Germany: Geographies of Complexity (World Regional Geography Book Series) [1st ed. 2022] 3030929523, 9783030929527

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World Regional Geography Book Series

Olaf Kühne Florian Weber

Germany Geographies of Complexity

World Regional Geography Book Series Series Editor E. F. J. De Mulder, DANS, NARCIS, Utrecht, Noord-Holland, The Netherlands

What does Finland mean to a Finn, Sichuan to a Sichuanian, and California to a Californian? How are physical and human geographical factors reflected in their present-day inhabitants? And how are these factors interrelated? How does history, culture, socio-economy, language and demography impact and characterize and identify an average person in such regions today? How does that determine her or his well-being, behaviour, ambitions and perspectives for the future? These are the type of questions that are central to The World Regional Geography Book Series, where physically and socially coherent regions are being characterized by their roots and future perspectives described through a wide variety of scientific disciplines. The Book Series presents a dynamic overall and in-depth picture of specific regions and their people. In times of globalization renewed interest emerges for the region as an entity, its people, its landscapes and their roots. Books in this Series will also provide insight in how people from different regions in the world will anticipate on and adapt to global challenges as climate change and to supra-regional mitigation measures. This, in turn, will contribute to the ambitions of the International Year of Global Understanding to link the local with the global, to be proclaimed by the United Nations as a UN-Year for 2016, as initiated by the International Geographical Union. Submissions to the Book Series are also invited on the theme ‘The Geography of…’, with a relevant subtitle of the authors/editors choice. Proposals for the series will be considered by the Series Editor and International Editorial Board. An author/editor questionnaire and instructions for authors can be obtained from the Publisher. This book series is published in cooperation with the International Geographical Union (IGU). The IGU is an international, non-governmental, professional organization devoted to the development of the discipline of Geography. The purposes of the IGU are primarily to promote Geography through initiating and coordinating geographical research and teaching in all countries of the world. More information about this series at https://link.springer.com/bookseries/13179

Olaf Kühne • Florian Weber

Germany Geographies of Complexity

Olaf Kühne Department of Geosciences | Geography University of Tübingen Tübingen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany

Florian Weber Department of Social-Scientific European Studies | European Studies Saarland University Saarbrücken, Saarland, Germany

ISSN 2363-9083     ISSN 2363-9091 (electronic) World Regional Geography Book Series ISBN 978-3-030-92952-7    ISBN 978-3-030-92953-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Picture Credit: Anton Balazh - Fotolia.com This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Acknowledgment

Numerous people have assisted us in the preparation of this book. We would like to take this opportunity to thank them all. Without you, this book would not have been published for a long time, if at all!

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Contents

1 Introduction: Geographies of ­Complexity�������������������������������������������������������������    1 References�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������    4 2 Theoretical Framework of a Geography of Germany�������������������������������������������    5 2.1 Basic Theoretical Positions�������������������������������������������������������������������������������    6 2.2 Geography and Regional Geography: Aspects of a Disciplinary History (With a Focus on German-Speaking Geography)���������������������������������������������    7 2.3 Outlines of a “Neopragmatic Horizontal Geography” Approach ���������������������    9 References�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   10 3 The Physical Framework�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   15 3.1 Geological Structure �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   15 3.2 River Basin Districts �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   18 3.3 Climate���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   20 3.4 Soils�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   26 3.5 Potential Natural Vegetation �����������������������������������������������������������������������������   28 References�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   30 4 Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification�������������   31 4.1 The Regions of Today’s Germany from Prehistoric Times Through the Roman Period to the Migration Period: Unifications, Divisions and Differentiations�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   31 4.2 Germany in the Middle Ages: A Political, Economic and Social Mosaic���������   32 4.3 The Bumpy Road to Modernity: Germany to the Napoleonic Era �������������������   33 4.4 Forced (Partial) Modernisation and Political Unification: Germany Up to the First World War ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   34 4.5 Time of Catastrophes: Germany in and Between the World Wars���������������������   38 4.6 Two Germanies in Two Ideological Blocs – From the Second World War to Reunification �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   41 4.7 On the Way to Normalisation? Germany’s Path from Reunification to Today�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   46 References�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   47 5 Landscape Developments�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   51 5.1 Reflections on the Concept of Landscape���������������������������������������������������������   52 5.2 “Landscape 3”: The Historical Development of the Concept of “Landscape” in Germany�������������������������������������������������������������������������������   53 5.3 “Landscape 1”: The Historical Development of the Physical Foundations of Landscape���������������������������������������������������������������������������������   55 References�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   65

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6 Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   73 6.1 Political Geographies: From the Eastward Expansion of the Political System and New Differences�����������������������������������������������������������������������������   73 6.1.1 The Political System of the Federal Republic of Germany�������������������   73 6.1.2 The Political System of the German Democratic Republic�������������������   75 6.1.3 Reunification and Its Aftermath�������������������������������������������������������������   76 6.1.4 Spatial Planning in Germany�����������������������������������������������������������������   84 6.2 Economic Spatial Developments: Growth and Shrinkage, Development Paths and Influences of Globalisation���������������������������������������������������������������   87 6.2.1 Key Elements of Economic Development in Germany�������������������������   87 6.2.2 Economic Sector Changes in Germany�������������������������������������������������   88 6.2.3 Spatial Differentiation of Economic Developments in Germany ���������   94 6.3 Transport and Mobility �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   98 6.3.1 Central Features�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  103 6.3.2 Resulting Accessibilities �����������������������������������������������������������������������  106 6.4 The Differentiation of the Population ���������������������������������������������������������������  106 6.4.1 Population Development from the German Reich to the Federal Republic of Germany in the Mid-2020s �����������������������������������������������  106 6.4.2 Demographic Change����������������������������������������������������������������������������  112 6.4.3 Diversity in Germany�����������������������������������������������������������������������������  113 6.5 Residential Developments: From Suburbanisation to Reurbanisation���������������  118 6.5.1 Urban Formation, Urban Growth and Suburbanisation�������������������������  118 6.5.2 Residential Areas Between Suburbanisation and Reurbanisation���������  121 6.6 Tourism: Historical Persistences and Postmodern Upheavals���������������������������  123 6.6.1 Main Features of the Development�������������������������������������������������������  123 6.6.2 Tourism in Germany in the 2000s���������������������������������������������������������  125 References�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  132 7 Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification���������������������������������������������  141 7.1 Mass Media in Germany and Its Representation of Germany���������������������������  141 7.1.1 The Development of the Mass Media in Germany �������������������������������  142 7.1.2 Mass Media and the Problem of Moral Communication�����������������������  143 7.1.3 Germany on the Internet: An Image Analysis���������������������������������������  144 7.2 Germany and Global Climate Change���������������������������������������������������������������  148 7.2.1 Challenges of Climate Change��������������������������������������������������������������  149 7.2.2 Responsibilities in Germany �����������������������������������������������������������������  150 7.3 Large-Scale Conservation Areas Between Preservation and Active Use�����������  152 7.3.1 Basic Features of the Concept to Protect “Nature”�������������������������������  153 7.3.2 On the Development of “Large-Scale Conservation Areas”�����������������  154 7.3.3 Convergence of Functions Beyond Restrictive Nature Conservation �����������������������������������������������������������������������������  157 7.4 Back to a Decentralised Energy Supply: The “Energy Transition”�������������������  160 7.4.1 The Energy Infrastructure Prior to the Expansion of Renewable Energies�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  161 7.4.2 The Expansion of Renewable Energies and the German “Energy Transition”���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  163 7.4.3 Conflicts Amid Wind Power and Power Grid Expansion ���������������������  166 7.4.4 Prospects for the German “Energiewende”�������������������������������������������  172 7.5 Mineral Raw Materials: Everyday Needs and Complex Interests���������������������  173 7.5.1 Raw Materials in Germany: An Overview���������������������������������������������  173 7.5.2 Conflicts Over Raw Material Extraction: A Question of Perspective�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  174 References�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  179

Contents

Contents

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8 Regional Development ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  189 8.1 The Ruhr Area: From Industrialisation to Postmodern Urban Landscape���������  190 8.1.1 The Rise of the Ruhr Area as an Industrial Region�������������������������������  190 8.1.2 Expansion of Industrial Activity, Spatial Consequences and Attempts at Planning Regulation�����������������������������������������������������  191 8.1.3 World War II, Reconstruction and Its Planning Framework �����������������  193 8.1.4 On the Path to Becoming an Old Industrial Area ���������������������������������  193 8.1.5 Structural Change and Postmodernisation���������������������������������������������  194 8.2 Saarland: Complex Development of a Border Region���������������������������������������  196 8.2.1 Pre-industrial Periphery�������������������������������������������������������������������������  196 8.2.2 Political Modernisation and the Early Stages of Heavy Industry ���������  197 8.2.3 Increasing Specialisation of the Residential and Economic Structures�����������������������������������������������������������������������  199 8.2.4 The First World War and Its Political and Economic Consequences: The Saarland Period�����������������������������������������������������  200 8.2.5 On the Road to Disaster: From Reincorporation into Nazi Germany to the Second World War�������������������������������������������������������  200 8.2.6 From the End of the Second World War to the Saar as a State �������������  201 8.2.7 The Renewed Annexation to Germany and the Coal and Steel Crisis���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  202 8.2.8 Ongoing Structural Change and Outward Migration: Saarland Today�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  203 8.3 Rhine-Main Metropolitan Region: Between Global Aspirations and Regional Administrative Fragmentation�����������������������������������������������������  205 8.3.1 The Importance of the Airport for the Metropolitan Region�����������������  205 8.3.2 Changes in the Metropolitan Region�����������������������������������������������������  206 8.3.3 Efforts to Establish Regional Governance���������������������������������������������  207 8.3.4 Current Challenges��������������������������������������������������������������������������������  208 8.4 Bitterfeld: Between Symbol and Economic Transformation�����������������������������  208 8.4.1 The Development into an Industrial Region �����������������������������������������  209 8.4.2 The Industrial Region Under Post-World War II Socialism �����������������  209 8.4.3 Transformation and Extensive Deindustrialisation�������������������������������  210 8.5 Berlin: From Division to Unity? �����������������������������������������������������������������������  211 8.5.1 The Development of Berlin Until the End of the Second World War ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  211 8.5.2 The Development of West and East Germany After the Second World War ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  213 8.5.3 Berlin After Reunification: From the Unification Process to New Fragmentations���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  216 8.6 “Original Regional!?!” The Beer Mecca Franconia �����������������������������������������  221 8.6.1 The Importance of Beer in Germany and the Regional Distribution of Breweries�����������������������������������������������������������������������  222 8.6.2 A Beer Like Its Home? �������������������������������������������������������������������������  223 8.7 New Wine: The Wine-Growing Regions in a Changing Climate ���������������������  227 8.7.1 Viticulture in Germany: An Overview���������������������������������������������������  228 8.7.2 Wine and Climate Change���������������������������������������������������������������������  230 8.7.3 The Moselle Wine-Growing Region in a Changing Climate�����������������  231 8.8 The Border Location as Potential?! The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  233 8.8.1 Historical Lines of Development�����������������������������������������������������������  234 8.8.2 Institutionalisation Processes Along the Upper Rhine���������������������������  235 8.8.3 Cross-Border Linkages and Interdependencies�������������������������������������  236 8.8.4 The COVID-19 Pandemic as a Turning Point for the Border Region ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������  240

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8.9 The “Green Belt”: From “Death Strip” to Nature Conservation�����������������������  242 8.9.1 Border Security as the Basis for a Unique Nature Conservation Opportunity �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  242 8.9.2 The Path to the Green Belt in Germany�������������������������������������������������  244 8.9.3 Green Belt Europe: A Pan-European Project�����������������������������������������  248 References�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  248 9 Résumé�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  259 References�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  261

Literature �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   263 Index �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   299

1

Introduction: Geographies of ­Complexity

Abstract

This book covers an approach towards the developmental trajectories and multifaceted nature of Germany from a geographic perspective. Chapter 2 provides a theoretical point of departure, i.e. a theoretical framework of a regional study of Germany, including the basic theoretical positions, the disciplinary contexts and the chosen neopragmatic approach. Subsequently, the geographical and physical aspects of Germany are presented (Chap. 3), followed by a discussion of the historical background and development of the current Federal Republic of Germany (Chap. 4), and its landscape-­related developments (Chap. 5). In Chap. 6, current spatial persistence and developments are considered in detail and in their relation to political geographies, economic spatial developments, traffic, population, settlement and tourism. Selected complex issues are then discussed in further depth: media representations, climate change, nature conservation, energy transition and raw material extraction intertwine as facets of Germany (Chap. 7). Finally, Chap. 8 takes a closer look at regional developments, ranging from the former coal regions of the Ruhr and Saarland to the capital, Berlin, as well as border regions. The authors conclude with a categorical summary (Chap. 9). Keywords

Germany · Geography · History · Complexity · Neopragmatic approach

Germany. What do you associate with Germany? Wine, beer, Oktoberfest? Or the land of poets and thinkers? A nation state with a “dark past” – initiator of world wars and the intense horror of National Socialism and the Holocaust? A divided and now reunited state? With it, perhaps, the fall of the Berlin Wall? A regional economic power? A central

state within Europe and the European Union? Presumably, depending on where you come from and how intensively you have studied Germany, your knowledge and impressions are likely to be more extensive and more detailed. In this book, we venture an approach towards the developmental trajectories and multifaceted nature of Germany from a geographic perspective. As geographers, we focus on current issues and challenges. At the same time, historical background information will be presented in an adapted form in order to provide context. For an initial and brief localisation, we would like to offer some basic numbers: today’s Federal Republic of Germany is located in Central Europe. Its territory is quite compact and its land area covers 357,031  km2, making it the fourth largest state in the European Union after France, Spain and Sweden. With a population of 83.1 million inhabitants (Eurostat 2021), Germany occupies first place in the EU (year 2019). Across a span of approximately 3,800  km, Germany borders on nine neighbouring states, which comes with opportunities and needs for exchange and coordination in all directions. A primary feature of its administrative structure is the “federal system”, which results in the central importance of the regional level vis-à-vis the federal level: the Federal Republic is divided into 16 “Länder” (often also referred to as federal states; cf. Fig.  1.1), including the three “city states” of Bremen, Hamburg and Berlin (the state capital). These figures and circumstances already reflect a certain degree of diversity and interdependencies – within Germany, as well as with its neighbours, and embedded within Europe. It is therefore no coincidence that complexity is prominently mentioned in the title of our book. The term “complexity” (Komplexität) refers to relationships between different elements of a system, which are characterised by their variability. In contrast, “complexness” (Kompliziertheit) refers to the mere number, the quantity of different elements of a system. In terms of systems theory, complexness therefore refers primarily to the structure of a system, complexity to its functions. A person who understands the complexness of a system can behave with relative certainty according to

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 O. Kühne, F. Weber, Germany, World Regional Geography Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4_1

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1  Introduction: Geographies of Complexity

Denmark

Kiel SchleswigHolstein

MecklenburgWestern Pomerania

Hamburg

Schwerin

Bremen

Netherlands

Poland

Lower Saxony

BERLIN

Hannover Magdeburg SaxonyAnhalt

North RhineWestphalia

Potsdam Brandenburg

Dusseldorf

Dresden

Erfurt Hesse

Belgium

RhinelandPalatinate

Thuringia

Saxony

Czech Republic

Wiesbaden Mainz

Lux.

Saarland Saarbrücken

France

Bavaria

Stuttgart BadenWürttemberg

Munich

Switzerland

Austria

0

25

50

75 100 km

Fig. 1.1  The German federal states (“Länder/Bundesländer”; own representation)

the (complicated) rules of the system. Complexity does not allow such certainty, seeing as the functions and even the state of the system can change at any time, and predictions are always uncertain and contingent (Müller 2013; Ropohl 2012; Simon 1978). An example from the territorial history of Germany may help illustrate this distinction: the German Kleinstaaterei (a term dating back to the early nineteenth century, which can be translated as “small strategy”) was

complex in the sense of “complexness” because of the multitude of states, some of which were partly fragmented territories. It was furthermore complex  – in the sense of “complexity”  – because these different states entered into relations with each other, whether in peaceful trade, through mutual appropriations via noble marriages, as outcomes of warfare and as a product of differing law. Against the backdrop of these considerations, we strive to give our readers an

1  Introduction: Geographies of Complexity

impression of the spatio-temporal complexity in the development of Germany, in the awareness that complex systems can never be fully comprehended. Their variability and contingency stand in the way of such an approach. Complexity is an issue that has been addressed in spatial research from both social and natural science perspectives (Papadimitriou 2021), although rarely from the perspective of regional geographies. Consequently, with this book, we neither claim nor attempt to comprehensively grasp and present Germany in its full complexity, neither in its internal nor in its external relations. Rather, we are concerned with a thematically focused presentation of regional developments, which we undertake with varying degrees of detail. Some aspects are treated only as extensively as necessary for a basic understanding of Germany’s spatio-temporal complexity. Other aspects are explored in greater depth; these also exemplify the complexity of developments in Germany  – often contradictory and ambiguous. The focus of our book lies on social complexities and related developments – these, however, are at times partially rooted in physical foundations. Therefore, we also briefly introduce essential aspects of the physical geography of Germany. The linkage between physical and social aspects becomes particularly clear in two themes, which reoccur throughout our book: • Landscape: German-speaking geography has developed an ambivalent relationship to the concept of landscape(s). However, the topic of landscape(s) is a poignant illustration of the complex interactions between societal interpretations and evaluations on the one hand, and physical spaces on the other, accompanied as well as societal inscriptions in these very spaces (always conveyed by individuals). • Anthropogenic climate change: This interaction between humans and their environment also affects  – with increasing magnitude  – different aspects of spatial development in Germany. This is particularly evident when we consider policies aiming at mitigation, for example, with regard to the transportation sector, or the generation and distribution of electrical energy (where we can observe strong linkages with our primary theme of “landscape”), but also adaptation policies, for example, in the fields of agriculture and forestry. Previous introductions  – apart from historical predecessors such as Ratzel’s (1898) Deutschland: Einführung in die Heimatkunde (Introduction to Local Geography)  – have appeared in the past decades with a different focus, such as

3

the strongly genetic Geographie Deutschlands (Glaser et al. 2007) or identically named publication by Tietze et al. (1990) which focuses on a more comprehensive coverage. With regard to the physical geography of Germany, a number of works have been published this millennium, either covering Germany in its entirety (Liedtke and Marcinek 2002; Zöller 2017) or with a division into northern and southern Germany (Böse et  al. 2018; Eberle et  al. 2017). Notably, the cited works are in German and not available in internationally accessible English. Our book Geographies of Complexity is aimed specifically at an international audience, to the extent that readers who have gone through the German educational system may find some things not worth mentioning. Thus, we address people who want to familiarise themselves with spatio-temporal developments in Germany, whether out of pure (professional) interest or in the context of a bachelor’s or master’s degree programme. We would like to provide impressions of past and ongoing complex developments, which serve as an invitation to engage with Germany in more depth and possibly with other focal points. In the following, we provide a theoretical point of departure, i.e. a theoretical framework of a regional study of Germany, including the basic theoretical positions, the disciplinary contexts and the chosen neopragmatic approach (Chap. 2). Subsequently, the geographical and physical aspects of Germany are presented (Chap. 3), followed by a discussion of the historical background and development of the current Federal Republic of Germany (Chap. 4), and its landscape-related developments, focusing in particular on the interaction between the physical foundations and the individual and societal patterns of interpretation and evaluation (Chap. 5). Building upon these overviews, current spatial persistence and developments are considered in detail and in their relation to political geographies, economic spatial developments, traffic, population, settlement and tourism (Chap. 6).1 Selected complex issues are then discussed in further depth: media representations, climate change, nature conservation, energy transition and raw material extraction intertwine as facets of Germany (Chap. 7). Finally, we take a closer look at regional developments, ranging from the former coal regions of the Ruhr and Saarland to the capital,

1  Note on the data availability: The tendency of German authorities (including statistical offices) to publish data under changing links on the Internet is substantial. Based on this experience, readers are advised to assume that the links provided will be outdated by the time the book goes to press.

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Berlin, as well as border regions (Chap. 8). We conclude our book on Germany with a categorical summary (Chap. 9).

References Böse M, Ehlers J, Lehmkuhl F (eds) (2018) Deutschlands Norden. Vom Erdaltertum zur Gegenwart. Springer, Berlin Eberle J, Eitel B, Blümel WD, Wittmann P (2017) Deutschlands Süden – vom Erdmittelalter zur Gegenwart. Springer, Berlin eurostat (2021) Demographische Veränderung – absoluter und relativer Bevölkerungsstand auf nationaler Ebene. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/demo_gind/default/table?lang=de. Accessed 17 Mar 2021 Glaser R, Gebhardt H, Schenk W (eds) (2007) Geographie Deutschlands. WBG, Darmstadt

1  Introduction: Geographies of Complexity Liedtke H, Marcinek J (eds) (2002) Physische Geographie Deutschlands. Klett-Perthes, Gotha Müller K (2013) Allgemeine Systemtheorie. Geschichte, Methodologie und sozialwissenschaftliche Heuristik eines Wissenschaftsprogramms. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden Papadimitriou F (2021) Spatial complexity. Theory, mathematical methods and applications. Springer Nature, Cham Ratzel F (1898) Deutschland. Einführung in die Heimatkunde. Friedrich Wilhelm Grunow, Leipzig Ropohl G (2012) Allgemeine Systemtheorie. Einführung in transdisziplinäres Denken. Edition Sigma, Berlin Simon HA (1978) Die Architektur der Komplexität. In: Türk K (ed) Handlungssysteme. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, pp 94–120 Tietze W, Boesler KA, Klink HJ, Voppel G (eds) (1990) Geographie Deutschlands. Gebrüder Borntraeger, Berlin Zöller L (ed) (2017) Die physische Geographie Deutschlands. WBG, Darmstadt

2

Theoretical Framework of a Geography of Germany

Abstract

The goal of writing a regional geography of Germany initially involves clarifying how a scientific theoretical background can be framed. This synopsis was and is differentiated by time, spatial location, scale and scientific theoretical orientation. This chapter begins briefly with scientific theoretical positions as they are discussed today in the engagement with horizontal geographies and which have a significance in this publication (either because they provide an element of theoretical framing or because they are rejected; Sect. 2.1). This is followed by an outline of the development of scholarly engagement with horizontal geographies in Germany (with a focus on West Germany; Sect. 2.2). The chapter concludes by outlining the understanding of a neopragmatic approach to horizontal geography that underlies this book (Sect. 2.3). Keywords

Theoretical framework · Regional geographies · Vertical geographies · Horizontal geographies · Space

For us, the goal of writing a regional geography of Germany initially involves clarifying how a scientific theoretical background can be framed. The relationship of scientific geography to the synthetic synopsis of regionally arranged elements is fraught with tension. This is especially true, as will be shown, in German-speaking geography. This synopsis was and is differentiated by time, spatial location, scale and scientific theoretical orientation: landscape geography, landscape studies, regional geography and new regional geography as well as new landscape geography can be encountered. All these approaches are oriented towards the synthesis of spatial information, which we call “horizontal geographies” (see also Kühne 2018c, 2020), while, conversely, specialised geographies have a thematic focus; the

object of research is located in a physical space. We call these geographies “vertical geographies” (Kühne 2018c). “Space” (whatever is meant within each context of use) is here rather secondary to social processes. In regional geographic syntheses, on the other hand, it is constitutive. It is the connecting element of differing thematic geographies. While thematic geographies can usually find a single theoretical approach  – appropriate to their object of research  – regional geographies face the challenge wherein a single theoretical approach is hardly conceivable, insofar, if a regional geography is not to remain theoretically unfounded or descriptive, a more intensive engagement with theoretical foundations of “horizontal geographies” is necessary. The approach we follow here is essentially based on the tradition of German-language geography, especially regional geography. Regional geography in particular has integrated essential features of the international discourse only since a few decades. In this respect, the theoretical framework we use has a hybrid character, on the one hand influenced by (and as a reaction to) the German-language tradition and on the other hand influenced by the international discussion. In recent years, the discussion about the theoretical foundation of horizontal geographies has increased (fundamental for the approach represented here; Kühne 2018c); theoretical approaches have been differentiated and empirically backed. A key driver for the intensifying concern lies in the rapid changes involving the material foundations for the interpretation, classification and assessment of which a theoretical framework appears essential (e.g. as a result of suburbanisation (especially Sect. 6.5), the increase in efficiency of agriculture, especially the energy transition; see, among others, Sect. 7.4). This chapter begins briefly with scientific theoretical positions as they are discussed today in the engagement with horizontal geographies, and which have a significance in this publication (either because they provide an element of theoretical framing or because they are rejected; Sect. 2.1). This is followed by an outline of the development of scholarly engagement with horizontal geographies in Germany (with a

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 O. Kühne, F. Weber, Germany, World Regional Geography Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4_2

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2  Theoretical Framework of a Geography of Germany

focus on West Germany; Sect. 2.2). The chapter concludes by outlining the understanding of a neopragmatic approach to horizontal geography that underlies this book (Sect. 2.3).

2.1

Basic Theoretical Positions

In decades past, the theoretical discussion incorporating horizontal geographies has been driven principally by landscape research. This is especially true for German-speaking geography (as well as neighbouring disciplines) but can also be observed in the English-speaking discussion. In this respect, we follow the discussion in landscape-related research expressly in the presentation of the current foundational theoretical positions. Our presentation remains concise and is focused on what is necessary for a theoretical grounding of the work – those who want a more intensive insight into the matter are referred to the review works now available in larger numbers in English (Bourassa 1991; Howard et  al. 2019; Kühne 2019a; Winchester et al. 2003; Wylie 2007) as well as in German (Gailing and Leibenath 2012; Kühne 2018b; Kühne et al. 2019a, b; Tress and Tress 2001). The essentialist (from Latin essentia = “essence”) understanding of space, region and landscape assumes that “things have necessary properties that constitute their essence” (Chilla et al. 2015, p. 15). A central “orientation point” for essentialist research on space lies in the objective attributed to Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859; since it is not found in his writings; thusly Hard 1970) of wanting to determine the “total character of an earth region” (e.g. in Schmithüsen 1973). Thus, “landscapes”, but also “regions”, “nations”, “cultural territories”, etc., are understood as “entireties”, in which there would be “essential” and “coincidental” components. The “historically grown” (historical landforms, farmhouses, etc.) is seen as “essential”, while the “coincidental” is only subsidiary and not specifically encountered (such as neophytes, bungalows, shopping malls, etc.). Consequently, the essentialist perspective makes a clear distinction between what is considered valuable, i.e. has “an immutable intrinsic value and identity of its own”, as Gailing and Leibenath (2012, p. 979) describe the position, and what is classified as less valuable, worthless – subjectable “to be revised”. Positivist spatial research rejects the notion of an “essence” lying behind the phenomena of the material and immaterial world (such as dialects). For them, space is an object that can be empirically grasped by measuring, weighing and counting. The spatial unit to be investigated, imagined as a spatial container (whether called region, city, landscape, country, etc.), is divided into different levels, which serve to record, for example, climate, vegetation, settlements, traffic routes, but also trade flows, attitudes of the population, etc., preferably quantitatively. Space as a con-

tainer is thus understood as “real reality” (Schultze 1973, p. 203), which is “filled” with different elements. These elements are arranged in relation to each other – in a mathematically determinable way – which leads them to computer-aided modelling (see Tilley 1997). Positivist spatial research implies less the formulation of norms describing how to deal with spaces; it is rather oriented towards the analysis of contexts. Even if constructivist approaches have quite different emphases in detail, what they have in common is that spaces in general – landscapes and regions specifically – are results of social processes, whereby these results are never permanent but subject to constant change. The social constructivist approach is primarily concerned with the ways in which material spaces (assumed to exist outside of human consciousness, at least for pragmatic considerations) are symbolically charged, but also, with how knowledge, interpretations and evaluations of both landscape and region emerge and are socially mediated (Cosgrove 1984; Greider and Garkovich 1994; Kühne 2008a; Kühne et  al. 2018). Following Niklas Luhmann (1986), radical constructivist research on space and landscape asks how social subsystems (such as politics, economics, science, etc.) construct space in general and landscape, specifically, in different ways and with what social consequence, for example, as a method to make money or generate power (Kühne 2005, 2018a; Redepenning 2006, 2009; Stichweh 1998; Wardenga and Weichhart 2006). Spatial theoretical discourse research in general and landscape research in particular focus on the question of what different discourses exist regarding space and landscape (e.g. as “historically grown” vs. “modern”) and how discourses strive for hegemonic power (see, e.g. Glasze et  al. 2012; Glasze and Mattissek 2009; Leibenath and Otto 2013; Weber 2019). Positivist and constructivist understandings of landscape generally make a relatively clear distinction between the world of the social/conscious and the external world of objects, although this is very much differentiated in constructivist research, and to a lesser degree the social constructivist, which produced via its phenomenological roots is also concerned with the connection of people to objects, and very clearly the radical constructivist position, which rejects given realities. In contrast, more-than-representational theories (Lorimer 2005; Waterton 2013) are concerned with resolving this dichotomy. Phenomenological research is concerned with phenomena and entities, understood as things and events that present themselves to the world (Tilley 1997), not solely in terms of description and understanding but also in terms of experience, in this case of landscape (Tilley 1997). This experiencing is thereby individual, and the phenomenological spatial researcher (or urban, regional and landscape researcher) becomes the narrator of his or her experience of a space (Tuan 1989). Actor-network theory

2.2  Geography and Regional Geography: Aspects of a Disciplinary History (With a Focus on German-Speaking Geography)

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(ANT; Latour and Roßler 2007 [2005]) places social, techni- sections of the earth in the form of horizontal geographies as cal and natural entities and factors on an equal footing; they well as in an interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary approach, are treated by “actor-network theory not as Explanans but as a “pure theory” claim does not seem to be very pragmatic: on Explananda” (Schulz-Schaeffer 2000, p.  188). This ANT the one hand, because disciplinary preferences for a theory research, which uses its own terminology, refers to the net- exist (natural science landscape research will hardly be works that result from the relations of the elements of space/ framed in a radical constructivist way), on the other hand, region/city/landscape that have become “actants” (Bosco because also in the practical handling of landscape (whether 2015; Murdoch 1998; Ruming 2009). Less fundamentally, in planning or politics) certain approaches (put forward in a the assemblage approach changes the perspective on spaces: specifically exclusive way) are not very connectable (Berr starting from a constructivist stance, materialities acquire et al. 2019). In this respect, a “neopragmatic” approach to the meaning according to the criterion of social relevance theoretical treatment of “horizontal geographies”, as we will (Anderson 2015; Anderson and McFarlane 2011; Mattissek present in Sect. 2.3, seems to be a worthwhile approach by and Wiertz 2014). Thus, in terms of landscape, for example, which justified theories appropriate to individual subquesthose material objects that exhibit individual or social sig- tions are drawn upon. However, this requires a comparison nificance, become relevant (see also Kühne 2019b). We and consideration of different theoretical approaches, as we locate ourselves as researchers directly in the fields of social have outlined here (Chilla et al. 2015; Eckardt 2014; Kühne constructivist and theoretical discourse (landscape) research, 2018c, 2019b; Kühne and Jenal 2020a; Kühne and Weber which accordingly determines the “baseline” of this book. 2019). If the “critical” perspective has become established in general geography, both internationally and in German-­ language geography (e.g. Belina 2008; Belina et  al. 2009, 2.2 Geography and Regional Geography: 2018; Harvey 2001; Soja 1989), this perspective is much less Aspects of a Disciplinary History common in “horizontal geographies” (on the development of (With a Focus on German-Speaking German-language geography, among others: Eisel 1980; Geography) Gebhardt 2016, 2019; Hard 1973). Within the “horizontal geographies”, a critical perspective has become established, The study of spaces in the form of synthesising descriptions especially in landscape research. Drawing mostly on Marxist and interpretations has a long tradition. As early as in Greek thought, critical landscape research is concerned with the antiquity, there were attempts to deduce the characteristics of unequal distribution of power in relation to landscape. In the peoples from climatic conditions (Schultz 1980, 2005). From notion of the “duplicity of landscape” (Daniels 1989), for the primarily descriptive topographies of the eighteenth cenexample, constructivist notions (landscape as power-­ tury, the “regional geography” developed in the nineteenth determined notion) on the one hand, and positivist notions century. This was based on three approaches (Born 1980; (landscape as power-determined physical space) on the Wardenga 2001a): other, are drawn upon. A particular object of criticism is the “capitalist logic of spatial utilisation” (Schein 1997), which 1. The description of hitherto unexplored or little explored dominates over alternative spatial claims, such as those arisparts of the earth’s surface (e.g. by Alexander von ing from politics or community (these claims can, however, Humboldt). also be analysed  – without Marxism  – with Luhmann; see 2. The systematic evaluation of existing literature (such as above). Landscape-aesthetic ideas, in turn, have the signifiCarl Ritter). cance of legitimising the physical manifestations of unequal 3. The cartographic recording of the earth’s surface (as with power distribution. This results not only in a domination of August Petermann). external nature but also in the “defamation of nature in man” (Horkheimer and Adorno 1969, p. 61), in that man has disThis trinity of on-site research, literature work and cartotanced himself from his original needs. In addition, or as an graphic abstraction still characterises numerous works on alternative, to a Marxist approach, based on the sociology of “horizontal geographies” today. Ferdinand von Richthofen Pierre Bourdieu (1987 [1979], 1991, 2016), the question can first systematised the survey of countries in his “Guide for be discussed examining how landscape-aesthetic standards Explorers” (Richthofen 1886) by standardising data collecare formed via which parts of society, how they are socially tion through standardised observation questions. Alfred disseminated and how they materialise (Kühne 2008b). Hettner expanded this approach with the help of reflected Although the different approaches show certain interpre- methodological considerations augmenting his regional tational competitions among each other, they also focus on geography scheme (cf. Hettner 1927). The “regional geogradifferent aspects of certain sections of the earth. As men- phy”, which was concerned with foreign countries, was tioned at the beginning, in the synthetic reference to these placed side by side with the “geography”, which was con-

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cerned with one’s own country, but methodically carried out in the same way. “Landscape studies” were concerned with the study of (sub)regional units that were delineated “out of themselves”, i.e. according to criteria that were supposed to take into account the “essence” of the landscapes. While the study of “lands” and “landscapes” certainly differed methodologically, the understanding of “world as partitioned in terms of natural space and cultural space” (Glasze 2015, p. 23) was common to the investigations. This partitioning meant, as Hard (2002, p. 175) noted, that “people ‘shape the landscape’ but at the same time are also ‘shaped’ by it (as the old geographical formulas were called).” Research in this tradition accordingly aimed to capture the “essence” of landscapes and countries created by this reciprocal shaping. The result was a mixture of an essentialist core to capture the “essence” of landscapes, countries, peoples, etc., while concurrently empirical methods (also) belonging to a positivist tradition were used for this purpose. After the Second World War, the focus of research shifted to the latter, although the search for the “essence” of a section of the earth’s surface still remained present (for a concise example, see Brill 1963). The “professional philosophical view, stemming from the interwar period, that geography was the core of geographical science” (Wardenga 2001a, p. 20) was continued unabated. In this understanding, geography was staged as the “crowning glory of geography” (e.g. Bobek 1957; Schmithüsen 1959) and presented as the “essential core of the subject of geography” (Guelke 1977). At the same time, the interest in an “appealing presentation” increasingly began to dominate the interest in independent research and even theoretical as well as methodological reflection. This way of conducting geography, however, increasingly came under criticism: in the context of the Kiel Geographers Day in 1969, the “queen of regional geography” was overthrown as empirically unprovable, methodologically unreflective and easily ideologised and endowed with an “all too simple realism” (Kaufmann 2005, p. 102; among many, Eisel 1980; Gebhardt 2019; Hard 1973; Kulke et  al. 2004; Wardenga 2001a, 2006b; for Anglo-Saxon geography, Barnes 2011). It was immediately replaced by a positivist-­ empiricist paradigm, as it had previously been developing in international geography. The retreat of the regional studies approach was accompanied by verbal battles of great severity (in detail: see Wardenga 1996, 2001a; Aschauer 2001). Nevertheless, the departure from a “holistic geography” was complete, physical geography and human geography moved away from each other (cf. Werlen 2003). “Vertical geographies” pushed back the “horizontal” approach, although these did not disappear in the 1970s and 1980s. Despite the theoretical marginalisation, the number of works now often called “regional geographies” increased, although the integration of physical and human geographical content decreased (Wardenga 2001a). In place of (essentialist) inte-

2  Theoretical Framework of a Geography of Germany

gration, an aggregation of “facts” was now accomplished (often with reminiscences of Hettner’s scheme). Alternatively, “problem-oriented regional geography” became popular in the 1980s, which, approximating the logic of “vertical geographies”, looked at thematically delimited spatial sections (e.g. Stewig 1979). Against the backdrop of the widespread abstinence from methods at the turn of the millennium, Aschauer (2001, 2002) and Wardenga (2001a) stated that regional geography work focused more on representation than on an independent research perspective. Nevertheless, constructivist thinking was also received in “regional geography” around the turn of the millennium. This reflected the constructedness of regions (as in Schultz 1997). Through the interweaving of regional knowledge with non-scientific patterns of interpretation and evaluation, the contingency of indicators and scientific perspectives were also addressed. Internationally, the “new regional geography” emerged as Gilbert (1988, in addition, especially Thrift 1991) applied different perspectives, Marxist and humanist approaches and theories of practice, to the topic of region (Entrikin 1996; cf. Gebhardt et al. 2004; Paasi 2002). With the “new regional geography”, the scale framing also changed: interconnections between different scale levels became the focus of consideration (Paasi 2009); regions were no longer framed as delimited “chambers”, but as spatial constructs dynamically interconnected with each other and with local and supraregional entities. Consequently, the constructivist turn brought into focus questions of how regions are discursively generated, why people believe in the existence of regions, what their identifying function is, how their boundaries are constructed and, finally yet importantly, how their institutionalisations and meanings change (Paasi 1991). This change of focus also had side consequences (Kühne 2018c): 1. The original “object” of “horizontal geographies”, the section of the earth’s surface, transcended only through (partial) social constructions (e.g. Claval 2007). 2. A differentiation of the “horizontal geographies” into a constructivist-reflexive level and a “regional geography practice” took place, which operated and pursued a classical regional geography (with essentialist residuals) or regional geography relatively independent of the conceptually theoretical considerations. Associated with this was: 3. The maintenance of a “vernacular jargon” (especially in geography) that draws from different jargons and thus suggests a “legitimate point of view” (Bourdieu 1992, p. 71) about a “given region”. After the positivist and the constructivist turn, what has remained of the former “crown of geography” (especially in German-language geography; Kühne 2018c, 2019a):

2.3  Outlines of a “Neopragmatic Horizontal Geography” Approach

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• A problem-centred by-product of geographic research (effectively a hybrid of “vertical” and “horizontal geography”). • A form of representation and mediation of various “vertical geographies”. • A mode of reflection on the social construction of regions and of their negotiation. • A theoretically insufficiently reflected practice of country and landscape description with partly persisting essentialisms.

Weichhart 2005) through its meta-perspective. While modern science in its dichotomous worldview strives to establish theory purity and to understand only one theory as a relevant approach to the world, the neopragmatic view argues for a stronger orientation towards understanding complex objects, such as space, region and landscape (Kühne 2018c). If a gain in understanding about such a complex object is expected, the neopragmatic view can combine even (partially) contradictory perspectives, such as different constructivist and empiricist (or positivist) viewpoints (Eckardt 2014; Fine 2000; Kühne 2018c; Kühne and Jenal 2020b). Such a perspective can also have an integrative function for physical and human geography research (Steiner 2014a). Neopragmatic research thus enables a differentiated understanding of a complex object by means of “theoretical” as well as empirical “triangulation”, which only allows a partial capture by means of a single perspective (theoretical as well as empirical). In this context, the selection of perspectives and methods must be reflected and justified regarding knowledge potentials and limits. Because of their openness, neopragmatic approaches can have an integrative effect not only interdisciplinary but also transdisciplinary. They do not necessarily all aim at understanding the world, but can also generate suggestions for political, economic and administrative action in relation to space (Chilla et al. 2015, 2016; Weber et  al. 2016a, b, 2018a, b). In addition, neopragmatic approaches also show great insight potential involving questions that are characterised with a certain exploratory nature, i.e. a barely established state of knowledge is still available (Kühne 2019b). These aspects are found in “horizontal geographies”:

The criticism of purely constructivist approaches to “region” as too one-sided, which already emerged in the 1990s as not sufficiently taking into account materialities in particular (Holmén 1995; Murphy 1991), is taken up in the following with an exposition of the concept of a “neopragmatic horizontal geography” (on the historical development of geography in Germany, especially in relation to regional geography, see Eisel 1980; Gebhardt 2016, 2019; Hard 1973; Schultz 1980, 2002; Wardenga 1989, 2001b, 2006a).

2.3

Outlines of a “Neopragmatic Horizontal Geography” Approach

“Neopragmatic approaches” to special sciences (see, e.g. Kühne 2018c; Kühne et al. 2021a, b; Kühne and Jenal 2020a; Zepp 2020) draw on pragmatist traditions, as they connect back to philosophers such as William James, Charles S. Peirce and John Dewey, and significantly influenced the “Chicago School”, but extend them with a theoretical dimension. Pragmatism focuses on the effects of action, in that meanings and truths should determine action rather than moral principles or grand theoretical edifices. Usefulness, in particular concrete contexts, thus becomes the touchstone, not consistency to principles (Joas 1988; Schubert et  al. 2010; Steiner 2014a, b). Accordingly, in pragmatism “truth”, “theory”, “practice”, etc. are not thought of separately but form “a unity mediated in the process of experience” (Steiner 2014a, p. 258). In philosophy, the neopragmatic approach is particularly associated with Richard Rorty (1982, 1991), as well as with Hilary Putnam (1995). The approach draws on postmodern thought and accordingly rejects notions of universal truth as well as irrefutable objectivity. Instead, it recognises pluralistic understandings of the world as well as contingency and provides a framework for synthesising the different aspects of space and landscape. Neopragmatism is also normatively oriented towards open-ended, democratic processes of negotiation (see more specifically: Hildebrand 2003, 2005; Warms and Schroeder 1999). The neopragmatic grasp goes beyond the pragmatic spatial perspective with its strong reference to action (as developed in recent years; Kersting 2012; Steiner 2009, 2014a;

1. The subject matter is characterised by a high degree of complexity. Results of different “vertical geographies” must be spatially synthesised. 2. “Horizontal geographies” serve as the basis for policy, administrative and professional didactic practice. 3. Explorative nature is exhibited by “horizontal geographies” when they deal with current spatial development and construction processes. Such a neopragmatic justification of “horizontal geographies” is not oriented by the claim to know the “essence” of a landscape or a region or the comprehensive description of a space. It represents – here the constructivist framing is evident – a struggle for “usable” knowledge. Thus, it also stands in contradiction to teleological thinking. Current research objects that lend themselves to integration into “horizontal geographies” are, first, digitisation in the form of the representation of content on the Internet and the integration of research involving Internet content. However, this takes place beyond a “proto-naïve positivism […] [, in that] data […] are no longer collected [but] ‘mined’

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(data mining)” (Boeckler 2014, n.d.), and they are unquestioningly understood as facts. Furthermore, an examination of the question of power relations in the constitution of spatial units and their justification becomes an object of concern, also in the context of “horizontal geographies” (e.g. Gailing 2015; Kühne 2008b; Paasi 2002, 2011; Scherle 2016). Moreover, the dynamic dimension of spatial relations moves into the focus of “making horizontal geographies”. Thus, “stability presents itself as a temporary phenomenon at best” (Steiner 2014a, p.  258), while change is the normal case. Changes, in turn, elude “exact predictability” as a result of the contingency of the processes (Steiner 2014b, p. 174). In line with this theoretical framework, we focus strongly on dynamic aspects in our “horizontal geography of Germany” by looking in a special way at historical development processes and current changes. In this, we always also discuss the question of what significance power relations held at different times. In this interpretation of “horizontal geographies”, these are not solely a form of representation of “vertical geographic” research results, but inherit the claim to be the basis for independent research. Especially the ­emergence of the Internet in its social meaning offers a wide field of integration into spatial syntheses (see section in this book 7.1.3; in general: Kühne et al. 2021a, b). In this respect, a focus from an analytically discursive perspective is particularly suitable for analysis here, as its sensitivity to hegemonic power processes offers a special potential for insight. Other parts of the account (especially those that build on natural science research) are based on positivist perspectives, while especially those parts of the work that deal with social and cultural developments are framed in social constructivist terms. Overall, however, it should be noted that our “horizontal geography” of Germany is a constructivist interpretation of the subject. We present just physically geographical land development processes positivistically oriented, as will be the case in the next chapter, at the same time underpinning all parts with maps and statistics, which also derive from positivistic foundations. The overall interpretation, however, does not start from one underlying truth but contrasts conflicting and diverging patterns of interpretation. This corresponds to our orientation towards geographies of complexity.

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3

The Physical Framework

Abstract

The presentation of Germany begins with the physical framework. Germany has the typical large-scale structure of Central Europe: lowlands as well as medium and high mountains. In the north, you can find the North German Lowlands, followed to the south by the low mountain range region with its strong differentiation, for example, by the Southwest German Stratified Plain and the Upper Rhine Valley. To the south, the Southern German Alpine Foothills form the transition to the high mountain region of the German Alps. Even though this volume is primarily concerned with questions of social production and appropriation of space, complex physical structures form the basic substrate for complex social phenomena, sometimes in such an intensive way that social processes (such as the emergence of coal-bound industrial regions; see Sects. 8.1 and 8.2) can hardly be understood without the initial condition of the basic physical substrate. Central aspects of the physical framework of Germany are therefore to be considered, starting with the geological structure (Sect. 3.1), river basin units (Sect. 3.2), climate (Sect. 3.3) and potential natural vegetation (Sect. 3.5). Keywords

Physical framework · Geological structure · River basins · Climate · Vegetation

Our presentation of Germany begins with the physical framework. Since our “horizontal geography” of Germany is concerned in particular with complex developments of the social and its engagement with its environment, this chapter has the task of setting out essential physical-geographical aspects that will be relevant to those in the rest of the book. Thus, this

chapter does not have the task of dealing with physical geography in its entirety; for example, we do not deal with zoogeography or subsurface hydrogeography, but we do deal in more detail with climate geography and surface hydrogeography, because these are of great importance for dealing with anthropogenic climate change, but also for the historical development of Germany. Germany has the typical large-scale structure of Central Europe: lowlands as well as medium and high mountains. In the north, we find the North German Lowlands, followed to the south by the low mountain range region with its strong differentiation, for example, by the Southwest German Stratified Plain and the Upper Rhine Valley. To the south, the Southern German Alpine Foothills form the transition to the high mountain region of the German Alps (for more details, see Asch et al. 2003; Böse et al. 2018; Eberle et al. 2017). Even though this volume is primarily concerned with questions of social production and appropriation of space, complex physical structures form the basic substrate for complex social phenomena, sometimes in such an intensive way that social processes (such as the emergence of coal-­ bound industrial regions; see Sects. 8.1 and 8.2) can hardly be understood without the initial condition of the basic physical substrate (in more detail, the physical foundations are treated, for instance, here: Böse et  al. 2018; Glaser et  al. 2007; Liedtke and Marcinek 2002; Zöller 2017). Central aspects of the physical framework of Germany are therefore to be considered, starting with the geological structure (Sect. 3.1), river basin units (Sect. 3.2), climate (Sect. 3.3) and potential natural vegetation (Sect. 3.5).

3.1

Geological Structure

The complexity of Germany begins with its geological history and its results in the geological structure of the country in the present day (Fig. 3.1). The processes of sedimentation,

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 O. Kühne, F. Weber, Germany, World Regional Geography Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4_3

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3  The Physical Framework

Sedimentary Rock by age

Denmark

CENOZOIC Holocene Pleistocene

Quarternary

Neogene Paleogene

MESOZOIC

Kiel

Upper Createous Lower Createous Rostock

Createous (unstructured) Upper Jurassic Middle Jurassic Lower Jurassic Jurassic (unstructured)

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BERLIN

Spr e e

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P LEOZ PA PALEOZOIC

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Lopingian Permian Guadalupian Permian

Belgium

Carboniferous Mose

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Middle and Upper Devonian Lower Devonian

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Devonian (unstructured)

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Source: Asch, Lahner & Zitzmann, L. (2003) on the basis of geologic map of: Bundesanstalt für Geowissenschaften und Rohstoffe Revised by: Anna-Maria Weber, Sven Endreß, Olaf Kühne

Fig. 3.1  Geologic basal littoral of Germany. (Own representation on the basis of: Asch et al. 2003)

mountain building, intrusion of magma and volcanic eruptions, metamorphosis as well as glaciation and ablation, which have been going on for hundreds of millions of years,

have left a mosaic of geological structures, which in turn favours a diversity of geomorphological forms, a complex structure of soils and a variety of vegetation forms.

3.1 Geological Structure

The geological history of the part of the world that forms Germany today has been covered by seas and shaped by mountain formations repeatedly during the course of its geological development. This history shall be briefly outlined in the following (in general: Glaser et  al. 2007): in the Precambrian (more than 541 million years ago), the oldest rocks of Germany were formed. They can be found in the crystalline regions, which are formed from metamorphically altered sedimentary rocks, as well as from deeper granitic rocks. Since their formation, these rock complexes have been significantly transformed by pressure, temperature and changing chemical structure. These Precambrian rocks can be found in the Bavarian Forest, in the Upper Palatinate Forest as well as in the Ore Mountains, Black Forest and in parts of the Odenwald and Spessart. Outcrops of the Caledonides (about 500–370 million years ago) are formed by the collision of the North American Plate with Precambrian Europe and are found under the thick sediments of the North German Lowland. In the Cambrian, Ordovician and Silurian (541–418 million years ago), the area that now forms Germany was covered by shallow seas. Clay shales and sandstones in Saxony and northeastern Bavaria bear witness to this. In the Devonian (418–361 million years ago), these shallow seas were deepened to form large basins in which thick sediments accumulated. In the Rhenish Slate Mountains and in the Harz Mountains as well as in the Thuringian-­ Franconian-­Saxon Slate Mountains, these sediments can be found today as clay slates, sandstones and limestones. The Carboniferous (361–299 million years ago) is the geochronological period that had formative effects on the development of modern Germany. The Lower Carboniferous (361–331 million years ago) saw an increase in the formation of marine basins, which were filled with sandy-clayey and calcareous sediments. The sedimentary rocks formed in the Cambrian were gradually unfolded during the Variscan mountain building because of the collision of Europe and Gondwana (a continent then consisting of Africa, India, Australia and South America). In the Upper Carboniferous (331–299 million years ago), large parts of Germany were covered by primeval forest and swamps in a warm, humid climate. Dead organic material collected in depressions was covered by sediments and was converted to hard coal, the essential raw material base for the industrialisation of Germany, especially the Ruhr, Saarland and (now Polish) Upper Silesia (see Sects. 8.1, 8.2 and 8.4). The Permian (299–252.5 million years ago) was characterised by a warm, dry desert climate across the area of present-day Germany. The reddish desert sand deposits of the Lower Permian Rotliegende (299–258 million years ago) were formed. These often occur together with volcanic rocks, as in the Saar-Nahe area. In the subsequent Upper Permian Zechstein

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period (258–252.5 million years ago), shallow seas repeatedly spread out from the north in the area of present-day Germany. Their evaporation residues formed limestone, dolomite and salt. Rock and potash salts formed at this time are mined to the present day in northern Germany as well as in Hesse and Thuringia. In the Triassic (252.5–201.5 million years ago), present-­ day Germany was characterised by a fluctuation of terrestrial (Buntsandstein; 252.5–246 million years ago) to maritime (Muschelkalk; 246–239 million years ago) again to terrestrial (Keuper; 239–201.5 million years ago) depositional conditions. During the continental periods, sandstones and mudstones were formed in rivers and lakes, and limestones and mudstones were formed during the marine transgression period. Triassic deposits have further distribution in Baden-­ Württemberg, in the north of Bavaria as well as in Rhineland-­ Palatinate and Saarland. In the Jurassic period (201.5–145 million years ago), again, most of today’s Germany was covered by sea. Thick layers of limestone, sandstone and claystone were formed. Together with the Triassic deposits, they form strata and strata ribs in southern Germany and in the Weser and Leinebergland. Two regionally distinct processes characterised the Cretaceous period (145–66 million years ago): in the north of the area of present-day Germany, sea cover continued into the Cretaceous. At this time, the well-­ known Rügen Chalk was formed, but also limestones and mudstones as well as sandstones (near the coast at that time). These are found in the Teutoburg Forest and Egge Mountains, in the Elbe Sandstone Mountains and near Zittau, in the Deister and on the edge of the Harz Mountains. The south of today’s Germany was shaped by the beginning of the formation of the Alps, which continues until today. While the older Variscan mountains have been exposed to erosion for a long time and today form low mountain ranges, the Alps are a young and still forming high mountain range, resulting from the collision between the Apulia microcontinent and the Eurasian plate (Gondwana had long since disintegrated by this time). They are a typical folded mountain range: extensive rock bodies are torn from their association, then shifted and stacked to form layers. In the Tertiary period (about 66–2.6 million years ago), the area of present-day Germany underwent various transformations: numerous volcanoes were active in central and southern Germany, for example, the Kaiserstuhl and Hohentwiel in Baden-Württemberg; the Vogelsberg, Habichtswald and Meißner in Hesse; and the Rhön located in the border area of Bavaria, Thuringia and Hesse were formed; also the Eifel maars (whose formation goes deep into the Quaternary, maar is a broad shallow crater, often a volcanic lake) date back to volcanic activity. The Rhine Rift Valley subsided and was filled with alpine sediments. In the Alpine

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3  The Physical Framework

foreland, debris from the Alps was deposited as molasses and partly included in the folding of the Alps. In the Late Tertiary (about 14.6 million years ago), a meteorite impact in the transition area from the Franconian to the Swabian Alb caused the formation of a crater with a diameter of about 23 km (Nördlinger Ries). In the centre of Germany (looking north-south), lignite was formed in a subtropical climate from extensive marshy moors (Lower Rhine, Central German, Lusatian and Helmstedt coalfields). In the north of present-day Germany, mainly sands and clays were deposited in shallow seas, especially along coasts, and likewise by fluvial deposition (Böse et al. 2018). The Quaternary, which has lasted until today (for 2.6 million years), is divided into the Pleistocene, which lasted until 12 thousand years ago, and the Holocene, which continues today. The Pleistocene shaped large parts of today’s Germany by glaciers advancing from Scandinavia and the Alps. Specific glacial morphological forms developed, such as terminal and ground moraines and glacial valleys. The Scandinavian glaciers reached up to the low mountain ranges; the alpine glaciers formed the foothills of the Alps. The cold periods were interrupted by warm periods, during which the glaciers retreated, only to advance again. Loesses in Germany are also a product of the cold periods. Tree vegetation was absent, and fine silts were blown outward from the broad vegetation-free valley floors by the wind and deposited in basin locations or in front of steeply rising terrain (Liedtke and Mäusbacher 2003). The Pleistocene deposits thus dominate large parts of the areas glaciated at that time, while the fluvial deposits of the Holocene cover comparatively small areas.

3.2

River Basin Districts

Today, the river basin districts in Germany present themselves in a differentiated manner (Fig. 3.2). On a continental scale, the river systems of the Rhine and Danube dominate proportionally. In addition, small river systems have developed which drain either into the North Sea (Ems, Weser, Eider and Elbe) or into the Baltic Sea (Schlei/Trave, Warnow/ Peene and Oder). The Weser River system is the only river system that is not solely coastal (i.e. that extends into the low mountain range) that has its catchment area solely in Germany. The major rivers and their catchment areas are briefly characterised below (Busskamp and Krahe 2003; Frankenberg and Lauer 1981; Umweltbundesamt 2016). The Danube has a total catchment area of about 817,000 km2 and, with a length of 2857 km and a long-term discharge of about 6,500 m3/s, is the second largest river in Europe (after the Volga). The headwaters of the Danube, near Breg and Brigach, rise in the southern Black Forest and join in Donaueschingen. It leaves Germany after 625 km of flow

near Passau, entering Austria. Up to Ulm it is considered a low mountain range river, but from here on the regime changes to an alpine river system because of the tributaries on its Southside. The Rhine has a total length of 1,233 km, 857  km of which are in Germany. Its catchment area covers a total of approximately 185,300  km2. As a high mountain river, the Alpine Rhine flows into Lake Constance, from which it flows off in a westerly direction as the High Rhine, where it is joined by numerous glacial and high mountain streams as far as Basel (a stretch of 142 km). At Basel, it changes its direction to the north-northeast and takes its course as the Upper Rhine through the Upper Rhine Valley to Mainz (approx. 300 km). It breaks through the Rhenish Slate Mountains between Mainz and south of Cologne, where it is called the Middle Rhine. In addition to the smaller tributaries Nahe, Lahn and Sieg, the Main (524 km) and the Mosel (545 km) flow into the Rhine in Mainz and Koblenz, respectively. South of Cologne, the Rhine flows into the Lower Rhine Basin. Now called the Lower Rhine, it crosses the border with the Netherlands at Emmerich, where it flows towards the North Sea as the Delta Rhine. Here the outflow interlocks with that of the Meuse, which is why it is sometimes assigned to the Rhine River drainage basin. The Elbe rises in the Czech Republic on the southern slope of the Krkonoše ridge and has a total length of 1095 km; the German part is 727 km. The Elbe has a catchment area of 148,270 km2. After flowing through the northeastern Bohemian basin, where it receives its largest tributary, the Vltava River, it flows through the Elbe Sandstone Mountains. After leaving the widening Dresden valley, the Upper Elbe reaches the North German lowlands. Here begins the lowland river section of the Middle Elbe. In the glacial valley of Glogau-Baruth, the Havel joins the Elbe. The Lower Elbe extends from the Geesthacht weir to the mouth of the Elbe. This section is under tidal influence, and the largest city on the Elbe is also located here: Hamburg. The Oder River rises in the Oder Mountains in the Czech Eastern Sudetes and has a length of 855 km, forming the border with Poland along a length of 376 km (with its tributaries Lausitzer Neiße and Westoder). The catchment area of the Oder located in Germany is only 4.7% (5587 km2) of a total of about 118,860 km2. The largest tributary of the Oder is the Warta River, which flows in from the Polish side. Between Gartz and the mouth, the Oder flows completely through Polish territory. The Weser is formed by the confluence of its headwaters, the Werra and Fulda Rivers, at Münden and has a length from the sources of the Werra to its mouth of 725 km (the actual Weser is 432 km long). The catchment area of the Weser covers 46,300  km2. Between Münden and Porta Westfalica, it flows as the Upper Weser through the Weserbergland, fol-

3.2 River Basin Districts

Fig. 3.2  The river basin districts of the Federal Republic of Germany. (Own representation after: Umweltbundesamt 2016)

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lowed by a section of the river known as the Middle Weser. As a lowland river, it flows as far as Bremen, where the ­tide-­free section ends, after which it flows as the Lower Weser towards the North Sea. The Ems is a lowland river approximately 370 km long with a catchment area of about 15,600  km2. It rises in the extensive sandy area of the Senne on the southern side of the Teutoburg Forest. Up to the tidal limit near Papenburg, it flows through the northern Münsterland and the Emsland in Lower Saxony.

3.3

Climate

The transition from glacial to postglacial was associated with a significant increase in air temperature in Central Europe, although the postglacial was not without climate fluctuations (Fig. 3.3). In the postglacial climatic optimum, air temperatures in Central Europe rose to values 1–2  °C higher than those of the twentieth century. This warm-humid phase was reached in Europe between 8000 and 4500 years before present. At this time, Central Europe was dominated by oak forests; the beech, typical for Central Europe, only migrated into our region in the late phase of the Sub-Atlantic (3000– 2500 before today). The Sub-Atlantic was characterised by a cool climate with air temperatures 1–2 °C below those of the twentieth century, with mild winters and cool summers predominating, dry and wetter periods alternating frequently (Glaser 2001; Glaser et al. 2007; Kappas et al. 2003; Rocznik 1982). The heyday of the Roman Empire coincided with a period of climatic favourability characterised by comparatively high temperatures and winters with high precipitation (Lamb 1977). After a phase of decreasing air temperatures in the Fig. 3.3  Climate fluctuations of the late and postglacial in the Alps; 0 °C = postglacial air temperature mean value. (Own representation after: Patzelt 1980)

early Middle Ages, a phase of clearly favourable climate in Central Europe can be identified in the second half of the thirteenth century: the peak phase of the “Medieval Climate Optimum” (see Fig. 3.4). However, by 1300, a notable climate change set in – very cold winters were accompanied by crop failures, causing famines and high mortality rates. By the mid to late seventeenth century, Central Europe had reached the clearest manifestation of the “Little Ice Age”, which was characterised by high-precipitation summers and cold winters. The beginning of the “Modern Climate Optimum” brought not only unsteadily rising temperatures but also lower precipitation totals. Only in recent decades did precipitation begin to intensify in Central Europe – a trend that continues to this day. Between the 1870s and the 1990s, precipitation totals in Central Europe increased by about 40 mm in the long-term trend (Fig. 3.5; Glaser 2001). There are seasonal differences in the development between 1961 and 2000: Especially in winter, air temperature and precipitation increased significantly; precipitation also increased in fall, while temperatures did not show a clear trend; in spring and summer, conversely, no clear trends were observed with respect to precipitation, although temperatures increased (Rapp and Schönwiese 2003). One of the characteristics of the climate of Central Europe is the great variability of atmospheric flow conditions throughout the year. Related to the location of Central Europe in the extratropical westerly wind zone, winds from westerly directions dominate, but winds from other directions also occur frequently. This unsteadiness of the airflow conditions in extra-Mediterranean Europe is a consequence of the permanent cyclonic activity (Hendl 1991). In all seasons, migrating low-pressure systems pass through the extra-­ Mediterranean European region from alternating, usually eastward-directed tracks, modifying the dominance of west-

3.3 Climate

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Fig. 3.4  The annual variation of air temperature in Central Europe since the year 1000; the fine line represents the short-term variation (over a 31-year filter) and the stronger line the long-term trend. (Own representation after: Glaser 2001)

Fig. 3.5  The annual course of precipitation in Central Europe since the year 1000; the fine line represents the short-term course (over a 31-year filter); the stronger line represents the long-term trend. (Own representation after: Glaser 2001)

erly flow resulting from their flow profile. In doing so, they contribute significantly to the meridional temperature balance by bringing polar cold air masses equatorward and transporting warm air masses, especially of subtropical origin, in a poleward direction. Because of the differing positions of the jet stream waves, two fundamentally different forms of circulation can generally be distinguished for the mid-latitudes, which are supplemented by an intermediary one (Hess and Brezowsky 1977):

troughs) towards the equator, while on the other hand, warm air from subtropical latitudes advances towards the pole in the case of high-pressure ridges. 3. In addition, another form of circulation can be identified: the mixed circulation. It represents a mixture of zonal and meridional circulation.

The occurrence of the three circulation types – meridional, mixed and zonal – is not equally distributed throughout the annual cycle (Fig. 3.6). 1. In zonally oriented weather conditions, i.e. weather conThe low-pressure areas that become climatically impactditions with a predominantly broad-circle parallel west-­ ful for Central Europe develop over the North Atlantic and east flow, sequences of cyclones (low-pressure areas), then move to the northeast. The ridgeline of the maximum briefly interrupted by intermediate highs, pass over zone of all fronts runs south of Scandinavia in an arc from Central Europe. These are characterised by considerable the North Sea across northern Germany and northern Poland precipitation with low temperature contrasts. to the “cyclone graveyard” of the Baltic countries. The asso 2. Meridional weather conditions, i.e. weather conditions ciated input of different air masses causes a very changeable with a predominantly longitudinal parallel flow, are char- and variable weather pattern in the Baltic Sea region acterised by cold air troughs and warm high-pressure (Weischet and Endlicher 2000). The contrast between the ridges. On the one hand, cold air masses from polar lati- Atlantic Ocean and the Eurasian continent has a strong influtudes advance dynamically (in the case of cold air ence on weather and climate in Central Europe. The fre-

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100 90 80 Frequency of occurrence in %

Fig. 3.6  The annual cycle of meridional, mixed and zonal circulation in Central Europe in the period 1881–1998. (Own representation after: Gerstengarbe and Werner 1999)

3  The Physical Framework

34.8

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Zonal circulation

quency of occurrence of the forms of circulation (and thus the major weather types and weather situations) in Central Europe, which deviates from the uniform distribution, can essentially be explained by the thermal behaviour of the Atlantic Ocean, the Eurasian continent, the north polar region and the Mediterranean region (Gerstengarbe and Werner 1999; Glaser et  al. 2007; Weischet and Endlicher 2000): • Spring. The circulation over Central Europe is characterised by the meridional air pressure opposition between high air pressure over the – still cold, especially compared to the summer – north polar region and the relatively low air pressure over the Eurasian continent. The circulation is meridionally dominated. Frequent cold air inflows from the north, resulting from the contrasting air pressure imbalances between the high air pressure over the north polar region and the low air pressure over the Eurasian continent, are typical for the spring. Stabilisation by the already thawed and warmed ground supports variable weather characterised by numerous rain showers. • Summer. The circulation changes as an outcome of the increased radiation exchange upon the earth’s surface. Because of the strong heating of the earth’s surface, a thermal low-pressure area forms over Asia. At the same time, the meridional pressure gradient between the polar region and the Eurasian continent is reduced, and the circulation increasingly switches to a zonal direction. Now the air pressure gradient runs in a zonal direction from the Atlantic Ocean to the Eurasian continent. • Fall. The pressure disparities between the Eurasian continent and the Atlantic Ocean, as well as the north polar region, largely balance each other out (especially in September and early October). This results in a calming of the weather pattern in Central Europe.

Mixed circulation

Meridional circulation

• Winter. The weather of late fall and winter is characterised by the large air temperature contrast between polar and subtropical regions. This is accompanied by a strongly pronounced frontal zone with strongly flowing jet stream. Westerly, comparatively warm, large-scale weather systems with high precipitation are interrupted by the westerly advance of the Asian winter high with the development of high air pressure in Central Europe, combined with low precipitation and low temperatures. The distribution of precipitation in Germany (Fig. 3.7) is essentially a consequence of cyclonic precipitation activity. Thus, the low mountain ranges and the high mountains of the Alps show high precipitation, whereas the basin locations record low annual precipitation amounts. The maximum values reach the northern side of the Alps (over 2200 mm), followed by the high altitudes of the Black Forest, while the other low mountain ranges record lower annual precipitation. Thereby, precipitation is higher in the northwestern mountainous areas. In addition to the altitudinal differentiation of the annual precipitation totals, there is also a zonal one: The western (especially the northwestern) parts of the country are more influenced by maritime climate and the eastern parts by continental climate (Endlicher and Hendl 2003). Precipitation is particularly low where more continental climate meets the rain shadow of mountains, for example, in the Magdeburg Börde and in the northern Thuringian Basin within the rain shadow of the Harz Mountains (Weischet and Endlicher 2000). It is precisely here that water balance deficit areas are found, while western Germany and, especially, the mountainous regions show clear water balance surpluses (Fig. 3.8). The distribution of the annual mean temperature (Fig. 3.9) is strongly hypsometric: higher elevations show lower air temperatures than lower elevations. Particularly high air

3.3 Climate

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Fig. 3.7  The distribution of annual precipitation in the long-term average 1961–1990  in Germany. (Own representation after: Deutscher Wetterdienst 2018b)

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3  The Physical Framework

Fig. 3.8  The distribution of the annual water balance in the long-term average 1961–1990 in Germany. (Own representation after: Deutscher Wetterdienst 2018c)

3.3 Climate

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Fig. 3.9  The distribution of the annual mean temperature in the long-term average 1961–1990 in Germany. (Own representation after: Deutscher Wetterdienst 2018a)

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3  The Physical Framework

temperatures are found in the Upper Rhine Plain. Hence, this results from the access of warm and humid subtropical-­ Mediterranean air masses from the southwest through the Burgundian Gate; alternatively, the Upper Rhine Valley is largely protected against cold air currents from other directions by its relatively high peripheral mountains (Parlow et al. 2006). In a weakened form (because of the fewer high peripheral mountains and those not found in all cardinal directions), this also applies to the Middle and Lower Rhine and the valleys of the Elbe and Saale south of Magdeburg.

3.4

Soils

Soils in Germany are very young overall. This is due to the ice ages. There were direct impacts of the ice in the north of today’s Germany; glaciers also advanced from the Alps. Other parts of today’s territory were also affected by the cold periods, for example, sparse vegetation in relief terrain promoted erosion, and at the same time loess deposits were formed, on which the most fertile soils in Germany today developed. The distribution of soils in Germany is clearly determined by the geological parent material and the relief. However, this general spatial pattern of the soil cover is subdivided by the large river valley systems and is locally interspersed, among others, by organic soils, e.g. bogs. The climatic influence from west to east because of the transition from suboceanic to subcontinental climate also has a differentiating effect (Adler et al. 2003). In addition, anthropogenic formations (communities, dumps, opencast mines, etc.) can be found. The number of soil types occurring in Germany is very high. Overall, the soils in Germany – compared to soils in regions of the world that were less intensively affected by the ice ages – are quite young. The overview of the distribution of soils in Germany presented in Fig. 3.10 is – for better readability and because of the book’s focus on societal complexity – noticeably generalised (more detailed explanations can be found in Glaser et al. 2007; Kruse et al. 2015). Tidal flats are very young and occur in the area that is regularly flooded by tidal water and is only open at low tide. They thus form the physical substrate of a hybrid space that is neither clearly marine nor terrestrial. Only some pioneering plants are found here. Marsh and floodplain soils are formed on mostly clayey deposits from seas or rivers and are strongly influenced by a periodically changing groundwater and surface water table. In the tidal area on the North Sea coast, the fertile marsh, often used for agriculture, is found, while the brackish marsh develops in the area of large river mouths and is mainly used as grassland. This is followed by the river marshes at the lower reaches of rivers, which often

have high fertility. The river marshes transition upstream into floodplain soils, whose dominant soil-forming process is gleying. This is characterised by the alternation of reduction when saturated with water and oxidation from exposure to air, which in turn is associated with substance displacement and precipitation. Additional material input takes place because of rivers flooding, especially when the water level is regulated; these soils are used for agriculture. On the low permeable and largely level substrates, such as clay, loam and boulder clay, waterlogged soils (pseudogley) develop. Compared to gleys, the water level is determined by the water absorption properties of the substrate. Bog soils are formed when the groundwater level is high or when precipitation water is stagnated, in the absence of sufficient airflow to evaporate. Here the organic matter is no longer decomposed; peat is formed. In Germany, peat soils are commonly found in high mountain areas as well as in depressions and river lowlands. Brown earths and parabrown earths are widespread in Germany, not only in the low mountain ranges but also in parts of the lowlands. The eponymous process is browning, which occurs with cool temperate climatic conditions having humid conditions among deciduous and mixed forest stands. During this process, the parent rock is weathered whereby clay minerals and iron oxide hydrates are formed. These give the soil its brown color. As clay shifts from upper to lower horizons, brown soils then become parabrown soils. Soil fertility varies depending on the parent rock, and accordingly brown and parabrown soils are used differently for agriculture and forestry. Another soil type, which is formed by vertical displacement, is podzol, also called bleaching earth and fuller’s earth (in the mountains: mountain podzol). They are formed on permeable substrates (such as sandy loams). Iron-­ containing substances are displaced with the soil water flow to deeper horizons, where they solidify. Podzols are poor in nutrients and difficult to work. In the lowlands, in addition to parabrown soils and podzols, black soils also occur, most of which have their origin on glacial loess deposits. Their topsoil is thick and rich in humus; accordingly, their fertility and suitability for agriculture are high. However, as relict soils from the postglacial period, they are subject to degradation through decalcification, clay displacement and acidification. Rendzina soils develop as intrazonal soils – assuming certain climatic conditions  – depending on their parent rock, limestone, as it occurs, for example, in the South German strata. They are characterised by a nutrient-rich, albeit shallow, topsoil, which makes them of limited use for agricultural purposes. Under high mountain conditions, raw soils develop, which a shallow topsoil characterises. Here, erosion and limited soil formation prevent the development of thicker topsoil.

3.4 Soils

Fig. 3.10  Rough overview of Germany’s soils. (Own representation after: Bundesanstalt für Geowissenschaften und Rohstoffe 2008)

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3.5

3  The Physical Framework

Potential Natural Vegetation

The topography of Germany is currently subject to different uses across almost the entire region – even forest areas are predominantly used for forestry (for more details see Glaser et  al. 2007). Accordingly, the vegetation has been changed by intentional human interventions, as well as their side effects, to a mosaic of very diverse plant communities, meadows, and managed forests, fields, pastures, shrublands, weedy patches, etc., managed with varying intensity. On comparable sites (in terms of soil, climate, terrain), different vegetation types have become established as a function of the usage (Bohn and Weiß 2003). The concept of “potentially natural vegetation” by the German plant sociologist Reinhold Tüxen (1956) describes the hypothetical state of vegetation that would develop should human influence come to an end, applying the assumption of climatic conditions continuing to be constant (here the hypothetical nature of the concept becomes clear, since climatic conditions have not been constant, as Sect. 3.3 has shown, and cannot be assumed to be constant in the future). According to these assumptions, a plant community would evolve from the present conditions of a site using the available inventory of species. The potentially emerging state of equilibrium can be understood as an indicator of the capacity of the corresponding spatial unit (see, among others, Kowarik 2016; Leuschner 1997): • In accordance with the geological and pedological diversity, but also the climatic differentiation, the potential natural vegetation in Germany today is strongly spatially differentiated (see Fig. 3.11). Overall, Germany’s potentially natural vegetation is dominated by forests (Bohn and Weiß 2003). • The vegetation of the high altitudes of the Alps (vegetation units 1, 2) is located above the natural timberline at about 1800 m above sea level. The subalpine level is dominated by mountain pine scrub and high shrubland, at the highest altitudes by rock and scree vegetation as well as alpine grasslands. • In Central Europe, coniferous forests/mixed coniferous forests (vegetation units 3–5) can assert themselves against the dominant deciduous trees only on sites having extreme conditions, i.e. with a short growing season, increasing continentality of the climate and low soil fertility. For example, they are found in the Black Forest and in the Alps in the high montane stage. Under subcontinental climatic conditions, they are found in nutrient-poor sandy soils in the form of acidic soil pine forests.

• Mixed oak forests having acidic soils (vegetation units 6–9) grow on nutrient-poor and especially stagnant moist sandy and silicate soils. In northwestern Germany, the Sub-Atlantic birch-oak forest is found, and in the east and southeast, acidic soil oak and pine-oak forests. In the Middle Rhine region, acidic soil xerophilous sessile oak forests occur on steep, rocky, silicate sites. In the low mountain ranges of southern Germany, the acidic soil groves of sessile oak and mixed forest are found with a higher proportion of beech and fir. • Oak and hornbeam forests (vegetation units 10–12) occur on moist and occasionally wet sites, but also on alternately moist soils that dry out thoroughly in summer. Hornbeam, ash and oak dominate here, sometimes with the participation of, among others, little-leaf linden, field maple, and wild serviceberry tree. Pedunculate oak (English oak) and hornbeam forests, in turn, occur in wet lowlands and river valleys. In sessile oak and hornbeam forests, beech often occurs as a mixed tree species. Thus, they form a transitional type to the beech and mixed beech forests. • The beech and mixed beech forests (vegetation units 13–20) dominate the potential natural vegetation in Central Europe. They are essentially differentiated according to their understory. Their main differentiation is according to soil fertility, but also lime content, greenness and exposure of the sites have an importance. • Dry pine forests (vegetation unit 21) occur on dry and shallow sites, such as river gravels and sunny south-facing slopes in the limestone Alps and their foothills. • Coastal vegetation (vegetation units 22, 23) occurs in the North Sea and Baltic Sea on wind-exposed dunes as well as in tide-influenced salt marshes. Here, where conditions are unfavourable for forests, low dune vegetation dominated by grasses grows on dunes, and on regularly flooded mudflats, there are stands of celery, salt marshes and even brackish reeds. • Bogs (vegetation units 24, 25) are found as raised bogs on sites with high precipitation, both in the lowlands and in the low mountain ranges, and as sedge-rich fens on wet oligotrophic limestone sites. • Swamp forests (vegetation units 26, 27) are found on sites with permanently high groundwater. On such water-­ inundated locations, alder predominate on peat soils, and birch and wet heaths are found on acidic sites, poor in nutrients and alkalis. • Floodplain and wetland forests (vegetation units 28, 29) occur along rivers (floodplain forests) and on other wet sites. Different alder species are widespread here, but also ash and willow.

3.5 Potential Natural Vegetation

Fig. 3.11  The spatial distribution of the potential natural vegetation in Germany. (Source: Bohn and Weiß 2003, modified)

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References Adler G, Behrens J, Eckelmann W, Hartwich R, Richter A (2003) Böden im Überblick. In: Institut für Länderkunde (ed) Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Natur und Umwelt I: Relief, Boden und Wasser, Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland, vol 2. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, pp 100–103 Asch K, Lahner L, Zitzmann L (2003) Die Geologie von Deutschland – ein Flickenteppich. In: Institut für Länderkunde (ed) Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Natur und Umwelt I: Relief, Boden und Wasser, Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland, vol 2. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, pp 32–35 Bohn U, Weiß W (2003) Die potenzielle natürliche Vegetation. In: Institut für Länderkunde (ed) Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Natur und Umwelt II: Klima, Pflanzen- und Tierwelt, Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland, vol 3. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, pp 84–87 Böse M, Ehlers J, Lehmkuhl F (eds) (2018) Deutschlands Norden. Vom Erdaltertum zur Gegenwart. Springer, Berlin Busskamp R, Krahe P (2003) Die Hauptflüsse und ihre Einzugsgebiete. In: Institut für Länderkunde (ed) Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Natur und Umwelt I: Relief, Boden und Wasser, Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland, vol 2. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, pp 124–125 Deutscher Wetterdienst (2018a) Klimakarten Deutschland. Lufttemperatur Jahr. https://www.dwd.de/DE/leistungen/klimakartendeutschland/klimakartendeutschland.html?nn=495662. Accessed 5 Feb 2021 Deutscher Wetterdienst (2018b) Klimakarten Deutschland. Niederschlag Jahr. https://www.dwd.de/DE/leistungen/klimakartendeutschland/klimakartendeutschland.html?nn=495662. Accessed 5 Feb 2021 Deutscher Wetterdienst (2018c) Klimakarten Deutschland. Wasserbilanz Jahr. https://www.dwd.de/DE/leistungen/klimakartendeutschland/klimakartendeutschland.html?nn=495662. Accessed 5 Feb 2021 Eberle J, Eitel B, Blümel WD, Wittmann P (2017) Deutschlands Süden – vom Erdmittelalter zur Gegenwart. Springer, Berlin Endlicher W, Hendl M (2003) Klimaspektrum zwischen Zugspitze und Rügen. In: Institut für Länderkunde (ed) Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Natur und Umwelt II: Klima, Pflanzen- und Tierwelt, Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland, vol 3. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, pp 32–33 Frankenberg P, Lauer W (1981) Wasser und Raum in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Erdkunde 35(3):231–234. https://doi.org/10.3112/ erdkunde.1981.03.08 Gerstengarbe F-W, Werner PC (1999) Katalog der Großwetterlagen Europas (1881–1998) nach Paul Hess und Helmuth Brezowsky. Potsdam-Institut für Klimafolgenforschung, Potsdam Glaser R (2001) Klimageschichte Mitteleuropas. 1000 Jahre Wetter, Klima, Katastrophen. Primus-Verlag, Darmstadt Glaser R, Gebhardt H, Schenk W (eds) (2007) Geographie Deutschlands. WBG, Darmstadt Hendl M (1991) Globale Klimaklassifikation. In: Hupfer P (ed) Das Klimasystem der Erde. Diagnose und Modellierung, Schwankungen und Wirkungen; mit 69 Tabellen. Akademie-Verlag, Berlin, pp 218–266

3  The Physical Framework Hess P, Brezowsky H (1977) Katalog der Großwetterlagen Europas, Berichte des deutschen Wetterdienstes. Deutscher Wetterdienst, Offenbach am Main Kappas M, Menz G, Richter M, Treter U (2003) Klima, Pflanzenund Tierwelt – eine Einführung. In: Institut für Länderkunde (ed) Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Natur und Umwelt II: Klima, Pflanzen- und Tierwelt, Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland, vol 3. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, pp 12–27 Kowarik I (2016) Das Konzept der potentiellen natürlichen Vegetation (PNV) und seine Bedeutung für Naturschutz und Landschaftspflege. Natur und Landschaft 91:429– 435. https://www.researchgate.net/profile/ingo_kowarik/ publication/307570920_das_konzept_der_potentiellen_ naturlichen_vegetation_pnv_und_seine_bedeutung_fur_naturschutz_und_landschaftspflege_-­_the_concept_of_potential_natural_vegetation_and_its_relevance_for_nature_conservatio Kruse K, Bug J, Baritz R (2015) Nationaler „Bodenatlas Deutschland“. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Bodenkundlichen Gesellschaft 2015:5–10 Lamb HH (1977) Climate. Present, past and future. Methuen, London Leuschner C (1997) Das Konzept der potentiellen natürlichen Vegetation (PNV): Schwachstellen und Entwicklungsperspektiven. Flora 192(4):379–391. https://doi. org/10.1016/S0367-­2530(17)30809-­5 Liedtke H, Marcinek J (eds) (2002) Physische Geographie Deutschlands. Klett-Perthes, Gotha Liedtke H, Mäusbacher R (2003) Grundzüge der Reliefgliederung. In: Institut für Länderkunde (ed) Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Natur und Umwelt I: Relief, Boden und Wasser, Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland, vol 2. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, pp 58–59 Parlow E, Scherer D, Fehrenbach U (2006) Regionale Klimaanalyse Südlicher Oberrhein (REKLISO)  – Abschlussbericht. Regionalverband Südlicher Oberrhein, Freiburg Patzelt G (1980) Neue Ergebnisse der Spät- und Postglazialforschung in Tirol. Jahresberichte der Österreichischen Geographischen Gesellschafts 76/77:11–18 Rapp J, Schönwiese C-D (2003) Klimatrends des 20. Jahrhunderts. In: Institut für Länderkunde (ed) Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Natur und Umwelt II: Klima, Pflanzen- und Tierwelt, Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland, vol 3. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, pp 56–57 Rocznik K (1982) Wetter und Klima in Deutschland. Hirzel, Stuttgart Tüxen R (1956) Die heutige potentielle natürliche Vegetation als Gegenstand der Vegetationskartierung: mit 10 Tabellen, Angewandte Pflanzensoziologie, vol 13. Selbstverl. der Bundesanstalt für Vegetationskartierung, Stolzenau Umweltbundesamt (2016) Steckbriefe zu den Flussgebietseinheiten. h t t p s : / / w w w. u m w e l t bu n d e s a m t . d e / s t e c k b r i e f e -­z u -­d e n -­ flussgebietseinheiten. Accessed 1 Feb 2021 Weischet W, Endlicher W (2000) Regionale Klimatologie Teil 2. Die Alte Welt: Europa, Afrika, Asien, Teubner-Studienbücher der Geographie, Teil 2. Teubner, Stuttgart Zöller L (ed) (2017) Die physische Geographie Deutschlands. WBG, Darmstadt

4

Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

Abstract

Keywords

and contribute to an understanding of today’s Federal Republic in a decisive way. The term “Germany” was originally only used in a political sense towards the end of the fifteenth century; the term, deutsch, on the other hand, is older: in Old High German, diutisc meant “belonging to the people”. It was used to refer to all those who spoke the vernacular of a Germanic idiom, in distinction to both the Welsh of the neighbouring Romance peoples (French or Italian) and equally to the Latin of the Christian priests active in the Germanic language area. The term was then increasingly applied to the people who communicated with this language, and in the eleventh century, a territorial designation took place, in the sense of a region in which German was spoken (Lühr 1994). In the Renaissance, the designation Teutschland acquired its political dimension, namely, of a culturally approximated uniformly conceived space, beyond the small-­ scale territorial dominions (Lau 2011). If the construction of togetherness based on a common language was initially practised by elites, a widespread awareness of a “German nation” emerged in the nineteenth century (Kluge 2019; for further insight into German history, see, among others, Hawes 2019; Stern 1999; Vogt 2006). The further explanations serve a differentiated classification from prehistoric times to the twenty-first century (Sects. 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6 and 4.7).

History · Regions · Middle Ages · Modernity · World wars · Reunification

4.1

Chapter 4 turns to social development processes  – here arguing comparably in broad, generalising strokes as a meta-perspective approach. In doing so, the authors emphasise certain striking landmarks, others taking up less space in comparison, whereby Olaf Kühne and Florian Weber reconstruct and construct a history of Germany, i.e. depicting histories of Germany that were and are decisive from their point of view – and contribute to an understanding of today’s Federal Republic in a decisive way. The term “Germany” was originally only used in a political sense towards the end of the fifteenth century. In the Renaissance, the designation Teutschland acquired its political dimension, namely, of a culturally approximated uniformly conceived space, beyond the small-scale territorial dominions. If the construction of togetherness based on a common language was initially practised by elites, a widespread awareness of a “German nation” emerged in the nineteenth century. The further explanations serve a differentiated classification from prehistoric times to the twenty-first century (Sects. 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6 and 4.7).

From the basic physical structure of today’s Germany, we now turn to social development processes  – here arguing comparably in broad, generalising strokes as a meta-­ perspective approach. In doing so, we emphasise certain striking landmarks, others taking up less space in comparison, whereby we ourselves as authors reconstruct and construct a history of Germany, i.e. depicting histories of Germany that were and are decisive from our point of view –

 he Regions of Today’s Germany T from Prehistoric Times Through the Roman Period to the Migration Period: Unifications, Divisions and Differentiations

With the beginning of the first century B.C., numerous Germanic tribal societies formed in the north and centre of the area that now occupies Germany. In the east, their settlement area extended to the Vistula. They had migrated from Scandinavia. In southwestern Germany and west of the Rhine, their settlement area bordered on that inhabited by a

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 O. Kühne, F. Weber, Germany, World Regional Geography Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4_4

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4  Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

predominantly Celtic population. The Germanic peoples did not form a political unit; their rival tribes were linked only by language and culture. They lived nomadically, partially nomadically, or formed smaller settlements (Brullo et  al. 2015; Küster 2013 [1995]; Probst 1996; Sprockhoff 2019 [1930]). Contacts between Germanic peoples and Romans initially remained sporadic and were often characterised by trade. Only with the expansion efforts of the Roman Empire around the beginning of the present era did conflict begin to arise. The attempt made at the beginning of the first century to expand the Roman Empire to the Elbe failed in the year 9 with the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest, when a Germanic tribal alliance led by the Cheruscan Arminius (Herrmann) devastatingly defeated the Romans. Thus, only the areas on the western bank of the Rhine and later, after the construction of the Limes, parts of present-day Hesse, southwestern Germany and Bavaria were Roman until the third century. In this area, the oldest cities in Germany today were founded, such as Cologne (Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium), Trier (Augusta Treverorum) and Regensburg (Castra Regina; Fischer 1999; Planitz 1954; Wolters 2000), among others. In the fourth and fifth centuries of our era, numerous Germanic tribes moved their habitat and settlement area. This migration of peoples was triggered by climate change, overpopulation and corresponding problems with the food supply, but the advance of the Huns from the steppes of Asia westward. This phase of the migration of peoples was primarily driven by the Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Franks, Burgundians, Alemanni and Vandals (who received greater notoriety to this day from the sacking of Rome). It led to a complete restructuring of territorial relations on both sides of the Rhine. The battles for the resources and the inheritance of the Western Roman Empire (whose last emperor had been overthrown in 476) went in favour of the Franks. Their king, Clovis (ca. 466–511), subjugated the Alemanni and Burgundians. By converting to the Catholic faith, he laid the foundation for the German rulers’ attachment to the Catholic Church (Brullo et  al. 2015; Gaxotte 1965; Knaut 2005; Martin 2010).

4.2

 ermany in the Middle Ages: G A Political, Economic and Social Mosaic

The Franks reached the peak of their power under the Carolingian dynasty. Under Charlemagne (747–815), the Frankish Empire expanded as far south as Northern Spain and into Italy. The wars against the Saxons were protracted, but ultimately successful. The Saxons had to pay for their defeat with a forced Christianisation. In reminiscence of the

Roman Empire, Charles had himself crowned as emperor by the pope in 800, which in turn created the requirement for the name “Holy Roman Empire” (later with the addition “German Nation”). With the disintegration of the empire into an eastern and a western Frankish segmentation in 843, the foundation was laid for the separate development of France and Germany. The Middle Kingdom “Lotharingia” was divided among the West and East Frankish empires in 870 (here and in the following: Fuhrmann 2017; Hawes 2019; Vollrath 2006). The political history of the Middle Ages in Germany was characterised by frequent changes of dynasties on the royal throne, increasing territorial fragmentation, and the rise of the cities. With the disintegration of the Frankish Empire, political conditions in the East Frankish Empire were by no means stable. Saxons, Franks, Swabians and Bavarians rivalled for supremacy. The victory of the Saxons resulted in the coronation of Henry I as king (919). Less than 50 years later (962), Otto I had himself crowned emperor in Rome, following the example of Charlemagne. The Ottonians were followed in 1024 by the Salians with Henry III.  The Investiture Controversy (1076–1122) flared up between the Church and the Emperor over the question of who could appoint bishops. Pope Gregory VII prohibited the practice of investiture by Henry IV, who thereby perceived the possibility of danger arising from whom might have authority for appointing reliable feudal lords in the form of bishops and abbots. The dispute escalated with the banning first of the bishops appointed by Henry and later of Henry himself. Only the successors of Henry V and Pope Callixtus II found an agreement with the Concordat of Worms (1122). According to the compromise, the emperor retained sovereignty over the bishops in secular matters, but in all ecclesiastical matters, they were subordinate to the pope, thus completing a separation into a secular and an ecclesiastical office (Brullo et al. 2015; Ribhegge 2002). The kingship passed to the Swabian Hohenstaufen dynasty in 1138 after Barbarossa prevailed in battle against the competing Guelphs (Henry the Lion). The royal crown passed to the Austrian Habsburgs with Rudolf I in 1273. These frequent dynastic changes were rooted not least to the nature of the rule as an elective monarchy. Since the end of the twelfth century, the seven electors had the sole right to elect the king. By virtue of their office, these were the Archbishops of Cologne, Trier and Mainz, the King of Bohemia, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, the Duke of Saxony and the Margrave of Brandenburg. The decision was made by majority vote. Under the Luxembourg King Charles IV, the Golden Bull not only reorganised the relationship between the electors and the king (to the latter’s disadvantage), which strengthened the centrifugal forces in the empire, but also elevated Bohemia to become the centre of the German Empire and Prague became one of the leading

4.3  The Bumpy Road to Modernity: Germany to the Napoleonic Era

cities in Europe. Since the High Middle Ages, cities gained increasing importance in Germany as centres of trade and commerce – they became focal points. They grew in number and size and increasingly became bearers of political power, which was also expressed in the formation of alliances of these cities, such as the Hanseatic League (Brullo et al. 2015; Ennen 1987; Leuschner 1983; Ribhegge 2002). In addition to the political fragmentation caused by the rise of territorial princes and the increased importance of the cities, another element of differentiation and increased complexity of Germany occurred at the beginning of the sixteenth century: the Reformation.

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4.3

 he Bumpy Road to Modernity: T Germany to the Napoleonic Era

In 1517, the Reformation, triggered by Martin Luther, began in Germany. Numerous imperial princes and free cities joined the Reformation, often more for political than religious reasons, in a territorially fragmented empire (Fig. 4.1), thus putting the Catholic Church and the Catholic Habsburg emperor on the spot. Since Emperor Charles V was preoccupied with fending off the military threat of the Turks standing outside Vienna, his powers to deal with religious conditions in the empire remained limited. The denominational division of Germany was sealed in the Augsburg Religious Peace of

Fig. 4.1  Territorial divisions in the time of Charles V. (Own representation after: Birkenfeld 1986)

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4  Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

1555. From then on, the territorial lords determined the religion of their subjects. Persons who did not agree with this had to leave the country. This right of religious choice meant a further gain in power for the territorial rulers. The regulations of the Augsburg Religious Peace did not lead to a pacification of the situation but formed the basis for the Counter-Reformation movement that started in Germany, especially from Bavaria. Thus, the attempt to transform the archdiocese of Cologne into a Protestant and secular principality ended in the Truchsessian War (also known as the Cologne War, 1538–1588) with the defeat of the Electorate of Cologne’s troops by the Bavarian troops and the recatholicisation of Cologne. The religious denominational disputes culminated in 1618 in the Thirty Years’ War, which began as a religious war but took on a European political dimension with the intervention of external powers (Denmark, Sweden and France) for supremacy in territorial Europe. The war, flanked by famines and epidemics, led to total devastation and depopulation in vast areas. It ended with the Peace of Westphalia of 1648, which was signed by the victorious powers of Sweden and France with the German emperor and resulted in the empire losing Switzerland, the Netherlands, Alsace and Lorraine (Brullo et al. 2015; Kampmann 2008; Lange 1994; Schmidt 2010, 2018; Schormann 1985). After the Thirty Years’ War, the empire remained a federation of principalities in which the rulers of the independent individual states exercised unlimited powers. The development of absolutism on the archetype of the French King Louis XIV, supported by a strong army and a tightly organised bureaucracy, combined with considerable claims to representation, required considerable financial resources. These were generated from the introduction of the mercantilist economy. Economic development, in turn, suffered from Germany’s territorial fragmentation. Although the great powers of Prussia and Austria-Hungary were able to develop during that period, they were joined by some 1700 smaller dominions. The rivalry between Protestant Prussia and Catholic Austria-Hungary determined the history of Germany in the eighteenth century. Under the “Soldier King”, Wilhelm I, Prussia had formed a powerful army, which his son, Frederick II, also given the suffix “the Great”, had used against the Habsburg Maria Theresa in the Silesian Wars and the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763; Clark 2013; Schmidt 1991; Vierhaus 1984). The revolution in 1789  in neighbouring France and its aftermath had lasting effects on Germany. First, French revolutionary troops occupied large parts of southern Germany, and the territories on the western bank of the Rhine were lost to France. As an outcome of the Napoleonic Wars, the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation was dissolved in 1806. The “French period” meant an extensive territorial and political restructuring in Germany: with the exception of Prussia, Austria, the Electorate of Hesse and Brunswick, all German princes successively joined the “Confederation of the Rhine”,

a confederation founded by Napoleon in 1806. The obligation to be loyal to the army was combined with political upgrading: the duchies of Württemberg and Bavaria became kingdoms. French law was applied in the territories on the west bank of the Rhine, and the Civil Code of the French (also known as the Napoleonic Code) was introduced in large parts of Germany. Derived from the ideals of the French Revolution (liberty, equality, fraternity), it provided for equality before the law, freedom for every citizen, separation of church and state, abolition of compulsory guilds and protection of private property, but also the guardianship of women regarding men (Fehrenbach 1976, 1983; Schubert and Schmoekel 2005). Although Napoleon’s direct influence was pushed back from Germany after his great defeats at Leipzig (“Battle of the Nations”) and Waterloo (1815), and a phase of restoration set in, the ideas of the French Revolution remained present, especially among the bourgeoisie, and the Civil Code was also retained as “Rhenish law” on the west bank of the Rhine and north of Koblenz in areas on the east bank of the Rhine (under various dominations, including that of Prussia; Eckhardt and Planitz 1971; Mitteis and Lieberich 1988; Schmidt 1991; Schubert and Schmoekel 2005).

4.4

 orced (Partial) Modernisation F and Political Unification: Germany Up to the First World War

The “Restoration”, i.e. the strengthening of princely power and the rolling back of the liberal gains of the French Revolution, was a major outcome of the “Congress of Vienna” (September 1814 to June 1815), which had convened to order political relationships in post-Napoleonic Europe. One result of these efforts at “restoring” order was the German Confederation, an association of autonomous states (35 principalities and 4 free cities) dominated by Prussia and Austria, with Austria joining only with those territories that had previously been part of the “Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation”. Large sections of the bourgeoisie reacted to the Restoration by withdrawing into the private sphere. Instead of becoming politically active, they cultivated the comfortable Biedermeier style. The situation was different at German universities (Textbox 4.1): driven by protests against authoritarian politics and the desire for national unification, fraternities were founded. To mark the 300th anniversary of the Reformation, the Wartburg Festival was held on October 18, 1817, demanding freedom of the press and assembly and the burning of books deemed reactionary. The reaction of the rulers was not lacking: the “Carlsbad Resolutions” of 1819 placed universities under state supervision, decreed press censorship and banned fraternities, as well as gymnastics clubs and singing societies, which were considered the nuclei of the national movement (Brullo et  al. 2015; Görtemaker 2013; Hartwig 1986; Rürup 1992).

4.4  Forced (Partial) Modernisation and Political Unification: Germany Up to the First World War

Textbox 4.1: The Development of the University in Germany

The history of the German university system is rooted in the medieval development of the European university emulating the model of Paris and Bologna. The first German universities were founded in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries; the earliest foundation of a university within the borders of present-day Germany is that of Heidelberg in 1386. The founding of German universities was prolific – as a result of the small state system  – but at the same time, the universities remained small, mostly numbering between 100 and 200 students per university. Around the year 1700, approximately 40 universities existed in Germany, with some 8000 students. The founding of the University of Berlin in 1810 by Wilhelm von Humboldt, whose conceptual focus was based on his memorandum Über die innere und äußere Organisation der höheren wissenschaftlichen Anstalten in Berlin (On the Internal and External Organisation of the Higher Scientific Institutions in Berlin) published in the same year (Humboldt 1964), provided an impulse that had an impact beyond Germany. Under the principle that science is a search for truth that can never be completed, central elements of the memorandum are unity of research and teaching, freedom of science (i.e. independence from immediate political or social interests), unity of science under the umbrella of the university, education through science, state oversight and funding of universities and the right to self-government (i.e. regulation of internal and academic affairs by the universities themselves). This ideal was adapted by higher education systems in Central, Eastern and Northern Europe (the Anglo-Saxon and French systems each followed their own traditions). In the nineteenth century in Germany, the number of professors and students grew, but the university remained characterised by full professors and an elitist status (Hüther and Krücken 2018; Kehm 2004; Nutz 1999; Ringer 1967). Numerous professors at German universities did not identify with the Weimar Republic; in this respect, the unpraiseworthy significance of the universities during the period of National Socialism (1933–1945) is hardly surprising. The ideology of National Socialism was largely followed, it was made more difficult for women to take up studies, and Jewish students and teachers were particularly forced to leave the universities. Many of the best scientists were forced to emigrate (especially to the United States). To this day, German universities have not been able to recover from this bloodletting, losing their leading position (especially in the natural and social sciences; Hüther and Krücken 2018; Kehm 2004).

In the bipartitioned Germany, the higher education system in East and West was developed in very different ways. In the FRG (West Germany), the university idea of Humboldt was resumed, and higher education was transferred to the sovereignty of the Länder (States). Since the mid-1960s, the higher education system, both in terms of universities and universities of applied sciences, expanded in number and capacity (as part of the “educational expansion”; Dahrendorf 1968; Meifort 2014). In the GDR (East Germany), the first step was the accelerated reconstruction of the universities, followed by increasing political influence on the courses offered, among other things in the sense of anchoring Marxism-Leninism in the curricula and admitting applicants, for example, by giving preference to workers’ children. However, an “educational expansion” comparable to that in West Germany failed to materialise because of the lower prioritisation of academic education in the GDR. In the area of research, non-university institutions, especially the institutes of the East German Academy of Sciences, were established alongside the universities until the end of the divided era. These were evaluated, and partially dissolved, as an outcome of the process of adaptation to the West German standards in research and teaching. The remaining units were either transferred to other universities, continued (merged) or incorporated into newly established research institutes (Hüther and Krücken 2018; Kehm 2004). Since the second half of the 1990s, Germany’s higher education system, which is considered bureaucratic by international standards, has faced numerous reforms designed to increase internationalisation, efficiency and effectiveness. One major element of the “new university world” is the transition to the Bologna system; another is the reform of professors’ salaries with performancerelated salary components, which are roughly related to a third element: the increased importance of third-party funding for research financing. In this context, the universities have faced double competition. On the one hand, from the universities of applied sciences in the area of teaching, which have been awarded bachelor’s and master’s programmes and (depending on state regulations) in some cases also the right to award doctorates; on the other hand, from the non-university research institutions (grouped together, e.g. in the Leibniz Association or the Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft), which operate very successfully, especially in third-party funded research (among many: Alesi and Kehm 2010; Hüther and Krücken 2018; Kehm 2004; Mayntz 1994; Weingart 2003).

35

36

4  Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

The following decades were economically characterised by a rapidly advancing industrialisation: symbolised by the first German steam-powered railroad connecting Nuremberg to Fürth, which opened in 1835; by an oversupply of labour, also impacted by the peasants’ liberation (former peasants sought alternative work opportunities); and by the freedom of marriage in the course of the “French period”. Because of this oversupply of labour, social misery increased. The Silesian Weavers’ Revolt of 1844 against the industrialisation of weaving is set in this context. A political uprising, the Hambach Festival from May 27 through 30, 1832, emphasised the demands for a united and free Germany. Some 30,000 people came to Hambach Castle, near Neustadt an der Weinstraße (i.e. that area where “Rhenish law” was applied), many of them carrying black-red-gold flags that dated back to the wars of liberation against France and were subsequently carried by the Jena Burschenschaft (student fraternity in Jena). Instead of responding to the demand for unity and freedom, repressive measures were intensified, and freedom of the press, assembly and member organisations was further restricted (Behnen 1994; Brullo et  al. 2015; Görtemaker 2013; Kiesewetter 2004; Nipperdey 2017; Rürup 1992; Trautz 1958). Under the impact of the overthrow of the French “citizen-­ king” Louis Philippe in February 1848, Germany experienced its first revolution (“March Revolution”) in March 1848. In Berlin, 254 people died in street fighting, and there were numerous deaths and injuries in other parts of Germany as well. In May 1848, a national parliament was elected, under universal and equal suffrage, but without women. The resulting first German National Assembly was composed mainly of people from the educated middle classes. Two essential questions concerned the parliament, these being the basic rights and the spatial dimension of the empire. On December 21, 1848, the assembly passed the “Law on the Fundamental Rights of the German People”, which provided for the abolition of class privileges, freedom of faith and conscience as well as freedom of assembly and of the press. With regard to the spatial division of the Reich (Fig. 4.2), the question was whether it should be organised as a Kleindeutsch (without Austria) or a Großdeutsch (with Austria). In the wake of the election of the small-German solution (Kleindeutsch), the Prussian King Wilhelm IV was elected emperor by a majority on March 28, 1848. But in the meantime, the forces of the Restoration had recovered and with Wilhelm’s refusal to accept the crown the revolution had failed. Fighting flared up again, but was soon put down by the princes’ troops, with the last fall of the Baden bastion at Rastatt on July 23, 1849 (Brullo et  al. 2015; Dowe and Langewiesche 2001; Görtemaker 2013; Rürup 1992; Vick 2002). A major impetus to the unification of Germany, and Prussia’s dominant position in it, began with Wilhelm I’s

appointment of Otto von Bismarck as prime minister of Prussia. In terms of domestic policy, he strengthened the king’s position vis-à-vis parliament; in terms of foreign policy, he cemented Prussia’s power through war successes. Thus, a coalition of Prussia and Austria won the German-­ Danish War in 1864 (whereby all of Schleswig-Holstein and Lauenburg fell to the victors). However, this coalition quickly broke up, the reason being disputes over the reform of the German Confederation and the division of territorial gains from the German-Danish War. In June 1866, the German War broke out, between Prussia and Austria, in which Prussia was supported by most of the northern German states and Austria by the southern German states of Saxony, Baden, Württemberg, Bavaria, Nassau and Kurhessen. Austria and its allies could do little to counter Prussia’s superiority, which was based not least on technical, organisational and economic industrialisation. Thus, Prussia was able to assert its interests in the Peace of Prague (August 23, 1866). Prussia retained its annexations in northern Germany, the German Confederation was dissolved, and Austria dropped out by implementing the Kleindeutsch solution. Less than a year later, the “North German Confederation” was founded under Prussian leadership, and Bismarck became its chancellor, the first in German history. With the attainment of a hegemonic position in Germany, German rivalry with France received a boost in attention. Thus, Bismarck hoped that a victory against France would also win over the southern German states for incorporation into a Prussian-dominated unified Germany. However, the declaration of war was made on July 19, 1870, after the coronation of a king from the House of Hohenzollern was being considered in Spain; France accordingly saw itself threatened from two sides, and diplomatic interventions were unsuccessful. The battle near Sedan in northeastern France (on September 2, 1870), in which the French Emperor Napoleon fell into German captivity, represented the decisive moment for the German victory. After the fall of the monarchy, the French army initially continued the fighting, but an armistice was concluded in January 1871. In the peace treaty of Frankfurt (May 5, 1871), France was forced to pay a war indemnity of five million francs, as well as to cede Alsace and parts of Lorraine to Germany. By now, January 18, 1871, the proclamation of Wilhelm as German emperor had taken place in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, a deliberate humiliation of France (Brullo et  al. 2015; Görtemaker 2013; Oppermann 2020; Rak 2004; Rürup 1992). The now-established German Empire was a constitutional monarchy, headed by the German Emperor, in personal union as Prussian King. He appointed the Reich Chancellor, this being Otto von Bismarck. The parliament, elected by universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage (again without women’s suffrage), had the essential task of deliberating and adopting the budget. The 25 federal states were represented

4.4  Forced (Partial) Modernisation and Political Unification: Germany Up to the First World War

37

Fig. 4.2  Territorial divisions between 1815 and 1871. (Own representation after: Birkenfeld 1986)

in the Bundesrat (legislative parliament). In keeping with Prussia’s dominance (62% of the population, 65% of the territory), Berlin was designated the capital. In foreign policy, Bismarck strove to form and consolidate alliances with Austria, Italy and Russia and to isolate France until his retirement in 1890. Domestically, he strove to suppress socialist tendencies, especially in the large industrial areas such as the Ruhr and Upper Silesia, partly through repressive measures such as the Socialist Act, and concurrently through social legislation (with state-guaranteed insurance against illness, accident and old-age poverty), with which he also tried to win over the liberal left middle classes. The coalescence of the empire and the pacification of social conditions were supported by a phase of economic prosperity (fuelled not least by the French reparation compensation), companies were founded, productivity increased, plus there was suffi-

cient capital available to meet the influx of people into the cities which was also assisted through appropriate construction activity (for this period, the term Gründerzeit has become common; Brullo et  al. 2015; Görtemaker 2013; Halder 2003; Ullrich 2016; Wehler 1994; cf. also the development of Berlin in Sect. 8.5). After the death of Wilhelm I on March 9, 1888 (and a short term in office of his liberal-minded son Frederick II, who died of cancer after only 99 days as emperor), his son Wilhelm II, who was strongly oriented towards conservative ideas and old Prussian traditions, became emperor of the German Empire on June 15, 1888. Because of political but especially personal differences, he separated from Bismarck in 1890. In domestic policy, Wilhelm II pursued a less than consistent course, first abolishing the Socialist Laws but then supporting measures against the Social Democrats. In f­ oreign

38

4  Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

policy, he began to orient himself increasingly towards Great Britain, neglected the continental European alliance system and began to make world power claims. This became apparent in his colonial policy (begun by Bismarck), which had economic motives (securing raw materials, sales markets) as well as a nationalistic attitude. This was also evident in the massive expansion of the German fleet, which made the German Empire a rival of the traditional naval power, Great Britain (Brullo et al. 2015; Düffler 1991; Görtemaker 2013; Halder 2003; Ullrich 2016). The increasing (also openly articulated) rivalries of the major European powers, combined with growing nationalism, also in the Balkans, plunged Europe into what was then called the “Great War”, triggered by the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austrian throne, and his wife in Sarajevo on June 28, 1914, by a young Serb who wanted to protest the occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina by Austria-­ Hungary. Fearing the collapse of his multi-ethnic empire, the Austro-Hungarian Emperor Franz Joseph requested support from Wilhelm II. In his “blank power of attorney”, the latter secured from Wilhelm II that should war break out, Germany would support Austria-Hungary. Russia and France assured Serbia of their support. Within about 2 weeks after Austria-­ Hungary’s declaration of war on Serbia on July 28, 1914, the great powers of Europe had declared war on each other  – separated into two coalitions, the “Central Powers”, Austria-­ Hungary and Germany, and the “Entente Cordiale” with France, Great Britain and Russia (on the side of Serbia; Brullo et  al. 2015; Düffler 1991; Halder 2003; Schieder 1969; Ullrich 2016).

4.5

 ime of Catastrophes: Germany T in and Between the World Wars

The initially rapid advance of the Central Powers was soon replaced by a loss-laden war of position, first on the Western Front, where the Battle of Verdun alone cost the lives of some 700,000 people, and from 1916 also on the Eastern Front. With the entry of the United States into the war on April 6, 1917, the “Entente” was increasingly able to push back the “Central Powers”. On November 11, 1918, an armistice was signed between Germany on behalf of the “Central Powers” and France on behalf of the “Entente Cordiale”, the terms of which amounted to a surrender for Germany. The state of war was not formally ended until the Treaty of Versailles, which was signed on June 28, 1919, and entered into force on January 10, 1920. It entailed high reparations payments, cessions of territory (especially to France and Poland) and subordination to the League of Nations of such territories as the Saar region (see Sect. 8.2), Danzig and the colonies, and extensive demilitarisation of Germany (e.g. Germany was permitted only a professional army of 100,000

men). Furthermore, Germany had to acknowledge sole liability (with its allies) for the outbreak of the war (Cabanes and Duménil 2013; Freund and Vogelsang 1960; Woyke 2016). The period around the end of the First World War was also marked by internal unrest. Even before the official end of the war, the sailors of the German ocean-going fleet mutinied in response to the naval leadership’s decision to resume the naval war against Great Britain – despite the militarily hopeless situation. The revolution that had begun in the wartime ports in late October/early November 1918 found followers in numerous German cities, where Soviet-style workers’ and soldiers’ councils were formed along the lines of those in Kiel. To prevent their further spread, on November 9, 1918, Reich Chancellor Max von Baden forced the emperor, who was considered a symbolic figure of the war, to resign by spreading the news without his consent that Wilhelm II had decided to step down. Wilhelm fled into exile in the Netherlands. Two days later, Max von Baden transferred the office of Reich Chancellor to the Social Democrat Friedrich Ebert. Only 2 hours apart, the Social Democrat Philipp Scheidemann proclaimed the “German Republic”, and Karl Liebknecht, along with Rosa Luxemburg the leader of the Spartacus League from which the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) emerged in January 1919, proclaimed the “Free Socialist Republic of Germany”. A period of unrest and street fighting followed. On January 15, 1919 – 2 days before the elections to the constitutional National Assembly – Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were assassinated by officers of a (nationalist paramilitary group) Freikorps. The Social Democrats (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschland, SPD – “Social Democratic Party”) emerged from the elections as the strongest faction, with 165 deputies, ahead of the moderately conservative Zentrum (“Center Party”, 91 deputies), and the liberal left Deutsche Demokratische Partei (DDP, “German Democratic Party”; 75 deputies). As a result of the ongoing unrest there, the National Assembly convened not in Berlin but in Weimar, giving rise to the name “Weimar Republic” for the period until the National Socialists seized power in 1933 (Brullo et  al. 2015; Freund and Vogelsang 1960; Kold and Schumann 2013; Mommsen 2004; Schulz 1982; Vogt 1991). The assembly elected Friedrich Ebert (SPD) as provisional president of the Reich and Philipp Scheidemann (SPD) as prime minister. The government was based on a coalition of SPD, Zentrum, and DDP. The constitution was adopted on July 31, 1919, thereby establishing a parliamentary democracy. The Reichstag, elected by equal, free and secret ballot by the electorate (which now included women), had budgetary power and was responsible for legislation and government control, while the Reich Council represented the states. In it, Prussia’s dominance as the largest state continued. The Reich President was elected directly by the people

4.5  Time of Catastrophes: Germany in and Between the World Wars

for a 7-year term. He was assigned special powers, such as the right to dissolve parliament and to respond to any threats to or disruptions of public security by means ranging from the imposition of a state of emergency to emergency decrees (Article 48; Brullo et  al. 2015; Kold and Schumann 2013; Mommsen 2004; Schulz 1982). In the years that followed, the young republic could hardly rest: the requirements of the Treaty of Versailles  – especially the reparations and the loss of a large part of the Upper Silesian industrial region to Poland  – represented a major burden (Fig. 4.3). Both the political left and the political right agitated against the republic, politically motivated street fights and murders were almost a daily occurrence, and inflation rose. Because of the failure to pay reparations, French and Belgian troops occupied the Ruhr from 1923 to 1925. The following years were marked by a certain consolidation. In foreign policy, Gustav Stresemann (the leader of the right-wing liberal German People’s Party (DVP), first chancellor and from 1923 to 1929 foreign minister) shaped Germany’s path towards a certain normalisation: the Locarno

39

Treaties, which he had negotiated in particular with his French counterpart Aristide Briand, included a political understanding concerning borders in Western Europe (with Germany withholding the revision of borders in the East), as well as agreements on the peaceful settlement of conflicts. A year later, in 1926, Germany became a member of the League of Nations (which had been founded 6 years earlier; Kold and Schumann 2013; Mommsen 2004; Schulz 1982). The death of Reich President Ebert in 1925 and the election of the First World War general, Paul von Hindenburg, as the candidate of the parties to the right of the political centre, the DVP and the DNVP (German National People’s Party), became a turning point in domestic politics. Hindenburg increasingly exercised the right to impose the Reich Chancellor against the majority in Parliament and to rule with the help of Emergency Ordinance Clause 48. The modest economic prosperity after the mid-1920s was abruptly ended by the Great Depression of 1929. Rapidly growing unemployment, the impoverishment of large parts of the population and increasing domestic tensions followed.

Fig. 4.3  Territorial divisions between 1918 and 1933. (Own representation after: Birkenfeld 1986)

40

4  Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

A people’s nationalist party, the National Socialist People’s Party (NSDAP) led by the First World War corporal, Adolf Hitler, was able to profit from this situation: in the May 1928 elections, compared to September 1930, its share of the vote rose from 2.6% to 18.3%, and in the July 1992 elections, the party became the strongest force with 37.3%. Although the NSDAP lost significant support (33.1%) in the November 1932 elections, the nationalist forces of the NSDAP and DNVP succeeded in convincing President Hindenburg to appoint Adolf Hitler as Reich Chancellor (Brullo et al. 2015; Mommsen 2004; Vogt 1991). Within a few months, the National Socialists transformed the Weimar Republic into a totalitarian state; liberal civil rights were suspended, state power was transferred to the National Socialists, the parliaments of the states were dissolved, as was the Reich Council, plus parties and trade unions, as well. With the death of Hindenburg on August 2, 1933, Hitler also assumed the office of president. The NSDAP became the state party, securing its power with numerous organisations, young people were registered into the “Hitler Youth” (HJ, Hitlerjugend) and the “League of German Girls” (BDM, Bund Deutscher Mädel; “Mädel” is a diminutive form of Mädchen, girl), Hitler’s bodyguard emerged as the Schutzstaffel (SS, “Protective Squadron”), and there was also the SA, the Sturmabteilung (Stormtroopers), which had spread fear and terror during the Weimar period. The power struggle between the SA and the SS culminated in the assassination of the SA chief Ernst Röhm in the Spring of 1934 and meant the transfer of the SA to the SS.  With the Nazi takeover, discrimination and terrorisation of minorities (ethnicities, such as Jews, Sinti, Roma and homosexuals) began. The “Nuremberg Laws” of 1935 represented the ideological culmination of “Aryan” racism, and at the same time, concentration camps were created and developed into extermination camps. Hitler had already outlined this approach in his 1925 book Mein Kampf, as well as the goal of gaining “Living space in the East” (Lebensraum im Osten) which anticipated the start of the Second World War. Before that, Hitler had pursued a rapid remilitarisation of Germany, for example, with the (treatyviolating) reintroduction of universal conscription in 1935. In the same year, the Saar region (see Sect. 8.2) was reincorporated after a referendum; in 1936, after the denunciation of the Locarno Treaties, the demilitarised Rhineland was occupied; in 1938, Austria was “annexed”. In September of the same year, at the Munich Conference between Germany, the United Kingdom, France and Italy, it was decided that Czechoslovakia, which was not represented at the conference, would cede the Sudetenland to Germany. In March 1939, the rest of Czechoslovakia was transformed into the “Reich Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia”, Nazi Germany’s last expansionist steps before the outbreak of the

Second World War (Brullo et  al. 2015; Herbst 1999; Hildebrand 1980). On September 01, 1939, the German Wehrmacht invaded Poland after Hitler, and Stalin had agreed in a secret additional protocol of the “Hitler-Stalin Pact” of August 23, 1939, on the division of Poland between the two dictatorships. Although France and the United Kingdom declared war on September 03, 1939, this did not trigger any major military activity. Thus, Germany quickly achieved major conquests: The last Polish troops surrendered on October 6, 1939, and in the spring of 1940, German troops conquered Denmark and Norway (to secure access to Swedish ores). The German campaign towards the west began in May 1940; after first surrendering the Netherlands and Belgium, the German army captured Paris on June 14, and 8 days later an armistice was signed, dividing France into a part occupied by Germany and a de facto vassal state (Vichy government). In mid-1940, the war was extended towards the Balkans and North Africa (triggered by Hitler’s ally, Mussolini). Beginning in August 1940, the Luftwaffe flew attacks on Britain, to which the Royal Air Force responded with attacks on German cities. Without declaring war, German units attacked the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. Significant territorial gains were initially made, but the attack stalled in the fall of 1942 (Fig. 4.4), and on February 2, 1943, the Sixth Army, encircled there, surrendered at Stalingrad, the turning point of the war. With the entry of the United States into the war, after Hitler and Mussolini had declared war on them on December 11, 1941, warlike activities in the West intensified, and the landing of Allied troops in Normandy took place on June 06, 1944 (“D-Day”). Nazi Germany was unable to counter the forced advance of French, British and US troops from the west and the Red Army from the east, so that the surrender took place on May 8, 1945, a few days after Hitler had committed suicide. The Nazi dictatorship ended with about 55 million war victims and about 6 million Holocaust victims, largely bombed German industrial regions and major cities, a partially destroyed infrastructure and 7.5 million German prisoners of war (Brullo et al. 2015; Keegan 2011; Michalka 1994; Schreiber 2002). How to proceed with Germany was determined at several conferences: in January 1943 between the United States and Great Britain in Casablanca, at the turn of November-­ December 1943 in Tehran, in February 1945 (with the same heads of state) in Yalta and in mid-July to early August 1945  in Potsdam (here Harry Truman replaced the late Roosevelt and Clement Attlee replaced Churchill, who had been voted out during the conference). While the first two conferences focused primarily on military issues, the Yalta Conference had already clarified essential questions of how to deal with Germany, which had yet to be defeated: Germany was to be disarmed, and with the participation of France,

4.6  Two Germanies in Two Ideological Blocs – From the Second World War to Reunification

41

Fig. 4.4  Territories occupied by Nazi Germany in November 1942. (Own representation after: Birkenfeld 1986)

Germany was to be divided into four occupation zones and denazified. The Potsdam Conference established the Oder-­ Neisse line as Germany’s eastern border; Germans living in Hungary, Poland, which had shifted westward, and Czechoslovakia were to be resettled. Germany was also to have a democratic system of government. Reparations payments were to be taken from the respective occupation zones (Brullo et  al. 2015; Fischer 1968; Hansen 1966; Michalka 1994).

4.6

 wo Germanies in Two Ideological T Blocs – From the Second World War to Reunification

In accordance with the decisions of the Yalta and Potsdam conferences, Germany was divided into four occupation zones based on the 1937 borders (see Fig. 4.5), which were jointly governed by the Allied Control Council. Berlin was a special case, as it was also divided into four occupation

42

4  Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

pursued the goal of integrating Germany into their respective spheres of power. This integration into distinct spheres of power increasingly manifested itself along the border between the Soviet occupation zone and those of the Western Allies. Thus, in January 1947, Great Britain and the United States integrated their occupation zones to form the Bizone, which was expanded to form the Trizone with the inclusion of France in April, particularly with the aim of accelerating economic reconstruction and unifying the administration of Marshall Plan aid. A major step in the economic integration of the “West Zone” was the introduction of the German mark (D-Mark) in June 1948, which the Soviet Union used as an opportunity to block the waterway and sea routes to West Berlin. Until the end of the blockade in May 1949, the supply of the population was ensured by airlift organised by the US armed forces. In this way, the Western Allies manifested their determination to bring the zones they occupied into their sphere of influence (Giese 2010; Görtemaker 1999; Harrington 2012; Wulf 1997). An essential step towards the establishment of a West German state was the handing over of the “Frankfurt Documents” by the three Western Allied military governors to the 11 minister-presidents of the Länder. These contained the mandate to convene a constitutional assembly. This Fig. 4.5  The four occupation zones after the Second World War. (Own Parliamentary Council consisted of 65 members elected in representation after: Benz 2005) the state parliaments and met on September 1, 1948, under the leadership of Konrad Adenauer (CDU), the long-time zones and placed under a joint administration (see Sect. 8.5). mayor of Cologne (1917–1933 and for a few months in Since Germany was to be preserved as a political entity and 1945). The Basic Law (which, in consideration of the divinot annexed by the Allies, the Allies still permitted the re-­ sion of Germany, was not called a constitution) was adopted establishment of the old political parties as well as the for- on May 08, 1949, and approved by the military governors 4 mation of new political parties in 1945. Thus, the Social days later. On May 24, 1949, one day after its proclamation, Democratic Party (SPD) of Germany and the Communist the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany entered Party of Germany (KPD) were re-established, and in the into force. The Federal Republic of Germany was founded. Soviet occupation zone, they were forcibly united in 1946 to The CDU emerged victorious from the first elections for the form the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED). The con- German Bundestag on August 14, 1949, just ahead of the servative parties that emerged in Bavaria were the Christian SPD.  Konrad Adenauer became the first President of the Social Union (CSU), and in the rest of Germany the Christian Federal Republic of Germany, and Theodor Heuss (FDP) Democratic Union (CDU); the liberals came together in the became the first Federal President. Bonn became the proviWestern occupation zones in the Free Democratic Party sional capital (Brullo et al. 2015; Bösch 2001; Görtemaker (FDP), and in the Soviet occupation zone Liberal Democratic 1999, 2002). Party of Germany (LDPD). In the Soviet occupation zone, At the same time, the Soviet Union operated the establishhowever, parties were founded under the requirement that ment of the second German nation, the German Democratic they join the “Anti-Fascist Democratic Bloc”, which made Republic (GDR). The “German People’s Council”, as a conindependent politics difficult to the point of impossibility. stitutional committee, worked out a constitution, which was Instead, the bloc parties had the function of simulating a plu- confirmed by the Third People’s Congress on May 30, 1949. ral democracy and binding bourgeois segments of the popu- The Second German People’s Council declared itself the lation to the socialist regime. From 1945 to 1947, Länder Provisional People’s Chamber on October 07, 1949, and put (States) were created in the occupation zones as regional ter- the constitution of the GDR into effect. Thus, the German ritorial units (Jesse 1997a, 1997b; Weber 2012 [1988]; Wulf Democratic Republic was founded. The founding of the 1997). GDR was not recognised by the FRG because, in the view of As had already become apparent at the Potsdam the FRG, it had not come into being democratically. This Conference, the Soviet Union and the United States each view reached a climax in the so-called Hallstein Doctrine of

4.6  Two Germanies in Two Ideological Blocs – From the Second World War to Reunification

1955 (named after Walter Hallstein (CDU party, State Secretary in the German Foreign Office)), according to which the FRG claimed to represent the whole of Germany (i.e. including the GDR) under international law. In accordance with this doctrine, the FRG did not enter into relations with countries that had recognised the GDR (Brullo et  al. 2015; Kilian 2001; Mählert 2009; Weber 2012 [1988]; Wulf 1997). Konrad Adenauer’s policy aimed at the rapid and most intensive political and economic integration of the FRG into Western alliance systems, as well as the attainment of complete political sovereignty. An essential basis for this was the agreement between the FRG and the Western victorious powers of November 22, 1949, which allowed the FRG to establish diplomatic relations with foreign countries and to join international organisations. A further step was the official termination of the state of war by Great Britain, France and the United States in 1951, as well as the Deutschlandvertrag (Treaty of Germany), signed in June 1952 but not coming into force until 1955, which granted the FRG the sovereignty of an independent state. Economically, the FRG’s integration into the West had already begun in 1951 and 1952 with its admission into the “European Coal and Steel Community”, which culminated in the founding of the “European Economic Community” (EEC) consisting of Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and the Federal Republic of Germany – the forerunner of today’s European Union (EU). In 1955, the FRG became a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The associated rearmament had previously led to fierce protests. On January 22, 1963, German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and French President Charles de Gaulle signed the Elysee Treaty, which contained agreements for a common foreign policy, European policy and defence policy as far as possible, as well as cultural and youth exchanges, and put an end to the construct of “hereditary enmity” between France and Germany. It marked the beginning of the “Franco-German axis” or the “Franco-German engine”, which (with varying intensity) still describes the special importance of the relationship between the two states for European integration and manifests itself very visibly in border regions today (Sect. 8.8; Bösch 2001; Görtemaker 1999, 2002; Hasenclever 2010; Wulf 1997). The integration of the GDR into the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union took place as quickly as the FRG’s integration into the West. It had been a member of the “Council for Mutual Economic Assistance” (COMECON) since September 1950 and was one of the founding members of the Warsaw Treaty in May 1955, the same year that its sovereignty was recognised by the Soviet Union. Two years later, a treaty was signed determining the stationing of Soviet troops in the GDR. Relations between the two German states became extremely difficult not only resulting from their inte-

43

gration into different political and economic blocs but also because of the constant migration of GDR citizens to the FRG. The closure of the Inner German Border was the consequence, and the Berlin Wall (construction began on August 13, 1961) became a symbol of both the division of Germany and the world (cf. also Sect. 8.9; (Hertle et al. 2002; Mählert 2009; Weber 2012 [1988]). Economically, the 1950s and early 1960s of the FRG were characterised by rapid economic growth, the so-called “economic miracle”. Ludwig Erhard (CDU), Minister of Economics and Konrad Adenauer’s successor in the Chancellor’s Office, was considered the “father of the economic miracle”. His concept of the “social market economy” was based on the establishment and promotion of economic market structures, coupled with the equalisation of rich and poor; the CDU’s election campaign in 1957, for example, was based on the slogan “Prosperity for all”. Fuelled by Marshall Plan funds, the mining and steel industries were revitalised first, followed by mechanical engineering, chemicals and the electrical industry, and, by the end of the decade, the consumer goods industry. Full employment soon prevailed and German industry began to recruit foreign workers. In 1955, the first worker recruitment agreement was signed with Italy, followed later by other Mediterranean countries, Portugal, Spain, Greece and Turkey. They were referred to as “guest workers”, indicating that permanent settlement in the FRG was not envisaged, and worked as unskilled labourers in factories and construction, and later mainly in mining. In 1964, the one millionth guest worker reached Germany. The increase in purchasing power from the mid-1950s onwards, together with mass production, led to a massive increase in consumer spending on food (the Wohlstandsbauch or “prosperity belly” became a widespread identifier of the economic miracle among Germans), in electrical appliances and increasingly in automobiles and homes. Excessive suburbanisation had now also reached Germany (see Sect. 6.5 for more details). Not only the economic miracle but also a sporting event caused the self-confidence of West Germans to grow again after the lost world wars and the atrocities of the Nazis: the surprising win of the soccer world championship on July 4, 1954, 3:2 against the favoured Hungarian national team (“the miracle of Bern”; Brullo et  al. 2015; Blecking 2015; Görtemaker 1999, 2002; Jordan 2005; Oltmer et al. 2015). The GDR took a completely different economic development path during this time: following the example of the Soviet Union, companies, as well as farms, were nationalised. The Volkseigene Betriebe (VEB, “state-owned enterprises” presented as “owned by the people”), the Landwirtschaftliche Produktionsgenossenschaften (LPG, “farming production cooperatives”) and also the retail trade were all centralised by means of the “Handels organisation” (HO, “trade organisation”), and the planned economy or cen-

44

4  Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

tral administrative economy was introduced. The changeover to the new system was accompanied by numerous disruptive reversals. Even everyday goods remained rationed for a long time (including butter, meat and shoes until 1958). The economic gap with the FRG increased. The introduction of the “New Economic System of Planning and Management” (NÖSPL) under head of state Walter Ulbricht in 1963, which was intended to give factories more individual responsibility and encourage workers to perform better, had an impact, securing the GDR’s top economic position in comparison with the other COMECON states, but it fell well behind the economic development of the FRG. In 1971, the new party leader Erich Honecker (since 1976, also head of state) withdrew most of the reforms; the SED (​ Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands  – “Socialist Union Party of Germany”) saw its influence on the economy endangered. In addition, the consumer goods industry was strengthened  – intended to increase the satisfaction of the population. In particular, the subsidisation of everyday goods led to an increasing indebtedness (also with the West) of the state budget since the beginning of the 1980s (Brullo et  al. 2015; Brine 1992; Mählert 2009; Weber 2012 [1988]). In the FRG, the political climate changed in the 1960s: in 1961, the CDU lost its absolute majority and henceforth governed with the FDP, which left the coalition October 27, 1966, because it was not prepared to support tax increases to safeguard the national budget. At the time, West Germany was struggling with a slowdown in economic growth and, notably, with the coal crisis. After 3 years of a “grand coalition” of CDU and SPD under Christian Democrat Kurt-­ Georg Kiesinger, which also faced student protests (“the 1968ers”), the SPD and FDP agreed on a coalition government after the Bundestag elections in September 1969. In terms of domestic policy, the social-liberal coalition pursued an expansion of the education system and the extension of co-determination in companies; in terms of foreign policy, it meant a fundamental change in Ostpolitik (normalising relations with East Europe). Chancellor Willy Brandt (SPD) described “two German states of one nation” in his government declaration: in the “Moscow Treaty” (August 12, 1970), the FRG and the Soviet Union recognised the borders in Europe, i.e. the FRG’s Oder-Neisse line as Poland’s western border, and pledged to renounce violence. In the “Treaty of Warsaw” (December 07, 1970), the FRG confirmed its position on the Polish eastern border, both signing parties undertook to renounce violence, and in addition, those Germans in Poland were allowed to leave the country (numerous Germans had remained in Silesia primarily after the Second World War). However, one gesture of reconciliation outshone the signing of the treaty: the “Warsaw Genuflection” (Warschauer Kniefall). After laying a wreath in front of the memorial to the victims of the Jewish Ghetto Uprising in Warsaw in 1943, the chancellor knelt for a min-

ute of silence. The genuflection became a symbol of Willy Brandt’s reconciliation policy. For this he received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1971. Against the background of this reorientation of the Federal Republic’s policy toward the East, the four victorious powers also reached an agreement on the status of Berlin in September 1971. With the Four-Power Agreement, the Soviet Union accepted West Berlin’s de facto affiliation with the economic, social and legal order of the Federal Republic of Germany. At the same time, however, it was stipulated that the western part of Berlin would not be part of the Federal Republic “as before”. In addition, modalities for transit traffic from the FRG to West Berlin and questions of communication were clarified. With the “Basic Treaty” (Grundlagenvertrag) of December 21, 1972, the FRG and the GDR regulated their exchange. Intending to establish good neighbourly relations, they agreed to renounce violence, to recognise the Inner German Border, to disarm and to set up “permanent representations” (de facto: embassies). Subsequently, both the FRG and the GDR became members of the United Nations (UN). On December 11, 1973, the “Treaty of Prague” (“Prager Vertrag”) also agreed with Czechoslovakia on the inviolability of borders and, not least, on the abrogation of the “Munich Agreement” of 1938, whereby the FRG recognised that the Sudetenland belonged to Czechoslovakia. Domestically, the treaties with the East were harshly criticised by the conservative opposition and especially by the associations of the displaced peoples. After Brandt’s confidant, Günter Guillaume, was exposed as a GDR spy, the chancellor resigned on May 7, 1974. The new chancellor was Helmut Schmidt (SPD), the former finance minister, who during his term in office was confronted directly with a phase of economic stagnation, the oil crises and the left-wing terrorism of the “Red Army Faction” (RAF). In foreign policy, he continued the policy of reconciliation with the states of Eastern and East Central Europe while at the same time strengthening (military) integration with the West by committing his government to the NATO Dual Decision, which provided for the stationing of medium-­ range missiles on the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany in the event that negotiations on curbing the nuclear arms race failed. Massive protests were formed against this, as well as against the burden on the environment, which was becoming increasingly apparent as a side effect of the resource-intensive and high emission economy. As a political alliance of the peace and environmental movement, a party emerged with its founding on January 13, 1980, which has firmly established itself in the party system of the Federal Republic of Germany to this day: the Greens (since 1990, in the wake of reunification: Bündnis90/Die Grünen; Brullo et  al. 2015; Bruns 1982; Görtemaker 1999, 2002; Wulf 1997). Once again, the outcome of differing positions on the budget, a coalition government with liberal orientation

4.6  Two Germanies in Two Ideological Blocs – From the Second World War to Reunification

breaks up. After Chancellor Schmidt announced the b­ reak-­up of the coalition on September 17, 1982, he was removed from office by means of a collective vote of no confidence, and Helmut Kohl (CDU) was elected as the new chancellor combining the votes of his party and the FDP.  The “Kohl era”, which lasted until 1998, was marked not insignificantly by German reunification. The early elections to the German Bundestag on March 6, 1983, not only brought his governing coalition a clear majority, but the Greens were also a member of parliament for the first time. Kohl’s dominant foreign policy project was European integration. He played a major role in the Maastricht Treaty (1992), which regulated the political and economic merger of the then 12 member states of the European Community to form the European Union (EU), as well as in the Treaty of Amsterdam, which regulated the strengthening of the European institutions vis-à-vis the nation states, as well as the eastward expansion of the EU. Relations with France were also intensified under Kohl. However, the most important project of his term of office was certainly the reunification of Germany (Görtemaker 1999, 2002; Schwarz 2012; Winkler 2000). The reunification of the two German states can be understood as the culmination of the self-dissolution of real socialism in Eastern and East Central Europe. After Mikhail Gorbachev, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, who came to office in 1985, implemented his policy of Glasnost and Perestroika, the call for freedom developed in the GDR, as well as in the other states of the “Eastern Bloc”. Beginning in September 1989, demonstrations (“Monday demonstrations”) took place every month in Leipzig and soon spread to other cities in the GDR.  The security forces used great violence against the demonstrations, which were supported by the Protestant Church. However, the state leadership was impressed by the mass of demonstrators; on October 30, 1989, 300,000 people demonstrated in Leipzig, and on November 4, about one million. In the summer of 1989, numerous GDR citizens had also taken refuge in the West German embassies in Budapest, Warsaw and Prague. At the end of September, there were about 4000 on the embassy grounds in Prague, enduring difficult sanitary conditions. After the West German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher (FDP) succeeded in gaining the support of his Soviet counterpart Eduard Shevardnadze as well as the United States, Great Britain and France on the fringes of the UN General Assembly, the GDR leadership agreed to allow the embassy refugees to leave for the FRG.  On the evening of September 30, 1989, Genscher stepped out onto an embassy balcony and uttered one of the most famous half-sentences in German history: “We have come to you to inform you that today your departure ...” The erupting cheers of the embassy refugees smothered every other sound. At that time, the route via the embassies was not the only way for GDR citizens to reach the Federal Republic:

45

On September 11, 1989, Hungary had opened its border crossings with Austria (after numerous GDR citizens had already fled across the “Green Border” between the two states; Brullo et  al. 2015; Görtemaker 1999, 2002; Hertle et al. 2002; Winkler 2000). These events also had an impact on the GDR leadership. A few days after the GDR’s 40th anniversary celebrations, the SED Central Committee forced General Secretary Erich Honecker to resign on October 18, 1989, and he was succeeded by the moderate Egon Krenz. More inadvertently than intentionally, SED official Günter Schabowski announced the opening of the Wall at a live televised press conference. That same evening, thousands of GDR citizens crossed the border into the West, where they were greeted with cheers by hundreds of thousands of West Germans. From then on, it would take less than a year for the two German states to be unified: On November 28, 1989, Helmut Kohl presented his ten-point plan for reunification; in February 1990, Kohl received assurances from Gorbachev that the Soviet Union would not prevent reunification; and on March 18, 1990, the CDU’s coalition government won the German presidential election. On July 1, 1990, the state treaty on an economic, monetary and social union between the GDR and the FRG came into force (among other things, it regulated the exchange of the GDR mark for the D-Mark at a rate of 1:1). In mid-July, Gorbachev agreed to the united Germany becoming part of NATO. In September, the “Two plus Four Talks” (the two German states plus the four victorious powers) reach a conclusion that gives full sovereignty to the unified Germany. This clarifies the final Central European borders, combined with the renunciation of territorial claims by Germany to other states: The limitation of the armed forces to 370,000; the renunciation by Germany of the manufacture, disposal and possession of ABC weapons (ABC – atomic, biologic, chemical weapons); as well as the waging of wars of aggression. An agreement was also reached on the withdrawal of Soviet troops from eastern Germany by 1994, and Germany was granted the right to belong to alliances. On August 23, 1990, the “Volkskammer” (“The People’s Chamber”  – unicameral legislature of the German Democratic Republic, GDR) voted 294 out of 400 to include the GDR under the purview of the Basic Law. On September 20, 1990, the Bundestag and the Volkskammer passed the approximately 900-page Unification Treaty, which, in addition to extending federal German law to the territory of the GDR, also designated October 3 as a public holiday as “German Unification Day” (Tag der Deutschen Einheit). At the same time as the Unification Treaty, the State Implementation Act also comes into force; in eastern Germany, the states of Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia are created. On October 3, 1990, the GDR joined the FRG.  The election determining the first all-German Bundestag on

46

4  Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

December 02, 1990, ended with a victory for the ­Christian-­Liberal coalition (Brullo et al. 2015; Görtemaker 1999, 2002; Mählert 2009; Weber 2012 [1988]; Winkler 2000).

4.7

 n the Way to Normalisation? O Germany’s Path from Reunification to Today

Soon after political unity was achieved, it became clear that creating roughly equal living conditions in both East and West Germany would be a generational task (one that continues today). Endeavouring to rehabilitate the ailing infrastructure in the 5 new states, 12 billion deutschmarks were made available for both 1991 and 1992 as part of the Gemeinschaftswerk Aufschwung Ost program (“Community Revival Effort for the East”). In 1991, the “solidarity surcharge” on wage, income and corporate taxes was introduced – initially for a limited period of 1 year, and from 1995 for an unlimited period  – to finance the costs of German unity (it is currently 5.5% and is to be abolished in 2021 for the bottom 90% of incomes). Instead of the “flourishing landscapes” in eastern Germany promised by Helmut Kohl, numerous uncompetitive businesses in the east closed or were sold to investors from the west. The ensuing increase in productivity occurred even though workers were being laid off; the consequences were rising unemployment and a continuation of the westward migration. After the turnaround boom in 1990 and 1991, gross domestic product also developed very modestly. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the Christian-Liberal coalition culminated in its being voted out of office on September 27, 1998. Gerhard Schröder (SPD) became chancellor. His first term in office also saw the relocation of parliament and government in 1999 to Berlin – the capital of the reunified Germany (see Sect. 8.5 for more details). Alongside the SPD, the Greens assumed government responsibility for the first time since its founding. The coalition also won the 2002 elections for the German Bundestag. The period of this government coalition saw the introduction of the euro, which replaced the deutschmark in cashless payments in 1999 and in cash transactions as well in 2002. At the beginning of the new millennium, the Bundestag decided to phase out nuclear energy (see also Sect. 7.4). This was the implementation of a central demand of the Greens (although the Christian-Liberal coalition decided on the “phase-out of the phase-out” almost 10 years later). The Schröder government countered a weak economy compared with the rest of the EU, rising unemployment figures, and a growing budget deficit with the “Agenda 2010”, which primarily meant making the labour market more flexible (e.g. temporary employment), introducing stronger incentives and sanctions for social measures, and measures to extend work-

ing lifetimes. Even though Agenda 2010 contributed to Germany’s economic recovery, it is still criticised today for its social effects (Brullo et  al. 2015; Diewald and Mayer 1996; Görtemaker 1999, 2002; Hegelich et  al. 2011; Vogt 1997). With the chancellorship of Gerhard Schröder, the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany also changed. Germany participated in the NATO mission to pacify Kosovo by sending Bundeswehr soldiers to prevent the mass murder of the Albanian population in the disintegrating multi-ethnic state of Yugoslavia. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the Bundeswehr (unified armed forces of Germany) participated in the fight against terrorists in Afghanistan and in its reconstruction. However, the German government did not follow the United States’ request to provide German soldiers for the 2003 mission in Iraq, not least because of the low acceptance of a possible intervention among the German population. The respect Schröder had gained by saying “no” to the Iraq war increasingly fizzled out against a backdrop of less than optimistic economic development, high unemployment and massive criticism from the left, especially from the PDS (“Party of Democratic Socialism”, the successor to the SED), the WASG (“Electoral Alternative for Social Justice” – Wahlalternative für Soziale Gerechtigkeit – both of which merged in 2007 to form the Left Party) founded by breakaway Social Democrats, but also from within the SPD itself against its reform agenda, which it described as “neoliberal”. When, in April 2005, the SPD lost the election in the most populous state, North Rhine-Westphalia, which was considered the “heartland” of the Social Democrats, Schröder initiated a new election to be held in the Bundestag, which was to become a plebiscite on his reform policies. The election on September 18, 2005, brought such significant losses for the SPD that it fell behind the CDU, which had also been weakened. The winners were the Liberals and the PDS. On November 22, 2005 – because neither red-green (SPD-­Greens) nor black-yellow (CDUFDP) had a majority – Angela Merkel (CDU) was elected chancellor through a “grand coalition”. She governed from 2009 to 2013 in a coalition with the FDP, then again with the SPD until 2021. Her term in office was initially marked by the 2008 global financial crisis, in which her government took far-reaching measures to bail out banks, then – under the impact of the 2011 Fukushima reactor disaster  – the push for the energy transition and, last but not least, the influx of refugees, especially in 2015 (see also Sect. 6.4). In 2013, the euro-critical and national-liberal Alternative for Germany (AfD) was founded, which in the following years became increasingly right-wing populistic, particularly regarding migration, and – especially in eastern Germany – achieved election results in the clear double-digit percentage range (Forsberg 2005; Illing 2013; Micus 2007; Palm 2011).

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4  Historical Developments: Aspects of German Division and Unification

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Oltmer J, Kreienbrink A, Sanz Díaz C (2015) Das „Gastarbeiter“System. Arbeitsmigration und ihre Folgen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Westeuropa, Schriftenreihe der Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, vol 104. Oldenbourg (Tagung Ende März 2010 in Nürnberg), München Oppermann J (2020) Der Deutsch-Französische Krieg. 1870/71. marix verlag, Wiesbaden Palm PM (2011) Zum Hintergrund: Irak-Krieg. In: Müller MM (ed) Casebook internationale Politik. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, pp 43–47 Planitz H (1954) Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter. Von der Römerzeit bis zu den Zunftkämpfen. Böhlau Verlag, Graz Probst E (1996) Deutschland in der Bronzezeit. Bauern, Bronzegießer und Burgherren zwischen Nordsee und Alpen. Bertelsmann, München Rak C (2004) Krieg, Nation und Konfession. Die Erfahrung des deutsch-französischen Krieges von 1870/71, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Zeitgeschichte Reihe B, Forschungen, vol 97. Schöningh (Zugl.: Tübingen, University dissertation, 2002), Paderborn Ribhegge W (2002) Stadt und Nation in Deutschland vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart. Die Entstehung der Zivilgesellschaft aus der Tradition der Städte. Waxmann, Münster Ringer FK (1967) Higher education in Germany in the nineteenth century. J Contemporary Hist 2(3):123–138. https://doi. org/10.1177/002200946700200307 Rürup R (1992) Deutschland im 19. Jahrhundert. 1815–1871. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen Schieder W (ed) (1969) Erster Weltkrieg. Ursachen, Entstehung und Kriegsziele. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Köln Schmidt H (1991) Zerfall und Untergang des alten Reiches (1648– 1806). In: Vogt M (ed) Deutsche Geschichte. Von den Anfängen bis zur Wiedervereinigung, 2nd edn. Metzler, Stuttgart, pp 218–297 Schmidt G (2010) Der Dreißigjährige Krieg. C.H. Beck, München Schmidt G (2018) Die Reiter der Apokalypse. Geschichte des Dreißigjährigen Krieges. C.H. Beck, München Schormann G (1985) Der Dreißigjährige Krieg. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen Schreiber G (2002) Der Zweite Weltkrieg. C.H. Beck, München Schubert W, Schmoekel M (eds) (2005) 200 Jahre Code civil. Die napoleonische Kodifikation in Deutschland und Europa, Rechtsgeschichtliche Schriften, vol 21. Böhlau, Köln Schulz G (1982) Deutschland seit dem Ersten Weltkrieg. 1918–1945. Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, Göttingen Schwarz H-P (2012) Helmut Kohl. Eine politische Biographie. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt DVA, München Sprockhoff E (2019 [1930]) Zur Handelsgeschichte der germanischen Bronzezeit. de Gruyter, Berlin Stern FR (1999) Dreams and delusions. The drama of German history. Yale University Press, New Haven Trautz F (1958) Das Hambacher Fest und der Südwestdeutsche Frühliberalismus. In: Universitäts-Gesellschaft Heidelberg (ed) Heidelberger Jahrbücher, vol 2. Springer, Heidelberg, pp 14–52 Ullrich V (2016) Deutsches Kaiserreich, 1. unveränderter Nachdruck. FISCHER Taschenbuch, Frankfurt am Main Vick BE (2002) Defining Germany. The 1848 Frankfurt parliamentarians and national identity, Harvard historical studies, vol 143. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA Vierhaus R (1984) Deutschland im Zeitalter des Absolutismus, Kleine Vandenhoeck-Reihe, vol 1439. Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, Göttingen Vogt M (1991) Die Weimarer Republik (1918–1933). In: Vogt M (ed) Deutsche Geschichte. Von den Anfängen bis zur Wiedervereinigung. Metzler, Stuttgart, pp 568–645

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49 Winkler HA (2000) Der lange Weg nach Westen. Deutsche Geschichte II, Der lange Weg nach Westen, vol 2. Verlag C.  H. Beck (Vom „Dritten Reich“ bis zur Wiedervereinigung), München Wolters R (2000) Die Römer in Germanien. Beck, München Woyke W (2016) Erster Weltkrieg. In: Woyke W (ed) Weltpolitik im Wandel. Revolutionen, Kriege, Ereignisse … und was man daraus lernen kann. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 61–74 Wulf P (1997) Deutschland nach 1945. In: Vogt M, Behnen M (eds) Deutsche Geschichte. Von den Anfängen bis zur Metzler, Stuttgart, pp 776–887

5

Landscape Developments

Abstract

This chapter turns to the landscape as a “link”. A focus on “landscape developments” makes it possible to associate and conceptualise together physical space and anthropogenic changes – “landscape” thus becomes the framing, the illumination of Germany’s geographies of complexity. This theoretical conceptualisation also enables a specific perspective for the further explanations, following and taking into account the neopragmatic approach. The remarks deal with landscape upheavals perceived within the “threefold landscape change” as outlined by Olaf Kühne. Drawing on Karl Popper’s three-worlds theory, this chapter addresses the processes of change in the physical foundations of landscape (Landscape 1), individual accesses to “landscape” (Landscape 2) and social construction processes of landscape (Landscape 3). First, the authors will briefly introduce this concept (Sect. 5.1); then, they will deal with the genesis of the concept of landscape in the German-­speaking world (Landscape 3; Sect. 5.2), in order to subsequently deal with the developments of the material foundations of landscape (Landscape 1; Sect. 5.3), in each case with references back to the remarks on Landscape 3 as well as the presentation of the historical development of Germany in Chap. 4. Keywords

Landscape develops · Landscape 1 · Landscape 2 · Landscape 3 · Change · Neopragmatic approach

After having worked out the physical framework of Germany and distinctive historical lines of development towards today’s Federal Republic of Germany in the two previous chapters, we now turn to the landscape as a “link”. This chapter, “Landscape Developments”, makes it possible to associate and conceptualise together physical space and anthropogenic changes  – “landscape” thus becomes our

framing, the illumination of Germany’s geographies of complexity. Our theoretical conceptualisation also enables a specific perspective for the further explanations, following and taking into account the neopragmatic approach (according to Sect. 2.3). Landscape is change. This concerns not only the material dimension but also the dimension of social conventions for interpreting and evaluating landscape, as well as individual approaches. Currently, the challenges are very great: climate change, the energy transition, suburbanisation and reurbanisation processes, the expansion of infrastructures, etc. manifest themselves in physical space (among many: Aschenbrand and Grebe 2018; Gailing 2013; Pasqualetti 2001; Schweiger et al. 2018; Weber et al. 2018). At the same time, social and cultural pluralisations do not only mean the physical manifestation of different spatial demands but also their further differentiation (see, for instance, Bruns and Kühne 2015a, b; Bruns and Münderlein 2017; Drexler 2010). The development of new media also contributes to the current pluralisation of landscape constructions (e.g. Edler et  al. 2019a, b; Jenal 2019b; Kühne and Weber 2015). At the same time, “landscape” is a symbol of the familiarity of one’s living environment (on this, Costadura and Ries 2016; Gebhard et al. 2007a; Hülz et al. 2019; Kühne and Spellerberg 2010). The following remarks deal with landscape upheavals perceived within the “threefold landscape change” as outlined by Kühne (2018a, 2019a, f, 2020) in several publications (cf. also Weber 2020). Drawing on Karl Popper’s three-worlds theory, this paper addresses the processes of change in the physical foundations of landscape (Landscape 1), individual accesses to “landscape” (Landscape 2) and social construction processes of landscape (Landscape 3). First, we will briefly introduce this concept (Sect. 5.1); then, we will deal with the genesis of the understanding of landscape in the German-speaking area (Landscape 3; Sect. 5.2), in order to subsequently deal with the developments of the material foundations of landscape (Landscape 1; Sect. 5.3), in each case with references back to the remarks on

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 O. Kühne, F. Weber, Germany, World Regional Geography Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4_5

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Landscape 3 as well as the presentation of the historical development of Germany in Chap. 4.

5  Landscape Developments

ness can draw on a material body (which in turn is also part of “World 1”). “Landscape 1” is increasingly the result of human action – in the sense of Max Weber (1976 [1922]) as external or internal doing, of omitting or tolerating, with 5.1 Reflections on the Concept which the agent associates a meaning – thus always interwoven with “Landscapes 2 and 3”. “Landscape 2” also affects of Landscape “Landscape 3”. Alternative interpretations, evaluations and “Landscape” can be divided analytically into three levels: the ideas are formulated and possibly socially anchored (for this level of material objects (to be introduced here as Landscape in general with regard to the relationship between individual 1); the level of individual ideas, interpretations and evalua- and society: Dahrendorf 1979). The “Landscapes 1, 2 and 3” tions (as Landscape 2); and the level of social constructions are not characterised by change alone but are constitutively of landscape (Landscape 3). This division follows Karl dependent on change: World 2 alone, with which Landscape Popper’s (1973) three-worlds theory. According to Popper, 1 and even more so 3 are in feedback with, is always process-­ “World 1” includes the world of living and non-living bod- oriented in its engagement with landscape: thoughts are proies; “World 2” includes the contents of consciousness, indi- cesses. A change extensively discussed since the beginning vidual thoughts and feelings; and “World 3” includes “all of landscape research concerns “Landscape 1”. planned or intended products of human mental activity” The focus of landscape research so far has been on the (Popper 2019 [1987], p.  17; emphasis in original). This material foundations of landscape, produced via natural includes such things as mathematical theorems, widely events (such as floods, volcanic eruptions, droughts) and shared understandings of landscape and even the three-­ social changes (Landscape 1). In recent decades, the proworlds theory itself. The three worlds are interconnected and cesses of change as well as the differentiation of “Landscape interact with each other. In some cases, objects are part of 3” have become the focus of interest; this happened often in several worlds, such as a fence, which as a material object is connection with the processes of change of “Landscape 1” part of “World 1”, but as a product of human culture is also (Küster 2009, 2013 [1995]; Poschlod 2017). “Landscape 2” part of “World 3”. Depending on the analytical context, one is also subject to significant change: for example, individual or the other is then brought into focus. With this three-worlds “landscape biography” (Jenal et  al. 2019; Kühne and theory, Popper strove to create an alternative to the material- Schönwald 2015; Weber and Sautter 2018 [2020 published]) ist worldview (which recognises only “World 1” as real), the is strongly influenced by cultural aspects of “Landscape 3” immaterialist worldview (which recognises only “World 2”) (Bruns and Kühne 2015b; Drexler 2013; Kost 2013; and the dualist worldview (which recognises “Worlds 1 and Makhzoumi 2015; Ueda 2013). The influence upon 2” as real; Popper 1973; Popper 2019 [1987]). He extended Landscape 2 by Landscape 3 takes place largely through the dualistic worldview to include “World 3”, “that is, the educational institutions that engage in a very systematic world that anthropologists call ‘culture’” (Popper 2019 transmission of concepts  – in this case, landscape-related [1987], p. 18). understandings – as in geography, German and art classes, Landscapes 1 and 2, as well as 2 and 3, are involved in but also, less systematically, through videos, illustrated intensive feedback relationships: individual ideas and feel- books, music, feature films, etc. (Kook 2008; Kühne 2008c). ings of and about “landscape” are only partly grounded in “Landscape 2”, however, is also characterised by the indione’s own direct experiences of “Landscape 1”, yet are in vidual appropriation of “Landscape 1”, especially in the substantial parts the object of socialisation of landscape-­ form of the “native normal landscape” (Kühne 2008b; on the related social ideas, interpretations and evaluations (see topic of homeland, see also Textbox 5.1). Here, initial landamong many: Greider and Garkovich 1994; Kühne 2008b, scape experiences are gathered, thereby forming the founda2019b; Nissen 1998; Stotten 2013). “Landscape 3” also tion for an individual “landscape biography” as the product affects “Landscape 1” – mediated by “Landscape 2”: people of different interactions with diverse “Landscapes 1”, and manifest their ideas of spatial arrangements into physical subsequent changes in residence, travel and experiences in spaces, placing, shaping and removing animate and inani- the virtual world, etc. (Edler et al. 2018, 2019a, b; for more mate material objects (borrowings from Löw (2010) are evi- details on the different feedbacks between landscapes: dent here). Mediation through “Landscape 2” is imperative. Kühne 2018a). The “world of culture” cannot inscribe itself directly into Already in this brief characterisation of the concept of physical spaces; rather, it requires the mediation of individ- “threefold change”, the close theoretical link to the “neoual contents of “Landscape 2”. Only individual conscious- pragmatic theory of regional geographies”, which forms the

5.2  “Landscape 3”: The Historical Development of the Concept of “Landscape” in Germany

Textbox 5.1: “Heimat” – A Specific Concept in German

Textbox 5.1 (continued)

The word Heimat can be traced back to the Old High German heimôte/heimôti, wherein initially a theological meaning was linked to the longing for the kingdom of heaven. A secular transformation of the conceptual content followed in the twelfth century (Kühne 2011a), when, among other things, reference was made to the home, but also, for example, to family and trust. This resulted in the direct living environment being associated with home (Costadura and Ries 2016) – but not in an emotionalizing way as a positively associated retreat but as a hard reality. Only in the course of Romanticism did the conceptual content change to an emotionally oriented and sentimental connotation (Costadura and Ries 2016; Kühne and Franke 2010; Weber et al. 2019). Painting and literature had an almost inspiring effect in spreading romanticising images of homeland. At the same time, a connection between Heimat and landscape became entrenched, in part because Heimat was depicted in landscape terms as art (Spanier 2005). Architecturally, the concept of Heimat was used “in the design of housing for workers and lower-class people and in the construction of workers’ settlements” from the mid-nineteenth century onwards (Führ 1985, p. 12). Then, around 1900, a new boom in the use of the term occurred with the emerging Heimat movement, which positioned itself against industrialisation and industrial modernism and outlined an idyllic living environment (Costadura and Ries 2016). As it progressed, the twentieth century brought with it intensifying ideologisation and instrumentalisation. With the First World War, Heimat was staged as threatened, and in the interwar period, it was then associated with the Fatherland and one’s own nation, which formed the breeding ground for its appropriation by National Socialism (Gebhard et  al. 2007b; Huber 1999; Kühne and Spellerberg 2010). In parallel, a Heimat in exile developed through flight and expulsion (Streim 2016), or Heimat was brutally destroyed in concentration camps, as Hüppauf (2007) notes. Thus, it need not be surprising that a discontinuity occurred in the postwar period. Heimat was depoliticised, among other things, with transfiguring films and songs (Bätzing 2005; Kaschuba 1990; Ludewig 2011). At the same time, however, in connection with the treatment of the displaced from their homeland, the term did not remain purely apolitical (Findeisen 2016; Kossert 2008). With the emerging environmental movement in the 1970s, Heimat became an emotionalised globalisation counter-concept (Hauser and Kamleithner 2006). After reunification, the concept became more popular again, especially in connection

with certain stereotypes and a renewed instrumentalisation by right-wing groups (Franke 2019; Ludewig 2019; Marg 2019; see also Textbox 7.1). In the twentyfirst century, “Heimat” is thus polyvalent (for further details, see Hülz et al. 2019). Competing concepts of home manifest themselves (Costadura and Ries 2016), whereby “Heimat” has become an anchor of stability and identification as a highly connectable concept with the living environment. It is associated with identity and a sense of well-­being as well as with landscape and place references and with possibilities of exclusion and marginalisation, which means that it is actively used as a counterpoint to insecurity and globalisation (Berr et al. 2019).

(continued)

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theoretical basis of our book, becomes clear: both the different dimensions and the connections between them cannot be treated exhaustively from only one scientific theoretical perspective. In this chapter, we focus on Landscape 1 and Landscape 3 in Germany, as a regional geography being less concerned with individual perspectives and influences (even if these are addressed in individual cases), but more so with the material manifestations and social constructions, aware of how clearly these two dimensions depend on the individual dimension of landscape (for a neopragmatic regional geographic research dedicated to all three dimensions and their linkages, see Kühne and Jenal 2020). In what follows, we turn to the genesis of Landscape 3 before addressing the genesis of Landscape 1.

5.2

“Landscape 3”: The Historical Development of the Concept of “Landscape” in Germany

The development of the concept of landscape in the German-­ speaking regions took place over more than a millennium. As a result of its evolution with shifts in meaning, extensions of meaning and reinterpretations, the concept of landscape has developed a large “semantic yard” (Hard 1969, p.  10) of “associations, emotions, evocations” (Hard 1969, p. 10), and these have been the subject of numerous publications (in German: Berr and Schenk 2019; Eisel 1980; Kirchhoff and Trepl 2009; Kühne 2018c; Müller 1977; Piepmeier 1980; Schenk 2013, 2017; currently in English: Berr and Kühne 2020), so in what follows we focus on outlining key lines of development. In the Germanic languages, the word “landscape” belongs to the verbal abstracts *skapi-, *skapja- and *skafti- derived from -skapjan (schaften). These abstracts included the mean-

54

ings of shape, form, nature, condition and manner (Müller 1977). The word “landscape” can already be traced back to the ninth century as landscaf(t), initially denoting a “regio/ area” (Schmithüsen 1973, p.  167), the “shape of a space” (Claßen 2016, p. 32), the “quality of a larger settlement area” (Müller 1977, p. 6) or a “dominion” (Ipsen 2006, p. 73). A spatial orientation was thus present from the beginning. However, “landscape” was neither “looked at” or “seen” nor associated with “nature”. “Territorial, ethno-social and legal-­ political dimensions dominated” (Schenk 2013, p. 24f.; also Kühne 2015a, p. 44). An aesthetic consideration of a “section of space” – and thus attributions such as “beautiful” or “ugly” – only emerged when painting increasingly introduced “landscape” as a technical term “into painting for the depiction of a section of nature” in the fifteenth century (Kühne 2006, p.  51; also Schenk 2001, p.  618). Landscape became “‘aesthetical nature’” (Haber 2001, p. 7). In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, “landscape painting” developed into “one of the main genres of painting” (Schenk 2013, p. 26) and thus into a genre of its own (Jessel 2000). At the same time, the political implications of the term “landscape” faded away (Schenk 2013, p. 26). With such an aesthetic understanding of landscape, the German concept of landscape was Europeanised; after all, this aesthetic construction was a European phenomenon (see, e.g. Berr and Kühne 2020; Büttner 2006; Cosgrove 1985; Kühne 2019c). In the course of Romanticism and its landscape painting and literature, there was a further aestheticisation and mystification of landscape, with which it was increasingly “acquired to see nature as landscape” (Hard 2002, p.  177; also Hammerschmidt and Wilke 1990) and to understand “landscape” and “nature” as a reflection and as projection screens of mental processes (Kremer and Kilcher 2015). “Landscape” henceforth increasingly became a term associated with “beautiful natural space” as well as of symbolic connotations and entered everyday language (Haber 2001; Hard 2002; Schenk 2001, 2013). There is an active strong connection to the already-established associations and connotations of “landscape” as “the natural”, the “original” and “unchanging” that persists to this day (Schwarze 1996, p. 426). The concept of “cultural landscape”, as introduced in the mid-nineteenth century by Wilhelm Riehl, a folklorist and social theorist, harkens to this romantic notion of an inextricable link between people and landscape (in the link to Heimat also Textbox 5.1). Particular importance is attached to the “German forest” (Textbox 5.2); Kühne 2008c; on this also Körner and Eisel 2006; Lekan and Zeller 2005). Romanticism also implies a scepticism towards technical changes of Landscape 1. Landscape was and is considered a stronghold of stability, of resistance to change (Burckhardt 2006c). Thus, there is currently a discussion about the extent to which wind turbines run counter to “scenic” visual expec-

5  Landscape Developments

tations or can also be seen as part of a “beautiful landscape” (Weber et  al. 2017). The often-unquestioned dichotomisation of city and country or landscape is also laid out in that time, because to see landscape in non-rural contexts is still a challenge today. Landscape 1, which defies this perceptual expectation, vexes the “established” view of “landscape” to this day (Hofmeister and Kühne 2016b). Concepts of “urban landscapes” (Burckhardt 2006a, p.  114; on this also Hofmeister and Kühne 2016a; Weber 2019), “in-between cities” (Sieverts 1998 [1997], “modular landscape” (Ipsen 2006) and “urban rural hybrids” (Kühne 2012; Kühne et al. 2017; Weber 2017; Weber and Kühne 2020) are not shared by all. Nevertheless, in the context of the de-industrialisation of society, an increasingly positive association of emotional and aesthetic devotion to the monuments of heavy industry, such as ironworks or surface mining facilities, is developing. Here, the longing for stability and predictability of industrial society is evident, a longing that was true of agrarian society during industrialisation (Jenal 2019a; Kühne 2007b, 2018b; Schönwald 2015). Even if the objects of romanticisation fundamentally change, the pattern remains. In addition to certain clearly anchored patterns of attribution and interpretation, the meaning of “Landscape 3” is thus quite changeable and generates feedback into the develop-

Textbox 5.2: The Mythologisation of the “German Forest”

The social construction of the forest in the German-­ speaking world has been extremely changeable. In the world of Grimm’s fairy tales, the forest was still described as a dangerous place inhabited by dark creatures. At best, the forest served the local population for timber production, but was otherwise populated by people with deviant behaviour (witches, robbers). During the Romantic period, painters and poets enhanced the aesthetic and emotional value of the forest in such a way that is still valid today. Thus, the forest experienced a new connotation as a place of longing. Here, in the forest, the sentient subject sought harmony between man and the cosmos, far from any civilisation. Here, however, it could also experience the conflicting currents of the human soul (Allmann 1989; Jenal 2019b; Kühne 2014; Urmersbach 2009). The “German forest” advanced to become a political symbol of national unity in the course of nation-­ building, even before the founding of the German Empire in 1871. The German founding myth is also a forest myth: the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest. However, while the US founding myth, the frontier myth, focuses on pushing back the forest (the wilder(continued)

5.3  “Landscape 1”: The Historical Development of the Physical Foundations of Landscape

Textbox 5.2 (continued)

ness), the German founding myth aims at an almost symbiotic relationship of the Germans with the forest (Holzner 1996; Kühne 2012; Lehmann 1999, 2004; Schneider-Sliwa 2005; Urmersbach 2009). During the Nazi period, the “German” forest was instrumentalised as an ideological metaphor for the German people before it again became a symbol of the (depoliticised) Heimat (especially present in Heimat films of the 1950s; Kühne and Spellerberg 2010). A particular challenge for German self-description arose in the 1980s, when two German myths entered into a conflictual relationship with the “dying of the forest”: “German industry”, which brought not only prosperity but also prestige in the world, damaged the “German forest”. The settlement of the conflict again followed the logic of technology – desulphurisation and denitrification processes lowered the pH values of precipitation (Detten 2013; Köstlin 2000; Metzger 2015; Schäfer and Metzger 2009; Zierhofer 1998). Today, forests again face a complex field of conflicts between different interests that are not infrequently antagonistic to each other: climate protection (Sect. 7.2) versus timber industry (which in turn claims to contribute to climate protection), recreation versus nature conservation and need for rest versus sporting activities (Hunziker et al. 2011; Jenal and Schönwald 2019).

ments of Landscape 1. The latter will now be examined more closely in the following.

Fig. 5.1  Estimated changes in the area shares of the five main ecosystem types of Central European physical spaces since the end of the last ice age. (Own representation, first published in Kühne 2008a, after: Haber 1991 and Job 1999)

5.3

55

“Landscape 1”: The Historical Development of the Physical Foundations of Landscape

As in many parts of the world, Central Europe has been increasingly influenced by human activity since mankind arrived (Fig.  5.1). Even before the Neolithic Revolution, hunter-gatherers intervened in local and regional animal and plant populations. With the non-nomadic settlements of man, largely homogeneous forest areas were replaced by the spatial structure of arable land and pasture in favourable locations (especially a level location, rock-free subsoil, available water, combined with a temperate climate – Sect. 3.3). Forest areas represented a special benevolence for settlement. The transition to agriculture made it possible to make life more predictable; the supply of food was more continuous than by gathering and hunting, which made it possible to feed more people (cf. Glaser et al. 2007; Job 1999; Küster 2009; Schenk 2011; Poschlod 2017). As outlined in Sect. 4.1, the Romans conquered parts of what is now Germany and clearly influenced intensively the physical space. Pre-Roman farming patterns (field-forest rotation, partly with settlement change) were suppressed; the region was imprinted with the Roman agricultural and settlement system, formed by a network of stand-alone farms (villae rusticae) and vici, small stopover towns and rural towns. The cities of the Roman Empire were connected by a well-­ developed road system. This served military purposes in addition to transporting goods from city to city and accessing the hinterland (Schenk 2011; Schreg and Schenk 2008; Wightman 1970). The decline of the Roman Empire also meant a rapid decrease in population combined with deconstruction and partial abandonment of cities, an abandoning of the maintenance of Roman infrastructure and extensifica-

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5  Landscape Developments

Fig. 5.2  The development of population size in the context of related historical events in Central Europe, understood as the German-speaking area today. (Own representation modified after: Schenk 2011)

tion of agriculture  – and resultingly, agricultural land fell victim to reforestation (Ennen 1987; Schenk 2011; Schönberger 1975; Schreg and Schenk 2008; Fig. 5.2). With the rise of the Merovingian Empire (from the early fifth century to the middle of the eighth century), the reorganisation of Central Europe was advanced, also starting from vestiges of former Roman urban centres. A contribution to this was made by the eastward spread of Christianity by monks, whose settlement took place where “they hoped for safety from unstable settlers” (Küster 1999, p. 168), that is, especially on islands and hilltops. Consequently, this meant a proliferation of monasteries. Castles were built as centres of secular power, visible from afar: “For centuries, the view from the castle was a distrustful lookout or a commanding view of power” (Warnke 1992, p.  47; cf. also Schreg and Schenk 2008). The expansion of long-distance trade gave

rise to a new type of settlement in northern Europe and northern Central Europe, based on ecclesiastical or secular centres of power: Viking places. Merchants expected protection as well as business here. Sometimes permanent and multifunctional settlements developed from these Viking places (such as Braunschweig and Wyk auf Föhr; cf. Ennen 1987). Thereby, “economic, state and ecclesiastical forces [...] all aimed at making Central Europe a land of stationary settlements, because only a stationary settlement was predictable in a state and economic system” (Küster 1999, p. 172). During the settlement expansion of the early and high Middle Ages, the forest area of Central Europe was again reduced by clearings and reached about one-third of the inventory compared to the status before the expansion of the settlements (Kral 1992). Along with the expansion of cultivated areas, there was also an intensification of agricultural

5.3  “Landscape 1”: The Historical Development of the Physical Foundations of Landscape

use: as early as the seventh century  – especially on the “Herrenland” (to be translated approximately with “Manor or estate grounds”)  – field-grass rotation farming was increasingly displaced by three-field farming. Contrarily, on the land of the “Hintersassen” (“landlord-dependent peasant”), which was cultivated by small farmers themselves, the field-grass rotation agriculture remained for the time being as the predominant form of land use (cf. Henning 1994). Three-field farming made four instead of three grain harvests possible within a 6-year cycle. It was associated with the subdivision of arable land into uniformly used areas of the field, then called “Gewanne” (Poschlod 2017). The intensification of land cultivation was also associated with technical innovations, such as the clod-turning plow with wheels, iron coulter and plow blade, the frame harrow, the increased use of horseshoes and the construction of water and windmills. As a result, agriculture was able to produce not only for its own needs (subsistence farming) but also for a (regional) market, thus ensuring food for a growing urban population in cities (Schenk 2011). The strict separation of town and country in almost all areas of life in the High Middle Ages found its symbolic expression in the town wall. In addition to the city’s defensibility, it also emphasised its legal separation from the countryside. The free citizens of the city enjoyed rights of self-government and freedom (Blackbourn 2007; Ennen 1987), but at the same time, they were subject to special constraints, such as the guilds. Large parts of the rural population were subject to a personal power of discretion held by their feudal lord. The separation of town and country in the Middle Ages also had an economic dimension. While the rural population was oriented towards a peasant economy, urban economies were dominated by craftsmen and merchants (Weber 1976 [1922]).1 Thus, although an increasingly differentiated system of interdependence developed (Küster 1999), cities assumed a leading role economically (and ultimately culturally). Because of the great dependence of medieval cities in Central Europe, they remained dependent on regional food supplies, which limited their number and size. Long-distance transports of bulk goods, such as grain, were limited and only possible in the vicinity of flowing waters; with a few exceptions, a developed network of long-distance routes, as in Roman times, did not exist (and here no bulk goods were traded; an example is the Hellweg, which led from the mouth of the Ruhr to the Weser and Elbe rivers and was of great importance – especially in Westphalia). Whereas This categorisation of urban citizen and peasant was supplemented by the agrarian citizen (farmers). Hauser and Kamleithner (2006) also refer to the special situation of the medieval suburbia in the context of the often complex relationship between town and countryside in the Middle Ages: as a rule, they were neither a full-fledged part of the town nor of the countryside, but quite a separate legal sphere that could, for example, also be subject to a monastery.

1 

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the transport of one ton of load per kilometre on hard roads required the use of about 4 kg of grain, this requirement was reduced to 1  kg for transport on rivers and canals, and to 0.4  kg by sea (Sieferle 2004). One way of circumventing these restrictions was the “identity of transport goods and transport medium” (Winiwarter and Knoll 2007, p. 220), for example, in driving herds of cattle “sometimes over several hundred kilometers, as was common in the European ox trade, and rafting logs” (Winiwarter and Knoll 2007, p. 220). Another expression of the efficient use of resources, especially energy (whether for heating or in the form of food) and time, is the multifunctionality of buildings. Similarly, the inhabitants expressed this: “The citizens, in addition to their crafts, were also city soldiers, councilors, church leaders, the buildings always belonged to at least two spheres, but usually to several” (Sieverts 2004, p. 86). In terms of settlement history, the High Middle Ages were followed by the Late Middle Ages – especially for rural settlements  – an “age of crises” (Schreg and Schenk 2008, p. 198). Between the mid-fourteenth and mid-sixteenth centuries, numerous settlements were partially or even completely abandoned (for historical development processes, see also Sects. 4.2 and 4.3). These reasons for the late medieval deserted settlements, which are referred to as villa desolata or wustunge, are manifold and are still the subject of various competing theories (Poschlod 2017; Schenk 2011; Schreg and Schenk 2008; Fig. 5.3): • According to the war or feud theory, it is assumed that the population, worn down by the numerous wars, migrated to other areas. • The Fehlsiedlungstheorie (about “mis-settlement theory”) theory assumes a withdrawal of settlements from the unfavourable locations of the high medieval land development. • According to the agglomeration theory, the rural population migrated to the cities because of their greater attractiveness. • The climate theory assumes that climatic changes in the fourteenth century during a preliminary phase of the Little Ice Age (sixteenth to eighteenth centuries), associated with lower air temperatures but at the same time higher precipitation, led to crop declines and thus to hunger and population declines. Partially congruent with this is the following theory. • The population decline theory states that the population declined regionally by up to one-third resulting from ­famines (especially after 1309) and plague migrations (after 1349). • According to the agrarian crisis theory, the prices of commercial goods increased compared to agricultural products, which accelerated the migration of peasants to the cities.

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5  Landscape Developments

Fig. 5.3  Deserted sites using the example of the Bliesgau region in southern Saarland. (Own representation after: Quasten 2006)

Radkau and Schäfer (1987) refer to the period before industrialisation as the “Wooden Age”. Here, the use of wood was not limited to its fuel content for heating buildings and producing glass and metals. Wood was used for building construction, mechanical engineering and shipbuilding. The results were regional overexploitation and degradation of the forest, i.e. Landscape 1, especially in regions with high exploitation pressure, e.g. from ore smelting (Küster 2009; Schenk 2011). After the deforestation and reforestation period of the Late Middle Ages, as the population grew (apart from the incursion of the Thirty Years’ War), by the eighteenth century “the proportion of forest in most German landscapes fell to an all-time low” (Küster 1999, p. 233). In addition to the use of wood, the “Wooden Age” was also characterised by the use of renewable energy sources with low energy density (water power, wind power, muscle power): in windy areas (i.e. especially near the coast), windmills were widespread; in the mountains mainly water power was used for the operation of forges and mills. Ponds and ditch systems regulated water power. In accordance with the

great dependence on regional renewable energy sources, regional societies were strongly dependent on natural variability (especially weather). Increasing pressure on the use of agricultural land caused by rising population numbers affected the remaining forests, beyond the use of wood: forest grazing and the removal of litter and sod limited the regenerative capacity of forests (cf. Radkau and Schäfer 1987; Urmersbach 2009). Thus, energy demand in Central Europe approached the limit of its carrying capacity (Fig.  5.4). The dependence on regional renewable energy sources has been replaced by the increasing use of fossil fuels, which, although initially associated with an increase in carrying capacity, has also brought unintended side effects in the form of interference with the local to global environment. The development of new weaponry notably changed the shape of early modern cities in Germany. Cannons made city walls largely obsolete, and the focus of defence efforts was no longer on the individual city but on the developing (absolutist) states (Warnke 1992). The systematic construction of

5.3  “Landscape 1”: The Historical Development of the Physical Foundations of Landscape

59

Fig. 5.4  Energy consumption and societal development in Western and Central Europe. (Slightly modified after: Schenk 2005)

fortifications to protect the now precisely surveyed borders of the states followed from this. France, especially, secured its borders by building and expanding fortified cities, such as Saarlouis, now in Germany (Dorfs 1972). With the eighteenth century, the principles of the Enlightenment began to have an impact on the domestication of physical space: “regularity, proportion, order” (Hauser and Kamleithner 2006, p. 105) became guiding ideas, most of which were inscribed in new city foundations such as Karlsruhe in Baden (semicircular) and Mannheim (chessboard-­shaped). Rural areas of Landscape 1 were also overbuilt in accordance with the ideas of the Enlightenment. Traditional three-field farming was replaced by improved three-field farming (in which fallow land was replaced by arable crops, mostly potatoes, red clover or turnips). Improved three-field agriculture in turn gave way to crop rotation agriculture with its numerous crop rotation variants (Kühbauch 1993; Poschlod 2017). This second agricultural revolution between the mid-eighteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries was associated with mitigation measures (such as draining wetlands) in rural areas. The previously diverse Landscape 1 was thus subjected to standardisation processes: former differences in location were levelled through the systematised selection of seeds, fertilisation, irrigation and drainage, abolition of the commons (i.e. a jointly cultivated portion of agricultural land away from parcelled land), the introduction of new crops and especially their wider distribution (beets, clover, rapeseed, potatoes) and others levelled (e.g. Beck 1996; Gudermann 2005; Häcker 1998; Job 1999; Konold 1996; Poschlod 2017). Melioration measures served several purposes:

• The nutrition of a growing population. • Associated with this: the increase in tax revenues of the state (Abel 1967). • Furthermore, the draining of marshes served to eliminate the “dark hiding places where deserters hid. Swamps and marshes were no longer to impede the advance of the king’s [here Frederick the Great’s; authors’ note] well-­ drilled army” (Blackbourn 2007, p. 57). The extension or construction of roads or “Chausseen” (artificially raised, gravel or crushed stone structure) also served, in addition to the exchange of goods, the handling of “military transactions” (Warnke 1992, p.  17). In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, these paved roads were “the paths that had been laid out on reclaimed land, and the milestones at their sides visible symbols of the order that had taken hold here” (Blackbourn 2007, p. 57). Mitigation measures, measures to expand technical infrastructure, but also the mapping of terrain, among other things, required the development of a mature bureaucratic apparatus, with which, however, “the petty lords [were] often just as overwhelmed as they were with the establishment of military power and courtly or aristocratic representation” (Weber 2008, p. 220f.). An example of the belief in the state-supported domestication of space and its dependence on effective state administration is the straightening of the Upper Rhine: only when “the upheavals of the French Revolution had destroyed the Holy Roman Empire and the political map of Germany had been redrawn” (Blackbourn 2007, p. 103) could this project be implemented. With the goals of improving flood control, making the river more navigable and reducing malaria, the

60

length of the Rhine between Basel and Worms was shortened from 345 to 273 kilometres, with significant ecological and economic side effects, such as increased riverbed erosion, lowering of the water table, fundamental alteration of ecosystems, reduction of gold resources (after all, the straightening prevented the relocation of sandbars where gold grains settled), etc. These fundamental changes in the physical foundations of landscape were  – as shown in the previous Sect. 5.2 – an essential basis for the development of romantic landscape conceptions involving a pre-modern Landscape 1. Whereby this was (and is) more likely aesthetically motivated and morally charged than strictly oriented to historical conditions, as Krysmanski (1996, p. 236) clarifies: “Even the typical Schleswig-Holstein Knicklandschaft (bent or buckled landscape), which today is considered a ‘consummately beautiful’ landscape, was imposed by force in the 18th century by the Danish king of the time in order to intensify livestock farming”. The modernisation of society brought about a successive abolition of specific regional legal provisions at different speeds in the German states, in Prussia, for example, through Stein’s Städteordnung of 1808 (City Ordinance). This process was completed with the Weimar Constitution of 1918 (cf. Krabbe 1989). The modernisation of the economy was supported by civic reforms, which were introduced in Prussia, for example, from the first decade of the nineteenth century: freedom of trade and private land ownership, as well as a free choice of location for fabric businesses. In combination “with trade tax, voting rights and a municipal constitution”, the economic basis thus created formed the basis for “independent urban development” (Brake 2001, p.  15; see also Boesler 1990) and provided conditions for rapid urban growth, especially in the second half of the nineteenth century (Brake et al. 2005). The modernisation of society, however, was associated with social side effects: for example, agricultural liberalisations at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries unleashed cheap and propertyless labour (Rodenstein 1974). A process that Karl Marx (1957 [1867]) described as a double liberation, the former peasant became free from feudal or authoritative coercion as a wage labourer, but he was also free from the soil as a means of subsistence. The resulting migration to the cities meant a sharp increase in population (Bernhardt 2001; see Fig. 5.2). Poverty-driven immigration, in turn, exacerbated social, political and environmental problems in cities. It encountered cities whose professional administration was only in the process of being established (which also affected the police) and which lacked systems supplying freshwater and sewage disposal systems. Thus, the great “cholera epidemics [-] are to be seen in this context, as are conflicts over competing inner-city land use interests (housing developments versus settlement of the emerging but often emission intensive industrial enterprises)” (Winiwarter and Knoll 2007, p. 191; see also Ipsen and Wehrle 1995).

5  Landscape Developments

The seemingly unlimited availability of cheap coal as a fuel meant that experiences of scarcity providing energy receded into the background: “The catchword ‘Holznot’ (wood shortage) as an expression of the permanent experience of scarcity found no equivalent in the vocabulary of the industrial age” (Uekötter 2007, p.  15). Forest stands in Central Europe regenerated, partly because throughout the agricultural revolution “the forest [...] was no longer needed for fattening and grazing” (Urmersbach 2009, p.  31; cf. Blackbourn 2007; Küster 1998; Radkau 2005). The process of shifting the extraction of energy (except for food production) below the earth’s surface meant that  – according to Freyer (1996, p. 81) – “the industrial production process [...] detaches itself from the landscape, with each technical advance its attachment to it becomes looser, its self-­ importance greater, up to the limit that landscape becomes a mere footprint area that can be freely chosen according to purely industrial considerations”. The transition from a wood-based to a coal-based economy meant a successive differentiation and centralisation of the economy: the smelting of metals, especially iron, which also experienced a surge in demand due to the expansion of the railroad, was shifted to coal deposits because of transport cost considerations. As a result, the decentralised smelting of ores in rural areas using charcoal was discontinued. With such a concentration of industrial economic activity, the transportation infrastructure changed: new major transportation routes emerged between significant mining sites and significant receiving sites, whether by water, i.e. the high seas, rivers or canals, or by land, i.e. railroads (Winiwarter and Knoll 2007). The major industrial districts of Upper Silesia (now Poland), the Ruhr region (see Sect. 8.1) and the Saar region (see Sect. 8.2) emerged alongside the coal production sites. Working hours were long, wages were low, and a public transportation system was still under development, which is why workers’ housing was usually located in the immediate vicinity of the industrial plants and was characterised by very dense occupancy (Reulecke 1985; Schrul 2008). Especially in the emerging industrial cities, there was  – in comparison with old wealthy upper-class cities such as Berlin – a lack of a well-funded bourgeoisie to build a sufficient number of tenements, which is why “large-scale ­entrepreneurs increasingly [began] to independently regulate the housing of the workforce, which was important for the functioning of production, from the second half of the 19th century onward” (Reulecke 1985, p. 45). Local administrative authorities were also “unable and unwilling to control the consequences of mass immigration through guidance and planning” (Reulecke 1985, p. 45), resulting in social infrastructure facilities (such as hospitals, schools and even churches and cemeteries) being built and operated by heavy industrialists. Structures emerged that were characterised by an almost symbiotic relationship between industry and community (Kühne 2008b; Fig. 5.5). The “incapacity for urban

5.3  “Landscape 1”: The Historical Development of the Physical Foundations of Landscape

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Fig. 5.5  An example of the symbiosis of industry and settlement: Neunkirchen/Saar. (Postcard from the turn of the nineteenth/twentieth century; personal collection of Delf Slotta)

development” (Reulecke 1981, p. 13) of the emerging industrial settlements was expressed, on the one hand, in their built structure, which was characterised by urban architecture only in exceptional cases, and, on the other hand, in the attachment of their inhabitants to rural-smallholder lifestyles, which was documented in the maintenance of home gardens or allotments and the keeping of a “miner’s cow” (i.e. a goat) in the miners’ settlements, or in the return to the rural areas of origin after retirement. This can be characterised as the “incomplete urbanisation of the labor force” (Häußermann 1984, p. 124). As the urban population grew, the spatial segmentation increased in the second half of the nineteenth century: this social segregation “affected primarily the residential sphere and became visible in the formation of different residential quarters and neighborhoods. On the one hand, working-class neighborhoods emerged, which were dominated by dense, multi-story buildings and even tenements” (Schrul 2008, p.  62). On the other hand, variously differentiated middle-class residential districts were developed, which were “characterised by loosened development (above all open perimeter block development) in the country house and villa style” (Schrul 2008, p. 62). The ecological burden upon industrial areas was considerable in the second half of the nineteenth century: in Essen, Duisburg, Bochum and Dortmund, 100–130 people per

100,000 inhabitants died of bronchial diseases every year between 1875 and 1879, whereas in the urban communities of the then Rhine Province, only 32–36 people died, and in rural communities only 7–9 people (Spelsberg 1988). In the last decades of the nineteenth century, technical innovations were developed that also contributed to the improvement of hygienic conditions in cities (Bertels 1997; Krabbe 1989; Kühne 2011b; Schott 2008; Uekötter 2007; Winiwarter and Knoll 2007): • Freshwater was increasingly obtained from outside the cities, making the city independent of its local groundwater resources. Wastewater was transported away with the help of the alluvial sewer system and no longer disposed of in the streets. • The discharge of faeces via alluvial sewage systems into streams (instead of the formerly common collection and use as fertiliser) meant – in connection with the increasing amount of industrial wastewater produced by industrialisation – an increased ecological burden on rivers until the construction of effective wastewater treatment plants. • The organisation of a municipal waste disposal system relieved individual households of the obligation to dispose of waste as their own responsibility, allowing them to be systematically removed from the city.

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• The conversion of street lighting from gas to electrical reduced the complexity of the supply line, lowered its accident proneness and led to an ever-increasing illumination of the city at night. The construction of these urban technical systems is often asynchronous: “For example, after the commissioning of the first waterworks in Berlin in 1856, many private households were supplied with tap water, which enabled the operation of a modern water closet. However, in the absence of an underground sewer system, these then often still drained into the gutters of the streets” (Winiwarter and Knoll 2007, p. 139). The accelerated industrialisation of Germany in the second half of the nineteenth century was in turn coupled with a productivity boost in agriculture: scientific findings in the second half of the nineteenth century, in particular Justus von Liebig’s mineral theory, made it possible to intensify agriculture. The agrochemical, large-scale production of nitrogen fertilisers, but also advances in agricultural technology (e.g. the self-cleaning steel plow invented by John Deere in 1837) such as the yield-increasing breeding of plants and animals, produced a significant increase in agricultural production (see Seidl 2006). This in turn made agriculture dependent on industrial production. The physical foundations of landscape in Landscape 1 in Germany experienced a further surge of change with the implementation of the Fordist methodology of productivity and profitability, which took hold in Germany with strong regional variation from the mid-1920s through the 1950s and, as in most parts of the industrialised countries of the time, entered a crisis in the 1970s (Aglietta 1976; Hirsch and Roth 1986; Ipsen 1992, 2006; Lipietz 1991; Moulaert and Swyngedouw 1989). Fordist modernity can be characterised as a “radical conversion of efficiency standards and consumption patterns” (Ipsen 2006, p.  81). The occurrence of this Fordist system took place in Germany under specific conditions: the reparations after the world wars (after the Second World War especially in East Germany), the accelerated military build-up of the Nazis who were eager to exploit efficiency gains prior to and during WWII, the destruction especially of the Second World War and the division of Germany after the Second World War. While in the Federal Republic, with the economic miracle, there was a forced expansion of the Fordist regime with far-reaching transformations of the physical foundations of landscape, in the German Democratic Republic, there was a selective adaptation of Fordist principles. In West Germany, the creation of mass purchasing power and mass production combined with the reduction of working hours and the shaping of a welfare state, here called a “social market economy” (Soziale Marktwirtschaft). In the GDR, mass production remained largely limited to basic needs, not to high-end goods. Like the welfare state, the socialist state not only dampened the economic polarisation of society but also minimised it. With

5  Landscape Developments

respect to Landscape 1, the socialist interpretation of Fordism becomes clear in terms of housing development (Kühne 2001): housing blocks designed according to a uniform pattern with prefabricated components covered the nations in East Central and Eastern Europe, including the GDR.  Following the pattern of socialist standardisation, urban settlements were not only expanded in this way, in some cases even created, but also the settlements of industrialised agriculture were provided with these housing blocks (mostly, however, in smaller dimensions). In West Germany, the enforcement of Fordist production and consumption logics was associated with a rapidly developing suburbanisation. The reconstruction of German cities in both the East and West after the Second World War was strongly influenced by the architectural ideas of functionalism, whose guiding architectural principle can be summarised as follows: “to build what is functional; jewelry without function is kitsch” (Welsch 1993, p. 13). Locally or regionally developed architectural or urban planning specifics were not embraced (Imbert 2007; Kühne and Franke 2010; Löw 2010). Buildings, as well as entire neighbourhoods, that did not conform to this logic of functionalist modernism were replaced – far less in East Germany than in West Germany because of a lack of capital and housing  – as part of the demolition and reconstruction programmes of the 1950s to the 1970s known as Flächensanierung: a form of “urban redevelopment” (Hauser 2001). In the process, the “rationalist concepts of Fordist planning [...] were intended to exorcise the jungle-like, labyrinthine, the mythical and threatening from the European city” (Siebel 2004, p.  20; see also Vicenzotti 2008). The result of war and land reclamation persists today such that in Germany – especially in regions that were heavily industrialised at the time  – the stock of buildings from the pre-war period is severely decimated. The transformation of space according to the principles of functionalism accordingly took hold much more strongly in the Federal Republic than in other parts of Western Europe, which was expressed not least in a strict spatial separation of functions and was associated with a massive expansion of transport infrastructures, especially for motorised individual transport (Prigge 1991). Mass mobilisation, in turn, increased suburbanisation, and suburbanisation, in turn, increased dependence on the car (e.g. Hauser and Kamleithner 2006), which, in turn, became “the German’s favourite child”. The accelerated rise in importance of Fordist principles with their physical-spatial manifestations was not limited to urban areas and the expansion of suburban areas, but also took root in rural areas. In both parts of Germany, this circumstance was motivated by the experience of the “Hunger Winter 1946–1947” to be able to ensure the needs of the population as quickly as possible through Germany’s own production. In the Federal Republic, this was additionally driven by common European agricultural policies aimed at

5.3  “Landscape 1”: The Historical Development of the Physical Foundations of Landscape

streamlining agriculture by reducing unit costs, increasing labour productivity and lowering real and nominal producer prices (Fink-Kessler and Häpke 1995). These Fordist modernisation efforts in rural areas meant, in addition to efficient and mechanised agriculture on land-cleared large block fields, the introduction of large barns with process-optimised milk, egg and meat production (this occurred in the East, but here by the expropriation of landowners and consolidation of farms into cooperatives). Fordist modernisation, with its increasing division of labour, meant an increasing dependence of rural spaces on urban spaces (Hofmeister and Scurrell 2016, 202): “The ‘countryside’ [was] used in industrial modernity as a ‘storehouse of raw materials’, the site of dirty, extensive industries, and a ‘supplier of food’”. The inclusion of the Fordist paradigm in rural areas means an assimilation to urban ways of life even for those practising agriculture, much as Lucius Burckhardt (2006b, p. 29) puts it: “What the farm does not produce, the peasant woman buys in the store, just like the city dweller”. The spread of urban lifestyles into rural areas is further expressed in the structures of rural settlements, which have been combined into (association) municipalities through territorial reforms and degraded to dependent local districts: sidewalks, lamp posts, suburban gardens, the modernisation of former farmhouses with aluminum siding, aluminum window frames and doors, and glass block windows, drainage pipes and straightening of streams are representative of the guiding vision of urban lifestyles. In this context, farms are also being pushed out of the former villages that have become residential developments. After all, these often produce undesirable olfactory stimuli, and the large-scale agricultural equipment needed for the efficient cultivation of the land that has been cleared can only be inadequately manoeuvred in narrow inner-city locations. This process resulted in redevelopment projects that look “like a factory building plus a single-family house” (Ipsen 1992, p.  142; cf. Kühne 2005; Quasten 1997; Stiens 1999). Accordingly, Jirku (2006, p. 63) points out the landscape side effects of a Fordist modernisation of rural areas as follows: “Farms have become agricultural factories, agriculture has been economised and industrialised, resulting in cleared landscapes [in the sense of Landscape 1; authors’ note]”. The increasing global interconnectedness of trade, the substitution of natural materials with synthetic ones (such as cotton or synthetic fibres) as well as changing needs as a result of technological developments (with the replacement of sailing ships with machine-­ powered vessels, the need for sailing fabrics had all but disappeared) altered the physical foundations of appropriated physical rural landscapes: while flax and hemp were still widely cultivated crops at the beginning of the modern era in Germany until the nineteenth century (and partly beyond), their cultivation was almost completely abandoned hereafter (e.g. Poschlod 2017). With the forced structural change, many rural areas were deprived of their traditional

63

economic basis (more so in the west than in the east of Germany): value creation in the primary economic sector (Fig. 5.6). This loss of significance manifests itself in terms such as “structurally weak area” or “compensation area” for urban development and in the stigma of “the backwardness of rural areas” (Henkel 1996). The 1970s also represented a turning point in dealing with Landscape 1 in West Germany. Economically, the Fordist approach was in crisis, with mass production of coal and steel being particularly hard hit. In particular, the ecological side effects of both mass production and mass consumption became the focus of criticism, as did the forced modernisation and subsequent standardisation of physical space without regard for regional specifics and historical structures, in addition the authoritarian expertise of top-down planning. The postmodernisation of society began to manifest itself in Landscape 1 in the following, with some specifics developing that deviate explicitly from the “prototype of postmodern settlement development”, e.g. Los Angeles (on Los Angeles; see, among others, Dear 2000; Dear 2005; Keil 1998; Kühne 2012; Soja 1989, 1995; Soja and Scott 2006; see on Germany among many: Basten 2005; Fontaine 2017; Hartz and Kühne 2007; Kühne 2006, 2007a, 2015b; Linke 2015; Wood 2003). The postmodern reference to the historical always remains orchestrated. Historically stylistic idioms are oriented towards contemporary needs; they become a backdrop that is supposed to create a pleasant atmosphere. As Prigge and Herterich (1988, p.  315) put it: “The ornamental, the tendency towards historicism, the inclination towards the monumental and the appearance of craftsmanship simulate edification, rootedness and permanence of values, while in reality all this is deeply questioned”. Urban redevelopment as well as small-town renewal strives to replace the Fordist-­ modern overdesigning of buildings and communities with a condition oriented towards the pre-functionalist stylistic expressions to transform them into an (idealised) initial state. In the process, decoupling of form and function is found almost throughout: a historicising form that suggests a historical use (e.g. as a farmhouse) contains a non-historical or only partially historically justified function (e.g. as a residential building). In this context, even the historic design element is sometimes supplemented by the use of current materials and techniques (double glazing instead of casement windows). Major differences are found in the comparatively great potential influence – despite efforts since the 1980s towards streamlining  – of the planning administration from the municipal level to the federal states (the federal government assumes only a framing and coordinating function). Another difference is found in the greater possibilities for manifestation of appreciation valuing the historic. With a turning away, which was also carried out in politics and planning, from the modern principles of unambiguity, purity (Fayet 2003), in connection with the appreciation of the historical, followed a

64 80 70

Amount of employed persons in %

Fig. 5.6  Percentage of employed persons by economic sector in the Federal Republic of Germany for the period 1950–2016. (Own representation according to: Statistisches Bundesamt 2009, 2012, 2017)

5  Landscape Developments

60 50 40 30 20 10

1950 1952 1954 1956 1958 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016

0 Primary economic sector

turning away from the model of the “functionalist city” to a model of the “European city”, in which a European character was connected to the pre-functionalist tradition of community. The appreciation of the historical is also reflected in less populated or non-urban areas, for example, in the effort to preserve historical village centres, in a land consolidation that is not solely concerned with producing the largest possible plots but strives to preserve historical landforms or the effort to preserve historical varieties of fruit trees, etc. The aspiration of a modern approach to Landscape 1 aims at producing “purity” in the form of producing monovalent uses, i.e. occupying each area exclusively with only one use (up to the distinction between recreational forest and commercial forest). Under the influence of postmodernisation, a patchwork of monovalent, nonvalent and polyvalent uses is emerging, especially during rapidly occurring economic change processes (particularly in the context of de-industrialisation; see also Hauser 2001, 2003; Hauser and Kamleithner 2006). In the latter, agricultural land is supplemented by energy use (wind turbines), train stations and airports are partly converted into shopping malls, highway service stations see themselves as ambassadors of the region in which they are located and much more. Schnur (2015, p. 111) impressively describes the diverse transformations that accompany the postmodernisation of urban spaces and now form a patchwork of new uses and symbols, using the example of Berlin-­ Moabit: “The (river) Spree is no longer to be understood as a transport route, but as a premium location for real estate as well as a route for the ever-growing fleet of excursion boats, which have now also included the banks of the Spree in Moabit, which have become attractive, in their routes. The buildings on the Spree have just as much iconic impact as the buildings of the government district located in the immediate

Secundary economic sector

Tertiary economic sector

vicinity or the new main train station. But also, in Moabit North – as already explained – one can recognise numerous new emotional anchor (or stopping) points. At the same time, however, the post-Fordist restructured Moabit still represents the ‘authentic Berlin’ and its traditional neighborhood structure. Both are already denied to other neighborhoods such as in Mitte or Prenzlauer Berg”. The postmodern approach to space became particularly evident during the transformation of East German cities after reunification. The historic city centres, or parts of them, which had been spared from destruction during the war, had not generally fallen victim to land redevelopment during the socialist era, partly a by-product of a lack of economic potential. However, they had also not been redeveloped (the ­buildings were often privately owned) because of the existing low prospects of financial return and lack of availability of building materials (Barth 1998; Domański 1997; Kadatz 1997; Kühne 2001). With the “Aufbau Ost” (reconstruction of the East), these East German cities were redeveloped in a historically representative way, largely financed by taxes. In rural areas, on the other hand, the structure of the large socialist enterprises remained in place; they were merely privatised. There, the Fordist principle of economies of scale prevailed, while the “unprivatised” rural communities, in turn, were redeveloped according to historical models. At the same time, a “catch-up suburbanisation” began in large parts around the urban core areas, again following more modernist logics of purity (Häußermann and Neef 2013; Herlyn and Bertels 2013; Liebmann 2009; Wiest 2005). Currently, there are considerable challenges in dealing with Landscape 1 in Germany, which often conflict with traditional ideas of Landscape 3: the energy transition with its production and distribution facilities of electric energy does

References

conflict with notions of rural idyll (especially in an essentialist view; cf. Sect. 2.1), as it has been accompanied by postmodern spatial historical development. Reurbanisation makes housing in urban areas (especially metropolises) more expensive and poses the challenge to urban policy and planning of how to deal with it – against the background of the model of the “European city”. Without relying on large modernist residential development, which in turn would have the potential to provide low-cost housing, this reurbanisation process is fuelled by efforts to achieve a “traffic transition”, i.e. the replacement of motorised individual transport, or at least its electrification, by public transport and notably bicycle transport. Especially in the spatial manifestations of mitigation and adaptation in relation to climate change, postmodern notions of governance, citizen participation in planning and implementation processes pose major challenges to the politics of rapid action (Kamlage et al. 2014; Kamlage et  al. 2017; Kühne and Weber 2018 [online first 2017]). The development of Landscape 1 in Germany shows a much-differentiated interplay between local, regional and national specifics with continental and global trends. While developments up to the Middle Ages were still more strongly characterised by small-scale processes, this was followed by an increasing inscription of continentally widespread logics (such as absolutism), which were, however, implemented in a differentiated manner in Germany as an outcome of small-­ state specificity. Another example of the specific implementation of global paradigms is the implementation of functionalism, which found a particular expression resulting from the destruction caused by the war. Another distinction results from the fact that the two Germanies belonged to different socio-systemic blocs, which was reflected in a strongly diverging treatment of physical space and resulted in two different paths to postmodern spatial structures (and modern persistences) that are still present in Landscape 1 today.

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5  Landscape Developments Kühne O (2014) „Im Wald, da sind die …“ Was eigentlich heute? Zur sozialen Bedeutung von Wald. Erste Ergebnisse einer Langzeitstudie. Naturschutz im Saarland 44(2):20–21 Kühne O (2015a) Historical Developments: The Evolution of the Concept of Landscape in German Linguistic Areas. In: Bruns D, Kühne O, Schönwald A, Theile S (eds) Landscape culture  – culturing landscapes. The differentiated construction of landscapes. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 43–52 Kühne O (2015b) Komplexe Kräfteverhältnisse. Macht, Angst und Unsicherheit in postmodernen Landschaften  – von ‚historischen Kulturlandschaften‘ zu gated communities. In: Kost S, Schönwald A (eds) Landschaftswandel – Wandel von Machtstrukturen. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 27–36 Kühne O (2018a) Die Landschaften 1, 2 und 3 und ihr Wandel. Perspektiven für die Landschaftsforschung in der Geographie  – 50 Jahre nach Kiel. Berichte. Geographie und Landeskunde 92(3–4):217–231 Kühne O (2018b) Landschaft und Wandel. Zur Veränderlichkeit von Wahrnehmungen. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O (2018c) Landschaftstheorie und Landschaftspraxis. Eine Einführung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O (2019a) Der dreifache Landschaftswandel. Forum Raumentwicklung 1:18–19 Kühne O (2019b) Die Sozialisation von Landschaft. In: Kühne O, Weber F, Berr K, Jenal C (eds) Handbuch Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 301–312 Kühne O (2019c) Landscape theories. A brief introduction. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O (2020) Landscape conflicts. A theoretical approach based on the three worlds theory of Karl Popper and the conflict theory of Ralf Dahrendorf, illustrated by the example of the energy system transformation in Germany. Sustainability 12(17):1–20. https://doi. org/10.3390/su12176772 Kühne O, Franke U (2010) Romantische Landschaft. Impulse zur Wiederentdeckung der Romantik in der Landschafts- und Siedlungsgestaltung in der norddeutschen Kulturlandschaft. Ein Plädoyer. Oceano Verlag, Schwerin Kühne O, Jenal C (2020) Baton Rouge – The multivillage metropolis. A neopragmatic landscape biographical approach on spatial pastiches, hybridization, and differentiation. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Schönwald A (2015) San Diego. Eigenlogiken, Widersprüche und Hybriditäten in und von ‚America‘s finest city‘. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Spellerberg A (2010) Heimat in Zeiten erhöhter Flexibilitätsanforderungen. Empirische Studien im Saarland. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Weber F (2015) Der Energienetzausbau in Internetvideos – eine quantitativ ausgerichtete diskurstheoretisch orientierte Analyse. In: Kost S, Schönwald A (eds) Landschaftswandel  – Wandel von Machtstrukturen. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 113–126 Kühne O, Weber F (2018 [online first 2017]) Conflicts and negotiation processes in the course of power grid extension in Germany. Landsc Res 43(4):529–541. https://doi.org/10.1080/01426397.201 7.1300639 Kühne O, Schönwald A, Weber F (2017) Die Ästhetik von Stadtlandhybriden: URFSURBS (Urbanizing former suburbs) in Südkalifornien und im Großraum Paris. In: Kühne O, Megerle H, Weber F (eds) Landschaftsästhetik und Landschaftswandel, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 177–198 Küster H (1998) Geschichte des Waldes. Von der Urzeit bis zur Gegenwart. C. H. Beck, München Küster H (1999) Geschichte der Landschaft in Mitteleuropa. Von der Eiszeit bis zur Gegenwart. Beck, München

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6

Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Abstract

This chapter sets specific focal points and deals with spatial manifestations of political, economic and social developments as well as community development and tourism in Germany. Foundational developments are considered, which in turn provide a basis for more specific investigations  – especially of the mutual interferences between politics, economics, social affairs and regions – in the subsequent chapters. The starting point is political geographies of West and East Germany (Sect. 6.1), followed by spatial differentiations of economy (Sect. 6.2) and transport (Sect. 6.3). In retrospect, the authors then examine population development with a focus on presentday status (Sect. 6.4), as well as recent changes in the community structure of Germany (Sect. 6.5) before finally looking at tourism development (Sect. 6.6). Keywords

Spatial developments · West Germany · East Germany · Economy · Transport · Population · Communities

After the physical framework, primary historical as well as landscape developments have been presented as a synthesis in the previous chapters, we now set specific focal points: this chapter deals with spatial manifestations of political, economical and social developments as well as community development and tourism in Germany. Foundational developments are considered, which in turn provide a basis for more specific investigations – especially of the mutual interferences between politics, economics, social affairs and regions  – in the subsequent chapters. The starting point is political geographies of West and East Germany (Sect. 6.1), followed by spatial differentiations of economy (Sect. 6.2) and transport (Sect. 6.3). In retrospect, we then examine pop-

ulation development with a focus on present-day status (Sect. 6.4), as well as recent changes in the community structure of Germany (Sect. 6.5) before finally looking at tourism development (Sect. 6.6).

6.1

Political Geographies: From the Eastward Expansion of the Political System and New Differences

6.1.1 T  he Political System of the Federal Republic of Germany The “German Basic Law” (Grundgesetz) forms the legal basis for the political system in specific and coexistence in general. The designation “Basic Law” instead of “constitution” was chosen to emphasise its provisional character; after all, it was only intended to represent the transition to a common German constitution (for more detail: Feldkamp 2008; Möllers 2009; Starck 1990). Article 1 defines the tasks of the state in relation to human beings: “Human dignity is inviolable. To respect and protect it is the duty of all state authority”. The following articles define fundamental rights, such as the right to life and physical well-being (Article 2); human equality before the law (Article 3); freedom of religion (Article 4); freedom of expression, information and the press, as well as freedom of art and science, research and teaching (Article 5); freedom of assembly (Article 8) and association (Article 9); the right to freedom of movement within the national territory (Article 11); and the right to choose one’s occupation, place of work, and place of education (Article 12). It also regulates protection against political persecution (right to asylum, Article 16a). It also guarantees the sanctity of the home (Article 13) and the right to property (Article 14), whereby property can also be socialised for the common good – in return for compensation (Articles 14 and 15). What becomes clear here is the limited trust in the unre-

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 O. Kühne, F. Weber, Germany, World Regional Geography Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4_6

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6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

stricted operation of market forces. Article 18 also limits the rights under Articles 5, 8, 9, 10 and 16a to the extent that they are forfeited by anyone who abuses them to fight against the free democratic basic order. These provisions reflect experiences from the period of industrialisation (the possibility of restricting private property) as well as from the Weimar Republic and National Socialism. Article 18 can be understood as an element of wehrhafte Demokratie (this term was coined by the Federal Constitutional Court – “well-fortified or battle-ready Defensive Democracy”), i.e. to be allowed to defend oneself against the enemies of democracy (for more detail: Beyme 2017; Rudzio 2015). The Basic Law defines Germany as: 1. Engaging rule of law – because all government action is subject to judicial review. 2. Federal state, because the power to rule is divided between the 16 Länder (federal states) that exist today and the central state. The Federal Republic thus has a federal structure. 3. Social state, because it is the task of the state to promote social balance and guarantee citizens social security, for example, in the event of unemployment, disability and illness, as well as in old age, to ensure a dignified livelihood. These characteristics (rule of law, federal state and social state), like the fundamental rights mentioned earlier, have “eternal character”, which means that they may not be touched either by an amendment to the Basic Law or by a new constitution (Article 79). Laws that are subject to the parliamentary procedure govern their implementation. Competing parties characterise this procedure. The “Bundestag” (the German parliament) and the parliaments of the “Länder” (16 States), as well as the councils of the municipalities, are elected in free, equal and confidential elections. The legislative period of the Bundestag lasts 4 years, that of the state parliaments 5 years (with the exception of Bremen, here it is also 4 years). The election to the German Bundestag is a proportional election (second vote). However, it contains elements of majority voting (first vote), in which a candidate is elected directly in constituencies, and another modification: the five-percent hurdle. This means that only parties that have won a minimum of 5% of the vote can enter the Bundestag. This does not include direct candidates (first vote) who, as individual parliamentarians, cannot belong to any party or to a party that has not achieved the required 5%. However, an exception applies if a party wins at least three direct mandates, in which case the five-percent clause does not come into effect. This rather complex electoral system can also be described as a consequence of the conditions of the “Weimar Republic”; for example, the five-­ percent hurdle is intended to ensure that parliament is not too

fragmented and thus facilitates the formation of stable coalitions (for more detail: Beyme 2017; Rudzio 2015). Textbox 6.1: The 12th Federal Assembly – A Field Report by Shanta Ghosh (Relay Silver Medallist in the 4-by-400-­ Metre Race at the 2001 World Championships in Edmonton)

“In 2004, I – at the time, as an active competitive athlete and a track and field athlete – was invited by the CDU Saar to act as a woman elector at the 12th Federal Assembly for the election of the German Federal President. The request came as a surprise to me personally and filled me with pride, and at the same time it aroused excitement and curiosity as to how such an election would probably proceed. Election Day, May 23, 2004, was a historic day in German history in two respects: in addition to the election of the Federal President, the Basic Law celebrated its 55th anniversary. I, myself, was in the Reichstag for the election for the first time. The imposing building underlined the special nature of this event. The first – and, as it turned out later, only – ballot took its time: in alphabetical order, the 1204 electors were called to cast their ballots. Despite the large crowd in constant motion in the plenary hall, the atmosphere was calm and subdued, making the proceedings dignified. The counting was exciting: Horst Köhler (CDU, jointly nominated by CDU, CSU, and FDP) won the first round of voting with 604 votes, incredibly close to his opponent Gesine Schwan (SPD, nominated by SPD and Bündnis 90/Die Grünen). For me personally, it was an indescribable honor to be able to help elect the German president, and at the same time it was a trigger to actively engage with politics”. Shanta Ghosh-Broderius, in January 2021

Usually, none of the parties succeeds in gaining an absolute majority in the Bundestag. In this respect, governments in the Federal Republic are based on coalitions of competing parties. The Bundestag (legislative branch) elects the Federal Chancellor based on an absolute majority of parliamentarians, on the proposal of the Federal President without prior debate. The Federal Chancellor proposes ministers to the Federal President for appointment. The Federal Chancellor and federal ministers form the federal government (executive branch). The Chancellor’s prominent importance is evident in his “governing competence” in domestic and foreign policy at the federal level; in this case he determines the tenets of policy. The Federal Assembly, which is made up of mem-

6.1  Political Geographies: From the Eastward Expansion of the Political System and New Differences

bers of the Bundestag, elects the Federal President, and representatives of the people were delegated by the state parliaments (see also Textbox 6.1). In contrast to the Weimar Republic, the president is not directly elected by the people and has fewer powers than the Reich president has. In “regular operation” he is responsible primarily for the execution (signing) and promulgation of laws (Article 82) and the appointment and dismissal of federal judges, federal civil servants, officers and non-commissioned officers (Article 60). However, he also has a “political reserve function” in crisis situations of the parliamentary system of government (GG 68 – Basic Law, Article 68); this applies, for example, in the event of loss of approval of the person and factual programme of the Federal Chancellor, scheduling of new elections by the Federal President at the request of the Federal Chancellor (Article 68). Since the Federal President is largely removed from day-to-day political business, he embodies  – according to the Federal Constitutional Court, whose function is to monitor compliance with the Basic Law  – the “unity of the state” and forms something like a “moral authority” (Gu 1999; Ismayr 1997; Kaltefleiter 2013). The federal structure of the Federal Republic (Fig. 6.1), which not only draws on the history of strong individual states going back to the empire (see also Chap. 4) but in turn seeks to prevent a strong centralisation of power at the national level (negative experiences in the “Third Reich”), also manifests itself in legislation at the federal level. The Basic Law has given the federal government a majority of the legislative powers. The jurisdiction of the states is limited to areas such as education, culture and police and regulatory law. To safeguard the rights of the Länder (States) in federal legislation, the Bundesrat participates in federal legislation. It is composed of representatives of the state governments. No federal law is passed without the Bundesrat being involved. Many laws are even subject to approval (Article 50). Laws requiring approval are those that amend the constitution, that have an impact on the finances of the Länder or that encroach on the organisational and administrative sovereignty of the Länder (on federalism, as a whole, see Abromeit 1982; Kilper and Lhotta 1996; Laufer and Münch 2000). For an overview of the political system of the Federal Republic of Germany, see Fig. 6.2.

6.1.2 T  he Political System of the German Democratic Republic The political system of the German Democratic Republic between its founding in 1949 and the reunification of Germany in 1990 differed significantly from that of the Federal Republic of Germany. Article 1 of the Constitution

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of the German Democratic Republic defined it as a “socialist state of workers and peasants. It is the political organisation of the working people in city and countryside under the leadership of the working class and its MarxistLeninist party”. With this, the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) had secured a monopoly on power. Society was divided into the formally equal classes of workers and peasants. In addition to the SED, the socalled block parties existed, which were supposed to integrate parts of the population lacking a socialist bent into the system, and simultaneously were supposed to give the appearance of plural democracy. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany (LDPD), the National Democratic Party of Germany (NDPD) and the Democratic Peasants’ Party of Germany (DBD) were united with the SED in the National Front and, to that extent, were not in electoral competition with it (Alemann et al. 2018; Gräfe 2002). The parliament of the GDR was the “Volkskammer”, which was elected by the citizens of the GDR according to a previously established single list, with voting usually taking place in public, i.e. more like an acclamation than an election. The Volkskammer was responsible for appointing the members of the Council of State as the collective head of state with more representative functions and the members of the Council of Ministers as the government of the GDR, as well as the president and judges of the Supreme Court and the attorney general. Judicial independence was undermined by the recallability of judges by the Volkskammer. Independent of the GDR’s state structure, power was concentrated in the Politburo of the SED, headed by the General Secretary (Fig.  6.3). With the Secretariat of the Central Committee, it had a bureaucratic apparatus organised in parallel with the state apparatus. This type of dual structure, typical of existing socialist states, continued at lower administrative levels (Delhaes 1991; Neugebauer 2013; Zimmermann 1988). When the Republic was founded, the GDR was divided into five states (Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia). Nevertheless, as early as 1952, the GDR was divided into districts, which were governed centrally from the capital, East Berlin. The 15 districts were divided into 217 counties. The districts, in turn, were divided into municipalities or boroughs. Following the logic of the centralist understanding of the state, municipalities were not given the right to self-­ government, as in the Federal Republic. Here, too, the boundary between state and politics (SED) was not clearly defined, so that decisions could be made according to political logic rather than administrative guidelines (Schroeder 2013).

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6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.1  The division of the Federal Republic into “Länder” and the German Democratic Republic into districts before reunification. (Own representation after: Westermann 1982)

6.1.3 Reunification and Its Aftermath Between September 1989 and February 1990, political conditions in the GDR underwent a fundamental transformation.

Demands for freedom of travel formulated in protests and the manifestations of Wir sind das Volk (“We are the people”) had given rise to calls for the rapid reunification of the two German states. The process of social transformation was

6.1  Political Geographies: From the Eastward Expansion of the Political System and New Differences Fig. 6.2  The structure of the political system of the Federal Republic of Germany. (Own representation after: Diercke 1980)

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President elects

Cabinet Bundeskanzler

Federal Convention

proposes

appoint

Federal Minister elects elects

§§ vote in laws

Bundestag

Bundesrat send state

Federal Constititional Court

representatives Deputies are also members

State Government elects

elects send people’s representatives

Landtage elects

Eligible citizens over 18 years

Parliamentary Government system Seperation of Powers Executive Legislative Judiciary

also reflected in the constitution of the GDR (Münch 2008 [1990]): • In December 1989, the Marxist-Leninist party’s claim to leadership and the definition of the GDR as a workers’ and peasants’ state were deleted from the constitution. • In January 1990, the right to private property was introduced, and foreign ownership of companies was included in the constitution. • In February 1990, democratic elections were constitutionally guaranteed, and military and civilian services were put on an equal footing. • In March 1990, the freedom of trade unions was incorporated, and the right to strike and a ban on lockouts were introduced.

The Basic Law is the constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany. It stipulates that all power emanates from the people [Article 20]. To limit power, state authority is divided among three powers. The people imposes this power on the parliaments (Bundestag, Landtage) for the duration of an election period. In addition, the Basic Law enshrines the fundamental rights (Articles 1 to 19) for every citizen.

• In April 1990, the preamble to the GDR constitution was repealed, and the powers of the Council of State were transferred to the Presidium of the Volkskammer. A draft constitution prepared in parallel with these changes to the GDR constitution, which emphasised basic social rights in comparison with the Basic Law of the Federal Republic, did not find a majority in the Volkskammer in April 1990. The general expectation of reunification had progressed too far. The Basic Law of the Federal Republic allowed two options for reunification. The first way was the accession of the GDR under what was then Article 23: the second way was unification under Article 146, which provided for a constitutional process and the subsequent replacement of the Basic Law (Grimm 1990; Münch 2008 [1990]).

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6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.3  The political system of the German Democratic Republic. (Own representation, after: Helbing et al. 1989)

The arguments in favour of the first path could be subsumed as follows: “The Basic Law has proven itself as the constitution of the Federal Republic over the course of 40 years because it guarantees a constitutional democracy with effective protection of fundamental rights, constitutes a workable parliamentary system of government and a functional federal state, and is largely free of legally ambiguous legislative propositions that soften the constitution. The Basic Law is accepted by the vast majority of the people” (Starck 1990, p. 353). If the argument for the first path was strongly pragmatic, the main argument for the second path was more fundamental: reunification on an equal footing would require the development of a common constitution and its vote by the people. However, such a process would have been time-­ consuming and contradicted the desire for rapid reunification, and concurrently its urgency was made clear by the constant movement of GDR citizens to the FRG, so that the pragmatic path under the then Article 23 of the Basic Law was chosen (Münch 2008 [1990]). During the final months before reunification, the GDR fundamentally reformed the organisation of its authorities: the Ministry for State Security (or the successor organisation: Office for National Security) was dissolved, local self-­ government was introduced, and at the end of July 1990, on the basis of the “State Introduction Act” (Ländereinführungsgesetz), the districts were replaced by five states, which increased the number of states in the Federal Republic from 11 to 16 upon entry into the Federal Republic. The states of Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia thus continued the tradition they had before the introduction of the districts. Territorial reform at the municipal level did not take place during the GDR period because of a lack of time.

Excluding Brandenburg and Thuringia, the new states significantly reduced the number of their districts and municipalities through territorial and administrative reforms. The alignment of the administrative standards of the eastern states with conditions in the West was carried out using the partner state model, in which each of the new states was assigned one or two partner states from the West. These western partners sent administrative staff and other consultants to implement the new legal framework. The parallel filling of management positions in the new states with people from the West was often perceived by the population in the new states as foreign domination (Kluth 2020; Wollmann 2001). The recurring efforts to reorganise the states within Germany, which  – as a result of historical developments  – are very unequal in terms of area, number of inhabitants and economy, but also administrative performance of the states, were dampened in 1996 by the merger with Berlin, which was rejected by the electorate of Brandenburg, as an expression of the fear of the Brandenburg population that it would be dominated (especially culturally) by the new federal capital Berlin (also with regard to its budgetary situation; Brenk 2008; John 1998; Jung 1997). It is already clear from what has been said so far that the process of reunification of the two German societies was not completed with the state annexation of the GDR to the FRG on October 3, 1990. The “reunification pains” in the West related predominantly to the flow of funds from the old to the new states as part of the “reconstruction of the East”. In the East, they were far more extensive; after all, the former GDR citizens found themselves in a completely different social system that not only offered new individual life opportunities but often also forced a complete reorientation of life. This change was particularly evident in economic life: the busi-

6.1  Political Geographies: From the Eastward Expansion of the Political System and New Differences

nesses in eastern Germany, most of which were not able to cope with the competition of a market economy, were subjected to extensive restructuring. This task was entrusted to the Treuhandanstalt (“Trust Agency” – to reprivatise/privatise East German enterprises, Volkseigene Betriebe), which had already been established by the Council of Ministers on March 1, 1990, during the GDR era. Until reunification, however, its impact remained muted, partly resulting from low staffing levels. From then on, the Treuhandanstalt pressed for rapid privatisation, forced reorganisation or careful closure of the formerly “nationally owned” companies entrusted to it. By the time it was dissolved on December 31, 1994, the Treuhandanstalt had fully privatised or completely municipalised 7853 of more than 12,000 companies, and 3713 companies were in liquidation or had already been liquidated. However, the price paid by East Germans in the form of job losses was high and burned into the collective memory: while on July 1, 1990, there were still 4.1 million jobs in the companies under the control of the Treuhandanstalt, by the end of 1994, only 1.5 million of them remained (Grosser 2000; Seibel 2002). Even after three decades, the “growing pains” have not completely subsided. Detlef Pollack notes the persistently ambivalent position of many East Germans towards a unified Germany: “The peaceful revolution in the GDR freed people from a situation of powerlessness, isolation and stagnation that had lasted for decades. For many East Germans, this is still a reason for gratitude today and at the same time a motivation to take advantage of the newly created opportunities for individual self-determination and political participation. Like a dark shadow, however, the last 30  years have been overshadowed by the frequently expressed experience of biographical insecurity, collective devaluation and disappointed hope. Again and again, East Germans bring into the all-German discourse the talk of experienced humiliations, of economic decline and Western takeover” (Pollack 2020, p.  7). Accordingly, to the present day, one finds inherently contradictory East-West stereotyping of the calculating, democracy-savvy, postmodern and foreigner-friendly West

German (Wessi or disrespectfully Besserwessi, from Besserwisser (“Know-It-All”) and the warm-hearted, modern and xenophobic East German (Ossi, disrespectfully Zoni, from inhabitant of the Soviet-occupied zone; more detailed in Gebhardt 2007b) (Figs. 6.4 and 6.5). In terms of party-political preferences, the “new Länder” still shows clear differences compared with the “old Länder”. In the elections to the German Bundestag on September 24, 2017, there are sometimes considerable deviations from the overall result (Figs. 6.4 and 6.6 and following), especially between East and West, but in addition, other spatial patterns can be found. The difference between the election results of the old and new states is particularly clear for parties at the edges of the political spectrum. This is true, on the one hand, of the WASG (Wahlalternative Arbeit & soziale Gerechtigkeit: “The Electoral Alternative – Labour and Social Justice”), which emerged from a merger of a split from the SPD with the SED successor party PDS, DIE LINKE, and, on the other hand, of the conservative to right-wing populist AfD (the genealogy of parties in Germany since the empire is summarised in Fig. 6.5): both achieve their highest vote shares in eastern Germany (Figs. 6.6 and 6.7). In the “old Länder”, above-average election results for the AfD tend to be found in rural regions and some cities affected by de-­industrialisation (Gelsenkirchen, Duisburg, Pforzheim), while DIE LINKE likewise shows above-average values in old industrial regions (such as Saarland), but especially urban constituencies, often with larger universities. As regards voting behaviour in the old and new federal states, voting for Bündnis 90/Grüne shows a clearly reversed picture: here, high vote shares are found in the West, especially in highly urban areas, where aboveaverage vote shares are also found in the East in isolated cases. The CDU/CSU, on the other hand, has its strongholds primarily in Bavaria and the more rural parts of western Germany, the SPD in the old federal states excluding Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg, and the FDP particularly in the suburban parts of the metropolitan regions of western Germany (Textbox 6.2).

Christian Democratic/Social Union (CDU/CSU)

32.9

Social democratic Party (SPD)

Final results of the election in %

Fig. 6.4  Official final result for the election to the German Bundestag on September 24, 2017. (Own representation after: Der Bundeswahlleiter 2017)

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20.5

Alternative for Germany (AfD)

12.6

Free democratic Party (FDP)

10.7

The Left

9.2

Alliance 90/The Greens

8.9

Others

5.0

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Fig. 6.5  The genealogy of political parties in Germany. There is a certain volatility in the party spectrum in Germany. Particularly formative for the development of the parties is the division of Germany after the Second World War with the development of two independently structured

party systems, as well as the restructuring after reunification. (Own representation after: Alemann et al. 2018; Rudzio 2015)

80 6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

6.1  Political Geographies: From the Eastward Expansion of the Political System and New Differences

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Fig. 6.6  The election result of DIE LINKE party by constituency for the 2020 federal election; the class boundaries of the map are calculated according to quintiles. (Own representation according to: based on data from the Federal Election Commissioner; Atlas zur Bundestagswahl 2017)

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6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.7  The AfD’s election result by constituency for the 2020 federal election; the class boundaries of the map are calculated according to quintiles (own representation according to: based on data from the Federal Election Commissioner; Atlas zur Bundestagswahl 2017)

6.1  Political Geographies: From the Eastward Expansion of the Political System and New Differences

Textbox 6.2: Metropolitan Regions in Germany

Textbox 6.2 (continued)

Against the background of increasing global interconnections and the associated international and location competitiveness, the concept of metropolitan regions was discussed concerning spatial planning and politics in the 1990s, linked with the goal of making regions in Germany competitive by bundling and networking high-value functions. The Spatial Planning Policy Action Framework (HARA), dating from 1995, defined metropolitan regions as “spatial and functional locations whose outstanding functions radiate beyond national borders on an international scale. As engines of societal, economic, social, and cultural development, they are intended to maintain the performance and competitiveness of Germany and Europe and to contribute to accelerating the European integration process” (BMBau  – Bundesministerium für Raumordnung, Bauwesen und Städtebau 1995, p. 27). Metropolitan regions can be monocentric or polycentric and integrate the interdependent areas of the core region(s). Three metropolitan functions have been distinguished (Blotevogel 2002):

Constance, Meuse-Rhine, Upper Rhine (see Sect. 8.8) and the Greater Region Saar-Lor-Lux). These extensions can be read as the candor of the concept, but also as its watering down, as it became clear that the concept is not based on clear definitions using thresholds and minimum values. The setting by the Conference of Ministers for Spatial Planning (federal and state ministers) can be criticized as top-down spatial planning. Likewise, the mixing of analytical and normative levels can be criticized, a problem that can, however, be considered characteristic of spatial planning in general (Bege 2010; Blotevogel 2000; Harrison and Growe 2014; Kühne 2008). The development of metropolises and metropolitan regions as well as their relative position to each other is subject to complex endogenous and exogenous influences, for instance, as with economic and political factors of influence (Blotevogel 2002): in the last decade of the nineteenth century, two metropolises were founded in Germany, Berlin (as a political center) and then Hamburg (as a commercial centre). As a result of political and economic concentration processes, Berlin was able to develop a dominant metropolitan position in Germany until 1939. Berlin lost this as a consequence of the Second World War and the division of the city, combined with the isolation of Berlin (West) from the rest of Germany and thus the loss of its hinterland. East Berlin also took a position in the GDR comparable to Dresden and Leipzig. In western Germany, Hamburg initially developed a central-location leadership position into the 1970s, ahead of Munich and Frankfurt. After reunification, Berlin regained a leading position in Germany in terms of a central location, ahead of Munich, which was gaining in importance, but without being able to match its historical dominance. Overall, Germany’s urban system is characterised by a broad distribution of centrally located functions among different places, and the historically based strong federalism also counteracts a concentration of (political) centrality in one place. Accordingly, places of regionally effective centrality dominate (cf. also Glaser et al. 2007).

1. Decision-making and control function in the private sector, the state and other institutions 2. Innovation and competitive function in terms of economic and technical as well as social and cultural innovations 3. Gateway function in terms of access to people, knowledge and markets These three functions were initially supplemented by the symbolic function (social culture as well as economic culture) after criticism of an overly economic orientation (Growe 2009; Volgmann 2013), and later the concept was also expanded to include aspects of the concentration of scientific activities and of transport hubs (Growe 2018). In the 1995 HARA, six regions were initially designated as metropolitan regions (Berlin, Hamburg, Munich, Stuttgart, Rhine-­ Main and Rhine-Ruhr), later more were added (see Fig.  6.8), and still later, after criticism of their landlocked nature, cross-border metropolitan regions were also added to the list of metropolitan regions (Lake (continued)

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6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.8 Metropolitan regions as growth areas: net migration per 1000 inhabitants in 2017. (According to Statista 2020c)

Berlin-Brandenburg

8.9

Central Germany

6.7

Hamburg

6.6

Nuremberg

6.6

Stuttgart

6.5

Frankfurt-RheinMain

5.6

Northwest

5.6

Rhein-Neckar

5.3

Hannover-Braunschweig-Göttingen-Wolfsburg

4.3

Munich

4.2

Rhein-Ruhr

3.4

0

The persistent differences between East and West, but also these complementary ones between varying economically structured and populated regions, form essential elements of Germany’s complex geography. An essential approach to dealing with and controlling these complex spatial structures is the planning approach to space, which will be characterised for Germany in the following section.

6.1.4 Spatial Planning in Germany Spatial planning relates current structures and processes to desired future structures and processes of a spatial nature: “Spatial planning is the transfer of precautionary forethought to space” (Spitzer 1995, p. 14). This section is therefore dedicated to the way in which this “precautionary thinking ahead” is organised in Germany on a space mostly understood as a container and how competition of different spatial claims, for instance between competition of differing policies, differing objectives between political and professional planning as well as direct and indirect effects of policies on “the space” are regulated (in more detail: Blotevogel et al. 2014; Langhagen-Rohrbach 2010; Priebs 2013; Spitzer 1995). Local planning in Germany was increasingly pursued amid the rapid industrialisation and the accompanying urbanisation in Germany in the second half of the nineteenth century (after some precursors), in Prussia based on the Fluchtliniengesetz of 1875 (“alignment of streets and plazas”). Supralocal planning was not codified in law until the 1920s in the context of ever more extensive community development (e.g. with the “Ruhr Coal District Settlement Association Act” of May 5, 1920  – Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk). During the National Socialist era, there were ambitions to control spatial development centrally by the state, for example, the Reichsstelle für Raumordnung (“Federal Office of Spatial Planning”) was founded in 1935, marking the beginning of state spatial planning in Germany, but these attempts remained largely ineffective – except for

Net migration per 1,000 inhabitants

84

2

4

6

8

10

the development of essential concepts (Langhagen-Rohrbach 2010). In the Federal Republic, pressing spatial planning tasks of reconstruction, housing construction and infrastructure development were regulated at the state level through development laws. The first state planning law was passed in 1950 by North Rhine-Westphalia, which was tasked with regulating structures and processes in the Ruhr region during reconstruction as both an industrial and most populous conurbation in Europe. At the federal level, local planning was regulated by the “Federal Building Act” of June 23, 1960 (Baugesetzbuch; BauGB), and supralocal planning by the “Regional Planning Act” (ROG – Raumordnungsgesetz) of April 8, 1965. Both have been amended several times since then. With reunification in 1990, they also replaced the GDR’s system of planning, which had subordinated spatial planning to the primacy of central economic planning (Blotevogel 2018). Spatial planning in Germany is determined by the federal basic order (Grundordnung) and is divided among the three levels  – federal government, the states and the municipalities. The tasks of spatial planning are clearly defined in terms of tasks and spatial context. Coordination between the planning authorities takes place by means of the counterflow principle, but also based on numerous information, participation, coordination and binding norms. The counterflow procedure operates in two areas: between planning levels in the case of overall planning and specialised planning plus within a planning level between overall planning and specialised planning as well as among specialised planning (Figs. 6.9 and 6.10). The task of federal spatial planning is to develop guiding principles and principles with the aim of sustainable spatial development and the creation of equitable living conditions. The guiding principles of spatial development are deemed as recommendations, i.e. they are not legally binding, while the principles established by federal spatial planning must be considered for subsequent planning levels, specialised planning and spatially significant public mea-

6.1  Political Geographies: From the Eastward Expansion of the Political System and New Differences

85

Fig. 6.9  The legal structure of spatial planning in Germany. (Own representation after: Kühne 2012a and ARL  – Academy for Territorial Development in the Leibniz Association 2001) Fig. 6.10  The counterflow principle in federal planning. (Own representation after: Miosga and Norck 2017)

sures in planning (Priebs 2013; Sinz 2018). The ROG obligates the states to implement state planning. The legal framework here is provided by the state planning laws. In state development plans (other terms can also be found), the entire state is planned; goals (results-oriented) and principles (transferred to the subordinate levels for consideration) are formulated, which are then manifested in the different parts of the state by regional planning. The organisation as well as the density of regulations varies greatly between the federal states. For example, Saarland combines state and regional planning in the state development plan,

in the city states of Bremen and Hamburg they are combined with municipal land use ­planning, Berlin and the state of Brandenburg have joint state planning, and Bavaria relies more on principles than on spatial planning objectives. The contents of the programmes and plans of the state planning – oriented in the direction of Landscape 1 – are the spatial structure (demarcation of densely populated areas from less densely populated areas), the regional community structure (determination of the community system to be developed; an example of this is the definition of central places; see Fig. 6.11), large-scale infrastructural mea-

86

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.11  The spatial distribution of central and regional centres in Germany as well as the population density by districts and independent cities. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020). Although intermediate and, in particular, regional centres cluster in regions with high

population density, it is the task of regional planning to ensure access to centrally located facilities for sparsely populated areas as well (In its depiction of central places, the BBSR largely follows the stipulations of state and regional planning)

6.2  Economic Spatial Developments: Growth and Shrinkage, Development Paths and Influences of Globalisation

sures, supply locations as well as priority areas. Rooted in the German Building Code (BauGB), the municipalities carry out urban planning as urban land use planning under their own authority and responsibility (planning sovereignty of the municipalities). Nevertheless, the municipal plans must be adapted to the objectives of regional planning (in the form of the regional plan). In accordance with sustainable urban development, the municipalities prepare the structural and other use of land with the urban land use plans. The central object of urban land use planning is the “dedication” of land for certain uses (e.g. commercial, community, residential). Urban land use planning is organised in two levels: the land use plan as a preparatory urban land use plan is an authoritative municipal steering instrument for the entire municipality area. The land use plan as a binding urban land use plan is a generally binding legal standard for urban development and order to be adopted as a statute (Kühne 2012a; Langhagen-Rohrbach 2010; Priebs 2013; Turowski 2005; for the historical development of regional planning in Germany, see Boesler 1990). The obligation for mutual coordination between the different planning levels as well as between overall and specialised planning prevents contradictory or one-sided planning, but at the cost of lengthy planning procedures. The sometimes widely differing regulations on the organisation and depth of regulation of state and regional planning because of the federal structure of the Federal Republic of Germany also show that complex spatial developments are met with intricately organised spatial planning.

6.2

 conomic Spatial Developments: E Growth and Shrinkage, Development Paths and Influences of Globalisation

Germany’s economic development unfolds – as elsewhere – in the reciprocal dynamics between internal structures and processes with external influences, resulting in a high degree of complexity. Global processes such as industrialisation and post-industrialisation, Fordist and post-Fordist regulation and increasing integration into global production chains encounter intrinsic natural conditions (see Chap. 3), specific political framework conditions (from small political affiliations to the Weimar Republic, the National Socialist era, partition and reunification), but also specific understandings of economic activity and regional path dependencies, which have already been addressed in the historical analysis (Chap. 4). In the following, based on economic data and concurrently in a positivist approach (see Sect. 2.1), essential aspects of economic development as well as its spatial differentiation will be briefly explained and contextualised vis-­ à-­ vis general social developments (for more details, see Kulke 2010b).

87

6.2.1 K  ey Elements of Economic Development in Germany The gross domestic product of the Federal Republic of Germany in 2019 (the year before the Covid-19 pandemic) was 3449.1 billion euros, corresponding to a per capita GDP of 41,508 euros (Statistisches Bundesamt 2020i). According to absolute GDP, Germany ranks 4th in the world behind the United States, China and Japan, ahead of the United Kingdom and France (Statista 2021b), and 18th in terms of per capita income behind Hong Kong and ahead of Belgium (Statista 2021b). In the year before the Covid-19 crisis, 2019, unemployment in Germany fluctuated between 3.0% and 3.5%, so there was almost full employment (Statistisches Bundesamt 2020f). Land use in the Federal Republic is dominated by agriculture (about half of the land area, with a declining trend) and forests (Fig. 6.12). Despite this clear dominance in terms of land area, agriculture, forestry and fishing generated only a combined 0.9% of gross value added in Germany in 2019, the remaining percentages were 5.6% in construction, 24.2% in other manufacturing and 69.3% in services (Statistisches Bundesamt 2020a). The relatively low value added per person employed in the primary sector of the economy in Germany is illustrated by the fact that the 0.9% share of gross value added in 2019 was generated by 1.3% of the workforce (Fig. 5.6). This compares with 24.1% of the labour force in the secondary and 74.6% in the tertiary economic sector. Since records began in 1950 for the Federal Republic, the employment statistics have reflected several fundamental processes of change in the structural development of the economy in the Federal Republic (initially excluding the Saarland and Berlin, and from 1991 including the new federal states): 1. The continuous decline of the primary sector of the economy in terms of the number of employed persons, but also in terms of gross value added. 2. The secondary economic sector gained in importance until the mid-1960s (in 1965, it accounted for 49.2% of the labour force), followed by a continuous decline. Even the entry of the GDR, with its previously expanded secondary sector, had little impact on this decline as the economy was rapidly restructured during the political transformation (see Sect. 6.1.3). 3. The continuous growth of the labour force in the tertiary sector of the economy. This change in the economic sector was accompanied by an increase in the number of people in employment, both in absolute and relative terms. This process, which is closely linked to the increase in the importance of the tertiary sector, has been particularly evident since reunification: the overall employment rate in the 15 to under 65 age cohort was 67.8%

88

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.12  Land use in Germany 2018. (Own representation according to Umweltbundesamt 2020b)

2,3% 3,2%

13,9%

50,8%

29,8%

Agricultural area Forest area * Settlement and traffic area Other land incl. quarrying land, surrounding land and copses Water area * Since 2016, forest areas have been shown in the statistics without woody plants. Woody plants are recorded separately under "other areas". Including woody plants, the share of forest areas would be 30.9%.

for Germany as a whole in 1991 and, after falling to around 64%, which was particularly resultant from the change in economic structure in eastern Germany, rose to 76.7% by 2019. This rise was largely driven by the increasing integration of women into the labour market: while in 1991 only 57.0% of women in the aforementioned age cohort were in the labour force, the proportion rose to 72.8% in 2019, while in the same 2-year period, the proportion of men only increased from 78.4% to 80.5%. This increase in women’s employment was primarily driven by changes in the former West Germany: while a traditional family model with a housewife not participating in the labour force often applied in the former West Germany, women’s employment in the GDR was already not only commonplace but also encouraged and required by the state (Schenk 1990; Trappe 2014). In 1991, for example, 66.2% of East German but only 57.0% of West German women in the aforementioned age cohort were employed; in 2019, the ratio was 74.7–72.8% (Fig. 6.13; Statistisches Bundesamt 2020d). These changes were essentially driven economically by the tertiarisation of the economy (women are prevalently employed in this sector), economic growth, especially after the economic crisis following the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century, but also politically driven by the reform of labour market laws in the early 2000s to encourage people to take up

employment, as well as, moreover, socially driven by the emancipation of women from traditional role perceptions. Nevertheless, a closer examination of employment by gender reveals significant differences: while the full-time employment rate of employed men with minor children in the household was 93.6% in 2019, it was only 33.8% for women, i.e. women with children, if employed, work primarily part-time, which is also attributable to the unequal pay of women and men (gender pay gap; see, e.g. Busch 2013; Klenner et al. 2016; Statistisches Bundesamt 2020h; Weber 2004).

6.2.2 Economic Sector Changes in Germany As was made clear in the previous section, the primary sector of the economy in Germany has experienced a rapid decline in importance in terms of the number of employed persons as well as its share of the gross domestic product, although it continues to dominate the Landscape 1 in Germany. These developments are related to an increase in global competition, combined with a decline in prices for agricultural products, but also to the European Agricultural Policy (for the FRG), which in its initial phase was strongly focused on increasing production to become less dependent on food imports. A similar goal was pursued in the GDR, although

6.2  Economic Spatial Developments: Growth and Shrinkage, Development Paths and Influences of Globalisation Fig. 6.13  Persons in employment in the Federal Republic of Germany by economic sector 1950–2018, until 1959 excluding Berlin and Saarland, from 1991 including the five new Länder. (States; own representation according to Statistisches Bundesamt 2021). Data in millions

1951 1953 1955 1957 1959 1961 1963 1965 1967 1969 1971 1973 1975

Number of persons in employment (millions)

1977 1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019

4.8 4.6 4.5 4.4 4.3 4.2 4.1 4.0 3.9 3.7 3.6 3.5 3.3 3.1 3.0 2.9 2.8 2.6 2.5 2.4 2.2 2.1 2.0 1.9 1.8 1.7 1.6 1.5 1.5 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.3 1.3 1.3 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.1 1.1 1.1 1.2 1.0 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 0

8.4 8.9 9.2 9.5 9.9 10.6 11.0 11.2 11.3 11.4 12.5 12.8 12.9 12.9 13.0 13.2 13.0 12.3 12.3 12.7 12.4 12.3 12.1 12.2 11.8 11.1 10.9 11.0 10.9 11.1 11.3 11.1 10.8 10.5 10.5 10.5 10.6 10.6 10.7 10.8 11.1 13.8 13.2 12.6 12.3 12.1 11.8 11.5 11.5 11.4 11.4 11.2 10.8 10.5 10.3 10.1 10.0 10.1 10.3 10.1 10.0 10.2 10.4 10.4 10.5 10.5 10.6 10.7 10.8 10.9 10

primary sector of economy

6.4 6.6 6.9 7.2 7.5 7.7 8.1 8.4 8.7 9.0 10.0 10.2 10.3 10.5 10.6 10.7 10.9 10.9 11.0 11.1 12.0 12.3 12.7 13.0 13.2 13.4 13.6 13.7 14.0 14.5 14.8 15.0 15.1 15.2 15.5 15.9 16.3 16.7 17.1 17.6 18.2

20

89

23.8 24.2 24.3 24.7 25.1 25.4 25.7 26.3 27.0 27.9 28.0 28.1 28.1 28.3 28.5 28.9 29.5 29.9 30.1 30.4 30.7 31.0 31.3 31.6 32.0 32.5 33.0 33.4 33.8 30

secondary sector of economy

40

50

tertiary sector of economy

90 100 Wheat yields per hectare in 100 kg per hectare

Fig. 6.14  Wheat yields per hectare (in 100 kg per hectare) from 1899 to 2019 in Germany. (Data basis: 1899–2010: Leibniz Institute for Social Sciences 2019; reunified Germany, own representation according to Statistisches Bundesamt 2020c)

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

90 80 70 60

50 40 30 20 10 1899 1903 1907 1911 1915 1919 1923 1927 1931 1935 1939 1952 1956 1960 1964 1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2005 2009 2013 2017

0

German Empire

West German states

German Democratic Republic

reunified Germany

the path was different: whereas in the West the family farm remained dominant, agricultural production cooperatives became important in the GDR. On both sides of the border, this meant an increase in the allotted area per farm, greater mechanisation, and specialisation of the farms (in each case more so in the GDR than in the FRG), and greater use of fertilisers, especially in the West, combined with an increase in productivity per worker. The modernisation of agriculture on both sides of the German-German border was associated with an increase in yields per hectare (Fig. 6.14; using wheat as an example). However, because of its lower efficiency, agriculture in the GDR fell behind that of the Federal Republic over time. Since the 1980s at the latest, the production principle oriented towards output increase came under criticism (especially in the West). Overproduction of agricultural goods (in the European Community; keywords: “milk lake” (Milchsee), “butter mountain” (Butterberg)) and increasing knowledge about negative environmental impacts of intensive agriculture (soil erosion and biodiversity loss attributable to monocultures and the use of pesticides, fertiliser runoff into nearby waters, nitrate accumulation in groundwater, later also the importance of agriculture for the emission of greenhouse gases) meant a change in European agricultural policy. Together with a greater sensitivity of the population in Germany towards food-related environmental issues and a willingness to consume organically produced food, organic agriculture gained in importance. At the end of 2018, there were 31,713 organically managed farms in Germany, cultivating an area of 1,521,314 hectares, representing 12% of farms and 9.1% of Germany’s total agricultural land (Thünen Institute 2020). In addition to the changing

political framework for agricultural production and the rise in importance of organic farming, which is less geared towards high yields per hectare, the increasing effects of anthropogenic climate change (especially the increase in summer droughts) are causing yields per hectare to stagnate (at a comparatively high level; Bergmann 1992; Chilla et al. 2016; Dannenberg 2010; Haller et  al. 2020; Klohn and Roubitschek 2004; Plieninger et  al. 2006; Schöne 2010). Despite these general trends, agriculture in Germany is highly differentiated; the differentiation follows not only the diversity of the natural initial substrate, such as terrain, soils and climate (see Chap. 3), but also historical framework conditions, such as inheritance law (Realerbteilung, Anerbenrecht or mixed forms) as well as the location in the old Bundesrepublik or the former German Democratic Republic. For example, large farms with more than 100 hectares (1 hectare  =  2,47105 acres) of agricultural land dominate in eastern Germany, while farm sizes are smaller in western Germany; large livestock farms dominate in the northwest; vineyards are grown along the major rivers in the low mountain regions; the Hallertau region north of Munich supplies the beer industry with hops, to name just a few examples that illustrate the complexity of land management in Germany (for more detail, see Eckart 1998; Klohn and Roubitschek 2004; Roubitschek 2004; Spitzer et al. 1990). The secondary sector of the economy experienced the peak of its importance during the period of divided Germany, both in terms of its share of gross value added and its share of employment (see also Sect. 6.2.1). However, while the importance of the secondary sector of the economy declined in the FRG from the mid-1960s onwards, driven by increas-

6.2  Economic Spatial Developments: Growth and Shrinkage, Development Paths and Influences of Globalisation

91

37.7

services

28.5

industry

37.5 15.0

trade

10.3 6.7

construction industry

6.6 6.5

transport and communication

7.5 3.9

agriculture

Amount of empoyed persons in %

24.4

10.8 1.7

energy sector and supply

3.0

0

5

10

Federal republic Germany

15

20

25

30

35

40

German Democratic Republic

Fig. 6.15  Persons in employment by economic sector in the FRG and the GDR in 1988, in percent. (Own representation according to: iwd – Der Informationsdienst des Instituts der deutschen Wirtschaft 2015)

ing global competition and division of labour, productivity gains and the increasing importance of the tertiary sector of the economy, it retained a dominant importance in the GDR until its demise (Fig. 6.15). This dominance resulted not least from an ideological preference of the “workers’ and peasants’ state” for “productive activities”, i.e. activities in which something was produced, and also important – according to the Marxist idea  – the working class was regarded as the “engine of socialism” (Kornai 1980, 1992). International division of labour, global competition, automation and the growing importance of information technology had an impact upon the form of fundamental intrasectoral structural change in German industry: whereas the food and beverage industry was still the industrial sector with the highest sales in 1950 (around 18% of total industrial sales) and motor vehicle manufacturing ranked ninth within the industrial sectors with a share of around 4%, by 1985 it had risen to first place, with around 12%, just ahead of the chemical industry. Coal mining, which was ranked fifth among the industrial sectors in 1950 with a share of 5%, was no longer ranked among the top ten industrial sectors in terms of sales in 1985 (Voppel 1990). In 2019, automotive manufacturing clearly dominates German industry (Fig. 6.16): a 22.7% of sales are generated in this sector, well ahead of mechanical engineering (13.3%), and the chemical-pharmaceutical industry (10.3%). The textile industry now accounts for only 0.6%. Compared to the 1950 figures, the shift away from labour-intensive activities towards technologically sophisticated industrial manufacturing in the context of an intensifying international division of labour is evident (Hassler 2010; see also Gebhardt 2007a).

In addition to the loss of importance of the textile industry, structural change is particularly evident in coal mining – which ultimately involves changes to Landscapes 1, 2 and 3. Together with iron and steel production and processing, especially in the second half of the nineteenth century, it fell into crisis at the end of the 1950s as a result of the increasing conversion of heating and propulsion (mainly in railroads and shipping) to the alternatives of oil, and later gas (heating) and electricity (railroads), which was exacerbated by cheap competition from abroad (in general, see Brücher 2009; Haas and Schlesinger 2010). Two main uses of hard coal remained: electricity generation and iron production. Although German coking coal became competitive again for a short time in the steel boom before the financial crisis at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century in 2008 (160 euros extraction costs per ton, with a world market price of 240 euros per ton), extraction capacities had already been reduced to such an extent that coal production in Germany could no longer benefit from this short boom, especially since extraction costs for thermal coal were also 160 euros per ton with a world market price of 95 euros (Scheffels 2008). In addition to the lack of economic viability and the correspondingly high need for subsidies, the discussion about the ecological consequences of extracting coal and converting it into electricity influenced Germany’s decision to finally withdraw from coal mining in 2018 (Fig. 6.17): on December 21, 2018, coal mining in Germany came to an end with a final pit run at the Prosper-Haniel mine in Bottrop. From now on, the German metal industry and hard coal-fired power plants will be powered by imported coal. By contrast, lignite mining, which was the main energy base of the GDR,

92

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

automobile manufacture

438.8

mechanical engineering

256.9

Chemical-pharmaceutical industry nutrition

185.3

Electrical engineering

181.2

Metal production and processing

Sales in billion of euros

198.3

103.6

Construction

93.2

Mineral oil processing

73.4

Plastics industry

65.0

Paper industry

39.4

Textile industry

11.7

0

100

200

300

400

500

Fig. 6.16  Sales of the most important industrial sectors in Germany in 2019 in billions of euros. (Petroleum processing: 2018; own representation according to Statistisches Bundesamt 2020g)

356.5

400

350

131.3

166.3

171.3

171.6

178.1

178.2

183.0

185.4

176.5

169.4

169.9

167.7

200

177.9

192.7

250

150

2.6

3.7

3.8

6.2

7.6

7.6

0.0

0

10.8

12.1

12.9

13.8

24.7

53.1

69.8

81.8

33.3

50

86.6

100

92.4

111.3

Production in million metric tonnes

300

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 Hard coal

Lignite

Fig. 6.17  Production of coal and lignite in Germany in million metric tons [1 metric ton = 1,10231 US ton]. (Figures for lignite only from 1990; own representation according to Statistisches Bundesamt 2020b; Statistisches Bundesamt 2020e)

6.2  Economic Spatial Developments: Growth and Shrinkage, Development Paths and Influences of Globalisation 1.9% 2.5%

1.4%

1.2%

93

0.4%

4.4% 4.9%

4.9% 6,6% 58.0% 6.7%

7.2%

Wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles and motorcycles

Provision of professional, scientific and technical services

Real estate and housing

Catering industry

Other service activities

Other business activities

Information and communication

Art, entertainment and recreation

Transport and storage

Healthcare and social services

Education and teaching

financial and insurance services

Fig. 6.18  Turnover of taxable companies in the service sector in Germany in 2018 by sector in percent. (Total turnover: 3648 billion euros; own representation according to Statista 2020b)

has been maintained at a relatively constant level in low-cost opencast mines since the mid-1990s following the restructuring of the East German energy base. Depending on assumed full-load hours and CO2 allowance prices, the electricity production costs of baseload electricity generated from lignite range from 4.59 to 7.98 € Cents/kWh. Electricity generated from hard coal (medium load) costs 6.27–9.86 € Cent/kWh, and those in CCGT power plants cost at 7.78–9.96 € Cent/ kWh (peak load capable; Kost et al. 2018). The “coal compromise” from 2020 provides for a phase-out of coal-fired power generation by the end of 2038 (for the topic of the energy transition, see Sect. 7.4). For economic restructuring, the states affected by the lignite phase-out  – North Rhine-­ Westphalia (Lower Rhine area), Saxony-Anhalt (Central German area) and Brandenburg (Lusatian area)  – are to receive 40 billion euros from federal funds (Süddeutsche Zeitung 2020). The service sector in Germany is dominated by trade plus the maintenance and repair of motor vehicles (Fig.  6.18). Larger companies dominate here: whereby 58.0% of sales are generated by 591,437 companies (equally 23.8% of the 2,485,069 companies in the Federal Republic (Statista 2020a). The situation is reversed in the provision of professional, scientific and technical services, where smaller com-

panies dominate. The 7.2% of sales are generated by 19.5% of companies. The tertiarisation of the German economy is attributable to various developments. First, rising real incomes lead to a stronger demand for purchasing services on the market that were previously provided by the individual. In addition, in combination with the decline in working hours, more financial resources are available for leisure activities. As society, ages and the various adult generations of a family become increasingly disconnected socially and spatially, and as the number of people with no or temporary partnership ties grows, the need for services (e.g. nursing and care) increases. In addition, the complexity of technical devices (e.g. computers) and non-technical products (e.g. financial services) is increasing, which increases the need for advice. This affects not only private households but also the primary and secondary sectors of the economy, through which business-oriented services have gained in importance. Frequently, however, certain business services have also been outsourced to industry, making them statistically part of the tertiary sector. At the same time, the interdependencies of industry and business-­related services are increasing significantly (e.g. via complex supply chain and distribution structures and their organisation, specialised research and development,

94

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

often discussed in the context of comprehensive digitisation under the keyword “Industry 4.0”). At least since the 1990s, processes previously experienced by industry have also been found in the service sector, such as relocation abroad (e.g. call centres, but also the typesetting of books and magazines) or the automation of services (currently: translation software). While industries that require direct personal (especially body-related) contact, such as nursing, hairdressing and physiotherapy applications, have (still) proven resistant to automation, the importance of computer-based qualification (reinforced by the Covid-19 pandemic) is increasing even in the field of university teaching. Tertiarisation by means of wage spread is linked to an economic and social polarisation of society (Bauernhansl et al. 2014; Chilla et al. 2016; Kulke 2010a; Müller et al. 2017). Overall, both the secondary and tertiary sectors of the economy show a strong orientation of the German economy towards the automobile. Following the closure of the last coal mines and the steady decline in the importance of the iron-producing industry (representing the “Second Wave” of the Kondratieff cycles; Solomou 1990) and a more modest manifestation of the “Fourth Wave” (such as transistors and computers), German economic performance remains heavily dependent on the representations of the “Third Wave” (see Kulke 2010a). Although the German automotive industry has evolved from a Fordist production and distribution logic (the dominance of Volkswagen’s “Beetle” may be the symbol for this) in the 1980s and 1990s to a post-Fordist organisation with flexible production, low vertical integration, specialisation of production and development sites and strong international orientation (Fuchs 2010; Schamp and Rentmeister 2004), the importance of alternative drives (battery electric, hydrogen) remains low. The economic processes are not regionally uniform, but have a differentiated spatial structure, which will be discussed in the following.

6.2.3 S  patial Differentiation of Economic Developments in Germany A key element of Germany’s differentiation lies in its spatially pronounced economic differences, combined with individual and social repercussions, for example, in the form of internal migration or commuter links (see Sects. 6.4 and 6.5). A key indicator of economic differences is the per capita distribution of gross domestic product, shown in Fig. 6.19. Four spatial patterns can be traced: 1. High GDP per capita is achieved predominantly in the metropolitan core areas, but also in other large centres. Jobs in general are concentrated here, especially those associated with high value added; conversely, these areas

have a high surplus of commuters (e.g. Hamburg, Frankfurt, Munich and Stuttgart). 2. Old industrial regions have a comparatively low GDP per inhabitant (e.g. the Ruhr region (see Sect. 8.1), but also traditional textile regions such as the Southwest Palatinate). 3. The new Länder (States) also have a lower GDP per capita than the western German Länder. 4. In general, we find a pattern that was much discussed in the old Federal Republic: a gradient from the south (Bavaria, Baden-Württemberg) to the north (in the old FRG: especially Schleswig-Holstein and the coastal regions of Lower Saxony, today Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania). These patterns overlap: for example, although the larger cities in the new Länder (such as Leipzig, Dresden, Halle) have a higher GDP per capita than the surrounding, less urban regions, they lag behind their western counterparts, partly because they have often experienced intensive deindustrialisation because of system transformation. In parts of Bavaria, but especially in Baden-Württemberg, there are also numerous districts less characterised by metropolitanism with a high GDP per capita (such as Biberach, and somewhat less pronounced – the Ostalbkreis district). In Mecklenburg-­ Vorpommern, which is largely rural, the west-east divide and the south-north divide culminate, with de-industrialisation largely completed in some parts of the state resulting from the transformation process (shipyard industry in coastal locations). The result is a complex structure of different economic spatial patterns (see also Küpper and Peters 2019; Liefner 2010; Neu 2012; Revilla Diez 2010; Suwala 2010). The spatial patterns identified for GDP per capita are reflected in the distribution of unemployment by districts and independent cities (Fig.  6.20), which is even more pronounced in some cases. The west-east divide, old industrialisation and south-north divide are particularly evident here. The pattern of the difference between upper-central and metropolitan core areas and less central spatial units is also found in the unemployment rate but tends to be reversed: The unemployment rate tends to be higher in the upper-central and metropolitan core areas, often as a result of segregation processes and suburbanisation trends in recent decades. The divergence of GDP per capita and unemployment rates can also be understood as an indicator of polarising urban societies (for further information see Glaser et al. 2007; Kronauer and Siebel 2013; Windzio 2004). The polarisation of urban societies in Germany is also expressed in the number of those with a high endowment of incorporated and institutionalised cultural capital (Bourdieu 2005 [1983]), in this case indicated by the share of persons with an academic degree per 100 employed persons (Fig. 6.21). Upper-central and metropolitan core areas have a

6.2  Economic Spatial Developments: Growth and Shrinkage, Development Paths and Influences of Globalisation

95

Fig. 6.19  The spatial distribution of gross domestic product per inhabitant in 2016 by districts and independent cities. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

96

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.20  The spatial distribution of unemployed persons per 100 labour force on an annual average in 2017 by districts and independent cities. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

6.2  Economic Spatial Developments: Growth and Shrinkage, Development Paths and Influences of Globalisation

97

Fig. 6.21  The spatial distribution of employed persons at the place of residence with an academic degree per 100 employed persons in 2017 by districts and independent cities. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

98

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

high proportion of academics, as do their surrounding areas to a somewhat lesser extent. Low proportions of university graduates can be found in rural areas, such as the Eifel and Pfälzerwald (Rhineland-Palatinate) and the Bavarian Forest (Bavaria). In the core areas, diverse cultural, culinary and other leisure-related offerings culminate with the concentration of jobs for academics, especially in the tertiary sector. In addition to the aforementioned concentration of tertiary employment in metropolitan and upper-central core areas, there are also some spillover effects into neighbouring regions (Fig.  6.22). Here, a gradient towards districts and independent cities dominated by less central locations becomes apparent, an aspect of regions with a greater significance for tourism (this particularly applies the coasts and the northern edge of the Alps in Bavaria). The mentioned gradient in meridional direction is in this case directed from north to south: the north of Germany shows a higher employment rate in the tertiary economic sector; this, as well as the central-­peripheral gradient, covers the contrast between East and West Germany and effects of post-industrial structural change. Compared to West Germany, the share of high-­ quality business-related services is low in East Germany whose populace, in turn, has a strong tendency to move to metropolitan core regions seeking greater networking opportunities (Kinder 2010; Kulke 2010a). The meridional divide in the spatial distribution of employment in the secondary sector of the economy per 100 workers is again directed from south to north (Fig.  6.23). The de-industrialisation of the metropolitan core areas primarily, but also of the upper-central core areas, is also clear, which in turn has a significant impact on the social polarisation there. In particular, the loss of secondary economic jobs with low qualification requirements could be compensated for in many cases. Here, too, in the context of the post-Fordist tradition, either tertiary-economy jobs with low pay (and in precarious employment relationships) or jobs with high qualification requirements (although these are often also in temporary employment relationships) were created for workers with low qualifications. The old industrial regions also fit into the general pattern of a weakly developed secondary economic sector in the core areas, which illustrates the intensity of structural change; after all, these were Germany’s industrial core areas just five decades ago. Today, there is also a concentration of secondary economic activity in the neighbouring counties of metropolitan core areas. This can be understood in view of relocation seeking better land availability, lower land prices and suitable infrastructural facilities (often with connections to the highway network). Focal points of primary economic employment in Germany are found in intensive agriculture in the north of Germany, but also in areas whose primary economic sector is strongly characterised by the cultivation of special crops,

such as the Mosel region, Rheinhessen and the eastern Palatinate in Rhineland-Palatinate, also parts of Franconia (Fig. 6.24; see also Sects. 8.6 and 8.7). Otherwise, the primary economic sector is strongly dominated by the combination of local locational factors and regional political traditions, so that (beyond the trivial pattern of low employment in the primary economic sector in metropolitan and upper-central core areas) hardly any spatial patterns are pronounced at the national level. Very large disparities between metropolitan and upper-­ central core areas on the one hand and sparsely populated rural regions on the other are evident involving the availability of high-speed Internet (Fig. 6.25). Northward slopes and an east-west divide in turn modify this pattern. The pattern of old industrialisation is subordinate to the other patterns. The pattern of transition from a metropolitan core area to peripheral regions from Berlin to Brandenburg stands out especially compared to the other new federal states. Since the availability of fast Internet is no longer a necessary development prerequisite for purely information-related services alone, but also in the secondary economic sector and also in the primary economic sector in the context of the increasing mechanisation of agriculture, its absence constitutes not only a regional competitive disadvantage but also a factor for population outmigration. Finally, fast Internet is not only a medium for economic processes but has also become a medium in which the distribution of social capital is negotiated (Falck and Schüller 2016; Wagner 2019a, b). Overall, spatial patterns of economic indicators in Germany are not always uniformly polarised. In combination with the overlapping of spatial patterns, these different polarities lead to a complex spatial economic structure that has an impact on social and political processes, which in turn have an impact on economic processes. Such feedback processes are examined in more detail in regional case studies in Chap. 8.

6.3

Transport and Mobility

The transport sector has already been mentioned indirectly in the clarifications concerning the development of the economic landscape, and we will now pay more attention to it, since it is of central importance regarding mobility and infrastructures. According to the classical definition by Carl Pirath (1949 [1934], p. 3), transportation can be understood as a “change of place of persons, goods and messages”. Transportation can be described as a way of satisfying mobility, in this case spatial mobility, less so social mobility (in this context: Canzler 2009; Hesse 2001; Knie 1997). The increase in transport is linked to the modernisation of society; social differentiation; the separation of the basic functions of existence, work, living, leisure, taking care of

6.3  Transport and Mobility

99

Fig. 6.22  The spatial distribution of employed persons in the tertiary sector of the economy per 100 employed persons in 2016, by districts and independent cities. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

100

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.23  The spatial distribution of employed persons in the secondary sector of the economy per 100 employed persons in 2016 by districts and independent cities. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

6.3  Transport and Mobility

101

Fig. 6.24  The spatial distribution of employed persons in the primary sector of the economy per 100 employed persons in 2016 by districts and independent cities. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

102

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.25  Broadband coverage at 16 Mbit/s per 100 households. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

6.3  Transport and Mobility

103

1400

Transport expenditure in billions of kilometers

1200

1000

800

32.5

33.6

35.8

37.5

65.2

71

71.7

72.4

72.7

77.5

77

76.7

76.2

75.7

821.4

830.5

831.8

833.4

845.3

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

30

22.6 57 81.6

25.6

27.7

57.2

63.4

80.4

79.6

39.9 73.8

76.2

42.7 75.4 77.3

52.8

55.2

56.2

48.4

52.6

55.6

58.8

60.8

79

79.1

82.5

83.9

85.4

88.8

76.8

82.2

89.6

72.9 82.8

81.3

79.6

78.6

78.1

76

77.1

81.8

78

82.5

41.9

40.8

75.8

70.8

71.3

77

75.7

75.8

875.6

887.1

875.7

882.6

883.4

888.5

898.7

902.4

912.4

914.6

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

43.3

56.3

58.4

58.8 91

61.5 91.7

64

94.2 81.1

78.8

81.8

921.4

935

945.7

965.2

2013

2014

2015

2016

67.5

70.4

95.5

98.1

79.7

78.9

935.7

934.8

2017

2018

600

400 713.5

731.5

740.8

1991

1992

1993

866.7

849.6

872

880.3

1999

2000

2001

2002

200

0 Motorized individual traffic

Public road transport

Railroad

Air traffic

Fig. 6.26  Passenger transport  – transport expenditure by mode of transport in billions of kilometres between 1991 and 2018. (From 2017: changed basis of calculation; own representation according to Umweltbundesamt 2020a). Data in 1000

oneself, educating oneself, recreating oneself and living in community (Maier et al. 1977; Partzsch 1970); the international division of labour; the increasingly varying demand for goods and services; and, last but not least, their function of social distinction, etc. In the following we will deal with essential developments of transportation and their function of differentiated spatial development (see also Hesse and Neiberger 2010; Schliephake 2001a, b, c).

6.3.1 Central Features As concerns passenger transport in Germany, seven characteristics can be identified (Schmitz 2001; Scheiner 2015; Fig. 6.26): 1. A relatively constant volume of traffic per person per unit of time 2. A relatively constant travel time budget per person per unit of time 3. An expansion of the operational areas 4. A growth in distances 5. Increasing travel speeds 6. A shift in the use of transportation to motorised private transport at the expense of walking (this has changed since the turn of the millennium)

7. The dominance of private motorised transportation over the other modes, hovering around 80% between 1991 and 2018 In terms of trip purposes, vacation and leisure travel dominated in Germany in both 2003 and 2017 survey years (Fig. 6.27), although its share of total passenger travel (which increased by 9.8%) declined. Even though the share of car travel in a work-related or education-related context has increased between the survey years, private travel dominates with a share of around three-fifths in Germany. Freight transport expenditure in Germany increased by almost three-quarters between 1991 and 2018 (Fig. 6.28). In 2009, because of the economic crisis, total freight transport expenditure briefly declined. Road freight transport roughly doubled during this period, while the share of rail and inland waterway transport declined: the share of rail transport slightly, from 20.6 to 19.9% and that of inland waterway transport significantly, from 14.0% to 6.7%. This means that the targets set by the German government in 2002 in its sustainability strategy for 2015 were clearly missed. Here, rail’s share of freight transport was required to be 25% and inland waterway transport’s share 14% (German Federal Government 2002). Air transport increased fourfold to 1.6 billion ton-kilometres during the period under consideration. The share of transport by pipeline fell from 3.9% to 2.5%. This increase in the volume of both freight and passenger traffic is primarily from the expansion and overloading of

104

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.27 Passenger transport expenditure by trip purpose in 2003 and 2017 in comparison, shares in percent; total passenger transport expenditure: 2003:,1142.0; 2017, 1253.6 billion passenger kilometres. (Own representation according to Umweltbundesamt 2020a)

43.6

Vacation and leisure traffic

Passenger transport expenditure in %

38.9

21.4

Professional and educational transport

20.5 17.2

Shopping trips

15.8 12.5

Business trips

20.2 5.2

Accompanying trips

4.6

0

5

10

2003

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

1.5

1.6

2017

800

700

Freight transport expenditure in billions of tonne-kilometers

1.2

600

1

0.8 0.7

500 0.6 0.5

400

300

0.4

0.4

15.7

15.7

56

57.2

0.5 16.1

16.8 61.8

72.8

0.5

16.6

14.5

64

62.2

15 62.7

0.7

0.8

15

15.8

15.2

66.5

64.8

252.3

16.2 63.7

16.7

64.7

64.1

1.3 15.9

64

1.4

1.5

16.3

15.6

62.3

55

1.4

1.4 16.2 58.5

18.2 60.1

1.4 17.5

114.6

18.8 54.3

18.2

55.5

46.9

55.3

128.3

129.4

479.4

486

133

121

115.7

107

1.5

17.7

59.1

55.5

64.1

58.2 91.9

107.3

113.3

440.6

442.6

110.1

112.6

115

95.8

95.4

85.1 76.8

82.7

81

81.1

74.2

70

65.6

200

245.7

15.4

15.8

1.4

15.7

64.2

64.3

61.3 73.9

70.5

14.8

13.2

57.6 70.7

82.2

0.5

0.7

0.8

1

1.2 15.8

1.6 17.2

251.5

272.5

279.7

280.7

301.8

315.9

341.7

346.3

353

354.5

381.9

398.4

402.7

435.7

454.1

457.6 415.6

432

442.7

451.9

465.6

500.2

100

0 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 Road transport

Railroad

Inland waterway transport

Long-distance pipelines

air traffic

Fig. 6.28  Freight transport – expenditure by mode of transport in billions of ton-kilometres between 1991 and 2018. (2018 preliminary data; own representation according to Umweltbundesamt 2020a)

existing infrastructures. For example, the rail network in Germany was reduced from 44,600 km in 1994, the year of the rail reform (associated, among other things, with the private-­law organisation of Deutsche Bahn and the transfer of responsibility for local rail transport to the federal states), to around 38,500 km, of which around 33,500 km are operated by Deutsche Bahn (DB Netz AG; Pro-Rail Alliance

2020). In contrast, the highway network has been expanded by 2478–12,993 km since reunification, i.e. by 23.6%, and the stock of highways with at least four lanes has grown by 2463–3383 km. Of this, 40% of the construction work was carried out in the new federal states, mainly in the complex of “German Unity Transportation Projects” (Verkehrsprojekte Deutsche Einheit – Federal Ministry of Transport and Digital

6.3  Transport and Mobility

105 1,53,512

Erfurt

2,25,805 3,43,127

Saarbrücken

4,35,580 4,88,390

Friedrichshafen

5,58,418 6,92,674

Paderborn/Lippstadt

7,68,885 9,83,901

Münster/Osnabrück

8,15,005 12,30,687

Weeze/Niederrhein

19,09,036 13,33,953

Karlsruhe/Bad.-Bad.

10,46,022 13,96,804

Hahn Dresden

Number of passengers

25,96,486 15,92,662 17,15,566 23,05,794

Bremen

26,57,750 26,06,372

Leipzig/Halle

23,05,551 27,19,566

Dortmund

19,83,815 41,00,575

Nürnberg

33,68,026 62,88,609

Hannover

54,39,182 1,14,09,153

Berlin Schönefeld

85,16,966 1,23,54,398

Köln/Bonn

1,03,26,336 1,27,03,685

Stuttgart

1,04,91,149 1,72,75,409

Hamburg

1,55,86,301

Berlin Tegel

2,42,23,999

2,10,01,162 2,54,97,380

Düsseldorf

2,24,59,480

4,79,05,796

München

4,08,73,068

Frankfurt/Main

7,04,56,630 6,09,06,628

0

1,00,00,000 2,00,00,000 3,00,00,000 4,00,00,000 5,00,00,000 6,00,00,000 7,00,00,000 8,00,00,000 2019

2018

2017

2016

2015

Fig. 6.29  Number of passengers at commercial airports in Germany between 2015 and 2019. (Own representation according to Statista 2021a)

Infrastructure 2021; Kagermeier 1999). This expansion can thus be understood as being “positively linked back” to the “catching up” of automobiles in the new states, since before the fall of the Wall, motorised individual transport was comparatively weak here compared to prioritised public transport, reinforced by the low efficiency of automobile production in the GDR (as in the other states of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance; Kagermeier 1999). The growth in passenger numbers from 215,986,217 to 248,063,076 at commercial airports in Germany between

2015 and 2019 (14.9%; Fig.  6.29) is primarily associated with the high-passenger Frankfurt and Munich airports, and to a much lesser extent at Düsseldorf, while the lower-­ passenger airports very often experience a decline in passengers. In terms of passenger numbers, therefore, clear trends towards concentration can be observed in Germany. Some of these smaller airports (such as Weeze/Lower Rhine or Hahn) are conversion projects reflecting the decline of military presence in Germany after the end of the “Cold War”. Often, hopes for regional economic impulses were linked to these

106

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

decentrally located airports, which, however, were and are mostly served by so-called low-cost airlines bypassing the classic “hub-and-spoke system”. Often, these airports operate at or below the profitability threshold and are publicly subsidised. The regional airport Zweibrücken (Rhineland-­ Palatinate) was closed again in 2014 after 22 years of operation as a civil airport for scheduled commercial air traffic (Airliners 2014; Hujer 2018; Krieglmeier 2020; Röhl 2009). Berlin’s capacity-limited airports Tegel (during the divided era: West Berlin) and Schönefeld (East Berlin) represent a special case. These were replaced – after a delay of 9 years – by the “new” capital city airport BER, which opened on October 31, 2020 (because of the Covid-19 pandemic: partially). The Schönefeld Airport terminal was integrated into the airport, designed for 41 million passengers, as Terminal 5 (Bundesregierung 2020; Tagesschau 2020). The Covid-19 pandemic hit German airports hard in 2020, as it ultimately did globally as a whole, and led to a significant drop in passenger numbers  – at the time of going to press for our Germany 2021 book, it is not yet possible to predict exactly how quickly a recovery will take place.

6.3.2 Resulting Accessibilities Despite the large number of (international) airports in Germany, there are considerable spatial differences in their accessibility (Fig. 6.30). Since the airports were built in or near metropolitan areas, sparsely populated parts of the country are less accessible. This particularly applies to the area of the former zonal border, but also to other parts of Germany, most notably the border region between Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg. As already mentioned, passenger numbers and services are limited to a small number of large airports, which reinforces the peripheralisation of areas beyond the major metropolitan regions. As a result of the denser network of train stations with connections to the long-distance network (Intercity, IC and InterCity Express, ICE) compared to the airports in Germany, the areas of reduced accessibility are smaller here and form less pronounced overarching spatial patterns except for lower accessibility of the areas outside the metropolitan and ­upper-­central areas (Fig. 6.31). Despite efforts to expand the freeway network, large spatial differences in the accessibility of a freeway connection are evident (Fig. 6.32). Particularly affected by cumulatively low long-distance traffic accessibility are the Altmark and adjacent regions in the former zonal border area, selectively (parts of) the low mountain regions such as the Black Forest, the Bavarian Forest, the Eifel and the Erzgebirge. The challenges for Germany’s transportation development are manifold, linking back with ecological, economic and social processes that often cannot be implemented with-

out controversies. On the one hand, measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions require a contribution from transportation (see Sect. 7.2), where it is questionable whether this can be achieved solely through increases in efficiency (associated with the danger of the “rebound effect”) or consistency (replacement of vehicles powered by fossil fuels with those powered by sustainable energy) or whether traffic avoidance and a massive restructuring of the modal split will not become necessary – against the background of already heavily utilised and often obsolete track systems, which are therefore not approved for higher speeds, as well as delays in the procurement of new rolling stock from the railroads (cf. also Deiters et  al. 2001; Handelsblatt 2020; Schliephake 2001a). On the other hand, it is not only the constitutional mandate to create equal living conditions that requires increased transportation access to regions outside metropolitan as well as upper-central core and peripheral areas, also assisting to mitigate the current reurbanisation trends.

6.4

The Differentiation of the Population

An examination of Germany’s complexities also includes a focus on the differentiation of the population. The focus is on the last decades. At the same time, an understanding of recent development processes is only possible with a certain degree of hindsight (as with what was overviewed in the previous sections), so that in the following we briefly go back to the nineteenth century and then expressly illuminate the period after the Second World War. Population decline and ageing have made demographic change a significant issue to consider, especially since the 2000s. Several population waves eventually contributed to the current composition and, at the same time, to diversification. Following the processes of negotiating varying degrees of intensity arising from these waves involving the question of the extent to which the Federal Republic is now a country of immigration, Germany most recently saw diverse and, in some instances, highly charged and polemic discussions engaging diversity in the course of the often titled “refugee crisis” in 2015. A separate section is therefore devoted to the aspect of diversity and religion.

6.4.1 Population Development from the German Reich to the Federal Republic of Germany in the Mid-2020s In the nineteenth century (for the history of Germany, see Chap. 4), an almost parallel course of high birth and death rates can be traced for the area of the later German Empire from the founding of the empire in 1871 onwards, always briefly interrupted by irregular fluctuations. In the period

6.4  The Differentiation of the Population

Fig. 6.30  Average travel time by car to the nearest international airport in minutes 2018. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

107

108

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.31  The average travel time by car to the nearest IC/ICE station in minutes 2018. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

6.4  The Differentiation of the Population

109

Fig. 6.32  The average travel time by car to the nearest federal freeway junction in minutes 2018. (Own representation according to BBSR 2020)

110 Fig. 6.33  Population size in Germany, 1816–2018. (Until 1945 former Reich territory, since 1945 FRG and GDR; own representation based on Federal Institute for Population Research 2021)

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity 100 80 60 40 20 0 1815

1835

between 1817 and 1850, the population rapidly increased by 41%: from 25.0 million to 35.3 million (Gans and Kemper 2001, p. 13). By 1871, the population reached 41.0 million, and finally 56.4 million in 1900 (Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p. 26). From the 1870s onwards, death rates continued to decline while birth rates remained high, which resulted in a widening of the population gap and the beginning of the so-called demographic transition (demographischer Übergang; Gans and Pott 2020, p. 975). In 1910, the population pyramid of the German Empire actually had the shape of a pyramid (Heineberg 2004, p. 62), resulting in a broad base due to the high proportion of children and, at the same time, a tapering towards the top because of the lower proportion of older members of the population (Gans and Kemper 2001, p.  14). In the early twentieth century, fertility declined, resulting in a drop from about four to two births per woman. As a result, the population gap began to close again, and the natural growth of the population decreased. After the Second World War, birth and death rates remained at rather low but stable levels, associated with a positive balance until the mid-1960s, followed by a negative balance (Gans and Pott 2020, p. 976). Migratory inflows became crucial for the population of Germany at that time. After the end of the war, “there were large movements of refugees and forced resettlement of Germans from the former eastern territories beyond the Oder and Neisse rivers, from Czechoslovakia, from Poland and from other countries. About 11 million resettlers arrived in the territory of the two German states between 1945 and 1950. In 1950, 7.9 million displaced persons lived in West Germany, corresponding to a population share of 15.9%, and 4.4 million in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), where the share was as high as 23.9%. In addition, there were 1.6 million refugees in the Federal Republic from the former Soviet Occupation Zone and, after 1949, from the GDR, so that together nearly 20% of the population were migrants from this new East-West migration (for background information, see Sect. 4.5). The immigrants were initially

1855

1875

1895

1915

1935

1955

1975

1995

2015

settled predominantly in rural areas because there was a shortage of housing in the cities resulting from the destruction caused by the war”, as Gans and Kemper (2001, p. 22f.) summarise the situation. For the territory of the former Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), a population of about 51.0 million was recorded for 1950, and about 18.4 million in the German Democratic Republic (Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p.  26). Differences between the West and East also manifested themselves in population trends via the central system policy divergences, as the GDR lost over three million residents between 1950 and 1998. The West, on the other hand, experienced a population increase (Laux 2001, p.  36). Immigrants came primarily from Eastern and Southeastern Europe and especially from the GDR, from which 2.6 million inhabitants fled to the FRG before the Wall was built in 1961 (Gans and Schlömer 2014, p.  130). In 2000, the total unified German population was 82.3 million (Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p. 26); at the end of 2017, it was 82.8 million residents, of whom slightly more than three-quarters live in densely and moderately populated areas (Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p. 23). The graphical representation of population development between 1816 and 2018 (Fig. 6.33) impressively illustrates what has been said so far: already in the first decades of the nineteenth century, a clear population increase took place, which, however, experienced a significant dynamism in the last decades. The two world wars caused clearly recognisable population declines, which were simultaneously compensated relatively quickly after the wars. Since the 1970s, the population has hovered around 80 million. A look at the age structure of the population in the Federal Republic of Germany in 2017 reveals a certain urn shape with a clear bulge in the middle age range (see Fig. 6.34). At the top, there are significantly more women than men among the most elderly. In other words, there is a surplus of women, which can be attributed to two factors. First, women have a higher life expectancy than men do, which generally results in surpluses of women. Second, however, it is quite relevant

6.4  The Differentiation of the Population

111

Age 100

Men 40.8 million

Women 42.0 million

Killed in WW2

Excess of women over men

90

Decline in births due to 1929-30 economic crisis

80

Decline in births due to WW2

70

60 Baby-boom and subsequent decline in births

50

40

Excess of men over women Low-point in births in new German states (ex-GDR)

30

20

10

Increase in births 800

600

400

200

0

0

200

400

600

800

Fig. 6.34  Age structure of the population of the Federal Republic of Germany in 2017. (In 1000 per age year; own presentation based on Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p. 25)

that many men were killed in the Second World War who would have been around 90 years old today. There is an additional dip in the 85–88-year-old age group because fewer children were conceived and born during the Great Depression Era around 1932. Declines in births during the Second World War are just as noticeable in the age structure as, conversely, a significant increase in births after the war. The people born in Germany at the end of the 1950s and in the 1960s are usually referred to as “baby boomers”. Then, in 1965, the second decline in the birth rate began. The fact that there are quite a few men and women around the age of 30

today has to do with two factors. First, these are the children of the high number of baby boomers, so that even low numbers of children per woman are not significant here. Second, family policy measures in the GDR caused birth rates to recover there from the late 1970s onwards. Additionally, the youngest age groups are increasingly underpopulated. The low birth rate in East Germany after reunification was clearly noticeable, based on growing uncertainties. The increase in births among the very young is an outcome of the comparatively large number of children born to baby boomers, who are at the age of their highest fertility. Accordingly, however,

112

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

1950 Age ≥ 100

Men

800

2018

400

0

Women

Men

Age ≥ 100

2060* Women

Age ≥ 100

Men

90

90

90

80

80

80

70

70

70

60

60

60

50

50

50

40

40

40

30

30

30

20

20

20

10

10

10

0

0

400

800 800

0 400 0 0 400 Number of persons by 1000s

800 800

400

0

0

Women

0

400

800

* According to updated 14th coordinated population prediction (variant 2)

Fig. 6.35  Age structure of the population in Germany in 1950, 2018, and projected for 2060. (Own representation after: BiB 2019)

this will only be a temporary factor. Even with strong immigration in recent years, accompanied by higher birth rates, there will be a trend towards shrinking birth cohorts (Bund-­ Länder-­Demografie Portal 2020).

occur in the future (see Fig. 6.35). Originating as a pyramid, the two world wars make themselves very clear in the otherwise beehive-shaped age structure in 1950. In 2018, it is the baby boomers of the 1950s and 1960s that shape the population. In 2060, an urn shape is expected, resulting in a declining population. 6.4.2 Demographic Change Because of the social upheavals mentioned above, the proportion of single people is growing (around 44% in 2016), For the population of the Federal Republic of Germany, and there is also an increase in the number of cohabiting “demographic change” is becoming a central issue  – as a couples and single parents (just under 14%). On the other “second demographic transformation”. Since the mid-1960s, hand, the importance of traditional family forms such as as already mentioned, there has been a negative balance married couples with children is declining (just under 18%), between the birth and death rates in Germany. Since the mid-­ and married couples without children are stabilising (about 1970s, fertility has fluctuated between 1.3 and 1.6 births per 24%; Gans and Pott 2020, p. 981). The average household woman, whereas 2.1 children per woman would be required size in Germany in 1900 was still 4.6 persons, but in 2000, it to maintain the population level (Statistische Ämter des was only 2.2 persons per household (Heineberg 2004, p. 64). Bundes und der Länder 2011, p. 10). A look at the figures is And a continuation of the trend towards smaller households very illuminating here, because since German unification the is also predicted for future development, which is supported number of newborns in Germany has fallen by around 18%, by two indications: “The further decline in old-age mortality, from 830,000 (1991) to 683,000 (2008; Statistische Ämter the still higher life expectancy of women and the faster des Bundes und der Länder 2011, p. 10). A change in values increase in life expectancy of men than of women will lead such as self-realisation, individualisation and emancipation to more one-person and two-person households for the has played a decisive role in this, with massive effects on the elderly in the future. In addition, the low birth rate, the family and parenthood. Demographic change (der demograf- increase in partnerships with separate households, and high ische Wandel), as it is called, can be summarised in terms of occupational mobility argue for smaller households among shrinking, ageing, singularisation and heterogenisation the younger and middle-aged population” (Statistische (Gans and Pott 2020, p. 980). A comparison of Germany’s Ämter des Bundes und der Länder 2011, p. 30). age structures in 1950, 2018 and predicted for 2060 illusIn addition to declining birth rates, the ageing of the poptrates the radical changes that have occurred to date and will ulation is becoming a decisive factor in demographic change,

6.4  The Differentiation of the Population

as can already be seen impressively in the baby boomers of the post-war period (up to around 1965; Glaser et al. 2007, p. 172). Ageing is reflected in two components, both in an increasing number of people of retirement age and in their rising share of the total population. As early as the end of the nineteenth century, this ageing process began, essentially unnoticed, with an initial decline in the birth rate, which has intensified significantly since the 1970s as mortality at older ages has declined (Bund-Länder-Demografie Portal 2020). In 1960, one in eight inhabitants was at least 65 years old; in the 2010s, it is one in five, and by 2060 it could be one in three (Bund-Länder-Demografie Portal 2021). The proportion of the very elderly is also increasing; in 1960, every 50th inhabitant was 80 or older. In the 2010s, 1 in 15 is among the elderly, and from around 2040, it could be more than 1 in 10 (Bund-Länder-Demografie Portal 2020). The proportion of people over 65 in 1960 was thus as high as the proportion of people over 80 is expected to be in 2060 (see Fig.  6.36). When the baby boomers reach retirement age in the next few years, the ageing process will be particularly dynamic (Bund-­ Länder-­Demografie Portal 2021). The previous overview and generalising presentation should not obscure the fact that developments do not follow the same pattern everywhere  – rather, there are significant regional differences and thus complexities. This becomes clear when comparing the population figures for the German states in 1990 and 2017 (Fig.  6.37). While Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg, for example, can report significant increases, the population in Saxony, Thuringia and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is declining more sharply. In a striking way, this reveals a west-east contrast (declining birth rates in the east as outcomes of the system changeover and growing uncertainties; cf. Glaser et al. 2007, pp. 173–174), with the western state of Saarland also losing population. At the same time, the decline in population and ageing must be viewed in even more differentiated regional terms. Structurally weak and rural areas are particularly losing population, primarily involving younger people. This is accompanied by fewer children and an increasing proportion of older people among the remaining inhabitants. In turn, the collapse in birth rates after 1989 has made a particular contribution in eastern Germany to the aspect that in many regions, the population there is now older than in many other regions (Fig. 6.38). In 2017, the highest proportion of over-­ 65s in Germany was above 31% in the city of Suhl in Thuringia, followed by Dessau-Roßlau in Saxony-Anhalt and other eastern German counties. The Lüchow-Dannenberg district in Lower Saxony in western Germany, however, was not far off these figures at around 28%, which underscores the aspect of regional differentiation requirements. Lower proportions of older residents are found primarily in districts that are attractive to younger immigrants, i.e. many large cit-

113

ies and economically strong areas. The lowest proportions of over-65s in 2017 were recorded in the city of Frankfurt am Main in Hesse, the district of Freising (near Munich) in Bavaria and the district of Vechta in Lower Saxony (Bund-­ Länder-­Demografie Portal 2021). In the coming years and decades, regional disparities are expected to worsen (Gans and Pott 2020, p.  981), which raises the question of how these can be reconciled with the goal of “equitable living conditions” (see also Sect. 6.1.4) and the maintenance of services of general interest (Bundesinstitut für Bau-, Stadt- und Raumforschung 2018).

6.4.3 Diversity in Germany One component of demographic change that is inherent in the keyword of heterogenisation, and that will now be elaborated separately in more detail, is the growing diversity of society: Germany is becoming more and more “colourful” (Glaser et al. 2007, p. 169). Ultimately, however, this is not a new phenomenon. During the development of industrialisation, workers from rural Poland and Polish-speaking parts of the German Reich came to the Ruhr region. Conversely, residents of the German Reich emigrated straight to America (Gans and Kemper 2001, p. 22; Glaser et al. 2007, p. 170). Beginning in the late 1950s, foreign guest workers, initially younger and mostly single men, began arriving in West Germany, a trend that lasted until 1973 and the occurrence of the first oil price shock. The “German economic miracle” meant that the unemployment rate kept falling and that there were no longer enough workers available – coupled with the fact that Germans were no longer willing to take on all the available jobs. As involves the guest workers, several phases and associated agreements can be distinguished: “In 1955, Italy was the first country to sign an agreement for the recruitment of foreign workers [...]. In 1960, comparable agreements followed with Greece and Spain, in 1961 with Turkey, and by 1968 with Morocco, Portugal, Tunisia, and Yugoslavia” (Glebe and Thieme 2001, p.  72; also Glaser et al. 2007, p. 171). Until the mid-1960s, the influx of foreigners into the Federal Republic was as high as 600,000 persons per year (Glebe and Thieme 2001, p.  72). In the 1970s, however, a recruitment “stop and return” programme followed in the wake of the oil crises (Anwerbestopp; 1973). This illustrates the assumption at the time that guest workers would stay in Germany only while they were needed and then return to their home countries. This was not the case, however, as the immigration of family members impressively demonstrates (Glaser et al. 2007, p. 171). The number of foreigners thus rose significantly from 2.6 million in 1970 (Gans and Schlömer 2014, p. 133) to nearly 4.1 million in 1975, with three-quarters coming from the central recruiting

Fig. 6.36  Proportion of elderly in the total population, 1960–2060. (Own representation according to Bund-Länder-Demografie Portal 2021, for 2020 and 2040: Updated 13th coordinated population projection (variant 2-A))

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity 35 31

Proportion in the total polulation in %

114

29

30 25 21

20

17

16

15

12

12 10

10 6

5

4

3

2

0

1960

1980

2000 over 65

2040

2060

over 80

17,4 17,9

North Rhine-Westphalia 11,4

Bavaria 9,8

Baden-Württemberg

13,0

11,0

7,4 8,0

Lower Saxony 5,8 6,2

Hesse 4,8 4,1

Saxony

Population development in millions

Fig. 6.37 Population development in the federal states in 1990 compared with 2017. (Figures in millions; own representation after Statistisches Bundesamt (2019, p. 27))

2017

3,8 4,1

Rhineland-Palatinate

3,4 3,6

Berlin

2,6 2,9

Schleswig-Holstein

2,6 2,5

Brandenburg

2,9 2,2

Saxony-Anhalt

2,6 2,2

Thuringia Hamburg

1,7 1,8

Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania

1,9 1,6 1,1 1,0

Saarland

0,7 0,7

Bremen 0

5 1990

10 2017

15

20

6.4  The Differentiation of the Population

115

Fig. 6.38  Population aged 65 and over by districts and autonomous cities in 2017. (Own presentation after: Bund-Länder-Demografie Portal 2021)

Kiel

Hamburg

Hamburg

Schwerin

Schwerin

Bremen

Bremen Berlin

Berlin

Hannover

Potsdam Potsdam

Hannover

Magdeburg Magdeburg

eldorf

Dusseldorf Erfurt

Dresden

Erfurt

Wiesbaden Mainz Wiesbaden Mainz

Saarbrücken

Percentage of total population over 65

Stuttgart Stuttgart

countries of the 1950s–1970s. By mid-2016, there were nearly nine million (Gans and Pott 2020, p. 981). For a long time, politicians avoided talking about Germany as an immigration country. The idea of foreign workers as a temporary phenomenon played a decisive role in this. Until the 1990s, the image persisted, at least at the federal political level, which they would return to their old homeland and would not be granted permanent residence status. Gradually, however, a change in awareness took hold: “The amendment of the citizenship law in 2000 and the immigration law in 2005 underline a new view of things: immigration is no longer regarded as a temporary episode, but as a fundamental component of modern societies” (Schmitz-Veltin 2014, p. 33). At the same time, the assessment is often ambivalent, as Gans and Ritzinger note (2014, p. 2): “Positive portrayals highlight, for example, the migration of highly skilled workers from Southern Europe and its importance for securing the demand for skilled workers in

Munich

under 18 18 to less than 20 20 to less than 22 22 to less than 24 24 to less than 26 26 and more

Germany and relieving the strained labor market in the countries of origin. […]. In contrast, immigration from Bulgaria and Romania, for example, is met with skepticism”. In the early 1990s, upheavals in Eastern Europe and civil wars in the world caused a wave of refugees and asylum seekers in the Federal Republic. In 1992, over 1.2 million people, including 450,000 asylum seekers, arrived in Germany (Glebe and Thieme 2001, p. 74). In that year, about 400,000 refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo were admitted to Germany on humanitarian grounds, although by 2000 most of them had returned to their countries of origin in part with the support of return programmes (Gans and Schlömer 2014, p. 142). A decrease in migrants occurred from 1993 onwards resulting from a tightening of asylum laws. Italy and Spain, the United Kingdom and Ireland became new hotspots for immigration from the European Union accession countries in 2004 and 2007 (Gans and Ritzinger 2014, p. 2). A special feature for Germany is

116

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

again the so-called Spätaussiedler, i.e. migrants of German descent coming back home later in life, of whom about 4.8 million returned to Germany between 1950 and 2011  – almost half of them between 1989 and 1998: “Before 1989, the influx of this group of persons with German citizenship from the former German eastern territories or their traditional settlement areas in Eastern and Southeastern Europe depended on the respective relations of the Federal Republic with the respective states or on political changes in the countries of origin. With the collapse of the political systems and the economic destabilisation, the influx increased by leaps and bounds” (Gans and Schlömer 2014, p. 141). In the recent past, at the time of editing this book, the year 2015 represents a key landmark: a strong wave of refugees, linked among other things to the civil war in Syria, caused an influx of over one million refugees during the so-called refugee crisis (Floeting et al. 2018). German Chancellor Angela Merkel spoke of a “We can do it” attitude coupled with a highly pronounced willingness to help. Challenges for the counties and municipalities, however, were enormous because of the tremendous numbers in terms of accommodation. Added to this is the downside of angry citizens who resisted accepting refugees. Of the 1.1 million arrivals, and subsequently registered as asylum seekers, only about 40% actually applied for asylum; many of the others are likely to have moved on or returned home out of disappointment or changed circumstances (Daldrup 2016). By comparison, 202,000 applications were submitted in 2014 (Hanewinkel 2015). Regarding the distribution of foreigners in Germany, a regional distinction must be made, initially, and particularly, between western and eastern Germany: at the end of 2015, the proportion of foreigners in the west was 11.5%, compared with 6.4% in the east. In rural areas in eastern Germany, it reached only 3.5%. Crucial to the West-East difference is that only smaller groups of foreigners came to the GDR from socialist countries such as Cuba and Vietnam (Glaser et al. 2007, p. 172). Although the GDR had agreements with several socialist countries in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa, as well as with Cuba between 1965 and 1986 comparable to those of guest workers in West Germany, this did not result in comparably high immigration numbers (Glebe and Thieme 2001, p. 72). Today, the hotspots of foreign population are in major West German cities, led by Offenbach with 33.6%, followed by Frankfurt am Main with 28%, Munich with 25.2% and Stuttgart with 23.8% (Gans and Pott 2020, p. 989). Ultimately, however, the category of “foreigners” no longer reflects the realities of life today. In 2005, therefore, the statistical category “persons with a migration background” was used in the microcensus for the first time. Against this backdrop, questions about personal migration history (place of birth, year of immigration, naturalisation, former citizen-

ship) were henceforth asked and evaluated annually (Schmitz-Veltin 2014, p. 39) and have since been used by the Federal Statistical Office (“Statistisches Bundesamt”) and the state offices. The category includes all immigrants to the present territory of the Federal Republic of Germany after 1949, as well as all foreigners born in Germany and all those born in Germany as Germans with at least one immigrant parent or parent born as a foreigner in Germany. In 2005, the share reached 17.6% of the total population, then 18.5% in 2010 and a total of 21.2% in 2015 (Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p. 45), making it twice as high as the share of foreign residents, which was 10.5% in the latter year of 2015 (Gans and Pott 2020, p. 986). In 2018, almost a quarter of the population (24.1%) had a so-called migration background (Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p.  45). It should therefore come as no surprise that the age structure of the population for 2018 shows more Germans with a migration background than foreigners, especially among younger people (Fig. 6.39). The guest workers, many of whom have retained the nationality of their home country, are also clearly visible in the graph. Broken down by region, there are concentrations of people with a migration background in major cities such as Berlin, Hamburg and Bremen, and the metropolitan areas of the Ruhr and Frankfurt-Rhine-Main (Fig.  6.40). Differentiated by country of origin, Turkey dominated in 2018 with 14%, followed by Poland (11%), the Russian Federation (7%), Kazakhstan (6%), Romania (5%), Syria (4%), Italy (4%), Greece (2%) and Croatia (2%; Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p.  45). Fundamentally, however, it is important to note that for all attempts at differentiation, the boundaries between migrants and non-migrants are becoming increasingly blurred (Schmitz-Veltin 2014, p.  34) and, additionally, increasingly meaningless (see, e.g. the issue of “ethnic business”; Husseini de Araújo and Weber 2014). Statistics and evaluations must therefore be viewed in a differentiated manner and with caution. Lastly, an examination of the German population from a diversity perspective also includes the question of religious affiliation. In 2010, one-third of Germany’s citizens were non-denominational, and slightly less than one-third each were either Roman Catholic or Protestant (Fig.  6.41). In 2017, 23.3 million Catholics and 21.5 Protestant church members were recorded. Just under 97,800 members belonged to Jewish communities (Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p. 73). The last low figure in particular points back to a dark chapter of Germany’s past – the Nazi era – because in the German Empire, the number of Jews, i.e. persons belonging to the Jewish religious community, was still 615,000 (year 1910; Gans and Kemper 2001, p. 16). Between 1933 and 1945, more than six million Jewish people fell victim to the Nazi genocide (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung 2021).

6.4  The Differentiation of the Population

117

German citizens with “migration background“

foreign citizens

German citizens without “migration background“ Age 100

men 40.4 million

women 41.2 million

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

800

600

400

200

0

0

200

400

600

800

Fig. 6.39  Age structure of the population in private households by migration background in 2018. (In 1000; own presentation after: Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p. 43)

Even if the absolute numbers are manageable, the diversity of religious communities in Germany is very large, with over 200 (Henkel 2001, p.  68). The largest proportion of non-Christian religious people are Muslims (including around three-quarters of Sunni tradition) with just under 5% of the population in 2010 (Fig. 6.41). Among these, migrants of Turkish origin dominate. Overall, there are about 2.5 million Muslims with a Turkish migration background living in Germany (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung 2020). The visibility of physical manifestations of religion in public space still varies in Germany today: mosques are often found on the outskirts of cities or in industrial areas, in contrast to

centrally located Catholic and Protestant churches. In the Jungbusch district of Mannheim, on the other hand, there is an exciting example of direct coexistence, where a mosque and a church face each other directly (Fig. 6.42). The coming years and decades are likely to bring with them an increase in the number of Muslims in Germany, as well as an increase in their visibility in the public sphere  – along with the increasingly normal diversity in Germany, which at the same time is also repeatedly challenged and attacked by right-­ wing groups, among others.

118

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

SchleswigHolstein MecklenburgWestern Pomerania Hamburg Bremen Lower Saxony

10,99

19,99

24,99

Berlin

29,99

30,99

Brandenburg

Saxony-Anhalt North RhineWestphalia Saxony Thuringia Hesse RhinelandPalatinate

Saarland

BadenWürttemberg

Bavaria

People with migrant background, in % under 11 11 to less than 20 20 to less than 25 25 to less than 30 30 to less than 31 31 and more

Fig. 6.40  Proportion of persons in private households with a migration background in (former) administrative districts in 2018, data in percent. (Own presentation after: Statistisches Bundesamt 2019, p. 44)

6.5

Residential Developments: From Suburbanisation to Reurbanisation

The presentations on landscape developments (Chap. 5) have already fundamentally shown how today’s Federal Republic of Germany has been spatially constituted. Against the background of the historical upheavals, more recent spatial development processes will now be discussed in more detail.

6.5.1 U  rban Formation, Urban Growth and Suburbanisation A look back in history shows, initially for orientation, that the formation of cities in Central Europe reached a peak in the Middle Ages, more concretely between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, especially in the fourteenth century, followed by a significant decline in new establishments (see Fig. 6.43; see also Sect. 5.3). Towards the middle of the sixteenth century, a renewed increase can be noted, after which only the industrial age brings about renewed city formations,

6.5  Residential Developments: From Suburbanisation to Reurbanisation

No religious affiliation

33,1

Roman Catholic

30,2

Protestant

29,2

Muslim

Religious affiliation in %

Fig. 6.41 Religious affiliation, shares as a percentage of the total population in 2010. (Own representation after: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung 2020)

119

4,9

Greek/Russian etc. Orthodox

1,6

Free Church

0,4

Buddhist

0,3

Jewish

0,2

Hindu

0,1

Other

0,1

0

10

20

30

40

Fig. 6.42  Mosque and church facing each other, in Mannheim’s Jungbusch neighborhood. (Photo: Germanus Berger)

intensified once again at the beginning of the twentieth century (Stoob 1990). In the further course of the twentieth century, the founding of new cities no longer plays a role, excluding specific cases such as Eisenhüttenstadt as an example of a socialist planned city in the GDR, which was built after 1950. In comparison, changes within existing residential structures are of central spatial relevance – and with

a focus on the post-war period, the processes of suburbanisation and finally reurbanisation. In the wake of the different state systems of the FRG and the GDR (see Sects. 6.1.1 and 6.1.2), strongly diverging residential developments also emerged in the period after the Second World War. While in the West private building activities became the driving force behind increasing suburbanisa-

120 Fig. 6.43 Urban development and urban formation epochs in Central Europe. (Own representation after: Heineberg et al. 2017 and Stoob 1979)

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

quantity 350

I

II

III

IV

300

200

I II III IV

High Middle Ages Late Middle Ages Early Modern Period Modern Period

100 50 0

1100

1200

tion, in the East building projects were regulated by the state. Certain harmonisation processes took place after reunification in 1989 and 1990, which will now be discussed in more detail for a better understanding. Growing mass motorisation in the Federal Republic of Germany led to planning ideas in favour of the “car-friendly city” (Reichow 1959), which resulted in the expansion of inner cities to accommodate traffic  – and a growing “sprawl” of cities beyond their previously existing boundaries. This development was virtually pushed by the second housing subsidy law of 1956 (Wohnungsbaugesetz), which subsidised the construction of single-family houses, and by the commuter allowance, which made commuting more attractive through tax breaks (Hesse et al. 2016). Although the unchecked growth in land area was increasingly assessed as an undesirable development and reacted with the construction of large housing communities in accordance with the guiding principle of “urbanity through density”, the central course had already been set. Suburbanisation changed the then prevailing, rather rural urban environment. Shopping centres carved out of suburban and rural fields and meadows (grüne Wiese) followed, underlining the fact that urban development was to be interpreted more as an interplay of urban and rural development. It should be noted that during the reconstruction phase in West Germany, the population initially increased both in the core cities and in the surrounding areas, i.e. starting with growth on the edges and not yet becoming detrimental to the cores. In the early 1970s, however, core cities began to shrink, while surrounding areas continued to gain population (Hesse and Schmitz 1998). In the German

1300

1400

1500

1600

1700

1800

1900

Democratic Republic, on the other hand, state-­ initiated housing was created in a compact form, of which prefabricated housing is a striking example. In this way, housing could be built quickly and in a controlled manner in the urban environment, which at the same time followed socialist ideals. With the fall of communism in 1989 and 1990, however, these prescribed principles fell into crisis. Thus, a trend towards private single-family housing development sparked here as well, which means that one can speak of “catch-up suburbanisation”, which was “short and severe” (Milbert 2017, p. 6). As Hesse and Schmitz (1998, p. 435) note: “The recent history of the European city is the history of expansion beyond its historical boundaries, for example beyond the medieval city wall. At least since urbanisation and industrialisation have been in a common context and have driven each other, the processes of spatial expansion have dominated over phases of stagnation and shrinkage”. In addition to mass motorisation, the growth of prosperity in the post-war period and subsequent decades acted as a driving force that enabled the abandonment of core cities in favour of suburban areas. It should be noted here, however, that “suburban space” is by no means homogeneous, but varies demographically, socially, economically and structurally (Hesse et  al. 2016, p.  282). One of the typically ideal conceptions is formed by the single-family housing development on the outskirts of the city, which allows for a safe self-­existence (following Donzelot 2016)  – close to nature, beyond the hustle and bustle of the city and a safe environment to raise children (see as example Fig.  6.44). Moreover, it is indeed also an extremely widespread form of housing in Germany. The share of one- and two-family

6.5  Residential Developments: From Suburbanisation to Reurbanisation

121

Fig. 6.44  Residential area of the municipality of Marzling near Freising in the outskirts of Munich. (Photo Florian Weber 2015)

houses in all residential buildings is over 80%, although they are not only found in suburban areas, but also have the simplest proliferation there because of the greater availability of land (Müller-Herbers and Skorka 2016). At the beginning of the twenty-first century, corresponding settlements in the suburbs are now often subject to a striking upheaval. Building fabric has aged and there is a need for redevelopment; the developers have also aged and some of them are drawn back to the city, which is why Reicher et al. (2014) also speak of suburban space in the life cycle. In addition, commercial areas represent another prominent facet of suburban worlds, “which, as places of work and supply centers, are now important everyday places of residence for a large part of the population” (Jansen et al. 2016, p. 289). An outcome of their context of origin and the goal of separating functions, these tend to be monofunctionally equipped, i.e. focused on tertiary and quaternary sector services, so that there are now discussions about post-­ densification in favour of residential development  – for example, in the Rhine-Main metropolitan area (cf. Sect. 8.3) and one of the “back offices” there, Frankfurt-Niederrad, of the financial metropolis Frankfurt. There, too, an end of their “utilisation cycle” can be observed in each case, which brings with it the need for renewal and thereby offers the opportunity for restructuring – and thus could accommodate the goal of avoiding further land consumption (Jansen et al. 2016; Jessen and Roost 2015). Accordingly, it is no coincidence that the architect and urban planner Thomas Sieverts

spoke of the Zwischenstadt (“in-between-city”; neither urban, rural or suburban) towards the end of the 1990s (Sieverts 1997) and thus sparked off a discussion focusing on an area between city and countryside that in the meantime eluded clear structuring and organisation  – thus addressing Landscapes 2 and 3. Sieverts therefore addressed the “urbanised landscape” and the “ruralised city” (verstädterte Landschaft or verlandschaftete Stadt) with his creation of terms as a separate, differentiated urban land structure to be defined in more detail (Sieverts 2004, p. 43). In continuation, and to emphasise even more the further differentiation and fragmentation, it is also possible to speak of “urban/rural hybrids” in 2021 (Kühne 2012b, 2018; Weber 2017; cf. also Textbox 6.3).

6.5.2 R  esidential Areas Between Suburbanisation and Reurbanisation In the 1990s and increasingly in the 2000s, there was, and continues, a debate about a (possible) trend towards reurbanisation and therefore a “renaissance of the city”, i.e. “a relative increase in the importance of the city core compared to the so-called suburbs” or a “regular return migration of households from the suburban peripheries to the inner cities” (Danielzyk and Priebs 2012, p.  26). This articulates both a quantitative and a qualitative upgrading of central locations  – in terms of population, but also jobs, services

122

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Textbox 6.3: Spatial Pastiche and Urban Rural Hybridisation

Textbox 6.3 (continued)

In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, huge urban landscapes have become developed, whereby we usually associate urban growth and rampant urban sprawl, especially with the United States (Holzner 1996). Since planning interventions are limited there, a “community mishmash” has emerged in which urban structures continue along transport axes and lack clear boundaries (cf. Kühne 2012b). Germany, on the other hand, can look back on much stronger planning regulations, especially since the first Federal Building Act in 1960 (Bundesbaugesetz). But in the industrial age, development was also much more unplanned, and the occasional massive suburbanisation also gave less of an impression of a uniformly restrictive approach to the expansion of settlement and infrastructure areas. In the European context, discussions of urban regions (Danielzyk et  al. 2014; Priebs 2019) or the “in-­ between-­city” (Sieverts 1998 [1997]) could help shed light on spaces without clear hierarchical structures and the merging of urban and rural lifestyles. To direct the focus of research even more on the latter aspects, the concept of urban/rural hybrids is becoming increasingly established (introductory Kühne and Weber 2019). The concept of hybridity, which originated in biology and botany, forms the starting point here, referring to interbreeding of different plants and was made fruitful in the social sciences to grasp strategies of mixtures and negotiations of differences. Instead of new homogenisations as unifications, distinctions and fault lines remain, forming a heterogeneous mixture of fragments and at the same time new interweavings as temporary phenomena (Bhabha 2000 [English original 1994]). In this way, the term urban/rural hybrid can be used to grasp and analyse rural-­urban transitions that no longer follow a simple scheme of urban versus rural but turn out mosaic-like and at the same time patchwork-like  – related to Landscapes 1, 2 and 3 (corresponding to Chap. 5). Typical rural or suburban lifestyles, for example, are moving into typical urban neighbourhoods, while at the same time urban post-densification is occurring in the previous urban hinterland. Thus, a spatial pastiche of different densities and degrees of use is increasingly emerging. Following the previous explanations, pastiche does “not simply mean de-differentiation, but presupposes the formation of difference, in order to then lead to hybrid combinations, recombinations, reintegrations” (Vester 1993, p.  29). We thus move (continued)

away from the notion of a homogeneous development from the centre to the periphery, as anchored in early work of the Chicago School, and emphasise the development of a complex structure that defies simple patterns of interpretation. Germany’s spatial structure is undergoing an increasing complexification, which is increasingly being accounted for accordingly in terms of research – including terminology.

and other functions (Milbert 2017, p. 3). Ideal principles of sustainable cities with the promotion of more compact structures, a mix of uses and decentralised concentration provide an initial outline here. However, it is primarily social change that plays a role here, specifically the ageing of residents and the building stock in suburban areas, the loss of the “monopoly” of the middle-class nuclear family, the desire for easier accessibility without long commutes and the availability of ­suburban amenities even in urban environments (Hesse et al. 2016, p.  276; Lütke and Wood 2016, p.  349). Against this backdrop, Frank (2018) also speaks of an “inner-city suburbanisation” that is reflected in new residential neighbourhoods in or near city centres in social and physical characteristics that were previously attributed more to suburban space – and which can be explained precisely by recent upheavals: “The proliferation of middle-class family enclaves in or near the central cities in particular and of inner-city suburbanisms in general are part and parcel of the present transformation of community structures driven by ongoing processes of socio-­spatial change” (Frank 2018, p. 130). Accordingly, it is perhaps no coincidence that in the meantime, a reversal trend away from suburban space has already been seen on the horizon. Häußermann (2009), for example, spoke strikingly of suburbanisation running out of personnel. Based on a quantitative survey, Herfert and Osterhage (2012) concluded for Germany that suburbanisation had been largely replaced by reurbanisation as the dominant spatial development pattern. Young one-person and two-person households tend to live and work in urban areas, although researchers continue to observe an outward “pull” in prospering urban regions. In a synopsis by the Federal Institute for Research on Building, Urban Affairs and Spatial Development (BBSR), development processes up to 2015 are succinctly outlined as follows: “In most western German regions, the population in large and medium-sized cities is growing faster than the population in their surrounding areas (relative reurbanisation). In East Germany, relative reurbanisation is the most common outcome resulting from less severe population losses of cities. Between 2011 and 2015,

6.6  Tourism: Historical Persistences and Postmodern Upheavals

reurbanisation continues to increase. Thereby, the number of regions with absolute reurbanisation increases because of positive urban growth with population losses to the surrounding area  – especially in eastern Germany” (Milbert 2017, p. 4; see also Fig. 6.45). In Germany, however, the overall picture is not one of either suburbanisation or reurbanisation, but of both, with both processes running in parallel (Adam 2016, p.  261; Brake and Herfert 2012). Reurbanisation thus by no means signals an end to suburbanisation. What can be stated further, in turn, is a “large-scale polarisation between urban centers and peripheral areas” – and thus a “continuous emptying of sparsely populated rural areas driven by a long-lasting migration to urban areas and the lack of influx from urban areas” as a gradual process (Münter and Osterhage 2018, p.  20). Rural areas thereby simply become casualties of urbanisation and suburbanisation trends. There is a need for further research to more thoroughly understand today’s lifeworlds of suburbanisation and reurbanisation (Lütke and Wood 2016, p. 354).

6.6

 ourism: Historical Persistences T and Postmodern Upheavals

In the twenty-first century, it is part of many people’s lives to spend vacations not only on their own doorstep but also in remote places all over the world. Germans in particular are known for travelling extensively. Before the pandemic, in 2019, around 55 million people took a vacation trip of more than 5 days (Statista 2021c). In an international comparison, they rank among the most travel-intensive nations (in absolute numbers) in terms of trips abroad. Particularly after the Second World War, the development of mass tourism has taken on global dimensions. Ultimately, the true scale will only become apparent when massive restrictions occur, such as those that unfolded in March and April 2020 in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic. Border closures and an international travel warning have drawn attention to the extent in which we expect unlimited travel opportunities and, at the same time, how heavily countries rely on tourists – including Germany. In retrospect, this is simultaneously a very short time period. This section is devoted to the development of tourism in Germany. Tourists are considered as foreigners, temporary residents (for less than a year) outside their usual environment and as those who travel voluntarily for a specific purpose (leisure and business). The decisive factor here becomes, on the one hand, the change of location and, on the other hand, the temporary stay of persons (Bauder and Freytag 2020; Steinecke 2006). In the following, we will examine today’s characteristics and central focal points,

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starting from the basic features, to illuminate the portfolio of Germany-related tourism.

6.6.1 Main Features of the Development Even the Romans made use of the effects of healing springs and built thermal baths, for example, in Aachen (Aquae Granni) or Wiesbaden (Aquae Mattiacorum), but ultimately tourism is a fairly recent phenomenon: “It incorporated both older forms of travel, such as the pilgrimage or spa trip, and the universal contrast between celebration and everyday life. Nevertheless, it forms a structure of its own right. Its origins are to be sought in the temporalisation of thought and feeling in the 18th century, in fundamental changes and ambivalences in the conception of nature and history associated with the formation of modernity” (Kersten and Spode 2000, p.  22). Of particular importance is the close relationship between working time and leisure time. During industrialisation, a 70-hour workweek still prevailed, at times even longer, leaving Sunday, at most, as opportunity for recreation. In the 1950s, the 48-hour workweek became established, and at the beginning of the twenty-first century, weekly working hours in Germany are usually around 40 hours for a full-time job, accordingly offering significantly more leisure time availability. In this context, the development of vacation days is also important – from 12 days in 1950 to an average of 29.5 days in 1997, which has not changed significantly by the year 2020. In this way, central foundations were laid for today’s mass tourism. At the same time, social upheavals collectively must be considered. Until the nineteenth century, we can speak of a phase in the development of modern tourism that was initially based decisively on wealth. Travel at that time was still something rare and highly special (Brilli 2001; Kersten and Spode 2000, p. 22). This is still evidenced by the “Grand Tour” in the seventh century, where cities became points of attraction for young aristocratic travellers on cultural and educational tours (Bauder 2018, p. 106; Freytag and Popp 2009, p. 4). Later, throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, travel became increasingly popular among poets and painters, “who processed their impressions and travel experiences in artistic form and in this way made them accessible to a wider public” (Freytag and Popp 2009, p. 4). Accordingly, tourist interest also grew which in turn experienced an upswing because railroads and steamships became established in the industrial age and thereby created the basis for travelling much faster and more comfortably (Glaser et  al. 2007, p.  190). A look at the figures speaks for itself here: “Between 1872 and 1913, the number of ‘tourist overnight stays’ quintupled; travel intensity increased at a similar rate; foreign tourism also recorded high growth rates” (Pott 2007,

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6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Kiel Hamburg

Schwerin

Bremen

Berlin

Hannover

Potsdam Magdeburg

Düsseldorf

Dresden

Erfurt

Wiesbaden

100 km

Mainz

City states (Berlin, Hamburg, Bremen)

Saarbrücken Stuttgart

Munich

Population development Reurbanization trend

Major / mediumsized cities

Fringe Major / medium-sized Communites cities in relation to fringe

absolute

increase

decrease

relative

increase

increase

major increase

relative

decrease

decrease

minor decrease

increase

increase

minor decrease

Suburbanization trend relative

Fig. 6.45  Intraregional reurbanisation and suburbanisation processes. (2011–2015; adapted representation after: Milbert 2017, p. 5)

6.6  Tourism: Historical Persistences and Postmodern Upheavals

p. 82). The First World War in the German Empire automatically caused a slump, but in the Weimar Republic, the former upward trend in tourism quickly resumed until the Great Depression. Since trade unions were officially recognised from 1918 onwards, vacation regulations quickly became established in many collective agreements, allowing workers to have time off (Pott 2007, p. 86; Spode 1988). In light of this, it is possible to speak of a phase of expansion and formation in Germany up to the middle of the twentieth century, in which travel became increasingly embedded in leisure behaviour. Seaside resorts and spas played a central role here, especially the city of Baden-Baden in the present-­day state of Baden-Württemberg, which was considered the “capital of Europe in summer” (Glaser et al. 2007, p. 191). The promenade of the spa town, the “Lichtenberger Allee”, still stands offering 2.3 kilometres of picturesque garden art, framed by evidence of the Belle Epoque (Baden-­ Baden Kur & Tourismus GmbH 2021; Weigel 2005; see Fig. 6.46). The 1938/1939 official statistics recorded a total of 118 million overnight stays in the German Reich, of which 14% were accounted for by seaside resorts, 51% by spas and health resorts, 12% by small- and medium-sized towns and 23% by large cities (Kersten and Spode 2000, p.  22). The National Socialists were concerned with making vacations possible for broader sections of the population, for which the National Socialist association Kraft durch Freude (Strength through Joy), a suborganisation of the German Labor Front, played a decisive role (Glaser et al. 2007, p. 190). Its Amt für Reisen, Wandern und Urlaub (Office for Travel, Hiking, and Vacation) was the largest travel organisation during the Nazi era – but by no means for altruistic reasons, as the Nazi leadership assumed that it would need the support of the working class for rearmament and another war (Pott 2007). After the Second World War, as a substantial turning point, a new tourist phase of enforcement and consolidation began, which following the 1960s encompassed the mass tourism that continues to this day, combined with a sharp increase in foreign travel (Kersten and Spode 2000, p. 22). However, it is necessary to differentiate between West and East Germany and, from 1949, between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, which developed in completely different ways (for general information on the political systems, see Sects. 6.1.1 and 6.1.2). In the GDR, private vacation trips were to be made possible regardless of income, and this was done by applying for vacation checks. Camping trips, especially, were very important. In addition, a high number of weekend cottages (Datschen) and vacation camps for young people were characteristic. Vacation trips abroad were only possible to socialist countries, and only a few people were able to profit from this (Bode 2000) – in this respect, “modern” mass tourism only arose after reunification. In West Germany, on the other

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hand, income increases and an increase in vacation days during the economic upswing quickly had a stimulating effect on tourism (Glaser et al. 2007, p. 190): “A visible expression of the ‘economic miracle’ of the 1950s and 1960s was the breakthrough of so-called mass tourism across all classes” (Pott 2007, p. 90). The number of Germans who took at least one trip of 5 days in duration each year rose from 9.3 million in 1954 to 48.1 million in 2004 (Steinecke 2006, p. 31). In Germany, as will be shown in more detail, it is precisely the low mountain ranges, seaside resorts and ski areas that have been attractive (Glaser et al. 2007).

6.6.2 Tourism in Germany in the 2000s How can tourism in Germany now be outlined in the first decades of the twenty-first century? Compared to 2011, and 393.2 million overnight stays at that time, the number of overnight stays has continued to rise significantly – to 478.1 million in 2018, of which 87.7 million were overnight stays by foreign guests. During this time, it was also possible to observe an increase in guests from 147.1 to 185.1 million, including 38.9 million foreign guest arrivals (Deutscher Tourismusverband e.V. 2019, p. 4f.). This is sufficient to put Germany in first place in the European ranking, ahead of Spain, France and Italy (Deutscher Tourismusverband e.V. 2019, p. 10). A striking economic relevance of this economic sector is also derived from the high numbers of guests and overnight stays, as shown in a study by the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy (BMWi 2017, p. 8): tourism consumption in Germany amounted to 287.2 billion euros in 2015. Of this, domestic tourists accounted for more than three-quarters (78%) of tourism spending at 224.6 billion euros, supplemented with spending by foreign tourists of 39.6 billion euros (14%) and additional general consumption amounting to 23 billion euros (8%). Private travellers account for 80% of total spending, while business travellers account for 20%. With 105.3 billion euros and 3.9% of Germany’s gross value added, the tourism industry in Germany is roughly comparable to mechanical engineering with 3.5% and retail trade with 3.3%  – sectors that are of central importance in Germany as an economic and service country. Around 2.92 million people in employment (7.8% of total domestic employment) were directly involved in the production of goods and services demanded by tourists in 2015, which further underscores the relevance of tourism. In terms of overnight stays, regional differentiation shows Bavaria ahead of Baden-Württemberg, North Rhine-­ Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Hesse (Fig. 6.47). On the one hand, these are definitely the physically larger federal states, but on the other hand, they are also those with the most tourist attraction potential via mountain and city tourism, following specific scenic stereotypes (Landscape 2 and 3; see also

126

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Fig. 6.46  Park and garden area “Lichtenberger Allee” in the spa town of Baden-Baden. (Photo: Jonas Nesselhauf 2020)

Bavaria

98,7

Baden-Württemberg

54,9

North Rhine-Westphalia

51,9

Lower Saxony

45,0

Hesse

34,7

Schleswig-Holstein

34,5

Berlin

32,9

Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania

Overnight stays in millions

Fig. 6.47  Overnight stays in millions in 2018 in accommodation establishments with ten or more beds or pitches. (Own representation after: Deutscher Tourismusverband e.V. 2019)

30,9

Rhineland-Palatinate

22,6

Saxony

20,1

Hamburg

14,5

Brandenburg

13,5

Thuringia

9,9

Saxony-Anhalt

8,2

Saarland

3,2

Bremen

2,6

0

50

100

150

6.6  Tourism: Historical Persistences and Postmodern Upheavals

Aschenbrand 2016, 2017). On a metalevel, the figures cited in favour of a descriptive classification testify to the fact that tourism can be understood “as a more or less everyday practice” (Bauder and Freytag 2020, p. 1047). Tourists can ultimately no longer be defined purely by origin or place of stay but by tourist activities and tourist experiences (Decroly 2015; McCabe 2005). What is crucial is the specific gaze that is adopted, a “tourist gaze” (Urry 2002 [1990]), which locals can certainly adopt as well. Tourism thus becomes definable through extraordinary, special and atypical experiences. Different focal points can be singled out to define tourism in Germany, primarily city tourism, which represents a stable market segment with high growth potential (Brenner 2000; Steinecke 2006). Here, it is particularly the major cities that attract tourists and can accordingly profit economically. Between 1995 and 2016, the number of overnight stays in the 50 major cities with the highest number of overnight stays rose from just under 52 million to over 130 million overnight stays annually, which corresponds to growth of over 250% (Bauder 2018, p. 106). Today’s city tourism, as touched upon, can look back on a long tradition since the Grand Tour, which has formed an important segment of travel practice since the beginning of the twentieth century at the latest, and since the 1970s, and increasingly since the beginning of the 1980s, has recorded “an incalculable increase in importance” within the general growth of tourism (Pott 2007, p.  20). Which cities, however, attract the most national and international tourists? Based on overnight stays, the capital Berlin is the undisputed leader with almost 33 million overnight stays, followed by Munich, Hamburg and Frankfurt am Main. By comparison, London records 78 million overnight stays and Paris 52.5 million, which puts Berlin at number 3 and Munich at number 9 among European cities (Deutscher Tourismusverband e.V. 2019, p. 9). A fairly clear hierarchy has developed, and nothing has fundamentally changed in the ranking since reunification (Steinecke 2006, p.  122; Fig.  6.48). Referring back to Steinecke (2006, p. 137), cities can be differentiated as specific tourism destinations  – as “international cities”, Berlin, Munich and Frankfurt particularly exert charisma. The capital has a special history of division and reunification and “scores” in the twenty-first century as a creative metropolis … “poor but sexy” (see Sect. 8.5 for more details). Hamburg and Bochum act as musical cities and Hanover and Düsseldorf as trade fair cities. Cities of art and culture such as Dresden, Bayreuth and Stuttgart also attract a specific clientele. Cities such as Nuremberg, Heidelberg and Tübingen have a special “historical” component that attracts international tourists as well as national ones. Other cities have a more regional focus, such as Leipzig, Kiel and Rostock. There is no question that there are overlaps, but at the same time a specific profile makes it possible to position a city in national and, in some

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cases, international competition (Freytag and Popp 2009). In recent years, the importance of the sharing economy in city tourism has also increased in Germany (Kagermeier et  al. 2015; Stors and Kagermeier 2017). In Berlin, for example, more than 11,000 Airbnb apartments are available (0.4% of all apartments in Berlin), with a clear spatial localisation: “Most apartments are offered in the ‘trendy’ inner-city districts of Kreuzberg-Friedrichshain, Neukölln, and Prenzlauer Berg, which are representative of the ‘Berlin lifestyle’ far beyond the city limits and are popular with tourists as a starting point for a stay in Berlin. There are relatively few advertisements outside the Berlin S-Bahn ring” (Skowronnek et al. 2015, n.d.). While the increasing numbers of tourists are pleasing from an economic point of view, protests against “rampant tourism” and “overtourism” are not absent (generally Colomb and Novy 2017; Freytag and Bauder 2018; Gebhardt 2017, among others). Different objectives clash, which may ultimately conflict, without any one position claiming to be incontrovertibly correct. It will be necessary to observe how urban tourism will continue to develop in the coming years and decades. In addition to city tourism, the trips to the coast, low and high mountains and tourism activities in rural areas are also important in Germany (Baumann 2016, 2018; Becker 2000; Steinecke 2006). Ultimately, the coast and mountains represent classic vacation destinations in Germany (Glaser et al. 2007), which, however, have also only developed into just such in conjunction with social development processes. This shows very poignantly how hegemonic discourses can change over time and how changing interpretations unfold specific power (for general information on power, see Chap. 2). The seashore was still seen as hostile, rough and inhospitable into the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Only having value for therapeutic purposes, then subsequentially for social meetings, thusly did these patterns of interpretation break down and change. An additional contribution to this change is represented by artistic evaluations and representations of the sea (Steinecke 2006). In Germany, an upswing ultimately resulted towards the end of the eighteenth century, during which the North Sea and the Baltic Sea gained in tourist importance, which continues to this day  – despite international competition: “In summer, the German islands of Rügen, Sylt, Borkum or Usedom draw level with their Mediterranean competitors in terms of attractiveness. The beaches on the North Sea and Baltic Sea are full, the hotels at capacity” (Focus online 2015, n.d.). Ecologically and socially, there are also downsides in this tourism sector. Changes over time can also be traced for the attraction of mountains: the Alps have only been valued as a recreational area since the eighteenth century. Prior to that, they were associated with fear and terror in addition to a certain fascination. With the increase in importance of rational

Fig. 6.48  Ten major German cities: overnight stays in millions in 2018 in accommodation establishments with ten or more beds or pitches. (Own representation after: Deutscher Tourismusverband e.V. 2019, p. 8)

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

Berlin

32,9

Munich

17,1

Hamburg

14,5

Frankfurt on the Main

10,2

Cologne

6,3

Dusseldorf

5,0

Dresden

4,6

Stuttgart

3,9

Nuremberg

3,6

Leipzig

3,4

0

worldviews, a demythologisation of the mountains first took place. This was followed by an artistic transfiguration and a growing sporting enthusiasm, and in the second, half of the nineteenth century, the medical benefits became popular (see also Opaschowski 2002). With the Sommerfrische (“summer retreat”) after the First World War, recreation in the mountains gained in importance, combined with an ever-­increasing tourist development. From the 1920s to the 1940s, numerous cable cars were built, which modernised and three-­ dimensionally dramatised the “static romantic landscape image”. Cable cars became “the central symbol of progress in the Alps”, making the Alpine experience “up to date and fully adapted to the advanced technological age” (Bätzing 2005, p. 145). A shift in attributions from the feared mountains to an ideal of scenic beauty took place (Aschenbrand 2017). After 1965, mass winter tourism requiring active physical engagement prevailed, dominating over summer tourism for the first time in the 1970s (extensively Hachtmann 2007). Throughout this, the experience of landscape receded into the background to a certain extent (Steinecke 2006, pp. 169ff.): “beautiful landscape” was only scenery, the Alps became “sports equipment”, as Bätzing (2005, p.  146; cf. also Stakelbeck and Weber 2013) critically notes. Today, tourism in the Alpine region can be considered a “lead economy” (Schmude and Bischof 2018, p. 24) as the number of arrivals in the German Alps increased almost continuously between 2006 and 2016, with a total of around 9.1 million arrivals in 2016 compared to 6.3 million in 2006 (Schmude and Bischof 2018, p.  24). Contrary to what might be expected, summer tourism dominates over winter tourism in the German Alpine region, and the trend is upward. Summer tourism accounted for two-thirds of overnight stays in 2016, as the German Alps are not very rich in snow (Schmude and Bischof 2018, p. 25). High traffic volumes, ecological pressures and climate change, among others, constitute contemporary problem areas (Bätzing 2005; Schmude 2015). On occasions, climate change certainly stands out (cf. also Sect.

Overnight stays in millions

128

10

20

30

40

7.2). As one aspect, the rise in temperature will change the natural framework conditions. Dangers of landslides and mudflows will go hand in hand. Snow shortages or snow insecurity will continue to increase. Also, the physical foundations of the landscape, i.e. Landscape 1, will change (Matzarakis and Lohmann 2017), as the temporal and spatial shifts in growth limits and flowering periods will occur with changing populations of beneficial insects and pests (e.g. bees, mosquitoes, ticks). In addition, avalanche barriers, etc., will develop visible effects. On the other hand, an increasing use of air conditioning in transport and accommodation could worsen the eco-balance of tourism service providers (EURAC  – European Academy of Bolzano 2012; see also Schmude and Bischof 2018, p.  27). In response to the ­uncertainty factor of snow, a push for outdoor offerings such as hiking and mountain biking is taking place, an increase in the attraction of hotels is being sought, and a reorientation towards health tourism, among others, is being undertaken. In addition to classic curative health trips, the importance of prevention and wellness is growing. Overall, a diversification of the range of offers will (have to) take place. With an ecological thrust, “important challenges for tourism [-] in the future will be in the area of sustainable mobility and accessibility as well as the carrying capacity of tourist destinations” (Schmude and Bischof 2018, p. 30). Compared to the coast and the mountains, tourism in (other) rural areas represents a certain residual category. From the end of the nineteenth century, the new middle class began to appreciate the value of these areas for Sunday excursions and recreation. The retreat into the private sphere and a get-together with the family could be experienced here (Lippmann 2002; Schrutka-Rechtenstamm 1992). In German tourism today, this area occupies a central position with farm vacations and hiking tourism (Steinecke 2006). At the same time, a new “boom” arising for the rural areas featuring a new Landlust (desire or craving for the countryside or rural areas) has been recorded for some years: a certain anti-­

6.6  Tourism: Historical Persistences and Postmodern Upheavals

urbanisation involving escape into the rural, the trend of urban gardening for a sense of the rural in the city and rustic-­ oriented publications for reconciling city and country become components here (Baumann 2016). What is also evident is the high relevance of landscape, which plays a central role in staging, among others by tour operators (Aschenbrand 2017, 2019). This ultimately arises almost “by itself” in the case of the Alps or the coast; stereotypical ideas of landscape are hegemonically anchored. In the low mountain ranges and even more fundamentally in rural areas, an active tourist staging is more relevant, whereby conflicts of use can unfold concurrently, in recent years especially with regard to the question of a compatibility or incompatibility with the use of renewable energies (Aschenbrand and Grebe 2018; Coch and Riesterer 2013; HMWEVL 2017; in detail also Sect. 7.4). The latter aspect also relates in part to so-called large-­ scale protected area tourism (Job 2000; Weber and Weber 2019) as part of a “nature tourism” (Rein and Schuler 2019). In addition, in the marketing of national parks, biosphere reserves and particularly nature parks, there is also the question of how much human intervention is permissible or should be avoided. While refraining from mitigating action may correspond to undisturbed “nature development”, it may run counter to stereotypical visual habits if, for example, barren forests affected by bark beetles do not go down well with enticing tourists (Müller and Imhof 2019). Ecological and economic interests, the latter in terms of value generation (Job et al. 2005; Mayer 2013; Merlin and Kraus 2016), can run counter to each other. In general, however, large-scale conservation areas are attractive destinations in Germany, as elaborated in detail in Sect. 7.3. Within Germany, industrial tourism (Kühne 2007; Soyez 1986; Weber 2020), especially in the Ruhr region and Saarland (cf. Sects. 8.1 and 8.2), represents a tourism sector that is by no means commonplace, and includes industrial relics and industrial museums, industrial routes and industrial experience landscapes (Hauser 2001; Kühne 2016; Steinecke 2006). The crucial foundation is the industrial age, which continues to have repercussions today, “starting with the topography altered by tailings piles, to the settlement pattern shaped by workers’ settlements, to the course of borders, population distribution, and the social structure of the inhabitants” (Helfer 2007, p. 223). A complete “erasure” of the past was neither physically-spatially possible after the end of coal and steel nor was this politically desired. Quite the contrary, already as the deindustrialisation was taking place in the 1970s, the old industrial heritage was assessed as worth preserving for posterity (Gelhar 2010; Helfer 2007, p. 227). In this manner, not only the protection of “conventional monuments” but also of industrial plants, machines, workers’ houses, etc. was debated (Soyez 1986). The appraising of building and plant complexes from the industrial age (Grewenig 2014, p. 225), which are to be reinter-

129

preted (Gelhar 2010, p. 6), is now often treated in Germany under the concept of “industrial culture” (Industriekultur). In the meantime, however, a value enhancement was not at all obvious to the general population. Based on a survey on landscape in the Saarland in 2004 (n = 455 participants in the survey), 3 patterns of reasons can be derived (Kühne 2007) why “non-intellectuals” (lower level of formal education) still tended to reject “old industrial landscapes” at the beginning of the first decade of the 2000s: • Argument of functionality: functionless had become economically useless and should therefore be eliminated (old industry therefore no longer fulfilled its original purpose and should therefore be removed). • Argument of contradiction with classical landscape aesthetics: old industry rarely corresponds to stereotypically beautiful perceptions, but is rather evaluated as ugly, which is no basis for preservation. • Argument of semiotics: old industrial objects stand for environmental pollution, heavy and hard work, external determination and the decline of an industrial sector with growing unemployment, which has the consequence wherein the objects that symbolise this are more likely to be torn down. The comparison of the survey results from 2004 (n = 455) with a renewed survey in 2016 (n = 450) again bears witness to striking shifts: across all age ranges, there is a clear reduction in the attribution of “ugliness”, especially among younger people. Among the latter, the attribution of belonging also rose particularly sharply from 9.8% to 20.0%. Fittingly, among all age cohorts, the desire never to live with the view of these old industrial objects decreased. The results thus point in the direction of an increase in appreciation towards the postmodern era (introductory Kühne and Weber 2019, among others), as manifested quite early in the Ruhr region (Dettmar 2001, 2009; Siebel 2001; Wehling 2006). “Industrial culture bears witness to a great past and in this sense has a stimulating effect on the future”, as Slotta (2007, p. 274) notes. The Völklingen Ironworks in Saarland, designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1994, can be cited as an example (Fig. 6.49; below), which has become a venue for exhibitions and events (see, e.g. Grewenig 2014; Tourismus Zentrale Saarland GmbH 2019). The old mining headquarters in Saarbrücken, which now houses a shopping centre, represent another striking example of a hybrid postmodern use between the past and the future. Accordingly, the production sites of modernity lose their originality once assigned new function or are put to new uses, orchestrations and aestheticisations (Dittmar 2002; Hauser 2003; Kühne 2006). In addition, active reimaginings are undertaken, for example, with the Saar Polygon in Ensdorf, Saarland (Fig. 6.49; below), which has already become a new anchor

130 Fig. 6.49  Staging the heritage of coal and steel in Saarland: the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage Site Völklingen Ironworks (top) and the Saar Polygon (bottom). (Photos: Olaf Kühne 2012 (top) and Franziska Rück 2019 (bottom))

6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

6.6  Tourism: Historical Persistences and Postmodern Upheavals

Outdoor activities

57

Cultural/historical monuments

57

Walking

36

Eating/drinking local products

35

Family activities

33

Events

30

Hiking

27

Water-based activities

19

Shopping

18

Theme parks etc.

16

0

of regional identity after its inauguration in 2016 (Weber 2020). In addition to the forms of tourism already mentioned, a look at Germany cannot ignore traditional and reinterpreted festivities and customs. Fastnacht, Fasnet or Karneval (regional German celebrations similar to Mardi Gras) can be classified as a winter tradition – with many different regional and local manifestations. What they all have in common is that the fascination attracts millions of spectators and active people to the events every year in their free time, which represents an economic factor that should not be underestimated (Widmann 2000). The origins can be traced back to the early Middle Ages: “The Christian church took the short period of exuberance before Lent as an opportunity to reproach people for their sinfulness and to present Lent as a chance for inner conversion. The Fool is symbolic of the vicious, sinful, and weak nature in man. He has a decisive influence on the present-­ day form of Fastnacht (Shrovetide or Shrove Tuesday, day of pre-Lent confession) because he makes it possible to disappear for a short time into an upside-down world and then to return. Through him, since the late Middle Ages, Fastnacht has increasingly become a celebration of comedy and clamor” (Widmann 2000, p. 60). The attraction still exists today, among other things, in the fact that social barriers are temporarily removed. A particularly strong expression is found in the west and southwest of Germany, especially along the Rhine. Summer customs include folk festivals as the oldest and still existing leisure-time activities in Germany, including beer and wine festivals, marksmen’s festivals, equestrian festivals, traditional costume festivals and parades. A regional cluster of medium-sized and large folk festivals exists in western Germany (Agricola 2000). Historically, the oldest documented folk festival is the one in Bad Hersfeld (originated in the year 85, followed by Bad Wimpfen (year 965). However, the globally significant and largest most well-known German folk festival is the Munich

Activities on vacation in %

Fig. 6.50  Activities on vacation in Germany (activities of Germans on domestic vacation trips of one night or more) 2018, data in percent. (Own representation according to survey GfK Destination Monitor Germany 2019; Deutscher Tourismusverband e.V. 2019, p. 16)

131

20

40

60

Oktoberfest with about 6.4 million visitors from all over the world (die Wiesn; in 2020 it had to be cancelled because of the Covid-19 pandemic). The Düsseldorf Rheinkirmes, the Cannstatter Wasen Stuttgart, the Freimarkt Bremen and the Cranger Kirmes Herne rank behind (FAZIT Communication GmbH 2017). Between folklore, kitsch, regional identity and commerce, the folk festivals defy easy classification. Postmodernism ultimately also brought, and still brings with it, an increase in the importance of artificial worlds of experience and large amusement parks (Glaser et al. 2007), urban entertainment centres, mixed-use centres, outlet centres and brand lands. Europa-Park Rust (northwest of Freiburg im Breisgau), Tropical Island (near Berlin), CentrO Oberhausen (Ruhr area), Style Outlet Zweibrücken and VW-Autostadt can be cited here as examples of a whole variety and a wide range of offerings (Glaser et al. 2007). In the overall view of tourist activities, it cannot be assumed that there is an “either/or”; instead, the different tourism segments complement each other. Regarding vacations in Germany, the activities of German respondents (see Fig. 6.50) show a whole range of stays in nature, visitors to cultural or historical sights, followed at some distance by walking, enjoying food and drink, spending time with the family and attending events. The 10 mostly visited destinations of foreign guests in 2017 (almost 32,000 travellers to Germany from more than 60 countries choosing their personal favourites) again highlight the search for certain stereotypes (Pott 2007). For example, Miniatur Wunderland Hamburg (a model railway landscape) is ahead of Europa-Park Rust, Neuschwanstein Castle, Lake Constance with the island of Mainau and the UNESCO World Heritage monastery island of Reichenau, the old town of Rothenburg ob der Tauber, the old town of Dresden, the old town and castle of Heidelberg, Phantasialand in Brühl near Cologne, Hellabrunn Zoo in Munich and the Moselle Valley (Deutsche Zentrale für Tourismus e.V 2021).

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Accordingly, the ten destinations do only limited justice to the diversity of tourist destinations in Germany. At the same time, it can be understood that tourist-anchored images exist and want to be “served” during visits in limited periods of time. Today’s Erlebnisgesellschaft or “adventure society” (Schulze 1992) contributes its share to this.

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6  Spatial Developments in Germany: Persistences, New Differences and the Effort for Unity

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139 Weigel B (2005) Die Lichtentaler Allee. Denkmal der Gartenkunst in Baden-Baden; herausgegeben aus Anlass des Jubiläums „350 Jahre Lichtentaler Allee“. Aquensis, Baden-Baden Widmann T (2000) Fasnet  – Fasching  – Karneval. In: Institut für Länderkunde (ed) Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Freizeit und Tourismus, Nationalatlas Bundesrepublik Deutschland, vol 10. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, pp  60–61. http://archiv.nationalatlas.de/wp-­content/art_pdf/Band10_60-­61_ archiv.pdf. Accessed 28 Apr 2020 Windzio M (2004) Kann der regionale Kontext zur „Arbeitslosenfalle“ werden? KZfSS Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 56(2):257–278. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s11577-­004-­0034-­z Wollmann H (2001) Die Transformation der politischen und administrativen Strukturen in Ostdeutschland – zwischen „schöpferische Zerstörung“, Umbau und Neubau. In: Bertram H, Kollmorgen R (eds) Die Transformation Ostdeutschlands. Berichte zum sozialen und politischen Wandel in den neuen Bundesländern. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, pp 33–52 Zimmermann H (1988) Machtverteilung und Partizipationschancen. Zu einigen Aspekten des politisch-sozialen Systems in der DDR.  In: Glaessner G-J (ed) Die DDR in der Ära Honecker. Politik – Kultur – Gesellschaft, Schriften des Zentralinstituts für sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung der Freien Universität Berlin, ehemals Schriften des Instituts für politische Wissenschaft, vol 56. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, pp 214–283

7

Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

Abstract

In this chapter, linkages and connections between politics, economy, transport, population, settlement and tourism become more manifested and will be actively accounted for by us  – here explicitly between global, national, regional and local reconnections, which entail specific elucidations in each case in addition to the dimension of complexity. First, Olaf Kühne and Florian Weber focus on mass media representations of Germany (Sect. 7.1). They then turn to the more intensive dimensions of environment, sustainability and climate by considering Germany within global climate change (Sect. 7.2), regionalised conservation of nature in the form of large-scale conservation areas (Sect. 7.3) and the energy transition (“German Energiewende”, Sect. 7.4). Finally, the authors examine minerals as raw materials, which are almost indispensable in everyday life, but which can cause regional and especially local resistance to their extraction (Sect. 7.5). The last two sections in particular pay tribute to a society that is becoming more complex and in which more and more (micro-)conflicts are arising. Keywords

Complexity · Mass media · Climate change · Nature conservation · Energy transition · Raw materials

With the areas of politics, economy, transport, population, settlement and tourism discussed in Chap. 6, we have presented relatively distinct sections of German complexities separately in each case. Interconnections have nevertheless emerged. In the following, such linkages and connections will again become more manifested and will be actively accounted for by us  – here explicitly between global, national, regional and local reconnections, which entail specific elucidations in each case in addition to the dimension of

complexity. First, we focus on mass media representations of Germany (Sect. 7.1). We then turn to the more intensive dimensions of environment, sustainability and climate by considering Germany within global climate change (Sect. 7.2), regionalised conservation of nature in the form of large-­ scale conservation areas (Sect. 7.3) and the energy transition (“German Energiewende”, Sect. 7.4). Finally, we examine minerals as raw materials, which are almost indispensable in everyday life, but which can cause regional and especially local resistance to their extraction (Sect. 7.5). The last two sections in particular pay tribute to a society that is becoming more complex and in which more and more (micro-)conflicts are arising. In this respect, we turn to these aspects of social complexity in detail.

7.1

 ass Media in Germany and Its M Representation of Germany

The word “Medium” goes back to the Latin before obtaining a connotation of the notion of “intervening substance through which a force or quality is conveyed” in the late sixteenth century and is preceded here with “mass”, creating reference to the means of communication that are suitable for reaching a large number of people (masses) with their content (cf. Luhmann 1996; Pürer 2015). This primarily includes the press, film, radio, television and, today, the Internet. Organisationally, media are defined by publishing houses, broadcasting companies and media corporations. Mass media have the ability to resonate with society thoroughly (i.e. to stimulate society to engage with communication content (Luhmann 1996)), which gives mass media special significance with regard to communication within societies. The communication takes place in German “Hochsprache” (“Hochdeutsch”: a standardised language unifying old German dialects), which those speaking primarily one of the widespread dialects in Germany find here, at best, to be in diluted form (such that a certain dialect variation is recognisable but also persons who speak none or another dialect can

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 O. Kühne, F. Weber, Germany, World Regional Geography Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4_7

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understand what is said, or subtitles are used)1 (Bausch 2002).

7.1.1 T  he Development of the Mass Media in Germany Historically, mass media are a fairly recent phenomenon (Wilke 2011). It was not until Johannes Gutenberg invented printing with movable type in Mainz around 1450 that the technical prerequisites were created for producing written works in large quantities and in a relatively short time. Although this technology was initially used primarily for ecclesiastical purposes, especially for printing Bibles, prayer books and missals, it was soon used to disseminate news as well (“New Zeitungen”). The number of newspapers increased rapidly throughout the seventeenth century, especially in Germany, where, as a result of the “Kleinstaaterei, there were more of them than in all the countries of Europe put together” (Wilke 2011, n.d.). In the same century, the third important genre of print products – the periodical – also spreads in Germany, after starting in France, alongside the newspaper and the book. Significant technical innovations did not take place until the nineteenth century with the rapid press and rotary press as well as the typesetting machine, which made it possible to print larger formats, all resulting in a greater number of pages and higher print runs at shorter intervals. The legal framework in Germany  – especially in comparison to other European countries, above all England – remained restrictively organised for a long time (except for short periods, e.g. under the influence of Napoleon or after the Revolutions of 1848; see Sects. 4.3 and 4.4). Freedom of the press did not come until the Weimar Republic (Pürer 2015; Wilke 2011). Since the middle of the nineteenth century, technical innovations led to an increasing diversification of information transmission: telegraphy became widespread in the 1840s, the telephone appeared in the 1870s, moving pictures were first shown in Paris and Berlin in 1895, and the development of film and, subsequently, cinema began. On October 23, 1923, the first radio broadcast was made in Germany by Funk-Stunde AG Berlin, in which the Reichspost also had a stake through its telecommunications jurisdiction.

The development of a written High German language dates back to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and since the nineteenth century, a process of standardisation of pronunciation has been taking place that is still not complete today. Nevertheless, about 20 dialects can be found in Germany, with dialects being spoken especially in the south – Bausch (2002). While the use of the standard language was long considered desirable, especially in academic contexts, the return to dialects as an expression of regional identification has gained importance in recent decades (see Kühne 2019b; Kühne and Schönwald 2015a; Kühne and Spellerberg 2010).

1 

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

Subsequently, since no station was able to cover the entire territory of the Reich, nine regional broadcasting companies were founded. Initially partly privately owned and partly financed by fees, radio was nationalised as early as 1932 and became the leading propagandistic medium during the Nazi era, although the other mass media were also brought into line for propagandistic purposes. However, regular television programming, which began in Berlin on March 22, 1935, remained of limited range because of a lack of receiving equipment (Pürer 2015; Wilke 2011). Under the influence of the Allies (which differed between East and West), the reconstruction of the mass media began after World War II, in the GDR again under the influence of state propaganda, in the FRG secured by the freedom of the press guaranteed under Article 5 of the Basic Law. Broadcasting in the Western occupation zones was organised along the lines of the “British Broadcasting Corporation” (BBC) in the form of regional public broadcasting stations. These merged in 1950 to form the “Public Service Broadcasters” (ARD – “Arbeitsgemeinschaft der öffentlich-­ rechtlichen Rundfunkanstalten in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland”). In 1954, ARD broadcast its (first) television program, which was supplemented by a second public broadcasting television station (ZDF  – Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen) in 1963, followed by colour television being introduced in 1967. Private free-to-air radio and television were not introduced until the advent of new methods of transmission (cable, satellite) in 1984. Today, ProSiebenSat.1, which specialises in private free-to-air television, is the third largest media group in Germany behind the globally active multimedia group Bertelsmann SE & Co KGaA and the public broadcasters ARD, ahead of Axel Springer SE, which is particularly active in the newspaper and magazine market, Hubert Burda Media Holding KG, which is heavily involved in the magazine business and the magazine and newspaper company Bauer Media Group (Fig. 7.1 for more information on German media groups, see Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung 2021). The development of the Internet affected Germany to a notable extent in the second half of the 1990s and has since contributed to the de-hierarchisation of mass media communication, especially with the introduction of Web 2.0. The clear separation of (mostly professional) broadcasters and receivers has given way to a network-like structure of communication in which everyone can be both content-creator and audience (Münker 2009; Schmidt 2011). At the same time, the “classic” mass media have come under pressure: daily newspapers, most notably, have lost their younger readership in recent years. Accordingly, “classic media” also shifted their activities to the Internet, partly with paywalls, partly financed with advertising, and the hierarchical communication structure was also weakened, for example, through comment functions. In the meantime, the Internet

7.1  Mass Media in Germany and Its Representation of Germany Bertelsmann SE & Co. KGaA

17,670

ARD ProSiebenSat.1 Group

4,010

Axel Springer SE

3,180

Hubert Burda Media Holding KG

2,660

Bauer Medie Group

2,240

ZDF

2,192

Ströer SE & KGaA

1,583

Medien Union GmbH

1,500

Publishing Group Georg von Holtzbrinck…

1,400

0

Fig. 7.2  Daily usage time of selected media in Germany 2020 in minutes (*Internet: content = content Internet; online videos, online shopping, social networks, reading articles/posts, blogs/ forums, online navigation, e-learning, online banking; **music, music streaming/ CD/mp3; survey in March 2020, n = 8613; Own representation according to Statista 2021a)

Revenue in millions of euros

6,609

5,000

10,000

15,000

Television

237

Internet content*

133

Radio total

101

Telephony

51

Music**

48

Games total

43

Emails

40

Book printed & E-books

28

Newspaper & E-Paper

15

Magazines & E-Mag

7

DVD, Blu-ray

6

0

has become the second most used medium in Germany after television (Fig.  7.2), with an upward trend, and not just among the younger generation.

7.1.2 M  ass Media and the Problem of Moral Communication With the secularisation of German society (and not only of this society), the importance of religion for moral communication declined. Mass media also took its place (Luhmann 1996, 2017). Mass media are capable of publicly condemning and personally discrediting both actions and individuals even more. By expanding the importance of electronic social networks, a decentering of moral communication takes place. It is increasingly taking place in Internet groups  – many of which operate self-referentially – and is less tied to centrally organised traditional mass media, such as newspapers and broadcasters (cf. Nagle 2017; Berr 2017; Kühne 2019d). Moral communication implies the abandonment of

20,000

Daily usage time in minutes

Fig. 7.1  The largest media groups in Germany by revenue in 2018 (in millions of euros; Own representation according to Statista 2020)

143

50

100

150

200

250

an analytical (or even descriptive) engagement with a state of affairs and is thus a radical decomplexification of the world (Luhmann 2017). Instead of having to deal with the complexity of economic or political worldviews, there is a discrediting of individuals involved, groups of persons or entire cohorts as “evil”. Accordingly, Grau (2017, p. 12) sees this as a feature of modern democratic societies. They “can hardly communicate factual issues in any other way than in the mode of agitation and indignation”, which has proven to be problematic: moralisations are difficult to take back (cf. Bogner 2005); they are directed at the person, not at his role and not at factual or technical issues. In doing so, they do not aim at strengthening the self-respect of the other but rather at undermining the self-respect of the other by attempting to generate social disrespect, which is supposed to have a disciplining effect in terms of compliance with social norms (Hauser 2003; Luhmann 1993). Moralisations imply a hierarchical superiority of the moraliser over the moralised. However, the differentiation of modern societies is also associated with a differentiation of morals, which makes morali-

144

sations more complex in terms of their effects: The moral ideas on the basis of which a person (or several persons) is subjected to a moral judgement do not have to be shared by the recipients and may even be decisively rejected if appropriate (Kühne 2019d). As Luhmann (1989, p. 370) succinctly summarises the application of the moral code: “Morality is a risky enterprise. Those who moralise engage in a risk and, if resisted, will easily find themselves in the position of having to seek stronger measures or losing self-respect”. According to this perspective, the moral code represents the highest instance of social communication. Morality operates in social communication to “generate strife, arise out of strife, and then intensify the strife” (Luhmann 1989, p.  370). Accordingly, hopes for increases in democratic participation in the climate of “domination-free discourse” through the Internet have often turned into polarising and morality-­ saturated discourses on almost all public and private discourses (Wagner 2019). Examples of this can be found in the areas of topics such as the energy transition and the extraction of mineral resources, which we discuss in more detail in Sects. 7.4 and 7.5.

7.1.3 G  ermany on the Internet: An Image Analysis The Internet, as shown, has emerged as an important medium of the social construction of spaces. As a result of the great importance of visual synopses, images, and in the form of graphic representations, exhibit a particular importance of the social communication of landscape and the actualisation of landscape stereotypes (visible in Landscape 2 and Landscape 3), in particular, and of spaces in general (on the topic of the social construction of spaces and landscapes, see Sects. 2.2 and 5.1). In this respect, the study of internet communication, in this case of internet images, becomes a worthwhile subject for research regarding the social construction of spatial entities (for more details, see Kühne 2012, 2018d; Linke 2019; Loda et al. 2020). This will also focus on the images of Germany that are conveyed in an international context. With the aim of recording differentiated visual stereotypes about Germany, the first 100 hits in each case of the Google image search with the German spelling “Deutschland”, the English spelling “Germany” and the French spelling “Allemagne” were determined. The selection was based on the high importance of these three languages in Germany (English and French are the most taught foreign languages in Germany; Statistisches Bundesamt 2020). The image search was performed with computer settings that suppressed referencing of previous searches. In addition, it was tested with four other terminals to ensure that the same results were displayed everywhere. The classifica-

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

tion of the image content was inductively derived from the preliminary examination of the content of the English-­ language search results and was then later supplemented and post-coded (for more detailed methodology, see Kühne 2012; Kühne and Schönwald 2015b). The search was conducted on November 5, 2020. The image hits determined according to the three search terms “Germany”, “Deutschland” and “Allemagne” differ considerably according to the type of objects depicted (Fig.  7.3). In the hits determined with the search term “Germany”, four-fifths are photos  – this category also achieves almost half of the hits with the search term “Allemagne”. With the hits occurring via the German spelling, however, photos are hardly of importance (one-tenth); here cartographic representations dominate with a hit portion of two-thirds (topographic-like thematic cartographic representations), followed by diagrams relevant to the topic Germany. The Google logarithm assumes – apparently – that German-speaking users have a rather abstract and analytical approach to the topic of Germany, while English-speaking users are primarily attributed an aestheticising landscape approach, as is also suggested by the degree of image processing: This is particularly high for the hits that were determined with the search term “Germany” (Fig. 7.4). The great importance of image editing also points to the origin of the photos, especially from websites with a background of tourism advertising (cf. on tourism in general also Sect. 6.6), sometimes also from news portals. Accordingly, spatial localisations of Berlin dominate here  – as Fig.  7.5 shows  – as the capital but also in the function as a tourist destination. If Germany is presented as an economic region on English-language homepages, this is often done with an image of Frankfurt am Main (on the Rhine-Main region, see also Sect. 8.3). Classic tourist destinations present in the English-speaking world, such as Rothenburg ob der Tauber and Neuschwanstein, also have a certain significance. If the pictorial impression determined by the image returns via the search term “Germany” is strongly “systemic” (Habermas 1995a, b), i.e. shaped by professional advertising agencies or news portals, the access determined by hits with the French-­ language search term is clearly more “lifelike”. Photos documenting German-French student exchanges or taken in the context of German-French town partnerships (sister cities) are often found here, which is also reflected in a lesser degree of editing of the photos. Since these exchanges also involve cities that lie beyond the metropolises of Berlin, Frankfurt, Hamburg and Munich and other tourist destinations, there are also photos of the old industrial cities of Essen and Dortmund. While, as mentioned at the beginning, the German-­ language image hits provide primarily cartographic and other graphic abstractions (often in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic), the English-language hits imagine a Germany as a metropolitan space, but with a high degree of

7.1  Mass Media in Germany and Its Representation of Germany

photo

48

10

2 1

photomontage

2 1

16

14

10

thematic map

62

16

book (cover)

7

1 0

flag

2

5 6

0

graphic

12

0 0

topographic map

0

0

5

20 French

Fig. 7.4  The intensity of image processing of the individual images identified (n = 100 in each case; Own survey and representation)

40

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German

English

80

100

39

no photo

87

19

very clear image editing

21

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clear image editing

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Image editing clearly recognizable

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0 French

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low image editing

greenery (Fig. 7.6), with enhanced scenery of sunrises and sunsets, often cloudy mostly with cumulus humilis, but with few or no people at all. This metropolitan image of Germany is also found distinctively in the image hits obtained with “Allemagne”, but more often with people depicted, also the depiction of documents dealing with Germany such as covers of books whose topic is Germany and yet alternatively also tabular documentations, for example, of the German soccer league.

Number of items of Google Image Search

document(s)

80

intensity of image processing

Fig. 7.3  Depicted items of Google image search (each n = 100; Own survey and representation)

145

7 9

4 8 6

20 German

40

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English

In accordance with Gerhard Hard’s dictum that it is not only what is to be seen that is important but rather “what is not to be seen” – which may well be far more important for the current topic (Hard 2008, p. 268) – the focus should also be on what is not depicted in the visual representations examined. The low presence of photos in the German-­ language query is striking. Here it may be assumed that the iconographic places, which were determined with the hits, as products of the French and more so the English search term, can be presupposed as generally iconic (such as images of

146

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

no specific spatial context

31 29

spatial context cannot be assigned

1

Berlin

2

13 9 40 7

Cartographic representation of Germany in whole or in part

62

12

Cartographic representation of Germany in a larger spatial context (Europe or world)

3 4

Dortmund

0 0

Augsburg

0 0

Essen

0 0

7

2 2 2

2 0 1

Nürnberg

Füssen

1 0 0

Wangerooge

1 0 0

Neubreisach

1 0 0

Landsberg am Lech

1 0 0

Bonn

1 0 0

Heidelberg

1 0 1

Coast

1 2 1

Cologne

1 0 2

Munich

1 1 2

Neuschwanstein

1 1

Hamburg

1 0

Koblenz

0 0 1

Rothenburg ob der Tauber

0 0

Frankfurt

0 0

0 German

Number of spatial locations of the objects

2 3 2

Alps

French

22

4

3 4

3 9

20

40

English

Fig. 7.5  Spatial locations of the objects of the representations (each n = 100; Own survey and representation)

60

80

7.1  Mass Media in Germany and Its Representation of Germany

earth surface sky

74 41

11

people

76 37 34

4

non-cartographic abstractions (graphics, fonts outside of maps)

17

7

metropolitan buildings

59 26

8

45 15 12 13 14

flag(s) clouds

6

large streets/places

61 14

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paths/narrow roads

12

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hills

8 10 10

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small town buildings

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single trees

8

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cartographic signatures

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running waters

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meadows

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3 5 6 4 5 5 5

mountains stagnant water (incl. sea) 2

forests

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castle

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6

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 2 1 0 1 2 0 2 2 0 2 2

fog rural buildings willows fields orchards flowers grapevines rocks beach 0 French

43

9

Number of material objects or signs

Fig. 7.6  Material objects or signs represented (n = 100 each; Own survey and representation)

147

German

20 English

40 Axis Title

60

80

148

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

the Reichstag or Brandenburg Gate rarely being absent in any news broadcast on television). Remarkable is the absence (except for the TV tower on Alexanderplatz including its surroundings) of photos, determined from the French-language and English-language search, which clearly show East German motifs. All three result lists also show an almost complete absence of agricultural motifs; winegrowing is represented sporadically, and in non-urban motifs, however, forests dominate (in contrast to the dominance of agriculture in land use). Industry occurs only in the form of old industry in images identified with the French-language search term; it is completely absent in hits identified with the English-­ language search term. The presence of vehicles is also significantly lower in photos obtained in English than in their French-language counterparts; here the stronger lifeworld reference of the images from the French-language search term origins become apparent (further stereotypes about Germany and the Germans can be found in Textbox 7.1). In short, in images dominated by the English-language search term,2 Germany is presented as a green, metropolitan, West German region with a light, permanent cloud cover in front of a low sun. The image created by the French-language

Textbox 7.1 (continued)

German “fine lady”, with whom he also shares the tendency to fashionable lapses, albeit somewhat less subdued and equally humorless, but nevertheless eager to celebrate, although this requires an organisational framework with appropriate “costume” (whether Oktoberfest, carnival or soccer) in order to properly play the role. This urge to be organised also manifests itself in a penchant for bureaucratic solutions (Jann et al. 2007). One aspect of stereotyping German idiosyncrasies goes largely unnoticed: the (media) tendency to constantly worry about what others think about you (among many, some more recent: Deutsche Welle 2020; focus online o.J.; Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung 2018) – and possibly another element of stereotype assemblage – to be outraged about not being like that or to construct and stage oneself individually as deviating from the stereotype. Pointedly, this could be understood as an “external control” in the sense of Riesman (1950), provided that one’s own lacking in a sense of humor would allow for such a punch line (see further also Guinaudeau and Kufer 2008; Haubrich 2005; Kühne 2001; Stangor et al. 1996).

Textbox 7.1: Stereotypes About Germany and the Germans

A widespread joke about “the Germans” in Poland a few decades ago was: “What is a German? A fine gentleman. What are two Germans? Half of the directorship of a male choral society. What are three Germans? A world war”. Well, at least two of those three stereotypes seem to have fallen into disuse. With a foreign policy geared towards peacekeeping with, well, moderated military strength, Germany has lost its reputation for menace (at least outside the political extremes) among its neighbours. Men’s choral societies, once (as a reaction to the restoration efforts of the aristocracy in the nineteenth century) part of a political movement for the unification of Germany in addition to sociability and vocal training, are now, for lack of new blood, hardly present. The “fine gentleman” is considered – as is often reported in the German media – as a wealthy rule enforcer, direct, with a tendency to a belly (as a result of increased schnitzel and beer consumption  – “Wohlstandsbauch”); he forms the complement to the (continued) Whether the spatial focus on western Germany is a specific feature of the English or French search term could be investigated by extending it to, say, Slavic or even non-European languages.

2 

search term is somewhat more diversified: here, more real-­ world references emerge, although the West German dominance (because of the lesser importance of Berlin) is even greater. The access imagined by the German-language search term is an abstract and analytical one due to the dominance of maps and graphics.

7.2

Germany and Global Climate Change

Since industrialisation, humans have been affecting the climate system with increasing intensity. In Germany, the annual mean temperature rose by around 1.3 °C during the period 1881–2014, and winter precipitation increased notably (by around 26%; Kaspar et al. 2017). Meanwhile, the consequences of this human-induced climate change – as in other parts of the world  – are also noticeable and measurable in Germany (Kunz et  al. 2017; Pinto and Reyers 2017; Schönwiese et al. 2005). The topic of climate change cannot be considered in isolation from global developments in Germany, but at the same time, it takes on specific political, media and social forms within the Federal Republic of Germany  – a specific reducing of complexity and characteristic of complexity, which we will now illuminate here.

7.2  Germany and Global Climate Change

7.2.1 Challenges of Climate Change Extreme weather events are increasing, and overall, it is becoming drier and warmer in Germany (differentiated by region; Fig.  7.7). Accordingly, the summers of 2003, 2018 and 2019 were the hottest since weather records began in 1881. In the summer of 2003, the number of heat-related deaths in Germany was about 7600 (der Heiden et al. 2019). Particularly affected by the increase in the number of “hot” days in a comparison with the periods 1959–1968 and 2009– 2018 are the Upper and High Rhine region, the Lower Neckar Valley and the Main Valley between Frankfurt and Hanau (in places now over 22 “hot” days compared to a dominant 2 to 4 “hot” days in the earlier period – “hot” being above historical normal), whereas only a small increase is recorded in the coastal region (Umweltbundesamt 2019). The consequences of heat spells also show economic impacts: in 2018, insurance losses of about 3.1  billion euros were incurred from claims related to houses, motor vehicles, household goods, commerce, industry and agriculture. This also made 2018 one of the four most severe storm years in the last 20 years (Jorzik 2019). For Germany, model calculations assume an increase in temperatures of between 1.8 and 2.3 degrees Celsius for the period 2071–2100 compared with the years 1961–1990 (Spekat et  al. 2007). The strongest warming is expected in northern Germany (outside the coastal area) and in the foothills of the Alps, with a tendency toward drier summers overall and wetter winters only in the mountainous regions (Spekat et al. 2007). Overall, a shift in climate and vegetation zones is predicted for Germany (Fig. 7.8; for climate, see generally Sect. 3.3).

149

The consequences of anthropogenic climate change are also substantial beyond the health sector addressed, associated with costly adaptation pressures (among many: Chmielewski 2009; Jorzik 2019; Kühne 2011c; Overbeck et al. 2008; Umweltbundesamt 2019). In particular, intensively managed spruce forests come under heat and drought stress, making them highly susceptible to infestation by weevils (Scolytinae) and bark beetles (Ips typographus), associated with high management costs and a decline in prices caused by an oversupply of wood. Replacement plantings of more resistant tree species are made more difficult by dry periods, and at the same time the risk of forest fires increases. Increasing drought is also damaging traditional agriculture in Germany, and livestock can be harmed by climate change as an outcome of increasing heat stress and new diseases. Possible adaptation processes range from a site-adapted choice of varieties and species, the cultivation of new, heat-tolerant and drought-resistant species (such as sorghum millet), the use of undersowing and the cultivation of catch crops, to the construction of heat-­ protective stables. Cities are particularly affected by the increasing heat stress  – relevant to the characteristics of their specific climate. The positive urban heat anomaly compared to the surrounding countryside leads to a further rising of the increased air temperatures resulting from climate change. Consequently, the high degree of pavement and heavy precipitation events are very impactful here. Countermeasures range from the unsealing of surfaces, the upgrading of the urban sewer system and greening roofs and facades for the preservation of and creation of cool and cooling air corridors. Droughts also affect the energy and

Fig. 7.7  The development of the air temperature anomaly in Germany between 1881 and 2020, reference period 1961–1990. (Own representation after Deutscher Wetterdienst 2020)

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7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

Fig. 7.8  Diagram of vegetation zone division in Europe today, during the Holocene climatic optimum and perspective. (Own representation after Gellert 1993)

transport industries: when river levels drop, there is a shortage of cooling water for thermal power plants (which are, however, to be taken off the grid in the course of the energy transition; see Sect. 7.4), and the navigability of water bodies is restricted. The impacts on the tourism industry are highly differentiated: The possibilities for winter sports in the low mountain regions will be severely limited, artificial snowmaking is  – because of the high water and energy demand – only a temporary solution, and in the long term, at best, adaptation measures (e.g. wellness and hiking tourism) are available as a solution (on the topic of tourism, see also Sect. 6.6). On the German coasts, sea level rise, an increase in algal blooms and an increase in storm surges are countered by an extension of the bathing season, partly from the rising water temperatures (an overview is provided in Table  7.1). The financial requirements for the implementation of climate change adaptation measures are increasing significantly: Germany’s expenditures rose from 471  million euros in 2005 to 3.46  billion euros in 2017 (Jorzik 2019).

7.2.2 Responsibilities in Germany Germany is not the only country affected by anthropogenic climate change; at 858 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent, Germany is responsible for around 2% of global emissions. Carbon dioxide emissions per inhabitant were 8.7 tons in 2018, roughly on the same order of magnitude as other European countries such as the Netherlands, Austria and Finland, as well as non-European countries such as

China and Japan. While well behind the largest global emitter Qatar (30.4), we are ahead of emerging countries such as India (1.6) or Mexico (3.6; Statista 2021e). Since the year of reunification in 1990, emissions of greenhouse gases in Germany have decreased continuously: from 1251 to 805  million metric tons in 2019 (estimated; Fig.  7.9). The reasons for this are manifold: they can be found in economic structural change, predominantly the modernisation or closure of emission-intensive production in eastern Germany (see Sect. 6.2), efficiency improvements in technical plants, the energy refurbishment of buildings and also the effort to replace fossil energy sources with renewable ones (so-called Energiewende; see Sect. 7.4). Despite the considerable efforts made involving restructuring the energy supply, the energy industry dominates in terms of the sectoral distribution of greenhouse gas emissions (Fig. 7.10), ahead of industry and the construction sector. The transportation sector (see Sect. 6.3 for a general discussion) is in third place, responsible for around 18% of emissions. However, while there have been significant savings in the energy and industry sectors in recent years, these have been rather small in the transportation sector (Renewable Energies 2019). On the one hand, transport tonnage on the road is steadily increasing, while conversely, the trend toward more efficient drivetrains is being offset by increasing mileage and larger cars, especially all-terrain vehicles and SUVs (Aral Aktiengesellschaft 2019). The greenhouse gas emissions of the average German (often also referred to as “Otto Normalverbraucher” (“Joe Consumer”)) are quite varied according to activities (Fig.  7.11). This also results in areas of opportunity for

7.2  Germany and Global Climate Change

151

Table 7.1  Aspects of climate change, its impacts and possible human responses (Jorzik 2019; Kühne 2011c; Sinnig 2007; Overbeck et al. 2008; Henninger and Weber 2019) Examples of possible reaction of humans Increased greening of the city with heat-tolerant species Securing the supply of energy for the whole year Preservation and expansion of cooling air pathways

858

805

909

894

906

942

902

924

942

1,000

919

1,060

1,038

1,045

1,080

1,046

1,141

1,106

1,126

1,123

1,154

1,251

1,145

1,200

800 600 400 200 0 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019*

Greenhouse gas emissions in million metric tons

1,400

1,204

Damage to buildings

977

Damage to fields and forests

909

Higher risk of flooding on the coast

1,001

Increase in storm events

Damage to agricultural land Flooding with damage to bridges, buildings and roads

975

Increase in heavy rainfall events Sea level rise

Stronger demand for medical care Buildings with higher protection against hailstorms (especially skylights) Cultivation of more damage-resistant species, insurance Greater distances between buildings and roads from waterbodies, collection of precipitation water in small catchments, enlargement of sewer system Technical protection (e.g. flood gates), retreat of buildings from more endangered areas Cultivation of more damage-resistant species, establishment of mixed forests Avoiding the construction of buildings in exposed locations

993

Rising number of heat-related circulatory diseases Damage to buildings

Increase in hailstorms

1,035

Increase of heat waves

Examples of impacts on people, infrastructure and nature Immigration of heat-tolerant animal and plant species, displacement of now native species Decreasing demand for heating in winter, increasing demand for cooling in summer Increased heat stress on humans and nature

1,019

Aspects of climate change Increase of air temperature

Fig. 7.9  Level of greenhouse gas emissions in Germany from 1990 to 2019 (in million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent;*2019 estimated; Own representation according to Statista 2021d)

reducing personal greenhouse gas emissions. However, knowledge, acceptance of the human impact on the climate and individual willingness are dependent on age and formal education level, among other factors, and are particularly high among young people with a formally advanced level of education (Berger et  al. 2019; Kleinhückelkotten 2019). Accordingly, people who are disinterested in climate change are also concentrated in the lower middle class and lower class milieus (Berger et al. 2019; Kleinhückelkotten 2019).

This is linked to the paradoxical situation that individuals from the lower social classes have a generally lower climate protection awareness than individuals from the higher classes but nevertheless have lower personal greenhouse gas emissions because they lack the financial means for more extensive consumption (with corresponding consequences of greenhouse gas emissions), while individuals from the higher classes are more environmentally aware but also consume more (Ekardt 2005; Pufé 2017).

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7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

Fig. 7.10 Sectoral greenhouse gas emissions in Germany 2015 in percent. (Own representation according to Sachverständigenrat für Umweltfragen 2017)

1% 4%

3%

6% 8%

37%

10%

11% 21%

Industry and construction

Road passenger transport

households

agriculture

Road freight transport

Commercial

others

Other traffic

Other consumption (clothing, household appliances, leisure activities, etc.)

4,4

Food

1,8

Heating

1,8

Mobility (except air travel)

1,6

Electricity

0,8

Public emissions (e.g., water supply and waste disposal)

0,7

Air travel

0,6

0

7.3

 arge-Scale Conservation Areas L Between Preservation and Active Use

Unlimited growth or post-growth thinking, resource consumption or resource conservation and settlement expansion or settlement densification  – the exemplary pairs of opposites chosen to represent the areas of controversy in the preceding chapters on Germany’s development point the way to a chapter of German history that is very closely linked to upheavals of times past. Specifically, this refers to the emergence of the idea of nature conservation in Germany and its

0,5

1

1,5

2

2,5

3

3,5

4

4,5

5

Greenhoue gas emissions per citizen in tonnes

Fig. 7.11  Greenhouse gas emissions of an average German citizen in tons (in carbon dioxide equivalents; Own representation according to NDR 2019)

Energy industry

spatially bound approach employing the instrument of protected areas (Erdmann et  al. 2015; Erdmann and Spandau 1997). As we have highlighted, what we now call Germany has always been in a state of constant change. At the same time, it is industrialisation with massive upheavals that profoundly changed the hitherto known social and, specifically, spatial environment (u.v. Lee 2017). If this circumstance is kept in mind, it is probably not surprising that corresponding upheaval processes in connection with a “conservative critique of civilisation” (Piechocki 2010, p. 20) represented the “decisive impetus for the protection of nature” (Hupke 2015,

7.3  Large-Scale Conservation Areas Between Preservation and Active Use

p. 11). The idea was forced and underpinned by the “Heimat” movement that emerged at the beginning of the twentieth century (Costadura and Ries 2016, p. 12; see also Textbox 5.1), which represented a counterproposal to industrial modernity. In distancing from the hard, industrial life, an “idealisation of the living world” (Costadura and Ries 2016, p. 14) took place, whereby the protection of “Heimat” was linked to the protection of historically grown cultural landscapes (Kühne 2011b; Piechocki 2010). This means, then, that the idea of preserving nature was linked to the idea of preserving the native and “natural” homeland and pursued mutually. Rural areas beyond the urban centers were idealised and were to be preserved for the benefit of the people (Schöbel 2018, p. 12) – the starting point for a protection of larger spatial units that gained momentum after World War II, primarily. Today, national parks, biosphere reserves and nature parks are referred to and summarised as “large-scale conservation areas” or “national natural landscapes” in Germany. In the words of the “Nationale Naturlandschaften e.V.” (2020; translated “National Natural Landscapes Association”) as the umbrella organisation, “they protect and preserve unique natural and cultural landscapes. They are hotspots of biological diversity, provide valuable natural capital free of charge, and invite visitors to experience as well as relax. There are well over 100 of these treasure troves of nature in Germany – from the coast to the Alps”. Today, these large, protected areas represent “the central instrument of modern nature conservation” (Mose 2009, p.  11).3 Protection, experience and recreation in turn indicate that the utilisation interests and goals of large-­scale conservation areas may well collide. We explore the areas of controversy against the background of a presentation of the main features of the idea of nature conservation. Development trends and today’s challenges will be elaborated and compared to clarify the complexities of nature and area protection in Germany.

7.3.1 B  asic Features of the Concept to Protect “Nature” At the beginning of the twenty-first century, it has become quite normal in Germany to want to protect “nature”. As far as the interpretations and formulations are concerned, there are different interpretations, but there seems to be a certain basic agreement. For example, in the In the context of regional development, attention is now also drawn to geoparks and their development. Geoparks, which can also be recognised by the UNESCO, are areas with geological sites and landscapes of international geoscientific importance. They are about identification with the region, tourism and sustainable economic development, but the idea of nature conservation is not central. As we are concerned with nature conservation in a central way, we do not discuss geoparks further in this chapter. 3 

153

“Naturbewusstseinsstudie 2015” (“Nature Awareness Study 2015”), a total of 94% of respondents said that nature was part of a good life (BMUB and BfN 2016, p. 61) and 93% saw it as a duty to protect it (BMUB and BfN 2016, p. 65). In the 2017 study, 79% were of the opinion that the way nature is treated on earth is extremely problematic, from which a need for global action is inferred (BMU and BfN 2018, p. 8). However, there is no automatic agreement on how this should be done. Which human activities are permitted, which are to be refrained from? Who must, who should, who can act for nature and in what way? Legal regulations create orientation and form guardrails. In retrospect, the first comprehensive law dates from one of the darkest chapters of “German history”, the period of National Socialism (Nazism). In 1935, the “Reichsnaturschutzgesetz” was enacted (“Nature Conservation Act of the Empire”), which, among other things, made it possible to define nature reserves with relative ease, thus removing areas from sometimes overly intensified agricultural use (Hupke 2015, p. 17): “An ‘untouched’ nature becomes a metaphor in social and political debate that is ‘suitable’ for very many things; including idealizing a past era or representing ‘unspoiled folklore’”. This law was initially continued in the Federal Republic of Germany, founded in 1949, flanked by gradually emerging regional nature conservation laws of the federal states. It was not until 1976 that a pronounced revision took place, followed by multiple amendments. As Hupke (2015, p. 237) points out, the background of the new regulation is a “growing awareness of the finite nature of natural resources, as demonstrated, for ­example, in the pronouncements of the Club of Rome or coined in the new term of ‘environmental protection’” (around 1970). Already in the first section, the central guidelines are outlined as “objectives of nature conservation and landscape management” (§ 1 BNatSchG 2009 [1976]): “(1) Nature and landscape are to be protected on the basis of their own value and as a basis for life and health of man […] in the settled and unsettled area […] in such a way that 1. the biological diversity, 2. the performance and functionality of the natural balance […] as well as 3. the diversity, character and beauty plus the recreational value of nature and landscape are permanently secured”. The current significance of nature conservation – in continuation of the concerns addressed throughout industrialisation – results, among other things, from further community expansions and the expansion of infrastructures, especially since the 2000s in the context of the energy transition (Sect. 7.4). Monoculturalisation of agriculture, nutrient and pollutant inputs and a decline in biodiversity and species diversity are becoming issues that also lead to nature conservation receiving attention, in addition to references concerning upheavals in the wake of climate change (Sect. 7.2; see also

154

BfN 2010; Hallmann et  al. 2017; Tereick 2016; Umweltbundesamt 2018; Weber 2008). “Protected areas” are becoming central instruments of legislation with spatial impact, whereby a certain “thicket” arises for laypersons: In addition to nature reserves and landscape conservation areas, there are, among others, Natura 2000 protected areas (network of EU-wide areas protecting bird protection and fauna-flora habitat), national parks, biosphere reserves, nature parks and national nature monuments (BfN 2020b, d, e; Blab 2002, 2006; Crossey 2019; Crossey et al. 2019, 2020; Ssymank 1997; Weber et al. 2019a, b; Weber and Weber 2019). Nature parks, biosphere reserves and national parks, in turn, are included under the category of large-scale conservation areas (“Großschutzgebiete”) as touched upon earlier. They are highly relevant politically in that they are supposed to contribute to the objective of creating “wilderness” areas, i.e. areas without human intervention (BMUB 2007, p. 28). In the continuously populated federal territory, however, their designation is clearly more difficult than with US national parks (Kühne and Weber 2019a; O’Reilly and Murphy 2010; Sellars 1997). At the beginning of the twentyfirst century, the objectives and task profiles of the three types of “large-scale conservation areas” are definitely converging in some aspects, but they are coming from different directions in terms of development, as we now show.

7.3.2 O  n the Development of “Large-Scale Conservation Areas” Large-scale conservation areas, as the name already suggests, basically follow the idea of a large-scale “protection” of areas considered worthy of protection. In the international context, the US national parks become the first reference. In 1872, Yellowstone was founded as the first “national park” there as a “cultural preserve” (Runte 1981 [1979], p.  34). The goal was to avoid “overexploitation” as private property and to preserve land in federal ownership (Glawion 1987; Jones and Wills 2005). In Germany, however, it is nature parks that are the starting point for protected area development. At the end of the nineteenth century, various actors wanted to use the Lüneburg Heide (heath, estuary and forest landscape in northeastern Lower Saxony in the catchment areas of the cities of Hamburg, Bremen and Hanover) for their own purposes and interests, including intensification of agriculture and industry (Barthelmeß 1988). In addition, tourism concerns came into play: The heathlands were to serve a recreational function for the (urban) population (Job et  al. 2005a, b). At the beginning of the twentieth century, against this background, the private Naturschutzpark e.V. was founded with the aim to protect heath areas against other interests (Barthelmeß 1988, p.  135f.; Lommel 1974, 96, 111). In retrospect, this very park can be considered the start-

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

ing point for the idea of protecting “original and impressive landscapes with their natural animal and plant community[s]” (Lommel 1974, p.  97) as well as “cultural monuments” (Alfred Toepfer’s objective, see Weber 2013a, p.  41). However, a distinctive founding phase of nature parks in today’s form did not occur until after the Second World War, whereby these were to serve primarily for the “rest and recreation” of urban populations (Schöbel 2018, p. 12). Alfred Toepfer, big businessman and patron of the Lüneburger Heide nature reserve, advocated the idea of creating 25 nature parks in the mid-1950s. Large-scale landscapes were to be protected in this way, which were to be equally “freely accessible to all, […] recreational landscapes” (Toepfer 1956, p. 173). They were to function as “oases of serenity” (Toepfer 1956, p. 173) where “the experience of beautiful, undisturbed nature can be conveyed” (Toepfer 1956, p. 174). In addition to the protection of fauna and flora, the idea of development is decidedly barred, i.e. any active (further) development of “cultural landscapes”. Decisively, this already shows the idea of combining protection and use (Weber and Weber 2015). Subsequently, in quantitative terms, one can speak of a “success story” (Job and Metzler 2006, p. 355). As of March 2020, there are 105 nature parks in Germany, covering 28.4% of the country’s terrestrial area (BfN 2020d, n.d.). On a qualitative level, however, there are major differences, based on the possibilities resulting from widely diverging financial and human resources (detailed in Weber 2013a). Since the 2000s, there has again been an upswing, which stems from newly formulated central objectives, an amendment of the Federal Nature Conservation Act in favour of the extension of efforts towards sustainable regional development (cf. Article 27 of the Federal Nature Conservation Act, Textbox 7.2), a reorientation of the Association of German Nature Parks as an umbrella organisation and new foundations of further nature parks  – beyond a strikingly “dusty” image of “hiking trail markers” and “park bench vendors” (Weber and Weber 2015). The scope of the mission definition of sustainable regional development ranges from tourism and regional products to renewable energies and cooperation/networking as well as hiking trails/visitor guidance to participation of the population and accessibility – i.e. a very extensive undertaking, which at the same time, being understood in terms of regional governance (Böcher 2006, 2018; Hooghe et al. 2016), offers the opportunity to position itself as an important regional player that engages in a networking way. At the same time, this means that they cannot act alone. They are dependent on diverse collaborations. Networks must emerge and prove to be sustainable. In particular, nature parks become a coordinating body – a role that can/could be assigned to them in the sense of a “regional manager”. However, nature parks are not the only large protected areas that appear in this context.

7.3  Large-Scale Conservation Areas Between Preservation and Active Use

155

Textbox 7.2: Article 27 Federal Nature Conservation Act (BNatSchG 2009 [1976], § 27)

Textbox 7.3: Article 25 Federal Nature Conservation Act (BNatSchG 2009 [1976], § 25)

1. Nature parks are areas to be developed and maintained in a uniform manner which (a) Are large-scale. (b) Are predominantly landscape conservation areas or nature reserves. (c) Are particularly suitable for recreation because of their scenic conditions and where sustainable tourism is sought. (d) Are designated for recreation according to the requirements of regional planning. (e) Serve the preservation, development or restoration of a landscape characterised by diverse use and its diversity of species and biotopes and in which, for this purpose, a permanent environmentally compatible land use is strived for. (f) Are particularly suited to promoting sustainable regional development. 2. Nature parks shall be planned, structured, accessed and further developed in accordance with their purposes as described in paragraph 1, taking into account the objectives of nature conservation and landscape management.

1. Biosphere reserves are areas that are to be protected and developed in a uniform manner and that (a) Are large scale and characteristic of certain types of landscape. (b) Fulfil the requirements of a nature reserve in substantial parts of their territory and, in the rest of their territory, fulfil the requirements of a landscape protection area. (c) Primarily serve the preservation, development or restoration of a landscape characterised by traditional diverse use and the species and biotope diversity that has historically grown therein, including wild and formerly cultivated forms of economically used or exploitable animal and plant species. (d) Serve as an example for the development and testing of economic methods that are particularly gentle on natural resources. 2. Biosphere reserves also serve research and observation of nature and the landscape, as well as education for sustainable development, to the extent permitted by the purpose of protection. 3. Biosphere reserves are to be developed via core zones, maintenance zones and development zones, taking into account the exceptions necessitated by their large-scale nature and settlement, and are to be protected in the same way as nature reserves or landscape conservation areas. 4. Biosphere reserves may also be referred to as biosphere areas or biosphere regions.

In this context, biosphere reserves can be brought into focus. With these, a “systematic recording of all biogeographical spaces of the earth” (Erdmann 1997, p. 55) is to take place, from which it is derived that similar “cultural landscape types” are not to be protected repeatedly in Germany. This results in a manageable number; in 2020, 17 areas are distributed across the federal territory, covering “only” 3.7% of the terrestrial area (BfN 2020a, o.p.). Crucial to the exclusivity is the prospective and customarily sought recognition of UNESCO.  Fundamentally, the reserves go back to UNESCO’s 1970 “Man and the Biosphere” (MAB) program, through which the Thuringian Forest was designated as the first such area in Germany in 1979. As “model regions for sustainable development”, humans are a crucial component of the conservation approach  – at least outside the core zones, which must comprise at least 3% of the area (BfN 2010, 2020a). The MAB program strives to “research the interactions between human management and the natural balance as well as […] [develop] a concept for the careful use of resources” (Blab 2006, p. 9). This is also anchored in the Federal Nature Conservation Act: Article 25, which lists, among other things, large-scale areas characteristic of landscape types, which are largely composed of nature and landscape conservation areas and in which “landscape” is to be restored and actively used and in which sparing economic practices are to be tested. Research and education for sustainable development should be sought (see Textbox 7.3).

The international recognition by UNESCO as “UNESCO Biosphere Reserves” tends to mean greater visibility or political “consideration” for corresponding areas, such as in the Palatinate Forest (Rhineland-Palatinate). The Palatinate Forest Nature Park, founded in 1958, was recognised as the largest contiguous forest area in Germany as a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve in 1992 and is now solely marketed externally under this label (as an impression Fig. 7.12). Finally, national parks can be considered even more “exclusive” in spatial terms. Germany’s 16 national parks cover just 0.60% of the country’s terrestrial area (BfN 2020c, n.d.) but are often considered the “top tier” of protected areas, both politically and in the media (Weber 2013a; Weber et  al. 2018a, b). They constitute the strictest category of nature conservation (enshrined in Article 24 of the Federal Nature Conservation Act, see Textbox 7.4) – after all, they are to a considerable extent large nature reserves that aim to protect and conserve large-scale and representative natural

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7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

Fig. 7.12  View of the Palatinate Forest. (Photo: Friedericke Weber 2018)

Textbox 7.4: Article 24 Federal Nature Conservation Act (BNatSchG 2009 [1976], § 24)

1. National parks shall be legally established areas to be protected in a uniform manner and that (a) Are large scale, largely undissected and of a special character. (b) Meet the requirements of a nature reserve in a predominant part of their region. (c) Are, in a predominant part of their region, in a condition not or minimally impacted by man or are capable of developing or being developed into a condition that ensures the most undisturbed possible course of natural processes in their natural dynamics. 2. The objective of national parks shall be to ensure, in a major portion of their region, the most undisturbed possible course of natural processes in their natural dynamics. To the extent permitted by the purpose of protection, national parks shall also serve scientific environmental observation, natural history education and the experience of nature by the population. 3. National parks shall be protected in the same way as nature reserves, considering their special protective purpose and the exceptions necessitated by their large size and settlement.

landscapes and their biodiversity of fauna and flora (Job 2010; Ssymank 1997, p. 19; Weber 2013a, p. 30f.). In contrast to the US models, the first German national park in the Bavarian Forest was not established until 1970. With the motto “Let nature be nature”, a restrictive, rather static conserving process of protection is enforced in the core zones (Weixlbaumer et al. 2015), whereby these zones are to comprise at least 50% of the area according to the Federal Nature Conservation Act and a minimum of 75% with international recognition by the IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature; BfN 2010, p. 11; Scherfose 2009). The idea of “wilderness” protection seems to be most comprehensively realisable in this way. At the same time, this can also result in landscape-related conflicts, as refraining from intervening after blowdown, or in the case of bark beetle infestations can lead to physical configurations that may run quite counter to stereotypically beautiful visual habitats (Michler et al. 2019; Müller and Imhof 2019; Sinner 1999; Landscapes 2 and 3 come into focus here; exemplified by Fig. 7.13). With the Black Forest (Baden-Württemberg) and Hunsrück-Hochwald (in the border area of Rhineland-­ Palatinate and Saarland) National Parks, the currently (as of 2020) last new national parks were established in 2014 and 2015, respectively, corresponding to considerations of further potential parks that have been made in the meantime (Job 2010). However, their establishment was by no means free of controversy, as a protection of core zones means, among other things, conflicts with an active economic use of

7.3  Large-Scale Conservation Areas Between Preservation and Active Use

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Fig. 7.13  Letting nature be nature in the Bavarian Forest National Park. (Photo: Friedericke Weber 2013a, b)

wood as a resource or with hunting interests (Luick and Reif 2013; Petermann 2015; Wachinger et al. 2016). A look at the spatial distribution of the large-scale conservation areas in Germany (Fig. 7.14) initially shows the high spatial effectiveness of the nature parks: they are distributed over the whole of Germany, with a certain concentration in the southwestern part. In parts, they overlap or even coincide with biosphere reserves and national parks. The latter, on the other hand, are much less present spatially, which automatically results from the rather manageable number. In the case of national parks, the exclusive protection concept in Germany means that only very limited areas can be protected. The Wadden Sea and the pre-Pomeranian Bodden landscape in the north of Germany can only occupy its striking size because the water areas of the North Sea and Baltic Sea are included.

7.3.3 C  onvergence of Functions Beyond Restrictive Nature Conservation So, what about the idea of nature conservation in the case of large-scale conservation areas? First of all, the main objectives of nature parks, biosphere reserves and national parks may be quite distinguishable and thus signify a clear differ-

entiation with regard to the importance of nature conservation. In the case of nature parks, the focus is on the idea of development involving the interaction of man and nature, i.e. instead of restrictive nature conservation, landscape protection is pursued that is precisely design-oriented and modifiable. Biosphere reserves are to serve as model regions in which man and biosphere are thought of as engaging interaction. Active protection in favour of restrictive nature conservation is pursued in the core zones, which are to comprise at least 3% of the total area of the reserves. National parks, in proportion, most clearly promote process protection with the idea of restrictive nature conservation. However, a deeper look at the diverse tasks and objectives reveals certain intersections and overlaps (Chilla et  al. 2016; Hammer et  al. 2016; Mose et al. 2018; Mose and Weixlbaumer 2002), with the development idea gaining decisive relevance throughout (see Table 7.2). Nature parks and biosphere reserves aim to conserve and develop nature and landscape. Moreover, all three large-scale conservation areas strive for sustainable (regional) development. Therefore, who assumes which tasks and with what legitimacy? It follows almost automatically that certain controversies and conflicts can hardly be avoided. This applies to the large-scale conservation areas with their supporting organisations among themselves but also to the interaction of other interest groups or parts of the

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7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

Fig. 7.14  Large protected areas in Germany. (Representation: Nationale Naturlandschaften e.V)

7.3  Large-Scale Conservation Areas Between Preservation and Active Use Table 7.2  Central tasks and objectives of nature parks, biosphere reserves and national parks Nature park Coexistence of man and nature Preservation and development of landscape and nature

Biosphere reserves Model regions for a balanced coexistence of man and nature Preservation and development of cultural landscapes Preservation of habitats

Illustrative examples for education and science Development of a nature-compatible tourism and recreation safeguard

Sustainable regional development

National park Let nature be nature (wilderness) Preservation of nature’s own laws, wilderness idea Insights into the workshop of nature and the balance of nature Learning from nature (related to everyday life and research) Nature conservation as a regional development factor

Own representation, modified after EUROPARC Deutschland e.V. (2013, p. 7) and Liesen and Weber (2018, p. 125)

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population with their relations to the protected areas (Weber and Weber 2019). A striking example to illustrate this can be found in southwestern Germany in the states of Rhineland-Palatinate and Saarland. As early as 1980, the Saar-Hunsrück Nature Park was established here, covering an area of around 2055 km2. In 2015, the Hunsrück-Hochwald National Park followed with a total area of just 100 km2 – very strikingly demonstrating the “German” challenge of hardly being able to define areas for the goal of “letting nature be nature”. In addition, a national park region was established here, which includes regional authorities participating in the determination ­resolving which parts of the national park come into being, as well as those that border on them (Rhineland-Palatinate and Saarland 2014, § 1). A look at the regional structure of the national park and its national park region in relation to the Saar-Hunsrück Nature Park (Fig. 7.15) already suggests that a constellation has emerged here that poses challenges, dependent upon who assumes which tasks here and how this can be presented to the outside world.

bigger cities smaller towns border Rhineland-Palatinate/Saarland

lle ose

M

Hunsrück-Hochwald National Park Saar-Hunsrück Nature Park border national park region

Hunsrück-Hochwald National Park

national park region

Locality in Germany: Saar-Hunsrück Nature Park

Saar

Fig. 7.15  Area overlaps: Saar-Hunsrück Nature Park, Hunsrück-Hochwald National Park and the National Park Region. (Representation: Tobias Sontheim, similarly published in Weber et al. 2018a, b, p. 18)

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Table 7.3  Comparison of task portfolio nature park versus national park region Nature Park Saar-Hunsrück Environmental education, communication around nature and landscape Regional products Measures to safeguard biological diversity Participation in landscape conservation and development Projects for nature-oriented and nature-compatible recreation Promotion of sustainable tourism Moderation of sustainable regional development incl. Strengthening of regional identity Barrier-free nature experience offerings

National Park Region Support for sustainable community and urban development Further development of environmentally compatible mobility Promoting regional value chains (agriculture and forestry) Strengthening inter-municipal and regional cooperation Further development of nature-­based sustainable tourism Making the national park an image symbolising the region, contemplative of the identity of the homeland Accessibility

Own representation, accentuated after Liesen and Weber (2018, pp. 141–142)

An evaluation of official documents reveals various striking overlaps of tasks (see Liesen and Weber 2018 and Table 7.3). The nature park is assigned tasks that are in part almost identically assigned to the national park region, such as tourism, recreation, education, accessibility, identity promotion and regional development. For less interested citizens, it may not be obvious that the terms “nature park” and “national park” are used – they may not even be aware of the difference. For politicians, on the other hand, especially if they pay membership fees in the nature park association, it is of great relevance that this is clearly present to the outside world, that it is considered relevant and, above all, that it is not questioned. Questions of regional policy are thus also of importance for the large-scale conservation areas that should not be underestimated. Ideal concepts of regional governance (Albrechts et  al. 2003; Feiock 2007; Magone 2003) around the leveraging of endogenous potentials through the establishment of networks around a common will to solve problems are not necessarily to be regarded as very realistic, against this background. Beyond the central pillar of “nature conservation”, the national park with its national park regions is also striving to become active in the field of regional development, which in recent years has been occupied primarily by nature parks, but also biosphere reserves in the context of large-scale protected area development in Germany. If the types of “large-­scale conservation areas” are now converging in respect to their obligations and all of them are increasingly striving to pursue “sustainable regional development” in some way, a blurring of clear mission profiles cannot be ruled out. An extremely restrictive nature conservation with the establishment of core zones and wilderness areas completely without human use is an objective in the Federal Republic of Germany, but having very limited land availability, it can only have a selective

effect and influence. The idea of nature conservation in Germany through the management of large-­scale conservation areas is therefore much more likely to be designed and developed, as evidenced by the high prominence of the many nature parks in Germany. In addition, restrictive protection is only to a limited extent in harmony with postmodern social developments: National parks tend to follow a human-nature antagonism in which nature becomes the counter-sphere of the cultural, whereby “nature” is to be protected from humans (Kühne 2018f, p.  51; Mose and Weixlbaumer 2003). Understandings of “nature” are subject to processes of change, however, so that it is by no means comprehensively and permanently consensual to “protect” core zones from human use, as example. Protected areas as instruments of “modern nature conservation” (Mose 2009, p. 11) are confronted with conflicting interests during postmodernisation, which for the large-scale conservation areas sometimes entail that the conservation process protection is met with growing resistance in terms of society (Luick and Reif 2013; StollKleemann 2001). The more exclusivist that these orientations turn out to be, the less they correspond to postmodern hybridisations and the more likely certain objectives can meet with resistance (Kühne 2019c; Kühne and Weber 2019c). It also becomes crucial not to misunderstand protected areas as closed areas that are to be completely protected from change. The idea of “protected area management” in Germany is, as highlighted, a rather dynamic one.

7.4

 ack to a Decentralised Energy B Supply: The “Energy Transition”

The extent to which a spatially oriented enclosing only German perspective is to be assessed as being currently out of date in the twenty-first century is strikingly evident in the context of energy supply, which at the end of the 2010s and the beginning of the 2020s is increasingly involved in discussions concerning the effects of global climate change (cf. also Sect. 7.2). The Fridays for Future Movement illustrates specifically (see, among others, Wahlström et al. 2019) that “mobilisation” is taking place across countries to achieve a rethinking of resource consumption. Closely linked to this is the issue of expanding renewable energy as a “green and sustainable” form of energy, which at the same time has a specifically German-bound character. The reactor catastrophe in Fukushima, Japan, in March 2011, which led to a radical rethinking on the part of the then German government under Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU), became a decisive point of reference here: The decision was taken to phase out nuclear power by 2022 – in clear deviation from neighbouring France, for example (Bruns and Deshaies 2018). Nuclear power was no longer judged to be sufficiently controllable in terms of federal policy and society – unlike in many other European countries, where new nuclear power plants are

7.4  Back to a Decentralised Energy Supply: The “Energy Transition”

(to be) built as well. In one sense, this means that, at least temporarily, lignite and hard coal will continue to play a major role within the energy supply. On the other hand, the further expansion of renewable energies has become a central topic of political action, precisely intending to limit the “revival” of coal as it is a climate-damaging energy source (Bundesregierung 2015; The Economist 2012). At the same time, it should not be overlooked that the specifically “German way” cannot be seen without transnational ties. In the European context, there are network-like interdependencies resulting from the development of European energy policies and the establishment of a trans-European energy network (on this, e.g. Fromme 2018; Sielker et  al. 2018). This has resulted and will continue to result in conflicts with neighbouring countries when it comes to exporting too much electricity produced from renewables or importing electricity in times of energy shortages. To best be able to classify discussion processes in the year 2020  in the context of energy, it is first necessary to take a brief historical look back examining the development of the German energy network, specifically the German power grid. Against this background, we will look at the striking changes brought about by the expansion of renewable energies. This includes a special focus on conflicts arising during the so-called Energiewende (“energy transition”, see also Hook 2018), which in turn includes impacts from climate change discussions. Hence, far-reaching upheavals over the course of time become strikingly apparent, which always must be seen in a contextually relevant way.

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Rygg 2012; Short 2002; Weber et  al. 2017a, b; Wolsink 2007). Historical hindsight reveals that this is by no means a completely new phenomenon. In the time of the First World War and the development of regional networks, a first phase of discussion can be located in which “landscape”, “homeland (Heimat)” and “nature” were related to “beauty” (Bayerl 2005, p. 40), which resulted in a perceived incompatibility of electrification and “beautiful homeland landscape” (cf. in general Chap. 5 and Textbox 5.1) becoming more and more socially anchored (argumentatively following Kühne 2006). Schultze-Naumburg (1901–1917, here 1917), for example, argued that the “electrification of the country” threatened to “disfigure” it. The buzzwords of “wiring” and “electrification” were thus addressed early on, as Bayerl (2005, 38 and 40) summarises and points out in retrospect: “The native village is being disfigured by ugly transformer houses, pylons and wires, and huge long-distance lines are increasingly covering the entire country”, it was argued. If we look back today at the emergence of nature conservation and heritage protection in Germany, this should not only be seen against the background of industrialisation but also in relation to the development of electricity supply (Berr 2019; Berr et  al. 2019a, b, c). Notable criticism ignited in the latter regarding negatively valued “landscape” changes  – in trade-off with economic patterns of a justifiable necessity (Bayerl 2005, p.  41f.), which can be read as a logic-related system argumentation (Kühne 2019a; Luhmann 2017). Thus, depending on the basic orientation and objectives, there occurred a diverging assessment of the changing energy supply system along with its spatial manifestation. During the period of National 7.4.1 The Energy Infrastructure Prior Socialist rule, with the expansion of large supply networks to the Expansion of Renewable over long distances, concerns related to home protection Energies continued. In a publication by Schwenkel (1938, p. 155ff.), a plea was made to allow underground cabling instead of If we look back at the foundations for today’s postmodern overhead lines in places where there would be situations energy supply in Germany in the European context – focus- having serious “landscape disturbances”. At the same time, sing on the electricity sector – we need to look at the end of the problem of high costs was not ignored as a challenge. the nineteenth century. Starting in the 1880s, the starting The protection of “land and people” faced negative consepoint was an electrification of urban lighting (Würfel 2017), quences from industrialisation, including overhead lines, i.e. the nucleus being at the level of individual cities, which but a unified and consistent action in favour of r­educing built DC power plants with short transmission lines enabling visibility through changes of location or a “harmonious” the transition to electrically powered streetlights (Bayerl positioning sometimes along forest edges was not consis2005). This was followed, particularly from the 1920s, by tently carried out (Bayerl 2005, p. 45f.): “Cabling remained power transmissions across greater distances using three-­ a landscape protection vision  – propagated in the ‘Third phase high-voltage lines (Bürger 2018). Interconnectors Reich’ also for military reasons – that could not be implegradually linked supraregional electricity production sites mented technically, but mainly for economic reasons”. (Maier 1993, p. 65). In the early 2000s, it has become quasi After the Second World War, during the founding of the “normal” in Germany, and also in many other countries, Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, the “economic mirthat the expansion of renewable energies and adaptations of acle” and an increase in population, the demand for electriexisting electricity transmission grids do not proceed with- cal energy supply rose significantly. This resulted in a new out conflict, but on the contrary, heated discussions are held phase in the expansion of the German electricity transmisabout it (Kühne and Weber 2018 [online first 2017]; Kühne sion network. Thus, the expansion of the interconnected et  al. 2019a, b; Neukirch 2016; Pasqualetti et  al. 2002; grid was accelerated, especially in the extra-high voltage

162

range  – 110, then 220, and finally 380  kV (Bayerl 2005, p.  46; as an example, Fig.  7.16). Even in this phase, a renewed discussion in society as a whole was by no means absent. Obermair et  al. (1985, p.  15  f.) reconstruct an emerging criticism of further expansion from the mid1970s, for which the energy industry had been insufficiently prepared. The authors attribute this development to the fact that, over time, there was an experienced “saturation” with technical manifestations of energy supply in connection with a fulfilled demand situation, which made further expansion no longer seem necessary to citizens. In contrast to the first critical voices of nature and homeland protection, the discussion here became less about “landscape and homeland” and more about a scepticism toward the fundamental “necessity of technical expansion” thereby taking ecological concerns into account (Bayerl 2005, p. 47). The development of a supraregional electricity transmission network in Germany, especially throughout the twentieth century, fundamentally goes hand in hand with a specific spatial structure of energy production sites. In 1935, the first “Energiewirtschaftsgesetz” was enacted, forming the basis for ensuring both a low-cost energy supply and the security of supply (Gochermann 2016). These two demands and objectives ultimately led to the favouring and establishment of “large structures” – in energy distribution and, associated

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

with this, decidedly in energy generation (Gochermann 2016, p.  20; e.g. also Diekmann and Rosenthal 2014). Initially, this primarily concerns coal-fired power plants  – hard coal and lignite  – followed by nuclear power plants from the 1950s and 1960s onward (cf. Gleitsmann 2011, among others). Electricity production was only thus centralised, at relatively few selected locations – to secure the power supply, primarily for the economy and a few private households (generally Sect. 6.2). To this day, the associated path dependencies are manifested when looking at gross electricity generation (cf. Table  7.4). Coal is of central ­ importance in the German states of Brandenburg, Bremen, Hamburg, North Rhine-Westphalia, Saarland and Saxony, where it accounts for more than half of power generation. Nuclear energy is still important in Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria, Lower Saxony and Schleswig-Holstein until it is finally phased out – in the former, it even accounts for more than a third of electricity generation. Against the background of the previous explanations, the electricity sector in Germany was clearly structured and ultimately “manageable” in terms of production locations. This changed, and continues changing, fundamentally with the expansion of renewable energies, which in turn has had not only political, planning and economic consequences but also social ones.

Fig. 7.16  High-voltage transmission line in Franconia (Free State of Bavaria; Photo: Florian Weber 2016)

7.4  Back to a Decentralised Energy Supply: The “Energy Transition”

163

Table 7.4  Gross electricity generation by federal state and energy source 2017 State Baden-Wuerttemberg Bavaria Berlin Brandenburg Bremen Hamburg Hesse Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania Lower Saxony North Rhine-Westphalia Rhineland-Palatinate Saarland Saxony Saxony-Anhalt Schleswig-Holstein Thuringia

Coal 29.3 4.5 47.4 57.3 50.2 85.3 19.7 19.6 12.8 65.6 0.4 55.6 75.1 25.8 8.0 0.1

Natural gas 7.7 13.0 44.7 4.3 25.0 8.4 28.1 7.9 14.6 15.0 47.9 18.0 9.7 15.2 3.3 20.5

Nuclear energy 30.4 36.8 – – – – – – 24.3 – – – – – 17.7 –

Renewable energy 27.1 44.2 4.9 32.3 9.2 4.7 43.3 71.9 45.3 12.0 47.8 19.1 13.5 52.9 69.2 59.1

Others 5.5 1.5 3.0 6.1 15.6 1.6 8.9 0.6 3.0 7.4 3.9 7.3 1.8 6.1 1.8 20.3

Data in percent; Statistisches Bundesamt (2019, n.d.)

7.4.2 T  he Expansion of Renewable Energies and the German “Energy Transition” While previous energy production sites involving coal and nuclear power plants as conventional energy sources tended to be centralised (Hook 2019, p.  115), renewable energy sources, especially wind power and photovoltaic plants, are distributed “across the surface” and thus change the visibility of energy production in a striking way (Klagge 2013; Klagge and Brocke 2015; Kühne 2011a). Structures perceived as “normal” – spatially as well as politically, socially, economically, etc. – have been, and continue to be, strongly reshaped wherein traditional patterns of visual aesthetics are challenged (Kühne and Weber 2019b). In connection with the expansion of renewable energies, a central buzzword is the “Energiewende”, i.e. “energy transition”. In Germany, this has been discussed regularly and increasingly since the reactor catastrophe in Fukushima in March 2011, but neither the concept nor its content is entirely new (see also Hockenos 2018). As early as 1980, the ÖkoInstitut e.V.  – founded in Freiburg in 1977  – presented a concept that bore the word “Energiewende” in its title and referred to energy savings and the use of solar energy, among other stipulations (Öko-­Institut e.V. 1980). At that time, however, wind power and solar (or photovoltaics) were still considered too uneconomical, and there was also a lack of fundamental political framework provisions. This changed in 1991, when the “Stromeinspeisungsgesetz” (StrEG) (Electricity Feed-in Act) came into force, which regulated the “feeding” of renewable energies into the German electricity grid in the first place. This created the basis for electricity suppliers to pay a fixed price to small suppliers when they generated electricity, and it flowed into the grid – providing the initial spark for the green electricity industry to take off. In 2000, the Electricity Feed-in Act

was replaced by the Renewable Energy Sources Act (Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetz, EEG), which in its first version formulated the goal “to enable sustainable development of energy supply in the interest of climate and environmental protection and to significantly increase the contribution of renewable energies to electricity supply in order to […] at least double the share of renewable energies in total energy consumption by the year 2010” (EEG 2000, p.  305). Since then, the law, which creates incentives through subsidies, has been and continues to be subject to change (see also Gailing 2015; Gailing and Röhring 2015). Quite fundamentally, the legal regulations are to be regarded as instrumental for the fact that renewable energies have been able to experience a significant upswing in Germany. At the same time, this background shows that their political ­promotion did not only occur with the reactor disaster of Fukushima. Instead, it is the case that it subsequently gained even greater relevance against the backdrop of the agreed phase-out of nuclear power. The German Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy (BMWi 2016, p. 15) aims for “renewables to produce 40 to 45 percent of our electricity by 2025, and at least 80 percent by 2050”. These targets – which are quite ambitious, compared with earlier proposals – will result in a massive change in the way electricity has been generated to date. In 1991, the year the Electricity Feed-in Act came into force, the share of renewable energies was only 3.2%. Lignite, hard coal and nuclear energy dominated. Especially since the Renewable Energy Sources Act, in its first version from 2000, there has been a significant increase in renewable energies (see Fig. 7.17). In 2017, it reached 33.1% (AG Energiebilanzen 2019, n.d.). Proportionally, the percentage share of nuclear energy is more than halved from 1991 to 2017 – falling from 27.3% to 11.7%. However, lignite and hard coal still accounted for more than one-third of gross electricity generation.

164

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

100 90

3.2 5.7 6.7

4.0 4.9 6.2

4.7 4.9 7.7

4.4 4.5 8.7

5.2 4.7 9.3

Amount of energy sources in %

80 70

27.3

29.2

28.7

30.8

30.7

60

6.6 4.6 9.5

29.3

7.5 5 10.3

27.1

10 5.8 11.7

13.8 5.7 12.2

29.4

28

26.6

25.7

20.2

26.2

21.9

23.9

29.1

5.3 5.4 13.6 14

50 40

15.9

5.2 5.1

10.6

9.6 22.6

17.6

33.1

5 13.3

15.2

14.2 11.7

24.4

26.4

26

30

24.8

24.2

24.5

24.5

25.2

23.8 22.7

20 10

27.7

27.7

27.4

25.9

25.7

23.6

24.1

21.5

22.2

2005

2007

18.1

18.3

19.9

18.2

2009

2011

2013

2015

14.2

0 1991

1993 coal

1995 lignite

1997

1999

2001

nuclear reaction

2003 gas

other sources

2017

renewable sources

Fig. 7.17  Gross electricity generation in Germany by energy source since 1991, shown in a 2-year cycle. (Own representation after AG Energiebilanzen 2019, n.d.)

The agreement to phase out nuclear power by 2022 means that the “remainder” of nuclear energy must first be replaced by other energy sources. As already shown (Table 7.4), these are just regional needs for action in a few federal states, but there they are correspondingly reinforced by still quite high shares. Even if discussions about the effects of anthropogenically influenced climate change are by no means “new” in the 2010s and 2020s, they unfolded in 2019 having specific connection with diverse social commitment  – one catchphrase, among others Fridays for Future (Fridays for Future Germany 2019; Wahlström et  al. 2019)  – had a significant impact on the German electricity sector. By 2038 at the latest – with citizens favouring an earlier end – coal-fired power generation in Germany is now also to be ended, which will entail a new massive structural change (Heinrichs et al. 2017; Pfister et al. 2020). As regards the year 2050, the target of 80% renewables consequently means that a remaining 20% will still have to be provided by an energy mix of other energy sources – without accessing nuclear energy, lignite or hard coal – unless adjustments are made to the targets. The historically established path dependency on hard coal and lignite, supplemented by nuclear power (Würfel 2017, p. 9f.), is breaking down and shifting in favour of an expansion of renewable energy sources that is taking place and is planned to continue in the future. This is accompanied by far-reaching changes in the institutional and coordinating structures – with numerous participants: “These include, in the central position, various public actors at all political-administrative levels (federal government, state, region, municipality, and the EU), especially

from the fields of energy (policy) and spatial planning. Other key players are companies, particularly in the energy industry (including grid operators) and the agricultural sector (primarily farms), and civil society organisations (associations, citizens’ initiatives, etc.). Last, but not least, the population should be mentioned, which on the one hand is involved in spatial planning and other political processes as ‘affected parties’ […]. On the other hand, […] residents of a region also act as investors and private plant operators” (Klagge 2013, p.  10). The national level sets the energy policy ­framework, among other things with the Renewable Energy Sources Act, and defines overarching goals, whereby specific targets for shaping the energy transition are decided at the level of the federal states because of Germany’s federal structure. The various federal states create different framework conditions, which tend to be either enabling or restrictive. At the regional, and ultimately at the local, level, the expansion of renewable energies takes place with the construction of biomass, photovoltaic and wind power plants (Becker et  al. 2012; Becker and Naumann 2017; Gailing et al. 2019; Gailing and Moss 2016). Here, engagement of municipalities and private sector companies as well as citizens, united as “citizens energy cooperatives” (“Bürgerenergiegenossenschaften”), comes into play (Becker et  al. 2013; Domhardt et  al. 2018; George 2012; Klagge 2013; Klemisch 2014). In 2017, the share of renewable energy in gross electricity consumption reached 36% (BMWi 2018, p. 10). In the wake of climate change discussions, nuclear energy is being framed as a “clean” and “green” energy source, as in France, among other countries,

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which means that the pressure in Germany is now growing – faster than politically expected in the interim – primarily on fossil energy sources. In turn, upheavals in the energy sector are by no means without ambivalences and contradictions. In this context, the question of public acceptance of renewable energies is of central importance (see, among others, Leibenath and Otto 2014; Marg et al. 2017; Reusswig et al. 2016; Weber et al. 2017a, b; Zoellner et al. 2008). In this context, we must also consider an area that is closely linked to renewable energies  – that of the renewed expansion of the electricity grid, which brings us back to the topic of grid expansion introduced at the beginning of this section on the energy transition. With the turn of the millennium, and especially in the second decade of the twenty-first century, new and “tense” negotiation processes are emerging – after a period in which things had become rather “quiet” again around the German power grid – which are linked both to a stronger integration into the European power grid and, simultaneously, to the promotion of renewable energies, which necessitated an expansion of the extra-high voltage grid (Fromme 2018; Monstadt 2015; Neukirch 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017). Wind power is being developed to a large extent in the north, and industrial communities are located to an increasing extent in southern Germany, from which the need to build new transmission lines in the transmission grid area was identified – even before the reactor disaster in Fukushima in 2011. The starting point for transmission grid expansion in Germany is the preparation of so-called scenario frameworks of how the energy composition is expected to develop in the coming years – prepared by four transmission system operators (50 Hertz Transmission, Amprion, TenneT TSO and TransnetBW) and approved by the Federal Network Agency. On this basis, the expansion requirements will be defined for the coming years in network development plans, which must be confirmed by the Federal Network Agency. Associations and agencies as public interest groups, but also citizens, can participate in the process. Combining the network development plan and an environmental report, a federal requirements plan is created that lists concrete construction projects. After that, things get even more specific: The responsible transmission system operators propose corridors for the power lines, which the Federal Network Agency decides on in the instances of transnational projects – otherwise, state authorities are responsible. Finally, a planning approval procedure is initiated for each project, in which several alternative line routes are discussed in public and a route is selected that should result in the least possible impact on people and the environment (Bundesnetzagentur 2014). The “Energy Line Expansion Act” (EnLAG  – “Energieleitungsausbaugesetz”) was passed back in 2009, which as of the third quarter of 2019 lists a total of 22 projects, 6 of which are underground cable pilot projects, under the responsibility of the federal states with a planned total

length of around 1800 kilometres. Following the decision to phase out nuclear power, a supplementary expansion requirement was identified. The “Federal Requirements Plan Act” (BBPlG – “Bundesbedarfsplangesetz”), which was passed in July 2013 and amended in December 2015, includes a total of 43 projects following the third quarter of 2019, 8 of them in extra-high voltage direct current transmission (HVDC), 5 of which are primarily underground cabling, which together involve approximately 5800 kilometres of lines. The largest measures include the upgrading of an existing route in western Germany by means of high-voltage direct current transmission (the Ultranet) and the “SuedLink” and “SuedOstLink” (“South Link” and “Southeast Link”), both of which also involve direct current transmission, as new construction plans across Germany. Other smaller projects are being added (Bundesnetzagentur 2020, n.d.; also Bürger 2018 for a fundamental discussion). While electricity pylons could well symbolise “progress and human triumph” temporarily, according to Selman (2010, p. 165), they are today for many among “our least loved industrial artefacts”. Grid expansion and grid reinforcement measures altered in a far-reaching way for parts of the population the previously established visual familiarities through new physical manifestations in the scope of the energy transition. On the one hand, approval of the energy transition with the expansion of renewable energies in Germany remains very high. In a representative survey conducted for the “Agentur für Erneuerbare Energien” (AEE  – “Renewable Energy Agency” 2019, n.d.), in September 2019 a combined 89% of respondents said they considered the increased use and expansion of renewable energies to be “very or extremely important” (66%) and “important” (23%). The expansion of overhead power lines also meets with strong support here, with a combined 86% considering it “very or extremely important” (59%) and “important” (27%). Conversely, approval is significantly lower for those directly affected. Only 51% of those surveyed, for example, think that wind turbines in the neighbourhood are “quite good” or “very good”. The final years of the first decade of the twenty-first century in Germany were dominated by criticism from the local population and, in some cases, widespread protests (see also Stegert and Klagge 2015), which slowed down planning and implementation processes, putting politically set goals at risk. While 1792 new wind turbines were built in 2017, their number dropped to 325 new additions in 2019 – a record low in the last 20  years (Bundesverband WindEnergie 2019, n.d.). Resistance and conflicts involving wind power and power grid expansion are discussed in more detail below. How do critical voices expressly debate in the context of the energy transition? Which positions dominate? A basic discourse of theoretical perspective that looks at the consolidation of specific patterns of interpretation and changes over time will guide the analysis here (cf. Sect. 2.3).

166

7.4.3 C  onflicts Amid Wind Power and Power Grid Expansion Applicable to the expansion of renewable energies, the energy transition in Germany ultimately consists of many components, whereby regarding the gross electricity generation of wind power, photovoltaics, geothermal energy, biomass and hydropower, the former particularly accounts for around half of the renewable energy sources and is of special importance (BMWi 2020, n.d.). By the end of 2019, a total of almost 29,500 onshore wind turbines had been erected in the Federal Republic of Germany, which almost inevitably results in a high spatial impact (Bundesverband WindEnergie 2019, n.d.). Many citizens’ initiatives have been founded in recent years, especially against their construction. At the end of 2015 and the beginning of 2016, we conducted a Google search to identify a total of 280 citizens’ initiatives in the context of wind energy having either a website or Facebook presence,4 or both, 270 of which are committed to opposing the expansion of wind power in Germany. The federal initiative “Vernunftkraft” (“Power of Reason”) as an umbrella organisation of wind power opponents assumes a total of more than 1000 initiatives in Germany (Hermann 2018, n.d.), which illustrates the dimension that opponents have acquired. The spatial distribution of the initiatives (Fig. 7.18) shows a certain concentration in the west or southwest of Germany. With 60 opposing citizens’ initiatives in Hesse, 45  in Baden-Württemberg and 42  in North Rhine-Westphalia, the greatest accumulation is found in these states. In contrast, the number of wind turbines in the southern states of the Federal Republic is significantly lower than in the northern states – in Hesse and Baden-Württemberg in particular, there is a high level of opposition to a relatively small number of wind turbines. At the time of the survey, especially in the more southern states, there were discussions about possibilities for an expansion that had already been carried out to a greater extent in the north, which should be contemplated (see also Schmidt et  al. 2018). At the same time, it can be observed that resistance arose predominantly in areas where wind power is not yet part of everyday life. Our evaluation of the 270 critical initiatives shows that synthesising two central claims can be identified. Firstly, local projects, i.e. at certain designated locations, are rejected, which is the basis for the attempt to prevent them. Secondly, a general criticism of the promotion of wind power or, even more far-reaching, of the energy transition in general is expressed in some areas. Around three quarters of the citizens’ initiatives identified cast doubt on the usefulness of wind power by referring to a lack of storage tech-

The keywords used were Bürgerinitiative Windkraft, Bürgerinitiative Windpark, Windkraftgegner, Bürger gegen Windkraft, Bürger Gegenwind, Bürgerinitiative pro Windkraft, Bürger für Windkraft and Bürger machen Wind.

4 

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

nologies, necessary subsidies, high variations and lower efficiency. Two-thirds of the websites of the initiatives criticise the profit orientation of politics and plant operators at the expense of affected citizens, just under half do not consider the political approach in favour of the energy transition to be correct, and slightly more than one-third criticise the planning processes and insufficient opportunities for participation (Fig. 7.19). On the part of the initiatives, a high degree of scepticism toward wind power expansion as part of the German Energiewende is thus hegemonically anchored. Alternative patterns of interpretation are excluded (see also Weber 2018 for more details; theoretically and conceptually, see also Glasze and Mattissek 2009; Leibenath 2014). Criticism of a content-related nature, which can be “condensed” into four central thematic complexes and can be found almost everywhere on the websites and Facebook profiles (see Fig. 7.20) consistently and (re)producingly invoked: nature conservation, landscape and homeland, health and economic motives. These are either put forward to justify that a local project should not be implemented or underlined as evidence that wind power and the energy transition are misguided (strands of argumentation correspondingly, e.g. in Becker et  al. 2013; Leibenath 2013; Otto 2019). Through constant repetition, they find ever-stronger anchorage, especially among supporters – other viewpoints are increasingly relegated to the antagonistic outside as wrong and misguided. Regarding “nature” and “nature conservation”, the loss of biological diversity and threats to flora and fauna are often cited (see also Moning 2018). In addition, wind power is held responsible for the “destruction” or “disfigurement” of “landscape” and “homeland” (references accordingly to Landscape 1, 2 and 3). Here, it is strikingly apparent that this line of argumentation is being reproduced and updated, as it was originally occurring with the development of the electricity grid in the twentieth century. From windmills to wind turbines, there was no continuity in Germany, as Bayerl (2005, p. 47) points out, because in the first half of the last century there was a focus on large turbines, which, however, were not technically feasible (also Heymann 1995). Thus, there were no impacts which were familiar, which meant that the first wind turbines in Germany in the 1970s following the oil crisis represented a “rediscovery” – and even then, they were associated with a “greening of the landscape” (Bayerl 2005, p. 47). Today’s points of criticism are thus by no means new, but they continue to carry a lot of weight and are powerfully anchored hegemonically among critics. Optically, in the first decades of the twenty-first century, visualisations of “landscapes” often find reproduction in which physical manifestations of the energy transition continue to play a subordinate role, which accordingly does not contribute to a “normalisation” of wind energy in landscape construction processes (Linke 2018, 2019). In terms of health-related concerns, frequent references are made to disturbance from shadow flicker and night-time beaconing, subsonic noise,

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Fig. 7.18 Distribution of citizens’ initiatives across the Federal Republic and number of wind turbines per 100 km2 of the state in 2015 (representation Albert Roßmeier). Seats of citizens’ initiatives in favour of and against wind power were plotted (based on conducted Google

research). In addition, wind turbines were plotted by state and wind turbines per 100  km2 per state. (According to Bundesverband WindEnergie 2016; Statista 2016)

168

doubts about the usefulness

profit orientation

65,9

energy system transformation policy

45,9

planning processes and participation

37,8

0

Fig. 7.20 Content-related points of criticism of citizens’ initiatives (n = 270) on wind power expansion (end of 2015 through beginning of 2016; Own survey and representation)

20

40

60

80

nature conservation

91.5

landscape and home environment

85.6

health

82.6

economic reasons

69.3

0

sleep disturbance and a variety of potential impacts. Finally, “economic reasons” can include fears of reduced real estate and property values as well as losses in tourism. In terms of discourse theory, the various points of criticism are strung together in chains of equivalence and serve as a conglomerate to argue against the construction of new wind power plants. All basic and content-related arguments of wind power criticism can be interpreted in the reversed direction by proponents, making “wind power” a subject having shifting significance (Laclau 2007) that can be connected to different discourses – a struggle for interpretive sovereignty is taking place. Only an accelerated energy transition could achieve climate protection goals and create a livelihood for future generations. Wind turbines serve environmental protection and nature conservation and are increasingly “unproblematic” in “landscape and homeland” as an aspect of familiarisation (aesthetically positive as scenery, e.g. Fig.  7.21), health criticisms are not applicable, and economic losses in value occur at most as a self-fulfilling prophecy, if this is repeatedly discussed in public (more detailed Roßmeier and Weber 2018). The youth movement Fridays for Future (2019, o.p.) calls for “100% renewable energy supply by 2035” for Germany, which becomes utopian with the (lack of) speed of wind power expansion at the beginning of the

Basic criticism in %

74,8

Content-related criticism in %

Fig. 7.19  Basic criticisms of citizens’ initiatives (n = 270) of wind power expansion (end of 2015 through beginning of 2016; Own survey and representation)

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

20

40

60

80

100

2020s. Engagement against projects as part of the energy transition has become a certain social “trend” – the further development of this field of conflict remains to be seen (in general, also Hoeft et  al. 2017; Kühne et  al. 2021a, b; Reusswig et al. 2016; Walter et al. 2013). In addition to other factors such as the development of a European power grid, the expansion of existing power transmission networks is closely associated with the development of wind energy. This complex of issues, which reveals striking parallels to resistance during wind power expansion, will now be addressed. Planning for transmission grid expansion has provoked and continues to provoke a variety of opponents, which also makes it a current political, planning and social challenge (see also, among others, Bräuer 2017; Kamlage et  al. 2014; Kühne and Weber 2018 [online first 2017]; Neukirch 2014, 2016). Simplified, proponents face various opponents whose motivations, arguments and objectives are contradictory. Proponents argue, among other things, as touched on, about the better integration of Germany into the European power grid, the guarantee of supply security, the creation of necessary capacities for the distribution of renewably produced energy and, ultimately, a contribution to a “sustainable” transformation of the energy system to meet international commitments to reduce greenhouse gas

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Fig. 7.21  Wind turbines at dawn in Rheinhessen (Rhineland-Palatinate; Photo: Florian Weber 2016)

emissions (Paris Climate Agreement, EU climate protection targets). In some areas, however, the fundamental necessity or the planned implementation is in doubt, respectively met with active opposition. Opponents mobilised and, in the meantime, found great resonance in the media, which forced political decision-makers at the state as well as federal level to react (Kühne et al. 2016). In 2014 and 2015, the dispute escalated, which was reflected in a political U-turn in the Free State of Bavaria, especially by the then Prime Minister Horst Seehofer: After initially being in favour, he temporarily sided with citizens’ initiatives, only to advocate underground cables instead of overhead lines in the next step (see Weber 2018 for more details). As in the context of wind power expansion, we used a Google search for initiatives to identify citizens’ initiatives against power grid expansion with their own website or Facebook profile as investigation of their objectives. In 2015, 90 initiatives were identified in this way and in 2017 as many as 123.5 In the meantime, Bräuer and Wolling (2015, p. 95) found 140 citizens’ initiatives in their research  – a similar number. If the identified citizens’ initiatives are correlated on a map of Germany with the projects from the Energy Line Expansion Act and those from the Federal Requirements Plan Act, then a clear link between the planned projects and The keywords used for the search were Bürgerinitiative or Interessengemeinschaft in connection with Stromnetzausbau, Netzausbau, Stromtrasse, Gleichstromtrasse, Monstertrasse and other terms from this context.

5 

the locations of the citizens’ initiatives becomes apparent (Fig. 7.22). Almost exclusively, initiatives have been founded in the vicinity of prospective route corridors, i.e. discussion processes of citizens have become institutionalised against the background of political and planning decisions (Glasze 2007, para. 24; Weber 2013b, p. 61). Especially in Bavaria (southeastern Germany), the citizens’ initiatives are lined up and follow the presently envisaged route corridor toward the south  – here the direct current passage South-East (grey dashed), which, however, will not be built after massive resistance and was abandoned in favour of the SuedOstLink using underground cabling. There is a direct link between discussed power line routes and burgeoning local protest – a relation that was to be expected considering the background of potential concern and the associated direct need for engagement, but which is so explicitly confirmed. The comparison of the surveys of the year 2015 with the year 2017 shows that an advocacy of the option of underground cabling as a means of rendering it “invisible” (Kühne 2013) – in accordance with the motto: “Out of sight, out of mind”  – in the case of the so-called SuedLink and SuedOstLink has not led to a simple pacification of opposition. Although fundamental opposition to the expansion of the power grid has fallen from just under two-thirds to just over one-half, this also means that one out of every two initiatives still does not see grid expansion as necessary (see Fig. 7.23). Corresponding critics are of the opinion that grid expansion is excessive; serves the transport of coal-fired power, a European “borderless” market liberalisation; and is

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Kiel

2

Hamburg

Schewrin

Bremen

2

BERLIN

Hannover 2

Magdeburg

2 2

Dortmund

Göttingen

2

Düsseldorf Dresden

Erfurt

2 2

Wiesbaden Mainz Nürnberg

Saarbrücken

2

2

Stuttgart

München

0

25

50

75 100 km

Power Grid Expansion Act plans (EnLAG) civic initiatives completed awaiting or undergoing planning procedure approved or under construction not undergoing planning procedure undergoing regional planning procedure Federal Requirements Act plans (BBPlG) completed awaiting or undergoing planning procedure approved or under construction projects BBPlG June 2015 undergoing regional or federal projects BBPlG June 2017 planning procedure

Fig. 7.22  Grid extension and citizens’ initiatives. (Own survey and representation. Implementation by Florian Weber et al. 2017a, b. Grid extension projects from the Federal Requirements Plan Act and from

the Energy Line Expansion Act have been drawn in, as have the locations of the citizens’ initiatives, insofar as their website/Facebook profile contains a location)

7.4  Back to a Decentralised Energy Supply: The “Energy Transition”

Fig. 7.23  Goals of citizens’ initiatives (2015: n = 90 and 2017: n = 123), based on two Google searches (January 2015 and May 2017 through June 2017; Own survey and presentation)

and homeland (84%), (2) economic aspects such as losses of property values or tourism losses (74%), (3) health concerns (72%) and (4) nature conservation-related points of criticism (69%; see Fig. 7.24). These also become an overall argumentation unit, closely intertwined and thus discursively anchored. References to landscape, home and one’s own living environment dominate: The immediate area around one’s own house or apartment should be spared changes  – as so much is already changing and eroding in the course of globalisation and new uncertainties, one’s own environment should at least be preserved. The threat of “destruction” and “disfigurement” of the “landscape and homeland” was, in principle, almost identical to the formulations used a hundred years earlier by homeland protectors against the “electrification” of the country. The expansion of the power grid at the beginning of the twenty-first century also shows that upheavals are not simply accepted without discussion. Arguments are used that are highly relevant to real life, such as landscape and homeland. It is striking how similar the statements are concerning the expansion of wind power and the electricity grid. Moreover, another similarity can be related to the first third of the twentieth century: Citizens’ initiatives juxtapose photographs with and without wind turbines or power lines – as positive-­ negative contrasts, as preservationists did decades earlier (Bayerl 2005). Thus, the transformation of a complex factual situation into a moral dichotomisation takes place, which makes a search for compromises difficult, since moralisations can only be answered with counter-moralisations (Luhmann 1993). The result is often a further reproduction of one’s own positions and an escalation of the conflict, which is not completely “resolved” even after judicial decisions, as they can continue to persist (Berr and Kühne 2019a, b; Kühne 2018c, 2019d).

54.5

generally against grid expansion

70.0 33.3

endorsement of underground cables

Goals of citizens' initiatives in %

detrimental to a decentralised regional energy transition (see also Jarass 2013; Neukirch 2015). Proponents of underground cabling have increased from just under a quarter to about a third, at least in 2015–2017. However, the greater the debate about the advantages and disadvantages of underground cabling, the greater the scepticism toward it can gradually become. In addition, other routes, threshold values or minimum distances are demanded, respectively; there is opposition to converter stations for high-voltage direct current transmission lines. To this day, a pronounced scepticism about the fundamental need for transmission grid expansion is manifested again and again – in a sense, the return of the “wave of criticism” from the mid-1970s. Calculations by transmission system operators are not recognised by opponents nor are audits by the responsible authorities. This also makes the state a party to the conflict, which is not perceived as neutral by citizens’ initiatives. From the citizens’ initiatives point of view, planning should be significantly reduced or even stopped. Negotiation processes and interpretation battles are underway, whereby the grid expansion is not being questioned by the political and planning side and approval projects are to be advanced. However, since the resistance that has been highly accepted in the media in the meantime has already resulted in adjustments in favour of underground cabling, future “about-turns” are by no means ruled out. Different views and objectives are also vying for hegemony in the field of conflict over the expansion of the electricity grid. If we now look at the points of criticism put forward by the citizens’ initiatives regarding grid expansion, the striking parallel to wind power expansion already indicated becomes apparent. The different strands of argument can be comprised via the same four main points: (1) through the analysed citizens’ initiatives, here with reference to the 2017 survey, recourse is made to the “destruction” of landscape

171

23.3 6.5

alternative solution/alternative routing

5.6 4.1

adaptation of limit values and minimum distances

1.1 1.6

against converter station

0.0

0

20 2017

2015

40

60

80

172

83.7

landscape and home environment

85.5

74.0

economic reasons

53.3

72.4

health

82.2

69.1

nature conservation

57.8

0

20

40 2017

7.4.4 Prospects for the German “Energiewende” The planned phase-out of nuclear power in Germany by 2022 and the planned end of coal-fired power by 2038, at the latest, require ambitious goals to guide the further expansion of renewable energies and, simultaneously, energy savings, energy efficiency and energy storage. Since 2011, the term “Energiewende” has been used consistently in politics  – a term that can be interpreted theoretically and conceptually, following Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, as a central node and “floating signifier” (Laclau 2007, p. 131), to which different interpretations can be connected: “Energiewende” as a purely decentralised, regional energy supply without the need for grid expansion versus an “Energiewende” that is also enabled by a European grid and thus grid expansion. It is fundamental to note how positions and hegemonic patterns of interpretation can shift over time. If in 2011, against the backdrop of the impressions of the reactor catastrophe in Fukushima, the nuclear power phase-out was the order of the day in Germany, the discourse on climate change, which gained power at the end of the 2010s, meant that stopping coal-fired power generation became a top priority. In this context, nuclear power is becoming a “green” energy, which means that safety concerns are losing ground. In 2020, the “energy transition” is now more of a junction point that follows “climate change”, so that the latter dominates negotiation processes. If the expansion of renewable energies and the expansion of the electricity grid continue to be pushed politically as mandatory, then it will be necessary to make the fundamental question of the need for grid expansion and the possible contribution of wind power to the energy supply more transparent and “unambiguous” for citizens. Concerns and fears are currently anchored deeply in discourse. Reflecting on the changeability of social realities and the different perceptions

Argumentation contexts of citizens' initiatives in %

Fig. 7.24 Argumentation contexts of citizens’ initiatives (2017 and 2015; Own survey and representation)

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

60

80

100

2015

of “realities” can help politics, business and planning to understand why their arguments are not always understood by citizens. One-dimensional views are no longer effective in the age of postmodernism  – but attempts to enforce such views can still be found today. How negotiation processes continue to develop here depends to a decisive degree on which positions become so entrenched in discourse that they are widely shared and displace other points of view. This is also linked to how discussions develop in the global and European context. The comments focussed primarily on the energy turnaround in the electricity sector. Major successes have already been achieved in this area, as was pointed out, but these must always be seen in the context of increasing energy efficiency and saving energy. At the same time, far-reaching changes are by no means without social conflict. The energy sector accounted for just under 36% of greenhouse gas emissions in Germany during 2017 (BMU 2019, p.  28), making reductions crucial in perspective if ambitious climate protection targets are to be met. In turn, two additional “turning points” must not be forgotten – upheavals in the heating sector and in the transport sector. Energy-efficient construction and refurbishment, heating with renewable energies and the promotion of electromobility (e-mobility) are just a few of the many keywords here (BMWi 2016). Behind the energy and industrial sectors, the transport sector ranks third among polluters with 18.4% of greenhouse gas emissions in 2017. Low-emission drive types have not yet experienced a very big success story in Germany, tied to everyday challenges (Radgen 2018). Against this background, a wide range of political requirements for a “transport transition” are emerging: “The political fields of action in the transport sector include increasing the energy efficiency of all modes of transportation, switching to low-emission drive systems and fuels, and shifting transportation to low-emission modes of transportation such as public transportation, walking and

7.5  Mineral Raw Materials: Everyday Needs and Complex Interests

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bicycling, and new mobility concepts such as carsharing and ridesharing” (BMU 2019, p. 38f.). In turn, 14.6% of greenhouse gas emissions in Germany in 2017 can be attributed to the building sector, including private households as well as trade, commerce and services. The German government now wants to achieve a “nearly climate neutral inventory of buildings” by 2050 (BMU 2019, p. 42). The path to climate neutrality is being taken gradually, but there are always crossroads at which new decisions are required. Upheavals in energy supply and energy supply infrastructure will continue to be formative complex undertakings, which at the same time need to be disentagled for implementation.

gas, nuclear energy as well as hard coal and lignite, which will be briefly addressed here or discussed in more detail elsewhere. Petroleum occupies an absolutely subordinate position in the Federal Republic. In 2018, a total of just under 3 million tons of crude oil (21.99 million barrels) were produced, mostly in Schleswig-Holstein and Lower Saxony, although this contrasts with consumption of around 113  million tons (828.29 million barrels; Statista 2021c), impressively demonstrating the importance of imports (Bundesverband Erdgas, Erdöl und Geoenergie e.V. 2020b). Nearly 10  billion cubic metres of natural gas are produced annually in Germany, predominantly in Lower Saxony. This state accounts for 96.7% of German natural gas production, while Saxony-Anhalt contributes 1.6% and Schleswig-­ Holstein 1.4% (Bundesverband Erdgas, Erdöl und Geoenergie e.V. 2020a). German consumption, in turn, is just under 90  billion cubic metres (Statista 2021b), which also highlights the high dependence on imports in this segment. Nuclear energy is to be phased out completely by 2022, hard coal will no longer be mined, and lignite mining is to be phased out at the latest during the energy transition and climate change responses, as described in Sect. 7.4. In addition to its damaging effects on the climate, lignite is also heavily criticised for the fact that open pit surface mining is very space consuming and massively alters the physical foundations of the landscape (Schwarzer 2014). In 2020, three lignite mining areas will still be active: the Rhenish lignite mining area in the Aachen-Ville region (Rhineland), the Central German lignite mining area in the Halle-Leipzig-­AltenburgQuedlinburg region and the Lusatian lignite mining area and Upper Lusatian lignite mining area in Lusatia (Lusatian Lakeland) around Cottbus, Hoyerswerda and Zittau, where jobs will be lost in the future and for which a socially acceptable way of mitigation must be found (Franke et al. 2017). By comparison, non-energy mineral raw materials include metal raw materials (ores), industrial minerals, plus aggregates and soils (Krumm 2014), which [are] used in “almost all sectors of production, including construction, the chemical industry, the automotive industry, and microelectronics. The availability of mineral raw materials thus represents an essential prerequisite for a functioning national economy” (Hartz et al. 2018, p. 346). In Germany, sands and gravels (247  million tons) as well as crushed natural stones (218 million tons) dominate, exemplified by the year 2016 (Table 7.5) accounting for about three quarters of all extracted raw materials in Germany (BGR 2019), with many of the stone and raw earthen materials coming from domestic deposits (Hartz et  al. 2018; Schröder and Vulpius 2016). Accordingly, Germany represents an important mining country on a global scale (BGR 2019). However, Germany is dependent on imports for metal raw materials and some industrial minerals (just under 39 million tons are extracted in total); moreover, domestic ore mining, for example, has been completely discontinued (BGR 2019, p. 15).

7.5

 ineral Raw Materials: Everyday M Needs and Complex Interests

In the twenty-first century, interests are becoming complicating numerous. The paths taken under the primacy of the economy are, for so it seems, a thing of the past. The preceding section on the development of energy supply in Germany and recent upheavals in favour of an “energy transition” bear witness to the fact that the interests of citizens’ initiatives, nature conservation associations, companies in the energy sector and other players are oftentimes incommensurable and correspondingly highly contested. In connection with the concept of sustainability, the reconciliation of ecological, economic and social concerns is not possible, or at least not an easy undertaking. This aspect is also evident in another area, which we will examine in more detail below  – the supply of raw materials in Germany or, more precisely, mineral raw materials. In principle, everyone in our industrialised society makes use of them in everyday life (Hartz et al. 2018); they are present in toothpaste and in glass, roads and buildings are produced with them. However, extraction in open pit surface mining is not without side effects. It influences human living environments in many ways (generally Freyer 1996). These influences primarily unfold at the level of perception affecting several of the five senses – through sound and smells and especially visually (introductory Aschenbrand et  al. 2017a; Weber et al. 2017b, 2018a). Accordingly, this is where social negotiation processes set in as the extraction of raw materials evokes protests. For orientation, we initially and briefly classify raw materials and discuss the occurrences of these mineral resources in Germany. Then we will focus on conflicts over mineral raw materials, specifically gravel, sand, quartz and natural stone, where different interests clash strikingly.

7.5.1 R  aw Materials in Germany: An Overview The term “raw materials” is to be understood in a very broad sense. It also includes energy resources, i.e. crude oil, natural

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7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

Table 7.5  Raw material production in Germany in 2016

sions are held concerning the expansion of existing extraction sites (Aschenbrand et  al. 2017a; Kühne and Weber 2017). At the same time, there are manifold interdependencies and linkages related to the involved layers and institutions. Political, economic, planning, ecological and social concerns meet and sometimes come into conflict. In two research projects carried out between 2015 and 2020 in coor5,805,000 dination with the Bundesverband Mineralische Rohstoffe 3,970,000 (Federal Association of Mineral Raw Materials), which com1,700,000 bine the concerns around gravel, sand, quartz and natural 1,200,000 stone, it was possible to shed more light on the complex mix514,000 430,000 ture of divergent objectives. Among other things, the wishes, 296,000 expectations and goals of citizens, companies, politics and 30,000 planning must be addressed (Weber 2017; Weber et al. 2016, 129 b, 2018a, b; Weber and Kühne 2019). 38,399,822 The range of divergent attitudes toward raw material extraction is impressively shown in a comparison of assess45 ments of German households, which are confronted to a Data in metric tons; excluding energy raw materials and peat; Own repc ­ ertain extent with the topic, and of citizens’ initiatives, resentation based on Hartz et al. (2018, p. 347) which are actively engaged in the field of raw material extraction.6 The latter are becoming increasingly important The location-specific nature of mineral raw materials is a in Germany, especially in the twenty-first century, as can be decisive and distinctive factor, and they can only be extracted seen impressively in the context of the energy transition, as where they occur naturally. Only in certain concentrations, we highlighted in Sect. 7.4. While citizens generally describe and if the deposit is of sufficient size, can they be mined with mining as promoting prosperity and the economy as well as reasonable effort (Hartz et  al. 2018). Geological develop- necessary for a wide range of everyday products, those ment and ice ages led to the presence of gravels and sands, involved in citizens’ initiatives are much more critical of especially along larger rivers, in the North German lowlands these points. Almost three quarters of the citizens surveyed and in the Alpine foothills (see Sect. 3.1). Sandstone, includ- consider raw materials to be important for producing numering the greywacke variety, tends to extend from west to east ous everyday products, whereas only just under one-third of across Germany (see Fig. 7.25). Estimates suggest, “the land the respondents in citizens’ initiatives also consider to be the required for securing raw materials in the medium and long-­ case (Weber et al. 2018a, b, p. 111). The expressed sceptiterm is only slightly more than 1 percent of Germany’s sur- cism is closely related to the locally perceived spatially face area” (Hartz et al. 2018, p. 347). For many, raw materials impactful consequences: Members of citizens’ groups label are thus quite simply available and to be taken  – and thus active extraction sites as “ugly”, “economic” and “chaotic”, rather abstract in everyday life. A central economic impor- associated with feelings of “sadness” and “disgust”. The tance is therefore contrasted by a low level of public aware- photo of such a site (Fig. 7.26; above) is associated by them ness, although the cause in this respect can certainly also be with the “destruction of natural resources” and a “blighting seen in the fact that there have hardly been any supply prob- of the landscape”. The households that participated in the lems in Germany to date (cf. Hillebrand 2016). However, survey see, to a significantly higher degree, the economic there are signs of a shortage of resources occurring from benefits or even an interesting circumstance that would serve increasingly restrictive spatial planning, so that the future the extraction of raw materials, which is considered neceschallenges are not likely to lie in availability but rather in sary (Artuković et al. 2017, 350). A rehabilitated extraction legal access and emerging resistance to extraction. After all, site, which today looks like a “natural idyll”, is again evaluresource extraction has become a contested field of divergent interests. 6  The results outlined here are based, first, on an online survey of 3009 Aggregates and soils (total) Sand and gravel Crushed natural stones Lime, marl and dolomite FGD gypsum (gypsum obtained from the exhaust gases of flue gas desulfurisation plants) Lava sand Gypsum and anhydrite stone Chalk Pumice Iron ore Natural stone Volcanic rock Roofing slate Pigmented igneous rocks Industrial minerals (total, including quartz sand and gravel, brine, potash and potash salt products) Metals (copper, silver, gold)

533,676,129 247,000,000 218,000,000 53,193,000 6,700,000

7.5.2 C  onflicts Over Raw Material Extraction: A Question of Perspective The extraction of mineral raw materials in Germany takes place locally. Precisely where the deposits exist, concerns can develop if these are to be put to active use or if discus-

randomly selected households that were contacted by mail in the summer of 2016 selected from a telephone directory sample. Secondly, 50 citizens’ initiatives involving the raw materials category in Germany were researched via a Google search, contacted by email in winter 2016 and asked to complete an online questionnaire comparable to the household survey. In the context of the household survey, 96 questionnaires were completed in full and in the context of the citizens’ initiative survey, 77 (in the latter case, accordingly, several members of initiatives completed the questionnaire in parts). The results give an impression without being representative.

7.5  Mineral Raw Materials: Everyday Needs and Complex Interests

Energy raw materials lignite coal oil / natural gas oil shale peat

Stones and earth Sedimentary rocks

Magmatites

175

Metamorphites

Industrial minerals/ores

gravel and sand

plutonites

gneiss

distribution of Trias salts

clay and claystone

unconsolidated volcanic rock

slate

area with Permian salt stocks

limestone and dolomite

consolidated volcanic rock

quartzite

southern limit of Permian salts

gypsum and anhydrite

other metamorphites

potassium salt rock salt

sandstone and greywacke

Fig. 7.25  Map of mineral resources of the Federal Republic of Germany. (Representation: BGR 2019, p. 7, adapted)

spar feldspar fluorspar baryte baryte-fluorspar other industrial minerals graphite ore iron ore

176

ated very similarly (Fig. 7.26; below): here, “natural”, “beautiful”, “romantic” and even “wild” dominate respectively as “characteristics of the depicted landscape”. The fact that this could be a quarry pond, which the topic of the survey could well have suggested, was only assumed to a very manageable extent but then also criticised on the part of the citizens’ initiatives, as the following quotation from the online survey of the citizens’ initiatives (free user statement entry) exemplarily illustrates – “If this is a quarry pond, [I find the picture] frightening and ugly” (for more detail, see Aschenbrand et al. 2017b; Weber et al. 2018a, b, Chap. 5). What can be deduced from this? Without a direct local connection, the extraction of raw materials can be assessed with a distanced view as economically necessary or even as markedly prominent. Conversely, portions of the directly affected citizens, and especially citizens’ initiatives, sometimes showed a pronounced rejection if raw materials are to be mined in their own living environment. It is predominantly the change of cultural landscape (generally Leibenath et al. 2013; Matthiesen et al. 2006) and native homeland landscape that meets with criticism (generally Kühne 2018a, b, f, among others). For example, the emergence of an “unnatural lake landscape” is criticised, and it is criticised as unreasonable that “destroying landscape” can be done so simply by corporations. A “massive destruction of landscape” would be countered by corporations with the argument of renaturation or biotope production, which is, however, inaccurate, since without these excavations having occurred then both landscape and nature would not be destroyed in the first place. In combination with concerns about noise, dust, high traffic loads from trucks and other arguments, raw material extraction is solidified as an evil that cannot be tolerated (any longer; see also Hartz et al. 2018). Accordingly, companies are confronted with growing scepticism or active resistance in some areas, which varies from region to region. From their system logic (Kühne 2005, 2019a; Luhmann 2017 [2002]), it is primarily about an economic activity that can generate profits, linked to the creation of jobs and regional commitment. Planning processes thereby become a necessary component to secure future extraction sites. The concerns of citizens now appear more and more as an important component in the spatial planning of raw material projects, whereby from the perspective of interviewed entrepreneurs a dichotomy is to be made7: On the one hand, there are citizens’ initiatives that are critical of the goals of the raw material industry because of the desire to preserve their own living environment, and on the other hand, a “silent majority” is identified. The latter does not actively intervene in planning projects of the raw materials

The assessment provided here is based on interviews with employees of small and medium-sized companies in the aggregates industry, eight from 2016 and five from 2018 and 2019.

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

industry but also does not actively represent a differentiating view. Consequently, there is a danger of distortion regarding the perceived attitude of the citizens toward raw material extraction. Companies that have faced and continue to face opposition perceive landscape-related criticisms to a high degree. In this context, they are aware that they are “interfering with the landscape”, as one respondent from the Lower Rhine expressed, for example. However, the interviewees emphasise that landscape has always been in a state of change and that positive effects such as the establishing of endangered animal and plant species may well result from extraction (Artuković et  al. 2017; Kühne et  al. 2020). In addition, only a “temporary intervention” would take place, since after the end of raw material extraction, the visible extraction would be made “invisible” with renaturation or recultivation, as is illustrated: “But of course, we are changing the landscape. However, a change is not always negative. By recultivating, we also create areas that are green and become forest again or have biotope structures, rock faces, for example. Therefore, we create something again, we simply change it”. Political representatives,8 as the previous explanations have already suggested, find themselves in a conflict of interests between companies in the aggregates industry and citizens’ initiatives. In addition, nature conservation associations, which are sceptical of raw material extraction in some areas but also act in favour of biotope and species protection in joint projects with companies, also become a party to the conflict. As regards the behaviour of politicians, a differentiation must be made between the politics of the higher levels, such as the European or federal level, and the state levels along with the local politicians, who are confronted with raw material extraction projects on site. According to one interviewee, “a certain acceptance” of the issue is recognised at the European and federal political level. On the municipal level, on the other hand, the attitude is often not so clear-cut. Although the extraction of mineral raw materials can generate tax revenues and a certain number of jobs in the community, highly committed citizens’ initiatives that mobilise the local population can very quickly become a threat when it comes to votes in upcoming elections. The question of need also becomes a central point of orientation: Is the designation of further extraction sites necessary or do alternative supply possibilities exist? In addition, the question is then asked as to how high the value added by raw material extraction is regionally and whether it can be legitimised by this. Rock extraction is sometimes clearly associated by regional politicians with “landscape destruction”, which could also have negative effects on tourism. An important goal, according to one politician interviewed, is the “protection of our cultural

7 

In 2016, six politicians were interviewed who are confronted with the issue of resource extraction and conflict. 8 

7.5  Mineral Raw Materials: Everyday Needs and Complex Interests

Fig. 7.26  View of an active (top) and a rehabilitated (bottom) extraction site. (Photos: MIRO/Funk and Korschefsky)

177

178

landscape for tourism. The tourist who comes here, naturally also wants to see an intact landscape, which must then also be preserved and should be preserved from further interventions. If we want to understand our landscape as one of the most important categories in tourism, then we must ensure that we also preserve the typical forms of this landscape so to be able to showcase it”. Other interviewed politicians see less intense negative consequences and point to chances in recultivations and reclamations, as an example can illustrate: “If you produce afterwards a lake for bathing accepted by everybody and a little bit further away a lake protected by nature, then this can be a good thing. As I said, if you stick to the agreements and if you implement the plans to the end”. Several of the politicians interviewed hoped for clearer frameworks and guidelines from state and regional planning, which to date have varied widely (see also Hartz et al. 2018; Hartz 2019; Hartz and Kühne 2009 for general comments). How does the planning now proceed accordingly? An evaluation of the state and regional planning regulations of all the German states shows that there are significant differences in the way the states deal with raw material extraction projects. In Baden-Württemberg and Lower Saxony, for example, raw material extraction is associated with a “sustainable and careful” handling of the natural environment, from which a landscape-conserving and terrain-saving approval practice is derived. Extensions of existing extraction sites, and especially new diggings, are treated rather cautiously if there are indications of an increased conflict potential (e.g. Regionalverband Mittlerer Oberrhein 2006). In contrast to these rather restrictive plans, the state and regional plans in the Free State of Bavaria tend to point in the direction that raw material extraction is seen as an “indispensable necessity” for maintaining the economy and the associated jobs (e.g. Regionaler Planungsverband Würzburg 2017). A somewhat exceptional case is shown by the planning specifications in Rhineland-Palatinate. There, landscape is negotiated on a case-by-case basis, since only a few principles or objectives have been fixed at both the state and regional levels that make determinations relevant to planning. In addition, the need to expand and consolidate cooperation between companies, associations, authorities and planning is explicitly formulated. Particular importance is attached to the exchange with citizens in Rheinhessen, among other places. In dialogue-­oriented procedures, there is the possibility to not only “hear” the voice of citizens’ initiatives against projects but also to involve other citizens (Mediation Sandabbau Rheinhessen 2010; Team Ewen o.J.). In Germany, there are signs of an increasingly restrictive attitude in approval procedures, which, however, is not fundamentally the outcome of a stricter legal situation but rather from the endeavour to secure planning processes through comprehensive legal conformity, since in recent years there

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification

have been more complaints against planning specifications. The conflicts surrounding the major Stuttgart Central Station Project (Stuttgart 21) can certainly be seen as a point of reference here, with planning procedures generally being viewed more critically and even more attention being paid to communicating transparently (Brettschneider 2015; Brettschneider and Schuster 2013; Langer 2018). Extraction of raw materials is becoming a “delicate field of conflict” in which spatial planning is concerned with weighing the interests of companies and citizens against each other and translating them into “objective planning” in terms of the goals, always against the background of the planning specifications of the higher levels. In a conflict theory analysis of the negotiation processes around the extraction of mineral raw materials following Ralf Dahrendorf (1957, 1961, 1972), it becomes apparent that, first of all, for many, raw materials are simply present in everyday life and their origin is less is reflected upon  – depending on the basic political stance or attitude, perhaps more and other times less. Mineral raw materials form an essential material component for social transformations: The development of technical infrastructures, of residential buildings, of facilities for the extraction of regenerative energies, etc. is all dependent on them. At the same time, the extraction of mineral raw materials is to a large extent location bound; economically recoverable deposits are not available everywhere. Accordingly, starting points for conflicts can arise when new local projects or expansions of existing extraction sites come to light. In this case, everyone sometimes has a basic attitude, but this does not yet mean that solidified interests are formed, which manifest themselves, for example, in the founding of a citizens’ initiative. A conflictual clash of interests depends on fundamental framework conditions such as discussions about sustainability, resource protection and climate protection, and especially on the local and regional setting. According to Dahrendorf (1972), the more relevance is attributed to conflicts by different actors and groups, the more energy is invested in asserting interests, and the more likely it is that their intensity will increase. This is also evident in the context of our surveys: one’s own living environment is or seems to be threatened, as evidenced by the large number of criticisms that are raised against extraction. These are sometimes diametrically opposed to assessments by supporters (see Table  7.6). Hardened fronts with growing violence, for example, with a moral discrediting of the counterpart do not remain absent in parts (generally, among others, Dahrendorf 1972; Kühne 2018c, 2019d; Kühne et al. 2019a, b). The different actors with their specific backgrounds and concerns are also challenging, as illustrated, which increases the complexity of corresponding conflicts. Based on the expansion of education since the 1960s, an improved ability

References

179

Table 7.6  The extraction of mineral raw materials: comparison of opposing and supporting arguments (Weber et al. 2018a, b, p. 94) Subject area Landscape, home, land consumption

Emission loads and traffic safety

Nature and environment, water and backfilling

Living environment and quality of life

Economic arguments

Contra “Landscape” and “homeland” destruction Desire to maintain the current state High land consumption Loss of arable land Emotional connection to home Increased traffic volume Threat to traffic safety Noise (fine) dust Dirt Nature conservation Destruction of nature Threat to groundwater and drinking water quality Decrease/increase of groundwater level Fear of backfilling with unwanted (toxic) substances Climate protection function of the cleared forests is lost Proximity to village/residential area Encroachment on local recreation area Health impact Tension of companies with neighbourhood Too many lakes, subsequent use as dredging lake undesirable Load limit Long mining times reached Danger for tourism Danger for economic investments Loss of real estate value, fear of subsidence/damage to the house Profit only for companies

to organise and the possibility to gather and evaluate information for one’s own interests and to gain attention by using social networks enabled citizens’ initiatives to have become essential conflict actors. The traditional actors and groups of actors in the negotiation process, i.e. especially companies and politics/administration, are often overwhelmed by their emergence and occurrence (Kühne et al. 2020). In terms of conflict, there is also the fact that although it is a local manifestation with local resistance and (perceived) problem situations in one’s own living environment, the spatial scope is higher, because raw materials are not only extracted for the population in the immediate vicinity; nationally as well as globally, active companies are also sometimes involved. Planning specifications seem to be interpreted more narrowly against the background of citizen resistance and political pressure. An analysis of state and regional planning specifications suggests a corresponding tendency in many German states. Settling conflicts thus becomes a challenge (extensively Weber et al. 2018a, b), with communicative or dialogue-oriented procedures particularly being accorded growing importance here (Hartz et al. 2018).

Pro View of dredging lake/gravel pit “normal”, belongs to landscape

Extraction of raw materials as a temporary phenomenon

Recultivation, renaturation, biotope formation (as raw material extraction is temporary) Settlement of species worthy of protection, biodiversity

Subsequent use for recreation areas

Raw materials required, demand given Safeguarding of jobs Local supply of raw materials/short transport routes Economic benefit for the community/region Consequential use for agriculture and forestry (reforestation) Areas for photovoltaic plants Follow-up use for educational and tourism offers interesting Manifold use of raw materials

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186 Short L (2002) Wind power and English landscape identity. In: Pasqualetti MJ, Gipe P, Righter RW (eds) Wind power in view: energy landscapes in a crowded world. Academic, San Diego, pp 43–58 Sielker F, Kurze K, Göler D (2018) Governance der EU Energie(außen) politik und ihr Beitrag zur Energiewende. In: Kühne O, Weber F (eds) Bausteine der Energiewende. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 249–269 Sinner KF (1999) Aktuelle Konflikte im Nationalpark Bayerischer Wald als Beispiel für unseren gesellschaftlichen Umgang mit Wildnis. In: Heringer J (ed) Schön wild sollte es sein. Wertschätzung und ökonomische Bedeutung von Wildnis. Gemeinsame Fachtagung 16.-18. November 1998 in St. Oswald: Evangelische Akademie Tutzing, Laufener Seminarbeiträge, vol 99. Bayerische Akademie für Naturschutz und LandschaftspflegeLaufen (Salzach), pp 11–13 Sinnig H (2007) Stadtplanung – Stadtentwicklung – Stadtmanagement: Herausforderungen für eine Nationale Stadtentwicklungspolitik. Forum Wohneigentum-Zeitschrift für Wohneigentum in der Stadtentwicklung und Immobilienwirtschaft 6:303–307 Spekat A, Enke W, Kreienkamp F (2007) Neuentwicklung von regional hoch aufgelösten Wetterlagen für Deutschland und Bereitstellung regionaler Klimaszenarios auf der Basis von globalen Klimasimulationen mit dem Regionalisierungsmodell WETTREG auf der Basis von globalen Klimasimulationen mit EECHAM5/ MPI-OM T63L31 2010 bis 2100 für die SRESSzenarios B1, A1B und A2. Umweltbundesamt, Dessau-Roßlau Ssymank A (1997) Schutzgebiete für die Natur: Aufgaben, Ziele, Funktionen und Realität. In: Erdmann K-H, Spandau L (eds) Naturschutz in Deutschland. Strategien, Lösungen, Perspektiven. Ulmer, Stuttgart (Hohenheim), pp 11–38 Stangor C, Jonas K, Stroebe W, Hewstone M (1996) Influence of student exchange on national stereotypes, attitudes and perceived group variability. Eur J Social Psychol 26(4):663–675. https://doi.org/10.1002/ (SICI)1099-­0992(199607)26:43.0.CO;2-­6 statista (2016) Anzahl der Onshore-Windenergieanlagen in Deutschland nach Bundesland im Jahr 2015. http://de.statista.com/statistik/ daten/studie/28154/umfrage/anzahl-­von-­windenergieanlagen-­nach-­ bundesland/. Accessed 2 June 2016 statista (2020) Ranking der auflagenstärksten überregionalen Tageszeitungen in Deutschland im 2. Quartal 2020. https:// de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/73448/umfrage/auflage-­der-­ ueberregionalen-­tageszeitungen/. Accessed 3 Sept 2020 statista (2021a) Durchschnittliche tägliche Nutzungsdauer ausgewählter Medien in Deutschland im Jahr 2020 (in Minuten). https:// de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/165834/umfrage/taegliche-­ nutzungsdauer-­von-­medien-­in-­deutschland/. Accessed 19 Feb 2021 statista (2021b) Erdgasverbrauch in Deutschland in den Jahren von 1980 bis 2019 (in Milliarden Kubikmeter). https://de.statista. com/statistik/daten/studie/41033/umfrage/deutschland%2D%2D-­ erdgasverbrauch-­in-­milliarden-­kubikmeter/. Accessed 23 Feb 2021 statista (2021c) Erdölverbrauch in Deutschland in den Jahren von 1969 bis 2019 (in Millionen Tonnen). https://de.statista.com/statistik/ daten/studie/36171/umfrage/verbrauch-­von-­erdoel-­in-­deutschland-­ seit-­1990/. Accessed 23 Feb 2021 statista (2021d) Höhe der Treibhausgas-Emissionen in Deutschland in den Jahren 1990 bis 2019 (in Millionen Tonnen CO2-Äquivalent). https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/76558/umfrage/ entwicklung-­d er-­t reibhausgas-­e missionen-­i n-­d eutschland/. Accessed 23 Feb 2021 statista (2021e) Treibhausgas  – Pro-Kopf-Emissionen nach Ländern weltweit 2017 Veröffentlicht von A.  Breitkopf, 31.07.2020 Die Statistik zeigt die Höhe der Pro-Kopf-Treibhausgasemissionen im Jahr 2017 nach ausgewählten Ländern weltweit. Im Jahr 2017 wurden in Kanada je Einwohner Treibhausgase in Höhe von knapp 19,5

7  Geographies of Complexity and Their Clarification Tonnen frei gesetzt. Pro-Kopf-Treibhausgasemissionen nach ausgewählten Ländern weltweit im Jahr 2017 (in 1.000 Kilogramm). https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/311811/umfrage/ treibhausgasemissionen-­pro-­kopf-­nach-­ausgewaehlten-­laendern-­ weltweit/. Accessed 23 Feb 2021 Statistisches Bundesamt (2019) Bruttostromerzeugung nach Bundesländern und Energieträgern 2017. https://www.destatis.de/ DE/Themen/Branchen-­Unternehmen/Energie/Erzeugung/Tabellen/ bruttostromerzeugung-­laender.html. Accessed 17 Mar 2020 Statistisches Bundesamt (2020) Schüler/-innen mit fremdsprachlichem Unterricht. https://www.destatis.de/DE/Themen/Gesellschaft-­ U m w e l t / B i l d u n g -­Fo r s c h u n g -­Ku l t u r / S c h u l e n / Ta b e l l e n / allgemeinbildende-­b eruflicheschulen-­f remdsprachl-­u nterricht. html. Accessed 19 Feb 2021 Stegert P, Klagge B (2015) Akzeptanzsteigerung durch Bürgerbeteiligung beim Übertragungsnetzausbau? Theoretische Überlegungen und empirische Befunde. Geographische Zeitschrift 103(3):171–190 Stoll-Kleemann S (2001) Opposition to the designation of protected areas in Germany. J Environ Plan Manag 44(1):109–128. https:// doi.org/10.1080/09640560123606 team ewen (o.J.) Mediation Kies- und Sandabbau Rheinhessen. http:// team-­ewen.de/projekt/mediation-­kies-­und-­sandabbau-­rheinhessen. Accessed 24 Feb 2016 Tereick J (2016) Klimawandel im Diskurs. Multimodale Diskursanalyse crossmedialer Korpora. de Gruyter, Berlin The Economist (2012) Energiewende. German plans to cut carbon emissions with renewable energy are ambitious, but they are also risky. The Economist. http://www.economist.com/node/21559667. Accessed 10 Nov 2015 Toepfer A (1956) Naturschutzparke  – eine Forderung unserer Zeit. Mitteilungen des Vereins Naturschutzparke:172–174 Umweltbundesamt (2018) Biodiversität. https://www.umweltbundesamt.de/das-­uba/was-­wir-­tun/forschen/umwelt-­beobachten/ biodiversitaet. Accessed 29 July 2018 Umweltbundesamt (2019) Monitoringbericht 2019 zur Deutschen Anpassungsstrategie an den Klimawandel. Bericht der Interministeriellen Arbeitsgruppe Anpassungsstrategie der Bundesregierung. Umweltbundesamt, Dessau-Roßlau Wachinger G, Hilpert J, Renn O (2016) Nationalpark Schwarzwald: Ob oder Wie? In: Bürgerbeteiligung. Konzepte und Lösungswege für die Praxis. Wolfgang Metzner Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, pp 112–122 Wagner E (2019) Intimisierte Öffentlichkeiten. Pöbeleien, Shitstorms und Emotionen auf Facebook. transcript Verlag, Bielefeld Wahlström M, Kocyba P, De Vydt M, Moor JD (eds) (2019) Protest for a future: composition, mobilization and motives of the participants in Fridays For Future climate protests on 15 March, 2019 in 13 European cities: Online-Ausgabe Walter F, Marg S, Geiges L, Butzlaff F (eds) (2013) Die neue Macht der Bürger. Was motiviert die Protestbewegungen? BP-Gesellschaftsstudie. Rowohlt, Reinbek bei Hamburg Weber M (2008) Alltagsbilder des Klimawandels. Zum Klimabewusstsein in Deutschland. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden Weber F (2013a) Naturparke als Manager einer nachhaltigen Regionalentwicklung. Probleme, Potenziale und Lösungsansätze. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Weber F (2013b) Soziale Stadt  – Politique de la Ville  – Politische Logiken. (Re-)Produktion kultureller Differenzierungen in quartiersbezogenen Stadtpolitiken in Deutschland und Frankreich. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Weber F (2017) „Dies- und jenseits“ der Rohstoffgewinnung – Chancen und Grenzen von Aushandlungsprozessen. In: Holemans GmbH (ed)

References Stein im Brett. Gute Gründe für eine neue Kultur des Miteinanders am Niederrhein. Selbstverlag, Rees, pp 47–60 Weber F (2018) Konflikte um die Energiewende. Vom Diskurs zur Praxis. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Weber F, Kühne O (2019) Die Gewinnung mineralischer Rohstoffe und Landschaft. In: Kühne O, Weber F, Berr K, Jenal C (eds) Handbuch Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 843–857 Weber F, Weber F (2015) Naturparke und die Aufgabe der nachhaltigen Regionalentwicklung. Jenseits von Wanderwegemarkierern und Parkbankaufstellern. Naturschutz und Landschaftsplanung 47(5):149–156 Weber F, Weber F (2019) Naturparke  – Biosphärenreservate  – Nationalparke: Schlaglichter auf ,Großschutzgebietskonfliktlandschaften‘ zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts. In: Berr K, Jenal C (eds) Landschaftskonflikte. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 247–268 Weber F, Kühne O, Jenal C, Sanio T, Langer K, Igel M (2016) Analyse des öffentlichen Diskurses zu gesundheitlichen Auswirkungen von Hochspannungsleitungen  – Handlungsempfehlungen für die strahlenschutzbezogene Kommunikation beim Stromnetzausbau. Ressortforschungsbericht. https://doris.bfs.de/jspui/bitstream/ urn:nbn:de:0221-­2016050414038/3/BfS_2016_3614S80008.pdf. Accessed 31 Aug 2020 Weber F, Jenal C, Roßmeier A, Kühne O (2017a) Conflicts around Germany’s Energiewende: discourse patterns of citizens’ initiatives. Quaestiones Geographicae 36(4):117–130. https://doi.org/10.1515/ quageo-­2017-­0040 Weber F, Jenal C, Kühne O (2017b) Die Gewinnung mineralischer Rohstoffe als landschaftsästhetische Herausforderung. Eine Annäherung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive. In: Kühne O, Megerle H, Weber F (eds) Landschaftsästhetik und Landschaftswandel, RaumFragen: Stadt  – Region  – Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 245–266 Weber F, Kühne O, Jenal C, Aschenbrand E, Artuković A (2018a) Sand im Getriebe. Aushandlungsprozesse um die Gewinnung miner-

187 alischer Rohstoffe aus konflikttheoretischer Perspektive nach Ralf Dahrendorf. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Weber F, Weber F, Jenal C (2018b) Wohin des Weges? Regionalentwicklung in Großschutzgebieten. In: Weber F, Weber F, Jenal C (eds) Wohin des Weges? Regionalentwicklung in Großschutzgebieten, Arbeitsberichte der ARL, vol 21. Selbstverlag, Hannover, pp 3–24 Weber F, Crossey N, Roßmeier A, Kühne O (2019a) Natura 2000  in Bayern – Konflikte, Kompetenzen und Kommunikation. ANLiegen Natur 41(1):199–204. https://www.anl.bayern.de/publikationen/ anliegen/meldungen/wordpress/natura_2000_evaluation/. Accessed 17 June 2019 Weber F, Kühne O, Hülz M (2019b) Zur Aktualität von ,Heimat‘ als polvalentem Konstrukt  – eine Einführung. In: Hülz M, Kühne O, Weber F (eds) Heimat. Ein vielfältiges Konstrukt. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 3–23 Weixlbaumer N, Siegrist D, Mose I, Hammer T (2015) Großschutzgebiete als Instrument für zukunftsorientierte Regionalentwicklung in Europa  – die Sicht der Schutzgebietsverantwortlichen und Forscher am Beispiel von Partizipationen und Regional Governance. In: Erdmann K-H, Bork H-R, Job H (eds) Naturschutz in geographischer Perspektive, BfNSkripten, vol 400. Selbstverlag, Bonn-­Bad Godesberg, pp 81–88 Wilke J (2011) Vom Barden zum Blogger: die Entwicklung der Massenmedien. https://www.bpb.de/izpb/7490/vom-­barden-­zum-­ blogger-­die-­entwicklung-­der-­massenmedien. Accessed 19 Feb 2021 Wolsink M (2007) Planning of renewables schemes. Deliberative and fair decision-making on landscape issues instead of reproachful accusations of non-cooperation. Energy Policy 35(5):2692–2704. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.enpol.2006.12.002 Würfel P (2017) Unter Strom. Die neuen Spielregeln der Stromwirtschaft. Springer, Wiesbaden Zoellner J, Schweizer-Ries P, Wemheuer C (2008) Public acceptance of renewable energies: Results from case studies in Germany. Energy Policy 36(11):4136–4141. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. enpol.2008.06.026

8

Regional Development

Abstract

This chapter focusses on regional aspects. These, in turn, are derived from the previous explanations. The authors start with a focus on the Ruhr area and Saarland, which is related to both the importance of coal and steel plus the current transformation processes and specific urban landscape developments – in an interplay of changes invoking Landscape 1, 2 and 3 (Sects. 8.1 and 8.2). Temporary economic rise accompanied by decline is subsequently focussed, first, with the Rhine-Main metropolitan region in globalisation and then with Bitterfeld in eastern Germany, which is seeking a new status after an industrial past (Sects. 8.3 and 8.4). The eventful history and today’s challenges, concurrent potentials of the old and new capital Berlin move into focus in the next part (Sect. 8.5). Olaf Kühne and Florian Weber pay attention to the great importance of beer and wine by differentiating regional characteristics and, simultaneously, attributed stereotypes (Sects. 8.6 and 8.7). They end with border locations. The authors explain the potential of the Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region between southwestern Germany, Switzerland and eastern France, thereby also orienting Germany within the world (Sect. 8.8). Finally, they show how the deadly “No Man’s Land” of the Inner German Border (“Innerdeutsche Grenze”) between the FRG and the GDR has become a hotspot of nature conservation development  – and how the green belt inscribes itself into the Green Belt Europe as a pan-European project (Sect. 8.9). Keywords

Regional development · Landscape · Ruhr area · Saarland · Rhine-Main · Bitterfeld · Berlin · Beer · Wine · Upper Rhine · Green Belt

Beginning with the basic developmental traits of Germany provided with various global references, we have increasingly shifted from chapter to chapter diving into more detailed sections exploring Germany’s complexity and at the same time bringing forth clarifying simplifications. In this chapter, we will now focus on regional aspects. These, in turn, are derived from the previous explanations. At the same time, our regional geography of Germany must preclude certain topics because of an inherently limited maximum scope of pages and time; accordingly, we naturally address certain aspects that make sense to us as authors and omit the others. We start with a focus on the Ruhr area and Saarland, which is related to both the importance of coal and steel plus the current transformation processes and specific urban landscape developments  – in an interplay of changes invoking Landscape 1, 2 and 3 (Sects. 8.1 and 8.2). Temporary economic rise accompanied by decline is subsequently focussed, first, with the Rhine-Main metropolitan region in globalisation and then with Bitterfeld in eastern Germany, which is seeking a new status after an industrial past (“Bitterfeld-­ Syndrom”; Sects. 8.3 and 8.4). The eventful history and today’s challenges, concurrent potentials of the old and new capital Berlin move into focus in the next part (Sect. 8.5). We pay attention to the great importance of beer and wine by differentiating regional characteristics and, simultaneously, attributed stereotypes (Sects. 8.6 and 8.7). We end with border locations. We explain the potential of the Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region between southwestern Germany, Switzerland and eastern France, thereby also orienting Germany within the world (Sect. 8.8). Finally, we show how the deadly “No Man’s Land” (or “Death Strip”: Todesstreifen) of the Inner German Border (“Innerdeutsche Grenze”) between the FRG and the GDR has become a hotspot of nature conservation development – and how the green belt inscribes itself into the Green Belt Europe as a pan-European project (Sect. 8.9).

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 O. Kühne, F. Weber, Germany, World Regional Geography Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4_8

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8.1

8  Regional Development

 he Ruhr Area: From Industrialisation T to Postmodern Urban Landscape

As in rarely any other part of Germany, the development of the Ruhr region on the western edge of Germany is characterised by fractures, incisions and rapid changes – in terms of economy as well as society and politics. These developments inscribed themselves in physical space (Landscape 1) as “the result of the spatiotemporal interests and claims of competing actors acting in different alliances” (Wehling 2009, p. 12; Zepp 2020). In a particular way, the (coal and steel) industries, the local governments, the higher levels of government as well as the ties back to the agrarian character of numerous immigrants had a shaping effect. The demarcation of the Ruhr area remains controversial to this day, not only because it was revised as part of a new phase of industrial development but also because its political structure always remained fragmented. Thus, since the beginning of the nineteenth century, the area between the valley of the Ruhr and the Lippe “constituted itself as a mining district, i.e., initially as an economic region with specific locational factors, but not as a natural, cultural, and administrative unit, nor as an area whose industrial future would have been marked out by particularly close commercial ties in pre-industrial times” (Petzina 1993, p. 41). With mining, the focus of industrial development also shifted from the south to the north, following the dip of the coal seams toward the north, associated with specific physical manifestations in each case – and therefore impacts on Landscapes 1, 2 and 3. This spatial development is commonly divided into five zones. The Ruhr zone (Fig. 8.1) is located in the south and was industrialised the earliest. This did not involve profound high industrialisation, industrial sites were relatively dispersed and of small size, and labour needs were largely met locally. Coal was mined in numerous small mines on the slopes of the Ruhr and its tributary valleys, mostly as a sideline by small farmers in open-pit mining or in smelter mining. Accordingly, settlement expansions were largely absent, urban communities remained of modest population (such as Witten or Hattingen), and even today undeveloped areas predominate over built-up ones.

8.1.1 T  he Rise of the Ruhr Area as an Industrial Region At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the later Ruhr region was still very sparsely populated. In 1816, the town with the largest population, within the boundaries of the later “Ruhr Coal District Community Association” (“Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk”), was Wesel, with about 10,000 inhabitants (Reulecke 1985, p. 45) Dortmund had only 3000–5000 inhabitants. The development of the

Hellweg Zone began with the transition from drift mining to deep mining starting in 1837 (see generally Fig. 8.1). These towns, in contrast to the communities of the Ruhr zone, had a centuries-old urban tradition resulting from their location on the medieval trade route of the Hellweg, albeit on a very modest scale. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the industrialisation of the area intensified because, in addition to the abundance of coal, there was also the possibility of marketing it supraregionally, first via waterways (Rhine and Ruhr) and then with the railroad, whose infrastructure, rolling stock and operation further fuelled the heavy industrial production within the Ruhr (Petzina 1993, p. 42): “The transition to a factory system in the processing centers of Germany and Europe meant the use of new energy and propulsion systems, and thus increasing demand for the key product of the region”. During this period (around 1860), a profound change in the social status of the Ruhr miner also took place. Whereas he had hitherto held an elevated, civil servant-like status with considerable privileges, he now became a free worker under labour law, thus completing the “transition to the status of common laborer” (Petzina 1993, p.  42); at the same time, the previously far-reaching influence of the Royal Prussian Mine Directorate on the mining companies in the Ruhr was loosened. The workforce of that time was still mostly recruited regionally, mainly craftsmen and small farmers from the surrounding regions of Münsterland, East Westphalia and Hesse. Existing buildings were mostly used as living space, which caused the occupancy rate to grow rapidly: In Essen, for example, the number of residents per house doubled between 1840 and 1871, and the correspondingly worsening hygienic situation led to epidemics (Parent 2005). The developing industrial plants of the coal and steel companies were rarely subject to any political or administrative control. Attempts by local politicians to counter the consequences of this immigration through urban expansion plans, as in Mülheim (1829), Duisburg (1850), Dortmund (1850) and Essen (ca. 1860), remained restrained because of as yet ineffectively developed legal foundations and planning instruments as well as a well-funded middle class. Thus, “here, large entrepreneurs began independently to regulate the accommodation of the labor force, which was important for the functioning of production” (Reulecke 1985, p.  45). This housing of workers and their families in colonies is one of the characteristics of the community structure of the Ruhr area – after “initially very strong attempts were made to barrack the single workers in so-called ménages (dormitories – “Schlafhäuser”)” (Reulecke 1985, p. 45). Nevertheless, the large-scale entrepreneurs “hardly initiated any urban design, however, nor were they interested in urban development” (Wehling 2006, p. 13). Thus, in 1844, the first colony houses (“Koloniehäuser”) in the Ruhr area, “Eisenheim” near Oberhausen, were built by the mining enterprise

8.1  The Ruhr Area: From Industrialisation to Postmodern Urban Landscape

191

Fig. 8.1  Population development between 1840 and 2003 and zoning of the Ruhr region. (Own representation after Wehling 2006)

“Gutehoffnungshütte”. Signifying, the choice of the word “colony” indicates the remote location to the flourishing community structures. Moreover, they remained intensively linked to the existing communities not only because of their proximity to the industrial plant that established them but also because of their own infrastructure for supplying everyday goods and an inadequate or even absent local transport system.

8.1.2 E  xpansion of Industrial Activity, Spatial Consequences and Attempts at Planning Regulation With the actual industrial expansion phase between the founding of the German Empire in 1871 and the First World War, the regions from where immigration to the Ruhr region originated also changed. Increasingly, workers, often of Polish nationality, were recruited in the agricultural areas of Silesia, Posen and East and West Prussia. The mining indus-

try’s low capacity for technical innovation and the comparatively low comparative costs of labour as a factor of production costs led to a constant increase in the number of employees. Although their accommodation was again primarily provided by a rapid expansion of the number and size of these “colonies”, from the 1890s onward, as the population grew and prosperity increased, the inner cities also became more substantial locations for retail trade, and the construction of rental apartments (cf. Sect. 8.5) using the Berlin model gradually became widespread. At the end of the nineteenth century, Ruhr mining shifted further north to the Emscher Zones (Wehling 2006, p. 13): “Under the exclusive economic, social, and political influence of the coal and steel industries, new industrial settlement characteristics emerged in the two Emscher Zones. Large coal mines with extensive field holdings as well as iron and steel plants were built in scattered locations, interrupted by agricultural areas with dispersed settlements and church villages and intersected by railroad tracks of regional lines and factory railroads”, a form of community development

192

that Reulecke (1985, p. 44) characterises as follows: “There could be no talk here of urbanisation in the sense of an emergence of urban quality of life that went beyond a mere agglomeration of people. The haphazard intermixing of industrial plants, traffic facilities, supply lines, waste dumps and residential quarters, referred to as ‘building anarchy’, led to downright chaotic structures and provoked at an early stage that pessimistic image of civilisation within the man-­ eating urban behemoth”. Faulenbach (1993, p. 277) describes the developing social structure as “a class society determined by the mining industry and overformed by the authoritarian state, which was characterised socioculturally by the coexistence of various large and countless small social environments and political parties through a pluralism of national liberalism, the center and social democracy”. The peak of the coal and steel industry development was reached in the Ruhr economy during the 1930s. The resulting reduced land demands of the coal and steel industry, in combination with a developing legal spatial planning instrument, enabled the Ruhr municipalities to administratively order community development (Wehling 2006, p.  13): “In the Emscher cities of Oberhausen and Gelsenkirchen, isolated large-scale buildings and the beginnings of urban centers emerged; in the Hellweg cities, the inner cities were transformed into concentrations of retail trade”. In the southern parts of the Ruhr, urban districts were created to meet upscale residential requirements; in the northern parts of the Emscher

8  Regional Development

Zone, factory sites were systematically enlarged and expanded to include cooperative communities and communities of mining industry housing (cf. Kastorff-Viehmann et al. 1995; Fig. 8.2). Another essential basis for a crackdown on spatial planning lays in the creation of municipal units capable of policymaking action in the 1920s. At that time, the Ruhr region north of the Hellweg Zone was divided into new territorial and administrative structures, creating, for example, the medium-sized cities of Lünen, Castrop-Rauxel, Herne, Wanne-Eickel, Gladbeck and Bottrop as well as the large cities of Gelsenkirchen and Oberhausen. The area north of the middle Emscher, characterised by less industrialisation and less population density, was combined to form the district of Recklinghausen, and here, too, the large number of small administrative units at the municipal level was aggregated to form a few medium-sized towns (Waltrop, Datteln, Oer-­ Erkenschwick, Herten and Marl; Hommel 1978). In this context, a supra-local identity formation of the people also took place; in addition to the cumbersome, technocratic-sober paraphrases such as “Rhenish-Westphalian industrial area” or “Ruhr coal district”, the terms “Ruhrland” and “Ruhr region” were increasingly used, with the second term gaining acceptance toward the end of the 1920s and remaining in general use to this day (Blotevogel 2001a). Even though a restructuring of politically administrative structures took place at the local level in the 1920s, the his-

Fig. 8.2  The development of the Ruhr region from an agricultural Landscape 1 to today’s largest metropolitan region in Germany. (Own representation after Birkenfeld 1986)

8.1  The Ruhr Area: From Industrialisation to Postmodern Urban Landscape

torically established regional division remained fragmented. Until 1815, today’s Ruhr region was divided into eight secular and ecclesiastical dominions, and even its integration into the Kingdom of Prussia did not bring about a unified administration. Even the assignment to the federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia after World War II did not bring territorial integration; it was administered by two national administrative leaders and three state administrative leaders. At the same time, the state administrations were not and are still not located within the Ruhr region but rather on its edge or far away from it – today in Münster, Düsseldorf and Arnsberg. Although the “Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk” (SVR; today “Regionalverband Ruhr”  – “Ruhr Coal District Community Association”) was able to counteract the main consequences of this territorial fragmentation by coordinating supra-local concerns (e.g. in transportation or nature and recreation) and today also acts as a vehicle of regional planning, not least among the concerns is the coordination effort of different administrative responsibilities which remains costly and time-consuming. The effects of such fragmentation and jurisdictional competition on the perception of politics and society in the Ruhr region remain a critical one to this day: “The political perception of those who govern and those who are governed was thus determined for the longest time by social distance, indeed by mutual mistrust and ignorance. This administrative fragmentation is a problematic legacy of Prussian tradition that continues to have an impact to the present day” (Petzina 1993, p. 41).

8.1.3 W  orld War II, Reconstruction and Its Planning Framework Particularly, considering the destruction caused by the Second World War, greater regional coordination of reconstruction would have been conducive to the development of a coherent community structure. The Ruhr region, as the industrial heartland of Germany, had been substantially devastated by area bombardments. At the end of the war, in the Hellweg city of Bochum, for example, of the 92,000 dwellings in 1939, 20,000 had been destroyed completely, 18,200 badly damaged, and only 3800 remained intact, with considerable consequences for the population, which had fallen from 305,000 in 1939 to 170,000 in June 1945. The missing 135,000 inhabitants of Bochum had been evacuated, taken as prisoners, killed while still on military duty or killed in the Allied bombardments, with the result that the city seemed “thrown back into the pre-industrial era” (Petzina 1991, p. 108). Attempts by the Allies to disentangle the closely interwoven coal and steel industry in the Ruhr region did not prove successful in the long term as the newly founded Federal Republic was too dominated by the desire to revive the eco-

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nomic output of the Ruhr region to its pre-war level. In one sense, this endeavour took on a particular urgency, since the two other large industrial areas of the German Reich, Upper Silesia and the Saar (Sect. 8.2) had fallen to Poland and (economically) to France; additionally, the Ruhr had become a destination area for immigrants and refugees. Accordingly, reconstruction appeared to be most pragmatic if it was connected to the pre-war structures, which meant strong integration in economic terms and retention of the interwar parcelling in urban planning respects. However, the strategy of reproducing the community structures soon reached its limits, since in the course of the “economic miracle” not only the demands for housing space increased in terms of quality and area but also an influx of new inhabitants – in the 1960s, primarily guest workers from Yugoslavia, Anatolia, Italy and Spain – which took place until about 1970. In conjunction with the rapid development of an efficient local public transport system and a rapidly growing level of motorisation, the expansion of the interurban road network and the public promotion of home building, subsequent extensive suburbanisation also developed in the Ruhr region. This not only affected the previously sparsely populated areas between the Hellweg cities, but new factory housing developments were also built on both sides of the Emscher river (Wehling 2006). In this context, ethnic and social segregation was intensified (Esser 1985, p. 139): “For the cities of the Ruhr region (but also for other sub-regions primarily characterised by industrial settlement), a particularly strong selective factor was the housing policy of the large companies, which systematically occupied such factory housing and housing complexes with foreigners that were no longer reasonable for the German workforce.” Resulting from the considerable influence of large companies on housing development, tendencies toward segregation were more pronounced in the Ruhr than in other regions of Germany (Müller-Ter Jung 1993).

8.1.4 O  n the Path to Becoming an Old Industrial Area However, the economic resurgence of the Ruhr region after the Second World War soon suffered its first setbacks. As early as 1957, its industrial base began to crumble: Ruhr coal mined in shaft mines lost competitiveness to hard coal mined in open pits in America and South America, and new energy sources such as petroleum, natural gas and nuclear power substituted (at least partially) for domestic hard coal as an energy source. By the time Ruhrkohle AG was founded in 1969, more than 200,000 jobs had already been lost in Ruhr mining, with the abandonment of mining following along the structural zones of the Ruhr from south to north (Wehling 2006). During the 1970s, the second mainstay of the Ruhr industry also fell into crisis: iron and steel production.

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Production and workforces were reduced, and sites closed, turning the Ruhr into an old industrial area (see Textbox 8.1). The massive job losses could only be compensated for in part (the compensation efforts will be addressed later), and the resulting supraregional outflows of employed population were also accompanied by regional core and periphery migration, with a negative natural population trend completing the reasons for the drop in population during the 1980s to around five million (Wehling 2006).

Textbox 8.1: Old Industrial Areas

The term old industrial area generally refers to an area undergoing a forced structural transformation from a Fordist to a post-Fordist system of production. The regional type of old industrial area generally exhibits the following characteristics (see Buchhofer 1989; Förster 1999; Schrader 1993): • An overrepresented secondary sector of the economy, with an emphasis on large-scale industries whose products are at the end of the product life cycle • An above-average population density • An extensive but outdated infrastructure • A dense and outdated development • A mix of commercial and residential space • A high unemployment rate and selective migration losses • The absence of innovative growth trades • Ground subsidence • A variety of environmental problems such as high emission rates and contamination • A peripheral location to the political, economic and technical and scientific decision-making centres of the country

The economic structural change manifested itself in the physical space, Landscape 1, from about 1960 onward in these facilities that had become non-functional, first of the coal mining industry and later of the iron and steel industry. While it was initially still possible to find a follow-up use for smaller structures (e.g. by skilled tradesmen), conveyor towers, shaft halls, machine houses, coal preparation plants, coking plants and cooling towers were initially quickly demolished, a practice that was maintained until the 1980s despite growing opposition from artists, architects and historic preservation offices. The areas freed up by the demolition of the operating facilities were then put to new use. It was not until the 1980s and 1990s that the operating facilities

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were appreciated as documents of a specific cultural heritage, reinforced by the 1989–1999 Emscher Park International Building Exhibition (“Internationale Bauausstellung Emscher Park”), which focussed on the scenic presentation and renewed use of these facilities (Faust 1999). Thus, the increasing appreciation, of the operational relics deprived of their original function, followed the appreciation of the colonies. As early as the 1970s, resistance arose against their replacement by modern apartment blocks, so that such plans were widely discarded. The commitment to historical (everyday) heritage can be seen as an element within the pluralisation of Ruhr society, as can “the dissolution or erosion of the major social and democratic environments” (Faulenbach 1993, p. 286), the structural transformation into a complex service society and pluralisation of tastes and the differentiation of local, social and cultural identities (Pankoke 1993).

8.1.5 Structural Change and Postmodernisation The structural change in the Ruhr region shows – especially between the Hellweg and the Emscher Zones – very different characteristics. Most of the large-scale urban development projects are related to the Hellweg Zone; the transport infrastructure, which was historically oriented toward the Hellweg anyway, was concentrated here. Accordingly, the Hellweg towns were “the decisive beneficiaries of the structural change of the 1960s and 1970s, and their much-lamented structural disconnection from the rest of the Ruhr began” (Wehling 2006, p. 16). Thus, in the Hellweg city of Bochum, which still described itself as the “city of coal and iron” until the 1960s, an intra-industrial structural change took place during this period with the locating of Opel and Nokia (although both have since closed their sites completely or partially). Bochum also became the site of Ruhr University, which began teaching in 1965 (cf. Petzina 1991) and today, with its nearly 43,000 students, is one of the ten German universities with the most students (Ruhr Universität Bochum 2020). Later, the University of Duisburg-Essen (in its current form in 2003, founded in its predecessor form in 1972, just under 39,000 students) and the Technical University of Dortmund (founded in 1968, today just under 33,000 students; Technische Universität Dortmund 2019) were also established in the Hellweg Zone. In contrast, even in the larger cities of the Emscher Zone, such as Oberhausen and Gelsenkirchen, the development was completely different (Wehling 2006, p. 17): “The productivity of their mines was so high that they survived the effects of the first mining crisis”. However, most of the commercial and industrial land was owned by the coal and steel industries, “whose restric-

8.1  The Ruhr Area: From Industrialisation to Postmodern Urban Landscape

tive land supply policy prevented the settlement of new companies as well as large-scale urban renewal” (Wehling 2006, p.  17). Structural change was hampered here by the dominance of large companies and the insignificance of the commercial middle class. The expansion of the higher education landscape in the Emscher region also remained rather restrained, with polytechnic schools of applied sciences being founded here, not universities (Kröhnert et al. 2006). In addition, the framework conditions for structural change had changed for the Emscher Zones: because of the increased importance of the tertiary economic sector, the demand for land for economic activities decreased, and the number and size of brownfields increased (Kommunalverband Ruhrgebiet 1996). As a result, higher standards of dealing with contaminated sites, combined with higher restoration costs for redeveloped sites compared to 20 years earlier in the Hellweg Zone, met with reduced marketing opportunities and with reduced social acceptance for the demolition of former heavy industry facilities. During the IBA Emscher Park, the replacement of these facilities was supplanted with the development of landscape, residential, craftsmen’s, commercial, technology and science parks on derelict sites, incorporating industrial architecture. This is a development that has contributed significantly to the appreciation of industrial culture, the improvement of the image of the Ruhr region and the flow of capital into the region (Parent 2005; Wehling 2006; see also generally Jenal 2019; Kühne 2007; Schönwald 2015; Wood 2012). Thus, numerous initiatives to restructure the Ruhr region have borne fruit (Krajewski et  al. 2006, p.  21): “For while in international comparison many other old industrial areas developed into passive and out-migration areas, even in the long-term, ‘the Ruhr region’  – probably also associated with its integration and history, its large-scale central location in the core of the ‘Blue Banana’ and on one of the economically active axes of West Germany  – is increasingly coming into the focus of politicians, planners and economists”. Compared to the rest of North Rhine-­ Westphalia or the rest of the Federal Republic of Germany, however, there have been economic decoupling tendencies right up to the present; employment gains in the Ruhr region have been lower, while employment losses have been higher (Krajewski et al. 2006). The spatial postmodernisation of the Ruhr region is also characterised by the construction of large-scale leisure facilities, such as musical theatres (e.g. Starlight Express in Bochum), large event halls and arenas (such as the Arena Auf Schalke, now Veltins Arena, with around 60,000 seats), multiplex cinemas, an indoor ski facility (the Alpincenter in Bottrop on a former mining slag heap) and so on (Krajewski et al. 2006). Of outstanding importance for this development is the establishment of the Urban Entertainment Centre –

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“CentrO”  – in the new city centre of Oberhausen (Neue Mitte Oberhausen), approved in 1991 and completed in 1996. Today, CentrO comprises 119,000 square metres of net retail space and 220 stores; it also includes a 12,000-seat arena, a movie theatre, a family and leisure park and commercial space (Stadt Oberhausen 2018; WAZ 2012). Following its construction, the CentrO captures purchasing power beyond the city (as far as the Netherlands); consequently, the traditional city centre of Oberhausen lost significant importance: 5,600 more jobs were created with the CentrO than were lost in the city centre of Oberhausen, but the traditional city centre of Oberhausen today retains more of the sector mix and centrality of a city subcentre. Jobs in CentrO (as well as the other centres of large-scale leisure facilities) are often part-time jobs taken predominantly by younger women, which shows a disconnect with the full-­ time jobs in the coal and steel industry performed mostly by men and now lost (Krajewski et al. 2006). The economic transformation processes lead to a “conflictual overlapping of economic, social and urban planning problems in the affected neighborhoods, which makes it difficult to change the situation and, in the course of social and material marginalisation, often leads to resignation and a lack of perspective among the neighborhood population” (Haack and Zimmer-Hegmann 2003, p. 43). Social and ethnic segregation is becoming increasingly important in the Ruhr region today (Kröhnert et  al. 2006, p.  273): “Where most migrants live today, most poor old residents also live. Children are predominantly born to immigrants in the large cities of the Ruhr region”. These young people grow up primarily in neighbourhoods with low housing standards or in large housing complexes with frequent population changes. Statistically, the population changes here every 5 years, and participation in  local elections is extremely low at around 25%, documenting the hopelessness in the corresponding districts, where “poverty, unemployment and discrimination have become the norm” (Kröhnert et al. 2006, p. 123). The closure of the Prosper Haniel mine in Bottrop on December 21, 2018 marked the end of mining in the Ruhr region. With it, not only has the last relic of an industry on which the development of the Ruhr region was based to a formative extent disappeared but also a manner of living that for a long time determined the everyday life of the people in the Ruhr region. After the extensive loss of the mining industrial base, its material relics are specifically designated as symbolic anchors by a generation that is far removed from the old “Malochern” in terms of the availability of symbolic capital (“Malocher” are those labourers embracing hard gritty sweaty dirty work as with mining). At the same time, another identification anchor continues to have a formative function: soccer (Fußball; Textbox 8.2).

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Textbox 8.2: “Fußball” (“Soccer”) in the Ruhr

Soccer in the Ruhr region is much more than a leisure activity or sport. Soccer is an essential element of local identity formation and is ever present, whether as a topic of conversation or argument, in the form of bumper stickers, flags, pennants, garden gnomes or garage doors or entire house facades painted in club flags. The clubs of the Ruhr region were able to win 16 German championships (the last one Borussia Dortmund in the 2011–2012 season) and 11 titles in the DFB Cup (Deutscher FußballBund – DFB-Pokal). In 1966, Borussia Dortmund became the first German club to win a European Cup. Soccer became popular in the nineteenth century – as elsewhere in Germany and other parts of the world  – among the sons of the middle classes. At the beginning of the twentieth century, soccer became increasingly widespread among the working class, and clubs were founded in church settings and in coal-mining communities. The local clubs became focal points of local integration, especially of immigrant workers from large parts of Europe, and identification, since soccer was not only played or watched together, as work was also done. After World War I, soccer continued to gain popularity in the Ruhr region, and the small-scale structure of the leagues as well as the high concentration of clubs made the Ruhr region the “land of a thousand derbies” (Hering 2002). And regional soccer also became successful beyond the Ruhr region. Between 1934 and 1942, FC Schalke 04 won the German championship four times. After World War II,

8.2

 aarland: Complex Development S of a Border Region

As with the Ruhr area, the later industrialisation of Saarland was also based on the occurrence of hard coal. Nevertheless, there are clear differences in the development of the two areas of German heavy industry, which relate to their size (the Saarland coalfield achieves about one-sixth of the respective values of the Ruhr area in terms of population, coal production, steel production, etc.), to the coverage of labour needs (largely regional in the Saarland), to their national affiliation (this changed frequently in the Saarland) as well as to the strategies of community development (early promotion of owner-occupied housing in the Saarland).

8.2.1 Pre-industrial Periphery In today’s Saarland, signs of human activity can be traced back to the Palaeolithic Age. Since the fifth century B.C., in

Borussia Dortmund began its rise. While Schalke celebrated a German championship for the last time in 1958, Dortmund has won the German championship eight times since 1956. With the introduction of the Bundesliga and later the second and third Bundesliga, clubs that were formerly significant in the region lost their presence and fell into the lower divisions (e.g. Westfalia Herne or DSC WanneEickel). Economic structural change had a twofold effect. Firstly, it eroded the local economic base of the clubs, which particularly affected those that could not, and still cannot, draw on a significant supraregional following (such as Schalke and Dortmund). Secondly, the fan structure of the clubs also changed: the fan base was less working class and increasingly middle class (Fürtjes and Hagenah 2011; Goch 2007). Dortmund’s Champions League and FC Schalke 04’s UEFA Cup (UEFA – Europe League) wins meant a boost in self-confidence for the region (Kisters 2000), but overall, Ruhr soccer tends to take place in the lower classes. To date, the Ruhr region has produced seven Bundesliga clubs (German professional league), of which (2020–2021 season) only FC Schalke 04 and Borussia Dortmund are still first class; VfL 1848 Bochum plays in the second Bundesliga, MSV Duisburg in the third Bundesliga, Rot-Weiß Essen (as former German champion) and Rot-Weiß Oberhausen in the fourth-class Regionalliga West and SG Wattenscheid 09 in the fifth-class Oberliga Westfalen in the 2020/2021 season after insolvency in 2019 (further, see among many Ettlich 2003; Mester 2014; Viehweger 2005).

the younger Iron Age, the area was settled by the Gallic tribes of the Mediomatricians and the Treverians. Between 52 and 58 B.C., the area came under Roman rule and was systematically transformed: In addition to a network of stand-alone farms (villae rusticae), which were primarily devoted to grain cultivation, vici, small rural towns were built, which, conveniently located, were equipped to supply their surrounding areas with trade goods as well as the production of handcrafted goods (Quasten 2006). However, the important administrative seats on the Saar were quite far away in Metz and Trier (Herrmann 1989a). In the third century, Germanic incursions into the area began. The erosion of Roman influence and settlement ends with the integration between 490 and 510 A.D. into the sphere of power of the Frankish king, Clovis, which is associated with a new settlement of the area by the Franks, whose communities were initially limited to locations with fertile soils (such as the Bliesgau, the Saargau and the valley of the Saar and its tributaries). This “Frankish land-grabbing” did not extend to less favourable locations until the seventh and eight centuries –

8.2  Saarland: Complex Development of a Border Region

as they expanded their realm. During this time, a systematic Christianisation of the population was also carried out by means of the foundation of monasteries and convents (Herrmann 1989a). The Carolingian divisions of the Frankish Empire caused the area of today’s Saarland, the Middle Kingdom (“Lotharingia”), to grow. In 1925 it was again permanently united with the East Frankish (German) Empire, which meant both politically and geographically the area was positioned on the outskirts. At the same time, the area remained fragmented for centuries in terms of sovereignty: the County of Saarbrücken, the Electorate of Trier and the Duchies of Lorraine and Palatinate-Zweibrücken shared what is now Saarland, with only the Counts of Saarbrücken residing in the region – but without exerting any far-reaching influence (Herrmann 1989a; Herrmann and Sante 1972; Hoppstädter et al. 1977). In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the economy of today’s Saarland, which was strongly oriented toward agriculture and timber, was gradually supplemented. The first coalmines were established, glassworks were founded, copper ore was mined, and iron ore was smelted. The abundance of wood in today’s Saarland remains a locational advantage for these economic activities, as it was an indispensable raw material for both ironworks and glassworks. The modest economic and cultural upswing of the region ended abruptly with the Thirty Years’ War. Although military operations did not reach the Saar region until mid-1635 (lasting for about a year), the results were catastrophic. The villages and fields were burned, draught cattle and seeds were used for food, and the younger male portion of the population was recruited into one of the armies. The people of the region fled to the forests and war-abandoned areas or were “beaten to death by a dehumanised band of soldiers or died from malnutrition and introduced epidemics” (Quasten 2006, p. 140). But even the Peace of Münster and Osnabrück (1648) did not mean an end to the fighting in the region. Only France’s peace treaties with Spain (1659) and Lorraine (1661) provided the basis for a tentative resettlement, which, however, was interrupted by King Louis XIV’s campaigns. The physical expression of France’s will to expand during this period is the founding of Vauban’s fortified city of Saarlouis in 1680 (see Fig. 8.3), 1 year after Lorraine had fallen to France in the Peace of Nijmegen, as part of a belt of fortifications stretching from the English Channel to Hünningen near Basel. However, the political, economic, cultural and demographic upswing of the region did not occur until after the 1730s, primarily an outcome of a manorial-led settlement of French Huguenots, Tyroleans and Swiss (Hoppstädter et  al. 1977; Quasten 2006). Inspired by the ideas of the Enlightenment and the striving for economic upswing, the regional rulers of that time, Duke Christian IV of Palatinate-Zweibrücken (1722– 1775), Marianne von der Leyen (1745–1804) of the Imperial Knighthood, Reichsritterschaft von der Leyen, Princes

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Wilhelm Heinrich (1718–1768) and Ludwig (1745–1794) of Nassau-Saarbrücken, strove for more effective administration and the administration of justice, as well as improvements in education, welfare and medicine. The baroque old towns of Old Saarbrücken (with the palace and Ludwig’s church), the city area of St. Johann (Sankt Johann – today also in Saarbrücken), Ottweiler and Blieskastel still document the brief economic and urban development boom of that period (Burgard 2010; Hoppstädter et al. 1977).

8.2.2 P  olitical Modernisation and the Early Stages of Heavy Industry The Peace of Lunéville of 1801 brought full French citizenship rights to the people of the areas on the west bank of the Rhine (which also marked the end of peasant liberation within the region). With this organisation of the administration of the country, following the French model, the region was assigned to four different departments (the Moselle Department, the Saar Department, the Donnersberg Department with administrative headquarters and the Forest Department, none of which had its headquarters in the region). The incorporation of the area into the French legal, economic and social system brought fundamental changes (Aust et al. 2008): • Equality of all citizens before the law and regarding taxation • Equal law for urban and rural communities • Reorganisation of the judiciary • Introduction of the public and oral impeachment process • Sworn courts, staffed by lay jurors • Abolition of the guild system and introduction of freedom of trade • Abolition of the feudal rights of the nobility and clergy The introduction of the French civil code brought real division to the Saar region, which led to further fragmentation of the land and impoverishment of the rural population, which in turn made them available as labour for the forced industrialisation, especially in the second half of the nineteenth century. As a result of the Second Peace of Paris of 1815, a further territorial reorganisation of the Saar region took place (Fig. 8.4): The largest part of today’s Saarland (with the cities of Saarbrücken and Saarlouis) was assigned to the Kingdom of Prussia, the eastern part to the Kingdom of Bavaria and in the northeast the Oldenburg principality of Birkenfeld and the Saxon-Coburg principality of Lichtenberg (with St. Wendel as its capital). A division that – apart from the purchase of the Principality of Lichtenberg by Prussia in 1934  – remained in place until the Treaty of Versailles (1920) came into force. The territorial assignment to Prussia

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Fig. 8.3  Saarlouis, example of a fortified town. The city owes its foundation and name to the French King Louis XIV, who wanted to secure the eastern border of France with a chain of fortifications. In 1680, the construction of the fortified town was begun according to the plans of

Sebastien Le Prêstre de Vauban. Clearly visible are the advanced bastions, i.e. fortifications protruding from the main rampart and open to the rear, which made direct bombardment of the city by enemy troops more difficult. (Representation: Saarlouis City Archives)

was critically received in the affected areas, “since the majority of the population was integrated into a state federation to which it was not historically connected and whose legal system was less progressive than the French Civil Code, which continued to exist in the left (west) bank of the Rhine as Rhenish law” (Paul 1989, p. 23). In the Bavarian portion, the achievements of the French Revolution  – the separation of judiciary and administration, the abolition of the privileges of the nobility and the establishment of jury courts  – were preserved, and the cities of Zweibrücken (today Rhineland-­Palatinate) and Homburg developed early into centres of the liberal movement in southwestern Germany. Compared to other industrial regions in Germany, the Prussian part of today’s Saarland certainly had a special path of economic development: As early as 1751, Wilhelm Heinrich had nationalised the still modest coalmines in Nassau-Saarbrücken, which also made the Prussian state the

largest entrepreneur on the Saar in 1815. Although this nationalised enterprise was well funded, it proved to be less innovative in terms of technical equipment, management and workforce. Moreover, this involvement of the Prussian state was associated with a dichotomisation of society. A small Prussian Protestant bourgeois upper class was opposed by a large Catholic agroproletarian lower class (Paul 1989). However, the social tensions were masked after the “Spicheren-Erlebnis” (“Spicheren Experience” or “Battle of Spicheren” – Schlacht bei Spicheren) and the national unification euphoria after 1871. At the beginning of the Franco-­ Prussian War (July 19, 1870–May 10, 1871), Saarbrücken was occupied by French troops. With the victory of Prussian troops on August 6, 1870, in the battle of neighbouring Spicheren, Prussia was stylised as the protecting power, and a (strongly anti-French) nationalism soon developed that (for the time being) masked spatial, economic, denominational and social antagonisms (Burgard 2010; Paul 1989).

8.2  Saarland: Complex Development of a Border Region

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Fig. 8.4  The territorial division of today’s Saarland since the eighteenth century. (Own representation after Herrmann and Sante 1972)

8.2.3 Increasing Specialisation of the Residential and Economic Structures The development of residential structures during the industrialisation era in the Saar region was very different from that in other heavy industrial regions (especially the Ruhr area). The demand for labour was primarily met regionally, many workers were also active in agriculture, and a widespread worker farming community developed (Ames 2007; Horch 1989). Because of the correspondingly loose community structure, workers that were also farmers were often forced to commute long distances to their industrial employers (mostly on foot), which gave rise to the specific designation of “hard-footers” (“Hartfüßler”). Accordingly, industrial entrepreneurs supported the acquisition of homes and land by their workers. Instead of the employer-owned “colonies” of the Ruhr, communities of more desirable housing (“Prämienhaussiedlungen” – “Premium House Communities”) emerged. Employers provided loans and blueprints for the construction of the buildings (built by the workers themselves), with the result that “as early as 1893, two-thirds of the co-workers had their own house” (Slotta 2002, p.  125). In this context, one’s own house was more than a mere shelter; rather, it was a status symbol (Slotta

2002, p. 125): “Anyone who owned a house was considered to be worth something. If this was not the case, then it was said disdainfully: ‘Der hat noch net emol e Haus’ (‘He hasn’t even got a house yet’)”. The system of “premium houses” had a clearly disciplining effect, as is already clear from the criteria for awarding the loans. Premiums were only awarded for good behaviour; in the event of disciplinary violations (which included strikes), the sum could be reclaimed by the employer. De facto, the workers were thus deprived of the right to strike and tied to an employer by the loan granted, and so the wages paid fell well short of those in the Ruhr. The premium housing communities were mostly built where there was already transport infrastructure or where land was cheap, i.e. along existing roads or on unattractive agricultural land. This in turn resulted in a less centred, mostly linear settlement of the area. The last decades of the nineteenth century were especially characterised by rapid settlement growth driven by industrialisation: between 1861 and 1900, the population of the former village of Neunkirchen rose from 5587 to 29,187, making it the most populous city in the region at the time, even though the functional facilities of the community at the end of the nineteenth century were still at best as with those of a country town (Frühauf 2005). A more significant step toward urbanity was taken in the region in 1909 with the

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merger of the Saar towns of St. Johann, Malstatt-Burbach and Saarbrücken  – known today as Alt-Saarbrücken and under the administration of the larger modern city of Saarbrücken. At the end of the nineteenth century, the negative consequences of the failure to fully differentiate between the Prussian state and Saar mining became increasingly apparent. Those in charge of the “Prussian mining revenue” (“Bergfiskus”) reacted to signs of a structural crisis with bureaucratic management and an authoritarian labour regime, with which the Prussian mining treasury “found itself increasingly at odds with modern mining techniques” (Horch 1989, p. 61): “The mine management, however, stiffened on its old principles and compensated for productivity losses by exploiting its monopoly position to the detriment of other companies. The economic situation of the workforce in the Blies and Saar regions did not improve until the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, after the pressure of overpopulation had eased and the production factor of labor had become somewhat scarce”. At this time, the sclerotic effects of the rather rudimentary differentiation of politics and economics became apparent. The Prussian mining treasury practiced bureaucratic management and an authoritarian labour administration, which brought it “into ever greater conflict with modern mining techniques” (Horch 1989, p. 61): “The mine directorate, however, stiffened on its old principles and compensated for productivity losses by making greater use of its monopoly position to the detriment of the other companies” (Horch 1989, p.  61). Workers in the Saar region tried to compensate for the lack of political and workplace influence by retreating into the family, the Catholic church, clubs and fairs (Ames 2007; Burgard 2010; Herrmann et al. 1994; Horch 1985).

8.2.4 T  he First World War and Its Political and Economic Consequences: The Saarland Period The consequences of the First World War had a profound impact on the development of the Saar region. The region along the Saar became a territorial unit, the Saar region, with the peace treaty of Versailles, which came into force on January 10, 1920. This treaty placed it under the regency of the League of Nations for 15 years after France failed in its goal of annexation; subsequently the population was to decide whether the Saar region should be annexed to France or Germany. The state-owned Prussian and Bavarian coalmines, as well as the railroads on the west bank of the Saar, became the property of the French state as reparation compensation. The Saar region remained the focus of Franco-German conflicts of interest. At the same time, it had the character of a colony: decisions on its development were made in Geneva, Paris and Berlin. Thereby, France’s influ-

8  Regional Development

ence remained nuanced. “While it remained largely unsuccessful with its cultural propaganda, the French Dominial schools did not achieve any influence in quantitative terms, and the plan for a solution of the Saar region from the dioceses of Trier and Speyer failed, Paris succeeded in strengthening its economic influence” (Paul 1989, p. 31), which is particularly evident in the fact that on June 1, 1923, the French franc became the sole means of payment in the Saar region; with about 60% of the shares, the majority of Saarland industry was in the hands of French shareholders. In contrast, local authorities, political parties and trade unions endeavoured to cultivate and promote German culture. For example, the city of Saarbrücken took over the theatre from the sponsorship of a theatre association in 1920, founded the city library in 1922, and a municipal museum in 1924 (Aust et  al. 2008). German agencies and private organisations (such as the “Bund der Saarvereine”), using nationalist propaganda, strove to preserve and disseminate German identity references in the Saar region, certainly with considerable success (Paul 1989, p. 32): “As before, the Saar nationalism of the League of Nations period vaulted Saar society, which was fragmented into various subcultures and milieus, incorporated the two left-wing workers parties into the older national consensus of the bourgeois camp, and allowed the dialectic of revolution and counterrevolution, otherwise typical of the Weimar Republic, to recede behind it”. The new territorial structuring had considerable economic consequences, the Saar mines were transferred to the ownership of the French state, and Alsace-Lorraine was annexed to France. This entailed a considerable restriction of competitiveness, as the movement of goods between the Saar region and Alsace-Lorraine was subjected to strict controls, Saarland companies lost their iron ore concessions and their smelters in Alsace-Lorraine (but also in the regions that remained French in 1871), and sales of Saarland coal in Germany declined, especially as a consequence of the Saar region’s incorporation into the French customs system. At the same time, the French state’s willingness to invest in the Saar mines was low, so that their competitiveness declined due to technical obsolescence. In addition, Luxembourg, which had close economic ties with the Saar region, left the German Customs Union and thus became a non-member of the customs union (Burgard 2010; Herrmann 1989b).

8.2.5 O  n the Road to Disaster: From Reincorporation into Nazi Germany to the Second World War These economic problems, the massive propaganda by Nazi Germany for the reincorporation of the Saarland into Germany, as well as the fragmentation of the opposition to this reincorporation, and especially the feeling of a national belonging to Germany, were major reasons for the 90.3%

8.2  Saarland: Complex Development of a Border Region

vote in favour of the reincorporation of the Saarland into Germany. The vote on January 13, 1935 was supervised by an international police contingent and proceeded largely without problems. Thus, national unity was valued more highly – even by many Social Democrat and Communist voters – than the lack of democratic conditions then existing in Germany. However, the joy over the reincorporation lasted only a short time. With the reincorporation on March 1, 1935, the Saar region fell into a state of centralised foreign control exercised by Berlin and the Palatine NSDAP Gauleiter Josef Bürckel (NSDAP – Nazi Party, Gauleiter – Head of a District), combined with National Socialist tyranny and preparations for war. Economically, too, the upswing initially failed to materialise (until 1938). With the reassignment to Germany, the French sales markets were also lost and could only slowly be compensated for by the establishment of sales connections to Germany. The German Reich’s investments in the outdated Saarland coal and steel industry and the granting of government-guaranteed microloans to small- and medium-sized enterprises to overcome the reincorporation crisis only took effect with a time lag (Herrmann 1989b). This provoked the development of new “counterforces in the form of the retrospective idealisation from the once so-hated League of Nations era and in the idea of the Saar as the nucleus of a united Europe” (Paul 1989, p. 38). An expression of this feeling was the widespread saying in satirisation of pro-German propaganda: “Deutsch ist die Saar, wär’ sie nur wieder, was sie war” (The Saar is German, if only it were again what it was). During World War II, the heavily industrialised Saarland was the target of numerous air raids, with the destruction of 60% of housing, 40% of public buildings in the cities and 55% of all bridges. At the beginning and end of the war, the Saarland was an operational area of the army, the so-called Red Zone, which had to be evacuated by the civilian population. The experiences of the evacuated Saarlanders in their destination areas contributed significantly to a sense of disintegration; the Saarlanders were commonly referred to as “Saarfranzosen” – “French Saarlanders” (Herrmann and Sante 1972; Paul 1989).

8.2.6 F  rom the End of the Second World War to the Saar as a State The occupation of the Saarland by American forces on March 21, 1945 not only ended Nazi foreign rule but also marked the beginning of a renewed regional Sonderweg (special path), which culminated in the establishment of Saar as an autonomous state. After the failure of France’s annexation efforts, it became the goal of French Saar policy to impose a special political and economic path for the Saarland (Hudemann 1995; Paul 1989). The Saarland was separated from the other occupation zones by a customs border. The

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establishment of democratic structures began earlier than in the occupation zones, with the election of a representative administration on October 5, 1947 (with a clear victory for conservative forces), although the influence of France remained considerable. Gilbert Grandval, France’s High Commissioner to the Saar, possessed the right to issue decrees and to object to Saarland laws that conflicted with the principles of political autonomy and economic integration of the Saarland into the French economic area (Herrmann and Sante 1972). This integration initially brought a prosperity advantage over the occupation zones, but France’s renewed unwillingness toward financial investment prevented modernisation of the Saar economy, while the economy of the Federal Republic recovered rapidly in the early 1950s, fuelled in part by Marshall Plan aid. The stagnation of democratic participation, especially the limited freedom of expression in the Saar state, also made the question of national affiliation topical again (Hannig 1995; Heinen 1996; Paul 1989). The Saar state also became an obstacle as concerned the West European integration of the Federal Republic. Thus, negotiations between the Federal Republic of Germany and France increasingly took place bypassing the Saar state, and the solution of the disputed Saar question was formulated by the French side as a condition for the complete sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Germany and its integration into NATO.  On October 23, 1954, the Franco-German negotiations came to a temporary end with the signing of the “Agreement on the Statute of the Saar” (“Saar-Statut”). According to this agreement, the Saarland was to receive a European commissioner with the same rights previously possessed by France. The autonomous state government was to remain responsible for all other matters. The economic connection to France was to be maintained until the creation of a European economic order; furthermore, the rights involving use of the Saar mines and their administration were to be transferred to the Saarland. The acceptance of the Saar status was to be decided in a referendum on October 23, 1955. After an emotional election campaign, 67.7% opposed the acceptance of Saar status in the referendum, and only 32.3% favoured it: The previous government, which had advocated acceptance of the status, resigned (Hannig 1995; Paul 1989). The pro-German parties emerged victorious from the resulting state elections of December 18, 1955, with 63.9%. The government formed on January 10, 1956 sought to integrate the Saarland into the Federal Republic of Germany, to abolish the economic union with France, but also to establish a trusting relationship with France. The Saar Treaty (Saarvertrag, der Vertrag von Luxemburg) signed in Luxembourg between the Federal Republic of Germany and France on October 27, 1956 included the political incorporation of the state into the Federal Republic of Germany as of January 1, 1957 (see Aust et  al. 2008; Burgard 2010; Heinen 1996; Herrmann 1989b; Herrmann and Sante 1972).

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8.2.7 T  he Renewed Annexation to Germany and the Coal and Steel Crisis However, neither the political (on January 1, 1956) nor the economic annexation of the Saarland to the Federal Republic of Germany on July 6, 1959, the so-called Day X (“Tag X” – Saarland becomes the 10th State in January and in July the Deutsch Mark replaces the Franc), was able to erase the special features of the region that resulted, among other things, from the state’s eventful political and economic history. These peculiarities, “resulting from the combination of heavy industrial concentration and rural settlement patterns, continued to have an effect; likewise, did the investment deficits stemming from the repeated changes of political affiliation, and the mindset of short distances that made it easier for the Saarlanders to survive in the political and economic vicissitudes” (Loth 1989, p.  111). Political, economic and social integration into the Federal Republic of Germany proved difficult. France was granted the right to access the Warndt coal from France for another 25 years and to mine 66 million tons; in addition, France was guaranteed to be able to purchase one-third of the total production of Saarland coal at cost (cf. Hahn 2003, Aust et al. 2008). The German government refused to guarantee the Saarlanders the level of their social benefits and incomes. The consequences of the annexation of the Saarland were correspondingly problematic. The French economic system – into which the Saar economy had been integrated until then – was rather protectionist in orientation. The modernisation backlog and an inflationary development of the French franc also made it difficult for Saarland companies to establish themselves on the German sales market, while West German companies made targeted inroads into the Saarland market quickly after “Day X” (a development that was to be repeated in a similar way some 30 years later when the GDR was annexed). Sales by the Saarland economy in the traditional French market, in turn, were hampered by a rigid system of duty-free quotas. By contrast, investment aid from the federal and state governments and a 15% reduction in income and corporate taxes in the first 2 years after the economic annexation were of limited effectiveness; approximately 5000 jobs were lost in the Saarland (Hahn 2003; Loth 1989). In addition, integration into the federal German economy was hit by the coal crisis that began in 1959 (Braunshausen 1993). The Saarland steel industry, on the other hand, benefited from integration into the common market of the coal and steel community and increasing specialisation in special steels and further processing. The 1960s were characterised by structural measures: The University of the Saarland, founded under French direction after World War II in 1948, was expanded, the existence of the Saarland Broadcasting Corporation was secured, the Saarland was connected to the German highway network via Mannheim (as early as 1959 to St. Ingbert, after 1963 from

8  Regional Development

Saarbrücken), the railroad network was successively electrified, the airport was relocated from Saarbrücken’s Saar Valley to the higher-lying district of Ensheim and integrated into the system of national and international air connections, and a university of applied sciences was founded in Saarbrücken in 1970. Overall, the 1960s were economically characterised by a doubling of the gross national product between 1960 and 1970, which was below the development of other German states but gave the people a prosperity that the region had not yet known and led to a massive increase in automobile traffic and a widespread proliferation of television (Fläschner and Hunsicker 2007). The recession of 1966 and 1967 had already signalled the end of the boom of the “economic miracle” and was the harbinger of a structural crisis in the Saarland, the effects of which continue to this day. In 1959, 56.7% of those employed in the secondary sector of the economy worked in the coal and steel industry; in 1978, the figure was 36.4%. Whereas in the mid-1960s – under pressure from representatives of the coal and steel industry who feared competition for qualified workers and wage increases – efforts to attract non-mining related industries to the Saarland were reduced. In the early 1970s – in view of declining employment figures in the coal and steel industries – efforts to attract new companies were successfully stepped up. In addition to Ford in Saarlouis, the expansion of the Bosch plant in Homburg, which had been established in 1960 through the takeover of a precision engineering factory, and the settlement of the Friedrichshafen gearwheel factory in Saarbrücken, nearly 120 new industrial plants were established between 1968 and 1975. Despite these successes in establishing new industries, the diversification of the Saar economy remained inadequate against the backdrop of the looming steel crisis and the increasing inefficiency of coal mining. Autochthonous entrepreneurship remained underdeveloped, and the diversification of the Saar economy was supported by branch plants of foreign companies, sometimes in sectors  – such as the textile industry  – whose products were also at the end of their product life cycle. The number of skilled and highly qualified jobs remained below average, and qualified workers migrated. The steel crisis hit the Saarland economy quite abruptly: Comparing the years 1974 and 1975, production fell by between 30 and 40% because of global overproduction, reductions in freight costs for overseas steel and (more likely in the medium term) the substitution of steel by other materials. The Burbach and Neunkirchen iron and steel mills were particularly affected. Of around 40,000 employees at the iron and steel mills, nearly 7000 were made redundant. Unlike the layoffs in the mining sector, no replacement jobs were created through relocations. The oil crisis fuel price impacts had reduced the willingness to invest. In addition, the willingness of companies to invest in low-wage third countries increased, so that the unemployment rate rose to 7.2% in 1977 (see

8.2  Saarland: Complex Development of a Border Region

Dörrenbächer 2007; Loth 1989; Schulz and Dörrenbächer 2007). Since mid-1980, sales and revenues in the European steel industry have fallen drastically, the production quotas set by the EC Commission were lowered and the high interest rates at the time made modernisation of the Saarland steel industry more costly. The smelters in Burbach and Völklingen were closed in the 1980s, as was the molten phase in Neunkirchen. The subsidy to the Saarland steel industry accumulated to 1.45 billion German marks (DM) between 1980 and 1985. The deficit of the state budget increased. As early as 1981, debts exceeded the budget volume; in 1985, debts reached the level of DM 7.6 billion, while the budget totalled DM 4.5 billion. Almost 40% of the budget expenditures had to be financed by borrowing, and 25% of expenditures were allocated to interest and loan repayment (Loth 1989). Structural change was promoted by government growth stimuli for start-ups and business expansions through increased subsidies. Beneficially, this policy meant a gain in jobs and an increase in economic growth above the national average (from 4.1% to 3.5% in 1988); detrimentally, it also meant an increase in debt, which exceeded a level of DM 10 billion in the same year. As countermeasures, the government decided to cut jobs in the civil service, close some hospitals and schools plus partially deleverage the country in 1993. Technology policy made a significant contribution to the restructuring of the state. Saarland University was given a technical faculty, and a total of ten independent research institutes were founded, including the Max Planck Institute for Computer Science, the Fraunhofer Institute for Biomedical Research and Nondestructive Testing and the Institute for New Materials. Since the 1990s, cooperation in the SaarLorLux region has intensified (Saarland, Lorraine and Luxembourg). Cooperation was further strengthened during the European single market liberalisation, and with the help of the European Structural Fund, projects were implemented in the areas of education, tourism, transportation, telecommunications, research and even joint industrial and commercial sites. School partnerships and the joint SaarLorLux University Orchestra symbolise the new dimension of cooperation in the border region, whose economic development hub is the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg as an international financial centre (Niedermeyer and Moll 2007).

8.2.8 O  ngoing Structural Change and Outward Migration: Saarland Today The phasing out of mining in Saarland gained new topicality on February 23, 2008: Mining-related tremors of a magnitude of 4.0 on the Richter scale occurred in the Saarwellingen area. After a temporary halt to mining, however, production continued at a reduced shift output in another seam until

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2012  – 6 years before the Prosper-Haniel mine in Ruhr  – when mining in Saarland ceased. The end of mining and parts of steel production in the Saar was initially associated predominantly by the local population with failure, as the industrial legacy of coal and steel was no longer sustainable. Over time, however, new possibilities for identification emerged – in the complex interplay of changes in the physical foundations of Landscape 1, as well as individual and social attributions, and thus Landscapes 2 and 3. The staging of old industry has become a central thrust, as it has in the Ruhr region, for example (see also Sect. 6.6.2). Today, the (diminishing) automotive industry forms a labour market having commonality with the remaining coal and steel industry, which, nonetheless, is very dependent on exports. A lack of language skills among the younger generation makes it difficult to exploit potential with France and especially Luxembourg in the border region. Additionally, university graduates educated in the Saarland are migrating to prosperous regions because of a lack of local employment and career opportunities. Population trends are declining overall, although significant regional differences can be found, with the municipality of Perl being a particular exception, benefiting from (modest) reurbanisation in response to its location on the border with prosperous Luxembourg, as has the state capital of Saarbrücken in the recent past (Fig.  8.5; see also Sect. 6.5.2; see Kühne and Spellerberg 2010; Otto and Schanne 2006; Statistisches Amt Saarland 2020). Even though the frequent changes in state affiliation and (limited) autonomy had a negative impact on the economic development of the state, this negative development cannot be blamed solely on the influence of political developments but also on steel entrepreneurs who wanted to create competition in the labour market (Brücher 2001). To this day, the secondary sector of the economy is characterised by a glaringly weak presence  – especially among small- and medium-sized enterprises – of mechanical engineering, plus metal and chemical processing, for example. In the supraregional context, the structural weakness of the neighbouring areas of the Vosges, Palatinate Forest, Hunsrück, Eifel and Ardennes has also had an inhibiting effect on development. At the same time, Saarland is integrated into the cross-border labour market of the greater region with around 250,000 cross-border commuters – closely linked to the development hotspot of Luxembourg (Interregional Labor Market Observatory 2019). This also gives rise to a special feature for the border location in northwestern Saarland, because many border commuters settle on the Saarland side, including especially “atypical cross-border commuters”, i.e. Luxembourgers who live in Germany but work in Luxembourg. The reasons for this include lower land and real estate prices as well as the cost of living in Saarland (Roos et al. 2015). Instead of a further decline in the population, the number of residents is growing again.

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Fig. 8.5  Population trends in Saarland, differentiated by municipality, between 1975 and 2005 as well as 2006 and 2016. (Own representation after Statistisches Amt Saarland various years)

8.3  Rhine-Main Metropolitan Region: Between Global Aspirations and Regional Administrative Fragmentation

8.3

 hine-Main Metropolitan Region: R Between Global Aspirations and Regional Administrative Fragmentation

Even the spatial approach to the economic centre of the Rhine-Main metropolitan region, Frankfurt am Main, shows that the urban landscape is clearly different from any other in Germany. The Central Business District is dominated by a larger collection of skyscrapers. The Rhine-Main conurbation is one of the most prosperous economic regions in Europe and one of the most important locations for the tertiary and quaternary economic sectors, especially in the financial sector (specifically banks and the stock exchange), which is why Frankfurt is accorded the status of a “global city” (Sassen 1999). Trade fairs contribute to this, and there are also global linkages functioning via worldwide insurance companies, law firms and advertising agencies (Freytag et al. 2012; Langhagen-Rohrbach 2004; Wolf 1990). Frankfurt has steering functions that can be understood as nodes in a network of interconnecting currents (Castells 1996, p.  413; Schamp 2001). According to the wide-area delineation of the IHK Forum, 5.53 million people currently live in this area, 16.9% of whom are foreigners (IHK Rhein-Main 2019). In addition to the dominant Frankfurt am Main, the largest cities in this polycentric and functionally differentiated conurbation are the state capitals of Wiesbaden (Hesse) and Mainz (Rhineland-Palatinate) as well as Aschaffenburg, Darmstadt and Offenbach. This multicore community structure of the area has grown historically and is still expressed today in a regional and administrative fragmentation, combined with intraregional competition and a confusing administrative structure (Freytag et al. 2012). Before we examine this, however, we will first focus on the internationalised Frankfurt and its airport.

8.3.1 T  he Importance of the Airport for the Metropolitan Region The advanced internationalisation of the region is particularly evident in Frankfurt: 29.8% of Frankfurt’s inhabitants are foreigners, and an additional 23.9% are Germans with a migration background (Stadt Frankfurt am Main 2020). The inner-city heart of Frankfurt am Main is not alone in representing an international centre of upscale services, while the other centres in the metropolitan region have national significance of their own (Freytag et al. 2012); Frankfurt Airport is also an international hub (see Textbox 8.3) and far exceeds the significance of the other German airports in terms of passenger numbers, freight volume, aircraft movements and connections (see Bördlein 1992; DLR 2020). With 69.5

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million passengers (2018) and nearly 2.2 million tons of cargo, FRA accounts for 28.5% of Germany’s passenger volume and 43.8% of its cargo volume. Every week, 99 airlines fly to 311 destinations in 97 countries (IHK Rhein-Main 2019). This ranks Frankfurt Airport 14th internationally in terms of passenger numbers and 13th in terms of cargo volume (Jerzy 2020; Travelbook 2020). In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, however, air traffic temporarily collapsed almost entirely in the spring of 2020  – passenger numbers did not rise again in a meaningful manner until June 2020 (Statistisches Bundesamt 2021a). According to FRAPORT AG, the operating company, Frankfurt Airport is one of Germany’s largest employers, with around 81 thousand jobs, almost half of which (around 47%) are accounted for by Lufthansa AG.  Since 1980, the number of jobs at Frankfurt Airport has increased two and a half times (FRAPORT 2020).

Textbox 8.3: The Hubs-and-Spokes System

In the days of government influence on air traffic (regulation), the focus of airlines’ route planning was on specific markets (major joint destinations) and thus non-stop connections (point-to-point flights) between airports. The increasing removal of government regulation (deregulation) changed the pattern of routing: when expanding their route networks, airlines oriented themselves to the so-called hubs-and-spokes system. In this system, an airline’s home airport is developed into an air traffic hub. These hubs are connected to smaller airports via feeder routes (the spokes). Passengers from a smaller airport are therefore first flown by a small aircraft to a hub, from where they take their connecting flight by a large aircraft to another hub. For the airlines, the hubs-and-spokes system results in numerous advantages: The load factors of (long-distance) flights are improved, connections between the same number of airports can be made with fewer aircraft, thus more destinations can be served with the same number of aircraft, and the number of connections between a hub and a small airport can be increased. To keep transfer times short in the hubs-­and-­spokes system (the duration of the journey is, in any case, increased by the stopover compared to non-­stop flights), flights must be timed to coincide with each other. This requires spoke flights to arrive at the hub in quick succession to keep passenger waiting times for connecting flights as short as possible. Because of these (arrival) waves of spoke flights, the hub must have a large landing capacity (i.e. many runways).

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Such a large company does not, by itself, exhibit a social and economic impact on the metropolitan region (extending Hartwig 2000 and Knippenberger 2012): • Because of their appearance, airports contain numerous characteristics of the in-between city: They develop relationships with their urban surroundings only through great difficulty and “also appear as foreign elements in the urban fabric for security reasons” (Hartwig 2000, p. 3). • In and near airports, specific conflicts of use can be observed that have “spatially very far-reaching effects and give rise to extreme winner-loser situations” (Hartwig 2000, p. 3). • Airports are very dynamic spaces (Hartwig 2000, p.  3): “In addition to the ‘normal’ relocation of functions in the course of urbanisation and suburbanisation, the airport has become a center of attraction for commercial facilities and services of the most diverse kind”. • There are feedbacks not only with the logistics industry but also especially with the financial industry. • Airports have notable spatial and physical impact beyond that of their immediate surroundings. This applies, for example, to noise and air pollutant emissions from aircraft but also concern restrictions on land use involving the approach and departure paths in relation to facilities with a high vertical extent (especially wind turbines). According to Hartwig (2000), Frankfurt Airport is the trendsetter in Germany in terms of additional uses at the airport. Additional uses at the airport are “not developed on the basis of regional demand but take into account the high centrality of the location” (Hartwig 2000, p.  100). Frankfurt Airport has had a long-distance train station since 1999, built as part of the Frankfurt-Cologne high-speed rail line that went into operation in 2002 (o.A. 2013). Today, Frankfurt Airport is a long-distance station, but the previously built station, now a regional station, continues to be served, also as an interchange station, thus relieving Frankfurt’s main station (a terminus station that is inconvenient for transfers).

8.3.2 Changes in the Metropolitan Region Despite the still dominant position of Frankfurt and the more important surrounding cities, detrimental structural changes have occurred over the past five decades or so. The neighbouring areas were able to profit from these structural changes in different ways (Bördlein 2001, p.  176): “the rest of the metropolitan area especially in terms of value added and employment, the other districts especially in terms of population share”. The more nearby surrounding area of the

8  Regional Development

inner-city core Frankfurt am Main is also characterised  – produced through its historical development  – by a high degree of polycentricism. With the industrialisation of the Lower Main conurbation, economically independent centres emerged outside the commercial and financial city of Frankfurt in the form of Offenbach, Hanau, Rüsselsheim, Oberursel and Höchst. After World War II, the growth of Frankfurt the commercial metropolis was accompanied by the expansion of manufacturing in the surrounding towns. This development reached its peak in the late 1960s to early 1970s. Although industrial activity in Frankfurt and Offenbach was already declining in the 1960s, a process continues in the region as a whole to this day and also includes the core industrial sectors with the automotive industry (Rüsselsheim, Opel/formerly part of GM, now PSA), chemicals (Frankfurt, Hoechst/now part of Sanofi-Aventis) and electricals (Frankfurt, AEG, dissolved in 1996; Schamp 2001; Strunk 1999; Wehnelt 2009). Economic structural change in the surrounding area did not begin until the late 1970s and 1980s (Bördlein 2001). At the turn of the millennium, the areas along the edge of the Taunus in the north and around the airport experienced notable growth rates (Scheller 1999). The financial sector has also developed in the metropolitan region in the form of a functional distribution of labour among locations (Schamp 2012): While banks are concentrated in Frankfurt’s West End, their back offices are located on the outskirts of the city or in neighbouring communities, specialised services (such as rating or asset management) are located on the Taunus fringe, and software development forms focal points in the Rheingau as well as in Darmstadt. As a result of the focal points outside the mortgage business as well as the extensive bailout measures of national politics (e.g. 80 billion euros were made available for equity aid and 400 billion euros as guarantees for new bank bonds for the establishment of the Special Fund Financial Market Stabilisation, SoFFin  – “Sondervermögen Finanzmarktstabilisierungsfonds”), the consequences of the financial market crisis from 2007 to 2010 remained comparatively low for the Frankfurt metropolitan region (Schamp 2012). According to Scheller (1999, p. 315), it was not only the economy that was shaped by structural change – the administrative and spatial regional disparities in the Rhine-Main region also deviated considerably from the “sunny self-­ image of the regional economic promoters”: “competition between municipalities for locations fought, among other things, with greatly distorted business tax rates; a tendency toward division into urban core cities struggling with high social burdens and affluent surrounding areas; regional and land use planning in which municipal land use preferences are at best coordinated and at worst just aggregated together, which seldom really lead to cooperation; outdated adminis-

8.3  Rhine-Main Metropolitan Region: Between Global Aspirations and Regional Administrative Fragmentation

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Fig. 8.6  The development of Frankfurt am Main’s population. (Own representation after Historisches Informationssystem des Landes Hessen 2020)

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In this context, efforts to restructure the administrative framework to adapt it to the communal and functional structure of the Rhine-Main region go back as far as the 1920s. This reorganisation would have involved three Prussian administrative districts (Wiesbaden, Koblenz and Kassel), three Hessian provinces (Oberhessen, Starkenburg and Rheinhessen) and the Bavarian administrative district of Unterfranken. However, such a reform failed to materialise attributed to the divergent political interests of the participating states, so that the municipalities themselves took the initiative and founded the “Rhine-Main Planning ­ Association” in 1929. However, this remained a purely advisory body. The “Gau Hessen-Nassau” founded in National Socialist Germany largely encompassed the functional integration area of the Rhine-Main region, excluding Aschaffenburg in Bavaria. This remained a brief regional intermezzo; however, as with the founding of the Federal Republic, the region was again divided among the states of Hesse, Rhineland-­Palatinate and the Free State of Bavaria, each with different regional divisions and administrative powers (Alban et al. 2000; Scheller 1999). In the 1960s, the question of regional cooperation took on a new topicality. The massive and continuing suburbanisation meant the construction of infrastructure for the surrounding residential communities, the construction of efficient transport connections as well as tremendous increases in land use. Concurrently, the population of the city of Frankfurt declined as an outcome of this suburbanisation (Fig. 8.6). To remedy

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8.3.3 E  fforts to Establish Regional Governance

this situation, the (civil law) municipal working group “Gesellschaft für Raumordnung im engeren Untermaingebiet” was founded in 1962 on the initiative of the city of Frankfurt am Main (“Association for Spatial Planning in the Narrower Lower Main”). From this, the “Regional Planning Community of the Lower Main” emerged in 1965, which had to limit itself to pure planning activities as it had a narrow legal framework. The attempt made at the beginning of the 1970s to develop a uniformly administered regional city with five coherent sub-regions around Frankfurt failed because of the proponents of a “loose special-purpose association provided with mere coordination tasks” (Scheller 1999, p. 322; cf. also Hoyler et al. 2006). After attempts at regional integration failed, the focus of Frankfurt’s development policy shifted in the 1980s to a “radical opening to the world market” (Keil 2012, p. 69). In 2000, a new regional structure was created by the Hesse State Law on Extended Urban Regions: The Umlandverband Frankfurt was replaced by the “Planungsverband Ballungsraum Frankfurt/Rhein-Main” (“Suburban Association of Frankfurt”; “Planning Association for the Frankfurt/Rhine-Main Metropolitan Area”). The tasks were restricted to planning, while the association area (metropolitan region) was expanded from 43 to 75 municipalities. The additional tasks of the surrounding area association remained organised in the region on a volunteer basis; its steering was transferred to the “Council of the Region”, composed of mayors and district councils. In 2011, the Hessian state parliament passed the “Law on the Metropolitan Region”, on the basis of which the “Frankfurt/Rhine-Main Regional Association” (“Regionalverband FrankfurtRheinMain”) was created from the “Planning Association for the Frankfurt/Rhine-Main Metropolitan Area”. Its central task is to draw up and revise the “Regional Land Use Plan” (“Regionaler

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trative structures that can no longer adequately address the long-standing regional problems”.

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Flächennutzungsplan”), and it also deals with other issues such as drawing up a mobility master plan, developing digitisation strategies, updating the regional energy concept and lobbying the European Union on behalf of the region (Regionalverband FrankfurtRheinMain 2020a). The Frankfurt Rhine-Main European Metropolitan Region (FRM), which extends far beyond the Regional Association and currently (2020) has 5.8 million inhabitants, dates back to the resolution of the Conference of Ministers for Regional Planning (April 28, 2005) and extends as far as the borders of Baden-Württemberg in the south and as far as central Hesse in the north. It sees itself as a “service provider and representative of the interests of municipal and regional partners, also outside the area covered by the association” (Regionalverband FrankfurtRheinMain 2020b). Within its large perimeter, the metropolitan region also includes sparsely populated, distinctly rural areas, which are not to be perceived solely as “mitigating areas”; rather, it is important to “draw the growth tendencies of the metropolitan cores into the rural peripheral zones, to increasingly involve the regions in the knowledge society, and to promote innovations” (Gehrlein 2012, p. 172).

8.3.4 Current Challenges Notwithstanding efforts to regionalise spatial planning and establish regional governance structures, historically evolved challenges persist, joined by new ones (Langhagen-Rohrbach 2004; Scheller 1999): 1. Location competition. Accordingly, not only cities but also entire regions are in competition because of globalisation processes on a European and intercontinental scale. Location marketing, if it is to be efficient and effective, requires increased cooperation as well as efficient and effective administration. A regional and administrative fragmentation resulting from numerous administrative levels, such as municipalities, counties, planning associations, regional councils, regulatory agencies, states, etc., and the resulting number of election campaigns (city and municipal councils, mayors, local councils, county councils, regional councils, association days, regional assemblies) all at different times considerably restrict reliable collaboration. Finally, the state and local elections take place at different times in the participating states, and the direct elections of mayors and lord mayors are also independent of this. 2. Distribution of burdens between the city and the surrounding area. Since the 1960s, this challenge has become increasingly virulent: “The core cities  – in the region, in addition to Frankfurt am Main, Darmstadt, Wiesbaden and Offenbach  – provide cultural offerings and other infrastructure facilities from which the sur-

8  Regional Development

rounding areas also benefit. At the same time, the social risks are also concentrated in the centers. As a result, it is becoming increasingly difficult for core cities to raise the financial resources to compensate for these disparities” (Scheller 1999, p.  323). A regionalised administration would be able to act as an administrative framework for a redistribution of burdens as is considered necessary. 3. Reurbanisation. This development affects Frankfurt in particular, but also the other settlements in the Rhine-­ Main region, which began around the turn of the millennium (Fig.  8.6; see also Sect. 6.5.2  in general) and, in addition to rising real estate prices, has also given rise to an increase in new construction activity and, in connection with this, gentrification processes (Schipper 2013). 4. The consequences of Brexit. Until now, the financial centre Frankfurt has been overshadowed by London (Keil 2011; Schamp 2001). Brexit raises the question of whether and to what extent the European system of financial centres will restructure, especially since Frankfurt is also the seat of the European Central Bank – the common monetary authority of the member states of the European Monetary Union founded in 1998. A possible strengthening of Frankfurt as a financial centre could, in turn, further fuel real estate prices and new construction activity, which could be expected to further differentiate Frankfurt’s neighbourhoods, especially by increasing real estate prices in sought-after locations (see Heeg and Holm 2012; Schipper 2013). As a result of the greatest international integration among German metropolitan regions, the divergence between the continental and global significance of economic interconnecting functions plus the regional and sub-regional logic of politics and administration becomes apparent in Frankfurt. A regionally constituted focus meets a coherence of international energies here (cf. Blatter 2005; Keil 2011). The globalised rationale of the economic division of labour with simultaneous regionally constituted politics and administration finds their counterpart here (Keil 2012). This tendency is further strengthened by German federalism with strong planning competencies at the levels of state and regional planning.

8.4

 itterfeld: Between Symbol B and Economic Transformation

The region around Bitterfeld (Saxony-Anhalt), located about 25  km northeast of Halle (Saale) and about 35  km north of Leipzig, is still associated with environmental pollution from the socialist days before reunification, since it was considered the region with the highest environmental pollution in Europe at the end of the 1980s. Even if such a superlative can hardly be supported by a generally accepted

8.4  Bitterfeld: Between Symbol and Economic Transformation

set of criteria, the precarious environmental situation from that time becomes clear, which also proved to be a heavy burden for the post-reunification period. The conditions became known to an (West German) audience through the report “Bitteres aus Bitterfeld” (“Bitter from Bitterfeld”) broadcast on September 7, 1988, by the ARD magazine Kontraste. Using the example of the Silbersee, a remnant of a hole from the open pit mine Grube Johannes, in the neighbouring town of Wolfen (today both towns form a common municipality), the film manufacturer ORWO disposed of various wastes in a toxic waste dump named “Freiheit III” (“Freedom III”); this environmental pollution in the GDR was surreptitiously recorded, presented and commented on by environmentalists (MDR 2010). The reaction of the SED state illustrated the erosion of its ability to act (MDR 2010). Thus, the order given by Politburo member Günter Mittag to evaluate the contribution and propose measures was “put through” all the way down to the local council in the district of Bitterfeld.

8.4.1 T  he Development into an Industrial Region An important stage in the industrialisation of the region was the start of lignite mining in 1839. However, it was not until the use of the steam engine that it became possible to regulate the groundwater conditions in such a way that coal could be extracted all year round (Holz 2007). With the connection of Bitterfeld to the railroad network in the late 1850s, and subsequent opening of the Bitterfeld-Dessau railroad line in 1857 and the lines from Bitterfeld to Halle, Wittenberg and Leipzig in 1859, mining experienced a strong upswing (Schönfelder 2009a). From 1860, the energy-intensive stoneware industry was developed because of the local clay deposits, and a decade later the production of briquettes began, which were transported to large cities by rail. In the 1890s, the chemical industry located here is being drawn by the lignite deposits, which included the dye factory of the Berlin “Aktiengesellschaft für Anilinfabrikation” (Agfa – “Corporation for Production of Aniline”) in 1896, and its factory for motion picture films in 1909, which became the second largest in the world within a few years. At the same time, the production of aluminium and conductive metal alloys began in the region. The large Golpa Zschornewitz power plant, which was built during the First World War, supplied the capital Berlin with electrical energy after the war. Around two decades later, a second large-scale power plant was built in Thalheim near Wolfen, but it did not go online because of the start of the Second World War. During the war, the region was not the target of large-scale Allied bombing, despite its high level of industrialisation.

209

8.4.2 T  he Industrial Region Under Post-World War II Socialism In April 1945, the region was occupied by US troops, but the USA soon departed relinquishing the area to Soviet occupation. The Soviets dismantled numerous industrial plants as reparations. This contributed to a slower recovery of regional industry after the war. The range of chemical production did not change significantly after the war. Basic materials such as chlorine, chlorate and acids continued to be produced, as did pesticides, paints, pharmaceutical products, aluminium, PVC, raw film and synthetic fibres. The extraction of lignite was intensified, and more and more new open-pit mines were opened, which resulted in the relocation of roads, railroad lines and the Mulde River along with the abandonment of communities. The Goitzsche open-pit mine had one special feature  – amber deposits were mined here, being the only place in Germany after the Second World War. The environmental changes resulting from lignite mining are manifold (Eser 2009; Eser and Schönfelder 2009; Holz 2007; Schönfelder and Villwock 2009): Soil, terrain relief and near-surface bedrock are relocated, while hydrological conditions at the surface and in groundwater are altered, both during the period of active mining and throughout post-­ mining shaping of the earth’s surface “by recultivation and agricultural and forestry reclamation” (Schönfelder and Villwock 2009). Although the region’s fly ash pollution was reduced in 1975 with the commissioning of the Bitterfeld gas-fired power plant (Fig. 8.7), environmental pollution in the region remained extremely high. It was a consequence of the mostly outdated industrial equipment, typical of such socialist practices, parts of which dated back to the period before World War II (Albrecht 2007; Holz 2007). Replacement investments that could have ended this state of affairs were not possible as a result of the inefficiency of the economic system combined with a prioritisation of other economic sectors (especially the military industry; Kornai 1992; Welfens 1993). The international energy crises of 1973 and 1983 stimulated the GDR’s autarky efforts, which meant expanding the use of domestic lignite as an energy source (Schönfelder 2009b). The GDR’s autarky efforts also resulted in an expansion of production at the Chemiekombinat Bitterfeld (CKB). With around 4500 chemical products, it provided the basis (with basic materials and semi-finished products) for around 80% of the industrial and consumer products produced in the GDR. Because of the diversity in products, the large-scale plant was also referred to as the “pharmacy of the national economy” (Eser 2009). Because of the considerable emissions, especially highly toxic acidic gases, the region’s forests were also damaged. The State Forestry Company registered 21,800 ha of acute forest damage in Dübener Heide during the early 1960s

210

8  Regional Development

Fig. 8.7  Development of sedimentation dust emissions in Bitterfeld, Wolfen (Puschk. Pl.), and Wolfen-North. (Wolfen N.; own representation after Albrecht 2007, p. 16)

and, after 1965, became the first forestry company in the GDR to initiate legal proceedings to enforce financial compensation from the corporations, in this case the Bitterfeld Lignite Corporation (BKK) and the Bitterfeld Chemical Corporation (CKB). The landmark ruling before the GDR’s highest administrative court was in favour of the forestry company. The industrial corporations in question were obliged to make annual compensation payments amounting to millions of euros (for the rehabilitation of the damaged forest stands, for the increased expenditure on reforestation, forest maintenance and the processing of the extensive amount of damaged wood, as well as the secondary costs arising from increased transportation requirements). For the corporations, these compensation payments had no effect, as they could be included in the annual budgets, which meant that there was no pressure on the polluters to avoid the polluting emissions (Bendix 2007). This points to a general problem of socialist states: They were responsible for both production itself and its regulation, a conflict that was usually settled to the disadvantage of the environment (Kühne 2003).

8.4.3 Transformation and Extensive Deindustrialisation The fall of the Berlin Wall brought deep cuts to the region around Bitterfeld: Mining was terminated for reasons of profitability, and the last briquette factory was closed in 1993. Remedial mining, which served to recultivate the former mining areas, continued for another 10 years. Apart from the gas-fired power plant in Bitterfeld, which was built in 1975, the other power plants were shut down. The shutdown of large parts of the chemical plants also contributed to widespread mass unemployment (Holz 2007), followed by

considerable migration of the population: “The chimney forest of industry thinned out” (“Der Schlotwald der Industrie lichtete sich”; Holz 2007, p. 11). This was also largely caused by the high degree of administration in the VEB Chemiekombinat Bitterfeld (CKB). About one-third of the employees in the production facilities of the CKB parent plant were more than 50 years old, and another quarter ranged in age from 21 to 50 years (Heimpold 2016). Accordingly, air pollution declined significantly, not only in terms of dust deposited (Fig. 8.7) but also in terms of atmospheric sulphur dioxide content, which after the turnaround was about one-seventh of the amount in the mid-1980s (Albrecht 2007; Enders 2007; Fig. 8.8). The deindustrialisation or restructuring of industry was even more noticeable in terms of the decline in the production of wastewater, especially the levels of mercury contained in it. However, even though the “chimney forest thinned out”, this did not mean the end of the chemical industry in the region. Treuhand, the owner of the plants after reunification, examined their redevelopment potential and sold them. This privatisation resulted in a variety of owners and new plants were added. As a result of the more complex structure, the “Chemiepark Bitterfeld” was founded in 2007 to provide the necessary infrastructure for the operation of the plants (Table  8.1; Chemiepark Bitterfeld-Wolfen 2021). On July 1, 2007, the previously independent municipalities of Bitterfeld, Wolfen, Holzweißig, Greppin and Thalheim became the city of Bitterfeld-Wolfen, henceforth the fourth largest city in the state of Saxony-Anhalt. Even though the Bitterfeld region today represents an area that shows little variation from other regions of Germany in terms of air pollutant concentrations and wastewater and the forest stands of the Dübener Heide have recovered noticeably (Bendix 2007), dealing with contaminated sites persists as challenges (see Enders 2007, among others). In the meantime, the open pit

8.5  Berlin: From Division to Unity?

211

Fig. 8.8 SO2 concentration at the measuring point “Greppin” in μg/m3. (Own representation after Enders 2007)

600 450

500

450

30

60

100

40

270

260

250

220

190

200

200

190

240 180

200

240

300

200

270

290

400

160

SO2 concentration in µg/m³

600

570

700

1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992

0

Table 8.1  Trends in environmental pressures

Emissions of air pollutants [ t/a ] Wastewater volume [ m3/d ] Wastewater load in damage units according to the Wastewater Levy Act [units/d] Wastewater load mercury [ kg/a ] Hazardous waste from production [ t/a ]

1989 82,900 202,700 6220

Percent 1999/2000 decreased 1440 98.26 18,000 91.12 50 99.20

3051 117,900

1.3 2060

99.96 98.25

After Enders (2007)

mine of the same name has become the “Großer Goitzschesee” – a reclaimed lake landscape, which is used, among other things, for tourism.

8.5

Berlin: From Division to Unity?

Of course, one topic must not be omitted from a geography of Germany: An overview of the eventful history of Berlin (from the Slavic term berlo = swamp, morass, wet place or dry places in a wetland), which is the German capital and the largest city in Germany. Additionally, based on the peculiarity of the federal system, Berlin is 1 of the 16 federal states – a city-state (cf. as mentioned in the introduction). In the following, the development of Berlin into a European metropolis comes into focus  – toward an initial period of prosperity, followed by an abrupt end with the horrors of the National Socialist era and the Second World War. The following remarks are dedicated to the upheavals after 1945, especially the effects of the division of Berlin and finally the development processes since the reunification during 1990 on until today.

8.5.1 T  he Development of Berlin Until the End of the Second World War What is striking for Berlin in relation to the development of the all-German urban network is that the city only gained importance and splendour as a development hub and power centre from the beginning of the eighteenth century, when the then Elector of Brandenburg had himself crowned King of Prussia in 1701 – Frederick I. The influx of Calvinist refugees from France meant that by 1700 about one-fifth of the population was of French origin (Hofmeister 1990, p. 62). In 1712, Berlin at that time had about 61,000 inhabitants (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p. 27). In the nineteenth century, scientific relevance grew. In 1810, the first of today’s four Berlin universities was opened. However, it took a few more decades before the actual boom of today’s capital city set in, more precisely the 1870s: it was only after the Franco-­ Prussian War and the founding of the German Empire in 1871 that Berlin became a European metropolis (Asendorf 2014, 2015; Bocquet 2009). A decisive role in this was played by the economic boom, especially in the founding years 1871–1873, with numerous new industrial and commercial enterprises (Heineberg et al. 2017). Industrialisation and urbanisation made Berlin one of the most populous as well as economically and culturally prominent cities in the world until the Second World War (Dannenberg 2013). The city was not prepared for a pronounced exodus from the rural regions and a related influx into the city – as was generally observed during industrialisation. Poor sanitary conditions were the order of the day. The roads were not designed for increased traffic. Rapidly growing industrial production caused increasing air pollution. In addition, the formation of swamps in various areas proved to be problematic. Thus, there was great need for

212

action. The consequences associated with the upheavals were, in turn, also far-reaching and had long-term effects: “The socio-spatial structure of the city of Berlin today is based upon its basic features of developments that took place during the period of industrialisation and the strongest population growth between 1860 and 1914. […]. A new social class, the proletariat, emerged in the cities, and its rapidly increasing demand for housing was met by a new entrepreneurial class, the real estate speculators (a term considered value-neutral at the time). Market forces began to determine urban development and availability involving the location and quality of housing became a function of income” (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p. 25f.). In terms of urban development, new emphases were set. Of great importance here is the creation of a set of plans known as the Hobrecht Plan (drawn up by the government official James Hobrecht) in 1862 (Fig. 8.9). While this represents a clear alignment

8  Regional Development

line plan with no provisions for block development, the major demarcating lines are precisely what is important. The guidelines of these plans were ultimately adopted by Eugène Baron Haussmann, who strikingly redesigned Paris: boulevard-­like corridors stand out, as well as central squares radiating outward and diagonal interlacing. In addition to the visionary aspect, the plan also had a concrete effect, as it promoted the construction of tenement blocks, the so-called Mietkasernen, in which James Hobrecht can also be seen as a pioneer of these structures in the city of Berlin. The “tenement buildings” are multistorey, inner-city tenement buildings with one or more courtyards, which became “persistences” (Blum 1994) of the city, thus decisively defining the city to this day and thereby having a lasting effect. The so-called Wilhelminian tenement belt gradually encircled the city centre of that time, combined with intensive building densification. In the case of the inner court-

Fig. 8.9  Development plan of Berlin and surroundings in 1862. (Representation: Zentral- und Landesbibliothek Berlin 2021)

8.5  Berlin: From Division to Unity?

yards, in some instances possessing areas of 5.34 × 5.34 m and subsequently remained as a de facto dimension, which, according to the building police regulations of 1853, was required for the stretching of a lifesaving net to catch people jumping from burning buildings (“Feuerwehrsprungtuchs”) or allowed the turning of the fire department fire hose. The attendant problems are obvious; very little light and sun, limited ventilation, mix of residential and commercial use in the courtyards (Bocquet 2009; Elkins and Hofmeister 1988; Häußermann and Kapphan 2000; Heineberg et  al. 2017; Huchzermeyer 2011; Lanz 2014). In terms of residential population, the tenements were thought to be quite socially mixed in some cases. However, in places where large-scale industry also developed in the north, east and southeast, social segregation was more pronounced: The goal of the tenements was to create efficient housing, which allowed for the accommodation of masses of people and, at the same time, led to a concentration of the working-class population. The “social question” in Berlin presented itself accordingly as a housing question concerning the tenements resulting from the building structure and high occupancy densities, combined with cramped conditions and insufficient open space (Häußermann et al. 2008; Häußermann and Kapphan 2000; Lanz 2014). In 1925, a new building code put an end to the further construction of tenements, which had been increasingly criticised, but by this time the central tenement pattern had already emerged (Lanz 2014). In a way, villa estates on the outskirts of the city formed the antithesis for the privileged class, for example, at Wannsee or in Grunewald. To this day, these are among the more exclusive residential areas of Berlin (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000). The extent of the upheavals in Berlin can be seen by looking at the development of the population figures. In 1825, the city had about 220,000 inhabitants; 50 years later, in 1875, it had about 966,000 inhabitants, and in 1919, it had about 1.9 million inhabitants. From 1920, the “Unified municipality of Groß-Berlin” (“Greater Berlin Act”  – legal creation of the new municipality of Berlin) was established (Lanz 2014, p. 57), which, based on the amalgamation of 8 cities, 59 rural municipalities and 27 estate districts, roughly corresponds to today’s Berlin (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p. 46). This puts the population of Berlin in 1925 at over four million. The situation at that time can be characterised as ambivalent. Firstly, the defeat in the First World War of 1914–1918 lay behind the German Empire, leaving economic as well as social traces (see Sect. 4.5). Secondly, in addition to political instabilities, Berlin rose to become one of the cultural centres of Europe during the Weimar Republic 1918–1933 (Bocquet 2009). A new building boom accompanied it, as around 135,000 apartments were built in the Weimar period by 1930, 83,000 of which were built by non-profit societies (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p. 49). At the same time,

213

however, sociopolitical challenges continued to grow, ominously intensified by the Great Crash of 1929 (Ribbe and Schmädeke 1994): “A quarter of its population was now dependent on welfare” (Lanz 2014, p. 57). Dissatisfaction and an unhinged political system, among other factors, provided the breeding ground for populism (see Sect. 4.5). Subsequently staged as a “seizure of power”, Adolf Hitler was appointed Reich Chancellor by Reich President Paul von Hindenburg on January 30, 1933. This was followed in a very short time by an ever-increasing Gleichschaltung of the German Reich (“enforced conformity” – see, among many, Childers 2017) and a systematised persecution of Jews, who were thus automatically removed from Berlin housing: “Of the 170,000 Jewish citizens who had lived in Berlin at the time of the Weimar Republic, 50,000 were murdered in the concentration camps. After the end of the Third Reich in 1945, 5000 Jews still lived in the city; the rest had emigrated or been deported” (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p.  55). The Second World War 1939– 1945, in conjunction with the “totalen Krieg” (“all-out war”) against the Allies announced on February 18, 1943 by “Reich Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda” Joseph Goebbels (“Das Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda (RMVP)”), led to massive destruction of Berlin  – among numerous other large- and medium-sized German cities (Bode 1995, p. 15). In the “Battle of Berlin”, attacks were directed at war-important industry and the inner city with a focus to weaken armaments production directly and the morale of the population simultaneously. Berlin was hit with a main offensive, especially in November 1943 (Bode 1995, p. 15) – with the result that every third apartment building in Berlin was destroyed during World War II (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p. 57). May 8, 1945, being the unconditional surrender of the German Reich, marked a decisive break with the former German Empire (Steinbach 1999c).

8.5.2 T  he Development of West and East Germany After the Second World War After the end of World War II, the former eastern territories of Germany were separated and massive refugee movements resulted. The Yalta Conference (see also Sect. 4.5) established four zones of occupation by the Allies – France, Great Britain, the USA and the Soviet Union, which were also implemented in Berlin (Bocquet 2009). Berlin’s postwar population reached about 2.8 million, but by 1946 it was back to 3.2 million with the influxes of returnees. However, the heavily destroyed city was far from the 4.4 million inhabitants before the war began (Asendorf 2015, p.  433; Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p.  57; Hofmeister 1990, p. 70; see also Fig. 8.11). The Berlin blockade by the Soviet

214

8  Regional Development

Union, which closed land and water routes needed to supply (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000) – a striking difference to West Berlin, developed into a pivotal challenge starting in Western cities. Added to this, at Alexanderplatz was the conJune 1948. The reason for this was the Allies’ currency struction of the television tower in 1965–1969. Also, in strikreform, which was also applied to West Berlin against the ing contrast to the West, an industrialisation and will of the Soviet Union. Accordingly, attempts were made standardisation of construction via prefabricated housing in the East to counteract this and, if possible, to annex West were established as the favoured building form in the GDR Berlin. However, the USA and France responded with an as early as the mid-1950s and pursued with vigour (Heineberg extensive and elaborate airlift to supply the cut-off part of the et al. 2017). Privately financed housing construction was neicity (Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-­ ther desired nor possible in the eastern part of the city Württemberg 2018)  – with the American “raisin bombers” (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000). becoming famous, as they brought packets of raisins for the From 1952 onward, the Inner German Border was secured children, along with many other goods. The “Operation by the GDR by means of fences, guards and alarms (see also Vittles” as a measure for the “airlift” was coordinated from Sect. 8.9); only the border between West and East Berlin was June 1949 onward, bringing more than two million tons of open (Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-­ vital goods requiring over 277,000 flights (Landeszentrale Württemberg 2018, n.d.), making Berlin the central passage für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2018), which to the West. On June 17, 1953, a popular uprising in East prevented West Berlin from falling to the Soviet Union. In Berlin was bloodily put down, reinforcing deterrence regardaddition to the humanitarian aspect, the action also had a ing the considerations of those who toyed with the idea of decisive consequence: Opponents in war became allies in migrating to West Berlin as well (Leibniz Centre for peace to the Germans and a force for protection of Germans Contemporary History Research et al. 2020, n.d.). In 1960, (Leibniz Centre for Contemporary History Research et  al. almost 200,000 people fled the GDR, and there had also been 2020). substantial exodus activity in previous years (Leibniz Centre The founding of the Federal Republic of Germany, first, for Contemporary History Research et  al. 2020, n.d.). and then the German Democratic Republic in 1949 also had Between 1949 and 1961, the GDR and East Berlin had lost a central effect on Berlin: The Soviet sector of Berlin became about 2.7 million people to the West, particularly losing the capital of the GDR, while the FRG was governed from well-educated young workers and academics. In July 1961 Bonn, but Berlin became an outpost to be diligently main- alone, about 30,000 people left the GDR for West Berlin tained (Asendorf 2015; Steinbach 1999a, b). Moreover, the while a passageway remained opened (Landeszentrale für two starkly different political systems brought with them politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2018, n.d.). The sharply divergent urban policy developments. consequences for the GDR were severe: labour shortages, an The divergence of democracy and market economy in the outflow of all kinds of goods and illegal money exchanges West and the socialist system in the East gradually mani- that weakened the currency (Landeszentrale für politische fested themselves more and more in the city (Le Gallou Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2018, n.d.). Against the back2015, p. 154): “The division is the symbol of the confronta- drop of a further deteriorating economic situation in the tion of two antagonistic ideologies […], but which above all GDR in the spring of 1961, the GDR leadership’s decision to deeply mark the Berlin area. We are witnessing the gradual seal off West Berlin with a wall became finalised. But on development of two compartmentalised urban spaces, featur- June 15, 1961, at a press conference in East Berlin, GDR ing two opposing national identities. A rather striking sign of Council of State Chairman Walter Ulbricht still deflected the this was the demolition of the remains of the Berlin City idea with a much-quoted sentence that is still well-known Palace at the behest of the GDR leadership in 1950–1951” today: “No one has the intention of building a wall”. Less (Asendorf 2015, p.  434)  – whereas the demolition is sym- than 2 months later, on August 13, 1961, the border around bolically decisive here: “The city palace of the Prussian West Berlin to the GDR was sealed off with provisional meakings was not demolished as a symbolic gesture for the his- sures such as piling up barricades and stretching barbed wire torical victory of socialism, but spectacularly blown up” with the consent of the Soviet Union (Leibniz Centre for (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p.  60). Following the Contemporary History Research et al. 2020, n.d.) and then model of Soviet architecture of the Stalin era, an arrange- reinforced as a wall of hollow blocks from August 17–18. ment specifically designed for housing was realised in the Steinbach (1999b) puts it succinctly: “The GDR leadership eastern part of the city on Karl-Marx-Allee (initially titled believed that the only way to cope with the mass flight was to Stalin-Allee) east of Alexanderplatz starting in the 1950s build the Berlin Wall on August 13, 1961, and to h­ ermetically (Heineberg et al. 2017; Steinbach 1999b). Thus, a distinctive seal off the Inner German Border”. It is precisely this wall feature of socialist cities can also be seen in the capital of the that became “a worldwide symbol of the Cold War”, “which GDR with a dominance of the residential function in the cen- politically divided the world into an eastern and a western tre without an orientation toward consumer facilities hemisphere. On the one side, the Wall was praised as a ‘peace

8.5  Berlin: From Division to Unity?

215

border’ and an ‘anti-fascist wall’, on the other side it was condemned as a ‘communist wall of shame’. It became a symbol of the bankruptcy of a dictatorship that was only able to secure its existence by imprisoning its population” (Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2018, n.d.). Again, it should also be noted that the barrier cuts off over 50,000 East Berliners from their jobs in the West, but this was acceptable to the GDR (Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2018, n.d.). West German and international protest were voiced in the wake of the Wall’s construction, but it did nothing to change the cementing of the Wall in place. The demarcation line between East and West Berlin covered about 43  km, with nearly 112 km additionally between West Berlin and the rest of the GDR.  Nearly 300 observation towers ensured compliance with the forbidden border crossing (Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2018, n.d.). The sealing off of the city went so far that only a few border crossings were established (see Fig. 8.10). The western part suffered accordingly from the isolation (Glaser et al. 2007), accompanied by a low willingness of private investors to invest in Berlin, especially near the wall. Political incentives were provided by designating redevelopment areas, especially in the areas of the early and mid-nineteenth century Gründerzeit buildings (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000).

Reinickendorf

SteglitzZehlendorf

West Berlin until 1990 East Berlin until 1990 river/lake Berlin Wall checkpoints Berlin West/East border between Berlin and Brandenburg since 1990 district border until 2001 district border since 2001 Pankow name of district

Pankow

Spandau CharlottenburgWilmersdorf

June 26, 1963 became an internationally historic day: During the visit of US President John F. Kennedy honouring the 15th anniversary of the Berlin Airlift, he expressed in a speech that still resonates today: “All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words ‘Ich bin ein Berliner!’” In the end, the symbolism can hardly be surpassed in its luminosity: The West is committed to West Berlin. On June 12, 1987, US President Ronald Reagan in turn addressed the Soviet Union: “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” Already, there were signs that change might be possible after several decades of unyielding blockade, but it took until 1989 for the Wall to become history again. Already with the first free trade union Solidarnosc, the disintegration of the socialist system was initiated. On the night of September 11, 1989, the Hungarian government opened its border with Austria to GDR citizens, allowing tens of thousands to leave for Germany via Austria. Thousands of GDR citizens were also able to leave for the West, having taken refuge in the West German embassy. Thus, it became increasingly apparent that the iron curtain had been breached (Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2019, n.d.). In the fall of 1989, the peaceful revolution took its course in the wake of demonstrations against the GDR leadership, including in Leipzig and Berlin. The Monday demonstrations in Leipzig remain one of the defining trailblazers here today. Berlin’s

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TempelhofSchöneNeuberg kölln

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Fig. 8.10  Berlin – the divided city. (Own representation after: Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2018, o.S.)

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Alexanderplatz was the site of the largest demonstration in Berlin on November 4, 1989, with over half a million people gathering there to protest peacefully. Freedom of travel was one of the most notable central demands put forward (Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2019, n.d.). Finally, the opening of the border followed at night on November 9, 1989  – but actually as an accident. Party functionary Günter Schabowski announced a new and relaxed GDR travel law at the end of a press conference: “And that is why we have decided to make a regulation today that makes it possible for every citizen of the GDR to leave via border crossing points in the GDR. ... So, private travel to foreign countries can be applied for without any preconditions, reasons for travel or relatives. Permits are issued at short notice”. This was supposed to be valid starting the following day, but when asked, a “historical oversight” followed: “As far as I know ... this is effective immediately, without delay.” Residents of the GDR flocked to the border crossings and loudly demanded that they be opened. The Bornholmer Strasse border crossing was finally opened at 11:29 p.m. (Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-­ Württemberg 2019, n.d.), and the end of the Cold War was thus ushered in – the pivotal milestone of the “Wende”. The wall, which stood for the separation of East and West, was surmounted, permeable and gradually removed  – hardly imaginable after more than 28 years and grave consequences: “At least 140 people were killed along the Berlin Wall between 1961 and 1989 or lost their lives in direct connection with the GDR border regime. In addition, at least 251 travelers from East and West died before, during, or after controls at Berlin border crossings. These figures do not include the unknown number of people who died out of grief and despair over the impact of the Wall’s construction on their individual living conditions” (Chronicle of the Wall 2021).

8.5.3 B  erlin After Reunification: From the Unification Process to New Fragmentations On July 1, 1990, border controls were finally stopped. The official reunification of Germany, and thus also of Berlin, followed on October 3, 1990 and since then has represented the German “Day of Unity” as a national public holiday. Despite all the initial euphoria, however, it should not be overlooked that different political systems, different economic models and divergent lifestyles clashed (Arndt 2015, p.  56) and thus led to “difficulties in understanding”. The demonstrators in the GDR in the fall of 1989 were often concerned with more rights, such as freedom to travel and a rejection of the SED party regime, but not, in contrast, with the desire to preserve a capitalist system. But this was pre-

8  Regional Development

cisely what was happening in many areas, with the West system being “imposed” on the East. At the same time, the planned economy in the East was economically inefficient to the extreme, revenues were lacking, and investments in many areas of life had failed to pay-off. Accordingly, there was also an extremely pronounced need for repair and modernisation in eastern Berlin (Heineberg et  al. 2017, p.  256): “Thus, more than 90% of the ‘redevelopment area’ […] newly defined by the Berlin Senate in 1993 was located in the eastern part of the city”, especially in inner-city “Gründerzeit” neighbourhoods (Heineberg et  al. 2017, p. 257). The city of Berlin experienced a political upgrade quite soon after the fall of communism. In 1991, the German Bundestag in Bonn decided to make Berlin not only the joint capital of Germany again but also the seat of government (Asendorf 2015; Le Gallou 2015). In 1999, after a transitional phase, Berlin finally became the official seat of government (Dannenberg 2013), which entailed a functional upgrade (Krajewski 2013). On the urban level, an administrative reform has been in effect since 2001, with Berlin now comprising 12 administrative districts (Fig.  8.10; Best and Strüver 2005). On the economic side, however, a variety of problems initially manifested themselves. Subsidies for businesses that had been able to remain in the western part of the city were reduced. Industry in the east was not competitive, resulting in a loss of 15,000 industrial jobs between 1991 and 2001 (Dannenberg 2013, p. 7). Between 1990 and 2004, the city lost about 1% of its previous population, reaching approximately 3.39 million inhabitants (Krajewski 2013, p.  21). Catch-up suburbanisation also played a key role in this. Residents who previously had to remain within the city’s boundaries shifted their residence to the city’s outskirts (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000; Marquardt et  al. 2013). Since 2005, however, the capital has now been gaining population  – in 2018, the population exceeded 3.6 million (see Fig. 8.11) – partly because of residential redevelopment and new construction (Dannenberg 2013; Krajewski 2013). In some areas, newly built luxury developments are also emerging (Marquardt et al. 2013), in line with a changing image of Berlin as hip, young, modern, intriguing and attractive. After reunification, Berlin was characterised by a high building boom, often focussed upon the “No Man’s Land” or “Death Strip” (“Todesstreifen”) along the path of the former Berlin Wall. Potsdamer Platz is a particularly impressive example of this: “Within ten years, a completely new neighborhood was built on the former death strip of Potsdamer Platz. The area became the largest construction site in Europe: over 4000 construction workers were employed in 1997 and 1998 alone. The silhouette of the more than 50 cranes in front of the ‘Red Infobox’ advanced to become the landmark of Berlin in those years” (“Rote Infobox”: an exhibition pavilion at Leipziger Platz in Berlin’s central district

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Fig. 8.11  Development of Berlin’s population since 1900. (Own representation, data compilation based on census results and information from the Berlin-Brandenburg Statistics Office)

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8.5  Berlin: From Division to Unity?

1,500,000 1,000,000 500,000 0 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2018

documenting the construction work around Potsdamer Platz for visitors.; Arndt 2015, p. 56). Symbolic conversions and buildings are also reflected in Berlin’s “Spreebogen” (a bend in the river Spree): there, between 1995 and 1999, the “Reichstag” (Imperial Diet of the German Empire now home of the German Parliament, der Deutscher Bundestag) would be redesigned based on designs by architect Sir Norman Foster with a glass dome allowing a view into the Bundestag, becoming a new state symbol (Asendorf 2015). Added to this are parliament buildings and the Federal Chancellery, which together form the “Sash of the Federation” (“Band des Bundes”) – as a symbolic link between the formerly separate halves of the city (Heineberg et al. 2017, p. 271). Also, within striking distance is the new Hauptbahnhof (main train station) as the central rail hub, replacing the Berlin Zoologischer Garten in West Berlin. In turn, not far from Potsdamer Platz and south of the Brandenburg Gate, a Holocaust Memorial was erected in 2003–2005  in the historic centre of Berlin, providing space for remembering the horrors of the past (Le Gallou 2015, p. 156; Fig. 8.12). Remembrances of the GDR were removed from some sections of the cityscape, showing the ambivalent relationship to the GDR past. A striking example is represented by the “Palace of the Republic”, built in 1973–1976 and demolished in 2006–2008  – officially because it was contaminated with asbestos. It is not without irony that where the Berlin City Palace was blown up by the GDR, this palace is now being reconstructed since 2013  – and in exchange nothing is left of the Palace of the Republic (Le Gallou 2015, p. 156f.). The city of Berlin is a striking example of the processes of change that emerged after 1989 and 1990, as already highlighted in terms of population and construction. The deindustrialisation of a poorly positioned eastern economy and

massive tertiarisation also had far-reaching effects, coupled with social upheavals that were sometimes reflected in segregation and social exclusion – and having close proximity to one another: Social hotspots and so-called Hartz IV neighbourhoods mix with “trendy neighbourhoods” (“Hartz IV” – social welfare program; Dannenberg 2013, p.  5). The economic transformation and its social consequences manifest themselves exemplarily in the development of the unemployment rate, which rose from 12.1% in 1994 to as high as 19.0% in 2005. Since then, a significant decline can be observed. In 2018, it was 8.1%  – slightly higher than the Germany-wide rate of 5.2% (Fig. 8.13). Especially in “the old districts of Wedding, Tiergarten/ Moabit, Kreuzberg and Neukölln, which have been particularly hard hit by the economic upheaval and are often stigmatised in the media as ‘problem neighborhoods’, there are high proportions of unemployed people, recipients of welfare payments, and low-skilled people of German and non-­ German origin, all groups that are particularly affected by exclusion” (Krajewski 2013, p. 21). One neighbourhood in Berlin that has regularly been, and continues to be, the focus of particular attention, both nationally and internationally, when it comes to ambivalent development is Kreuzberg, which has been given a variety of attributions such as “poorhouse, ghetto, anarchist-district, ‘problem-riddled area’, redevelopment area, utopia, model” (Best and Strüver 2005, p.  471). Another title was and is “immigrants neighbourhood” (Best and Strüver 2005, p.  473), because already in 1974 the proportion of foreigners was 25%, which was based on the fact “that the guest workers, who were considered to have no rights, were to be used as ‘interim tenants’ of apartments that were to be demolished. Up until the recruitment of these foreign workers ended in 1973, the housing compa-

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8  Regional Development

Fig. 8.12  The Holocaust Memorial in Berlin. (Photo: Florian Weber 2008)

20 18 15.6

16 14 Unemployment rate in %

Fig. 8.13  Development of the unemployment rate (in relation to all civilian labour force) in Berlin between 1994 and 2018. (Own representation after Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg (2020a, n.d.))

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nies and politicians had still assumed that, the guest workers would return to their countries of origin after one or two years. At that time, no one had expected a permanent settlement – and obviously, no one had expected that these interim tenants with a lease in the redevelopment area would also be entitled to a relocation apartment” (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p. 79). This is a striking illustration of a very fundamental social development in West Germany during

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and after the period of the economic miracle, which continues to have an impact (see Sect. 6.2 in general). Against the background of the above, it is important to emphasise that an involuntary segregation took place (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000), which has been and continues to be criticised, for example, when people speak of parallel migrant societies.

8.5  Berlin: From Division to Unity? Table 8.2  Total population, foreign population and proportion of foreigners by Berlin districts in 2018

219

In general, a differentiated analysis is required for Berlin – as for all topics in this book. This also becomes clear regardPopulation Foreign Percentage of ing the dynamics of upgrading and exclusionary processes. District total population foreigners Gentrification, i.e. the replacement of lower status by higher Treptow-Köpenick 270,197 24,504 9.1 status populations, has become a striking, and today increasSteglitz-Zehlendorf 292,767 33,400 11.4 ingly global, phenomenon in the German capital (see, e.g. Marzahn-­ 268,733 30,973 11.5 Atkinson and Bridge 2005; Blasius and Dangschat 1990; Hellersdorf Doucet 2014; Friedrichs and Kecskes 2002; Glass 1964; Pankow 401,951 54,373 13.5 Lichtenberg 288,414 46,488 16.1 Lagendijk et  al. 2014). The gentrification dynamic first Reinickendorf 258,611 45,569 17.6 moved from Berlin-Mitte through Prenzlauer Berg and conTempelhof-­ 341,251 63,678 18.7 tinued through Friedrichshain to Treptow and Neukölln. Schöneberg Berlin-Mitte forms a certain “traditional location” here, Spandau 237,580 45,529 19.2 Prenzlauer Berg experienced a significant upgrading after Charlottenburg-­ 316,360 62,149 19.6 the reunification and moved into the focus of wealthier parts Wilmersdorf of the population and, of course, also of researchers, while Neukölln 318,057 77,058 24.2 Neukölln advanced to a “trendy location” in the subsequent Friedrichshain-­ 277,809 69,271 24.9 Kreuzberg phase (Holm 2014; Krajewski 2013). In the East, Centre 373,096 122,218 32.8 Wilhelminian buildings (“Gründerzeit”) had been regarded Berlin: Totals 3,644,826 675,210 18.5 as “capitalist heritage” in which no investment was made, Own representation after Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg (2020b, resulting in massive transformations after the fall of the Wall n.d.) (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000). Moreover, after reunification, these neighbourhoods were now located in the middle In 2018, the proportion of foreign residents was particu- of the city centre, which supported the upswing (Dannenberg larly high in central Berlin (Berlin-Mitte), at just under a 2013; Le Gallou 2015). In 2020, gentrification has finally third, followed by approximately a quarter each in become mainstream (Holm 2014, p.  278): Capital investFriedrichshain-Kreuzberg and Neukölln (Table 8.2). ments, social upgrading processes through influxes, changes If the category “migration background” is used, the fig- in neighbourhood character and displacement processes ures are almost automatically higher: on average, around one (generally following Davidson and Lees 2005) are taking in three residents of the almost 3.7 million inhabitants pos- place in many places in metropolitan Berlin, making demarsesses a “migration background”. Once again, the districts of cations difficult. Mitte (53%), Neukölln (46%) and Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg Neighbourhoods that have tended to suffer from negative (44%) stand out. In comparison, the lowest numbers are developments to date are those on the city periphery, such as found on the outskirts and more so particularly in the eastern Marzahn, Hellersdorf and Lichtenberg. There is no doubt outskirts of the city (Lichtenberg (26%), Pankow (22%), that problematic situations can also be found in inner-city Marzahn-Hellersdorf (20%) and Treptow-Köpenick (16%)), neighbourhoods, but it is the large apartment buildings that since immigration in the East was almost insignificant in have determined the physiognomy of the urban peripheries relation to the West during GDR times. Consequently, this in western and eastern Germany since the 1960s and are circumstance continues to leave its mark today. Across the often stigmatised. For several decades, they functioned as a city, residents “of Turkish origin dominate, followed by peo- proven and modern means of creating housing (Bocquet ple with Arab roots, residents from the former Soviet Union, 2009), which in retrospect, however, only proved favourably from Poland and with an origin from the former Yugoslav for a few years and then turned negative. One of the most states” (Berliner Zeitung 2018, n.d.; Bezirksamt Marzahn-­ striking examples for Berlin is Marzahn (from Slavic: marHellersdorf 2019, p. 9). Crucially, this is initially a statistical cana, settlement near a marsh) in the east of the city. Starting descriptor. For example, sociopolitical challenges in connec- from a village core and small neighbourhood areas from the tion with language problems, bureaucratic problems and early twentieth century, a large apartment project was built unemployment can go hand in hand in areas but are by no between the second half of the 1970s and the end of the means to be regarded simply as group-specific. Today, it is 1980s, primarily in prefabricated slab construction, as was much more important to focus on positive aspects of diver- characteristic of the GDR and the Soviet Union. Construction sity, of which the change in the image of Kreuzberg symbol- proceeded from the south to the north, with 11-storey prefabises as “emblematic for multicultural and cosmopolitan ricated buildings dominating as high rises both in rows and openness, urban creativity, progressiveness and alternative standalone configurations – they accounted for nearly 60% culture” (Scott and Sohn 2018, p. 7). of the building stock. Between 1977 and 1989, more than 60,000 apartments and the associated infrastructural facili-

220

ties were thus created. The end of politically determined housing allocations occurred after the fall of communism, which led to a significant exodus of “high earners” from 1994 onward. Vacancies became a virulent problem (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000). There is a high proportion of Russian Germans (BMI 2020a; Braun 2018; Schirmel 2011; Berlin Senate Department for Urban Development), and in areas they tend to live marginalised lives (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000). In total, over 100,000 residents live in the large high-rise community of Marzahn  – the size of a major German city and essentially a city, in and of, itself (Bezirksamt Marzahn-Hellersdorf 2019). Large high-rise projects are again not a purely eastern phenomenon. Corresponding neighbourhoods emerged in West Berlin, for example, with the Märkisches Viertel in Reinickendorf, Falkenhagener Feld in Spandau and Gropiusstadt in the Neukölln district, each of which is now home to about 35,000 residents (Lanz 2014, p.  59). Gropiusstadt (Fig.  8.14) was planned by Bauhaus founder Walter Gropius and built between 1962 and 1975 – a satellite town with 90% social housing that followed the guiding principle of “urbanity through density” (“Urbanität durch Dichte”; Heineberg et al.

8  Regional Development

2017, p.  251). In addition to the zeitgeist for West Berlin, such compacted settlements were also adroit at the time because land availability was limited by the construction of the Wall. Initially, this settlement was also a “place of residence for the German middle class” (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000, p. 82), but here, too, their migration gradually led to a social segregation (Häußermann and Kapphan 2000), since needs for modern living were no longer met. Vacancies also became a problem. Gropiusstadt exemplified a “social flashpoint” (Becker and Keim 1977, p. 36; Bielka and Beck 2012; Schirmel 2011). Researchers from Frankfurt am Main and Erlangen conducted extensive international comparative discourse and theoretical media analyses on the topic of large high-rise projects following Laclau and Mouffe (1985), in which they evaluated the major daily newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung on West German and East German large high-rise projects in the period 1994–2006. This impressively shows that these are constituted in the media as dangerous places and places of foreigners and are also associated with social marginalisation and a lack of prospects for young people (Brailich et al. 2010; Glasze et al. 2012; Schirmel 2011). In this way, stereo-

Fig. 8.14  View of a high-rise complex in Berlin Gropiusstadt. (Photo: Florian Weber 2008)

8.6  “Original Regional!?!” The Beer Mecca Franconia

types are automatically produced and reproduced  – ultimately a vicious circle and a downward spiral. In order to address not only the challenges of old inner-­ city neighbourhoods but also identified problems of large housing projects with urban policy measures, the funding program “Die Soziale Stadt” (“The Social City”) was established throughout Germany in 1999, and thus also in Berlin, in order to deal with economic, social and cultural problems in a neighbourhood-specific manner (Franke and Schnur 2016; Lanz 2014; Profession Banlieue 2009; Weber 2013; generally also Andersson and Musterd 2005). The starting point was a localisation of unemployment and tendencies toward poverty in certain neighbourhoods, which were to receive specific support accordingly. In 2019, the program already celebrated its 20th anniversary (BMI 2019). During this period, a total of 472 million euros were invested by the EU, the federal government and the state of Berlin in more than 40 neighbourhoods, which certainly indicates the extent of these support policy measures (Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung und Umwelt o.J., o.S.). In addition to many measures, marginalisation is to be countered by empowering residents (Profession Banlieue 2009). The urban development program Stadtumbau Ost (Urban Redevelopment East) was also used in neighbourhoods of the German capital to counter the decline of East German prefabricated buildings. Among other things, buildings were dismantled, including in Berlin’s Marzahn (Glock and Häußermann 2004), whereas in comparison “to an overall small population loss for Berlin as a whole, the large community of Marzahn lost more than 38,000 residents (about 28% of its population) between 1995 and 2005. The reasons for this were the increasing popularity of inner-city neighborhoods, the tarnished image of the community and suburbanisation processes around Berlin. As a result of out-migration, the housing vacancy rate increased and stood at about 6600 housing units (11%) in the large community of Marzahn in 2002. In addition, schools and daycare centers had to be closed resulting from a lack of demand. The introduction of the Stadtumbau Ost program was intended to address these deficits and redefine development goals”. Against this background, a dismantling of nearly 3600 mostly unrenovated apartments took place in Marzahn (BMI 2020a, n.d.). In a complex overall view of a regional geography of Germany, even for today’s capital Berlin, certain aspects can only be highlighted, as done here. To this day, the history of division and reunification is decisive and formative. In many places, the Wall is no longer directly visible in the cityscape, but it continues to represent a memory anchor and point of reference. For almost 30 years, the city was incisively divided, with the upheavals since then being outlined from being a divided to a now “fragmented city” (Krajewski 2013,

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p. 21). In 2003, the then governing mayor Klaus Wowereit described the city as “poor but sexy” (cf. Lange and Stöber 2008, p. 368), which indicates, among other things, Berlin’s development into a “creative metropolis” (Lange and Stöber 2008, p. 355; Middell 1999; generally Florida 2002, 2005; Hospers and van Dalm 2005), in which soft location factors have gained relevance. As such, “the jobs of the future are being created in Berlin right now: they are being created in fields of expertise such as transport, logistics and mobility, the health industry with medical and biotechnology, energy, ICT and the creative industries, as well as optics and microsystems technology” (Arndt 2015, p. 61). Concurrently, the aftermath of the GDR era also reveals fragmentation that points to sociopolitical challenges.

8.6

“ Original Regional!?!” The Beer Mecca Franconia

A regional focus on selected topics should not stop at certain clichés (see also Textbox 7) and merely “tidying them up”. What could be more stereotypical than the image of a German drinking gallons of wheat beer? In the book Prost! The Story of German Beer, it is clearly pointed out in the introduction that beverages could be regarded as a cultural achievement that comprises the people, with which a strikingly enticing but nevertheless very clear essential metaphor is made that aims at a close symbiosis of “the Germans” with “their beer”: “On the face of it, beer – any beer – is a simple beverage: All you need is some malted grain, a good dose of water, a smidgen of flavorings, a bit of yeast, and, voilà, you’ve got beer. It is the brewer’s art, and a true art it is, that turns these simple materials into an endless variety of divine gustatory pleasures. Germany’s twelve hundred or so breweries make more than five thousand different beers in about a dozen major styles, all from the same basic ingredients. […]. Beverages are symbols of cultural achievement. The great ones are pearls of civilisation that have matured over centuries. […]. The character of the drink seems always a reflection of the character of the people who created it” (Dornbusch 1997, p. 1). It is self-evident that such essentialising evaluations are critically considered from a constructivist perspective (see also Sect. 2.1). At the same time, however, attention must be paid to them since they do indeed have great relevance in everyday life. In addition, further research-related questions arise. What is the state of beverage consumption in Germany, how important is beer in this context and, above all, can regional differences be identified? Our approach here is initially a positivist one: “hard facts” via statistical surveys. In this way, impressions can be created beyond assumptions. Beyond that, a constructivist approach becomes even more intriguing from our point of view, which looks at attri-

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8  Regional Development

butions of meaning and stereotypes – connected with their hegemonic efficacy from a theoretical discourse perspective. The region of Franconia (specifically the administrative districts of Central Franconia and Upper Franconia) within the Free State of Bavaria becomes the “epicentre” of breweries (Raupach and Böttner 2010), to which we devote special interest, linked to the question of regionality and homeland. This is because regional references to beer and beer consumption are closely linked to regional products, regional identity and references to one’s “own homeland”, as we point out.

8.6.1 T  he Importance of Beer in Germany and the Regional Distribution of Breweries What is the importance of beer in the Federal Republic of Germany? Two sides deserve attention here, first briefly the production side: In 2018, a total of 9.36 billion litres were produced in Germany, giving it a considerable “lead” over the other European countries. Poland follows in a “distant” second place with 4.26 billion litres, followed quite closely by Great Britain with 4.23 billion litres (The Brewers of Europe 2019, p. 6). The European Union, with its 28 member states including Great Britain in 2018, achieved a combined production volume of 42.17 billion litres, which means that Germany accounted for just under a quarter of total production (The Brewers of Europe 2019, p. 7). However, the consumption side is becoming more definitive for Germany: annual consumption of all beverage types per capita in Germany has always been just under 700 litres in recent years (BMEL 2020, n.d.; Stracke and Homann 2017, p. 18). 700

Per capita consumption in liters

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Coffee is still ahead of water in first place, followed by soft drinks. After that, however, we arrive at beer with an average of around 120 litres per year in recent years. Wine plays a rather minor role here with around 30 litres (Fig. 8.15). It can thus be stated that beer is firmly anchored in the German beverage portfolio, but at the same time it has lost importance in recent decades. In 1950, just under 36 litres per inhabitant were consumed, although the figure rose to just under 146 litres by 1980. Since then, however, the figures have been falling steadily, reaching a low of 101 litres in 2017 (BMEL 2020, n.d.; Deutscher Brauer-Bund e.V. 2018, n.d.). In line with the trend of decreasing beer consumption, a trend can be observed toward increasing the importance of non-alcoholic beverages, which follows today’s wellness and health concepts (Stracke and Homann 2017). It should also be noted, however, that craft beer is gaining in importance, with the focus shifting to regionally produced beers and craft beer particularly (Ermann 2019; Stracke and Homann 2017) – the impact on beer consumption remains to be seen. In this context, more than half of the approximately 1540 breweries in Germany are so-called microbreweries (calculated based on breweries, not establishments, as the latter can operate several breweries, see Stracke and Homann 2017, p. 62). In 2018, the number of microbreweries was just over 850, characterised by the fact that they operate independently of large brewing groups and produce rather small volumes. Contrary to what might have been expected, however, Germany does not lead Europe in terms of number of breweries but ranks third. The UK recorded a total of 2030 breweries in 2018, of which 1978 were microbreweries, followed by France with 1600 breweries and 1450 microbreweries (The Brewers of Europe 2019, pp. 20ff.). The trend toward small operations is particularly evident here, which at the

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Fig. 8.15  Per capita consumption of selected beverages in Germany (in litres per year), 2008–2018. (Own representation after Stracke and Homann (2017, p. 18) and BMEL (2020, Excel sheet))

8.6  “Original Regional!?!” The Beer Mecca Franconia

same time means that others are responsible for the large volumes: The ten largest groups together account for a market share of around two-thirds of total sales (Ermann 2019, p. 1). German beer producers are thus caught between large and small companies in the field of competition between globalised markets and offerings for a regional audience, which is nevertheless not a specifically German phenomenon (Patterson and Hoalst-Pullen 2014). According to Ermann (2019, p. 1), however, a special situation can be identified for the situation in Germany: “Hardly any other country has such a small-scale distinctive and diversified brewery landscape and such a variety of beer brands. In addition, the market share of internationally leading beer brands in this country is extremely small and the export and import share is very low in relation to the volume of beer produced domestically. In other words, national and indeed a predominance of regional self-sufficiency is higher than in other countries. This certainly has to do with the framework characterised by small and medium-sized enterprises, but presumably also with a pronounced down-to-earth quality and regional identity, up to and including local patriotism and regional chauvinism, which are reflected in beer consumption”. Regionality and local references find themselves in this quotation clearly significant, as will soon be elaborated. At this point, it can at least be stated that changes in consumer behaviour since the 1980s has led to the fact that today the craft of regional brewing continues to play a role. In 1874, there were more than 28,000 commercial breweries in the German Empire (Schäder 1999, p. 322); at the beginning of the 1950s, there were still more than 10,000, but by 1988, the number in West Germany had dropped to just 1168; in the German Democratic Republic, there were around 280 breweries at that time (Ermann 2019, p.  1). Industrialisation of production and fierce cutthroat competition have led to a severe thinning of the market. Over the past 40 years, interest in beer from smaller breweries has increased, allowing those companies that succeeded in making their beer palatable to consumers as a “regional product” to hold their own (Ermann 2005, p. 255f.). Since the 2000s, the trend toward microbreweries, which serve their beer in their own pubs and often distribute it regionally, has had a supporting impact (Ermann 2019, p. 2). However, part of the current structure is that globalisation and concentration of the beer market are continuing. Larger corporations have also recognised the trends and are operating with corporate subsidiaries or regional-looking beer brands. Microbreweries have only a small share of beer as a mass product, which means that local, regional and global components are to be evaluated here as parallel developments and cause a complex overall situation (Ermann 2019; Stracke and Homann 2017). In a Germany-wide comparison, more than half of the 1540 breweries are located in southern Germany, and more specifically only in the two states of Bavaria and

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­aden-­ B Württemberg  – a striking “north-south divide” (Stracke and Homann 2017, p.  65). Moreover, zooming in even further, a striking concentration can be seen in northern Bavaria: Franconia. A significant number of breweries can be found in Nuremberg, Bamberg and Bad Staffelstein, but strikingly, there are also several in smaller towns such as Gräfenberg, Aufseß and Kulmbach (Fig. 8.16). The special feature is therefore not only the large number of breweries but also the fact that their locations are mainly in small communities “in the countryside”. The regional hotspot is now so pronounced that Upper Franconia has by far the highest density of breweries in the world (Ermann 2019, p. 2; Raupach and Böttner 2010). Historical peculiarities have continued to this day and have led to this Franconian peculiarity, explicitly the granting of brewing rights that were once awarded by the bishops (Ermann 1998). The large number of Franconian breweries with their seemingly unlimited variety of beers (illustrated in Fig. 8.17) creates the basis for playing the “regional speciality” card, thus catering to a current trend – and doing so quite successfully: “In certain circles of urban beer drinkers, especially in the large cities of Nuremberg, Fürth, and Erlangen, the ‘local beer’ of the microbreweries [−] was increasingly achieving cult status. Word spread that in the numerous village breweries with their own brewery pubs, the beer was still served by the brewer himself and that the mood of the brewmaster influenced the taste of the beer” (Ermann 2005, p.  256). Specifically, how is “Franconian beer” anchored in the regional context? This aspect will be addressed next, starting with the concept of what exactly is meant by “regionality”.

8.6.2 A Beer Like Its Home? Globalisation trends have not stopped (just) at the food market. Tomato paste, tangerines and canned mushrooms from China, which look like European products from the labelling, can be prime examples for international interconnections and interdependencies, which for some consumers are inconspicuously unproblematic but for others mean that they actively want to eat more regionally. A “revival” of regional products and their stronger marketing since the mid-1990s (Ermann 2015; Fischer and Weber 2015; marktforschung.de 2018, n.d.) fits in with this – simultaneously taken up by food markets: vegetables, eggs, milk and organic meat from the farmer “next door”  – what used to be everyday practice is now becoming topical again. However, the regional awareness of consumers remains diffuse, as Ermann (2005, p. 258) points out, which is closely linked to the challenge of defining “regionality” and “regional” products (Ermann 2002, p. 122). For instance, how can “regional” and “non-regional” foods be distinguished, how much of a product must be “regionally” produced or “from the region”? One way to

224

8  Regional Development

Breweries in Franconia (northern part of Bavaria) 2017 Kulmbach

breweries Erlangen towns in Franconia

Bad Staffelstein Main

Zeil am Main

Locality in Germany:

Bamberg Aufsess

Höchstadt

Pegnitz Forchheim

Gräfenberg

Erlangen Franconia

Bavaria

Lauf

Nuremberg

Munich

10 km

Fig. 8.16  Brewery hotspot Franconia in the Free State of Bavaria. (Own representation after: Ermann 2019, p. 4)

define “regionality” is through the origin of the final products by means of “labels of origin” – as a “protective designation of origin” (production, processing and manufacturing of a product in a specific geographical area according to a recognised and defined procedure) or as “protective geographical indication” (at least one of the manufacturing stages takes place in a specific area of origin; European Commission 2021). In this context, the places of origin of the preliminary products can also be included, which, however, no longer allows a clear and unambiguous “regional” assignment in the case of beer, since rarely are all beer ingredients produced locally. This circumstance must be shifted into the background then in favour of the manufacturing process being “local” (in addition Ermann 2002). “Regionality” tends to be associated by consumers with a spatial proximity between production and consumption: Products should therefore be produced in the vicinity of the place of residence and then consumed there, which the Franconian brewers can actively take advantage of (Ermann 2002, p.  125). Another component of “regionality” also includes being synonymous with “rural” (see also Baumann 2016, 2018). Consumers often associate products “from the countryside” not only with their origin in “rural regions” but also with

“near-natural production, healthy, fresh and largely hand-­ produced products” (Ermann 2002, p. 124). Regional products thus certainly generate a wide range of associations for consumers. For the marketing of “Franconian” beers, the question arises as to what they emphasise, how they deal with “regionality” and which concepts both dominate and are anchored in everyday life. A study conducted by Christina Fischer of five breweries in Ammerndorf, Bayreuth, Bruckberg, Kulmbach and Thalmässing in the administrative districts of Central Franconia and Upper Franconia offers some insight here. Two small private breweries, a smaller incorporated brewery, an independent rural brewery and a larger brewing company were examined in order to encompass a broad range. In addition, various advertising materials of Franconian breweries from Middle and Upper Franconia (online and offline) were included in the evaluation of regionalisation processes. Key results are presented in the following (in detail Fischer and Weber 2015), which are given an update. “A small village in Franconia renowned for its good beer”  – this is how one of the breweries advertises its “locally” produced beer with far-reaching appeal. At the same time, “Franconia” is hardly tangible – it is initially dif-

8.6  “Original Regional!?!” The Beer Mecca Franconia

225

Fig. 8.17  Franconian beer diversity. (Photos: Christina Fischer 2013, published in Fischer and Weber 2015)

ficult to determine which boundaries are “precisely” associated with it, and from a marketing point of view, it does not matter, because the decisive factor is the reference to “Franconia” as a hub with which various aspects can be linked. For a clearer depiction of the sales or distribution area, larger cities are sometimes used as landmarks or distance markers. Several breweries use the term “Fränkische Schweiz” (popular tourist region in Upper Franconia) on their labels to convey an association with their origins. The companies refer to a scenic “nature reserve”, which is well known outside the region and is used to describe the place of origin and for local reference. The use of traditional regional terms makes it possible to emphasise the origin of the beers to consumers  – more precisely: The originating “from the country”. At the same time, the reproduction of these terms

solidifies them in people’s minds. The “ours” in connection with the “near” can be associated, in contrast to “anonymous” food from the world market (see Schermer 2015). However, the breweries based in Franconia do not market all their beers with a purely small-scale local reference but rather depending on the intended sales market: In the case of wheat beer, “the region” to which reference is made is definitely larger-scale “Bavaria”, as was shown in discussions with brewery representatives. In the national and international market, the smaller-scale regional boundaries are of less importance than the reference to “Bavaria” and the related associations – here, “Bavaria” becomes a centre point that induces associations that seem appropriate. Thus, within breweries, there are definitely different regional references, depending on brand positioning and sales area. “Franconia”

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versus “Bavaria” again becomes an important aspect overall. The influence of “southern Bavarian” beers upon the “Franconian” breweries represents a border to the south that is difficult to overcome. Conversely, it seems difficult to promote a “Bayerisch Hell” in Franconia (“Bavarian Pale Lager”). The smaller breweries concentrate on their “Franconian” core area, whereas the larger companies tend to try to market themselves or a certain type of beer as “Bavarian” beer and to emphasise the “Bavarian” origin of the beer. In some areas, breweries practice a balancing act and try to make a common reference to Bavaria and Franconia: “The Bayreuth brewery is rooted in Bavaria  – more precisely in Franconia  – and we proudly carry Franconian and Bavarian beer culture out into the world. Bavaria is recognised worldwide as a beer state and Franconia is considered a paradise for beer lovers and the home of craft brewing culture”.1 Viewed abstractly, this results in diverse “geographies” (Ermann 2015, p. 77) with different regional references, which makes it apparent how “regions” can hardly be fixed clearly and unambiguously. Accordingly, they should be thought of as social constructs composed of different and varying compartments (Jones and Paasi 2015; Kühne 2018a; Kühne and Weber 2015; Paasi and Metzger 2017 [online first 2016]). In relation to “Franconian beer”, it is not “the region”, but rather “regions”, which as characteristics with various links and associations attains effectiveness  – and are usually little questioned by consumers in everyday life. The “regional Franconian” location is additionally underlined by the long-term “rootedness”, starting from the dates of establishment as noted on labels, often as early as the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth century, in connection with the frequently found “flip-top” attached bottle cap (“Bügelverschlüsse”). The emphasis on tradition, family recipes and “craft production” creates a counter-image to the large brewery groups and their industrial production. This image is underlined by references to “homeland”, such as this: “A beer like its native origins – original, honest and full of character”.2 Another example serves as a more in-depth illustration: “As a rural brewery, we are firmly rooted in our Franconian homeland. That’s why we source our raw materials exclusively from regional cultivation in Franconia. With our suppliers, we maintain decades-long, almost family-like relationships  – this is very important to us”.3 The German word and concept “Heimat” (the sense of that which was first familiar to you in the world) can have a special impact here – Excerpt from the website of the Bayreuth Brewery. Excerpt from an advertising brochure of Bayreuther Bierbrauerei AG. 3  Excerpt from the website of Ammerndorfer Bier Dorn-Bräu H. Murmann GmbH & Co. KG. 1  2 

8  Regional Development

as in many lifeworld contexts (Costadura and Ries 2016; Führ 1985; Gebhard et al. 2007; Hülz et al. 2019; see Textbox 2 for more details). Even though the world wars brought about an instrumentalisation of the concept of Heimat, it was only temporarily tabooed and experienced a revival with Heimat films, among others. In the twenty-first century, it represents a highly connectable concept used in everyday life, which can function as an anchor of stability and identification and enable a certain escape from increasingly complex social realities (Ipsen 1999) – to be thought of together with “regional identity” and regional consciousness (Blotevogel 2001b; Weichhart 1990, 2019). For “Franconian beer” to refer to “Heimat” thus enables a decidedly emotional localising identification in the “here and now” as a counter-design to globalisation and anonymous commodity flows. This is sometimes reinforced by the fact that traditional old-fashioned labels are preserved, showing idyllic landscapes without urban elements (easily associated by the individual with memories of lingering while drinking beer “in the cellar”, [“Bierkeller”, or Beer Cellar in English, is an often used name for a bar specialising in beer] Fig.  8.18), such as farmers with scythes or horse-drawn carriages, and old wooden barrels and beer cellars, which in other places would seem to have faded out of time. The assessments of Ermann (2005, p. 256) fit in seamlessly with this when he states that “ideas about the production process, images of rural life, of nature and tradition, the form of presentation and even the stories about the brewmaster or the landlord” are essential to the success of Franconian beers (Ermann 2005, p. 256). A bottle of beer “from the countryside” can thus transport tradition and homeland, originality, craftsmanship and quality and give “assurance” – beyond an adherence to the actual bottle. In times of globalisation and fragmentation of society, beer from “Franconia”  – marketed both locally and throughout Bavaria and beyond – can increasingly become an anchor of identification and regionality of a brand that evokes distinct associations (more on this: Beck 1986, 1997; Eickelpasch and Rademacher 2004; Keupp 2012; Kühne 2012; Rosa 2005; Schönwald and Kühne 2014). In beer advertising, the image of an intact, original region is conveyed, characterised by a few landscape elements such as fields, houses, churches and trees (cf. also Ermann 2002, p.  125). Corresponding impressions are staged in marketing and thus anchored. Regionality is actively interwoven with life in the countryside, making the hustle and bustle of the city, modernisation and global markets an antagonistic opposite (Dzudzek et  al. 2012; Glasze 2015; Glasze and Mattissek 2009; Laclau and Mouffe 2015 [Engl. Orig. 1985]). Similarly, the smaller breweries position themselves against the large supraregional and

8.7  New Wine: The Wine-Growing Regions in a Changing Climate

227

Fig. 8.18  View from the Hallerndorf beer cellar into the Franconian countryside. (Photo: Friedericke Weber 2011)

global brewing corporations by emphasising both the craft and traditional production methods that stand for quality and “unique taste” of beer. However, the large companies have recognised these opportunities as a gap in the market and are seizing the “nostalgia wave” with regionally appealing products (Ermann 2002, p.  124; Stracke and Homann 2017, p.  21). Linked to this, characteristic of “Heimat” also comes into play (see also Kühne 2011). For consumers, it thus becomes possible to express their affiliation and local affinity by buying a certain regional product and thereby to reinforce their own identity. The product – in this case “Franconian beer” – is emotionally charged and linked with a feeling of home, thus creating continuity in the everyday world, which is by no means to be underestimated, especially in today’s fast-moving society (Kühne 2006, pp. 112ff.; see also: Kropp 2004; Kühne 2009; Zöller 2015).

8.7

New Wine: The Wine-Growing Regions in a Changing Climate

From a focus on beer production in Germany and regional hotspots with the highest brewery density worldwide in Franconia, the step toward highlighting the relevance of wine in Germany is a short one. Although, as shown in the overview in Fig. 8.15, wine consumption by German citizens ranks significantly behind beer consumption, it still reaches an average of around 30 litres per person per year. Germany thus ranks 10th in terms of wine consumption. The Portuguese are in the lead with just under 59 litres per person, followed by the French with just under 51 litres per person (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 2018, n.d.). On the one hand, wine can be interpreted as a cultural asset: With its diversity and regional specifics, it is not a uniform mass product. It is classified as a so-called specialty crop, which is

228

attributed to the significantly increased amount of work involved in its cultivation. Its production is labour-intensive and costly – especially when small, parcelled areas and steep slopes complicate the production process. Very specific climatic conditions are necessary for its growth, especially exposure to sun and degree of slope are highly relevant, so that it by no means grows everywhere and therefore is very strongly regionally bound, as we show below (Brandt and Stock 2015, p. 22). On the other hand, regionally associated special physical arrangements arise, which are often evaluated as beautiful and picturesque, i.e. “wine-growing landscapes” develop as (tourist) attractions (Schumacher 2014). More fundamentally, wine can be associated with a contribution to regional image and identity (Schultz et  al. 2009, p. 12). Ultimately, viticulture has always been and continues to be subject to external influences and changes. In the twenty-first century, climate change (Sect. 7.2) is now leading to new upheavals, which we highlight as a supplement in this subchapter.

8.7.1 Viticulture in Germany: An Overview Especially for people who live in wine-growing regions, wine is part of everyday life; this mostly goes unquestioned. The vines create a special “spectacle” throughout the year, from rather sparse plants in winter and spring to dense, rich green foliage in summer and a magnificent flash of colours in variations of yellow-orange-red-brown tones in fall. Thus, the intersection of wine and landscape also awakens tourist potential, which has been promoted in parts for some years by long-distance hiking trails such as the Rheinsteig and the Moselsteig. Winegrowing, however, has by no means always been a part of the regions in today’s Federal Republic of Germany. Historically, the origin of viticulture can be sourced around 5000 BC in the Southern Caucasus (Kasang 2017, n.d.). Several thousand years later, the Romans brought viticulture north from the Mediterranean region (Brandt and Stock 2015), but it was largely forgotten again with the migration of these peoples. In addition, large climatic fluctuations over centuries exerted influences on wine production and wine locations (Schultz et  al. 2009). In today’s Germany, the first terraces can be traced back to the tenth century AD (cf. Glaser et al. 2007, p. 119). Until the fourteenth century, a comparatively mild climate prevailed, which led to a flourishing of viticulture in Europe. The Hanseatic League spurred the exchange by importing wine from the south to the north around 1500. At the end of the sixteenth century, the “Little Ice Age” led again to a shift of the wine-growing frontiers toward the south (Hofmann et al. 2016, p. 21; Schultz et al. 2009, p. 13), which also meant that even more wine was produced in southern parts (general on the subject also Gladstones 2002). In the seventeenth cen-

8  Regional Development

tury, the Thirty Years’ War unleashed devastating consequences, which did not stop viticulture but led to a decline. A new peak of wine can be traced as late as around 1700, especially on the Rhine and its tributaries. New problems arose from 1850 onward because of pathogens from America, which the winegrowers were only able to overcome gradually. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the first German winegrowers’ cooperative was founded, in which cellar work was carried out by a cooperative to which the winegrowers delivered. At the same time, the number of independent winemakers remained very high. In retrospect, the second half of the twentieth century saw a significant decline in the number of companies (BMEL 2018, p. 96). National and especially international competition with competitive situations does not exist without ­consequences, coupled with issues such as (lack of) farmland or vineyard inheritance by subsequent generations (Glaser et  al. 2007, p.  140f.). Nevertheless, where does Germany now stand here in Europe and worldwide, to enable a certain classification? With 3.4% of the vineyards in the member states of the European Union in 2013, German winegrowers manage to rank 6th, well behind Spain with 27.6%, France with 27.2% and Italy with 20.6% (BMEL 2018, p. 102). In 2017, about 1.45 billion litres of wine worth about 2.4 billion euros were imported into Germany, compared to exports of approximately 0.41 billion litres amounting to nearly 1.03 billion euros (BMEL 2018, p. 113). Wine production during the middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century is distributed across just under 103,000 ha (Brandt and Stock 2015, p. 22) in a total of 13 wine-growing regions. Of these, 11 are located in the southwest of the Federal Republic, near the 50th parallel (Fig.  8.19). The largest growing regions are Rheinhessen (25.9% of the total area), Pfalz (23.1%), Baden (15.4%), Württemberg (11.1%) and Mosel (8.6%), which already clearly shows a relevant volume gap (BMEL 2018, pp. 99ff.). Rivers such as the Rhine, Main, Moselle and Saar become crucial anchor points. Accordingly, the cultivation areas are mainly located along the low-lying river valleys and lowlands crossing the low mountain ranges (Hofmann et  al. 2016, p. 23). So far, white grapes clearly dominate: 66.2% of the vineyards were planted with white varieties in 2017, with Riesling gaining central importance occupying 23.2% of the total vineyards, followed by Müller-Thurgau (12.1%). Among the red varieties, Blauer Spätburgunder (11.5%) and Dornfelder (7.5%) are dominant, tending to be “lighter varieties” compared to “heavier” French reds, for example. If the wine-­ growing regions are related to their share of the individual federal states, it becomes immediately clear why Rhineland-­ Palatinate likes to be called the “Wine State”: 62.7% of the vineyards are in this federal state. Baden-Württemberg comes in second with just 26.4% (Fig. 8.20).

8.7  New Wine: The Wine-Growing Regions in a Changing Climate

12

Dusseldorf 1

229

German wine regions (German designation):

13 Dresden

Erfurt

1 Ahr 2 Mittelrhein 3 Mosel 4 Rheingau 5 Nahe 6 Rheinhessen 7 Pfalz 8 Baden 9 Württemberg 10 Hessische Bergstraße 11 Franken 12 Saale-Unstrut 13 Sachsen

2

4 Wiesbaden Mainz 5 6 10 Saarbrücken 7 8 9 3

11

Stuttgart

8

Munich 8

capitals of German states

9

Fig. 8.19  Overview of German wine-growing regions. (Own representation after Brandt and Stock 2015, p. 25)

1,2%

0,0%

3,6% 6,1%

Rhineland-Palatinate Baden-Württemberg Bavaria 26,5%

Hesse 62,7%

Brandenburg, Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia Schleswig-Holstein

Fig. 8.20  Shares of Germany’s wine-growing regions in the total area under vines. (Data in percent; own representation after BMEL 2018, p. 100)

However, why are these regional hotspots in Germany? Primarily, certain parameters are vital for wine production in general: The average annual temperature should be between 10 °C and 20 °C; in the northern hemisphere, winegrowing is usually possible between the 30th and 50th degrees of latitude, more specifically, the 12 °C and 22 °C isotherms during

the growing season and an average temperature during the growing season of at least 15 °C are relevant (Hofmann et al. 2016, p. 21; Schultz et al. 2009). Other critical site factors include rainfall, parent rock, soil, relief and exposure, with temperature ultimately highly relevant to yield and quality (Brandt and Stock 2015, p. 23; Hofmann et al. 2016, p. 20;

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8  Regional Development

Leiwen (Moselle), 136 m, 9.7 °C, 658 mm

Neustadt (Palatinate), 142 m, 9.8 °C, 652 mm 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

40.0 35.0 30.0 25.0 20.0 15.0 10.0 5.0 0.0

average precipitation (mm)

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

average precipitation (mm)

average temperature (°C)

40.0 35.0 30.0 25.0 20.0 15.0 10.0 5.0 0.0

average precipitation (mm)

average temperature (°C)

Freyburg (Unstrut), 134 m, 8.8 °C, 521 mm

Karlstadt (Franconia), 164 m, 9.5 °C, 602 mm 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

40.0 35.0 30.0 25.0 20.0 15.0 10.0 5.0 0.0

average temperature (°C)

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

40.0 35.0 30.0 25.0 20.0 15.0 10.0 5.0 0.0

average precipitation (mm)

average temperature (°C)

Fig. 8.21  Climate diagrams of selected wine towns: Neustadt in the Palatinate, Leiwen on the Moselle, Karlstadt in Franconia and Freyburg on the Unstrut. (Own representation after data from the website climate-­data.org)

Kasang 2017, n.d.). In particular, the slope lengths along the rivers facilitate the necessary temperatures for wine production in Germany, from which the emphasised dominance of the different wine-growing regions is derived. The warmest wine-­growing regions are in Baden and the Vorderpfalz and the coolest in Saxony and the Saale-Unstrut (in a short overview, e.g. Wissenschaftliche Dienste 2016, p. 4). A look at selected climate diagrams of wine-growing regions from Neustadt in the Palatinate to Leiwen on the Moselle and Karlstadt in Franconia to Freyburg on the Unstrut shows (Fig.  8.21) that average annual temperature and average annual precipitation vary in the ratio of these four locales by about 1 °C and 130 mm, which may not seem excessive at first but can have far-­reaching consequences for wine production over the entire year in terms of acidity and alcohol content.

The German wine-growing regions are located at the northern limit of European viticulture (Hofmann et al. 2016, p.  22), i.e. up to the apex of where it is presently deemed economical to grow wine. From the point of view of experts and winegrowers, anthropogenically induced climate change has already had an impact and will continue to do so to an even greater extent, with opportunities as well as challenges (e.g. Geisenheim University 2018). Weather data from wine-­ growing regions worldwide show trends toward higher temperatures since initiation of the series of measurements for all continents on which vines are grown (Jones et al. 2005; Webb et al. 2012). It is fundamental to consider that grapevines are very sensitive to climatic conditions and thus temperature changes impart direct impacts (Kasang 2017, n.d.). A rise in temperature affects the phenological phases – from bud burst to fallen leaves – as established already and becoming increasingly more apparent for Germany as well. The vegetation phase starts earlier and lasts longer (Hofmann 8.7.2 Wine and Climate Change et al. 2016, p. 23f.; Rhineland-Palatinate Competence Centre for Climate Change Impacts n.d.; Stock et  al. 2007; van The previous remarks have provided an overview of the Leeuwen and Darriet 2016). However, the development time development and current situation of the German wine-­ of grapevines will probably remain the same, as harvesting growing regions. As involves the processes and social dis- will take place earlier – we will explain why later. Positive courses, it seems particularly informative to discuss the effects of warming could be higher wine quality, as well as mechanisms of climate change (see Sect. 7.2) and its effects greater diversity of varieties and the production of more on viticulture, which we will now focus on in our analysis. select wines (Rauh and Paeth 2011, p. 170). Overall, the pre-

8.7  New Wine: The Wine-Growing Regions in a Changing Climate

vious boundaries for viticulture in terms of economic viability will shift to the north and east. In addition, the cultivation of heat-loving varieties such as Chardonnay, Cabernet Franc and Merlot will become possible – so far, the latter has been located significantly further south (Brandt and Stock 2015, p. 23). Projections suggest that there will be a shifting of the 12–22 °C isotherm 150–300 km northward by mid-century and an additional 125–250 km northward by century’s end (Schultz et al. 2009). The consequences are far-reaching and, if implemented, could also make wine-growing landscapes in the north part of the indigenous landscape: “White wine varieties such as Müller-Thurgau and Weißer Burgunder could be cultivated in the future in the North German Plain and also on the German coast” (Brandt and Stock 2015, p. 23). How such upheavals are experienced and evaluated can be elucidated from a constructivist perspective  – conflicts do not appear to be excluded here when it comes to competition and cherished habits (for a general discussion, see Kühne 2018b; Weber et al. 2019). The recent changes already entail risks that are likely to increase. Earlier sprouting of the vines may entail the risk of frost damage if it does get very cold again in the late Spring, i.e. if there is a cold snap that is perhaps no longer expected (Hofmann et  al. 2016, p.  23f.; Rhineland-Palatinate Competence Centre for Climate Change Impacts n.d., n.d.; Stock et al. 2007; van Leeuwen and Darriet 2016). Improved management and use of technology as measures are seen as necessary by viticulture experts and winegrowers but also cannot mitigate all imponderables (Rauh and Paeth 2011, p. 152). In some regions, established varieties might have to give way, as, among other things, excessive drought becomes a problem for them. Irrigation could be a solution (Rauh and Paeth 2011, p. 168), but apart from the question of economic efficiency, this is also technically problematic on steep slopes. In addition, there is a risk of the development of off-­ flavours and, always, of crop failures (Schultz et  al. 2009, p. 19). Temporarily excessively high temperatures can damage the white wine grapes. Sunburn damage and hail damage or heavy rains become more likely, and precipitation variability and weather extremes increase. Netting and a leaf canopy as countermeasures are conceivable, as well as adapted soil protection, including greening, against landslides in the event of high rainfall in a short period of time (Brandt and Stock 2015, p. 24; Rauh and Paeth 2011, p. 153 and 173; van Leeuwen and Darriet 2016). In addition to excessive drought, the other extreme already addressed also becomes problematic, as excessive rainfall during the ­ripening phase leads to an increased risk of rot, which may become a challenge, especially for southern and southwestern Germany. In addition, new diseases and pests are expected (Geisenheim University 2018, n.d.; Hofmann et al. 2016, p. 25). What effects a significantly higher carbon dioxide content in the air can unleash still needs to be researched

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further (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 2019, o.p.; Rheinland-Pfalz Competence Centre for Climate Change Impacts o.J., o.p.). To avoid alcohol levels that are too high, earlier harvesting is being considered or has already been implemented – associated with this, there are also reports of current attempts to delay ripening, which seems downright paradoxical for winegrowers, since in earlier decades the opposite problem was much more likely to occur time and again, with grapes not reaching optimal ripeness (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 2019, o.p.). And one more problem should finally be addressed, which could become a problem for wine lovers: The taste of local grapes will change in relative perspective, so that wines could no longer taste as specific to their growing region as they do at present, combined with the circumstance of a uniformity of taste and thus a possible loss of profile (Geisenheim University 2018, n.d.). Concerning process-related adaptations, Hofmann et  al. (2016) assume that there will be more red varieties in Germany in the future, but also later ripening varieties, which will change the “viticultural landscape” (Hofmann et  al. 2016, p. 25). That there will be striking changes seems quite certain. Calculations suggest that in the event of unfavourable climate change development without adaptation of varieties, half of the cultivation areas worldwide could be in danger, especially in countries such as Italy, Spain and Australia (Morales-Castilla et  al. 2020; Wissenschaftliche Dienste 2016, p. 8; cf. also Spiegel Online 2020, n.d.).

8.7.3 T  he Moselle Wine-Growing Region in a Changing Climate Lastly, the Moselle wine-growing region should be mentioned as an excellent example, being preceded nationally and internationally by its reputation in the echelons of particularly high-quality wines today. The region is particularly well known for its steep slopes with exceptional physical characteristics (Moselwein e.V. 2020b, n.d.), which frequently leads to the appellation as a picturesque landscape (Fig.  8.22  – “viticultural landscapes” par excellence (e.g. Schumacher 2014). In the valley of the Moselle and the tributaries of the Saar and Ruwer, there are 8713 ha cultivated by about 3000 winegrowers who take care of about 60 million vines. It is the most extensive steep slope area in the world, which also gives it a certain “superlative” that makes it worth focussing upon (Moselwein e.V. 2020b, n.d.). The cultivated varieties constitute another special aspect: Riesling dominates strikingly, comprising 62.0% of the total vineyard area in 2018, followed by Müller-Thurgau with 10.6%, Elbling with 5.4%, Pinot Noir (“Blauer Spätburgunder”) with 4.6% and Pinot Blanc (“Weißer Burgunder”) with 3.9% (Deutsches Weininstitut GmbH 2020, p. 8). Riesling can thus be seen as absolutely iconic for the Moselle as a wine region (on this,

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8  Regional Development

Fig. 8.22  Vineyards in the Middle Moselle. (Photo: Friedericke Weber 2014)

e.g. Schultz et al. 2009, p. 16). Historically, the last Elector of Trier, Archbishop Clemens Wenzeslaus of Saxony, played a not insignificant role in this. In the eighteenth century, he decreed measures to promote quality viticulture, which resulted in the planting of Riesling grapes (Moselwein e.V. 2020a, n.d.). But what about climatic changes altering the Moselle? For the Upper Moselle, Urhausen et al. (2011) significant changes were detected in the period 1951–2005: Buds and flowers burgeon about two weeks earlier. The case study of Remich on the Moselle, opposite Nennig in Saarland, also on the Upper Moselle, shows that there were only a few years in the 1970s and 1980s when climatic conditions were very favourable; otherwise, grapes often did not reach full ripeness. In the first decade of the 2000s, on the other hand, the situation is a much better one. Between 2001 and 2010, the average air temperature within the growing season of April 1 to October 31 was above that of the warmest vintage of the 1980s in all individual years of the decade. During the growing season, average air temperature had increased by over 2 °C from the 1970s through the first decade of the new millennium (Molitor

et al. 2014, p. 28). The year 2003 was prominent in the surveys, suggesting prospects for future development, as Molitor et  al. (2014, p.  28) impressively point out: “An outlook on possible conditions in the future was given by the year 2003 [...]. Here, a Huglin index of 2250 was achieved at the Remich site – a value that corresponds to the index value in Montpellier in southern France [...]. In this exceptional vintage, the successful cultivation of heat-loving grape varieties such as Grenache, Syrah or Carignan would also have been possible in Luxembourg”. Further rising temperatures and changes in precipitation could produce a variety of repercussions here (Molitor et al. 2014, p. 28): 1. Changes in crop management: altered influence on vine growth with reduced leaf area, adapted soil care systems and need for irrigation measures 2. Adjustments in siting, with a change to higher or more northerly and less exposed sites, if necessary 3. Plant protection measures to deal with new diseases, pests and rot 4. Changes to the existing range of varieties

8.8  The Border Location as Potential?! The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region

For the Middle Moselle, as example, analyses (see Lüers 2003), here for the district of Bernkastel-Kues, not far from the city of Trier, were already available at the beginning of the 2000s, which highlighted the effects of climate change. Changes become very clear when winemakers have their say: “Markus Molitor is standing at the top of the Zeltinger Schlossberg looking down on his newly planted vineyard. He has replanted a good 25,000 Riesling vines at altitude, which stretch in a wide strip about 800 meters around the entire mountain. ‘It has grown very well’, says the winemaker. ‘I’ll be harvesting my first wine here in four to five years.’ There is a reason why Molitor was drawn to the higher site: climate change. Unlike in the valley further down the Moselle, it is much cooler on the steep slopes above. That makes a difference of more than one degree. And this degree is quite significant. Because lighter Kabinet wines with a lot of aromatics  – you can only grow them in the cool sites” (SWR 2019, n.d.). Adjustments in the location selections are seen as a way that the grapes can ripen well without the sugar content becoming too high and thus also the alcohol content too high. Whether by the Rhine or the Moselle, in recent years, it has been repeatedly pointed out that steep slopes are no longer cultivated and thereby become overgrown – with implications for the hitherto familiar cultural landscape (e.g. Kühne and Weber 2016, p. 11; Schumacher 2014, p. 217). On the Moselle, higher-lying vineyard areas that had previously been abandoned are now being reactivated. Cooler, shadier sites are in demand, for example, also in lateral valleys, where filigree and light white wines could be produced, which are currently in demand on the market (Moselwein e.V. 2020a, o.p.; SWR 2019, o.p.; generally, also Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 2019, n.p.). Here, a contribution is now being made to the preservation of the “viticultural landscape”, among other things, as a backdrop for tourism, but it remains to be seen what effects a further increase in climate change will impart. Traditional visual habits and forms of cultivation, which are currently powerfully anchored in society, might (have to) change – in an interplay of changes in physical foundations and viticulture, individual as well as societal processes of space and landscape construction, i.e. changes in Landscapes 1, 2 and 3 (Berr, Jenal, Kühne and Weber 2019; Kühne 2019, 2020).

8.8

 he Border Location as Potential?! T The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region

The Federal Republic of Germany shares borders with nine neighbouring countries  – totalling 3,876  km (Statistisches Bundesamt 2015, n.d.). If we focus on border areas, we can look principally at transition areas with Luxembourg, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, Poland, the Czech Republic, Austria, Switzerland and France. Signed in 1985,

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the Schengen Agreement gradually established open borders, which were implemented since 1995, consequently becoming quite pivotal for Germany’s border areas with its neighbours (Miggelbrink 2013; Zielonka 2002). Thus, from a historical point of view, physical borders with barriers and passport controls are less and less relevant in Germany and throughout the European Union, which predominantly have a temporary character when controls are applied during the so-called refugee crisis or border security is carried out during the spread of the COVID-19 virus in the spring of 2020. Instead, administrative and political, economic, social and cultural, functional, symbolic, psychological and mental border demarcations take on significance (see, among others, Breitung 2011; Gibson and Canfield 2016; Iossifova 2013; Newman 2011; Rumford 2006). Analytically, it becomes crucial in an approach to no longer consider borders simply as “fixed givens”, that is, to think of them as constructs that contribute to different inclusions and exclusions and therefore as spaces of interconnectedness (van Houtum et  al. 2005; van Houtum and van Naerssen 2002). Accordingly, when we look at border spaces and cross-border cooperation, we shift our focus from “the border” to bordering as “dynamic processes” (Newman 2011, p.  34), that is, from border to bordering (on this, among others, Newman 2006; Paasi 1998). Especially since the new millennium, border studies, as for example Newman (2006, 2011) points out, have experienced a certain renewed renaissance interdisciplinarily, starting from manifold upheavals. A central guiding principle becomes that “geographical boundaries are never fixed” (Iossifova 2013, p. 2; Mol and Law 2005), but being man-made are thus socially constructed and subsequently changeable (Agnew 2008, p. 176). Boundaries are conceived as temporary outcomes of negotiation processes and practices (Brambilla et  al. 2015, p. 1); “they may be overlapping, disjointing, or highly contrasting. Boundaries may be interactive or non-interactive; unbroken or permeable; simple or convoluted; single (defined by only one property) or multiple” (Iossifova 2013, p.  2). While it was assumed in the meantime that borders would disappear (Ohmae 1999 [1990]), it is now apparent that they have by no means lost their effectiveness  – “borders are everyday phenomena, necessary for the organisation of social life” (Scott and Sohn 2018, p. 1). As a result, evolving border meanings, spatial representations, identity negotiations in border contexts and interconnected spaces and borderlands, among others, are coming into scholarly focus (see, e.g. Brunet-Jailly 2011; Paasi 2011, p. 17; Pallagst et al. 2018; Pavlakovich-Kochi et al. 2004; Schönwald 2012; Wille 2015a; Wille et al. 2016; Zorko 2015). Accordingly, Border Studies has developed into a dynamic field, starting from an empowered conceptualisation of borders (introductory, e.g. Wastl-Walter 2011). We can now make use of their perspectives when we turn to the topic of Germany’s border situation with its neighbours.

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The specific location of the Saarland in the “border triangle” with its immediate vicinity to France and Luxembourg has already been discussed (Sect. 8.2). In this context, Luxembourg becomes a magnet and central anchor. A similar situation with a strikingly developed gradient can be seen in the south of Germany with the regional transition involving Switzerland. In the following, we will turn to the “Upper Rhine” in more detail – as one example among several possible ones, which can at the same time impressively show fundamental challenges and opportunities of cross-border interdependencies and illuminate how border regions become “laboratories for European integration” (BMVBS 2011, p. 10).

8.8.1 Historical Lines of Development The area of the Upper Rhine is spatially located in the south or southwest of the Federal Republic of Germany – bordering Switzerland and France, framed in the west by the Vosges Mountains and in the east by the Black Forest (BMVBS 2011, p. 29). The course of the Rhine to the north is a natural border that can still have a dividing effect today (cf. Fig.  8.23). The Upper Rhine is a striking example of an advancing institutionalisation, which on the one hand can be derived from history but is by no means evident, for example, against the background of hostile conflicts.

8  Regional Development

As Schneider-Sliwa (2018, p. 207) notes, the “currently known cross-border areas in the Upper Rhine [...] represent a configuration resulting from political will”, “whose roots reach far back into the past”. A characteristic of physical geographical as a framework becomes an important factor here: the climate. The Upper Rhine represents a favourable region that formed the basis for an early economic and social valuation, from which it was simultaneously concluded that it was again and again worth fighting fiercely over. Thus, the southern Upper Rhine was already permanently settled and economically active since prehistory and into early history (cf. also Jacomet et  al. 2016). At the time of the Romans, Basel in what is now Switzerland formed an anchor point in the trade and military road network (Schneider-Sliwa 2018, p.  209): “Romanesque, Alemannic, and Helvetic cultures met here, came to terms with each other, created historical meaning, and left behind polyculturality and cultural vestiges” (Schneider-Sliwa 2018, p. 207f.; also BMVBS 2011, p.  29). Growing agriculture plus increasing and densifying settlement went hand in hand (Brombacher and Hecker 2015). Via a combination of waterways and land routes, international transit traffic unfolded across the Alps from the early thirteenth century onward, linking European markets (Schneider-Sliwa 2018, p. 209). Of particular importance are early emerging, close trade relations between small villages, which received trading rights and helped to promote an eco-

Fig. 8.23  The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region 2020. (Adapted representation based on Hartz and Caesar 2018, p. 48)

8.8  The Border Location as Potential?! The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region

nomic dynamic. An example of this is the Alsatian League of Ten Towns (Colmar, Haguenau, Kaysersberg, Mulhouse, Munster, Obernai, Rosheim, Sélestat, Turckheim and Wissembourg  – “der elsässische Zehnstädtebund”), which was founded in 1354 and lasted until 1679 to help each other defend their rights and freedoms (Vogler 2009). Thusly, exchange and cooperation were early impulses for a flourishing economy  – especially on a supraregional level. This is also manifested in the textile manufacturing founded in Mulhouse in 1746, which was intertwined with markets in Louisiana (USA) and India for cotton. At the same time, new borders emerged through regional ties. In 1798, Mulhouse was incorporated into the French Republic to circumvent customs barriers, which enabled entrepreneurial development processes in mechanical engineering, spinning, weaving, fabric and paper printing. South Baden, in turn, had joined the German Customs Union in 1835, which resulted in a growing domestic market that included Alsace-Lorraine and Luxembourg, among others, which Swiss textile manufacturers took advantage of through production sites on the Baden side (Schneider-Sliwa 2018, p. 210f.) – an example par excellence of network-like economic relations. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, an interconnected region with international appeal and high economic intensity emerged (Polivka 2016), especially in the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, which in turn stand for a very eventful history with striking turning points: Franco-German War 1870– 1871, World War I 1914–1918, World War II 1939–1945. Basel became, for example, a hotspot of the chemical industry after the Franco-German War and later of the pharmaceutical industry, which was positively influenced by the immigration of Alsatian industrialists and an influx of capital (König 2016). However, the world wars represented interruptions that could not be easily overcome. The territories west and east of the Rhine had repeatedly become the plaything of political advances – several times Alsace, for example, came into German possession, whereas the French side sought to establish the Rhine as a “natural border”, combined with the consequence that Alsace subsequently belonged to France (Hartz and Caesar 2018). New efforts were endeavoured after 1945, which stemmed from “intensive efforts of individual personalities who knew each other” and “who consciously wanted to propagate the idea of cooperation in the sense of a European border region and create a cooperative space”, (Schneider-Sliwa 2018, p. 214). In turn, the fact that relationships had existed that could be reactivated or that there was a historical legacy with certain path dependencies that could be looked back upon had a thoroughly positive effect. From the 1970s onward, an increasing (political) institutionalisation process can be observed (BMVBS 2011; Hartz and Caesar 2018), which will be the focus of further discussion.

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8.8.2 I nstitutionalisation Processes Along the Upper Rhine The year 1971 marks the beginning of regular trinational talks (“conférence tripartite”) which enabled the basis for an institutionalising cross-border cooperation (Schneider-Sliwa 2018, p.  217). The German-Swiss-French agreement of October 22, 1975, known as the “Bonn Agreement”, defining the formation of a trinational governmental commission to jointly address and deal with challenges is an instrumental outcome here (Hartz and Caesar 2018, p. 49). Binational and trinational governmental committees and working groups on focal points such as economy, transport, environment or culture facilitated the substantiation of objectives and tasks (BMVBS 2011, p. 29f.; Schneider-Sliwa 2018, p. 217). On November 21, 1991, the regional committees were merged to form the Deutsch-französisch-schweizerische Oberrheinkonferenz, which became the central information and coordination body for cross-border cooperation in the Upper Rhine region, i.e. originating from a link between governmental and administrative authorities (BMVBS 2011, p.  30). Alongside and complementary, the Upper Rhine Council was founded in 1997 and constituted in 1998, which is to some extent a parliament composed of mandate holders of cross-border cooperation from Alsace, North and South Baden, Southern Palatinate and Northwestern Switzerland – as a plenum for mutual information and political consultation (Schneider-Sliwa 2018, p. 223). Within the Upper Rhine region, there are also four sub-regional associations of cross-­ border cooperation, so-called Eurodistricts, from north to south: Eurodistrict PAMINA, Eurodistrict Strasbourg-­ Ortenau, Eurodistrict Freiburg/Centre et Sud Alsace and the trinational Eurodistrict Basel (Hartz and Caesar 2018, p. 49). A newer common umbrella of the Upper Rhine Conference, the Upper Rhine Council and the four Eurodistricts is the more recently founded “Trinationale Metropolregion Oberrhein” (“Trinational Metropolitan Region Upper Rhine”), established in the year 2000. The significant aspect here is the idea of establishing a European metropolitan region as a conurbation, through which a new “grouping” is established in the Upper Rhine (Schneider-­ Sliwa 2018, p.  223f.). Over time, a certain, rather vaguely contoured territory thus emerged and continues to emerge as an institutionalised and outwardly communicated cross-­ border area of interdependence (Fig. 8.24; theoretically classifying this also, e.g. Paasi 1986). The union consists of the German territorial entities of Southern Palatinate, Baden (states of Rhineland-Palatinate and Baden-Württemberg), Northwestern Switzerland and the Alsatian part of the Grand Est region with the départements Haut-Rhin and Bas-Rhin. Regional centres  – in a polycentric structure  – are mainly Karlsruhe and Freiburg on the German side, Basel in Switzerland and Strasbourg and Mulhouse in France.

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8  Regional Development

The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region covers an area of 21,526 km2 and had a total population of just over six million in 2015. Alsace and Baden are roughly equal in size and account for 76% of the total territory, followed by Northwestern Switzerland with 17% and Southern Palatinate with 7%. The “framing” mountains of the Vosges to the west and the Black Forest to the east of the Rhine plain are predominantly covered with forests. Forest makes up 43% of the Upper Rhine region in total, 39% is agricultural production land, community and transportational portions make up 15%, and 2% comprises water bodies and other terrain (Deutsch-französisch-schweizerische Oberrheinkonferenz 2018, p. 4; see also Hartz and Caesar 2018, p. 48; see also Table  8.3). Population distribution and population density turn out to be strongly divergent: While in the Southern Palatinate the population density is around 204 inhabitants per km2, Alsace reaches 227, Baden 307 and Northwestern Switzerland 414. Population hotspots exist in the larger cities (Basel 171,000 inhabitants; Freiburg, 229,000; Karlsruhe, 312,000; Mulhouse, 110,000; Strasbourg, 277,000), although Alsace tends to be more sparsely populated overall (Deutsch-­ französisch-­schweizerische Oberrheinkonferenz 2018, p. 6f.). In the following, cross-border connections and interdependencies in the Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region come into focus.

8.8.3 Cross-Border Linkages and Interdependencies Border regions are often associated with challenges and disadvantages from being located on a periphery – political and administrative borders are seen here as an obstacle to joint planning and policies (Fricke 2014). At the same time, however, they also form complex places of opportunity that are increasingly moving to the forefront (BMVBS 2011). Here, it is explicitly the interplay of nation-state divisions as well as political and social practices (general Evrard and Schulz 2015; Wille 2015b) that leads to border region distinctiveness. One component of this is cross-border mobility, which is being accelerated by the abolition or reduction of identifica-

tion checks on persons as a by-product of the Schengen Agreement and the free movement of persons in the European Union and Switzerland. In 2016, the Upper Rhine had a total of 97,000 cross-border commuters, i.e. workers who commute across a national border to work in a neighbouring country. Based on 3.1 million workers, the number is still manageable, but the numbers are increasing over time. Compared to 2006, the number of cross-border commuters has increased by 15% (Deutsch-französisch-schweizerische Oberrheinkonferenz 2018, p.  11). Strikingly noticeable are pendulum-like situations that result in specific commuting directions (Fig. 8.24). Alsace is most clearly characterised by a commuting tendency, first and foremost toward Switzerland (33,200), followed by Baden (22,700) and the Southern Palatinate (2800) (Fig.  8.24). The reason for this is fewer jobs on the Alsatian side and higher wages on the German and Swiss sides. From the German side, the vast majority – 36,500 commuters in total – commute to Switzerland. From Switzerland, on the other hand, only 600 people commute to Alsace and Baden. This results in the situation of Switzerland being a high-level labour magnet, just as Luxembourg, for example, represents such a magnet (Wille 2015a; Wille et al. 2016). Specific national framework conditions thus lead to a clear cross-border commuter situation. As such, the German section functions as a privileged area compared to the French section; alternatively, Germans benefit from Switzerland providing higher wages there. At the same time, it is highly attractive to live on the German side because the cost of living is lower there. Transport infrastructure has both an enabling and limiting effect here (Deutsch-französisch-schweizerische Oberrheinkonferenz 2007, n.d.): The French A35 freeway and the German A5 freeway run almost parallel to the Rhine in a north-south direction. Cross connections are limited, moreover rarely at highway standards, which reduces the speed of the connection. The existing bridges over the Rhine are becoming a bottleneck – by no means designed for high mobility transportation in the twenty-first century. Globalised flows of goods and people meet actual regional conditions possessing perpetuation of earlier times and needs. The railroad lines also continue to have an effect as historically shaped national paradigms. Only a few connections exist between the German and French sub-regions, for example,

Table 8.3  Population and area on the Upper Rhine Region Alsace (Haut-Rhin and Bas-Rhin) Northwest Switzerland Southern Palatinate (Rhineland-Palatinate) Baden (Baden-Wuerttemberg) Total

Population 2012 1,859,869 1,421,527 300,580 2,417,354 5,999,330

After German-French-Swiss Upper Rhine Conference (2018, p. 6)

Population 2016 1,879,265 1,484,719 308,318 2,504,563 6,176,865

Population density 2016 227 414 204 307 287

Area 8,280 3,588 1,512 8,147 21,526

8.8  The Border Location as Potential?! The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region

Saarbrücken

Upper Rhine tri-national region national border

Karlsruhe

28 00 30 0 Nancy

inhabitants (cities) Stuttgart

Strasbourg

Germany

22 700

France

237

1 000

200,000 and more 100,000 - 199,999 50,000 - 99,999 border commuters

36 50

Basel

Switzerland

0

33 20

100

500

0

Freiburg

0

25

50

km

Fig. 8.24  Cross-border commuters on the Upper Rhine in 2016. (Own representation after Deutsch-französisch-schweizerische Oberrheinkonferenz 2018, p. 11)

between Wissembourg (Bas-Rhin) and Landau in der Pfalz (Southern Palatinate) or between Appenweier via Kehl (Baden) in the direction of Strasbourg (Bas-Rhin). The latter places can at the same time show striking upheavals during the progression of time in the sense of increasing interdependencies: Between Strasbourg and Kehl, a first streetcar connection was opened in 1898, i.e. at a time when Strasbourg belonged to the German Empire. The line lasted until shortly after the end of the First World War, when Kehl once again became a city on the Franco-German border. In 2009, again in a united Europe, the decision was made to extend the existing streetcar line D on the French side to Germany. Launched in 2014, passengers have been able to travel from the Kehl station directly to the centre of Strasbourg since April of 2017. The “growing together” is also reflected here in the pedestrian and bicycle bridge Passerelle des Deux Rives, which opened back in 2004 (Fig. 8.25). The development of a cross-border region for living and working goes hand in hand with the development of infrastructures. The Upper Rhine is characterised by robust economic strength. In 2016, the gross domestic product totalled 272.9 billion euros, of which 109.4 billion euros were generated in the Southern Palatinate and Baden. At the same time, there are challenges in the regional context. Cross-border potentials are by no means extensively exploited in all economic

sectors yet (INTERREG V Rhin Supérieur/Oberrhein 2016, p.  23f.). A survey of small- and medium-sized enterprises conducted in 2016, and designed to be representative, showed that 69% did not undertake any cross-border activities. Only 2.2% were individually active beyond the national border, while 19.9% were cooperatives and thus engaged in partnerships and collaborations with companies from neighbouring regions. Lastly, 8.9% said they were active both individually and cooperatively (Fig. 8.26). It hardly makes a difference from which of the three countries the companies originated (INTERREG V Rhin Supérieur/Oberrhein 2016, p. 26). Even within administrative cooperation, it is still evident today that national frames of reference continue to have an impact. It is by no means the case that we have already achieved a borderless world (Ohmae 1999 [1990]). Contrarily, it is the case that work must gradually be done through agreements to allow cross-border cooperation areas to emerge and thereby engage in active debordering (generally Newman 2006; Popescu 2012; Scott 2015; van Houtum and van Naerssen 2002). Striking examples represent negotiated agreements that created a basis of cooperation and coordination for the rescue services in Alsace and Baden-Württemberg (Convention/Agreement 2009) or institutionalised a cross-border vocational training “that united

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8  Regional Development

Fig. 8.25 The passerelle des deux rives connecting Strasbourg and Kehl across the Rhine. (Photo Florian Weber 2018)

no activities

69.0

co operative

Cross-border activities in %

Fig. 8.26 Cross-border activities of small- and medium-sized enterprises in the Upper Rhine region (survey results, n = 1000; after: INTERREG V Rhin Supérieur/Upper Rhine (2016, p. 26))

19.9

both together

8.9

individual

2.2

0

all political bodies responsible for vocational training, the respective national employment agencies and, for the business community, the top representatives of the chambers” (Trinationale Metropolregion Oberrhein 2013, p.  11). Another example represents the cooperation in the university sector: As early as 1989, a confederation of the Upper Rhine universities of Basel, Freiburg, Haute-Alsace, Strasbourg and Karlsruhe was founded in Eucor, which at the same time only gained greater impact and resonance over the years. In 2015, the cooperation was formalised much more widely

20

40

60

80

with the establishment of a European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC; Eucor – The European Campus EGTC 2020). 115,000 students and 15,000 scientists are brought together through this by establishing “free mobility” through fee waivers at host universities, creating cross-border study opportunities and supporting mobility in research and teaching. In 2016, 165 research institutions in the Upper Rhine were surveyed, where it was again revealed that out of 607 researchers who participated in the survey, only 38.1% have been active in cross-border research and/or teaching in the

8.8  The Border Location as Potential?! The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region

Upper Rhine since 2013 (INTERREG V Rhin Supérieur/ Oberrhein 2016, p. 17). The spatial proximity and the development of a cross-border network by no means automatically lead to the establishment of regional cooperations. And even in everyday practices such as visits, recreation, shopping and culture, national borders are still highly ­relevant in the Upper Rhine region. However, this is not from territorial borders “per se” but via habits, learned (social) practices and activity ranges – i.e. to social, cultural, every day, mental borders. Based on a survey of 1000 residents of the Upper Rhine region in 2016, which was designed to be representative, it can be seen that visits of family and friends across borders, leisure activities including tourism as well as shopping and the use of other services do not reach one-third at the scale of more than once a month; at more than once a year, the figures are at least a bit higher (Fig. 8.27). In some cases, language skills have become a limiting factor across borders: “Only a quarter of respondents speak the language of the neighboring country really well. If passive language comprehension is added, considerably more than half have a good command of the other language. However, as many as 38% of the respondents state that they do not speak the language of their neighbor at all” (INTERREG V Rhin Supérieur/Oberrhein 2016, p.  49). At the same time, about two-thirds of the inhabitants identify with the “border region” (INTERREG V Rhin Supérieur/Oberrhein 2016, p. 47). Since 1989, European funding has been used to provide structural support in a wide variety of areas throughout the Upper Rhine region, with more than 800 projects having received funding surpassing 225.7 million euros over the past 30 years (Region Grand Est 2020, n.d.). Responsible for this is INTERREG Upper Rhine as a Community Initiative of the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), which strengthens cooperation between EU member states and neighbouring non-EU countries  – embedded in the

European Territorial Cooperation (Pallagst 2018). In the 2014–2020 funding period, priorities included (applied) research funding, nature, species and environmental protection, sustainable local public transport, strengthening cross-­ border work, employment and business, improving cross-border services offered by administrations and institutions and increasing residents’ identification with the Upper Rhine as a cross-border region (INTERREG V Rhin Supérieur/Oberrhein 2020). Accordingly, the funding objectives refer in a central way to the addressed thematic fields in which approaches already exist in the cross-border context but that are at the same time assessed as being expandable. EU structural funding is seen here as a proven means of support that forces the further development of cross-border governance (Trinationale Metropolregion Oberrhein 2013, p. 5; generally Fricke 2014; Reitel et al. 2018). With the processing and systematisation of the statistics cited and the dictum of national borders as a delineating feature, we reproduce, on the one hand, with positivist access, traditions according to national sub-regions, which should by no means go unnoticed relevant to a postmodern regional geography. On the other hand, the spatial container of the Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region becomes a frame of reference through which a purely nationally oriented focus becomes blurred. It becomes quite crucial at the beginning of the twenty-first century to focus on border spaces without assuming national characteristics in an essentialist tradition (Chilla et al. 2015). Certain distinctions based on language and nationality are still highly effective today, which needs to be illuminated without continuing to do so unreflectively or even using them as a “natural” basis for explanation. In the synopsis, it becomes central to take an overarching view to classify the Upper Rhine metropolitan region. The Upper Rhine represents a fundamentally economically strong region, which, however, still shows different speeds today – powered by a Swiss “motor”. Development

68

visits to family and friends

22 10

Everyday practices in %

Fig. 8.27  Everyday practices in the Upper Rhine region 2016 (survey results, n = 1000; after: INTERREG V Rhin Supérieur/Upper Rhine (2016, pp. 52ff.))

239

43

shopping and other service errands

30 27

31

leisure and tourism

48 21

0 less often

20 > 1 x per year

40 > 1 x per month

60

80

240 Table 8.4 The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region in synopsis

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of the coronavirus – were reported around the Chinese city of Wuhan, capital of Hubei Province (Wu et al. 2020), with litWeaknesses Strength tle in-depth information initially made public by Chinese Economic and political Innovation dynamics leaders. Events then accelerated in China as early as January disparity Technological competence 2020, when Wuhan was placed under quarantine  – halting Heavy regulation Internationally oriented research entry and exit (Tian et al. 2020). From a medical perspective, Partially weak growth in Balanced mix of industries certain areas Biotechnology/life sciences cluster the lockdown did help slow the spread, and exit restrictions Dependence on individual Extensive range of educational have had effects, but the occasionally vague hope of containindustries and clusters opportunities ment proved to be an illusion. With the close interconnecMarket competition Skilled workforce tions resulting from globalisation, the virus had already Inconsistent tax situation Central European location with Obsolescence good transport links begun to spread across the globe, and on March 11, 2020, the Attractive residential and living World Health Organisation (WHO) declared the spread of space COVID-19 a pandemic (World Health Organisation 2020). Threats Opportunities In Germany, interactions between an employee of a Strong dependence on the Innovation and technology transfer chemical-pharmaceutical Joint marketing of the business German company and a Chinese-native colleague led to the industry location first COVID-19 case in Bavaria at the end of January 2020; at Inconsistent and insufficiently Complementary strengths in the the same time, the Federal Ministry of Health considered coordinated approach cooperation area itself well prepared at that time and still assessed the dangers Market potential of an aging society Path dependencies of the past for the population of Germany as low (BMG 2020). The coroBased on Schneider-Sliwa (2018, p. 227f) navirus was externalised to the then hotspot China, establishing a boundary between itself and the “world” beyond it that processes of the last decades intertwine, but challenges also would provide order and therefore assurances. In early arise (see Table 8.4). Starting from private initiatives, cross-­ February, 100 Wuhan returnees were quarantined and isoborder activities of politics, business and civil society have lated in a German army barracks. However, the accelerating gradually developed in the Upper Rhine region after World large-scale spread of COVID-19 in February and March in War II, but at the same time, “reactionary tendencies are also northern Italy, in Germany in the Heinsberg district and by growing in individual sub-regions to prevent cross-border returned ski vacationers from Tyrol (Austria), as well as in activities or to leave innovation to the private sector, to dis- eastern France in the Grand Est region, was associated with mantle and divide knowledge institutions as centers of pub- the erosion of the assurances that the virus would not cause licly co-financed innovations” (Schneider-Sliwa 2018, major damage in Germany – thereafter combined with a sense p. 232). Therefore, it is consequential whether certain self-­ of emerging insecurity (conceptualising this further, Bauman interests will gain influence in the coming decades or whether 2000, p. 31). While neighbouring countries such as Italy or cooperation in the cross-border context will be even stronger France imposed far-reaching exit restrictions to contain the virus, the German federal and state governments relied on than before. Quite fundamentally, a regional geography of Germany contact restrictions via ordinances. In Spring 2020, this premust first deal with the container of the Federal Republic of vented the hospital system from being overloaded averting Germany. A look at the Saarland as a border federal state intensive care capacity from becoming depleted, albeit at the and, as in this section, the Upper Rhine shows that complexi- cost of a temporarily severe slump in the economy. Compared ties do not stop at national borders. Throughout globalisation with the last quarter of 2019, gross domestic product slumped and digitisation, national references are becoming increas- by 2.0% in the first quarter of 2020 and by an additional 9.7% ingly blurred, although – as shown – they are by no means in the second quarter compared with the first quarter of completely losing their influence. This raises the question of 2020  – considerably more than in the wake of the global financial crisis of 2009 (Statistisches Bundesamt 2021b). border complexities in a central way. A closer look at the effects of the COVID-19 expansion on border regions such as the Upper Rhine shows how much of a turning point it ultimately represents. Within the 8.8.4 The COVID-19 Pandemic as a Turning Point for the Border Region European Union, Denmark, the Czech Republic and Poland were the first countries to close their borders on March 14 That nations have, in no way, lost entirely their formative and 15, 2020 (for an overview, see Weber 2020). This resulted power and significance – and thus decidedly not for border in kilometre-long traffic jams for cars and trucks, which also regions – is impressively demonstrated by the development actively impaired the movement of goods through Europe. of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. In December 2019, the As early as March 16, Germany established border controls first cases of a strange new pulmonary disease – a new form at the internal borders with Austria, Switzerland, France,

8.8  The Border Location as Potential?! The Upper Rhine Trinational Metropolitan Region

Luxembourg and Denmark, initiated by the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI 2020c). Three days later, on March 19, the border controls were tightened: border crossings from the aforementioned neighbouring countries into the Federal Republic of Germany were only possible at certain border crossing locations (BMI 2020b), while other locations were cordoned, off with barriers and, in some cases, only with warning tape. The political authorities reacted almost reflexively with spatially oriented action by curtailing freedom of movement, imposing entry restrictions and controlling or even closing national borders (Wille and Weber 2020). Yet this approach is inherently paradoxical, as Rebekka Kanesu (Kanesu, n.p.) notes: “Corona doesn’t know borders, doesn’t care about skin color, gender, race, age, education or sexual preference”. Securing the EU’s external borders has become an almost routine circumstance in recent years, which has been critically reflected upon academically, among other things, against the backdrop of the debate on migration and border management policy (Campesi 2018; Cuttitta 2015; Genova 2017; Hess and Kasparek 2012). In contrast, a control of European internal borders of this scope represents a new phenomenon  – ironically, exactly 25 years after the entry into force of the Schengen Agreement, which enabled open borders and made them a daily reality. Eva Nossem (Nossem, p. 8) accordingly postulates a decisive point: “[A]s the idea of open borders has been such a crucial element in the formation of a ‘European’ identity and the shared self-image across the entire Schengen area, border closures weigh particularly strongly in Europe”. For the Upper Rhine, the German decisions of the second half of March 2020 meant, in concrete terms, that the Germany-France and Germany-Switzerland borders could now only be crossed at a few border crossings and then only by showing a “valid reason”. What this fundamentally meant is illustrated by Berrod et al. (2020, p. 39): “A radical border experiment becoming transformed ­completely by the freedom of movement to the point where strollers, joggers, and streetcars cross over the Rhine, even the raising of a single garden upon its two banks. On a March night, this space, as a symbol of the European integration, reverts back to ancient borders that sliced the sovereign powers on both sides of the Rhine. The memory of a painful border, which was moved several times these last two centuries, again rises to the surface”. Cross-border commuters, who for decades had been accustomed to commuting back and forth between countries without checks, now had to carry certificates from their employers and be prepared for longer waiting times. People who had established a cross-border lifestyle were sometimes immobilised or separated from their partners (illustrative example Fig. 8.28). One example that was heavily portrayed in the media was two lovers at the German-Swiss border who could no longer visit each other but met at a construction fence that marked

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the border in a makeshift manner (SWR 2020). However, this practice was quickly regulated and made more difficult: To prevent physical contact between the couples, a second row of fences was erected to keep people at a distance. The streetcar line between Strasbourg and Kehl, mentioned in the previous section, as a cross-border infrastructure element, was no longer allowed to cross the border into Kehl and thus had to stop on the French side. Tensions between federal police and people who wanted to cross the borders did not dissipate quickly. Even in closely intertwined border regions, this initially manifested that the borders can indeed be reactivated, as Newman (2011, p.  33f.) also generally states: “There is no single border situation. Borders are opening and closing throughout the world at one and the same time. Borders are differentiated through society and space, such that while they are becoming more porous and amenable to crossing in one place, they are becoming more restrictive and sealed to movement in other places”. The regained relevance of national borders can be interpreted as “rebordering” in favour of a renationalisation process, which should provide health security  – and this first for the respective “nation’s population”. The French region as a risk area, where the virus spread widely, had become the starting point for a ­border demarcation that legitimised border security measures on the German side (Berrod et al. 2020, p. 39). In this context, the fact that the Grand Est region had not been informed about the border controls in mid-March by the German side, nor the Eurodistricts such as StrasbourgOrtenau, can be assessed as politically clumsy. However, German hospitals also admitted French patients from the severely affected Département Bas-Rhin, which demonstrates border crossings. While it actually took until June 15, 2020 for full border openings with France, Austria and Switzerland to be implemented from the German side, the reopening illustrates that the intra-European borders should now be viewed less as dividing areas and more as closely interwoven borderlands (Weber and Wille 2020; Wille and Weber 2020). Reopened borders, however, do not simply mean that interim shock and insecurities are just as easily a thing of the past again: “What is worrying are the psychological effects from the process of establishing borders. They lead to the return of a political perspective reduced to the horizon of the national level [...,] they announce the re-­ establishment of a mental border” (Berrod et  al. 2020, p.  41f.). The implications of COVID-19 therefore remind that open internal borders are not simply seen as taken for granted but that their benefits and associated privileges are experienced by EU citizens as an achievement. The Strasbourg-Ortenau Eurodistrict, for example, reacted accordingly during the crisis by adopting a resolution at the April 20, 2020, meeting of the Eurodistrict Council calling for closer cross-border cooperation in light of the COVID-19 pandemic – a petition in favour of stronger multilevel cross-

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Fig. 8.28  No way through – closed bridge between Strasbourg and Kehl in spring 2020. (Photo: Birte Wassenberg 2020)

border governance against the backdrop of temporary rebordering (Strasbourg-Ortenau Eurodistrict Council 2020). With almost 100,000 cross-border commuters and closely interwoven lifeworlds, it no longer makes sense to act solely based on a national territory, such as Germany, especially in times of crisis.

8.9

 he “Green Belt”: From “Death Strip” T to Nature Conservation

The topic of border demarcations and the overcoming of them, to which we turned in the previous subchapter presenting cross-border cooperation on the Upper Rhine, will also accompany us in this section, however not from an economic but from a historical and nature conservational perspective. Moreover, we are dealing with an almost paradoxical starting point against the background of Germany’s current situation: the development of the Inner German Border between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic

Republic after World War II (e.g. Bozo et al. 2017; Rödder 2009). Increasingly, the German-German border was secured until the peaceful revolution in fall 1989, where diverse biotopes were thus able to develop simultaneously. After the reunification, nature conservationists worked hard to preserve this special band-like ploughed landscape  – the so-­ called Grünes Band, the Green Belt, was created. History, development and special features are illuminated here.

8.9.1 B  order Security as the Basis for a Unique Nature Conservation Opportunity After World War II, the former German Reich was divided up by the victorious powers, as presented (Sect. 4.7). Thus, a contrast of systems between the Western victorious powers (USA, Great Britain, France) and the Soviet Union emerged, which proved to be significant and drastic in the following years. In 1949, the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was

8.9  The “Green Belt”: From “Death Strip” to Nature Conservation

founded in the West, followed shortly thereafter by the establishment of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in the East, resulting in a German-German border. At first, this was only marked out with simple wooden stakes but then increasingly secured by the GDR from 1952 onwards: Traffic routes were gradually cut, and the border was secured with wire fencing. A 10-metre wide and ploughed protective strip created distance, and it was forbidden for civilians to enter this area. Anyone living less than half a kilometre from the border was subject to strict regulations (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 11; Unger 2014, p. 152). Border security became more and more refined over the years and at the same time more and more inhumane, as the GDR took all measures considered necessary to prevent citizens from escaping at all costs  – when in doubt, “shoot to kill”: “Expanded metal fences, minefields, semi-automatic weapons, signaling and dog-running systems made fleeing the Republic almost impossible. Nevertheless, strict guarding was not dispensed with. Around 38,000 border guards took up their posts – in purely mathematical terms, one every 40 Fig. 8.29  Former border tower near Probstzella. (Thuringia; photo: Friedericke Weber 2011)

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meters” (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 12). In total, there were 2572 km of fences, 32.7 km of walls, 644 km of barrier ditches (with concrete slabs) to prevent vehicles from breaking through the border, 597 watchtowers (see Fig. 8.29 as an example), 242 km of lighting and 1573 km of patrol roads, i.e. concrete grid slabs (Findeis 2010, p. 15), the latter for foot patrols and patrol driving, for transporting personnel and materials during shift changes and for construction work (BUND Projektbüro Grünes Band 2017, p.  7). Emerging vegetation was regularly cut back to improve visibility for border guards, creating fallows and open land habitats in various stages of development, “which facilitated the dispersal of animals and plants” (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 7). However, the nature conservation aspect was not one that the GDR had in mind. The best possible monitoring was sought through the measures taken (BUND Projektbüro Grünes Band 2017, p. 5) – and remained so until the peaceful revolution and the overcoming of the partitioning in 1989 and 1990 (Dullau 2017; Lapp 2013). Exact figures on victims of the GDR border regime are difficult to determine.

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Several hundred people had died trying to cross the border by 1989 (see Schroeder and Staadt 2017, although some of the fates cited here should be viewed with caution). An example of a municipality in a border location with special requirements for protection and surveillance is Probstzella, located in a deep valley basin of the Thuringian Slate Mountains in a border area shared with the Free State of Bavaria (Fig. 8.30). After World War II, the town was initially located on the southern border of the Soviet occupation zone, subsequently within the GDR after 1949. With the tightening of border security measures in the 1950s, Probstzella became part of a 5-km exclusion zone, which meant that it was largely sealed off. Mines lined the border strip. The Probstzella train station (commissioned in 1885) became an important GDR border station, where more than 20 million train passengers passed through the “Iron Curtain”, combined with strict controls on entry and exit (Einheitsgemeinde Probstzella 2020, n.d.). In this way, the community found itself in the predicament of being “at the end of the world”, “enclosed, sealed off” (Grafe 2008).

8  Regional Development

Exactly at the border, which symbolically and physically stands for suffering and injustice, the foundation for not only a political but also an ecological thought process was created very quickly after the collapse of the GDR: Along the course of the “dreaded seam of the Iron Curtain, regardless of the human dramas, an almost continuous band of the most valuable habitats was able to develop because of the decades of isolation from the Baltic Sea near Travemünde to the border triangle near Hof” (Glaser et al. 2007, p. 224) – the basis for the Green Belt in Germany (for the route, see Fig. 8.31).

8.9.2 The Path to the Green Belt in Germany As early as 1975, a mapping of the Green Belt fauna and flora was maintained near Coburg in northern Bavaria on the West German side of the border strip, which revealed some astonishing results: “Numerous endangered species such as the Great Grey Shrike, Redpoll, Nightjar and Whinchat seemed to feel at home in the border strip. The ornithologists

Fig. 8.30  View of Probstzella, former border community between the FRG and the GDR. (Photo: Friedericke Weber 2011)

8.9  The “Green Belt”: From “Death Strip” to Nature Conservation

245

0

25

50

75 100 km

Kiel

Hamburg

Schwerin

Bremen

BERLIN Hannover

Potsdam Magdeburg

Dusseldorf Erfurt

Dresden

green belt Wiesbaden Mainz

capitals of German states

Fig. 8.31  Route of the green belt in Germany along the former Inner German Border between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. (Own representation based on the course of the former German-German borders and maps of the Bundesamt für Naturschutz)

had to find out: Most of the birds did not live in their observation area at all – but at its outermost edge” (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 8). For these, a refuge had been created within the protection of the border, many of which were red-­ listed species. With over 50 years of dormant use, the border corridor is indeed a fine example of nature’s ability to regenerate (Glaser et al. 2007, p. 224) and develop an interlinking of biotopes. Already in November 1989, against the background of the experiences made, Hubert Weiger of BUND Naturschutz addressed and simultaneously demanded the requirement of a protected status (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 5). On December 9, 1989, an event was held in this regard in Hof in northern Bavaria with West and East German nature conservationists, which met with great approval and was adopted in a resolution calling for the former border strip to be placed under protection (Findeis 2010, p. 15): “The border strip between the Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic is to be protected as a priority as a green belt and ecological backbone of Central Europe, i.e. there must be an immediate temporary safe-

guarding of these areas in the GDR and FRG. In addition, large-scale cross-border protected areas should be established or interconnected. The detailed blueprint should be carried out by the Institute for Landscape Research and Nature Conservation (IUN) and the Federal Research Institute for Nature Conservation and Landscape Ecology (BFANL). The detailed design should contemplate the needs of the local population. This requirement is not an ‘ex post facto’ justification of the border” (quoted from Unger 2014, p.  155). The resolution thus already refers to the “Green Belt”  – a name that today is an established synonym for nature and species conservation along the former Inner German Border – a total of 1393 km long corridor that was predominantly between 50 and 200 meters wide and thus provided space for nature to propagate (Glaser et al. 2007, p. 224; on this, for example, also BUND Projektbüro Grünes Band 2010, p. 2; Glaser et al. 2007, p. 224; Harteisen et al. 2010, p. 1). The goal of preservation met with a diverse and very positive response from the beginning but at the same time was by

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no means easy to implement. After the fall of communism, there existed places where specific ownership of property remained unclear and needed to be clarified, i.e. the border corridor could not simply be expropriated or remain expropriated for the state (Geidezies and Frobel 2017a, p.  18). Fundamentally, conflicts of use arose from competing claims by arable farming and transportation routes such as highways and railroad lines, for which the open areas of the former border zone seemed practically predestined. In some places, the voices in favour of preservation were so strong that transportation projects were relocated, yet there are some 450 crossings that “cut the ribbon” (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 31). Also, nature conservation-related action was by no means easy: In Germany, a protected status falls under state jurisdiction, and the federal government only has authority over the general framework for nature conservation law, so federalism meant that it took time before end-to-end measures were undertaken to secure the

8  Regional Development

Green Belt (Unger 2014, p. 156; as an impression, Fig. 8.32). From the perspective of nature conservation, the diversity clearly spoke for itself: “Near-natural forests, old grasslands and tall herbaceous vegetation, dry grasslands, wet meadows and bogs – a whole array of habitats that hardly find room in today’s cultivated landscape string together to form a top-­ class natural heritage” (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p.  7). Efforts by conservation organisations, especially BUND, led to successes and action in the states to work toward preservation. In 2005, the Green Belt was classified as a National Natural Heritage Site, highlighted as a flagship project in the German government’s National Strategy for Biodiversity Conservation in 2007 (BfN 2020, n.d.) and enshrined in the 2009 amendment to the Federal Nature Conservation Act (BNatSchG 2009 [1976], § 21). From the mid-2000s onward, the importance and scope were also increasingly reflected in institutional terms. To further promote the idea of a continu-

Fig. 8.32  The Green Belt from above in the southern Harz Mountains. (Photo: Klaus Leidorf, provided by Bund Naturschutz Bayern)

8.9  The “Green Belt”: From “Death Strip” to Nature Conservation

ous band, the project “Lückenschluss Grünes Band” (Closing the Green Belt Gap) was funded from the federally funded program “Biological Diversity” (“Biologische Vielfalt”) starting in 2012 to enable land acquisitions and conversions into biotopes (Geidezies and Frobel 2017a, p.  21; Riecken and Ullrich 2017, p. 26; Unger 2014, p. 162). As part of this process, parcel-by-parcel ownership evaluations were also conducted for each of the approximately 25,000 parcels in the Green Belt. As of July 2014, about two-thirds of the Green Belt area was protected under the European Natura 2000 system, which can be considered a great success in densely populated Germany (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 5). Almost 150 different biotope types are present there, which are home to more than 1200 animal and plant species of Red List species (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 8). 87% of the Green Belt area is still “near-natural”, while 13% is heavily used for agriculture or intensive grassland. Over 20% of each consists of the following: forests (see, e.g. Fig. 8.33), running and standing waters and extensive grassland (BUND Projektbüro Grünes Band 2017, p. 4). Fig. 8.33  Visible “remains” of the Inner German Border and present-day vegetation succession. (Photo: Friedericke Weber 2011)

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Intensive uses such as arable farming or forestry must ultimately be prevented from a nature conservation perspective, as these forms of use would be counterproductive for species conservation; thus continued efforts are being made to permanently protect even more parts of the Green Belt. If the biotope diversity is to be preserved, however, simple protection is not enough. Secession would gradually lead to complete overgrowth, as has happened or is happening in parts. The anchored impression and nature conservation design of an “open landscape” accordingly requires an open land biotope maintenance effort. Through grazing, mowing and bush clearing, attempts are made to reduce bushes and trees so that “a small-scale mosaic of extensively managed meadows and fallows interspersed with woody plants and individual trees” can emerge (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 44). Without these measures, open land species classified as worthy of protection would gradually disappear, as they depend on woodland-free habitats (Findeis 2010, p. 20). However, the idea of protection does not turn out to be purely exclusive, as for example in core zones of national parks (see

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also Sect. 7.3). Wood chips, meadow hay and meat from pasture-raised animals offer regional economic potential and can be marketed (Regionalverbund Thüringer Wald e.V. 2020, o.S.). In addition, an agreement between nature conservation and tourism is being pursued by making it possible to experience the area as a recreational area in addition to protecting the biotope network system (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 5; Findeis 2010, p. 14). Humans should not be completely excluded from the development processes. In 2019, it was already possible to look back on 30 years of the Green Belt – an all-German nature conservation project with a total area of over 177 km2 (Geidezies and Frobel 2017a, p.  15; Unger 2014, p.  151). The Green Belt has become a monument that vividly recalls the “inhumane division of Germany and Europe as a result of the Second World War” (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p. 4) – a “living monument to recent German history” (Geidezies and Frobel 2017a, p. 17) and thus a “landscape of remembrance” whose development can be paraphrased “from death strip to lifeline” (BUND and Bund Naturschutz 2019, p.  18; BUND Thüringen 2012, p.  6). Not all mines have been cleared in their entirety yet, which is why staying on the designated trails is absolutely recommended. It is a fragile piece of Germany, which ultimately can also speak to certain social fragilities.

8.9.3 G  reen Belt Europe: A Pan-European Project The Green Belt in Germany is ultimately only a part of the former border in Europe between “East and West”. Accordingly, the idea was born to extend it beyond the original Inner German Border into Europe, i.e. across Europe covering more than 12,500  km. In 2002, the vision of a “Green Belt Europe” was publicly presented, moving far beyond the borders of Germany (Unger 2014, p. 162). The past and present are also closely intertwined in this expanding project: “The ‘Iron Curtain’, running from the Barents Sea to the Black Sea, divided Europe for almost 40 years. No activity was allowed in the ‘forbidden zone’ along this inhumane barrier” (Riecken et al. 2006, p. 3). The project can be considered very ambitious because “border regions have other concerns than nature conservation” (Lang et al. 2009, p.  404). Moreover, transboundary collaborations regularly prove challenging (Anderson et  al. 2003; Brunner 2006; Jenal and Weber 2019; Scott 2012; Terry et al. 2006). In the meantime, however, 24 states have succeeded in gathering around the concept of the “European Green Belt” and promoting the value of an interim unassailable barrier from the Arctic Ocean to the Black Sea (BUND Projektbüro Grünes

8  Regional Development

Band 2010, p. 2). Nature conservation and the protection of the European idea are closely intertwined here: “A Green Belt from the Arctic Ocean to the Black Sea can become an ecological backbone of Europe. At the same time, the Green Belt is a symbol for the unification between East and West – for cross-border cooperation in nature conservation and for sustainable development. The Green Belt Europe can connect people across borders and shows that a united Europe not only has a common cultural heritage, but also a common natural heritage” (BUND Projektbüro Grünes Band 2010, p. 3; also Riecken et al. 2006, p. 3). Four main regions are distinguished today: Green Belt Fennoscandia, Baltic Sea, Central Europe and Balkans (Geidezies and Kreutz 2017b, p. 8; Riecken et al. 2006). In many places, there is high biodiversity, with over 46 national parks directly adjacent to the Green Belt and over 3200 protected areas in a 50-km-wide corridor along the Green Belt (Geidezies and Kreutz 2017b, p. 7). In synopsis, the idea of nature conservation does not stop at the German border, resonating to a European scale.

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9

Résumé

Abstract

In keeping with the basic thrust of the approach to Germany, Olaf Kühne and Florian Weber have given central attention to illuminating the “geographies of complexity”. Of course, an overall representation is undoubtedly complicated, but the authors were and are concerned with the elaboration of facets of the complexity of what is known as Germany, today. The relationships of different elements of a system possessing complex functions against the background of uncertainty and contingency should accordingly come into focus. The twentieth century has seen the gradual emergence of increasingly specialized subfields of geography, i.e. vertical geographies. However, a regional geographic approach for Springer’s “World Regional Geography” series requires interdisciplinary perspectives in order to trace the relation(s) between components of a complex system, including associate aspects of physical spatiality, history, politics, urban planning, society, etc. Therefore, the authors have combined positivist and constructivist approaches in their explanations in a neopragmatic approach, whereby their basic argumentation is a constructivist one that refrains from absolutely incontrovertible truths. It becomes very clear that Germany cannot be viewed singularly on its own but is embedded in interactions from the global to the local scale. Fact that the complexity is not limited to Germany but also has an impact on supranational entities. Consequently, the geography of Germany can thereby only attempt to provide an interim synopsis, while at the same time offering readers an introduction to complex social realities. Keywords

Résumé · Complexity · World regional series · History · Development · European Union · COVID-19

In closing this book, we would like to offer not so much a conclusion as a résumé – the diverse development processes described throughout the book are too complex, too interwoven and too dynamic to allow for a clear and finite conclusion. In keeping with the basic thrust of our approach to Germany, we have given central attention to illuminating the “geographies of complexity”. Of course, an overall representation is undoubtedly complicated, but we were and are concerned with the elaboration of facets of the complexity of what is known as Germany, today. The relationships of different elements of a system possessing complex functions against the background of uncertainty and contingency should accordingly come into focus. It is therefore no coincidence that we presented and followed a theoretical and conceptual approach that we introduced as “neopragmatic horizontal geography”. The twentieth century has seen the gradual emergence of increasingly specialised subfields of geography, i.e. vertical geographies. However, a regional geographic approach for Springer’s “World Regional Geography” series requires interdisciplinary perspectives in order to trace the relation(s) between components of a complex system, including associate aspects of physical spatiality, history, politics, urban planning, society, etc. Therefore, we have combined positivist and constructivist approaches in our explanations in a neopragmatic approach, whereby our basic argumentation is a constructivist one that refrains from absolutely incontrovertible truths. As we have pointed out, the path to today’s Federal Republic of Germany (“Bundesrepublik Deutschland”) at the beginning of the twenty-first century is unquestionably unique. In Roman times, distinctive fortified settlements were established, some of which still exist today with subsequent modifications. Nevertheless, it was not until the High Middle Ages and the following centuries that the network of cities that characterise us today developed, as settlements had fallen into desolation during the intervening phase of the migration of people. Compared to Great Britain, among oth-

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 O. Kühne, F. Weber, Germany, World Regional Geography Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92953-4_9

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ers, the then fragmented small-state Germany got off to a late start in industrialisation. Following the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871, a phase of high dynamism sets in during the “Gründerzeit”, leading to the founding of the German Empire in 1871. However, this political, economic and military dynamism later culminated in two World Wars and devastating economic crises. Considering the atrocities committed during the Nazi era, it is quite extraordinary that Germany eventually evolved to become a significant political and economic figure on the “global stage”. The particular complexity of Germany draws from not only its history until 1945 and the historical responsibility stemming from the two World Wars and the Holocaust. It is also rooted in the aftermath of the World Wars, the division of Germany, its eventual reunification and the challenge of state-building post-1989. Regarding the state and its administrative fabric, matters are further complicated through the federal structure, whose development occurred with some interruptions rather than in synchrony, due to the division into East and West Germany. The 16 Länder (the “Bundesländer”, i.e. federal states) play a central role in the political decision-making processes, in contrast to more ­centralised countries such as France. The consequences of these processes and developments become apparent in the various aspects discussed throughout the book, e.g. Germany’s political geographies, spatial planning, economic spatial development and even transportation. Throughout our book, we have narrowed down from more general topics to specific (and exemplary) issues. Discussions of the geographic and physical conditions of Germany, historical contexts and processes of landscape development provided a helpful background against which recent and ongoing issues and changes can be interpreted, understood and explained in more depth. Examples of such issues examined throughout the pages above are, e.g. political and economic aspects, mobility, population, communities and tourism. In addition to these “broader” issues, we further showcased media representations, climate change, nature conservation and infrastructural conflicts as central themes in a cross-section as horizontal geographies. Furthermore, discussions of selected regional focal points allowed us to delve further into examples of complex issues. In doing so, it was important to us to consider, differentiate and eventually clear up stereotypes about Germany, which might exist among our international readership. Finally, we also wanted to discuss current challenges and hotspots of development. As our presentations have shown, Germany is currently facing major challenges: In addition to the social and economic aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic – which cannot yet be fully estimated at the time of printing – there are challenges inherent in dealing with climate change and its consequences. Adaptation measures will require massive

9 Résumé

restructuring of the species composition of forests, conversions in agriculture, intensification of both coastal protection and flood protection along watercourses, settlement design and so on. Here, the physical foundations of Landscape 1 will undergo massive changes. Likewise, mitigation measures related to anthropogenic climate change will have a massive impact on Landscape 1: wind turbines, expanded power grids, but also photovoltaic installations require a significant visual, sometimes even acoustic presence – which tends to go hand in hand with considerable resistance from local residents organised in citizens’ initiatives. Other movements such as Fridays for Future advocate for a forced restructuring of energy production. In addition to the – quite cost-intensive – processes of energy transition, the current focus of politics lies on a transition of mobility practices towards less fuel-intensive modes of transportation. Here, motorised individual transportation is at the core of current political debates and policies, which tend to advocate instead for the promotion of electrified public transportation and bicycles but also battery-enabled electric individual and delivery vehicles. In the future, the use of hydrogen-powered modes of transportation is also expected to increase, especially with regard to interurban mobility. These current and future shifts in mobility and transportation, which may also spur the conversion and rededication of transportation infrastructures, may have a significant impact on Germany’s economic development, which cannot yet be estimated in their full extent and detail. These potential impacts are  – as shown  – dependent to a considerable extent on the automotive industry, which has long relied on diesel drives and on downstream services. This may particularly affect currently prosperous regions with a traditionally strong automobile sector such as Stuttgart (Mercedes-Benz, Porsche) and Munich (BMW) and the Hannover-Braunschweig-­ Göttingen-Wolfsburg metropolitan region (Volkswagen) but also smaller, more decentralised locations such as Ingolstadt and Neckarsulm (both Audi; Bormann et al. 2018; Iwer and Strötzel 2019; Rudolph et al. 2017). The COVID-19 crisis of 2020 and 2021 acted as a magnifying glass for structural challenges in Germany, particularly regarding the current state of digitisation. Lockdown policies highlighted not only the incomplete development of a “fast Internet” but above all the remaining challenges for universities and schools to provide digital or hybrid forms of education and to enable and ensure equal access of pupils and students from different backgrounds. These challenges are a consequence of a proportion of public spending on education that is measured in terms of gross domestic product – in an international comparison (see Schmidt 2003 for details), a low level of innovation in the education system and its complex dependence on individual state policies (in terms of content, structures and funding).

References

Accordingly, it also becomes very clear that Germany cannot be viewed singularly on its own but is embedded in interactions from the global to the local scale. Fact that the complexity is not limited to Germany, but also has an impact on supranational entities, is shown by a bon mot which I (Olaf Kühne) often heard during my time with the representation of the Saarland at the European Union in Brussels in 2004 and which has not lost its relevance to this day: “The EU has 25 member states and 16 [German] states”. This quote is rooted not only in the importance of Germany and its regional actors for European regional policies but also to their confident appearance on the “European stage”. A challenge for the future, if you will, is perhaps the question how Germany could determine, perhaps even find, its (political) position in Europe and the world. In terms of gross domestic product, Germany is one of the five strongest countries in the world. Despite its economic power, it pursues a rather restrained foreign and security policy which, on the one hand, strives to avoid snubbing partners and allies in order to act as a mediator and yet on the other hand is sometimes understood by partners to be less than compliant with treaties, for example, with regard to Germany’s persistent refusal to comply with the agreement in NATO to spend 2.0 percent of GDP on defence (Brummer and Kießling 2019; Dobeneck 2020). Within the European Union, too, the Federal Republic of Germany must further clarify and carve out its role. In the meantime, the FrancoGerman tandem, which was instrumental in advancing the European unification process following reconciliation after World War II, has weakened. Great Britain left the EU in 2020, and populist parties and movements are gaining ground or are in power, e.g. in the case of Poland and Hungary, symbolizing a nationalist sovereignty rather than

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integration-oriented policies at the European level. Against this background, a stronger stance by Germany is needed in addition to diplomatic tact. Furthermore, the topic of migration continues to be highly relevant for Germany, despite its location in the middle of the EU rather than on the periphery. Consequently, the geography of Germany can thereby only attempt to provide an interim synopsis, while at the same time offering readers an introduction to complex social realities.

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281 Kühne O (2011a) Akzeptanz von regenerativen Energien  – Überlegungen zur sozialen Definition von Landschaft und Ästhetik. Stadt+Grün 60(8):9–13 Kühne O (2011b) Heimat und sozial nachhaltige Landschaftsentwicklung. Raumforschung und Raumordnung 69(5):291–301. https://doi. org/10.1007/s13147-­011-­0108-­0 Kühne O (2011c) Historische Entwicklung der Stadt und ihrer ökologischen Belastung. In: Henninger S (ed) Stadtökologie. Bausteine des Ökosystems Stadt. Ferdinand Schöningh, Paderborn, pp 35–61 Kühne O (2011d) Was muss die Stadt tun, wenn es heiß wird? Der Klimawandel als Herausforderung für die Stadtplanung. Praxis Geographie 41(4):20–25 Kühne O (2012a) Identität und Heimat als Grundlage eines Engagements für Nachhaltigkeit? In: Brickwedde F, Töpfer L, Geißinger K (eds) Denkmalpflege und Naturschutz. 19. Symposium der Deutschen Bundesstiftung Umwelt (DBU) und der Freunde und Förderer des Zentrums für Umwelt und Kultur Benediktbeuern. DBU, Osnabrück, pp 27–31 Kühne O (2012b) Räumliche Planung und Umwelt  – ein Vergleich zwischen Deutschland und Polen. In: Stöber G (ed) Zwischen Ökonomie und Ökologie? Raumstruktureller Wandel, Raumplanung und Nutzungskonflikte in Deutschland und Polen, Eckert. Die Schriftenreihe. Studien des Georg-Eckert-Instituts zur internationalen Bildungsmedienforschung, vol 130. V & R Unipress, Göttingen, pp 43–66 Kühne O (2012c) Stadt – Landschaft – Hybridität. Ästhetische Bezüge im postmodernen Los Angeles mit seinen modernen Persistenzen. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O (2013) Landschaft zwischen Objekthaftigkeit und Konstruktion  – Überlegungen zur inversen Landschaft. In: Bruns D, Kühne O (eds) Landschaften: Theorie, Praxis und internationale Bezüge. Impulse zum Landschaftsbegriff mit seinen ästhetischen, ökonomischen, sozialen und philosophischen Bezügen mit dem Ziel, die Verbindung von Theorie und Planungspraxis zu stärken. Oceano Verlag, Schwerin, pp 181–193 Kühne O (2014) „Im Wald, da sind die …“ Was eigentlich heute? Zur sozialen Bedeutung von Wald. Erste Ergebnisse einer Langzeitstudie. Naturschutz im Saarland 44(2):20–21 Kühne O (2015a) Historical Developments: The Evolution of the Concept of Landscape in German Linguistic Areas. In: Bruns D, Kühne O, Schönwald A, Theile S (eds) Landscape culture  – culturing landscapes. The differentiated construction of landscapes. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 43–52 Kühne O (2015b) Komplexe Kräfteverhältnisse. Macht, Angst und Unsicherheit in postmodernen Landschaften  – von ‚historischen Kulturlandschaften‘ zu gated communities. In: Kost S, Schönwald A (eds) Landschaftswandel – Wandel von Machtstrukturen. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 27–36 Kühne O (2016) Transformation, Hybridisierung, Streben nach Eindeutigkeit und Urbanizing former Suburbs (URFSURBS): Entwicklungen postmoderner Stadtlandhybride in Südkalifornien und in Altindustrieräumen Mitteleuropas  – Beobachtungen aus der Perspektive sozialkonstruktivistischer Landschaftsforschung. In: Hofmeister S, Kühne O (eds) StadtLandschaften. Die neue Hybridität von Stadt und Land. Wiesbaden, Springer VS, pp 13–36 Kühne O (2018a) ‚Neue Landschaftskonflikte‘ – Überlegungen zu den physischen Manifestationen der Energiewende auf der Grundlage der Konflikttheorie Ralf Dahrendorfs. In: Kühne O, Weber F (eds) Bausteine der Energiewende. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 163–186 Kühne O (2018b) Die Landschaften 1, 2 und 3 und ihr Wandel. Perspektiven für die Landschaftsforschung in der Geographie  – 50 Jahre nach Kiel. Berichte. Geographie und Landeskunde 92(3–4):217–231

282 Kühne O (2018c) Die Moralisierung von Landschaft – Überlegungen zu einer problematischen Kommunikation aus Sicht der Luhmannschen Systemtheorie. In: Hennecke S, Kegler H, Klaczynski K, Münderlein D (eds) Diedrich Bruns wird gelehrt haben. Eine Festschrift. Kassel University Press, Kassel, pp 115–121 Kühne O (2018d) Landscape and power in geographical space as a social-aesthetic construct. Springer, Dordrecht Kühne O (2018e) Landschaft und Wandel. Zur Veränderlichkeit von Wahrnehmungen. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O (2018f) Landschaftstheorie und Landschaftspraxis. Eine Einführung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive, 2., aktualisierte und überarbeitete Auflage. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O (2018g) Postmodernisierung und Großschutzgebiete  – Überlegungen zu Natur, Raum und Planung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive. In: Weber F, Weber F, Jenal C (eds) Wohin des Weges? Regionalentwicklung in Großschutzgebieten, Arbeitsberichte der ARL, vol 21. Selbstverlag, Hannover, pp 44–55 Kühne O (2018h) Reboot „Regionale Geographie“  – Ansätze einer neopragmatischen Rekonfiguration „horizontaler Geographien“. Berichte. Geographie und Landeskunde 92(2):101–121 Kühne O (2019a) Autopoietische Systemtheorie und Landschaft. In: Kühne O, Weber F, Berr K, Jenal C (eds) Handbuch Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 91–103 Kühne O (2019b) Der dreifache Landschaftswandel. Forum Raumentwicklung 1:18–19 Kühne O (2019c) Die Produktivität von Landschaftskonflikten  – Möglichkeiten und Grenzen auf Grundlage der Konflikttheorie Ralf Dahrendorfs. In: Berr K, Jenal C (eds) Landschaftskonflikte. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 37–49 Kühne O (2019d) Die Sozialisation von Landschaft. In: Kühne O, Weber F, Berr K, Jenal C (eds) Handbuch Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 301–312 Kühne O (2019e) Heimat Saarland – Deutungen und Zuschreiben. In: Hülz M, Kühne O, Weber F (eds) Heimat. Ein vielfältiges Konstrukt. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 231–243 Kühne O (2019f) Landscape theories. A brief introduction. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O (2019g) Sich abzeichnende theoretische Perspektiven für die Landschaftsforschung: Neopragmatismus, Akteur-Netzwerk-­ Theorie und Assemblage-Theorie. In: Kühne O, Weber F, Berr K, Jenal C (eds) Handbuch Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 153–162 Kühne O (2019h) Vom ‚Bösen‘ und ‚Guten‘ in der Landschaft  – das Problem moralischer Kommunikation im Umgang mit Landschaft und ihren Konflikten. In: Berr K, Jenal C (eds) Landschaftskonflikte. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 131–142 Kühne O (2020) Landscape conflicts. A theoretical approach based on the three worlds theory of Karl Popper and the conflict theory of Ralf Dahrendorf, illustrated by the example of the energy system transformation in Germany. Sustainability 12(17):1–20. https://doi. org/10.3390/su12176772 Kühne O, Franke U (2010) Romantische Landschaft. Impulse zur Wiederentdeckung der Romantik in der Landschafts- und Siedlungsgestaltung in der norddeutschen Kulturlandschaft. Ein Plädoyer. Oceano Verlag, Schwerin Kühne O, Jenal C (2020a) Baton Rouge – The multivillage metropolis. A neopragmatic landscape biographical approach on spatial pastiches, hybridization, and differentiation. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Jenal C (2020b) Baton Rouge (Louisiana): On the importance of thematic cartography for ‘neopragmatic horizontal geography’. KN J Cartogr Geogr Inf. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s42489-­020-­00054-­z Kühne O, Schönwald A (2015a) Identität, Heimat sowie In- und Exklusion: Aspekte der sozialen Konstruktion von Eigenem und Fremdem als Herausforderung des Migrationszeitalters. In: Nienaber B, Roos U (eds) Internationalisierung der Gesellschaft

Literature und die Auswirkungen auf die Raumentwicklung. Beispiele aus Hessen, Rheinland-Pfalz und dem Saarland, Arbeitsberichte der ARL, vol 13. Selbstverlag, Hannover, pp 100–110 Kühne O, Schönwald A (2015b) San Diego. Eigenlogiken, Widersprüche und Hybriditäten in und von ‚America‘s finest city‘. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Spellerberg A (2010) Heimat in Zeiten erhöhter Flexibilitätsanforderungen. Empirische Studien im Saarland. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Weber F (eds) (2015a) Bausteine der Regionalentwicklung. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Weber F (2015b) Der Energienetzausbau in Internetvideos – eine quantitativ ausgerichtete diskurstheoretisch orientierte Analyse. In: Kost S, Schönwald A (eds) Landschaftswandel  – Wandel von Machtstrukturen. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 113–126 Kühne O, Weber F (2016) Landschaft  – eine Annäherung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive. In: Bund Heimat und Umwelt in Deutschland (BHU) (ed) Konventionen zur Kulturlandschaft. Dokumentation des Workshops „Konventionen zur Kulturlandschaft  – Wie können Konventionen in Europa das Landschaftsthema stärken“ am 1. und 2. Juni 2015 in Aschaffenburg. Selbstverlag, Bonn, pp 7–14 Kühne O, Weber F (2017) Geographisches Problemlösen: das Beispiel des Raumkonfliktes um die Gewinnung mineralischer Rohstoffe. Geographie aktuell und Schule 225:16–24 Kühne O, Weber F (2018 [online first 2017]) Conflicts and negotiation processes in the course of power grid extension in Germany. Landsc Res 43(4):529–541. https://doi.org/10.1080/01426397.201 7.1300639 Kühne O, Weber F (2019a) Hybrid California. Annäherungen an den Golden State, seine Entwicklungen, Ästhetisierungen und Inszenierungen. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Weber F (2019b) Landschaft und Heimat  – argumentative Verknüpfungen durch Bürgerinitiativen im Kontext des Stromnetzund des Windkraftausbaus. In: Hülz M, Kühne O, Weber F (eds) Heimat. Ein vielfältiges Konstrukt. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 163–178 Kühne O, Weber F (2019c) Postmoderne Zugriffe und Differenzierungen von Stadt und Land(schaft): Stadtlandhybride, räumliche Pastiches und URFSURBS. In: Kühne O, Weber F, Berr K, Jenal C (eds) Handbuch Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 755–770 Kühne O, Weber F, Jenal C (2016) Der Stromnetzausbau in Deutschland: Formen und Argumente des Widerstands. Geographie aktuell und Schule 38(222):4–14 Kühne O, Schönwald A, Weber F (2017) Die Ästhetik von Stadtlandhybriden: URFSURBS (Urbanizing former suburbs) in Südkalifornien und im Großraum Paris. In: Kühne O, Megerle H, Weber F (eds) Landschaftsästhetik und Landschaftswandel, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 177–198 Kühne O, Weber F, Jenal C (2018) Neue Landschaftsgeographie. Ein Überblick, Essentials. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Weber F, Berr K, Jenal C (eds) (2019a) Handbuch Landschaft. Springer VS, Wiesbaden Kühne O, Weber F, Berr K (2019b) The productive potential and limits of landscape conflicts in light of Ralf Dahrendorf’s conflict theory. Società Mutamento Politica 10(19):77–90. https://oajournals.fupress. net/index.php/smp/article/view/10597. Accessed 22 June 2020 Kühne O, Berr K, Jenal C (2020) Die Gewinnung mineralischer Rohstoffe als konfliktärer Landschaftsprozess. In: Duttmann R, Kühne O, Weber F (eds) Landschaft als Prozess. Springer VS, Wiesbaden, pp 585–601 Kühne O, Berr K, Schuster K, Jenal C (2021a) Freiheit und Landschaft. Auf der Suche nach Lebenschancen mit Ralf Dahrendorf. Springer, Wiesbaden

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Index

B Beer, 1, 90, 131, 189, 221–227 Berlin, 1, 4, 36–38, 41–44, 46, 60, 62, 64, 75, 78, 85, 87, 89, 98, 106, 116, 127, 131, 142, 144, 148, 163, 189, 191, 200, 201, 209–221 Bitterfeld, 189, 208–211

H History, 2, 7–9, 15, 17, 31, 32, 34, 36, 45, 57, 75, 106, 116, 118, 120, 123, 127, 152, 153, 156, 189, 195, 202, 211, 214, 215, 221, 234, 235, 242, 248, 259, 260 Horizontal geographies, 5–10, 15, 259, 260

C Change, 2, 5–8, 10, 18, 22, 32, 44, 51, 52, 54, 55, 57, 60, 62–64, 73, 77, 78, 87–94, 98, 106, 112–113, 115, 116, 119, 122, 123, 127, 128, 150, 152, 160, 161, 163–165, 171, 172, 176, 189, 190, 194–197, 202–207, 209, 215, 217, 219, 223, 228, 230–233, 243, 260 Climate, 6, 15, 17, 18, 20–26, 28, 44, 55, 57, 90, 141, 144, 148, 149, 151, 163, 168, 169, 172, 173, 178, 179, 227–234 Climate change, 3, 15, 20, 32, 51, 65, 90, 128, 141, 148–153, 160, 161, 164, 172, 173, 228, 230–231, 233, 260 Communities, 7, 26, 28, 43, 45, 46, 60, 61, 63, 64, 73, 84, 85, 87, 90, 103, 116, 117, 120, 122, 153, 154, 160, 165, 176, 179, 190–193, 196, 197, 199, 202, 205–207, 209, 220, 221, 223, 236, 238, 239, 244, 260 Complexity, 1–4, 9, 10, 15, 26, 33, 51, 62, 87, 90, 93, 106, 113, 141–179, 189, 240, 259–261 Covid-19, 87, 94, 106, 123, 131, 144, 205, 233, 240–242, 260

L Landscape, 3, 5–9, 46, 51–65, 73, 91, 98, 118, 121, 128, 129, 131, 144, 153–157, 159–162, 166, 168, 171, 173, 174, 176, 178, 179, 189–196, 203, 205, 211, 223, 226, 228, 231, 233, 242, 245–248, 260 Landscape 1, 51–65, 85, 88, 128, 166, 189, 190, 192, 194, 203, 260 Landscape 2, 51, 52, 125, 144 Landscape 3, 51–55, 64, 144 Landscape develops, 51–65, 73, 118, 260

D Development, 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, 15, 17, 20, 22, 26, 31, 32, 34, 35, 37, 43, 44, 46, 51–65, 73–132, 142–143, 148, 149, 152–157, 159–163, 165, 166, 168, 173, 174, 178, 189–248, 259, 260 E East Germany, 62, 73, 98, 111, 122, 125, 213–216 Economy, 34, 43, 44, 46, 57, 60, 62, 64, 73, 78, 79, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94, 98–101, 127, 128, 141, 162, 173, 174, 178, 190, 192, 197, 201–203, 206, 209, 214, 216, 217, 235, 240 Energy transition, 3, 5, 46, 51, 64, 93, 141, 144, 150, 153, 160–174, 260 European Union (EU), 1, 43, 45, 115, 208, 222, 228, 233, 236, 240, 261 G Geography, 1–10, 15, 51, 52, 73–87, 211, 226, 259–261 Geological structures, 15–18 Germany, 1–10, 15–19, 21–29, 31–46, 51–55, 58, 59, 62–65, 73–132, 141–155, 157–166, 168, 169, 172–175, 178, 189, 190, 192, 193, 195, 198, 200–203, 205–207, 209–211, 213–216, 219, 221–223, 227–231, 233, 234, 237, 240–242, 244–248, 259–261 Green Belt, 189, 242–248

M Mass media, 141–148 Middle Ages, 20, 32–33, 56–58, 65, 110, 118, 131, 259 Modernity, 33–34, 62, 63, 123, 129, 153 N Nature conservation, 3, 152–161, 166, 168, 173, 176, 179, 189, 242–248, 260 Neopragmatic approach, 3, 6, 9, 51, 259 P Physical framework, 15–30, 51, 73 Population, 1, 3, 6, 32, 37, 39, 42, 44, 46, 55–62, 73, 75, 78, 86, 90, 98, 106–123, 125, 128, 129, 141, 154, 156, 159, 161, 164, 165, 176, 179, 190–201, 203, 204, 206, 207, 210–213, 215–217, 219, 221, 236, 240, 241, 245, 260 R Raw materials, 3, 17, 38, 63, 141, 173–179, 197, 226 Regional developments, 3, 153–155, 159, 160, 239 Regional geographies, 3, 5, 7–9, 52, 53, 189, 221, 239, 240, 259 Regions, 3, 4, 6–9, 15, 17, 20–22, 26, 28, 31–32, 38–40, 43, 53, 55, 58, 60, 62, 64, 73, 79, 83, 84, 86, 90, 94, 98, 106, 113, 116, 122, 123, 128, 129, 144, 148–150, 155–157, 159, 160, 164, 173, 176, 179, 189–211, 222–242, 248, 260 Résumé, 259 Reunification, 41–46, 64, 75–84, 87, 104, 111, 120, 125, 127, 150, 208, 210, 211, 216–221, 242, 260

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300 Rhine-Main, 121, 144, 189, 205–208 River basins, 15, 18–20 Ruhr area, 131, 189–196, 199 S Saarland, 3, 17, 58, 79, 85, 87, 89, 113, 129, 130, 156, 159, 162, 163, 189, 196–205, 232, 234, 240, 261 Space, 3, 5–9, 15, 26, 31, 40, 51, 52, 54, 55, 59, 62–65, 84, 117, 120–122, 144, 155, 173, 190, 193–195, 206, 213, 214, 217, 233, 235, 239–241, 245 Spatial developments, 3, 9, 84, 87–98, 103, 118, 122, 190, 260 T Theoretical framework, 3, 5, 10 Transport, 57, 60, 62, 64, 65, 73, 98–106, 128, 141, 150, 169, 172, 179, 191, 193, 194, 199, 207, 221, 226, 235, 236, 239, 240

Index U Upper Rhine, 15, 18, 26, 59, 189, 233–242 V Vegetation, 6, 15, 16, 18, 26, 28–30, 149, 150, 230, 243, 246, 247 Vertical geographies, 5, 8, 9, 259 W West Germany, 6, 44, 46, 62, 63, 88, 98, 110, 113, 116, 120, 125, 195, 218, 223, 260 Wine, 1, 131, 189, 222, 227–233 World regional series, 259 World Wars, 1, 8, 34–46, 62, 80, 106, 110–112, 119, 123, 125, 128, 142, 153, 154, 161, 191, 193, 200–202, 206, 209, 211–216, 226, 235, 237, 240, 242, 244, 248, 260, 261