （ state), 4, 16,57-58, 68,99, 106, 153, 182n, 195,238,285,299-301, 314, 334, 341, 344, 347, 376, 394,403,405, 422, 426, 428, 450-451,454-456, 479, 481,486, 488,494-495,498, 501-508 分i•氣 or 气 ：breath, 19, 51, 53, 100, 219, 300; ethers, 125; vital force, 29-31, 35, 38, 39,44,47, 50, 51, 54, 59-60, 103, 111, 113-116, 122, 125-126, 208,219, 249, 303, 331-333 “Qi chen qi zhu” 七 臣 七 主 （chapter XV, 52), 108n, 201-213, 214, 219n, 510, 513n; dating of, 201-202 扣 为 七 法 （seven standards), 83 “Qi fa” 七 法 （chapter II, 6), 22, 83, 332, 371n, 446,464n Qi Shan 淇 山 （Mount Qi), 499 Qi wenhuazonglun 齊 文 化 縱 議 （QWXZL， see Bib., Abbrev.), 8 “Qi yu” 齊 語 （chapter of 182n Qian-Han shu (see Bib., Older), 2 In, 33n, 58ny68» 209n, 240n} 242nn» 263nt 283n, 284, 301, 319n, 339-341,349nn, 351nn, 354, 356n, 359, 373-374nn, 376, 379nn, 381n, 383n, 386-387nn, 390n, 395n, 398n, 405n, 407n, 409n, 44 In, 442n, 457n Qiao Changlu (see Bib., Recent), 99n qilin 麒 鞲 （ unicorn), 185 $in 秦 ， First Emperor of, 181 Qin 秦 （ state), 3, 8, 27, 98-99, 107, 119， 144, 153, 170, 175, 181, 186, 197, 202, 238, 240-241, 257, 297-298, 301, 349, 354, 357, 409,438, 507-508, 510 qing If (inner reality, nature), 40-42, 52, 82, 86, 94, 96, 122, 205-206, 213, 218219, 224, 237, 312, 314, 317, 328, 378, 471 客 卿 （minister o f state), 193, 309,431, 462, 478 卿 大 夫 （great officer o f ministe­ rial rank), 511-512, 514-515 分i/ig 輕 重 ： economic theoiy and thought, 337-442 passim; meaning of term, 338-339; policies, 376,378-379, 381, 385, 388,409, 412,417,421-422, 430,438, 447-448,450,459, 461,463,

565

INDEX 469,471,498-499, 505, 509; relative value or price, 375, 379, 384,403,462463; supply and demand, 434, 437,442 “Qing zhong” 輕 重 （chapters XXI, 68XXIV, 85), 3, 8, 10,202,207n, 230n, 292, 304, 337-363, 364, 376, 422,480, 509-510; attributed to Guanzi, 346, 352, 355; dating of, 346-357 “Qing zhong bing” 輕 重 丙 （lost chapter XXIV, 82), 337,446 “Qing zliong ding” 輕 重 丁 （chapter XXIV, 83) , 182n, 337, 346, 393n, 418n, 436n, 480-497,498, 502n; dating of, 480 “Qing zhong geng” 輕 重 庚 （ lost chapter XXIV, 86), 337, 446 “Qing zhong ji” g 重 己 （chapter XXIV, 85), 108, 228n, 337, 344, 357, 376, 441n, 509-516; dating of, 509-510 “Qing zhong jia” 輕 重 甲 （chapter XXIII, 80) , 337, 342n, 343, 345, 37 In, 373n, 380nn, 382n, 413n, 417n, 426n, 429n, 441-442nn, 446-465,466,468n, 477n, 494n, 498, 506n; dating of 446 “Qing zhong wu” f i 重 戊 （chapter XXIV, 84) , 337, 343-344, 346-347, 498-508; dating of, 498-499 “Qing zhong yi” 輕 重 乙 （chapter XXIV, 81) , 337, 345, 347, 377-378nn, 386n, 425nn, 427n, 429n, 439n, 456n, 466479,485n, 498; dating of, 466 zA丨’为 輕 重 之 法 （lost book on qing zhong policies), 430, 432 • 庚 忌 （legendary tiny man-like creature), lOSn Qingshi 請 士 （ person), 408-409 Qinling 蓁 嶺 （ mountains), 2 5 8 Qishan 岐 山 （ ^)lace), 393 彳 z•“ 丘 （section in j 石e/ig ma system)，320n, 394 Qiu Xigui (see Bib., Recent), 2 In, 35,67, 84 Qu Shi 衢 室 （Crossroads Lyceum of Yao)， 238 “Qu yan” 區官 section, 23n, 143 qualities (personal). See jaa/ig 象 “Quan xue” 勸 學 {chapter o f Da Dai y〇, 298n quarrels, 212 queries, 235 Qufang 曲 防 （ place), 475-476 quiescence. See jing # quietism, 15,21 ，65, 84 〇uni 曲 逆 （ person), 448 Qunshuzhiyao (see Bib., Older), 164nn, 167n Quzhan 渠 展 （ place)，426, 456

566

rafts, 448 rain. 111, 113-114, 177, 191,207,222, 250-253, 308-309, 428, 459, 464, 471, 473,516 rakes, 469 Rand, Christopher (see Bib., Other), 188n 壤 列 （landholdings based on rank), 467-468 ranks, 112, 115, 124, 155, 162, 165-166, 168, 189, 208,211,221, 244,463,475 rats, 280 Read, Bernard E. (see Bib., Other), 254n, 271n, 275-276nn reality (shi # ) , 21, 79, 86, 138,236, 312 realm, 88, 94, 95, 133, 137, 185, 187-188, 192, 217. See also empire; world reaping hook, 469, 511 reason. See /i•理 rebellion, 88, 94, 209,236, 323, 325 reciprocity. See jAi/ 恕 records, 211,213, 401-402; of land, 224 rectitude (moral), 328. See also zAe/t客正 red, 124, 261,265, 268,270,277-279, 352, 357,432 reed pipe. See yu reeds, 184, 261-262,268, 272, 275,277, 482,515 refusal, 234 region. See c/t/ 都 ；;ciVz/i 縣 ；z/rotz 州 registers (household), 224, 490 regularity. See zAe/ig 正 re芦ulation (z/k• 制 ) ，168, 171, 173 reins, 211 relatives, 146-147, 150, 211, 217, 317, 319, 351, 395,400, 415,460,474,490 reliability, 149 reliance on things as they are. See 因 relief, 122, 221, 228,230, 293, 295, 300n, 356, 414, 448, 450 religion, 296. See also altars; ancestors; gods; personator; sacrifices; spirits; temples re/i 仁 （human goodness, humaneness, benevolence), 5-6, 33-34n, 54, 101, 102, 133, 143, 145, 187, 190, 222, 309, 318, 327, 329, 331, 400,414-416, 436, 444, 490 “Ren (ii” 任 地 （chapter o f 1 沿办 i’ 259n “Ren fa” 任 法 （chapter XV, 45), 143-151, 152-153, 170, 176, 379n; dating of, 143-144 rent, 378, 455,471,473 reports, 483-484 reputation, 211，316, 474

IN D EX requests, 212, 378 resentment, 5 1 ,79n, 136-137, 142, 149, 160, 190, 211,218-219, 236, 327, 359, 364, 369, 467,469, 500 reserves, 178, 368-370,381, 384, 398, 411,439,444,450,462,515 reservoirs, 240,473,487 resources, 191,315, 318,368, 370, 372, 392, 411, 414,422,424-426,428-429, 437, 448, 462,476-477, 501, 866. See also natural resources respect, 30, 32,45,48, 53, 63, 138, 169, 217, 219, 226,285-286, 293, 296, 307308, 327-328 respect for elders ((ft* 弟 or 悌），221,285, 400 responding to things as they are. See ying

麻

restraint, 133,137,146,162,164,168, 189190 204-205, 207,211,215, 233, 253, 366,403, 497 retainers, 410 rewards, 50, 63, 113, 115, 124-125 127, 141-142, 148, 150-151, 157-159, 162163, 167-168, 172, 188, 203, 207,210, 213, 214, 216-218, 220-222, 230, 234235, 251-252, 296, 324, 329, 362, 385, 408, 436,441,463,473,474-475, 511, 514 rhymes, 6-8, 24-28,39-55, 56-64 passim, 65, 69-74, 83, 85-97, 110, 117, 119, 122, 124, 129-139, 198, 201-205, 209, 211-213, 214-216, 224-226, 231, 233236, 241, 242,248-251,255-256, 259, 263, 265-276, 283-291, 302-304, 312317, 325-326, 330, 370, 378, 382-383, 430, 432-433, 460, 471-472, 509, 515516,517-524 ribbons, 209 rice (