Guanzi: Political, Economic, and Philosophical Essays from Early China 9780691215044

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Guanzi

fg\

t...... ~

~, ?

liti

Princeton Library of Asian Translations

GUANZI Political, Economic, and Philosophical Essays from Early China~ AND TRANSLATION

BY

A STUDY

W. Allyn Rickett

Volume Two CHAPTERS

I

XII, 35-XXIV, 86

Princeton UniversityPress: Princeton,New Jersey

Copyright © 1998 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton New Jersey 08542 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 6 Oxford Street, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TR All Rights Reserved First paperback printing, 2021 Paperback ISBN 978-0-691-21898-4 The Library of Congress has catalogued the cloth edition as follows: Kuan, Chung, d. 645 B.C.   Guanzi: political, economic, and philosophical essays from early China.   (Princeton library of Asian translations)   Translation of: Kuan-tzu/Kuan Chung   Parallel title in Chinese characters   “In 1955, I revised part of my translation of the Guanzi’s surviving seventy-six chapters and submitted eight of them as a Ph.D. dissertation to the University of Pennsylvania . . . In 1965 the University of Hong Kong Press published my Kuan-tzu: A repository of early Chinese thought, which contained twelve chapters, including the original eight of my dissertation”—Pref.   Bibliography: p.   Includes index.   1.  Philosophy, Chinese. I. Rickett, W. Allyn, 1921–.  II.  Title. III.  Title: Kuan-tzu.  IV.  Series B128.K832E57 1985  181'.11 84-15094 ISBN 0-691-06605-1 (v. 1: alk. paper) ISBN 0-691-04816-9 (v. 2: alk. paper) This book has been composed in Monotype Times New Roman and Union Way Fang Song press.princeton.edu Printed in the United States of America ISBN-13: 978-0-691-04816-1 (cloth) ISBN-10: 0-691-04816-9 (cloth)

CONTENTS

Preface

ix

Introduction

3

General Content of Volume Two, 3; Changes in Format, 4; Special Terms, 5; Rhymes, 6; Recent Developments in Guanzi Studies, 8; Translation Procedures and Methods of Notation, 9

GUANZI

{t ~ (follows XIX, 59) Ye pg;t, Inner Workings, and Introduction

XII, 35. Chi Mi

XVI, 49. Nei

to the Four "Xin shu" Chapters

15

XIII, 36. Xin Shu Shang I\.,.'{;ltjJ: (follows XIII, 37)

r, Art of the Mind, Part II

XIII, 37. Xin Shu Xia I\.,.'{;ltj

56

XIII, 36. Xin Shu Shang 1\..,.' {;ltjJ:, Art of the Mind, Part I

65

XIII, 38. Bai Xin E1I\.,.', Purifying the Mind

82

XIV, 39. Shui Di ;?jd{ir.,Water and Earth

98

XIV, 40. Si Shi !!IIBt,The Four Seasons

108

XIV, 41. Wu Xing Ji

1f, Five Phases

118

XV, 42. Shi~. On Paying Attention to Circumstances XV, 43. Zheng .if, Rectification

129 136

XV, 44. Jiu Bian fL :!it,The Nine Alternatives

140

XV, 45. Ren Fa {f 5i:,Reliance on Law

143

XV, 46. Ming Fa o/15i:,On Making the Law Clear, and XXI, 67, Ming Fa Jie B}J5i:Af,Explanation of the "Ming Fa"

152

XV, 47. Zheng Shi .if i!t, Rectifying the Age

170

XV, 48. Zhi Guo 51,131, Maintaining the State in Good Order

175

XVI, 49. Nei Ye pg;t (precedes XIII, 36) XVI, 50. Feng Shan

it 4f, The Feng and Shan Sacrifices

XVI, 51. Xiao Wen 1J,f.,~, Minor Queries

181 186

V

CONTENTS XVII, 52. Qi Chen Qi Zhu -1:iE2.-1:i.i, Seven Ministers and Seven Rulers

20 I

XVII, 53. Jin Cang ~

/l, On Maintaining Restraint

214

XVIII, 54. Ru Guo A~'

On Entering the Capital

227

XVIII, 55. Jiu Shou

fL~, Nine

Things to Be Preserved

XVIII, 56. Huan Gong Wen -i'N Ji}

f.,i,Queries

231

of Duke Huan

23 8

it Jtl!,,On Appraising the Terrain XIX, 58. Di Yuan .ii ~. Categories of Land XIX, 59. Dizi Zhi _5't-t ~' Duties of the Student

240

XII, 35. Chi Mi{%~, On Extravagance in Spending XIX, 60. Yan Zhao ~ a{1(lost) XIX, 61. Xiu Shen {~ )1 (lost) XIX, 62. Wen Ba f.,,fX(lost)

292

XVIII, 57. Du Di

Af(lost) XX, 64. Xing Shi Jie JfJ"' Af(see Volume One, I, 2) XXI, 65. Li Zheng Jiu Bai Jie :ft .iE,k fLJl{_A+(see Volume XXI, 66. Ban Fa Jie ~ 5t:Af(see Volume One, II, 7)

254 283

XIX, 63. Mu Min Jie !j±.~

One, I, 4)

XXI, 67. Ming Fa Jie a}J5t:M (see XV, 46)

XXI, 68. Chen Cheng Ma the Qing Zhong

ti ~

~

*,~,and Introduction to

Section

*,~~.The Art of Fiscal XXI, 70. Wen Cheng Ma f.,,* ,~(lost)

337

XXI, 69. Cheng Ma Shu Management

364

XXII, 71. Shi Yu .f $J, Discourse on Economic Matters XXII, 72. Hai Wang jrj .I., Kingship Based on the Sea XXII,73. Guo Xu ~ 'i, The State's Store of Grain XXII, 74. Shan Guo Gui t.L~ ilt.,Using Statistics

368

to Control State Finances

388

XXII, 75. Shan Quan Shu LUti~' Methods for Coping with Change

396

372 376

XXII, 76. Shan Zhi Shu LU.f ~' The Best Methods for Insuring Fiscal Control VI

406

CONTENTS

XXIII, 77. Di Shu ±il!, :l_, Methods for Exploiting the Earth XXIII, 78. Kui Du~ XXIII, 79. Guo Zhun in State Finances

it, I

Calculations and Measures

421 430

I{!, Maintaining Stability

XXIII, 80. Qing Zhong Jia Economic Policies, Part A

443

lf :i !fl, Qing zhong

XXIV, 81. Qing Zhong Yi fi Economic Policies, Part B

446

:t Z,,

Qing zhong 466

fl :t fJij (lost) XXIV, 83. Qing Zhong Ding fl :t T, Qing zhong XXIV, 82. Qing Zhong Bing Economic Policies, Part D

480

XXIV, 84. Qing Zhong Wu ~

:t ft., Qing zhong

Economic Policies, Part E XXIV, 85. Qing Zhong Ji fl Economic Policies, Part F XXIV, 86. Qing Zhong Geng

498

:t e,, Qing zhong 509

fl :t }Ji:.(lost)

Appendix. End-Rhymes for Rhymed Passages in Guanzi Volume One

517

Bibliography

525

Abbreviations, 525; Commentators, 525; Older Works in Chinese and Japanese, 529; Recent Works in Chinese and Japanese, 535; Works in Other Languages, 541

Index

547

Vil

PREFACE

It has been almost a dozen years since the publication of the first volume of this translation of the Guanzi, much longer than I had ever anticipated. Some of this delay has been due to complications encountered in preparing the manuscript for electronic publication, some to the especially difficult nature of several chapters, but a lot to the increasing inefficiency of old age. Fortunately, throughout the process I received tremendous help from friends and scholars both here and abroad. Initial help came in the form of reviews of the first volume, especially those by William Boltz, Robin Yates, and Roger Ames, which led to some changes in the way I have handled matters in this second volume, as outlined in the introduction. I owe tremendous thanks to William Baxter for getting me started on archaic rhymes, but I also need to absolve him of any blame for the results. John Knoblock, after reading an early draft of my translation of the "Bai xin" chapter (XIII, 38), made a number of suggestions that were of great help in coming to grips with that very difficult chapter, and I was also greatly helped by Harold Roth, who went out of his way to send me drafts of his work on early Daoism and the "Nei ye" (XVI, 49) and "Xin shu" (XIII, 36 and 37) chapters of the Guanzi. Many thanks are also due to J. L. Kroll for his comments on my introduction to the "Qing zhong" chapters and to Koichi Shinohara, who was kind enough to send me a copy of his book, Benares to Beijing, thereby introducing me to the important studies of Kanaya Osamu on the Guanzi. I also owe a great debt of gratitude to many Chinese friends, including Ma Feibai, Hu Jiacong, Wu Baosan, and Zhao Shouzheng in Beijing and Wang Demin and Chen Shuyi, editors of the Guanzi xuekan, in Zibo. Both Zhao Shouzheng and Ma Feibai contributed greatly to this volume. Zhao"s translation of the Guanzi into modem Chinese has provided an invaluable check on my own work, while Ma"s kindness as teacher and friend has left an indelible impression on me. I consider the time I was able to spend with him in Beijing as one of the highlights of my life. His work on the "Qing zhong" chapters is crucial to the study of those important texts, and sµortly before his sad death in 1984 he presented me with two unpublished manuscripts dealing with the "Nei ye," which I was later able to have published in the Guanzi xuekan. One ix

PREFACE

of these, consisting of collected annotations on the text including his own extensive comments, was of major assistance in revising my 1965 translation of the "Nei ye" for this volume. Another person who must be mentioned is David Goodrich, who has made it possible for me to have this volume published by setting me up with the computer program necessary ·for electronic publication. As hard pressed for time as he is, on countless occasions he interrupted his work to bail me out when I was in trouble. My appreciation of such generosity knows no bounds. Also of tremendous importance during the past two years has been the help and understanding of Lois Wescott Rickett. Finally, there is Adele Austin Rickett, my wife of fifty years, who provided major support for this project from its inception in 1948 to her death in February 1994. In the fall of 1993, realizing that her long struggle with cancer was coming to a close, she gave up her own work to read my manuscript for me, completing the final chapter just days before she died. Her passing has been a terrible loss, and it is to her memory that this volume is dedicated. Medford Leas, Medford, New Jersey December 1996

X

Guanzi

1

-?

If lW!

jg\ ~

INTRODUCTION

General Content of VolumeTwo This second volume, completing the translation of the remaining fortytwo chapters of the Guanzi (XII, 35-XXIV, 85), contains several of the most difficult and most interesting selections in the entire work. 1Among them are the four so-called "Xin shu" ''-''~ texts, namely, the "Nei ye" pig~ (XVI, 49), "Xin shu shang" ,t ,ffi J:. and "xia" (XIII, 36 and 3 7), and "Bai xin" EI''-''(XIII, 38), which are basic to the study of early Chinese theories concerning self-cultivation and the relationship between body and mind as well as the development of Huang-Lao f ,:t political thought. 2 Similarly, "Dizi zhi" ~ .:Sij~ (XIX, 59) provides us with one of the oldest surviving discussions of education in China, outlining the duties of the student and pointing up the fact that the goal of traditional Chinese education was more a matter of shaping attitudes and instilling discipline than the acquisition of knowledge. Included in this volume also are several extremely important philosophical essays dealing with Yin-Yang and Five Phases thought, "Si shi" ll9~ (XIV, 40) and "Wu xing" 1i fr (XIV, 41), as well as what may be the world's earliest attempt at a systematic study of soils and plant ecology, "Di yuan" ¾{k ~ (XIX, 58), and one of the earliest discussions in Chinese literature of irrigation and flood control, "Du di" If J{k,(XVIII, 57). Similarly, "Shui di" (XIV, 39), which deals with the natural and supernatural properties of water, refers to the circulation of blood and oxygen in the body some two thousand years before William Harvey's discoveries and contains a surprisingly modem description of the development of a human fetus. Equally important are a series of chapters dealing with economic thought, especially "Chi mi" 1i ):J (XII, 35), which presents a very modern sounding, and for traditional China very unusual, theory stressing extravagance in spending as a way to promote a state's economic well-being. Moreover, the "Qing zhong" ff :t chapters (XXI, 68-XXIV,

r

1 Seven chapters from the last half of the text (XIX, 60-63, XXI, 70, and XXIV,82 and 86) have been lost. Another three so-called "Jie'; Af.chapters (XX, 64-XXI, 65 and 66), consisting of line-by-lineexplanationsof chapters contained in the first volume, have been translated along with the original texts. 2 For a discussionof Huang-Laothought, see the introductorycomments to the "Nei ye"

(XIV, 49).

3

INTRODUCTION

85) that make up the final section of the work describe a number of fiscal policies involving government monopolies over such commodities as salt and iron, the use of government loans to promote agriculture and to secure control of the harvests, thereby insuring a virtual monopoly over the nation's grain supply, and government control of the money supply and its use in the manipulation of'goods and prices in the marketplace. These chapters also provide us with one of the world's first presentations of a quantity theory of money. Except for the "Nei ye" and a few other chapters, the context of this second volume appears to be later than that of the first volume. In fact, many of the most important chapters contained here clearly date from the Qin-Han ~-j;~ period, late third to first century B.C. The "Qing zhong" chapters, for example, were probably written by advocates of a system of government monopolies that was later instituted by the Han emperor, Wu i1t,between 120 and 110 B.C. A number of chapters, especially XIII, 36-XV, 43 and XVI, 49, also appear to have been composed by natives of the area dominated by the state of Chu j!, even though they may have been produced by these writers while they were in residence at the Jixia ~ "f Academy in Linzi ll.f.iii!,the capital of the state of Qi Jlf. As with volume one, I have prefaced the translation of each chapter with introductory comments in which I have discussed at varying length, depending upon the importance of the text, its contents and possible dating and origins. The separate dating of each chapter, or even its constituent parts, is extremely important; otherwise the rich contents of the Guanzi are rendered more or less useless for the study of early Chinese thought and institutions. Therefore, in addition to my own conclusions concerning dating, I have presented the major alternatives proposed by Chinese and foreign scholars.

Changes in Format In this second volume, some changes in format have been instituted, partially as a result of the need to make use ofnew cost-saving technology and partially in response to criticisms contained in reviews of volume one. 3 One such response involves an effort to make the text more readable and less cluttered by removing the slashes used to indicate the 3 See, in particular, William G. Boltz, Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, no. 4 (1986): 843-846; Robin D.S. Yates, Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 1 (1988): 128-129; and Roger T. Ames, Journal of Oriental Studies 26, no. I (1988): 68-73.

4

INTRODUCTION beginning ofnew lines or pages in the Chinese text. However, both line and page numbers are still given in the margins. In another attempt to make the text less cluttered, I have cut down on the use of square brackets to indicate the addition of words or phrases that do not specifically appear in the Chinese text but are necessary for clarity in English. The problem arises from the fact that classical Chinese, in its terseness, often omits the subject or other important words that one would expect to find explicitly stated in an English sentence and relies instead on general context and the reader's broad familiarity with the subject to make the meaning clear. For this volume, I have decided to eliminate the use of brackets when such additions are well substantiated by the context. However, there remain times when contextual or other evidence is so weak that the translator is forced to resolve ambiguities by making judgments on his own. In such instances, I believe that brackets retain their usefulness and these I have kept.

Special Terms Another change concerns the translation of certain terms, the most important of which are Ii JI and yi ~ - In the first volume, I tended to follow the standard dictionary translations for these two terms, "principle" and "righteousness." However, William Boltz (Review, 844) criticized both these translations, maintaining that the rendering of Ii as "principle" is meaningful only from the time of Zhu Xi l- (1130-1200), when the word was invested with just such a metaphysical sense in the NeoConfucian ferment of the Song period. He then goes on to suggest that Ii means "internal structure," or "internal system/fabric/ order," and is clearly akin to its homonym Ii ~ 01), "inside(s)," and probably also to zhi ¼,, meaning "order." I generally agree with this argument and have therefore, in this volume, tended to use a range of translations for Ii reflecting the concept of inherent order or structure. Professor Boltz also points out that yi is not a vague, ill-defined, allpurpose ethical term with a general meaning ofrighteousness. "Specifically," he says, "yi is that sense of duty, loyalty, and obligation that one feels to his own peer group, whether that group is perceived in the narrowest sense as an immediate family, or in the wider sense of social class." Again, Professor Boltz's point is well taken. However, yi also has a broader meaning of doing the appropriate or right thing in any given situation. When Duke Huan tells Guan Zhong (XVI, 51/Sal-2; 2: 105.13): "I wish my actions to be of widespread humaneness (ren 1::.) and great yi so that they will be of benefit to the entire realm," yi refers

*

*

5

INTRODUCTION

to his doing whatever is "right" or "just" in fulfilling his obligations as a ruler. Thus, I think that in this situation "righteousness" is a suitable translation. In general, "sense of duty" appears to be the best translation when one is speaking of the relationships between equals or of an inferior to a supei;ior, but "righteousness" may be appropriate when speaking about the superior, particularly if that superior happens to be a cosmic force such as Earth. See, for example, the passage in the "Nei ye" chapter (XVI, 49/3a8; 2:101.6): Rectify the mind's gestalt and hold on to the Power, Then the beneficence (ren 1;.) of Heaven and the righteousness (yi) of Earth in bounteous fashion will naturally arrive.

The problem presented by terms such as these is especially complex when dealing with the Guanzi since its various chapters were written by different writers spanning two or three centuries of time and often representing quite different points of view. Thus, they tend to take on different shades of meaning, and for their specific rendering in any given situation one must pay close attention to the overall context.

Rhymes Perhaps the most important change in this second volume has to do with my treatment ofrhymes. Some thirty of the surviving seventy-six chapters of the Guanzi contain rhymed passages, and while some are only a few lines in length, others, as in the case of"Si cheng" l1Y tij. (XI, 33), "Nei ye" (XVI, 49), and "Dizi zhi" (XIX, 59), cover almost the entire text. My original plan was to have a separate study of these rhymes included in a third volume of special studies on the Guanzi. However, after publication of the first volume, I began to have second thoughts. Robin Yates in his review expressed the opinion that more should have been done with the rhymes in direct connection with the translation. 4 At the same time, I myself began to feel that rhyme usage, especially the appearance of irregular rhymes, might be of some assistance in attempting to assess the origins of various chapters. What do I mean by irregular rhymes? Based primarily on a study of rhyme patterns in the Shi jing, Chinese and Western scholars have reconstructed some twenty or so standard rhyme categories or groups that represent the norm for rhyming in early Chinese texts. There are also four tones, with words in the fourth tone rhyming with other words in 4

6

Review, 129.

INTRODUCTION

the fourth tone or third tone, but not with words in the first or second tone. Furthermore, as a general rule, unstressed words such as .:t are not used to form rhymes. However, in later pre-Han and early Han (fourth to first centuries B.C.) texts, because of either differences in regional pronunciation or other factors, words from different rhyme groups or of incompatible tone appear in places where it is obvious that the text is supposed to rhyme. These are irregular rhymes. The problem is complicated since it is sometimes hard to tell whether these deviations from the norm represent dialectal or other differences due to natural changes in the language or are the result of either scribal errors or pure carelessness on the part of the author. Be that as it may, both Chinese and foreign scholars have long recognized that texts associated with the state of Chu, which dominated a large area on both sides of the lower Yangtze River, show a pattern of irregular rhyme usage consistent enough to be considered representative of a regional dialect. This so-called Chu dialect will be discussed in more detail in my introductory comments to the "Nei ye" (XVI, 49). To designate rhymes, I have utilized the rhyme groups of Dong Tonghe f la]~ (1911-1963) as presented in ChouFa-kao's (Zhou Fagao)Hanzi gujin yinhui [A Pronouncing Dictionary of Chinese Characters in Archaic and Ancient Chinese, Mandarin and Cantonese] and Chou's system for transcribing the phonetic values of archaic Chinese. For help in identifying rhymed passages, I have relied heavily on Jiang Yougao's classic work, Xian-Qin yun du [A Study of Pre-Qin Rhymes], and an article by Lung Yu Shun (Long Yuchun), "Xian-Qin sanwen zhong de yunwen (shang)" [Rhythmatic Writings in Pre-Chin Prose (Part I)], published in The Chung Chi Journal of May 1963. In this latter work (pp. 144-150), Lung presents a table of irregular rhymes appearing in a wide range of pre-Qin texts, including the Guanzi. Unfortunately, Jiang's work, which was somewhat pioneering in nature, is limited in its coverage and contains some errors. While Lung's work does a great deal to remedy these defects, it too is incomplete. The problem of identifying rhymed passages becomes especially difficult when the text is corrupt, as it often is in the Guanzi. Therefore I have sometimes added my bit to their work, largely on the basis of emendations suggested by various commentators. When I first began working with the rhymes in the Guanzi, I had high hopes for what they might tell us about the origins of the text, but as work progressed it became increasingly clear that this would not be the case. However, I still believe that in some instances, such as the four 7

INTRODUCTION

"Xin shu" chapters, a study of the rhymes can contribute to our understanding of the background ofa text as well as its nature. For this reason I have noted end-rhymes and their archaic phonetic reconstructions at the end of each line and also provided an appendix at the end of this volume listing the end-rhymes appearing in the chapters covered in volume one.

Recent Developmentsin Guanzi Studies Since the publication of volume one in 1985, there have been several major developments in the area of Guanzi studies. In October 1986 a national conference on the Guanzi and Qi culture was held in Zibo i/iltf, Shandong Province, the site of the old Qi capital. In addition to publishing a volume of conference papers entitled Guanzi yanjiu [Guanzi Studies], the conference also established a journal, Guanzi xuekan, which has been published quarterly since 1987 and has come to be the most important vehicle for Guanzi scholars all over the world. 5 Of particular value are bibliographies, published in the first three issues of 1988, listing Chinese, Western, and Japanese works on the Guanzi. A second conference was held in October 1989, which again resulted in a volume of papers, this time entitled Guanzi yu Qi wenhua [The Guanzi and Qi Culture]. A third volume, Qi wenhua zonglun [General Essays on Qi Culture], was produced in 1993 following a similar conference held in August 1992. The year 1987 also saw publication of a major work on the Guanzi by the Japanese scholar Kanaya Osamu, Kanshi no kenkyu: Chugoku kodai shisoshi no ichimen [Studies on the Guanzi: One Aspect of the History of Ancient Chinese Thought]. In dating the various chapters, Kanaya tends to follow such Chinese scholars as Luo Genze, Guo Moruo, and Hu Jiacong, tracing the work's early core back to the Jixia scholars in Qi, with later additions being made down through the Qin and early Han. His major contribution lies in his attempt to demonstrate that the Guanzi is not merely a pastiche of unrelated material but rather a work that by and large, except for the "Qing Zhong" chapters, shows the development of a consistent ideology based on a naturalistic view of the cosmic order and that of humanity. He also does much to clarify the Guanzi's value as a major repository of early Huang-Lao thought. Space does not permit a detailed discussion of what Kana ya has to say, but his 'For a review of this journal, see my article in Early China, 14 (1989): 201-211.

8

INTRODUCTION

work is of prime importance in the study of the Guanzi's philosophical content. 6 In 1989 Zhao Shouzheng published a revised edition of his two-volume translation of the Guanzi into modem Chinese under the title Guanzi tongjie [Comprehensive Explanation of the Guanzi]. In this work, Zhao revises and completes the partial translations contained in his two-volume Guanzi zhuyi [Guanzi with Notes and Translation], published in 1982 and 1987. Although I have sometimes disagreed with Professor Zhao on the interpretation of specific passages, his Guanzi tongjie is a masterful work, indispensable for anyone working on the Guanzi. Also in 1989, both Zhao Shouzheng and Wu Baosan, another major contributor to the study of the Guanzi in China, produced books dealing with the economic thought of the work. Since both scholars are primarily economic historians, their works are of special value and particularly relevant to this second volume of my translation. Finally, in 1990 the Guanzi xuekan in three issues (1-3) published posthumously Ma Feibai's "Guanzi 'Nei ye' pian jizhu" [Collected Annotations of the "Nei Ye" Chapter of the Guanzi]. This masterful work is the most comprehensive textual study of the "Nei ye" to date.

Translation Procedures and Methods of Notation In this second volume, I have followed the same general procedures and methods as in volume one. The translation is based on two wellknown prints of standard editions: the Sibu beiyao print of the Ming aj] dynasty Zhao Yongxian Ml. !fl 'J edition and the Sibu congkan photographic reprint of a Song-Yuan edition containing a preface by Yang Chen#} •tit.The Yang edition is the oldest readily available edition and thus under normal circumstances should serve as the baseline for our translation. Unfortunately, however, it is a very poor edition, containing numerous lacunae and faulty characters. Therefore I have used both it and the Zhao edition, which has served as the standard since Qing ~ times. 7 In addition to the Yang and Zhao editions, which represent one textual lineage, I make frequent reference in my notes to

*-jt

6 See also an article in English by Kanaya, "Taoist Thought in the Kuan-tzu," in Koichi Shinoharaand GregorySchopen,FromBenaresto Beijing:Essayson Buddhismand Chinese Religion, 35-40. 7 The Sibu beiyao print of the Zhao edition is based on the Zhejiang Shuju illril. :f f.J revised edition of 1876. For more details concerning both the Yangand Zhao editions, see the introduction to my 1985 Guanzi, 33-35.

9

INTRODUCTION

Ancient, Liu, and Zhu editions, which represent another lineage. The Ancient edition, which lacks a commentary, probably dates from the Yuan or early Ming, while the Liu edition appears in Liu Ji 's J~#.lGuanzi buzhu it -=I:tiltii .8 The Zhu edition is a later print of the Liu edition contained in Zhu Dongguang's 3,tJRJt, Zhongdu sizi tp ill~ -=f-published in 1579.9 · The order in which the various chapters are presented follows the standard Chinese order except that XXI, 67, which is basically a lineby-line explanation of XV, 46, has been incorporated into that chapter, and chapters XII, 35, XIII, 37, and XVI, 49, have been shifted out of their regular order to other places in the text. XII, 35, which contains important discussions on how to develop the economy, has been moved to a position just before XXI, 68, the first of the "Qing zhong" chapters that deal chiefly with economic and fiscal policies. XIII, 37, and XVI, 49, the former being largely an explication of the latter, have been placed before XIII, 36, to facilitate the discussion of these important "Xin shu" chapters. In the left margins I have continued to provide page numbers for the Sibu beiyao text as well as line numbers for the Guoxue jiben congshu print of the Ming dynasty Zhao Yongxian edition used by Wallace Johnson in his Guanzi yinde [A Concordance to the Kuan-tzu]. Thus, Johnson's work can serve as a Chinese index to the translation. For Chinese texts divided into bothjuan ~ and pian ,I, roman numerals are used to designate the former and arabic numerals the latter; for texts that are simply divided into either juan or pian, arabic numerals alone are used. Page and line numbers are given following a hash mark. For traditional Chinese works published in Western format with continuous pagination, I have provided the originaljuan and/or pian numbers followed by the Western pagination. When citing other Chinese texts that have a standard translation, I have usually provided a reference to it. However, this is for reference purposes only, since my translation will often be quite different. Com' The name Liu Ji appears several times in Chinese history, and in the introduction to my 1985 Guanzi, 35-40, I discussed in considerable detail Guo Moruo's argument that the Liu Ji who produced the Guanzi buzhu lived during the Liao it dynasty, about 1012. At the same time I also cited (p. 39n.) the argument of Luo Jizu that Guo was mistaken and this Liu Ji was a Ming scholar who became ajinshi :il in 1490. Now, thanks to the work of Harold Roth, it is clear that Luo Jizu was correct. See Roth's The Textual History of the Huainan Tzu, 165. 9 For further discussion of all three of these editions, see the introduction to my 1985 Guanzi, 35-40.

±

INTRODUCTION

mentators whose works have served as a basis for interpreting the text are listed in the notes with their names in brackets. Full bibliographical data for them is then provided in the first section of the bibliography. The names of authors cited in the introductory comments and notes, as well as the names of traditional Chinese works, are listed in the index. The index also lists major subject headings and special terms when they appear in a significant context.

11

XVI,49

NeiYe

pg~ INNER WORKINGS, TO THE FOUR "XIN

AND INTRODUCTION SHU" CHAPTERS

IntroductoryComments The "Nei ye" is one of the four so-called "Xin shu" ,~, tr or "Art of the Mind" chapters, the others being "Xin shu shang" ,~ {ltj J:. (XIII, 36), "Xin shu xia" I~' ffi (XIII, 37), and "Bai xin" I~' (XIII, 38). These four chapters all deal with aspects of Daoist quietism and, except for the Laozi and Zhuangzi, represent our most important source for the study of early quietist thought. For this reason modem Chinese and Japanese scholars generally treat them as a unit. 1 While I do not agree that all four of these chapters are as closely related as many of these scholars maintain, it is true that the chapters share enough in common to warrant their discussion in some systematic fashion. Unfortunately, their order of appearance in the Guanzi makes this difficult. For example, "Xin shu xia" (XIII, 37), which appears to be an explication and development of portions of the "Nei ye" (XIV, 49), has been placed way ahead of that text in the sequence of chapters. 2 Therefore, to avoid considerable repetition and other complications, I have rearranged the sequence of these chapters in the following manner: I. "Nei ye" (XVI, 49), which is the longest of the four chapters, includes some of China's earliest discussions on the workings of the mind and the practice of breath and dietary controls. It is also a work that after having been generally ignored in the study of Chinese philosophy,

r

s

1 Two other chapters often grouped along with these four are "Zhou he" ii ½ (IV, 11) and "Shu yan" ,Ill]" (IV, 12). 2 The "Nei ye" also appears in an entirely different section of the text, being the fifth chapter of the "Qu yan" We]" or "Minor Statements," while the "Xin shu shang," "Xin shu xia," and "Bai xin" chapters are numbers 10, 11, and 12 of the "Duan yu" f!I ii or "Short Discourses."

15

XVI, 49

NE/ YE

has recently begun to receive considerable attention from Western as well as Chinese and Japanese scholars. 3 2. "Xin shu xia" (XIII, 3 7) is closely related to the "N ei ye." Much of it either paraphrases or develops material contained in the "Nei ye" (stanzas VI to X) and sometimes appears to quote directly from that text, even to the point of prefacing these quotations with the phrase gu yue t!ti"E. and reading gong 1)J as 1_kgong, here and below [Ding Shihan and Zhang Peilun]. The following schemes are very similar in content to the twelve nonmilitary means for attacking an enemy (wen fa 1C*) presented in the Liu tao, 2/3a8-4b 1. 59 Emending iR,,"seek out," to tt in accordance with a similar passage in the Liu tao, 2/ 3al0-3bl: "Cultivate close relations with your enemy's favorites in order to dissipate his majestic power. If one such person is of two minds, your enemy's internal situation (writing 'f' for pg) will be weakened. If his court is lacking in loyal ministers, his altars to Land and Grain are certain to be endangered." The writing of -tJI,for tt in the Guanzi version is probably an assimilation of the first character in the passage that follows. 60 The meaning of - A, "one person," is not entirely clear. It may also refer to the ruler. Thus: "If the ruler is of two minds." 61 Emending the final character -t!!. to ,t, "loyal," and making it the first word of the following sentence in accordance with the Liu tao passage cited above [Ding Shihan]. 62 Irregular rhyme: ~ (group ~) with f( (group ft), above. This combination of endrhymes is not very common, but it is listed by Lung Yu Shun, "Xian-Qin sanwen zhong de yunwen (shang)," 147, as appearing in the Zhuangzi and Wenzi. 54

224

ON MAINTAINING

10.13

RESTRAINT

Seek out those in your ememy's disfavor as a means to learn his secrets. (ili ·iam)63 Offer them bribes and the gratitude you receive will be heartfelt. st'jiam) When their persons are within but their gratitude lies without, the country may be imperiled. riam) 64 The third is to: Take advantage of your enemy's licentious music as a means to subvert 65 his mind. 66 Present him with reed pipes (yu !t-), zithers (se M), and beautiful women to divert him from what is going on within. (pgnwar) Present him with fawning ministers and elegant horses to blind him to what is happening abroad. {'.7~ngwar) When he has been diverted from what is going on within and blinded to what is happening abroad, it is possible to bring about his defeat. (J&prwar) The fourth is to: Be certain to develop extremely close relations with your enemy as if you were brothers. 67

oi

rn~

l0.14

II.I 12a

63 The first sentence of this passage is obviously corrupt. I have followed Wang Niansun and Zhang Peilun in emending ti!.J;t:lit Pfi•If to ti!.J;t:P/r-It and adding V,,l~ J;t:lit. Such an addition restores the passage's rhyme pattern. The comparable passage in the Liu tao, 21 3bl-2, reads: "Secretly bribe your enemy's officials of the left and right, and the gratitude you receive will be heartfelt. When these; men occupy positions within but their gratitude lies without, the country will be subject to harm." 64 Emending ~ to ~5(group ~), which forms an irregular rhyme with (group ~), above. 65 Reading ~ as iJl. 66 This line presents a problem with the rhyme scheme. As written, the final character'"' (ar. sjiam, group it) should rhyme with the final characters in the lines to follow: pg,;f-, and J!t all of which belong to group ~- This is a highly unlikely combination. Zhang Peilun would emend''"' to ;t (ar. tjiay, group .:t) in accordance with a comparable passage in the Liu tao, 2/3b2-3: "Supply tiliyour enemy with licentious music as a means to subvert his will ;t ." Unfortunately this also does not provide an acceptable alternative to complete the rhyme pattern. 67 Emending ~ to ~ and deleting .:t in accordance with a similar phrase appearing in the Liu tao, 2/4a2-3, and to preserve the four-character balanced phrasing of the sentence [Tao Hongqing]. Theoretically, this passage should also rhyme. Therefore, Zhang Peilun would emend~ to~ but keep the character .:t.and add ?f.(ar. sjier, group Ai)after 1. (ar. sreng, group tit) to form an end-rhyme with tt (ar. ker, group Ai),the final character in the sentence that follows. Thus: "Be certain to develop extremely close relations with him as if you shared life and death." He then goes on to say that the final characters for the remaining sentences in this passage, -. (ar. kjar, gtoup ffi:),;f,(ar.·iay, group .:t), and ~ (ar. bjiwar, group ~), also form end-rhymes. Unfortunately, while groups Ai, tix,and ~ do appear together as end-rhymes in such texts as the Wenzi and Huang Di neijing lingshu (see Lung

*

225

XVII, 11.2

1u

11.4

11.s

11.6

53

JIN CANG

Secretly send in68 professional persuaders to serve in plotting stratagems [against other countries]. Send in brave knights to incite his passions for war. Send people into other countries to get them to break their treaties with him, terminate diplomatic relations, and oppose his aspirations. Thus, fighting will break out between them, 69 the two countries will become enemies, and you will certainly gain advantage from their difficulties. The fifth is to: Make a careful investigation of your enemy's schemes. (i¥. mjwar) Be respectful toward his loyal ministers, but alienate 70 them from him whom they serve. ( 1t sliay) Create distrust within the government and divergence in aspirations. (;t ·iay) With divergence in aspirations,71 there can be no cooperation 72 and the government within is bound to self-destruct. OAdzak) 13 Since the loyal ministers will have been killed, the government can then be seized. (:lf dwat) 14 These five are ways to scheme for an attack. Yu Shun, "Xian-Qin sanwen zhong de yunwen, (shang)," 147) group .t. would not fit this pattern at all. •• Reading pl;)as A, here and below [Guo Moruo]. ••Emending± to §. [Guo Moruo]. 70 Emending ~ to ~ [Igai and Yao Yonggai]. 71 Emending t. to ;t [Wang Niansun]. 72 Emending 4 to ½ [Igai, Ding Shihan, Zhang Wenhu, and Yao Yonggai]. 73 Rhyme: ~ (group .t., 4th tone) with ;t (group .t., 3rd tone), above. 74 Here again the rhyme pattern breaks down. The final character* (ar. dwat, group~) is not compatible with the group .t. end-rhymes above.

226

XVIII, 54

Ru Guo

Al ON ENTERING

THE CAPITAL

Introductory Comments In spite of its brevity, this chapter is frequently cited in Chinese literature because it is one of the few early documents that attempt to spell out what was meant by the vague statements in Confucian texts concerning a virtuous ruler's compassion toward the old, the young, the orphaned, the alone, and so forth. That such a program of social service, as described here, ever existed in practice is, of course, highly doubtful, but the mere existence of such concrete ideas is an interesting reflection of social values. As pointed out by Luo Genze, the brevity of the chapter makes any attempt at dating it extremely difficult, but he suggests it probably dates from the end of the Warring States period or about the middle of the third century B.c.1 I think it could be earlier, perhaps the beginning of that century, and may be the work of one of the Jixia scholars of Confucian persuasion. A slightly abbreviated translation of this chapter appears Burton Watson's Early Chinese Literature, pp. 181-183.

Translation 3:11.11 la7

After entering his capital, [the new ruler] issues instructions concerning the nine compassions (jiu hui fL i) on the forty-fifth day [following the winter solstice]. 2 These nine are: (1) honoring the elderly, (2) caring 1 Guanzi

tanyuan, 113-114.

The meaning of this opening phrase, A ~ l1l1 ~ Ji, is not clear. I have followed the interpretationof Zhang Peilun, who cites the Huainanzi, chapter 6, which divides the year into eight forty-five day periods beginning with the winter solstice. The second of these periods,which commencesafter the forty-fifthday, constitutesthe beginningof spring, the season in which the ruler is supposed to Be especiallycompassionateand protectiveoflife. For example,the "Yue ling" fl 4 (Liji, V, 6/2b6; Legge, Li Ki 27:254) states that during the first month of spring the son of Heavenbestows compassion(hui .t). lgai would delete 1

227

XVIII,

11.12

11.13

11.14 lb

12.1

12.2

54

RU GUO

for the young, (3) pitying the orphaned, (4) providing for the disabled, (5) bringing together those who are alone, (6) inquiring after the sick,3 (7) keeping track of the destitute, (8) providing relief for those in distress, (9) continuing the sacrifices for lines that have been broken. "Honoring the elderly" means that in the capital and all administrative centers (du ~) there shall be officials charged with looking after the elderly. Persons over seventy shall have one son exempted from labor service,4 and every three months they shall receive a present of meat. Those who are over eighty shall have two sons exempted from labor service, and each month they shall receive a present of meat. Those who are over ninety shall have their entire family exempted from labor service, and each day they shall receive wine and meat. When they die, the sovereign shall supply 5 them with inner and outer coffins. 6 Their sons and younger brothers shall be urged to provide them with the finest delicacies to eat, to ask what they want, and to seek for what they desire. This is what is meant by "honoring the elderly." 7 "Caring for the young" means that in the capital and all administrative centers there shall be officials charged with looking after young children. When soldiers and people in general have children, these chidren may include infants whose care becomes an insurmountable burden. For families with three young children, the wife shall be exempted from exactions of hemp or silk cloth. 8 Where there are four, the entire family shall be exempted from labor service. Where there are five, the children Ji, "five." Thus: "Within the first forty days after [the new ruler] has entered the capital, he issues instructions concerning the nine compassions." Guo Moruo believed that these five characters represent a miswriting of the title and chapter number A ~ Ji f/11, "On Entering the Capital, Fifty-four." He bases his argument on the fact that Zhang Shoujie ~ :;)' jji (eighth century), in his Shiji zhengyi, 62/1 b3, appears to cite this passage but merely states that when Guan Zhong was chief minister of Qi he made use of instructions concerning the nine compassions. Accordingly, the opening sentence would read: "Issue instructions concerning the nine compassions." 3 Following the Zhang Shoujie Shiji zhengyi commentary cited above in emending,;;, to t,j. • Zheng {[ is used for a variety of different taxes or exactions. According to the Mengzi, VIIB/27: "There are exactions (zheng) of hemp or silk cloth, grain, or labor service." In the Guanzi (see, for example, VII, l 8/9b7-9; 1:91.2), zheng is also used in reference to custom duties and market fees. Here, zheng most probably refers to labor service. ' Reading ~ as ill'. 6 This sentence may be a misplaced slip. According to Jin Tinggui it should come after 3jtfff "-t,"seek for what they desire," at the end of this passage. 7 For other discussions concerning treatment of the elderly, see XXIII, 78/9a6 (3:90.11), and XXIV, 85/20bl0--l l (3:119.11). • See n. 4, above.

+

228

ON ENTERING

12.3

12.4

12.s

12.6

2. 12.,

12.s

THE CAPITAL

shall also be provided with a nursemaid, and the family shall receive food sufficient for two. This shall continue until the children are able to take care of themselves. This is what is meant by "caring for the young." "Pitying the orphaned means that in the capital and all administrative centers, there shall be officials charged with looking after orphans. When soldiers and people in general die, their children become orphans, and the very young, having been deprived of the care of their parents, cannot live on their own and must be taken in by members of the district, family acquaintances, or old friends. Families that take care of one orphan shall have one son exempted from labor service. Those that take care of two orphans shall have two sons exempted from labor service. For those that take care of three orphans, the entire family shall be exempt from labor service. The officials charged with looking after orphans shall make frequent inquiries about them and make certain they are informed about the situation concerning their food and drink, whether or not they are cold and hungry, and whether or not their bodies are emaciated,9 in order to show their concern for them. This is what is meant by "pitying the orphaned." "Providing for the disabled" means that in the capital and all administrative centers, there shall be officials charged with looking after the disabled. 10 The sovereign shall gather together and provide for those who are deaf, blind, dumb, lame,.partially 11 paralyzed, or have deformed hands and are unable 12 to live on their own. The disabled shall be placed in hostels so that they may be clothed and fed for as long as they live. This is what is meant by "providing for the disabled." "Bringing together those who are alone" means that in the capital and all administrative centers, there shall be officials charged with acting as matchmakers. Husbands who have lost their wives are called widowers (guan ~ ); women who have lost their husbands are called widows (gua 'I.).13 These officials shall bring widowers and widows together and 9 Reading ni as 15= jlt, The Yin Zhizhang commentary says that ni means JJE, "plump." Thus: "whether their bodies are skinny or plump." However, there is no lexical or other evidence to support Yin's interpretation. 10 Deleting ,f before ffe;since its presence violates the pattern of similar sentences above and below [Wang Yinzhi]. 11 The Yang edition mistakenly writes 1afor ~ [lgai and Yin Tongyang]. 12 Reading At as Hit[Zhang Wenhu]. The Taiping yulan, 738/7b9, in citing this passage writes Ht, 13 XXIII, 78/9a4-6 (3:90.10-11) states: "Guanzi said, 'A single male isguan ~. a single woman is gua J., and a person who reaches old age but has no children is du ~ (alone)."' According to the Mengzi, 18, 5/3: "The old and wifeless are called guan ~. the old and husbandless are called gua J., the old and childless are called du ~. and the young and

229

XVIII,

12.9

12.10

12.11

12.12

2b

12.13

12.14

54

RU GUO

allot them fields and houses to provide them with homes. Only after three years shall they be required to perform government service. This is what is meant by "bringing together those who are alone." "Inquiring after the sick 14 means that in the capital and all administrative centers there are officials charged with looking after the sick. When soldiers and people in general become•ill, officials charged with looking after the sick shall, in accordance with orders from the sovereign, inquire after them. In the case of those who are over ninety, this inquiry shall take place once every day. For those who are over eighty, it shall take place once every two days, and for those who are over seventy, it shall take place every three days. For ordinary people it shall take place once every five days. If the illness is very severe, it shall be reported to the sovereign who shall personally conduct his own inquiries. Officials charged with looking after the sick shall have as their duty traveling throughout the country in order to inquire after the sick. This is what is meant by "inquiring after the sick." "Keeping track of the destitute" means that in the capital and all administrative centers there shall be officials charged with looking 15 after the destitute. Should there be destitute men and women who have no place to stay or guests from abroad who have been cut off from their provisions, members of the district who report such matters shall be rewarded; those who do not shall be punished. This is what is meant by "keeping track of the destitute." "Providing relief for those in distress" means that when the harvest is poor and ordinary people are attacked by fatal diseases so that many die, the sovereign shall relax his punishments, pardon the guilty, and distribute stored grain in order to feed them. This is what is meant by "providing relief for those in distress." "Continuing the sacrifices for lines that have been broken" means that when soldiers and people in general die in the service of their sovereign or in battle, the sovereign shall cause their acquaintances and old friends to receive funds from the sovereign to conduct sacrifices for them. This is what is meant by "continuing the sacrifices for lines that have been broken." fatherless are called gu ~. These four classes are the most destitute people in the empire, having no one to speak for them. King Wen JC,when issuing his administrative orders and dispensing his benevolence, was certain to give them prior consideration." For a somewhat similar statement, see XXIV, 85/20bl 1-12 (3: 119.10-1I) 14 Emending ~ to i'jii in accordance with the wording of the text that follows. See also n. 3, above. 15 Emending ii to f in accordancewith similarsentences,aboveandbelow [WangYinzhi].

230

XVIII, 55

Jiu Shou

:IL~ NINE THINGS

TO BE PRESERVED

IntroductoryComments "Jiu shou" consists ofnine extremely short, and often very ambiguous, statements discussing various aspects of rulership. Some of the statements are in rhyme or contain rhymed passages; others appear to be entirely in prose. Because of the brevity of the individual statements, it is difficult to tell whether this ambiguity and lack of a consistent pattern of rhyme were due to the original author or due either to later textual damage or the fact that the nine statements represent snippets taken from a variety of sources and thus are bound to appear inconsistent in terms of style and somewhat ambiguous in terms of content. In any case, the complete "Jiu shou" text with some minor differences in wording also appears in the Guiguzi, B12, and four of its nine sections appear in the Liu tao, I, 4. Similar ideas, sometimes with the same wording, are to be found in a wide range of texts, including the Dengxizi, Lushi chunqiu, and Shuo yuan, and the Shi da Jing (Shiliu Jing) and Cheng texts prefixed to the Laozi "B" manuscript discovered at Mawangdui. Both Gustav Haloun and Hu Jiacong have produced special studies of the chapter, and although their efforts approach it from very different perspectives, they both have come to the conclusion that this is one of the earliest surviving Legalist (Haloun) or Huang-Lao (Hu) texts. 1 Based on bits and pieces gleaned from over a dozen different texts, and using this chapter as his base, Haloun (p. 94) has attempted to restore what he believes to be the original document that was in existence by the end of the fourth century B.C. Haloun's knowledge of early Chinese 1 Haloun's work, "Legalist Fragments: Part I; Kuan-tsi' 55 and Related Texts," was published in Asia Major, n.s. 2, pt. I (April 1951): 85-120. Hu's work, "Zhanguo xingming fashu zhi xue de tan tao: Guanzi, 'Jiushou pian"' [A Discussion on the Study of Form and Name, Law and Methods during the Warring States Period), was published in Zhongguo zhexue yanjiu, 1986, no. I: 32-34 and 41.

231

XVIII,

55

JIU SHOU

texts was truly remarkable, and his work represents a brilliant effort at textual reconstruction. However, I have serious doubts about the usefulness of his results. Without textual emendations, the Guanzi would be impossible to read, but, while some emendations can be accepted with total confidence (such as the frequent need to change the reading of 1~ to ii), most emendations involve a degree of subjectivity that can only be kept in check by constant references to the surrounding context. If the number of emendations in a given passage reaches a point where they change its general meaning, no matter how valid each i}!dividual emendation may appear to be, the degree of subjectivity has vastly increased and we are on dangerous ground. This is clearly the case with Haloun's work. Furthermore, it is my belief that while it is extremely important to know what the original form and meaning of a text may have been, it is also important to know what its readers throughout history thought them to be. Such total reconstructions as Haloun has attempted completely deprive a text of its historicity. Therefore, rather than accept Haloun's translation, I have adopted a more conservative approach. Professor Hu begins his study by citing chapter 63 of the Shi Ji, which includes the biographies ofLaozi, Zhuangzi, Shen Buhai, and Hanfeizi and states (5a2-4) that Hanfeizi "delighted in the study of form and name, law and methods, while basing his doctrines on Huang and Lao (Huang Di and Laozi)." Hu then goes on to say (p. 32) that in addition to such chapters in the Hanfeizi as 5, 7, 8, and 14, two documents that are clearly based on the doctrines of Huang Di and Laozi are the "Xin shu shang" '"'' :t/{_ J:. (XIII,36) and "Jiu shou" of the Guanzi. Both of these latter chapters not only stress the importance of quiescence, of form and name, and of law, but also have numerous other points in common, such as reference to the nine appertures (jiu qiao }L jx). 2 Professor Hu then concludes that "Jiu shou" represents the application of the general principles contained in "Xin shu shang" to the practical art of rulership, and therefore, that the former chapter is a direct offshoot of the latter. Thus he would date this chapter as early as the third century B.C. I would certainly agree with Professor Hu concerning the HuangLao nature of this text, its probable connection with the "Xin shu shang" chapter, and its general dating. 3 However, I would add that like "Xin shu shang" it probably has a Chu ft connection, as indicated by the number of similar passages to be found in other works associated with 2 3

See statement VI and n. 17, below. Kanaya Osamu, Kanshi no kenkyu, 281 and 334, also follows Hu Jiacong.

232

NINE

THINGS

TO BE PRESERVED

Chu, such as the Guiguzi, Liu tao, Dengxizi, the Mawangdui texts, and the "Shi" ~ chapter (XV, 42) of the Guanzi. I also believe that given the wide variations in style to be found in the different sections, it may be a composite work rather than a piece by a single author. The nine sections of this chapter all have titles which, in accordance with a common practice in early Chinese texts, have been placed at the end of their section. For convenience in translation, I have moved them to the head of each section and numbered each section in sequence.

Translation [I] 3.13.4 2b9 3:13.3 2b7

THE RULER'S

POSITION

(ZHU

WEI

,i. 1ft)

Calm and unhurried, he remains perfectly" quiescent. ( ~ dzieng) Gentle and restrained, he first stabilizes his own thoughts. (Jt deng) Open-minded and dispassionate, he thereby deals with whatever may cause him harm. (~Jik'jweng) 5

[II] 3.7 3a2

13.S 2bl0

THE RULER'S

CLARITY

OF VISION

(ZHU

MING

_i

aJn

The eye values clarity of sight. ( F!fjmiwang) The ear values sharpness of hearing. (\~- ts 'weng) 6 The mind values impartiality. ( ¾ kewng) 1 • Emending i1iito .iE.in accordance with the writing of this line as it appears in XV, 42/ 2bl0 (2:86.12) of the Guanzi; the Guiguzi, Bl2/25al; the "Shun dao" )11/,t section of the Mawangdui Shi dajing (Shiliujing), 85; and the Mawangdui Cheng text, 95. Jn this latter work, this and the following line are used to describe the power of Earth :It!\ it rather than the ruler. 'Emending~ (ar. sjewy, group {~) to ~J (group .t/f) in order to preserve the rhyme with Mand ;t, above. The Guiguzi, Bl2/25a4, for~ writes -AAtJ. The meaning remains the same. Although the wording of the Liu tao, I, 4/4a3-4, version is slightly different, it preserves the same basic rhyme scheme: ~ -It-i1ii;t (deng), 1rii1iiM (dzieng), 1ri,t ;t (deng), J ~ i1ii:f f- (tsreng), fl. ,~ -t ;(:, it 4!QI:'-.iE.(tjieng): "Calm and unhurried, he is stable. Gentle and restrained, he is quiescent. Being gentle and restrained, he first stabilizes his own thoughts. Good at making allies and never contentious, open-minded and of peaceful purpose, he deals with matters by rectifying them." • Irregular rhyme: ljlj (group ~) with ~!-(group .JI[),above. 7 Emending T,l'(ar. tiey, group -Z..), "wisdom," to Ji} (group .() in order to complete the

*

*

233

XVIII,

13.6

55

JIU SHOU

If one talces the eyes of the world to see, 8 there is nothing that will not be seen. If one takes the ears of the world to hear, there is nothing that will not be heard. If one takes the mind of the world to think, there is nothing that will not become known. If his ministers, rallying around him like the spokes of a wheel, come forward one by one, his clarity of vision will never be obstructed.

[III] 13.11 3aS 13.8 3a3

13.9

THE RULER'S

HEARING

(ZHU

TING

i. ~) 9

In respect to the art of hearing, it is said: Do not malce hasty 10 refusals (lie gjay) Do not malce hasty promises. (if xjay) Having promised, one loses control; having refused one shuts the door. (.f say) Be like a high mountain; looking at it, one cannot see its top. (.:f'.! giak) Be like a deep abyss; measuring it, one cannot plumb its depths. (1Mts'iak) Be like the power of the spirits, correct and quiescent in the extreme. (.:f'.! giak). 11

[IV] 13.14 3al2 13.12 3a9

THE RULER'S

REWARDS

(ZHU

SHANG

i. J)

When utilizing rewards, prize truth; when utilizing punishments, prize certainty. If rewards and punishments are trustworthy and certain in rhyme with (t, above [Zhang Peilun and Xu Weiyu]. The final passage of the Deng Xizi, 2/ 1SaS-8, which is almost identical in content with this section except for its final sentence, writes ¾. Furthermore, the Lushi chunqiu, XVII, 3/7a 11-12 (Wilhelm, Fruhling und Herbst, 270), in a somewhat similar context also uses the pattern ijt, 'l'l, and ¾ as its end-rhymes. 8 I.e., impartial eyes. 9 Here and below, the Guiguzi, Bl2/26a9 and 25b9, for~. "hearing,"writes ~. "benevolence." 10 Reading f. as ~ in accordance with the Liu tao, I, 4/4a5. 11 According to the Shuo yuan, 7/8a5-8, when Fu Zijian ~ -f J!, a disciple of Confucius, was governor of Shanfu .f ~ in the state of Lu 1'-,Confucius said to him, "Do not rush to refuse; do not hasten to promise. Having promised, one loses control; having refused, one shuts the door. Be like (pi ru ,V j{P) a high mountain; looking at it, one cannot see its top. Be like a deep abyss; measuring it, one cannot plumb its depths."

234

NINE

13.13

THINGS

TO BE PRESERVED

cases where your ears and eyes can hear and see, 12 then even in cases where your ears and eyes cannot hear and see, no one will secretly change his behavior. When truth can pervade Heaven and Earth and move the spirits, how much more so will it be the case 13 with the wicked and false. [V]

14.3 3b4 14.l 3bl

THE RULER'S

QUERIES

(ZHU WEN _i. r,,i)

The first is directed toward Heaven, the second toward Earth, the third toward the people. ( tjiay) Then come the four directions, 14 above and below, to the fore and behind, to the left and the right, (:fi yjway) 15 Wherever his doubts may lie. ( {£ dzay) 16

z

[VI] 14.7 3h10 14.4 3b5

14.5

WHAT THE RULER

RELIES UPON

(ZHU YIN _i. ~)

If the mind does not interfere with the nine apertures Uiu qiao A it), they will function in good order.'7 If the prince does not interfere with the five official bureaus, they will function in good order. Those who do well, the prince rewards; those who do poorly, he punishes. If the prince relies on whatever comes and issues rewards or punishments accordingly, he will not be overworked. 12 Following the Liu tao, I, I I/Sb I 0-9a I, in adding rill before Jl, both here and below [Dai Wang]. 13 Emending Jr, to R. (jJ1.)in accordance with the Guiguzi, Bl 2/26b6, and the Liu tao, I, 1l/9al [Yu Yue]. 14 Emending ellEl to ell-Jrin accordance with the Guiguzi, B12/27a3 [Wang Niansun]. 15 Inverting ti ;t ~ to read 1lt~ ti ;t, thereby preserving the rhyme pattern [Guo Moruo]. 16 The Liu tao, IV, 32/3b8-4a2, contains a somewhat related passage: "King Wu asked the grand duke, 'Whenever armed forces are employed, what are the concerns of battle?' The grand duke replied, 'The sun and moon, stars and planets, and the handle of the big dipper (doushao 4 ¥1), to the left and to the right, to the fore and behind, these are the concerns of battle related to Heaven. Hills and mounds, rivers and springs, and the advantages of the terrain that lies ahead, behind, to the left and to the right, these are the concerns of battle related to Earth. The use of chariots and horses, of nonmilitary and military techniques, these are the concerns of battle related to men."' 17 This line appears to reflect the ideas expressed in statement I and its explanation in XIII, 36.

m

235

XVIII,

14.6

55

JIU SHOU

Since the sage relies on whatever comes, he is able to bring [his officials] under control. ( .f tjang) Since he relies on whatever comes and conforms 18 to the inherent order of things, he is able to persevere for a long time. ( -& diang) 19

[VII] 14.10

THE RULER'S

SECRETIVENESS

(ZHU

ZHOU

4a3

14.8 3bll

14.9 4al

.i %))

The ruler must be secretive, otherwise his ministers will create 20 disorder. C~L /wan). Maintaining silence, he provides no clues. ( ~ twan) Since those without and those within have nothing to communicate, how can they know anything to resent. ( 1!;;jwan) Since the gates are never opened, for approval or disapproval there can be no cause.(~ ngjwan)

[VIII] TO OBSERVE

CAN

.i $.)

THE RULER'S

14.11

Of these capacities, the first is called "long eyes," the second, "flying ears," the third, "steady perception. "21 His perception is such that he will understand what is happening a thousand Ii away or within the most secret confines and thereby 22 expose 23 the wicked. When the wicked have been exposed, rebellious activity will be curtailed. 24

4a4

CAPACITY

(ZHU

14.13 4a7

[IX] 15.2 4al I

THE RULER'S

14.14 4a8

Oversee realities according to 26 their names. Fix names in accordance with realities. Names and realities produce each other and, conversely,

USE OF NAMES

(ZHU

MING

_i ~ ) 25

Emending~ to ffi [Wang Niansun]. Inverting it j.._to read j.._it in accordance with the Guiguzi, Bl2/27b5 [Zhang Peilun]. 20 Emending to i in accordance with the Guiguzi, Bl2/27bl0 [Xu Weiyu]. 21 I.e., he is able to see and hear things quickly and over great distances and to grasp their meanings. 22 Emending El to VJ[Igai]. 21 Emending dong ~, "to influence," to dong i¥ii,both here and below, in accordance with the Guiguzi, Bl 2/28a IO [Yu Yue and Guo Moruo ]. 24 Reading~ as tl [Guo Moruo]. 2s Emending 'fj ;g (Du Ming), "On Overseeing Names," to .i ;g in accordance with the Guiguzi, Bl2/29al [Zhang Peilun]. 26 Emending fl} to fl in accordance with the Guiguzi, Bl2/28b3 [Wang Niansun]. 18

19

r

236

NINE THINGS

1s.1

TO BE PRESERVED

both reflect the inner nature of things. If names and realities are in accord, there is good order. If they are not in accord, there is chaos. Names stem from reality, reality stems from the properties (dd~) of things, the properties of things stem from their inherent structure, their inherent structure stems from an underlying harmony,27harmony stems from appropriateness. 27 Emending

{l', "wisdom," to~

in accordance with the Guiguzi, B12/28bl2 [Haloun].

237

XVIII, 56

HuanGong Wen

1Q¾r~i QUERIES OF DUKE RUAN

Introductory Comments This extremely short dialogue between Duke Huan and Guan Zhong deals with the need for a ruler to have access to outside criticism in order to strengthen his government. Guan Zhong, in responding to the duke's queries, outlines the methods used by famous rulers of the past, including the mythical Yellow Emperor, Huang Di 1-~, the sage rulers Yao ~ and Shun j.J!,Yu /fJ,the legendary founder of the Xia 1..dynasty, Tang ~ founder of the Shang iffi", and King Wu ~ .3:.of the Zhou ftil, who brought about the fall of the Shang. The chapter is too short to be able to make any definite statements about its date and origins, but from the general style it appears to be rather late. I would suggest that it probably dates from the Qin or early Han.

Translation 3:15.6 4b2

15.7

Duke Huan of Qi questioned Guanzi, saying, "I wish to possess the empire and never lose it, gain fame and never be forgotten. Is there a way to accomplish this?" "Don't rush to create things; don't rush to to carry things through," came the reply. "When the time is ripe, act accordingly, and never, on account of personal likes or dislikes, violate the principle of impartiality. Examine what the people hate and take it as a warning. "Huang Di set up the discussions at the Ming Tai rJfji (Bright Tower) so that he could observe those who were worthy from on high. 1 Yao conducted the queries in the Qu Shi J~'.t (Crossroads Lyceum) so that 1 This passage is cited in a number of texts with slightly variant readings. The Shui jing zhu, 16/18a5, the Yiwen /eiju, 38, 1:688, and the Chuxueji, XIII, 6/2la5-7, for Ming Tai, write Ming Tang a}l'.t, "Bright Hall." For a discussion of the Ming Tang, see my 1985 Guanzi, 149.

238

QUERIES 1s.s

1s.9

1s.10

1s.11

1s.12

1s.u

OF DUKE HUAN

below he could listen to the people. Shun had banners proclaiming excellence so that the ruler would not be kept in the dark. 2 Yu set up a warning drum at court to prepare the way for those who would admonish him. Tang had pavilions located all along the highways so he could observe men's criticism. 3 King Wu received reports at the Ling Tai 1[ f (Spiritual Tower) so that those who were worthy would come forward. These were the means by which the sage emperors and enlightened kings were able to possess the empire and never lose it, gain fame and never be forgotten." "I wish," said Duke Ruan, "to imitate their examples and put into practice such a system. What should I call it?" "Call it the Ze Shi 1 '.t (Noisy Lyceum) discussions," came the reply, and then continuing on, "The laws should be simple so that they will be easy to carry out. The punishments should be carefully examined so that no one violates them. Undertakings should be economical and easy to pursue. Your desires should be few and easily fulfilled. Men who criticize the faults of those on high should be called censors 4 and should take part in the Ze Shi discussions. Officers who handle this matter shall consider it to be their full-time responsibility, and not neglect it.5 I sugggest that you use Dong Guoya JR~ Jf for your Ze Shi undertaking. 6 This person is capable of standing up to the prince in fighting for what is right." Duke Ruan said, "Good!" 1 Presumably these were banners awarded to worthy ministers for coming forward with suggestions and criticisms. 3 The Yzwenleiju, 38, I :688, for A it writes ~ 4~.The meaning remains essentially the same. • Reading .iE.± as ti£.± = i! ± [Xu Weiyu]. ' Emending ~ to ~ in accordance with the Ancient, Liu, and Zhu editions [Dai Wang and Xu Weiyu]. 6 In VIII, 20/l 8b9-10 (I: 111.3), Guan Zhong recommends that Dong Guoya be appointed grand censor (dajian it).

*

239

XVIII, 57

ON APPRAISING

THE TERRAIN

Introductory Comments From the title, one might assume that this chapter, which is in the form of a dialogue between Duke Huan and Guan Zhong, was primarily devoted to problems connected with land and topography. However, its chief concern is really the control and utilization of water. 1 Although the text is rather late, probably dating from the Qin ~ or early Han~, it has a special importance because it is one of the earliest works in Chinese literature to deal specifically with such subjects as flood control and the transport of water for irrigation purposes. 2 Unfortunately, this chapter presents some key information in such vague terms that it is difficult to know precisely what is being discussed. The foremost example of this is the passage 6b4-8 (17.4-6), which deals with the problem of providing water to the capital and its surrounding area. Traditionally, ancient Chinese capitals were supposed to be located on a river above its flood line. 3 Since the early Chinese had no large-scale mechanical means for raising water, the only way to tap the river on which they were situated as a major source was to build a dam and reservoir upstream. 4 Then the water could be led into the city 1

The title is derived from three characters appearing in the opening sentence, du di xing

It. Ji!;*' which literally means "to measure or appraise the land's form." As mentioned before, the titles for early Chinese texts were often provided long after a text's composition and were often made up of one or more characters appearing in the opening line irrespective of how appropriate they might be in describing overall content. 2 The first major project of this type seems to have been started in the state of Wei ~ during the reign of Wen Hou JCf~ (424-387 B.C.) with the damming of the Zhang River it ;,j(,in southern Hebei in order to provide irrigation water for the small principality of Ye f\l. See the Shuijing zhu, I0/7a7b3. According to the Qian-Han shu, 29/2a5-6, prior to this, other projects had been built to provide water for irrigation, but they were much smaller in scope. 3 See I, 5/17b5-7 (1:16.13-14). 4 See You Yu, "Guanzi 'Du di' pian tanwei" and an article by the Wuhan Shuili Dianli Xueyuan Zhongguo shuili fazhanshi Bianxiezu [Wuhan Institute for Water Conservation

240

ON APPRAISING

THE TERRAIN

by a series of canals or closed conduits operating on the principle of a siphon in case it was necessary to force the water up a small incline. Some interpretations of this particular passage seem to indicate the use of an inverted siphon constructed of stoneware. We know the Chinese of Qin and Han times knew how to apply the principle of the inverted siphon. Siphons constructed of bamboo tubing, usually bound with bamboo tape and hempen cloth and caulked with a mixture of tung oil and lime, have long been in use in South China, especially in the salt wells of Sichuan Province. 5 Furthermore, as pointed out by Joseph Needham and Wang Ling (Science and Civilisation in China, 4, pt.2:130-131), the Chinese were making extensive use of stoneware conduits at least as early as the third century B.C. to supply water for their urban centers. Some of these conduits were even fitted together with male and female flanges, theoretically making it possible to fit them tightly enough together to serve as an inverted siphon and to withstand the considerable pressure that this would entail. However, the extent to which they may have been used successfully is not certain. The text contains a few rhymed passages and is generally written in a style associated with the Qin or early Han. The use of dialogues between Duke Huan and Guan Zhong to carry on an argument also seems to have been especially popular with Han writers as, evidenced by such works as the Yan tie lun. Luo Genze says that the work dates from the early Han, citing as evidence the use of du $5 in dujiang shuigong $5[[ JJ writes ~J. 65 The Yang edition mistakenly writes 1if for fi. 66 Emending -;j_to~ [Ding Shihan and Guo Moruo]. 67 Emending if(. to ~ [Ding Shihan]. 68 The Yang edition mistakenly writes ming ,t for min ~. 69 Deleting the :t. following lb [Liu Shipei]. 70 Reading i as 1!:= iit [Jgai and Ding Shihan). 71 Emending 1f to f [Zhang Peilun).' 72 Emending ~ to~ (Yu Yue). 73 Emending tt to tlJ [Zhang Wenhu].

309

XII,

41.10

!~.11

41.12

41.13

47.14

48.1

35

CHI MI

"If 74 the people change but their ruler is unable to change, he will be like a tree that is unable to shed its bark (ge :i\t).75 Ifhe has bark that he is unable to change (ge :i\t),76 his people cannot be made to submit. For the people, their primary concem 77 is credibility; for the feudal lords, it is material wealth. " 78 "May I ask about the material wealth of the feudal lords?" "It is a matter of money. 79 Money is a unit of worth. 80 It is a unit of worth because it circulates in accordance with what people value. 81 Princes 82 who prize the five grains value digging forks and plows. Those who like hunting 83 value the skins of tigers and leopards. Those who employ the meritorious and strong esteem gold and jade money. Those who like war esteem armor and weapons. The primary source for armor and weapons certainly lies in the fields and dwellings of the people. "Should you, our present prince, become involved in war, I suggest that you act in accordance with what the people consider important. Drink and food, luxury and pleasure-these are what the people want. Satisfy their desires and supply their wants, then you will be able to employ them. Now, if they are forced to wear skins for clothing, fash-

*

74 Guo Moruo would transfer the sentence ~ Jzt;~ ilii fl!:~ fl!:~ ~ ~Lfrom 13b2-3 (2:55.10) to this point where it seems to fit the context better. Here it would be read: "If the people are forced to change before they are ready for it, [the ruler] will bring chaos upon himself." 75 The meaning of this sentence is not entirely clear. I have followed Yin Zhizhang, who would read 1Jt.as ,ti:, "tree trunk." Thus literally: "is like a tree trunk's sticking bark." Ding Shihan would emend 1Jtto )If; = ff;, "to shed hair or skin." Thus the sentence would read: "If his people change but he is unable to change, he will be like an animal shedding its hair but having it stick to its skin (ge ~)." 76 The character ge ~ can mean "to change" as well as "skin" or "bark." 77 Reading jf, as F = i. = q:, both here and below [Guo Morua]. 78 Reading 1t as ,t, both here and below [Zhang Wenhu and Guo Moruo]. 79 Following the Yang edition, which after !J;\(illf) writes-\!!.. !J;\ is read as~. "money," both here and below. ~ is explained elsewhere in the Guanzi (see, for example, XXIll, 78/ 8b2-3; 3:90.2-3) as primarily consisting of three types: pearls and jade, gold, and copper coinage. The latter was usually in the form of spade or knife money. 8 Following Liu Shipei and Yin Tongyang, who would emend jia to jia Jf. Guo Moruo would readjia asjia tt. Thus: "Money is in the form of agricultural implements." 81 Following the above emendation of Guo Moruo, this sentence would read: "The reason for its being in the form of agricultural implements is to take advantage of what people value in order to circulate." 81 The four characters ¼ .$ :t )ft appear to come from a damaged slip and make no sense within the context of the passage. I have followed Guo Moruo, who, basing himselfon what follows, would emend ¼ to Ji, )ft to and supply missing characters to make the sentence read: Ji tt :t .$ -&: fB. 83 Again following Guo Moruo, I..$ should be emended to read: jif I. :t .$.

°

*

310

*

*

*,

ON EXTRAVAGANCE

48.2

48.3

Sa

48.4

48.S

48.6

48.7

48.8

48.9 Sb

48.10

IN SPENDING

ion their hats from animal horn, eat wild grasses, and drink raw water, who will be able to employ them? "People who are disturbed in mind cannot be expected to perform meritorious service. Therefore, let people taste the richest tastes, satiate themselves with the finest music, elaborately decorate eggs only to boil them, and finely carve wood only to burn it. Never close the entrances to cinnabar mines so that merchants and traders will not remain at home. Let the rich live in luxury and the poor do work for them. In this way the hundred surnames may spend their lives in comfort, 84 full of vigor, and with plenty to eat. This is not something they could do on their own. One must accumulate material wealth on their behalf. "For your ministers, there should be giving and taking away, (:f: dwat) Hiring them and firing them. (*-'!tiwar) Measure their abilities and give them salaries 85 to enrich them, ( 1; pjway) While employing battle-axes 86 and fetters 87 to humble them. ( 1)t bjway) Grant them empty titles to satisfy their pride,(~ kiaw) While collecting spring and autumn taxes 88 to keep them weak. (~~ sjiaw) Use miscellaneous 89 rites and duties 90 to keep them in place,(,% kjay) While from time to time promoting those who are superior in order to flatter them. ( f-. riay) "You may employ those who are superior to render you service, those who are skilled in argument to be your spokesmen, those who are wise to gather intelligence, 91 and those who have integrity to set standards 92 for others. However, those who are obstinate and unyielding and take advantage of their inferiors,93 disregard 94 virtue, and treat those in superior Reading ,!!,as iii [Guo Moruo]. Reading 1kas ~ and I;/. as ~ [Yin Tongyang]. 86 Reading X: as 1f- [Guo Moruo]. 87 The Yang edition for~ writes¥. Thus: "humbles them with blows of the battle-axe." 88 Emending !If to 11:t [Zhang Wenhu and Guo Moruo]. 89 Emending~ to :ft [Yu Yue and Guo Moruo]. 90 Emending ~ to A [Yu Yue and Guo Moruo]. 91 Reading ~ as it [Guo Moruo]. 92 Reading fl as ~ in accordance with the Ancient, Liu, and Zhu editions. Guo Moruo would interpret this to mean that the prince uses them "to supervise the work of others." 93 Emending r,_to "f [Yu Yue and Guo Moruo). 94 Reading fl as ~ [Guo Moruo]. 84 85

311

XII, 48. II

48.12

48.13

48.14

49.1 6a

49.2

35

CHI MI

positions lightly cannot be employed and should be sent into exile. They are called troublemakers who may bring about the demise of a state. "Strengthen 95 the law and preserve constant standards. Venerate the rites and reform local customs. Esteem sincerity and despise artfulness. Show your appreciation of those who are obedient and reject 96 those who are obstreperous. These are called the methods for perfecting the state. "Whoever would rule a country must act to counter the natural tendencies of the people; only then can he draw close to them. People desire idleness, so he teaches them how to work hard. People desire to live, so he teaches them how to die. When his teachings concerning hard work have taken hold, his state will become rich. When his teachings concerning death have taken hold, he will become majestic in his adventures. "The sage embodies the inherent order of the Yin and Yang. Therefore externally, he is calm; internally, he is well-controlled. "Now those who express their emotions harm the spirit. (it zdjien) Those who seek to adorn their basic character harm their appearance. (5( mjwan) 91 Transformation is excellent when its reality accords with names. (~ mjieng) 98 Change is excellent when it takes place at the proper time. ( djiay) As for those who are unable to foresee its outcome, disaster will strike them. ( :t. tjiay) Therefore, 99 act in harmony with Earth's benefits. (,trj lier) Follow 100 Heaven's dictates. (t~ tjier) Provide rich offerings 101 for the personator of the corpse. (F sjier) 102

*

49.3

Reading ilkas I!] [Guo Dachi and Guo Moruo]. Emending Jff.M[to jl ,Ml [Guo Moruo ]. 97 A somewhat similar passage appears in the Huainanzi, 14/8b7-8. 98 The rhyme scheme for these first three lines is irregular: fl' (group • ), :;t (group :;t), and .t (group tit). 99 This entire passage from 6a3 (49.3) to 6b5 (49.9) is unintelligible as it stands. In addition to corrupted characters, the slips themselves appear to have been scrambled. My reconstruction is based on selected suggestions from Guo Moruo, He Ruzhang, and other commentators. 100 Deleting ffi. as a reduplication from the broken line, 6a8 (49.4). See nn. 105 and 106, below. 101 Reading 4 as ,If: [Ding Shihan and Guo Moruo]. 102 Following Guo Moruo, who would read 9£.as shi f', both here and in the following passage, 6a8 (49.5). The shi served as a stand-in for the deceased to accept the sacrificial offerings at a ceremony following burial. He was selected by divination from among the ministers of state (qing §BJl) if the deceased were a ruler, or from among great officers (dafu f;. A) if the deceased were a minister of state. For people of lesser rank, the shi was usually picked 95 96

312

ON EXTRAVAGANCE 49.4

49.S

49.6

49.7 6b 49.8

IN SPENDING

Open the capital's gates, 103 and inform the spirits in their ranked hierarchy. (IX ts'jier) 104 "Such 105 are the means to be in accord with the standards of Heaven and the guidelines of Earth. Actingto6 in harmony with the benefits of Earth requires being supportive in your undertakings. Following the dictates of Heaven requires being enlightened in your movements. When providing rich offerings for the personator of the corpse, treat him as being the same as his ancestor. 107 In conducting the ceremony, the proper way must be followed. When opening the capital's gates, entertain the guests with brilliant speech. When 108 informing the spirits in their ranked hierarchy, offer up the sacrificial animals, the jade gui, and bi 109to invoke their blessings. 110 Shift the burden 111 of minor problems onto them in order to prevent minor problems from becoming major ones. Be rounded within and angular without, 112 while overawing those who are strong 113 from among the grandsons or other junior male relatives one generation removed. During the sacrifice, the shi was dressed in accordance with the highest rank held by the deceased. 103 Emending ll/l I l?lto ll/l~ I in accordance with the related passage, 6al0 (49.5) [Igai, Yu Yue, and Guo Moruo ), and deleting 4 as a reduplication from the previous line [Guo Moruo]. 104 Inserting :ji!I;jz following ~ :jt. in accordance with the related passage, 6a 11 (49.6) [Yu Yue and Zhang Binglin). 105 The phrase ~ .!I!!. .t..f~,t appears out of place here. I have followed Guo Moruo by inserting it after r.fiIJ ~ fc. .!I!!. .t. ti t,i 11!.. I have also followed Yin Tongyang and Guo by emending ti t4llto ic. (~c.)t,l1l.According to the "Shu du fu" .I) ~ J1J.[Shu Capital Rhapsody) ofZuo Si ti.~-(Taichong ;A~+,c. 250-c. 305), in the Wenxuan,4/9a6-1 (Knechtges, Wen xuan, I :341): "Heaven takes the sun and moon as its standard .~; Earth takes the land within the Four Seas as its guideline tc.." 10• There appears to be a lacuna in the text here. Proper balance requires that there be a statement concerning building on the benefits of Earth at this point. Therefore the passage ~ :11!!. .t..f~4f from line 6a8 (49.4) has been moved (seen. 105, above) to this point and inserted before the character jf(.. To complete the sentence, I have followed Guo Moruo, inserting ~ ,JI:after 4f and before jf(.. 107 Emending ;f;;.to jt [Guo Moruo]. 10• Deleting :jt. -:if:as a mistaken reduplication of ~ :jt.'.lj: in the following line [Yu Yue]. The character 4 should also be deleted [Guo Moruo). See n.103, above. 109 Sacrificial animals traditionally consisted of the ox, sheep, and pig. The type and number of animals involved depended upon the importance of the ceremony. The gui Ji was a rectangularly shaped jade tablet or token that served as a symbol of rank. The form varied somewhat at different times, but it was usually flat on the bottom and rounded or pointed on top with a length varying five, seven, or nine inches, depending upon its bearer's rank. The bi '!l was a jade disk with a hole in the middle and is believed to have symbolized Heaven. 110 Emending tft.to 'f51. and reading 1i:as ill'l[Guo Moruo]. 111 Reading as jt- [Guo Moruo]. 112 I.e., broad-minded in thought but straightforward and unyielding in action. Following Guo Moruo in emending 4 to .It. 113 Inserting :jt. before ~! [Guo Moruo].

r,

*

*

313

XII,

49.9

49.10

49.11

49.12

49.13

49.14 7a

35

CHI MI

and honoring those who are modest. This is so that matters will be handled correctly and you can concentrate on your inner feelings." The duke said, "Should the capital's gates be closed and the hundred surnames start raising a clamor, 114 how should one prepare for this?" "Select those whom Heaven 115 protects, ( 5(;fr.jway)116 Those whom the gods bless, (1 pjway) 117 And those whom men 118 support, (:l tay) And quickly tum the responsibility over to them.(~ bway)119 This is the means to quiet the hundred surnames." "There are both strong and weak ministers holding positions in the state of Qi. How should one handle this?" 120 "Grant the strong high-sounding titles in order to elevate them. (~ kiay) 121 Award them important offices in order to make them feel exceptional. (le:,mgiwa) 122 Rely on assigning responsibilities in accordance with abilities in order to deal with them. (!litrjiwa) Should they be close relations, 123 keep your distance from them. (Mi.siay) Do not allow others to scheme against them. ( Ill day) Should they come from afar, be generous toward them. (:$:.sliew) Do not let others corrupt them. ( dbkjewk) 124 This is the way to handle the situation." "Now," 125 said the duke, "as a minister becomes more important, (:k dar) So he becomes a more likely target for harm. ( ~ gar) 114 Emending a to 1i and deleting it (the Yang edition writes 1,r)[Ding Shihan, Zhang Peilun, and Xu Weiyu]. '" Deleting T- to preserve the balance of this phrase with those that follow [Wang Niansun]. 116 Reading lf as # [Wang Niansun]. 117 Emending f tot= Wi[Wang Niansun]. 118 Deleting f;.. to preserve the balance with the preceding phrases [Xu Weiyu]. 119 Following Guo Moruo, who would emend jJ- (st'jien) to ~ (bway), thus completing the rhyme with ~ (lay). The translation would remain essentially the same. 120 Reading :ft. as {ft and emending .z:. ,ii- {,f to ,ii- {,f. Tao Hongqing would also read ;if- as "to be equal," rather than as the name of a state. Thus: "When strong (talented) and weak ministers enjoy equal status, what should one do about the state?" 121 Irregular rhyme: ~ (group i!I.)with ~ and Ill (group 1ft), below. 122 Reading ~ as ~ [Xu Weiyu]. 123 Reading ~itas di, here and in the following line [Tao Hongqing]. 124 Rhyme: db(group {~, 4th tone) with ~ (group{~, 3rd tone), above. 125 Emending ;k to Ji;.[Yasui and Wu Rulun].

z

314

ON EXTRAVAGANCE SO.I

50.2

S0.3

S0.4

so.s

S0.6 7b

IN SPENDING

I want to lessen 126 their worries and eliminate any threat of harm, (~ gar) While making those possessed of little ability observe closely those who possess a great deal of it. Ck dar) How should I go about this?" "The deeply rooted should not be felled. ( 1t bjwat) With those who have a firm grasp of affairs do not interfere. (A njiap)121 The deep and subtle 128 should not be restrained. (:ifflgak) 129 Those lacking in proper demeanor should not be assisted. ( JI}] dziay) True brilliance should not be negated.(~ mjiwat) True glory should not be ignored. (#cst'jiet) 130 Then even the talk of ten men 131 will not be able to bring down a single good minister. (- jiet) Even though he may encounter difficulties, he is certain to enjoy good fortune." ("t kjiet) "Now, may I ask," 132 [said Duke Huan], "how one goes about gathering one's resources in anticipation of matters to come when there is peace and plenty and no major concerns?" "Let those who have accumulated wealth dress and eat 133 in lavish fashion, ( 1t t 'jia) Use highly decorated carriages and horses in an extravagant way, (~ dia) And consume large quantities of sweet wine in a luxurious manner. (/.3 miwa) Then no one, even in a thousand years, will ever lack 134 for food.

('it yiay) 50.7

This is because there will have been the promotion of essential production. ( • dziay) Emending it to ~ [Xu Weiyu]. rhyme: A (group ~) with 1~ (group ~ ), above. 128 Emending Ji!to "JJI; = i!l!I[He Ruzhang]. 129 Emending )I~ to 1{!I[Ding Shihan]. 130 Irregular rhyme: ff;. (group ni, 2nd tone) with ~(group~. 4th tone), above. 131 Guo Moruo would emend t to !¥ = ~'11. Thus: "Slanderous talk will not be able to undo any of these." Ill Emending i1iito r.,[Guo Moruo]. m Reading :JI.as!= ti, and emendi,ng it- to;{{. [Guo Moruo]. Also following the Yang edition, which for El writes ,t. ll 4 Reading ti::as }ii\ [Yin Tongyang]. 126

127 Irregular

315

XII,

S0.8

S0.9

SO.JO

SO.II

S0.12 Sa

S0.13

S0.14

35

CHI Ml

"The income 13s from harvests in the outer districts is especially important. The use of this income should be controlled. (n, diay) 136 If is not controlled, ( n, diay) It will accumulate in the markets. (if djiay) If it accumulates either in the hands' of those below or those on high, (J: djang) It means that profits will be irregular. ( f djang) For the hundred surnames, nothing is more precious. Of paw) They consider profit above all. (it st'jaw) Both those on high and those below Cf gray) Will concentrate where profits are to be found. (A ·t'jay) Once there is profit, goods can circulate. ( i®.tewng) Once they circulate, a ruler may establish a true state.(,~ prewng) 137 If profits fail to materialize, ( 1t xrwa) People will look for places where they are forthcoming and move there.(~ ria) "When you observe [members of the gentry] who cannot be employed, ( 1t s/iay) Reduce them to ordinary people's level.(~ tar) Select those of good reputation(~ mjieng) And employ them to lead the people.(~ mjien) 138 Those who demonstrate their goodness unceasingly ( e, riay) Should be treated as national models. Oe.kiay) "Those who have yet to demonstrate success should not be acknowledged as providing wise counsel. 139Those who have yet to master the way of good government should not be acknowledged as speaking on behalf of the prince. Once an official has been successful, he may be acknowledged as providing wise counsel. Once an official's work conforms to the way of good government, he may be acknowledged as speaking on behalf of the prince. Only then should these officials be presented with sacrificial meat.140 A. to A, both here and below [.Guo Moruo]. Inverting if; }fl to }fl if; to complete the rhyme with the following line [Lung Yu Shun, "Xian-Qin sanwen zhong de yunwen (shang)," 160]. 137 Emending I (kwak, group .Z:.)to ;~ (group )lt) to complete the rhyme with :iffi. (group )lt), above [Jiang Yougao]. 138 Irregular rhyme: ,t (group ~) with ~ (group 1r), above. 139 Emending~ to ~jj = Ii\, both here and below [Guo Moruo]. 140 Reading !It as At [Yin Tongyang]. The Ancient, Liu, and Zhu editions write it. After a sacrificial ceremony, the prince may share the sacrificial meat with his trusted ministers and officials in order to honor them. 135 Emending 136

316

ON EXTRAVAGANCE

IN SPENDING

"Putting members of the gentry first is the way to bring yourself harm. bjwam) Putting ordinary people last is the way to bring yourself disgrace. (J!t djiam) 141 Those who treat their state and their position lightly are bound to fail. (Jli{brwar) Those who alienate their nobles and relatives will have their schemes leaked abroad. ( nil:riar) Don't employ people from other countries; this is to ignore 142 a cardinal principle. (fo.j_ keng) Don't make frequent changes; this is to undermine your accomplishments. (~ djieng) When a great minister has committed a crime, don't send him abroad; this is to expose your true state of affairs. ('t~ dzjieng) Don't make a habit of visiting the houses of great ministers to drink wine; (5Wtsjay) This will cause your state to be greatly weakened. (5~ sjiaw) 143 "Those who indulge in leisurely excursions 144 and become so immersed in pleasure 145 that they forget to return home are certain to suffer ruin and be lost. They are like a wine vessel146 whose top 147 is too large for its base. The wine becomes lost in the pouring and the base becomes unstable. Their subordinates will be lax in their duties, their orders will not be carried out, 148 and the relationship between those on high and those below will not be sufficient to provide mutual support. This is to have a breakdown 149 in the conduct of affairs." "How is it that undertakings 150 can collapse after they have been well launched, that armed forces can be sent to far-off places yet be unable 151 to inspire awe, that people may scatter even after they have been dwelling together, and that a situation can suddenly cease to be peaceful and become dangerous?"

ne.

s1.1

s1.2

s1.J

8b s1.4

s1.s 5t.6

s1.1

51.8

Reading Jt as ,U [Guo Moruo]. The Yang edition mistakenly omits the character 1k:.. m Irregular rhyme: lfl (group ')If) with~ (group~), above. 144 The phrase :::. -JE, ,lt is clearly corrupt. I have followed Guo Moruo in emending it to ilfl{;t (= ~). •• 5 Emending ff to i [Guo Moruo]. 1•• Emending if to "'- [He Ruzhang and Zhang Peilun]. 1• 1 Emending A::to [Ding Shihan and Zhang Peilun]. 148 Following the Ancient, Liu, and Zhu editions, which for 4 ;t,j :f ¼; write ft.j 4 :f ¼; (Guo Moruo]. 149 Emending~ to~ [Guo Moruo]. 150 Inserting a second :f before :ft [Xu Weiyu and Guo Moruo]. 151 Inserting :f before l [Yasui, Tao Hongqing, and Li Zheming]. 1• 1 142

*

r

r

317

XII, 35

51.9

51.10 9a

51.11

51.12

51.14

52.1

52.2 9b

52.3

52.4

CHI MI

"Those who are successful but not trusted are in peril. Those who possess strong armed forces but lack a sense of righteousness become oppressors. Those who pay no heed to people near at hand yet seek to attract 152 those from afar will not be trusted. 153 When the ruler slights ministers near at hand but maintains harmonious relations with those from afar, undertakings will collapse even after being well launched. 154 When he abandons his model ministers 155 and harms the country's noble clans, his armed forces may be sent to far-off places yet be unable to inspire awe. When a country is small but aspires to greatness, is humane but provides no real benefits, if it still seeks to enhance its prestige in competition with others, exhaustion will be the only result. When such a country, in anticipation of some harm coming to it, seeks to assemble its resources and combine them with the military strength of others, even though its people have been dwelling together, they will scatter. If the ruler 156 does not presume upon the masses but depends on his own efforts, the hundred surnames will come together on their own. Ifhe is humane 157 and provides them with benefits, he will be successful and avoid any harm. Alienating close associates while favoring outsiders, attempting to appear humane while his schemes are leaked abroad, being contemptuous of ordinary matters 158 while delighting in grand designsthese are reasons for a ruler being in danger." "[In the past," said the duke], "I had great wealth, yet tried to appear poor; was grasping in practice, yet tried to appear yielding in speech; was secretive in action, yet tried to appear forthright in discourse; took advantage of others' misfortunes, yet told them not to worry. Fulfillment of my desires solely depended on such conduct. What about it?" "In times past, 159 it was acceptable to manage wealth in this way. However, nowadays profits are spread about, and the people see them. One must be sure that they are properly dispersed, 160 then everything will be all right." "What do you mean?" said the duke.

*.

Following the Yang edition, which for it writes Deleting as an interpolation from the previous line [Igai, Li Zheming, and Xu Weiyu]. 154 The character :ft following 4f makes no sense by itself and must be part of a longer phrase that is now missing. I have generally followed Liu Ji, lgai, Tao Hongqing, and Xu Weiyu in reconstructing the phrase to read: Jij • :ft lfa~tss Emending~ to #.l in accordance with line 8a2 (50.12) [Zhang Peilun]. 156 Emending ;k .I., "great king," to J... i. [Zhang Wenhu]. 157 Emending ii to 1:.[He Ruzhang]. 158 Reading .f as y = [Li Zheming]. 159 Deleting ¾.as an interpolation taken from the line above [Zhang Peilun). 160 Following the Ancient, Liu, and Zhu editions in deleting Jj- [Guo Moruo]. 152 153

*

+

318

ON EXTRAVAGANCE

S2.S S2.6

S2.7

S2.8 IOa S2.9

S2.I0

S2.II

S2.12

S2.13

S2.14 IOb

IN SPENDING

"Lengthen the mourning period to reduce 161 the time [a family may be rich]. See that the funeral escort is very lavish so the rich will spend their 162 money. Keeping relatives coming and going is a way to keep people cooperative. This is called having much but being poor." "May I ask how this is applied?" "Have the rich build grandiose tombs 163 to employ the poor, construct highly elaborate grave sites to employ 164 engravers and sculptors, 165 use large coffins to provide work for carpenters, and prepare numerous sets of funerary clothing and coverlets to provide work for seamstresses. Since this is still not enough, there should be bundles 166 containing different gradations of sacrificial meat, containers holding different types of grain, and funerary objects of metal, pottery, and jade. Doing this provides a source of living from which, thereafter, all people benefit, and it is appropriate even when the country is preparing for war. "If you allow the various districts to have varying customs and the cities to have diverse rites, people will not move away. If you permit these areas different laws, people will not be distressed. If people grow old in their own districts and sections 167 without ever communicating with outsiders, and you keep track of and punish wanderers, then men will not flee abroad. 168 Making them feel safe in their districts and happy in their homes and permitting them to chant different 169hymns and praises while sacrificing to ancestors and spirits-these are means to preserve the customs of the people. Specify the size of well-fields. 170 Determine 171 the number of sectors subject to military taxation. 172 In mountains and river valleys establish !~ = 2.1([He Ruzhang and Zhang Peilun). Emending $1'to ~ [Ding Shihan). 163 Reading :Iii'as 'i [Zhang Dejun). Such a proposal is adamantly opposed by Guanzi in XXII, 76/12al0-12 (3:80.13-14). 164 Inserting~ before ;{( [Guo Moruo]. 165 Emending B,ljto .jj [Liu Shipei and Guo Moruo]. 166 Emending i1 to ti; = ,g, and deleting 11!. [Zhang Binglin]. 167 Qiu .Ir.is a term appearing in the Zhou Ii, 2b IO (Biol, Tcheou-li, 1:226), as the name of an administrative district, which I have also translated elsewhere as "section." See my 1985 Guanzi, 114 and 115n. Hong Yixuan would equate it with qu ~. 168 Reading iJl as ~ [Hong Yixuan]. 169 Emending ~ to ~ [Zhang Peilun]. 170 According to the Mengzi, IIIA, 3/19: "A well-field covered an area one Ii square consisting of 100 mu." 171 Emending ii} .t.,lfz$1].i::.to ifli] ii} .i::.,lfzto preserve the balance with the previous sentence [Xu Weiyu). The Yang edition mistakenly writes lE for ii}. 172 The phrase sheng ma sheng ii} appears to refer to a system of military taxation (sheng ma zhifa .t.if) mentioned in the Qian Han shu, 23/2b2-9 (Hulsewe, Remnants 161 161

* .~

*.~

*.~ *.~

319

XII, 53.1

53.2

53.3 53.4

53.5

53.6

11a

53.7

35

CHI MI

altars for the spirits so that people will be conscientious in sacrificing to them. See to it that everyone is able to have enough to eat. This shows the importance you attach to essential production. 173 "Now 174 if a prince's territory covers a thousand Ii, his salaries will be large and his sacrifices reverential. Those having no excess of good land or possessing only land 175 that is•undeveloped should proceed to open up new land. When a prince begins to 176 open up new lands, he will have less [for gifts and salaries]. With less to give, [the gifts and salaries he bestows on his subordinates] will be at the same level177 as those [of a new prince] who is just beginning to develop 178 his land, and will be reduced to the level 179 [his subordinates received] before their investiture. 180 "Kings 181 are most concerned about the overall situation; lord protectors are most concemed 182 about individual accomplishments. This is to say they both emphasize essential production and in so doing are able to house 183 their armed forces 184 among the people, lift their morale, 185 and keep them from being contentious. This is to say they put others first and themselves last. "The officer in charge of rites should put merit first and ritual implements last. 186 Those in charge of distinguishing the succession of zhao of Han Law, I :322-323): "Four sections (qiu Ji) formed a sector (sheng {i;J)covering sixtyfour well units and having a military tax of four war horses, one chariot, twelve head of cattle, three gentlemen in armor, and seventy-two foot soldiers completely equipped with shields and halberds. This was called the sheng ma zhifa." See my 1985 Guanzi, 114-115. 173 I.e., agriculture. 174 The text that follows, 10b4 (53.2)--12a4 (54.6), is extremely corrupt and may well be entirely made up of misplaced slips. My translation of this section is rather doubtful. 175 Emending it to ±11\ [Guo Moruo]. 176 Reading ,t- as Uf [Guo Moruo]. 177 Emending ;a' - ,t- to ,t- - ;a' [Guo Moruo]. 178 Deleting the second [Guo Moruo]. 179 Emending ;a' - ,t- to ,t- - ;a' [Guo Moruo]. 180 Guo Moruo explains that this means that the emoluments received by nobles and officials are reduced to those of the next lower rank. 181 Deleting l. .f.,t- .l as a reduplication of the four characters l. ,t- .l :f which follow. 182 Emending 1. to .l [Ding Shih an]. 183 Reading~ as ;i; (Guo Moruo]. VIII, 20/9b5-I0 (1:103.2-4), provides a discussion of Guan Zhong's proposal for housing the military among the people. See my 1985 Guanzi, 329. 184 Emending to Ef1[Guo Moruo]. 185 Reading-:,} t as ~!kl!. [lgai and Guo Moruo). 186 Again this paragraph is unreadable as it stands. I have generally followed the reconstruction of Zhang Peilun in emending the passage 't ii ii), tl/ilf 7b~ J)Jff. .f :f.JLi1ii9' ;½kto 't -tt.z:.iiJ, ;\:;JJ}i1ii~ ff.. tl/i1i .z:.~, :f.JLi1ii9' ;½k.

x

ns,

320

z

z ~,

z

ON EXTRAVAGANCE SJ.8

53.9

SJ.JO

SJ.II

53.12 lib 53.13

53.14

54.1

IN SPENDING

and mu ancestors 187 should revere their spirits and preserve ancient customs. Those responsible for military affairs should esteem merit and play down death. Those who control 188 essential production should see to it that the meritorious are fed and profits are limited. Those who have the duty of encouraging ministers 189 should promote 190 the able and exercise care in the application of punishments. When these five officials 191 compete with each other in the performance of their duties, the prince will become known throughout the land. "If the prince exaggerates the worthiness of his ministers when conducting sacrifices, it will result in both the prince and his ministers appearing to be in charge of affairs. When both the prince and his ministers appear to be in charge of affairs, superior and inferior become equal. From this we can know that exaggerating worthiness is of no advantage to the prince, and because of it he is bound to perish. Those who exaggerate worthiness will perish; those who make use of it will prosper. Promote a sense of duty in order to prevent violence, honor your founding ancestor in order to gain respect for your clan, 192 and assemble your clan leaders in order to make clear 193 to them your power of life and death. All this will demonstrate that you do not take being the ruler lightly." Having conducted the sacrifices, 194 [Duke Huan] cleansed [the imple187 In Zhou dynasty ancestral temples the center position was reserved for the founding ancestor. Those of even-numbered generations were placed on the left (facing south) and were known as the zhao ll1lancestors. Those of odd-numbered generations were placed on the right and were known as the mu ;ff ancestors. 188 Again following Zhang Peilun, who says that the two characters ;;$;f. are part of a garbled phrase of which the three characters f. :t.~ of line I la3 (53.8) are also a part. Thus the reconstructed phrase here is read: lji :t.n;. 189 Emending th ~..I:.~ to th ~ :t.._ [Zhang Peilun]. 190 Emending ilii,:f ~~ ~ ,J,ttl to ..I:. ft~ilii ti (a corruption of the two characters~ ,j,) }f5 [Zhang Peilun). 191 These five officials as described in the previous passage are the minister of education (situ ill 1k),minister of rites (zongbo ;tdi,

'£

.:E SHI%~, I, 2 4bll-12 (4.14)

GR

z z

Tone

~ ~

3rd 3rd 1st 1st 1st I st 1st I st 1st3 1st 1st 1st 4th 4th 3rd 3rd 1st 1st 3rd 4th 4th 4th 4th 4th 4th 3rd 3rd 1st 1st

~ ~

1st 3rd

~ ~

,f}f ,f}f ~ ~

JR JR ~

•

R~ R~ 11!1: 11!1:

j( j(

-/!!, -/!!,

z z z z

f!!, -/!!, -/!!,

XING

~

1t 6b8-6b9 (6.9)

:f;..

A

1t. 5§1

,fJl

re; 3

Emending(~ (kwak,

518

z.,4th) to 1(1.

ka xrwa t'en njien dar gak gwa ngiwa

•

~

-/!!, -/!!, ~ ~

I st 1st 3rd 4th 1st 1st

END-RHYMES Passage XING

SHI JIE

ER

W f Af.,XX,

1b4-6 (29.1-2)

ONE

Chou

GR

Tone

·stjwier tjier gew bjew ·an ts 'ien tiawng gjawng

~~ ~~

2nd 3rd 2nd 3rd 1st 1st 1st 1st

tjewng riewng zdjien mwan

Jll Jll 1ic

:t

3rd 3rd 1st 1st"

yiwa xwa

llk llk

1st 3rd

dziay tjiay yjwar gray yjiay t'iak kwak sriat sriat pjwar ngwar day ngray day tawng gjawng

.:t .:t

3rd 3rd5 1st 2nd6 3rd 4th 4th 4th 4th 3rd 3rd 1st 1st 1st 1st 1st

64 JJ1t.

lbl-2 (46.13)

lk ~

lb2-4 (46.13-14)

i:t 1i

Pf '*

•

lb ¥

lb5-6 (46.14-47.1)

¾ti!.

SHU

YAN~

-g, IV,

1}J

llb7-8 (55.13-14)

Jfi Ill

r,

,~v% fr; ~

~

1#:Iii

1"4"

~

-Ii 7

.;;1< oij(

~ ~ ~ ~

ff ff .z:.. .z:.. .z:.. .z:.. 1i 1i -jf

12

llb5 (55.12)

11b12-12a1 (56.2-3)

~

kewng riewng grwan mwan sjiay diar krar kray riak sjiay tjiay biwar

** ft j(

.z:.. .z:..

z

.z:.. .z:.. .z:.. .z:.. .z:..

1st 3rd 1st9 1st 1st 1st 3rd 3rd 4th 3rd 3rd 3rd

In accordance with the Explanation for Statement III, the translation of this line*

,t

.t_ ~ ~ ("The virtue of a great worthy will long endure") was attached to Statement III.

However, it probably belongs here with Statement IV, as suggested by the rhyme pattern and Yin Zhizhang. • Although it would appear that this passage should rhyme, the combining of groups jia ii and ge -if is highly improbable. I;;ung Yuchun, "Xian-Qin sanwen zhong de yunwen (shang)," 159, indicates that :It!\ also belongs to group ii, but he provides no reconstruction. 9 Irregular rhyme with f~.

521

APPENDIX Passage

ER

Chou

GR

Tone

12all-12 (56.8)

~ ~

kray t'iak b'iwak tsjiak mrwak tak

z z z z z z

3rd 4th 4th 4th 4th 4th

·st 'jieng dzjieng sreng dzjieng ·st 'jieng sreng yiweng

t# t# t# t# t# t# t#

1st 1st lst 10 1st 1st 1st 1st

1ft

~

~

{!f JIE ~. X, 26

li 'tt 1. 'tt

lb5-8 (15.9-11)

~

1. 1t. 119fit, XI, 33 13a4-9 (42.3-6)

SI CHENG

~

'8i jJ 1J!1j

~ J(' ~

1ft ~

-t~ -Jr;.

13b7-ll (42.11-13)

w -f

Ill

ft

~

'jj ~

-c Moruo would emend i to 'Ii (sjieng, jlp (st 'iak 4th) as tJj. 12 Emending~ (st'jiar, /!!,,4th). 10 Guo

11 Reading

522

z,

tsjiak pjway liak tsiak t'iak t'nar djiak bjwak krak tak st 'jiak rjiar riay day ray ·t'jay pjwang gjwang mjwang

.tit,3rd).

z z z z z z z z z z z fl

ffe,, ffe., ffe., ffe,,

~ ~ ~

4th 3rd 4th 4th 4th 11 3rd 4th 4th 4th 4th 4th 3rd 2nd 12 I st 3rd 3rd 1st I st 1st

END-RHYMES

IN VOLUME

ONE

Passage

ER

Chou

GR

Tone

13bl2-14a4 (42.14-43.2)

it

kwar kway niay bjway ngjay liat bjwat giat yjway dziay riay kwak tak ngiak tsak /er der t'/er sjiay mjwar dziay pjwar k'ak dziay xmway bjwar t'iay diay dzjiay rjiay ngiay tiay yjway kiay t'war kjwar yliwar k'a nga

/!!, /!!, /!!, /!!,

2nd 2nd 2nd 2nd 2nd 4th 4th 4th 2nd 2nd 2nd 4th 4th 4th 4th 2nd 2nd 2nd lst 13 1st 14 3rd 3rd 4th 3rd 3rd 2nd 2nd 1st 1st 1st 1st 1st 2nd 2nd 3rd 3rd 3rd 2nd 2nd

I-

-k )( ./;Ji PP

f.!!

1t 14a9-12 (43.4-6)

ii~ ;fi

i± e.. ~

,t~

it it tf ~

ft 14bl-5 (43.6-8)

~

,-.:.i,, ..

~

... ii Jt

...

·11t

till'

~ ~

rt ,.,;:.,

~ ~

z 14b9-15a12 (43.10-44.4)

;fi

c.

J!

•

ii 1iJ

#. 11

I!

~ ~ ~

i:. i:. i:. i:.

z

/!!, /!!,

~~ ~~ ~~

i:.

z z i:. z z z

/!!, /!!,

i:. i:.

z z

i:. i:.

z

t:tt t:tt t:tt -l -l

Deleting the following l (ngia, -'if-; 3rd). the following ~ (mway, '/!!"I st).

14 Deleting

523

APPENDIX Passage

ER

Chou

GR

Tone

~

t'jay tjiay xwa kwa zdjiak dziay dziay yrjewng ts'jewng lieng tjieng gien hen ts 'jien st 'jien

it

2nd 2nd 3rd

4f-

:It ~

*-f ±

ti;{{t

4 J,k

#

-~

t\1. jJ-

-/!!, -gf -gf

:t :t :t

**tit tit

.,_ .,_ .,_

.,_

1st 4th

3rd 2nd 3rd15 1st 1st

3rd 1st 1st 1st 1st

15 Emending 111(ljiaw, ')If, 3rd) to M}. The note in the translation mistakenly reads: "Emending :i! to 1N."

524

BIBLIOGRAPHY ABBREVIATIONS

CSJC, Congshujicheng it :f ~ /#,.[Complete Collection of Collected Works]. Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1935-1937. GXJBCS, Guoxuejiben congshu I¥/:-£;.$:. it :f [Collection ofBasic Works In Chinese Studies). Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1933, 1936. GZXK, Guanzi xuekan 'it f- ¥/:-flj [ Guanzi Journal). A quarterly journal of studies dealing with the Guanzi and other early Chinese texts and problems of Qi ;;if. culture, published in Zibo jllj t!l, Shandong. GZYJ, Guanzi yanjiu 'it f- ~ j!; [Guanzi Studies]. Edited by Zhao Zongzheng Ml,rs.iEand Wang Demin 3:.tf 4i(. Jinan: Shandong Renmin Chubanshe UJ .t A~ tl:lJlh±, 1987. GZYQWH, Guanziyu Qiwenhua 'it f- ~;;if-Jc1t [The GuanziandQi Culture). Edited by Chen Shuyi il :f 1ftand Wang Lianjie 3:.ii! it of the Editorial Department of the GZXK. Beijing: Beijing Jingji Xueyuan Chubanshe ~t~ #£iP¥/:-!lJttl:l~ 1990. QWXZL, Qi wenhua zonglun ;;ifJc1t ~ tit [General Essays on Qi Culture]. Edited by the Editorial Department of the GZXK. Beijing: Hualing Chubanshe :fit tl:l~ 1993. SBBY, Sibu beiyao 11!1.gjl1fi~ [Collection of Important Works in Four Categories]. Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju cp:f :f %1,1927-1935. SBCK, Sibu congkan 11!1.gjl• flj [Collected reprints of works in four categories). 3 ser. Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1920-1936. WW, Wenwu Jc~ [Cultural Relics]. A major journal of Chinese archaeology and cultural studies published in Beijing. WYWK, Wanyou wenku 1i 1!iJc,If [Universal Treasury of Literature]. 2 ser. Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1929-1935.

u.,

u.,

COMMENTATORS

Chen Huan il ~ (1786-1863). Notes contained in Dai Wang, Guanzijiaozheng. Dai Wang ix.1. (1837-1873). Guanzijiaozheng 'if f-~ .iE[The Guanzi, Collated and Corrected). 1873. Ding Shihan T ± ;,in (19th century). Cited in Dai Wang, Guanzi jiaozheng. Guo Moruo (Guanzijijiao, I: 19) believes Ding's work was never published. Fang Bao "jf ~ (1668-1749). Shanding Guanzi fflliJ;t 'it f- [The Guanzi Reedited]. Contained in Kangxi tang shiliu zhong tit:~ i: -t-7' ff:, 1746. Feng Yongmin ,,~;;k4i(. "'Dizi zhi' yanjiu" ~ f- ~ ~ jE [Study of the "Dizi Zhi"J. Taipei shili shizhuan xuexiao xuebao i ~trp :ft ij :f. ¥/:~ ¥/::ffi.17 (1968): 41-83. Gu Guangqi JJ ~ #f"(1776-1835). Cited in Dai Wang, Guanzijiaozheng. Guo Dachi f~ J;l. See Guo Songdao. Guo Moruo ¥~ (1892-1978), Wen Yiduo llfl- $, (1899-1945), and Xu Weiyu VFit~ (d. 1951). Guanzijijiao 'it f- ~ ~ [Collected Collations of the Guanzi]. 2 vols. Beijing: Kexue Chubanshe 14¥/:-tl:l~ t±, 1956.

* **

525

BIBLIOGRAPHY GuoSongdao 1~t ~ (1818-1891).DuGuanzhaJdl if tL ic [Notes on Reading the Guanzi]. These notes were appended to the manuscript of Yan Changyao !Ji{'!;~ (1870-c. 1940), Guanzijiaoshi it -f ~ ff [Collations and Explanations of the Guanzi], by Guo Songdao's son, Guo Dachi f~ ;JJk. Van's manuscript was later damaged, but Guo's notes were largely preserved and are cited in Guo Moruo, Guanzi jijiao. He Ruzhang 1-T ')IPJf (fl. 1886). Guanzi xiyi it -f {If tt [Resolution of Doubtful Passages in the Guanzi]. Manuscript in Shanghai shi Lishi Wenxian Tushuguan J:.~ rp}! j: Ii] :f 't, dated 1886. Cited in Guo Moruo, Guanzi jijiao. Hong Liangji 1#3t -g (1746-1809). Dizi zhijian shi ~ -f ~~~¥[Comments and Explanations on the "Dizi Zhi"]. Cited in Guo Moruo, Guanzi jijiao. Hong Yixuan 1#lij! j_g(1761-1837). Guanzi yizheng it-fl M![Evidence for Meanings in the Guanzi]. Jixuezhai congshu ii Ji!: i',Wjt :f, 1812. Huang Zhen fr~ (fl. 1270). Huangshi richao fr [X.El,V,·[Daily Notes of Mr. Huang]. Reprint of 1767. Hui Dong tt_ (1697-1758). Cited in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Igai Hikohiro j/f j~ ffi ft (1761-1845). Kans hi hosei it -f 1~.iE[Supplementary Corrections to the Guanzi]. First pub. 1798. Tokyo reprint of 1911. Jiang Han il. it!t(1853-1931). Guanzi shixiao it -f i~ ;J, [Distinction of Details in the Guanzi]. Published at end of Guangxu ~ #$period (1875-1907). Contained in Shiwengshanfang zhaji 1i ~ ~ tL ic. Jiang Yougao il. ;;(efMr(d. 1851). Xian-Qin yun du ,\:;~ j/;J1l [A Study of PreQin Rhymes). Contained in his Jiangshi yinxue shi shu iI. [X.if Ji!:-t-:f [Ten Works on Phonology by Mr. Jiang]. Chengdu: Sichuan Renmin Chubanshe 12YJIIA.ili~t.±, 1957. Jilin Sheng Zhexjue Shehuikexue Yanjiusuo -g# 4\'1ffJi!: il i- .f4-Ji!:-P}f~ _p)r [Jilin Provincial Institute for Philosophy and Social Science). Guanzi xuanzhu it-f ~ it [Guanzi, Selections with Commentary]. Jilin: Renmin Chubanshe -g#- A. ili ~ t.±,1975. Work compiled under Yu Xingwu -t ii' ¼. Jin Tinggui :½~ {! (20th century). Guanzi canjie it -f $- Af [Guanzi, Collated and Explained]. 1922. Li Zheming c$ {g o/1(1857-?). Guanzijiaoyi it -f ~ ~ [Collated Meanings of the Guanzi]. Beiping, 1931. Liang Qichao ~ f'J:,¼!.Guanzi zhuan it -f 1fl.[Biography of Guanzi]. Taipei: Zhonghua Shuju 'f' :f $J, 1976 reprint. Ling Ruxiang ~ ')IP'if..Cited by Guo Moruo in Guanzijijiao. See also Guanzi, Ling Ruxiang ed. Liu Ji J~#.J(fl. 1490). Guanzi buzhu it -f 1~ii [Supplementary Commentary to the Guanzi]. Zhongdu sizi 'f' $ l2Y-f. 1579. Liu Shipei J~~ijil%(1884-1919). Guanzijiaobu '1-f J+~ [Emendations of the Guanzi]. Contained in Liu Shenshu yishu J~tp ~ it :f:, 1912. Ma Feibai .~ ~~ s (Yuancai jt tt, 1896-1984). Guanzi "Qing zhong" pian xinquan it -f li t J ifr ~ [New Explanation of the "Qing Zhong" Chapters of the Guanzi]. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju 'f' :f $J, 1979.

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COMMENTATORS "Guanzi 'Nei ye'pianjizhu" 1f-f pg;l J' jl tt [Collected Annotations of the "Nei Ye" Chapter of the Guanzi]. GZXK, 1990, nos. 1-3. Mei Shixiang -#t± 'if. (17th century). Quanxu Guanzi chengshu t½#: 'f -f [Complete Text of the Guanzi, Annotated and Rearranged], 1625. Pang Shudian M!t!t ~- Guanzi buzhu suyi ,W-f 1! 11i!t l [Supplementary Commentary and Explanatory Notes to the Guanzi]. 1919. Ren Linpu 1:£.#.00!(20th century). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Riegel, Jeffrey, and Gustav Haloun. Contained in Jeffrey K. Riegel, "The Four 'Tzu Ssu' Chapters of the Li chi: An Analysis and Translation of the 'Fang Chi,' 'Chung Yung,' 'Piao Chi,' and 'Tzu I."' Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1978, 143-169. Shi Yishen 1:i- $- (20th century). Guanzijinquan if -f 4-t½[Modem Commentary on the Guanzi]. Changsha: Commercial Press, 1938. Song Xiangfeng ~ J1J. (1766-1860). Guanzi shiwu if-f il ~ [A Record of Mistakes in the Guanzi]. Postscript dated 1879. Contained in Zhou Qin zhuzi jiaozhu shizhong %1 ~ tf-f ~ ii -t ft, 1912. Sun Shucheng {f-I iJ5,(20th century). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzi jijiao. Sun Xingyan it I. 1if(1753-1818). Notes contained in Hong Yixuan, Guanzi yizheng. Sun Yirang ~ t~ • (1848-1908). Zhayi tL :i! [Study Notes], 1894. Sun Yutang it~~ (20th century). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Tan Jiefu if tiltifl (1888-?). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Tang Jinggao ~ .I.it ff::.(20th century). Guanzi if -f. Taipei: Commercial Press, 1957. Twenty chapters with notes. Tang Lan~ M (1900-?). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Tao Hongqing lliJjr~ fl (1859-?). Du Guanzi zhaji tl if -f tL ie.[Notes on Reading the Guanzi]. Posthumously published notes contained in Du zhuzi zhashe (probably should be zhaji) ti tf-f tL il (tL ie.).Wenzi Tongmengshe Jc -f laJj: il, n.d. Wang Niansun £ ,t- it (1744-1832). Guanzi zazhi if-f # it [Miscellaneous Notes on the Guanzi]. Contained in his Dushu zazhi tl :f # j;t. 1812-1832. GXJBCS reprint of 1933. Wang Shaolan £ ~gM (1760-1835)."Dizi zhi" guben kao ~ -f • 1; ;$:~ [An Examination of Ancient Editions of the "Dizi Zhi"]. Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. ---. Guanzi "Di yuan" pian zhu if -f ¾{k~ J' 11[Commentary on the "Di Yuan" Chapter of the Guanzi]. Completed in 1834; originally published in 1891. Beiping: Laixunge Shudian i ~ :f' ed. Othernotes cited in Dai Wang, Guanzi jiaozheng. Wang Shoutong £#la} (1805-1853). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzi jijiao. . Wang Yinzhi .I. ~! (1766-1834). Notes contained in Wang Niansun, Guanzi zazhi.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Wang Yun .I. 1$ (1784-1854). "Dizi zhi" zhengyin ~ -f lllitjf. -t [Rectification of Tones in the "Dizi Zhi"]. Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Wen Yiduo j( - $, (1899-1945). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Wu Baosan N.l{ ;:. , ed. Zhongguo jingji sixiangshi ziliao xuanji tf ~ tl ~ ,\!:, ~-JI'..j- ft i! f( (vol. 1, Xian Qin bufen jf; .$:-$¾)[Collected Materials on the History of Chinese Economic Thought (Pre-Qin Section). Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe tf l!Jflt- f4 Jt',ili ~fl, 1985. Wu Rulun ~ l.kt.,t(1840-1903). Diankan Guanzi duben 1..!-tt/Jit -f tl ;.j;: [A Verified Guanzi Reader]. Contained in his Tongcheng WuXiansheng diankan qunshu ;fjilj~ ~ jf; 1: I! -tt/J ft :f, n.d. Wu Zhizhong ~ ,"t,t (Qing). Notes contained in Dai Wang, Guanzijiaozheng. Xia Weiying J..*1t ~- Guanzi "Di yuan" pian jiaoshi ti ~ ,i 13(,ff [Annotations and Explanations to the "Di Yuan" Chapter of the Guanzi]. Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju tf 'f :f P;, 1958. Xu Weiyu ~ tl ~ (d. 1951). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Yan Changyao IJ!f¥i~ ( 1870-c. 1940). Guanzi jiaoshi 'it -f t( ,ff [Collations and Explanations of the Guanzi]. See Guo Songdao. Yang Shuda .W,1Hit (1885-?). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Yao Yonggai #t 7j(._ ~ (1866-1923). Shenyixuan biji .'.ilff* tc [Notes of Yao Yonggai]. 1926. Yasui Ko ~ #- m-(Sokken ,~-ff, 1799-1876). Kanshi sanko 'it -f 1t ~ [The Guanzi, Edited and Annotated], 1864. Yin Tongyang -P;fjilj~ (20th century). Guanzi xinshi 'it -f f1rff [New Explanation of the Guanzi]. 1928. Yin Xianliang -Pf.1$.3t. "Guanzi dui dizi de shenghuo jiaoyu" 'it -f ft~ -f 1: fk 1;f [Education for Living Imparted by Guanzi to Students]. Zhongguo wenhua fuxing yuekan tf ~ )( 1-1'.. ft .J!-JJ flj 17, 3 (March 1984): 14-16. Yin Zhizhang -P~ :f: (d. A.D. 718). Commentary contained in most modern editions under the name of Fang Xuanling 1i i: ~ (578-648). Yu Xingwu -t ~ ¾ (1896-?). Guanzi xinzheng 'it -f f1r~ [New Evidence Concerning the Guanzi]. Contained in Shuangjianyi zhuzi xinzcheng ~ ii !$,f1r ~. Beijing, 1940. See also Jilin Sheng Zhexue Shehuikexue Yanjiusuo. Yu Yue ½ ~ ( 1821-1906). Guanzi pingyi 'it -f -f ~ [Running Commentary on the Guanzi]. Contained in Zhuzi pingyi tf -f -f ~. 1870. Zang Yong ~ ,I- (1767-1811 ). Notes contained in Dai Wang, Guanzijiaozheng. Zhang Bang 5&ff (Binwang -1.I., late Ming). Guanzi zuan 'it -f .J [Guanzi Reedited]. Contained in his Sizi zuan l19-f ,J. 1611. Zhang Binglin :f:M_. (1868-1936). Guanziyuyi 'it -f f;t-~ [Further Meanings in the Guanzi]. Shiwenshe 1i' j( t±, 1919. Zhang Dejun 5&it 1~(20th century). Notes contained in Guo Moruo, Guanzi jijiao. Zhang Peilun 5&W.t.,t(1848-1903), Guanzi xue 'it -f Jt',[Studies on the Guanzi]. Privately published 1928 (?). Zhang Wenhu 5&)( m,(1808-1885). Shuyishi suibi ff~ '.r [Running Notes from the Shuyi Study]. Contained in Fupouji I_ t!i.~. 1860.

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Zhao Shouzheng m_,;}'.iE..Guanzi tongjie f f- :iffi. Af.[Comprehensive Explanation of the Guanzi]. 2 vols. Beijing: Beijing Jingji Xueyuan Chubanshe ~t ~ Ml~*~ tll Jl£ti:, I 989. Zhao Yongxian Mi)f] 'If (1535-1596). Guan Han heke f ~-½ i1 [Combined Printing of the Guanzi and Hanfeizi]. 1582. See SBBY ed. of Guanzi. Zhi Weicheng.:l 1f:ffe..(20th century).Guanzi tongshi f f- :iffi. ,ff [Comprehensive Explanation of the Guanzi]. Shanghai: Taidong Tushuju-$ JRIll =t:%J,1924. Zhongguo Renmin Daxue, Beijing Jingji Xueyuan, Guanzi Sixiang Yanjiuzu 9"~A.~ 7C ~t ~ ~!jfti-J9,~, ,r f- .~-~--vJf~ ~ [Chinese People's University, Beijing Economics Institute, Guanzi Study Group]. Guanzijingji pian wen zhu yi 'if f- fa.I jfti-I Jc it it [Economic Sections of the Guanzi with Notes and Translationinto Modem Chinese]. Nanchang: Jiangxi Renmin Chubanshe A.~ tll )l£ 'i'±,1980. Zhu Changchun * -&f. (16th century). Guanzi que 'if f- ft[ [Bridge to the Guanzi]. Notes cited by Zhao Yongxian in Guan Han heke. Zhu Kezhen ~ ii]" ,tj! (1890-?). Cited by Guo Moruo, Guanzijijiao. Zhu Xi* ;1:(1120-1200). Yi lijing zhuan tongjie 1l tf fa.! 1l :iffi. Af.[Comprehensive Explanation of the Texts and Commentaries Dealing with Ceremonies and Rites]. Siku quanshu zhenben shi ji 119If.± :f ~ -t-jt ed. Taipei: Commercial Press, 1980. Zhu Yanghe 4--{P (fl. early 17th century). Guanzi pingzhu 'if f- tf-tt [Running Commentary on Guanzi]. Huazhai :/t YI ed. of Guanzi, first published 1625. Contained in Shizi quanshu -t-f- :f reprint of 1804. Zhuang Shuzu JI± :i!1JI. (1755-1816). Dizi zhijijie ~ f- Jffil jt [Collected Commentaries on the "Dizi Zhi"]. Contained in Guo Moruo Guanzi jijiao.

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OLDER WORKS IN CHINESE AND JAPANESE :f $· [Abstracts from Books in the Northern Hall]. Encyclopedia compiled by Yu Shinan ~-I!!:-m(558-638). Nanhai Kongshi Sanshisanwan Juan Tang m~ ,JLIx..::.-t-.::.~ ~ ~ ed. of 1888. Bohu tong 13JJtim_[The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall]. Compiled by Ban Gu J).£W (A.D.32-92) in about 80 A.D.Lu Wenchao ;J Jc ¾1edition of 1784. CSJC. Translated by Tjan, Po Hu T'ung. Bohu tong de lun 13ct im_tt ~ [The Comprehensive Discussions of Virtue in the White Tiger Hall]. Compiled by Ban Gu J).£l!I (A.D.32-92). Yuan dynasty ed. SBCK. Cefu yuangui ;!!frJ{fjt [Models from the Storehouse of Literature]. Compiled by Wang Qinruo l. i.k YangYi ~ {f, and others between 1005 and I 003. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju 9"1t :f %J,1960. Cheng ,fJij. [Balancing].Text prefixed to the Laozi "B" silk manuscript discovered at Mawangdui ., l. 3.j. In MarVangdui Han mu bo shu Jing fa. Chu ci jt i [Songs of Chu]. Attributed to Qu Yuan !tiiJ!f..(4th century B.C.). SBBY ( Chuci buzhu jt ~ 1i 1£) edition. Translated by Hawkes, Ch 'u Tz 'u,

Beitang shuchao ~t,If

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The Songs of the South.

529

BIBLIOGRAPHY Chunqiu ~ .f.k[Spring and Autumn Annals]. Traditionally edited by Confucius (551-479 B.C.). Legge, Ch'un Ts'eu with Tso Chuen, The Chinese Classics, vol. V, pt. 1-2, contains text and translation. Chunqiu fanlu ~ .f.k1} ii [Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals]. By Dong Zhongshu i f'f ff (179?-104? B.c.). SBBYedition. Da Dai Liji lt ie.[Record of Rites of the Elder Dai]. Compilation attributed to Dai De ,_ ,tt (A.D. 1st century). SBCK edition. Translated by Richard Wilhelm, Li Gi. "Da xue" J9:[Great Leaming], Liji 1f ie.,XIX,42. Legge, The Great Learning, The Chinese Classics, vol. I, contains text and translation. Dao yuan it ff- [Dao, the Origin]. Prefixed to the Laozi "B" silk manuscript discovered at Mawangdui .~ ~ !it. In Mawangdui Han mu bo shu Jing fa. Du Gongbu shiji t± .I. .gjli} ~ [Collected Poems of Du Fut± rfi (712-770)]. SSBY edition. Partial translation by Hung, Du Fu, Chinas Greatest Poet. Erya i' -¥i[Literary Expositor]. Zhou word list stabilized during Qin and Han. Compiler unknown. SBBY edition. Fengsu tongyi )il. % im_I [Popular Traditions and Customs]. By Ying Shao ft.! 7J}J (fl. 178-196). Beijing: Centre franco-chinois d'etudes sinologiques, 1943. Gongyang zhuan ¾ #-1f [Gongyang Commentary to the Chunqiu]. Attributed to Gongyang Gao¾#- ifJj (5th century B.c.),probably composed during 3rd and 2nd century B.C. Songben Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan chusu Ju jiaokanji ;.$:~ .f.k ¾ #-1f it Mi,!lit~ lo !e.edition of 1887. Partially translated by Legge, The Ch 'un Ts 'eu with Tso Chuen, The Chinese Classics, vol. V, pts. 1-2. Guang yun }J ~ [Expanded Rhyme Dictionary]. Revised and enlarged version of other rhymed dictionaries. Compiled by Chen Pengnian ~ ~ 1f, and others in 1011. SBBYed. Guanzi ~ f- [The Book of Master Guan]. Edited by Liu Xiang J~to] c. 26 B.c. See editions listed below. Guanzi, Ancient (guben -;!;;.$:)edition. See my 1985 Guanzi, 39-40, for this ancient, ten-line edition. Guanzi, Huazhai :/t Yi [Flowery Studio] edition. See Zhu Yanghe. Guanzi, Ling Ruxiang ~ -fr,11f edition of 1620. Photographic reprint by Song Zheyuan ,tgft, 1937. Guanzi, Liu J~edition. See Liu Ji, Introduction, and my 1985 Guanzi, 35-40. Guanzi, Yang ~ edition. See Introduction, and my 1985 Guanzi, 31-35, for Yang Chen ,ffl-•It. Guanzi, Zhao~ edition. See Zhao Yongxian, Introduction, and my 1985 Guanzi, 35. Guanzi, Zhu edition. See my 1985 Guanzi, 36, for Zhu Dongguang, JI( 71:;, Zhongdu sizi 'f ti! 119f- edition. (1579) of Liu Ji, Guanzi buzhu. Guanzi buzhu ~ f- tifj it [Supplementary Commentary to the Guanzi by Liu Ji J1j .~J(fl. 1490). ZhuDongguang JI(71:;,Zhongdusizi'f tll 119f- edition ofl579. Guiguzi ;iL~ f- [The Book of the Master of Devil Valley]. Anon. Partly 4th or 3rd century B.c., partly Han and later. SBBYed.

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OLDER WORKS Gu/iang zhuan tt ¾E1t [Guliang Commentary to the Chunqiu]. Attributed to Guliang Chi tt ¾E1f (5th century B.C.), probably composed during the 3rd or 2nd century B.C. Song ben Chunqiu Guliang zhuan zhusu Ju jiaokanji ;$:. tk tt ¾E1,ii 1m. !lit;t3zlt/Jie edition of 1887. . Guo yu l;!',Iif [Discourses of the States]. Anon. compilation of the 4th or early 3rd century B.C. SBBY ed. Hanfeizi ~f~f -f [The Book of Master Fei from the State of Han]. Compiled by the followers ofHanfeizi (d. 233 B.C.). SBBYedition. Translated by Liao, The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzu. Heguanzi i, Xt-f [Book of Master Heguan]. Attributed to a Daoist from the state of Chu who lived during Zhou times. Probably composed during the Han with later additions. SBBY ed. Huainanzi nl wj -f [Book of the King ofHuainan]. Compiled by scholars at the court ofLiuAn fl !:Ji:(d. 122 B.C.). SBBYedition. Partial translation by Morgan, Tao, the Great Luminant; Wallacker, The Huai-nan-tzu, Book Eleven; Le Blanc, Huai Nan Tzu Philosophical Syntesis in Early Han Thought; Ames, The Art of Rulership; and Major, Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought. Huang Di neijing lingshu :'- %-r,Jt.£:I~ [Yellow Emperor's Classic on Internal Medicine, Effective Points]. Work on Accupuncture and Internal Medicine. Perhaps Post-Han, but based on earlier material. SBBY ed. Huang Di neijing suwen :f %-r,J!I :f rdi[The Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine, Simple Questions]. Probably compiled during the Han using some earlier materials. SBBY ed. Ji yun ~ ~ [Collected Rhymes]. Compiled by Ding Du T ~ and others and completed in 1067. SBBYed. Jing fa t.£5i: [Invariable Standards and Law]. Prefixed to the Laozi "B" silk manuscript discovered at Mawangdui .~ .£ ,ft. In Mawangdui Han mu bo shu Jing fa. Laozi ;;t;-f or Dao de jing ilt {t ~! [The Book of the Old Master or Canon of the Way and the Power]. Anon. Daoist text of 4th or 3rd century B.c. SBBY ed. Translated by Waley, The Way and Its Power. Laozi "A" ;;t;-f !fl;$:..Silk manuscript discovered at Mawangdui .~.£,ft. See WW(1974),no. 11: 8-14, for modern transcription. Laozi "B" ;;t;-f Z.,;$:..Silk manuscript discovered at Mawangdui .~ .£ ,ft. See WW (1974), no. 11: 15-20, for a modern transcription. See also Robert G. Henricks, "Examining the Ma-wang-tui Silk Texts of the Lao-tzu," for a translation and study. Liezi 1tl-f [The Book of Master Lie). Anon. Daoist fragments from 4th and 3d centuries B.C. put together with new material in 4th century A.D. Compiler unknown. SBBY ed. Translated by Graham, The Book of Lieh-tzu. See also Forke, Yang Chu Garden of Pleasure. Li ji if. te.[Record of Rites). Compilation attributed to Dai Sheng ~ ~ (I st century A.D.). SBBY(Liji Zhengzhu if. te ~ ii) edition. Translated by Legge, The Li Ki.

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531

BIBLIOGRAPHY

r-.

Liu tao ta (~) [Six Bow Cases]. Attributed to Lil Wang g "1.of the Zhou dynasty. Present text probably for the most part a post-Han forgery. SBCK edition. Remnants found in the Linyi Xian ~ Han tomb. See WW ( 1974), no. 2: 15-35. Lun yu tt if [The Analects of Confucius]. Compiled by followers of Confucius (551-479 B.c.)during 5th century B.C.Legge; Confucian Analects, The Chinese Classics, vol. I, contains text and translation. See also Waley, The Analects of Confucius. Lun heng tt [Disquisitions and Evaluations]. By Wang Chong 3:.Jc (A.D. 27-97). SBBY ed. Translated by Forke, Lun-heng: Philosophical Essays of Wang Ch 'ung. Liishi chunqiu g ~ ~ {x [The Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lil]. Compiled under Lil Buwei § ;f f (d. 235 B.C.)about 240 B.c. SBBYed. Translated by R. Wilhelm, Fruhling und Herbst des Lii Bu We. Mawangdui Han mu bo shu Jing/a .~ £ !it iJ ,I. ~ :f: 5t.[Four Texts Prefixed to the Laozi "B" ::t'-f Z.,;$:.Manuscript Discovered at Mawangdui]. Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe j( ~ tll J\Rfl, 1976. Mengzi j:.-f [The Book of Mencius]. Compiled by followers of Mencius (371289 B.c.). Legge, The Worksof Mencius, The Chinese Classics, vol. II, contains text and translation. Mozi I -f [The Book of Master Mo]. Compiled by followers of Mo Di I -I (c. 479-c. 381 B.c.). SBBY ed. Partial translation by Mei, The Ethical and Political Works of Motse. Qian Han shu 1itr il :f [History of the Former Han Dynasty]. Compiled by Ban Gu !JII!! (A.D. 32-92) and his sister, Ban Zhao !JIB1I. SBBY ed. Partial translation by Dubs, The History of the Former Han Dynasty. See also Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China. Qunshu zhiyao ff :f: n; cl-[Important Passages from Assembled Books]. Compiled by Wei Zheng ~ ti (580-643) in 631. SBCK ed. "Sanshi shi" ;:. -t [The thirty periods]. Seasonal calendar excavated from Han tomb dated 134 B.c. at Yinqueshan iR1f LU , Linyi ~ Xian, Shandong, in 1972. See Yates, "The Yin Yang Texts from Yinqueshan." Shan haijing LUjig:Mt[Classic of Mountains and Seas]. Edited by Liu Xin J~~ (d. A.D. 23) from materials dating approximately from the end of the 4th to the end of the 1st century B.C.SBBY ed. Shangjun shu ilii$ :f [Book of Lord Shang]. Compiled by followers ofShang Yang jlij ~ (fl. 359-338 B.c.). SBBYed. Translated by Duyvendak, The Book of Lord Shang. Shang shu rifJ:f (Shu Jing :f #,!) [Book of History]. Collection of documents, some of which may go back to 10th century B.c.; others are 4th century A.D. forgeries. Legge, The Shoo King or The Book of Historical Documents, The Chinese Classics, vol. III, contains text and translation. Shang shu dazhuan rifJ:f -J;.1l [Major Accounts Related to the Book of History]. Stories and commentary related to the Shang shu. Attributed to Fu Sheng ~ Ji (Qin-early Han). SBCK ed.

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Shenzi 'f1f- [Bookof MasterShen].Compiledby the followersof Shen Buhai lf1 .:f ~ (d. 337 B.C.).Now lost.Recollectedand translatedby Creel,Shen Pu-hai. Shi da (liu)jing -t--Ji.(i-) #! [Ten Great (Sixteen) Scriptures]. Prefixed to the Laozi "B" silk manuscriptdiscovered at Mawangdui. Shiji .JI:!.ic [Records of the Historian]. Compiled by Sima Qian ~ .~ j( (14586? s.c.) and his father, Sima Tan ~ .~ i~ (d. 110 B.c.). SBBY ed. Partial translationby Chavannes,Les memoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien; Watson, Records of the Grand Historian of China; and Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang,Records of the Historian. Shi ji jijie .JI:!.!c ;l M [Collected Explanations to the Shi ji]. By Pei Yin _t W (5th century A.D.).Incorporatedin SBBYed. of Shiji. Shi ji suoyin .JI:!.!e i l!t [Searching Out Obscure Meanings in the Shi ji]. By Sima Zhen ~ .~ Ji.(8th century A.D.).Incorporatedin SBBYed. of Shiji. Shi ji zhengyi .JI:!.!e .iE.l [Rectifying Meanings in the Shi ji]. By Zhang Shoujie 5&",f ti; (8th century A.D.).Incorporated in SBBYed. of Shiji. Shijing ~ #! [The Book of Odes].Anon. collection ofl 1thto 7th centuries B.C. Karlgren, The Book of Odes, contains text and translation. See also Waley, The Book of Songs. Shileifu jJi.!lit[An Encyclopedia on Different Subjects in Rhymed Prose]. By Wu Shu~ 1${(947-1002).Taipei:XinxingShuju ~ ~ :f $J, 1969reprint. Shui jing zhu 7Jd! it (Commentaryon the Canon of Rivers and Streams].By Li Daoyuan I! :it ft (d. A.D.527).SBCKWangXianqian.!. ,tit (1842-1918)ed. Shuowenjiezi tJI. JcM '.f [Analytical Dictionaryof Characters].By Xu Shen Mfi (d. A.D.120?).SBBYed. Shuowenjiezi zhu iJt.JcM '.fit [Commentaryto the Shuowenjiezi]. By Duan Yucai & .li :lif.(1735-1815). SBBY (Shuowenjiezi Duan zhu) iJI. JcM '.f &

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Shuo yuan tJI. ~ [Gardenof Discourses].By Liu Xiang J~fol (77-6 B.c.).SBBY ed. Simafa ~ .~ [Methodsof the Ministerof War].Attributedto RangJu ff{ i of the 6th century B.C.Present text probably Han or post-Han forgery.SBBY ed. Sun Bin bing fa -If.. jlJ ~ [Sun Bin's Methods of Warfare).Attributed to Sun Bin (fl. 357-320 B.c.).A lost text whose remnantswere recoveredfrom a Han

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tomb at Yinqueshan,Linyi Xian, Shandong. Transcriptionfirst published by the WenwuChubansheJc~ l:BAA. il ofBeijing in 1975.Revisedtranscription published in Yinqueshan Hanmu zhujian, vol. I, in 1985. Sunzi J,'ff- [The book of Master Sun]. Also known as Bing fa ~ [TheArt of War].Compiledby followersof Sun Wu~~ (d. 496 B.c.?).SBBYed. Translated by L. Giles, Sun Tzu on the Art of War. See also Griffith, Sun Tzu: The

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Arto/War. Tai xuan :k ~ [The Great Mystery]. By Yang Xiung ti,#! (53 B.C.-A.D.18). SBCKed. Taipingyulan :k f- ~ l [Imperi,alSurvey of the Taiping Period]. Compiledby Li Fang :$ atand others in 983. GXJBCS ed. Tong dian ~ jl!. [ComprehensiveCollection of Documents]. Compiled by Du You .t± f6 (735-812), WYWK ed., ser. 2.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Tong zhi iffi.~ [Comprehensive Collection of Treatises]. Compiled by Zheng Qiao JH\t(1104-1162). WYWK ed. ser. 2. Wang bing .I.~ [Armed Forces of the King]. Text unearthed at Yinqueshan, Linyi Xian, Shandong, in 1970. Reconstruction published in Wenwu )( ~, 1976, no. 12:36-43. Wenxuan j( l! [Anthology: Poetry and Prose Written 246 B.C.-A.O. 502]. Compiled by Xiao Tong i AA,(501-531). SBBY(Hu "6}l)ed. Wenxian tongkao j( ~ iffi.~ [Comprehensive Examination of Writings]. By Ma Duanlin .~ 9/Af ~ (fl. 1254-1322). WYWK ed. ser.2. Wenzi j( f- [Book of Master Wen]. Attributed to a Xin Jin ~ of the Zhou dynasty; probably Han. SBB Y ed. Translated by Cleary, Wen-tzu: Understanding the Mysteries. Wu Yue chunqiu ~ ~ ~ [Spring and Autumn Annals of Wu and Yue]. Compiled from earlier sources by Zhao Ye ,;t1J. Of(fl. A.O. 40). SBBY ed. Wuxing dayi 1i fr -j::_l [General Import of the Five Phases]. By Xiao Ji i ~ (d. A.O. 614). CSJC ed. Wuzi ~ f- [The Book of Master Wu]. Attributed to Wu Qi ~ ~ (d. 381 B.c.). SBBY ed. Translated by Samuel B. Griffith, Sun Tzu: The Art of War. Xian Qin yun du,\:;~ jfg iJ [A Study of Pre-Qin Rhymes]. By Jiang Yougao il 1i"~ (d. 1851). Contained in his Jiangshi yinxue shi shu iL tx.if ,f -t-:f [Ten Works on Phonology by Mr. Jiang]. Chengdu: Sichuan Renmin Chubanshe 11.YJilA~ ill~ t±, 1957. Xiao Jing -it ft.![Classic ofFilial Piety]. Commonly attributed to Zengzi '1Wf-, a disciple of Confucius. Probably Han. SBBYed. Translated by Legge, "The Hsiao King or Classic of Filial Piety." The Sacred Books and Early Literature of the East IO (Ancient China): 391-407. Xin shu fir:f [New History]. By Jia Yi Ji tiI (201-169 B.c.). SBBYed. Xin xu firff [New Preface]. By Liu Xiang J~(c;J(77-6 B.C.). Beiping: Centre franco-chinois d'etudes sinologiques, 1946. Xunzi ::i1jf- [Book of Master Xun]. Compiled by followers of Xun Qing ::i1j9gp (c. 298-238 B.C.). SBBY ed. Translated by Knoblock, Xunzi. Yan tie fun !I ffi.~ [Discourses on Salt and Iron]. By Huan Kuan Jt (fl. 7349 B.C.). SBBYed. Partial translation by Gale, Discourses on Salt and Iron. See also Gale, Boodberg, and Lin for additional chapters in Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 65 (1934): 73-110. Yanzi chunqiu If-*~ [Spring and Autumn Annals of Master Yan]. Anon. compilation of 4th or 3rd century B.c.(?). Edited by Liu Xiang ti ta], c. 26 B.C. SBBY ed. YiJing $; ft.! [Book of Changes]. Zhou dynasty divination text supplemented during the Han. SBBY, Zhou yi Wang Han zhu %]$; .I. •tit, ed. Translated by R. Wilhelm, The I Ching. Yi Ii il tl [Book of Ceremony and Rites]. A largely Zhou text attributed to the Duke of Zhou%]¾ who helped found the dynasty (tr. 1122 B.c.). SBBY, Yi Ii Zheng zhu il ff. ~ ji ed. Translated by Steele, I-Ii. Yi Ii Jing zhuan tongjie il lf ft.!1,iffi.Af [Comprehensive Explanation of the

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Texts and Commentaries Dealing with Ceremonies and Rites]. By Zhu Xi ,It :f. (1120-1200). Siku quanshu zhenben shiji 11!1,If 1: :f fj _1ledition. Taipei: Commercial Press, 1980. Yi /in zhu ;f, # ;1 [Commentary to the Forest ofldeas]. By Zhou Guangye %l 1'.;t ( 1730-1798). Juxue xuan congshu M f, ff :f edition 1903. Yiwen leiju ~ j( ~j. M [Literature, Classified]. Encyclopedia compiled by Ouyang Xun ~ ij- ~ (557-641) and others. 2 vols. Shanghai:Zhonghua Shuju tp :f foi, 1965. YiZhou shu ~ %]:f [Lost Books of the Zhou). Collection of supposedly early documents recovered from a tomb about A.D. 281. Appears to contain some genuine Zhou material as well as later forgeries. SBBY ed. Yupian .:E. I [Jade Tablets]. Compiled by Gu Yewang ,$JJr-l. in A.D. 543 and enlarged by Sun Qiangzheng If-~i ~ in A.D. 674 under the title Daguang yihui Yupian ~ ,t- .:E,I. SBBY ed. Zhanguo ce it~~ [Intrigues of the Warring States]. Anon. collection of the 3rd century B.C.SBBY ed. Translated by Crump, Chan-Kuo Ts 'e. "Zhong yong" tp /I [Doctrine of the Mean]. Attributed to Zisi f- ,~-,the grandson of Confucius, 5th century B.C.Legge, The Doctrine of the Mean, The Chinese Classics, vol. I, contains text and translation. Zhou Ii%]it [Rites of Zhou]. Anon. work probably compiled during 3rd or 2nd century B.c.; also known as Zhou guan %] 't [Offices of the Zhou]. SBBY, Zhou Ii Zheng zhu %]it ~ ;1 ed. Translated by Biot, Le Tcheou-li ou Rites des Tcheou. Zhuangzi ;If f- [Book of Master Zhuang]. Compiled by the followers of Zuang Zhou ;If%] (c. 369-c. 286B.C.).SBBYed. Translatedby Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu. Zuo zhuan ii.1fl [Mr. Zuo's Commentary to the Chunqiu]. Compiled end of 5th or beginning of 4th century B.C.Legge, The Ch 'un Ts'eu with Tso Chuen, The Chinese Classics, vol. V. pt. 1-2, contains text and trans.

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AND JAPANESE

Chen Hengli P!·t!jJ "Guanzi 'Chi mi' pian tanwei" ,f f-{t ,aJ,i ~ ffi:[Probing into the Fine Points of the Guanzi "Chi Mi" Chapter]. Xinjianshe jr }t ij:, 1955, no. 3: 53-60. Chen Lianqing It 1{ )!. "'Qing zhong' deng pian suo jian de wujiaji qi niandai" U :t ~ I fjf Jl fr