Fashion: Exploring Critical Issues [1 ed.] 9781848881488, 9789004403970

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Fashion

Critical Issues Series Editors Dr Robert Fisher Dr Ken Monteith

Lisa Howard Dr Daniel Riha

Advisory Board James Arvanitakis Simon Bacon Katarzyna Bronk Jo Chipperfield Ann-Marie Cook Phil Fitzsimmons Peter Mario Kreuter

Mira Crouch Stephen Morris John Parry Karl Spracklen Peter Twohig S Ram Vemuri Kenneth Wilson

A Critical Issues research and publications project. http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/critical-issues/ The Ethos Hub ‘Fashion’

2012

Fashion: Exploring Critical Issues

Edited by

Barbara Brownie, Laura Petican and Johannes Reponen

Inter-Disciplinary Press Oxford, United Kingdom

© Inter-Disciplinary Press 2012 http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/publishing/id-press/

The Inter-Disciplinary Press is part of Inter-Disciplinary.Net – a global network for research and publishing. The Inter-Disciplinary Press aims to promote and encourage the kind of work which is collaborative, innovative, imaginative, and which provides an exemplar for inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary publishing.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission of Inter-Disciplinary Press.

Inter-Disciplinary Press, Priory House, 149B Wroslyn Road, Freeland, Oxfordshire. OX29 8HR, United Kingdom. +44 (0)1993 882087

ISBN: 978-1-84888-148-8 First published in the United Kingdom in eBook format in 2012. First Edition.

Table of Contents Introduction Fashion: Exploring Critical Issues Barbara Brownie, Laura Petican and Johannes Reponen Part 1

Modelling Fashion Pandora in the Box: Travelling around the World in the Name of Fashion Lydia Maria Taylor The Subliminal Code of Fashion Cracked: The Self-Possessed Pre-Raphaelite ‘Stunner’ Yildiz Tuncer Kilic Representing Twiggy in 1967: Twiggy as a New Icon Betsy Thomas

Part 2

3

15 25

Staging Fashion Shared Garments and Forced Choreography Barbara Brownie and Caroline Stevenson

41

Constructing the Visual Self: Dressing for Occasions Renata Strashnaya

51

Aristophanes/Hadjidakis’ The Birds (Ornithes): Two Costume Case Studies Sofia Pantouvaki Part 3

ix

61

Identifying Fashion Body Art: Yoruba Women’s Tattoo Fashion and Memories Evelyn Omotunde Adepeko

77

Where Have All the Flowers Gone? Unisex Hair Salon Form and Function Donna Louise Bevan

89

Han-Centric Dress: Fashion Subculture or a National Identity for China? Linda T. Lee

Part 4

99

Interwoven: Identity and Dress amongst Sedentary and Nomadic Peoples of the Arabian Peninsula Thomas Roche and Erin Roche

109

Metamodernism in Fashion and Style Practice: Authorship and the Consumer Julianne Pederson

121

Locating Fashion Montreal, City of Fashion: Comparison of the Perceptions, the Visions and the Expectations of the Fashion Designers with Those of the Local Consumers Michèle Beaudoin and Manon Arcand

133

Modes of the Metropolis: The City as Photography’s Fashion Icon Jess Berry

143

In Fashion: Venues for Sybaritic Parades in Italy and Beyond Annette Condello

155

The Colombia’s Sub-Culture of Mexico Amanda Watkins Emplaced/Displaced Dress: Diasporan Dress amongst South Asian Immigrants in West Virginia Mario J. Roman and Charlotte Jirousek À la Mode? Fashion Design Protection in Canada B. Courtney Doagoo Fashion Nation: Contemporary Italian Art and the Baroque-Centric Language of Fashion Laura Petican

165

177 187

201

Part 5

Part 6

Accessorising Fashion Marlies Dekkers: Lingerie Epitomising Post-Feminist Identity Daniëlle Bruggeman

213

Intimate Paradoxes of Victorian Lingerie: The Cases of George Sand and Amelia Bloomer Dinu Gabriel Munteanu

221

All Tied Up: The Cravat and the Evolution of Men’s Fashion in Nineteenth-Century France Leonard R. Koos

231

Enid Collins Handbags: Branding, Nostalgia and the Power of the Purse Jacque Lynn Foltyn

241

Footwear: Transcending the Mind-Body Dualism in Fashion Theory Alexandra Sherlock

251

Fashion as System or Action Net in ‘Fashion in All Things’: A Case in Colour Design of Mobile Phones Yanqing Zhang and Oskar Juhlin

263

Experiencing Fashion Fitting in When You Are Different: Work-Based Dress and Asperger Syndrome Linda Shearer Sellers of Experience: The New Face of Fashion Retail Marco Pedroni The Evolution of the Retail Space: From Luxury Malls to Guerilla Stores: Tracing the Change of Fashion Cecilia Winterhalter Going beyond the Obvious: Engaging Fashion Design and Fashion Communication Students in Reflection and Self-Motivated Investigation Claire Allen and Claire Evans

273 283

295

311

Introduction Fashion: Exploring Critical Issues Barbara Brownie, Laura Petican and Johannes Reponen This volume collects chapters presented at the Inter-Disiplinary.Net 2011 conference, Fashion: Exploring Critical Issues, held at Mansfield College, Oxford. As an interdisciplinary collection, this ebook presents studies of fashion from a variety of conventional and unconventional perspectives, using methodologies and ideas from fields including anthropology, art history, sociology, and material culture. These chapters assess the history and meanings of fashion; evaluate its expressions in politics, music, art, media and consumer culture; determine its effect on gender, sexuality, class, race, age and identity; examine the practice, tools, and business of fashion; consider the methodologies of studying fashion; and explore future directions and trends. In ‘Modelling Fashion,’ three authors present three distinctly different approaches to the presentation of dress on the body. Lydia Maria Taylor turns her attention to fashion dolls in ‘Pandora in the Box: Travelling around the World in the Name of Fashion.’ Pandora was the first fashion doll, and, as Taylor argues, the great-grandmother of Barbie, who hold similarly iconic status in fashion history. Using Pre-Raphaelite poetry as well as paintings by artists Dante Gabriel Rossetti, John Everett Millais and William Holman Hunt as objects of study, Yildiz Tuncer Kilic’s chapter ‘The Subliminal Code of Fashion Cracked: The Self-Possessed PreRaphaelite “Stunner”’ examines mid- to late nineteenth-century representation of feminine identity through an interdisciplinary union of rhetorical and visual narratives. A real-life icon, 1960s fashion model Twiggy, is the subject of Betsy Thomas’ ‘Representing Twiggy in 1967: Twiggy as a New Icon.’ Thomas identifies photographs of Twiggy that present her as a ‘new icon,’ proposing that they have much in common with historical images of religious icons. ‘Staging Fashion’ explores how costume for performance affects identity. ‘Shared Garments and Forced Choreography,’ by Barbara Brownie and Caroline Stevenson explores the notion of shared garments, focusing on how their forced choreography affects issues of identity, interpersonal relationships, and social hierarchy. The chapter observes how shared garments address the relationship between fashion and identity, and the social motives behind the design of such garments. Renata Strashnaya recognises the activity of dress for identity construction as a dynamic process, in ‘Constructing the Visual Self: Dressing for Occasions.’ Identity, she observes, is not static, and in dressing for multiple roles and occasions it is necessary to be adaptive. Sofia Pantouvaki’s chapter is a comparative study of the visual aesthetics of painter Yannis Tsarouchis’ and fashion designer Peter Speliopoulos’ costume designs for Aristophanes’ most popular ancient Greek comedy, The Birds. Titled ‘Aristophanes/Hadjidakis’ The Birds (Ornithes): Two Costume Case Studies,’ this chapter examines cross-cultural

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__________________________________________________________________ elements in these specific designs and investigates the designers’ personal perspective, which becomes evident in the aesthetic/design identity of their costumes. The theme of identity is continued in ‘Identifying Fashion.’ ‘Body Art: Yoruba Women’s Tattoo Fashion and Memories,’ by Evelyn Omotunde Adepeko examines Yoruba women’s tattoo fashion. It considers reasons for having tattoo on the body and for whom it is intended, as well as different types, names and meanings, the process of tattoo design, the significance of tattoo as related to culture and tradition, and its meaning in the new millennium. ‘Where Have All The Flowers Gone? Unisex Hair Salon Form and Function,’ by Donna Louise Bevan explores the impact of the unisex hair salon on the hairdressing experience, and its significance in the construction and transformation of women’s personal hair fashion aesthetics and identity. The chapter examines hairdressing as a process of engagement between producers and consumers in the rituals and routines of the salon experience. Linda T. Lee’s chapter ‘Han-Centric Dress: Fashion Subculture or a National Identity for China?’ discusses the revival of traditional Han Chinese clothing, known as hanfu. Whilst this reflects how the country seeks to reconnect with tradition in the face of rapid push to modernisation, Lee seeks to question how the movement will likely fare within Chinese youth’s shift to an individualist society and how they will uphold China’s traditional cultural roots in what they wear. Cultural identity is explored in Thomas Roche and Erin Roche’s ‘Interwoven: Identity and Dress amongst Sedentary and Nomadic Peoples of the Arabian Peninsula.’ Roche and Roche explore how dress in the Sultanate of Oman can be an expression of religious, regional and tribal identity. ‘Metamodernism in Fashion and Style Practice: Authorship and the Consumer’ by Julianne Pederson discusses the shift in fashion communication that is taking place on online platforms from hierarchical journalistic traditions to a more performative and novel one. According to Pederson, this is lead by bloggers, whose signature carries more weight for metamodern fashion followers because it revels in the duality that occurs between ideology and reality and thus appears more truthful. Nationality and belonging are the foci of ‘Locating Fashion,’ in which various authors explore the relationship between fashion and place. ‘Montreal, City of Fashion: Comparison of the Perceptions, the Visions and the Expectations of the Fashion Designers with Those of the Local Consumers,’ by Michèle Beaudoin and Manon Arcand examines the Québec fashion industry and its efforts to better consolidate its status as a fashion city. Their study contrasts designers’ and consumers’ perceptions, visions, and expectations in order to shed light on consumers’ role in the diffusion of fashion innovations. ‘Modes of the Metropolis: The City as Photography’s Fashion Icon,’ by Jess Berry interrogates the language and mythology of fashion city rhetoric. It argues that photography establishes cities as objects of fashion, that is, repositories of ideas and meanings to be desired and consumed. The chapter problematises the allegorical comparisons between cities

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__________________________________________________________________ created by fashion photography and suggests that the authenticity and distinctiveness of its objects are uncertain. ‘In Fashion: Venues for Sybaritic Parades in Italy and Beyond,’ by Annette Condello discusses the ancient Sybarites as a highly influential subject in understanding fashion with respect to the luxury associated with the legendary vanished city of Sybaris and its inhabitants. It explores how through time, the Sybarites’ luxurious and pleasure-seeking habits came to be identified with cuisine, opera, architecture and fashion, and influenced the formation of ‘sybaritic’ venues abroad as cultures of fashion. Amanda Watkins explores ‘The Colombia’s Sub-Culture of Mexico,’ identifying the emergence of a youth sub-culture with distinct dress that combines traditional and religious iconography with influences from contemporary USA. Mario J. Roman and Charlotte Jirousek’s ‘Emplaced/Displaced: Diasporan Dress amongst South Asian Immigrants in West Virginia,’ a study of the adoption of Western dress by immigrants, explores the extent to which the adjustment of dress can mirror cultural displacement. ‘À la Mode? Fashion Design Protection in Canada,’ by B. Courtney Doagoo provides a brief overview of the legal protection for fashion design in Canada. It explains that articles of fashion design are considered ‘useful articles’ and are subject to specific provisions, which limit their protection under Canada’s Copyright Act. It proposes that the American Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act (IDPPPA) may provide a model for solving some of the uncertainties within the current framework for fashion design protection in Canada. Using artists Francesco Vezzoli and Vanessa Beecroft as a subject of study, Laura Petican examines the relationship between art and fashion in her chapter ‘Fashion Nation: Contemporary Italian Art and the Baroque-Centric Language of Fashion.’ For this, Petican uses the baroque as a conceptual and historical model to analyse these artists, and how they use the language and imagery of fashion variably to explore realms of personal identity, spectacle, and consumption, to articulate an aesthetic vision rooted in the national, cultural environment. ‘Accessorising Fashion’ moves beyond clothes to other artefacts that are equally driven by changes in collective taste, particularly accessories. ‘Marlies Dekkers: Lingerie Epitomising Post-Feminist Identity’ by Daniëlle Bruggeman explores ways in which lingerie can serve as a strategic means to express femininity in a post-feminist era, focusing on Dutch fashion designer Marlies Dekkers. Bruggeman argues that Dekkers engages in a post-feminist strategy, by celebrating the female body and presenting powerful feminine identity in her fashion photography, while acknowledging the ambivalent role played by lingerie in history, in its oppression and/or empowerment of women. American dress reformer Amelia Jenks Bloomer and French Romantic poet George Sand have been used as a case study in Dinu Gabriel Munteanu’s chapter which aims to examine some of the interwoven psychological, anthropological, sexual, and socially semiotic representations of Victorian feminine undergarments. Titled

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__________________________________________________________________ ‘Intimate Paradoxes of Victorian Lingerie: The Cases of George Sand and Amelia Bloomer,’ Munteanu’s chapter attempts to demonstrate that whilst Bloomer and Sand transgressed the Victorian norms of femininity, neither of them was in any way unfeminine or revolutionary. Leonard R. Koos’ chapter ‘All Tied Up: The Cravat and the Evolution of Men’s Fashion in Nineteenth-Century France’ discusses guides and manuals published in the 1820s contending that the cravat was the most important element of men’s fashion. This chapter analyses these manuals and demonstrates how they are emblematic not only of this pivotal moment in men’s fashion, but also relate to greater social and cultural changes in nineteenth-century France. In ‘Enid Collins Handbags: Branding, Nostalgia and the Power of the Purse,’ Jacque Lynn Foltyn examines the mid-century bags designed by Texas purse maker Enid Collins though the semiotics of fashion. In her chapter, Foltyn sheds light on the history behind this bag that could be described as the predecessor of the ‘it’ bag and explained the current collectable market for this object. As the study of fashion most commonly focuses on clothing, footwear is often neglected. In ‘Footwear: Transcending the Mind-Body Dualism in Fashion Theory,’ Alexandra Sherlock argues that footwear presents a unique challenge to academic study, and has been frequently underestimated in academic value. In the twenty-first century, mobile phones may also be considered an accessory, and are equally susceptible to changes in fashion. Yanqing Zhang and Oskar Juhlin explore how fashions are exhibited beyond clothing, with particular focus on mobile phones, in ‘Fashion as System or Action Net in “Fashion in All Things”: A Case in Colour Design of Mobile Phones.’ The final section, ‘Experiencing Fashion,’ investigates the experiences of wearing and consuming clothes. In ‘Fitting in When You Are Different: WorkBased Dress and Asperger Syndrome,’ Linda Shearer examines the difficulties encountered by professionals with Asperger Syndrome when selecting appropriate attire for the workplace. Shearer observes that, for those with Asperger’s, dress plays a vital role in maintaining the ability to function within the workplace. Marco Pedroni’s chapter, ‘Sellers of Experience: The New Face of Fashion Retail,’ discusses the evolution of fashion retail with a particular focus on investigating innovative retail formats. Pedroni approaches this from sociological and anthropological perspectives by exploring stores as places where people have meaningful experiences in their everyday life. Cecilia Winterhalter offers an alternative take on recent changes in fashion retail, in ‘The Evolution of the Retail Space: From Luxury Malls to Guerilla Stores: Tracing the Change of Fashion.’ Winterhalter proposes that, in postmodern society, concepts of fashion and retail have been modified to account for the empowerment of the consumer. ‘Going beyond the Obvious: Engaging Fashion Design and Fashion Communication Students in Reflection and Self-Motivated Investigation,’ by Claire Allen and Claire Evans presents an exploration of the interactive possibilities for engaging students in their fashion studies, in light of the Google culture of information

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xiii

__________________________________________________________________ skimming encouraged by widescale use of iPhones, iPads, Slate, and 3D devices. Their study tracks the research process of fashion students and investigates teaching methods to guide them in their navigation through infinite, unedited, fashion related information. In summary, this collection of chapters proposes to contribute to and expand the study of fashion from a wide and inclusive, interdisciplinary perspective. It incorporates a range of methodological perspectives and intends to explore the intersections between fashion and anthropology, history, art history, sociology, identity politics, philosophy and various aspects of material culture. Its contributors approach the subject from a broad range of ideological and intellectual perspectives. They offer the reader insight to the study of fashion from professional and academic outlooks, from the front lines of fashion design, to its institutionalisation in academies and museums, to its interpretation and critique by contemporary artists and scholars.

Part 1 Modelling Fashion

Pandora in the Box: Travelling around the World in the Name of Fashion Lydia Maria Taylor Abstract Today, fashion victims use fashion magazines, shows etc. to become informed about fashion news. But what sources did they use in the 18th century to catch the latest trends when none of these media types existed? Long before the first Barbie appeared, there already existed a doll that wore lavish wardrobe and matching accessories but did not function as a toy at all. This chapter examines how a doll called Pandora was sent abroad by French dressmakers to promote and sell Parisian fashion around the world. First, Pandora had to conquer the royal houses in Europe. Then, she made her way into the department stores and shops and finally into the bourgeois home. Interestingly, her triumphal procession did not stop there and by the middle of the 18th century she was even crossing the Atlantic to be exhibited in Boston and New York. The three essential questions that need to be answered are: 1) When did the first fashion doll appear in history? 2) What did these dolls look like? 3) Who was the target audience for the fashion dolls in the late 17th and early 18th century? Consequently, I have two main foci: First, I want to find out why Parisian fashion was already the leading fashion in the 18th century; second, I want to trace the history of the fashion doll. The story of the Pandora has hardly been investigated so far, which is rather surprising since it is not simply a story about fashion but it also tells us something about the earliest forms of consumption in fashion and about successful sales promotion. For my research, I primarily used data from the web, periodicals of the 18th century, published reports about Pandora, and works dealing with the history of fashion in 18th-century Britain. Key Words: America, Barbie, doll, fashion, history, Pandora, Paris, London, England, France. ***** 1. The Wooden Doll Enters the Fashion Stage Dolls are known in almost all cultures and they are one of the oldest and most widespread forms of toys. But when did the first fashion doll came into existence? Scholars still differ on the origin of the fashion doll. However, if you look at historical documents the first professional doll makers can be traced back to 1413 and they were located in Nuremberg in Germany. These dolls were modelled after children, monks, and women, dressed in the fashion of the time. One of the notable

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Pandora in the Box

__________________________________________________________________ characteristics of these dolls was a circular hollow in the breast. It has been speculated that these cavities may have been designed to hold a christening gift, such as a florin. … These discoveries indicated that the doll industry was [already] a thriving enterprise at this time. 1 Apart from Germany, France became an early centre of European doll manufacture and therefore the first references of the wooden mannequins can be traced back to France in the early 14th century. Originally, they were intended as precious royalty gifts the French royal family sent to other European royal courts to promote the latest French fashions. Historical documents around the 1300s have captured this common practice. Probably one of the first text sources ‘is a record from 1396 of Robert de Varennes, the Court tailor of Charles VI, receiving 450 francs for a doll’s wardrobe that he had executed, to be sent by Queen Isabeau of Bavaria to the Queen of England.’ 2 From the very beginning, these dolls were appreciated as something quite exclusive which is why the endowed kings and queens displayed them in special cabinets. Furthermore it is evident that France was already the leading nation in fashion. ‘By the eighteenth century there was already an assumed supremacy in French taste, which has lingered into our own time.’ 3 Paris soon became known to be officially the Mecca of Fashion and within a short period of time the remaining European Royal houses and nobilities regular ordered a Poupée de Mode to be informed about the latest couture. The history of the Fashion dolls was at first closely bound up with that of France. It confirms the natural pre-eminence of Paris in the world of fashion to find an English Queen sending over for the latest French styles as early as the fourteenth century, presumably unsatisfied by the products of her native country. 4 2. The 18th Century: One Big Puppet Show The heyday of the French fashion doll was the eighteenth century, because during that period the so-called ‘milliner’s mannequins’ 5 became one of the most influential objects in the fashion industry. In the absence of any other reliable source, like fashion magazines, plates and travelogues, the fashion doll was the primary source of information about the latest trends. These Pandoras were sent out by French fashion houses to England, Germany, Spain and Italy, sometimes to exhibit the details of their dresses, and sometimes for the details of their coiffures alone - as in a doll which Madame de Sevigne sent to

Lydia Maria Taylor

5

__________________________________________________________________ her daughter, or the thirty coiffured dolls which were exhibited at the annual show of Saint-Ovide in 1763. 6 For several reasons the 18th century proved to be the first epoch in the history where a significant majority of the population, especially in England, became obsessed with clothes and fashion in particular. As cultural legacies, products and role models of their times the dolls cannot be judged without references to wider economic and social conditions. First, European travel became freer and this helped the fashion industry to increase and to expand significantly. Second, ‘[t]he evolution of technology and the market intertwined to create varying opportunities for fashion promotion. Early fashion marketers used travelling dolls extensively to promote their products.’ 7 Furthermore, the financial wealth spread down to the citizens, mainly to the socalled new bourgeoisie, and therefore people expected a higher standard of living and were able to spend more money and time on fashion. Besides this after the enactment of the sumptuary laws in England, people were now free to choose what clothes they wanted to wear and the dresses of the 18th century reflected these changes. All these developments increased the demand in fashion and wardrobes, especially among the riche ladies and fine gentlewomen. The economic and social life of the eighteenth century was more conducive than that of previous eras to an interest in dolls, both for fashion purposes and as playthings for children. Only the wealthy could afford dressed dolls, but raising affluence among the middle class increased the demand, especially in England, where a large portion of the extant eighteenth-century dolls originated. 8 3. The Dolls: Fabrication and Clothing Most of the fashion dolls were made of wood, but some had bodies and/or heads made of other fragile materials like wax or later even ceramic or plaster. As life size dummies they were about five to six feet tall and thus comparable to the shop window dummy nowadays. The doll’s body and head were carved by hand from one piece of wood, which had been turned on a lathe. The legs were made separately and attached at the hips and knees to the Pandora’s body. The lower arms and hands were also crafted of wood, in contrast the upper arms were ‘made of either soft linen fabric or kid leather, attached to the torso.’ 9 Most dolls had painted eyes, but some of them even had coloured glass eyes. The wooden parts of her body and head painted with creamcoloured paint, over a coating of gesso (a mixture of plaster of

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__________________________________________________________________ Paris and glue). Less fine dolls of the period were only painted on the face and neck. The painter’s final touch [was] to add her eyebrows, lips and cheeks. 10 Furthermore, the fashion dolls all had either painted hair or wore wigs and the hair of the dolls was designed to be worn in the popular style of the time because it was absolutely essential that the Pandora had a fashionable hairstyle. ‘Originally, probably almost all eighteenth-century dolls wore a cap, bonnet, hat, hair ornament, or some combination of these’ 11 The doll’s outer garment was a dress made of highest quality cloth: linen, cotton, wool brocade or silk, followed by a petticoat or multiple layers of petticoats. Some dolls even wore a complete set of underwear. Undergarments in those days not only consisted of a hoop petticoat but also of a corset, stay, a shift and one or more undercoats. Rounding out the whole outfit the dolls were also wearing knitted stockings and of course a pair of shoes. Most stockings were white or pink, whereas for shoes all kind of colours were used. 4. The Dolls as Saleswomen Another question is; who were the potential buyers of the fashion dolls? First of all, the fashion doll was purchased by dressmakers and tailors. Above all the Pandoras functioned as display and show items. As fashion was extremely expensive, the rich costumers wanted to have a look at what they were going to spend their money on. So the ‘[f]ashion dolls were ... made by dress-makers to illustrate their skills in miniature for their clients’ 12 and therefore these little mannequins were the best advertisement for dressmakers. Beside the miniature dolls very soon the full-sized versions of the fashion doll came into existence. The usefulness of making the Pandoras life-size became apparent, for it was possible for customers not only to copy the clothes, but also to fit the actual dolls’ clothes onto themselves, in rather the same way as model dresses today can be sometimes bought directly from French couturiers without fittings, after having been displayed for a season in the dress show. 13 Intended as advertisement for the French fashion and the dressmakers, the dolls served as kind of catalogues. The Paris dressmaker prepared these dolls in a petiteseize version of everything a fashionable woman needed to wear. So the Pandoras were not only used to communicate fashion information but also enabled the foreign lady costumer to order the cloths she wanted to wear. Consequently, it was just a matter of time before the mainly female clients desperately wanted to posses their own Pandora. This was the moment when the aristocratic and bourgeois women started to collect French baby dolls. ‘Life size

Lydia Maria Taylor

7

__________________________________________________________________ dolls could also be found as decorative touch in a women’s boudoir. Moreover, oftentimes the dresses were taken off the doll upon its arrival and worn by the recipient.’ 14 It is important to note that the more elegant wooden fashion dolls were mainly the domain of the wealthy. It became the fashion for ladies to own a pair of dolls, one dressed en grand toilette, and the other en déshabille. These were known as the Grande Pandora and the Petite Pandora respectively, and were the subject of every extravagant whim of stylish dressing: hats, dresses, shoes, elaborate hair - styles and a great deal of miniature beads and jewellery. 15 It should be remembered in this context that the fashion dolls were originally not designed as toys; it just happened that after they had served their original purpose they were handed down from the mother to daughter and so ‘many of them found their way into nurseries as playthings.’ 16 5. The Fashion Doll as Ambassadors of Fashion The French doll makers soon received orders from all over the world, since almost every women of that time wanted to keep abreast with the latest Paris fashion patterns. ‘So from Paris to London and other points, dolls depicting changing styles in dress traveled.’ 17 Paraphrasing, the ‘fashion dolls were the next best thing to a trip to Paris.’ 18 It is remarkable how widely the dolls were geographically distributed in the 18th century. They were not only sent to all parts of Europe but were also shipped across the Atlantic. ‘According to Ferguson the dolls were sent first to German courts, then to Italy, England, and finally to the colonies.’ 19 Travelling around the world in the name of fashion, the Pandoras took over two functions: on the one hand, they were the ideal advertising vehicle for French fashion; on the other hand, they served as a kind of diplomatic representation of France. The fashion doll became one of the most important and popular French export goods. ‘As France and the French court became politically powerful, the European capitals became very dependent on the flow of dolls from France for fashion news.’ 20 Furthermore, in a very special manner the Pandora helped to stabilise the Anglo-French economic and also indirectly the political relationship and ‘[t]here are frequent instances of Anglo-French co-operation in fashion throughout the eighteenth century.’ 21 Her diplomatic mission can be seen as a significant contribution to the tense relations between England and France during the 18th century. Nevertheless it was with England that the main French fashion trade was exchanged even during war of the Spanish Succession,

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__________________________________________________________________ when the hostilities between the two countries might have been expected to hinder such frivolous interchanges. 22 Despite wartime conflict the female sex had successfully achieved that the French dolls were no longer contraband goods. This proves that for some reason the politicians of both countries had already realised and understood that fashion had its own importance. As a result the Pandora was granted some kind of diplomatic immunity: The Abbé Prevost, writing in 1704 at the height of the war, observed: “By an act of gallantry which is worthy of being noted in the chronicles of history for the benefit of the ladies, the ministers of both courts granted a special pass to the mannequin; that pass was always respected, and during the times of greatest enmity experienced on both sides the mannequin was the one object which remained unmolested.” 23 Only eight years later the fashion scene celebrates again, and for good reason, the return of the French doll to London. ‘The arrival of a mannequin in 1712 was particularly noteworthy because the established pattern had been interrupted for some time before that.’ 24 These event has also been documented by one of the greatest periodicals of that time, The Spectator (1711-1712), edited by Joseph Addison and Richard Steele. Mr. Spectator presents his reader an eyewitness account of the arrival of the French baby the year before the war’s end: I was almost in despair of ever seeing a model from that dear country, when last Sunday I overheard a lady in the next pew to me whisper another, that at the Seven Stars, in King-street, Covent-garden, there was a mademoiselle completely dressed, just come from Paris. 25 It has become apparent that the Pandora followed an efficient and convenient route, first conquering Europe and then the USA. Dolls, as informative and/or persuasive advertising, appear to have followed an “information stream” or path. Once dolls, received from France, had been copied by the court dressmakers, they were displayed in windows of fashionable shops. Then, after London shops had tired of them, the dolls were sent abroad to America. 26

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__________________________________________________________________ The Pandora’s arrival attracted widespread media attention in Overseas. Fortunately, contemporary newspapers of that time have documented the brisk journey of the fashion doll from Europe to America. By the early 18th Century they were arriving in an America sufficiently settled and prosperous to indulge in such fripperies. Newspaper advertising of Boston, New York and Philadelphia frequently mentioned “Fashion Babies” among the items “just arrived on the good Ship.” 27 Another source that needs to be quoted is an advertisement of a dressmaker in the New England Weekly Journal of July 12th in 1733, which reads as follows: At Mrs Hannah Teats, dressmaker at the top of Summer Street, Boston, is to be seen a mannequin in the latest fashion, with articles of dress, night-dresses and everything pertaining to woman’s attire. It has been brought from London by Captain White. Ladies who choose to see it may come, it will cost you two shillings, but if you send for it, seven shillings. 28 Undoubtedly this article suggests that the arrival of French fashion doll caused such a sensation that shopkeepers could charge their customers for just taking a look at the doll. 6. The Fashion Doll as Great Grandmother of Barbie When I thought about the Pandora, an interesting question popped up in my mind: Is it possible to compare her to Barbie? Without a doubt, a comparison of the two dolls seems to be a bit farfetched considering the differences between them. Unlike Pandora, Barbie was definitely no new invention. Her inventor Ruth Handler got the idea from a German doll named ‘Lilli,’ which was used as a model in a comic strip and was sold as a sex toy for men. By contrast, Barbie was intended for children and the toy market from the very beginning. Furthermore, Barbie is a fictional Fashionista that has mainly been used for marketing purposes. She has never been a handmade doll, or a precious gift, or an exclusive item for the wealthy; instead, she has always been an industrially manufactured mass product. Despite these differences, Barbie and Pandora have a lot in common. First, Barbie was also designed to resemble a human being and to represent the social ideal of what a young woman should look like. Second, Barbie is an adult fashion doll, too. She can be regarded as one of the first top models and her connection to fashion is inextricable. Until today, Barbie is regularly dressed in clothes that can only be found in the most expensive stores. Third, Barbie preserves and reflects the history of fashion just like Pandora. Interestingly, due to the vast number of outfits

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__________________________________________________________________ Mattel produces for her each year; the company has become the biggest garment manufacturer in the world. Fourth, just like the Pandora Barbie has not only travelled the world but is also is known and sold in the whole world. Her fame is so big that she even took rank 43 in USA Today’s list of the 101 most influential people. 29 Moreover Barbie has become a popular collectible for young and old alike. Like the Pandora the Barbie functions as a brand, an icon of female beauty and as a symbol of the modern consumer culture. Finally, both Barbie and Pandora have been confronted with massive criticism. They have been regularly attacked for being superficial and for promoting unreal beauty and fashion standards on a regular basis. 7. The Fashion Doll: A Rich Cultural and Historical Source The aim of this chapter has been to point out that ‘[f]ashion dolls, in some form, were always used as a promotional tool’ 30 and that one of the most influential objects in the fashion industry of the 18th century was the so-called Pandora. It should also have become evident that ‘Well-dressed, well-appointed dolls epitomize our ideal of the well-dressed persona. Fashionably dressed dolls have been the objects of our admiration and affection, as well as our disdain.’ 31 Moreover, the history of the fashion doll reflects the intimate connection between fashion and economy. In retrospect, Pandora can be seen as the first fashion model and the greatgrandmother of Barbie. ‘Fashion historians believe that the dolls were a highly effective means of fashion dissemination, perhaps more informative than present day fashion photography.’ 32 In the absence of any other reliable source the fashion doll become an important relict and can be considered as an excellent cultural and historical source: ‘Such dolls are important, even unique costume documents, rich in detail, providing valuable information [not only] for the student of historical dress, especially for the seventeenth century when good visual sources are limited.’ 33 Although fashion in the 18th century did not change as rapidly as it does nowadays, this century was really the first time in history when designers and customers had to react quickly to changing fashion trends. The Pandoras that survived into the 20th century are a precious treasure and cultural heritage that offer us the opportunity to get a glimpse of the diversity and variety of dresses, ‘for many are in their original condition and have their appropriate accessories.’ 34

Notes 1

History of the Doll Tripod, accessed April 14, 2011, http://chipsmitley.tripod.com/historyofthedoll.htm.

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__________________________________________________________________ 2

‘A 16th Century French Fashion Doll’, Belphoebe’s Web Page, accessed April 14, 2011, http://www.houseffg.org/belphoebe/Research/Doll/Index.htm. 3 Oriole Cullen, ‘Eighteenth-Century European Dress’, in Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000), published October 2003, accessed June 25, 2011, http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/eudr/hd_eudr.htm. 4 Antonia Fraser, Dolls Pleasures and Treasures (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1963), 39. 5 Yuniya Kawamura, Fashion-ology: An Introduction to Fashion Studies (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2005), 82. 6 Fraser, Dolls Pleasures and Treasures, 40. 7 Ann Mauger, Kathleen M. Rassuli and Laura Farlow Dix, ‘Marketers, Dolls and the Democratization of Fashion’, accessed June 28, 2011, http://tinyurl.com/8qsk8xv, 113. 8 ‘Chapter 2: Before 1790 - Dolls Prior to the French Revolution,’ in The Collector’s Book of Dolls Clothes. Costumes in Miniature: 1700-1929, eds. Dorothy S. Coleman, Elizabeth A. Coleman and Evelyn J. Coleman (London: Robert Hale & Company, 1976), 15. 9 ‘Wooden Doll, Unknown English Maker, c1740-50’, Hantsweb - Hampshire County Council’s web site for Hampshire, England, accessed April 13, 2011, http://www3.hants.gov.uk/museum/childhood-collections/toys/c18-doll.htm. 10 Ibid. 11 ‘Chapter 2: Before 1790 - Dolls Prior to the French Revolution’, 21. 12 Alian Gribbin, ‘Dolls’, in Four Hundred Years of Fashion, ed. Natalie Rothstein (London: Victory and Albert Museum, 1984), 101. 13 Fraser, Dolls Pleasures and Treasures, 41-42. 14 Mauger, Rassuli and Farlow Dix, ‘Marketers, Dolls and the Democratization of Fashion’, 114. 15 Fraser, Dolls Pleasures and Treasures, 40. 16 Ibid., 44. 17 Richmond Huntley, ‘Flashback: Dolls Are More Than Toys’, in Collectors Weekly, March 27, 2009, accessed June 28, 2011, http://www.collectorsweekly.com/articles/dolls-are-more-than-toys/. 18 Mauger, Rassuli and Farlow Dix, ‘Marketers, Dolls and the Democratization of Fashion’, 114. 19 Ibid., 115. 20 Kawamura, Fashion-ology: An Introduction to Fashion Studies, 83. 21 Fraser, Dolls Pleasures and Treasures, 41. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid.

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Joan E. DeJean, The Essence of Style: How the French Invented High Fashion, Fine Food, Chic Cafés, Style, Sophistication, and Glamour (New York et al.: Free Press, 2005), 67. 25 Joseph Addison, The Spectator Volume VI, No. 277, 266. 26 Mauger, Rassuli and Farlow Dix, ‘Marketers, Dolls and the Democratization of Fashion’, 115. 27 Richmond Huntley, ‘Flashback: Dolls Are More Than Toys’, in Collectors Weekly, March 27, 2009. 28 Fraser, Dolls Pleasures and Treasures, 43. 29 See Deirdre Donahue, ‘They Were Never Born, But They’ll Live Forever’, USA TODAY October 17, 2006, accessed July 16 2011, http://www.usatoday.com/life/people/2006-10-16-influential-people_x.htm. 30 Mauger, Rassuli and Farlow Dix, ‘Marketers, Dolls and the Democratization of Fashion’, 113. 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid., 116. 33 Gribbin, ‘Dolls’, in Four Hundred Years of Fashion, 101. 34 Madeleine Ginsburg, ‘Women’s Dress Before 1900’, in Four Hundred Years of Fashion, ed. Natalie Rothstein (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1984), 26.

Bibliography ‘A 16th Century French Fashion Doll’. Belphoebe’s Web Page. Accessed April 14, 2011. http://www.houseffg.org/belphoebe/Research/Doll/Index.htm. Addison, Joseph. ‘The Spectator. Volume VI’. In The British Essayist, edited by J. B. Dove. London: St. John’s Square, 1827. Coleman, Dorothy S., Elizabeth A. Coleman, and Evelyn J. Coleman The Collector’s Book of Doll Clothes. Costumes in Miniature: 1700-1929. London: Robert Hale & Company, 1976. Cullen, Oriole. ‘Eighteenth-Century European Dress’. In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000. Published October 2003. Accessed June 25, 2011. http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/eudr/hd_eudr.htm. DeJean, Joan E. The Essence of Style: How the French Invented High Fashion, Fine Food, Chic Cafés, Style, Sophistication, and Glamour. New York, London, Toronto, and Sydney: Free Press, 2005.

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__________________________________________________________________ Donahue, Deirdre. ‘They Were Never Born, But They’ll Live Forever’. USA TODAY October 17, 2006. Accessed July 16, 2011. http://www.usatoday.com/life/people/2006-10-16-influential-people_x.htm. Fraiser, Antonia. Dolls Pleasures and Treasures. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1963. Ginsburg, Madeleine. ‘Women’s Dress Before 1900’. In Four Hundred Years of Fashion, edited by Natalie Rothstein, 13–49. London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1984. Gribbin, Alian. ‘Dolls’. In Four Hundred Years of Fashion, edited by Natalie Rothstein, 101. London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1984. History of the Doll Tripod. Accessed April 14, 2011. http://chipsmitley.tripod.com/historyofthedoll.htm. ‘Hoop Skirt’. In Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica, 2011. Accessed June 25, 2011. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/271358/hoop-skirt. Huck, Christian. Fashioning Society, or, The Mode of Modernity: Observing Fashion in Eighteenth-Century Britain. Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, 2010. Huntley, Richmond. ‘Flashback: Dolls Are More Than Toys’. Collectors Weekly March 27, 2009. Accessed June 28, 2011. http://www.collectorsweekly.com/articles/dolls-are-more-than-toys/. Kawamura, Yuniya. Fashion-ology: An Introduction to Fashion Studies. Oxford and New York: Berg, 2005. Kowalski-Wallace, Elisabeth. Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping, and Business in the Eighteenth Century. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997. Mauger, Ann, Kathleen M. Rassuli, and Laura Farlow Dix. ‘Marketers, Dolls and the Democratization of Fashion’. Accessed June 28, 2011. http://tinyurl.com/8qsk8xv.

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__________________________________________________________________ Mc Kendrick, Neil, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb. The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982. Rothstein, Natalie, ed. Four Hundred Years of Fashion. London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1984. ‘Wooden Doll, Unknown English Maker, c1740-50’. Hantsweb - Hampshire County Council’s web site for Hampshire, England. Accessed April 13, 2011. http://www3.hants.gov.uk/museum/childhood-collections/toys/c18-doll.htm. Lydia Taylor, Friedrich-Alexander-University Erlangen Nürnberg, Germany.

The Subliminal Code of Fashion Cracked: The Self-Possessed Pre-Raphaelite ‘Stunner’ Yildiz Tuncer Kilic Abstract The focus of this chapter is the premise that through prevalent Victorian fashion women were contrived by superficial detail of fabric, cut and style into an enhancing visual construct representing the class, wealth and status of the father/husband whom they accessorised. The Pre-Raphaelite school of painting, a school singularly evocative of, an albeit covert, manifestation of ingenerate female identity through interdisciplinary union of rhetorical and visual narratives, suggests a fixation on dress as a subliminal code of female subjugation, subsequently selected as a metaphor to be manifestly decried as such through painting and poetry. Dante Gabriel Rossetti, John Everett Millais and William Holman Hunt sought to clarify latent social intervention and epitomise subdued latent identity. Simple, unadorned costume of the early 1840’s stipulates prescribed Christian/patriarchal doctrine. While the prostitute theme of the 1860’s implies intrinsic sexual vitality, however woman is candidly identified as chattel. The late works of the 1870’s and 80’s are analogous with the creation of the New Woman, when the feminine ideal is extended beyond the biological so that a new ideal is emphasised through attire. Key Words: Pre-Raphaelite, Rossetti, visual narratives, nineteenth-century poetry and painting. ***** Victorian women’s fashion was another means of female definition and coercion: literary encaged within whale-bone and steel corsets, penned in by crinolines, oppressed and immobilised by the dead weight of cumbersome fabrics. Women were contrived in the name of fashion into an iconographic statement, supplementing as accessory the social and economic status of their fathers and later, husbands. Given the hypocritical incongruity of Victorian sanctimony with a voyeuristic fascination for the female nude, the absence of nudity in Pre-Raphaelite painting, a school singularly devoted to manifesting an ingenerate female selfhood through interdisciplinary union of rhetorical and visual narratives, defining dress as a repressive subliminal code of conduct which they contemptuously denounced as arbitrary social precept to be decried as such through painting and poetry, to which they re-assigned an insidious statement of wilful liberty. The Pre-Raphaelites, as much the products, as the rebels of their age, adopted a ‘show-case’ convention of female representation to clarify social subjugation and to epitomise latent feminine identity. They envisaged female liberty, ironically as

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__________________________________________________________________ they envisaged women - through the sexual metaphor, and so autonomy became the free expression of the female libido. Simple costume stipulates the importance of the woman herself, partially differentiating her from the social entrenchment of the early 1840’s: nevertheless sourced in prescribed Christian doctrine, the dress distinctly overlooks innate sexuality so that the imposition of prescribed doctrine remains invasive and seems barely willing to admit to femininity. The prostitute associations of the 1860’s imply intrinsic sexual vitality, yet the bejewelled opulence and rich elaborate fabric candidly identifies woman as chattel: hence, her sexuality is an extraneous adage. The late works of the 1870’s and 80’s are analogous with the creation of the New Woman, a self-existent and selfempowered individual. The feminine ideal is extended beyond the moral codes to a political conviction that is emphasised through dress. The ‘[E]mployment of detail … in Pre-Raphaelite works stand for spiritual significance made manifest through systems of typological symbolism in the material world,’ 1 taken in conjunction with Evelyn Waugh’s statement that Dante Gabriel Rossetti’s (1828-82) impulse to pictorial expression were innately sourced and ‘automatically translated into visible forms,’ 2 suggests that Pre-Raphaelite painting was the visualisation of a semantic narrative based on subjective values that carried meaning beyond the material, that which Chris Brookes in Signs of the Times (1984) terms a ‘symbolic realism.’ In the late 1840’s and 50’s, Rossetti as leader to colleagues of a like age, mind and intent was to focus intensely upon the exultation of romance. Albeit a highflying Romantic persona, Rossetti, like his comrades, was an inexperienced and idealistic young man, naturally sensuous by temperament, this sensuality was burdened and tempered with societies many limitations and prejudices. The Girlhood of Mary Virgin (1849) features the artist’s mother as St. Anne, while his sister Christina is depicted as the Virgin. Since Rossetti says of the work: ‘That picture of mine was a symbol of female excellence,’ 3 we can be reasonably justified in seeing a subtext of socially prescribed values behind the predominantly biblical narrative. If it were not for the incongruous figure of the angel, oddly abstract in so domestic an environment one would deem it no more than a domestic scene. The essential focus is surprisingly not theological but societal - firmly entrenched within the domestic realm, seemingly void of personality, the Victorian icon is sanitised and mythologised through Christian endorsement. In respect to ideals Rossetti was as much a product of his society as the vacant and impressionable young girls who were taught that modesty was a state comparable only to sanctity in grace. His own self-image as a man is absolutely reliant on this definition of the female and as such it is representative of the Victorian masculine problematic: as Christina Rossetti clearly recognised ‘One face looks out from all his canvases… Not as she is, but as she fills his dreams.’ 4

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__________________________________________________________________ The Virgin wears a simple dress, deliberately suggestive of humility and divulging sentiments akin to Jane Eyre’s ‘grey alpaca.’ The already neat neckline is made ultra demure by a measure of gathered muslin chemise 5 peeping out as it does again at the cuff by reason of the dress sleeves being rolled-up in demonstration of honest industry. The narrow virginal waist is enhanced by gentle gathering, just as the equally unadorned hair is clearly indicative of continued girlhood. The dress seems detached from the body it covers, in discord to all the natural curves, save the archetypal ‘virginal’ waist and sanctioning only an expurgated ‘fleshless’ femininity. It seems a façade, an individually sculptured version of the greater social prescription of female propriety. Hence, dress, artfully draped over the sitting figure incites stillness and silent industry; through colour, cut and texture it postulates rectitude and acceptance. Ecce Ancilla Domini (1850) represents of the annunciation: the anxiety inherent to the scene is palpable. In a bid to counter allegations of indecency, Rossetti states in the PRB Journal of 1849, that the hot climate is the reason for the lack of bed linen and therefore due modesty. 6 Yet the virgin’s nightgown is so utterly shapeless and so insistently demure, with only bare arms visible and even that most fascinating and ubiquitous Victorian fetish, the ankle, deliberately denied view, that one wonders what it is that generated this perceived indecency. Again a façade of biblical illustration carries a social incentive: the annunciation is symbolic of the passage from girlhood to womanhood; it is a statement of sexual enlightenment. Mary’s anxiety becomes patent when, the supposedly genderless archangel Gabriel, stands before her conspicuously in possession of the muscular build of a young man: the large broad left hand indicating to her not to be afraid, thus drawing attention to the muscles of the upper arm. The gown that Gabriel wear is disconcertingly split open from shoulder to ankle so that his naked waist, hip and thigh are clearly visible. On a subliminal level the scene is rife with initiation: her nightdress sufficiently vague to be interpreted as bridal gown or shroud - both signalling end of girlhood. Quite literally this is a bedroom encounter where a semi-naked man stands before her so that ‘… Mary shrinks back against the wall in maiden modesty, as if trying to evade the violation of the archangel’s lily stem, which points directly at her womb, on the end of which her gaze is locked.’ 7 John Everett Millais’ Isabella (1848-9) 8 is another reactionary intimation of girlhood. The painting, an interpretation of the similarly titled Keats poem, depicts Isabella dressed in modestly fashioned but richly ornamented damask, the labour intensive nature of the embroidery indicative of her noble status. Significantly, the lavish gown seems alien to the rest of her: she lacks the statutory elements of jewellery, rouge, deportment so that a disparity between costume and wearer suggests a woman at odds with that which she supposedly represents. Isabella is a clothes-horse: a mere showcase to her family’s material wealth, quite literally part of the wallpaper! The olive green of the fabric is non-committal, a subdued and passive tone compared to the pinks, rusts, emerald greens depicted around her; her

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__________________________________________________________________ hair, always a potent signifier of female sexuality, is a pony-tail wrapped tightly in satin ribbon symbolic of sexual repression. Seated opposite ‘… the phallic thrust of the brother’s leg, dominating the composition as it kicks against the dog but also aims at Isabella’s womb,’ 9 demonstrates as graphically as her costume the violent phallo-centric dictates to which the subjugated female is prey. This is the predominant mindset of the paintings of the 1850’s: the artist’s clear dissent towards the lavishly trimmed gowns of the day suggests that through the pictorial proposition of an alternative dress code they are aiming, if not to reject, certainly to disassociate with the socially stipulated female definition. The artist’s subjective opinion is of considerable importance: the PreRaphaelite School was a subversive element in art and with a certain covert sanctimony, disputed staunchly conservative social values, however, they did not attest to a feminist standpoint. With time and experience these personally held values were to evolve and alter, not only in the works of each man, but also as a collective in reaction to on going social change. A comparative painting that illustrates this issue well is William Holman Hunt’s Isabella and the Pot of Basil (1867) painted over a decade later. The earlier Isabella is a criticism of social coercion as arbitrary doctrine correlated to costume: timidity and physical frailly seeming to verify the imposition of social limitation as a necessity, but conversely showing the female as victim. Hunt’s Isabella exceeds political recrimination, its intimate sincerity addressing frankly the taboo itself. Fanny Waugh, the artist’s wife and model for the painting, was to die shortly afterwards of puerperal fever following the birth of their son; this emotional proximity is represented in the intimacy of her attire. The near-transparent shift accentuates her hips and thighs, as does a large shawl that has slipped from her shoulders to the ground, its edging tassels just resting around her fulsome waist (a volatile incongruity in virginal figuration), deliberately imparting, through the acknowledged signs of early pregnancy, the true form and nature of feminine puissance and mystery. Unlike Millais’s Isabella, it is the strong, vibrant body frankly brandishing innate purpose and sensuality that gives shape to the costume, its intricate drapes wrapping, caressing and highlighting every inch of her form. In an age of innovative textiles, murderously cheap tailoring and fashion trends galore, the simplicity of a pure white cotton shift devoid of ornamentation, is not lost on us. Ford Madox Brown’s The Last of England (1855) flagrantly disregarding ‘women’s “natural” constitutional deficiencies’ 10 portrays a wife/mother, evidently equal, even dominant within marriage: structurally demonstrated through a triangular composition with husband and wife representing the two vertical struts of the triangle, conjoined at the horizontal by a union of clasped hands. Compared to her husband’s expression of grave reservation even fear, her countenance of hopeful courage is demonstrated by the vigorous pink of her satin ribbons, darting out robust, even audacious. As mother she is undeniable defender and nurturer, hence authority in parody of the patriarchal male, whose posture she mirrors. Her

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__________________________________________________________________ copious cape encircles not only herself, but also the infant on her lap, who has had she clasps; with the other hand gloved this time and remedied against proclaimed ‘weakness,’ she supportively holds the hand of her husband and metaphorically leads the way forward with her intent gaze. The brazen intimation of gender equality is irrefutably verified via the maternal; a concept so entrenched within Victorian fable that even in this derogatory context it cannot be refuted. The images of women in the 1860’s mark a coming of age for the PreRaphaelites, who pass, often painfully, from youthful romanticism to soulful experience. For a remorseful Rossetti in particular, this was both a retreat to the solace of a prostitute, as well as a self-inflicted punishment decrying a degradation of spirit; a ‘prostitution’ of his former idealism. Bocca Baciata (1860) is one of the earliest and illustrates a bawdy tale from Boccaccio, of a sexually profuse woman. Outrage at such gratuitous vulgarity was unanimous; even fellow Pre-Raphaelite Holman Hunt, stated in outrage that it ‘… remarkable for gross sensuality of a revolting kind.’ 11 The figure is one of resilience and physical vigor, ‘the image of savage active health,’ 12 clearly the antithesis of ‘girlhood:’ with thick bovine neck, a round ‘country’ face, wide shoulders and alluring sumptuous mouth. The clothes that she wears do not correspond to any given class, they possess a loose, bohemian extravagance, but seem by nature of their semi-undress items that belong to the boudoir: an elaborate dressing gown worn over a nightdress perhaps, or a winter day-dress, with the fashionable pagoda sleeves and high neckline, unbuttoned so that the chemise beneath is just visible - both alternatives singularly unnerving a Victorian viewer. The open neckline is blatantly suggestive, while the jewels and flower ornaments aid this raw allure. Yet one feels that the perceived antagonism of the painting comes not from the showy excess declaring the prostitute, but rather from the palpable confidence of the woman herself: her ‘direct gaze can be interpreted as immodest,’ 13 a challenge to all who catch her eye. Her lush auburn tresses flowing loose about her shoulders and her air of unrepentant knowing exuding carnal self-knowledge: sex, declared by the medical fraternity of the day as an abhorrent chore for women, at best an insufferable marital duty to be fulfilled with wifely decorum, is professedly not so here. Homogenous single-mindedness pervades the portrait: the flower in her hand and the dark green velvet of her gown is identical to the wallpaper; the gold braiding of her costume is picked up in the gold of her necklace earrings and hair ornament; all tones are mellow and complementary, insinuating tenacious intention. This is a woman who has literally earned her clothes. Such defiant exhibition of brazen sexuality is a thing unquestionably immoral, necessarily ‘fallen’ and marginal; her dress cannot reflect the status of the patriarchy, simply because the patriarchy refuses to be associated with a renegade female. Therefore she does not demonstrate the wealth of father or husband, but her own achievement - however immoral, suspect, or humiliated, this costume represents tooth and nail combativeness in a capitalist society.

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__________________________________________________________________ There is very little nakedness in Bocca Baciata, indeed in what is supposedly an anthem to insatiable female sexuality the portraiture is entirely of the face with no reference to typically erogenous body parts. Plainly, the aim is not the licentious gratification of male fantasy but the implication of independent female libido. The Westminster Review of 1850 unreservedly states: ‘…[in women] the [sexual] desire is dormant, if not non-existent, till excited by actual intercourse…the arrangement of nature and the customs of society would be even more unequal then they were, were it not so.’ 14 The journal insinuates that sexual voracity would render women even less rational, therefore more inadequate and lowly still, hence exaggerating still further the existent imbalance. The male as sole catalyst to female sexuality is reassuring solace to society, since the possibility of self-empowered female libido is insinuated to be dangerously antagonistic to the status quo. The physically active female, in all its connotations, is a social aberration because she is not a passive catalyst to male sexuality or male authority, but professes to inherent sexual proficiency and drive. The moral abhorrence consciously articulated by Victorian patriarchy conceals a subconscious fear of gender equality and paranoia of emasculation. A pertinent illustration of this anxiety is Rossetti’s Astarte Syriaca (1877), conversely ‘a hymn to female beauty that is virtually reserved for religious art’ 15 and ‘brooding and monstrous images of women’ 16 : a paradoxically intimidating and sensual entity that is the direct antecedent of the intimidating ‘femme fatal’ of Art Nouveau, in possession of a fearful authority, alongside an aggressive sensuality. The ‘Grecian’ gown worn seductively off-shoulder by the Syrian Goddess, accentuates breasts and partially raised thigh and is of a silky fabric defiant to the regimentation of tailoring. The hair, like the gown, is both structured and free: tight deep waves, seemingly prearranged flow unhampered. Only the ornate chain-work encircling her body implies control: her strength intimating capable arms, lead the eye to both chains, the fingers delicately manipulate the intricate metalwork, as her eyes gaze directly at us-a silent but intense reprimand communicates itself through expression and costume. Dress is no longer an adage, but an extension of her true self, inextricably linked to the potent sexuality she exudes. Through Astarte is frankly demonstrated the patriarchal shackles that bind; prettifying, certainly and jewel-like, seemingly to adorn, but in actuality cleaving to her body, holding siege to her physicality. Whitmore recognises in the application of the Goddess, the Jungian transpersonal center the Self: ‘The patriarchy regulated the externals of human behaviour but devalued individualized instinct, feeling, intuition, emotion, and the depth of the feminine except in the service of the collective … each individual needs to discover the indwelling source of authentic conscience and spiritual guidance, the divinity within.’ 17 The artist looks beyond the superficial guise and isolates the instinctive and intuitive woman beneath.

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__________________________________________________________________ The recognition of woman as a liberated individual seems initially fulfilled through Astarte, yet it is permeated by a tense, dehumanised angularity that decries ill ease. Adoration as Goddess carries with it conditions of restraint, of abstinence from all practical activity: ‘to be removed from all industrial occupations and be excluded from every kind of political activity in order that they might wear an aspect remote enough to seem worthy of worship.’ 18 Portrayal of the independent woman as an abstraction reasserts exclusion and passive domesticity; as does a costume that is remote and unattainably bohemian. J. S. Mill asserted, the only way to achieve emancipation and liberty of the spirit was through self-knowledge, 19 it seems that William Holman Hunt’s The Lady of Shalott 20 (1886), trashing wildly to escape the constraints that bind and oppress her, has reached just that junction: indication is of awakening and potential emancipation. The lady is dressed in rich and sumptuous fabrics, adorned by jewels and situated in a spectacularly extravagant room, conspicuously ‘furnish’d and burnish’d’ 21 to such excess that she appears almost to be another accessory. The tapestry she has woven, a picture of the world at large, is perhaps criticism that she has long enabled this oppressive regime by accepting and propagating its values. Now she leaps up demanding active life, ripping at the self-entwined yarn. Surprisingly her orient inspired dress is a close approximation of period fashion: the lace trimmed petticoat, the bustled satin skirt and solid bodice. Unlike the transcendental Astarte Syriaca, this is a familiar and achievable example: the bare feet, the arms unrestricted with sleeves pushed up to the forearm, the cumbersomeness of skirts lifted and petticoats revealed; everything speaks of easy movement and energetic reaction to limitation. If costume represents social restriction, then this is a scene of out and out rebellion against that very symbol.

Notes 1

Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (London: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 20. 2 Evelyn Waugh, Rossetti: His Life and Works (Londom: Duckworths Georgian Library,1931), 224. 3 Jan Marsh, Pre-Raphaelite Women: Images of Femininity (New York: Harmony Books, 1988), 31. 4 Waugh, Rossetti: His Life and Works, 188. 5 In the 17th century white linen was believed to cleanse the body and provide a substitute to bathing. This symbolic association continued so that, ‘woman’s chemise became increasingly visible.’ Katherine Ashenburg, Clean: An Unsanitised History of Washing (London: Profile Books Ltd., 2009), 106 and 109. 6 Marsh, Pre-Raphaelite Women: Images of Femininity, 32. 7 Ibid.

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From John Keats’, Isabella or The Pot of Basil, a tragic love story of class conflict between Isabella and lowly Lorenzo, who is murdered by her brothers and whose decapitated head she secretly tends in a basil pot. 9 Marsh, Pre-Raphaelite Women: Images of Femininity, 48. 10 Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination, 67. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid., 343. 13 Marsh, Pre-Raphaelite Women: Images of Femininity, 86. 14 Martha Vicinus, Suffer and Be Still: Women in the Victorian Age (Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1973), 82. 15 Christopher Wood, Pre-Raphaelites (London: Phoenix Illustrated, 1997), 98. 16 Ibid., 101. 17 Edward C. Whitmore, Return of the Goddess: Femininity, Aggression and the Modern Grail Quest (London: Routledge and Paul Kegan, 1983), ix-x. 18 Lloyd Fernando, ‘New Woman’ in the Late Victorian Novel (London: Pennsilvania State University Press, 1977), 3. 19 John S. Mill, The Subjugation of Women (London: Everyman Edition, 1965 [1869]), 232. 20 From Alfred Lord Tennyson’s poem, invocative of Plato’s cave the painting recalls the Lady of Shalott, isolated in her ‘ivory tower’ to re-interpret, as tapestry, a second-hand view of the world, escaping her limitations. 21 ‘Miss J. Hunter Dunn, Miss J. Hunter Dunn / Furnish’d and burnish’d by Aldershot sun.’ John Betjeman, ‘The Subaltern’s Love-Song’, The Oxford Book of Twentieth-Century English Verse, in ed. P. Larkin (London: Guild Publishing, 1984), 369.

Bibliography Ashenburg, Katherine. Clean: An Unsanitised History of Washing. London: Profile Books Ltd., 2009. Fernando, Lloyd. ‘New Woman’ in the Late Victorian Novel. London: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977. Flint, Kate. The Victorians and the Visual Imagination. London: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Larkin, Philip, ed. The Oxford Book of Twentieth-Century English Verse. London: Guild Publishing, 1984.

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__________________________________________________________________ Marsh, Jan. Pre-Raphaelite Women: Images of Femininity. New York: Harmony Books, 1988. Mill, John S. The Subjugation of Women. London: Everyman Edition, 1965 [1896]. Vicinus, Martha. Suffer and Be Still: Women in the Victorian Age. Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1973. Waugh, Evelyn. Rossetti: His Life and Works. London: Duckworths Georgian Library, 1931. Whitmore, Edward C. Return of the Goddess: Femininity, Aggression and the Modern Grail Quest. London: Routledge and Paul Kegan, 1983. Wood, Christopher. Pre-Raphaelites. London: Phoenix llustrated, 1997. Yildiz Tuncer Kilic is Assistant Professor at the Department of English in Istanbul University.

Representing Twiggy in 1967: Twiggy as a New Icon Betsy Thomas Abstract This chapter seeks to understand what a ‘new icon’ is and how fashion photographs of Twiggy transform her into an icon. I begin to define what a new icon is by deconstructing how the social background of 1960s Britain, the evolution of traditional, religious icons, and the presence of mass media popular culture (particularly fashion photography) helped in facilitating the emergence of a new icon, and Twiggy in particular. To start with, for icons to be able to transition into the 20th century they had to become relevant to the current times and represent the lives and world around the people who lived in it. Looking for images that represented what was important to them, people turned to popular mass media culture, especially the people in the pages of magazines such as Vogue. A ‘new society’ was created in Britain with the breakdown of traditional cultural authority and the emergence of a rich variety of identity choices in the late 1950s and early 1960s, feeding directly into the rise and importance of fashion photography. The extent to which someone can be recognisable by a set of gestures, props, and external attributes aids in determining someone’s status as an icon. The ways in which Twiggy can be repeatedly identified in photographs, for example, by her short haircut, heavily made-up eyes, very slim figure, and fashionable dress fit into this idea. These points are compared and contrasted with older, traditional icons and a shift from the actual object to the person visually represented. Using photographs of Twiggy, I examine these ideas along with picture theory discussed and developed by authors such as W. J. T Mitchell and John McHale. They examine the powerful responses toward the images and pictures we see and how these concrete, representational objects transform their subjects into icons. Key Words: Twiggy, icon, fashion photography. ***** 1. Introduction The phrase ‘new icon’ is not directly taken from any source but is what I use to distinguish a modern icon from that of older, more traditional examples. For the purposes of my chapter, when referring to the new icon, I am talking about the person, or Twiggy. While I also believe photographs of Twiggy or a look created by Twiggy and photographers in the photos can become icons or iconic of something, I want to show how photographs, particularly fashion photographs, establish Twiggy, the person, as the icon. By using four main sections, ‘Existing Icons and New Icons,’ ‘The Photographs,’ ‘The New Society and Celebrity,’ and ‘Museum Display and the New Icon,’ my chapter begins to look at and define the

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__________________________________________________________________ history of icons and trace the evolution of the icon and what an icon can be and how one is created. 2. Existing Icons and New Icons Literature surrounding the idea of what an icon is discusses what it has meant throughout centuries especially concerning Christian religious subjects. Art history survey texts and dictionaries of art provide a basis for defining the word icon and how it is has been used, although limited. For example in the Oxford Dictionary of Christian Art the word icon includes the description: Small panel-paintings of Christ, the Virgin, or saints, which are the most obvious expression of Orthodox piety…they are regarded as holy in themselves and veneration is paid to them as prototypes of the saints they represent. 1 As a type of manufactured product or image these icons were given a special status as providing a means of access to the divine, by rendering the invisible visible. 2 In defence of these objects and other religious art, people such as Thomas Aquinas asserted that the devout could separate the physical object from the figures represented on them, venerating God himself and not His representation. 3 The lines between what or who is being venerated has often blurred. These traditional icons used a prescribed set of standards and changed very little in style over the centuries, mostly due to the veneration surrounding them, with the goal being less about depicting reality and more about expressing the spiritual power of the faith. 4 While traditional icons continue to exist today, the newer icons transitioned into the 20th century by relating to the current trends and lives of people after 1945. Institutions that were once definitive sources of identity became more un-relatable to everyday people and their lives. 5 However, people still sought something to revere and strive towards. Looking for images that represented what was important to them, they turned to popular mass media culture, especially the celebrities in the pages of magazines such as Vogue. 6 This visual representation of specific people, such as Twiggy, helps in making the person an icon. Using several sources, such as essays written by a variety of authors in Marshall Fishwick and Ray Browne’s Icons of Popular Culture, on how icons have become meaningful especially in the 20th and 21st centuries by the use of massmedia and distribution aided in my understanding of the new icon. Movements of primarily objects that have become so familiar within popular culture that they have transitioned from just being well-known to being iconic are mainly explored. People are also addressed as becoming icons, but are still many times referred to as ‘role players and iconographical objects’ produced by the media. Consumerism, mass media, and advertising are the key elements laid out in this transition from object to icon. 7

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__________________________________________________________________ John McHale’s idea of what a modern icon is further contributed to my idea of what a contemporary icon can be. McHale uses the term icon or ‘ikon,’ as he puts it, in direct relation to mass media and visual communication. Not only are simple messages conveyed about perceived reality, but signs, symbols, and loaded images are used as a means of communicating one’s ‘total environment situation,’ enabling people to make sense of and deal with the world around them. McHale writes that ‘the content of the mass media image which might be regarded as ikonic in nature is that in which man (or woman) is the key figure,’ 8 and later refers to the actual person as the ‘ikon’ or being ‘ikonic.’ An important aspect of an icon has been its visual presentation. Both older and newer icons make use of repeatable traits that make the subjects and figures recognisable to people and aid in the proliferation of a particular image. Even with stylistic changes during different centuries, the depiction of Christ or Saints, for example, conform to specific standards. While there is not one set of standards for the depiction of the new icon, each individual icon has a set of traits that are attributed to them and repeated throughout representations of them, fixing a certain image of the person or object in the minds of the public. 9 For example, the photograph of Twiggy created by Barry Lategan in 1966 with Twiggy’s newly cropped haircut and self-styled makeup displays the earliest conception of what would become known as her signature look. While Twiggy’s look evolved over time, viewers expect to see her tiny figure, pageboy haircut, and dramatic eyes with long, dark fake eyelashes. The attention in traditional icons became focused on the icon as a portrait of a particular religious figure and the portability and dissemination of particular conventional icons can be connected to the importance placed on the photograph of the new icon and its widespread distribution. 10 There is a sense of universal production present in both types of icons. However, a new icon differs from a traditional icon in several important aspects. Photography and the influx of mass-media are relatively new phenomena. While icons have always included a visually constructed depiction, the new icon is one that can be photographed and sent around the world at a much faster rate due to mass-production and their replicable ability. Before our contemporary period, icons tended to be permanent over a long span of time, depicting their subjects with specific details and a specific style. The new icon’s image is much more transient and expendable, but through repeated representations and distribution of their images, the new icon can become fixed within peoples’ memories similarly. While being able to replicate the images is important to both older and newer icons, the process of replicating the new icon’s image can be reproduced exactly as its original. 11 The new icons are less about transcendence and acting as an intermediary to a higher power and more about serving as a model of what the public desires, such as a more glamorous lifestyle. The public, specifically the youth of Britain, looked to

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__________________________________________________________________ these photographs of Twiggy as a guide of how to look, act, and dress. For example, in ‘Spot the Shorts’ and ‘Shorts Supply’ by Ronald Traeger for British Vogue in the July 1967 issue, Twiggy’s signature look, clothing, and seemingly carefree spirit on the mini motorbike acted as a kind of diagram to the public of how they either picture themselves or want to. The clothing designers, including Twiggy herself, are also noted, giving the reader or viewer a chance to possibly acquire the exact clothing and accessories that Twiggy is photographed wearing. The photographs promote resemblance in that the viewer sees the person in the photo as resembling some aspect of them, hence the desire to view the photos in the first place as people tend to vicariously live and experience through the depiction of the person in the photograph, dressing and acting like them in their real lives. 12 The ability of photographs to directly resemble their subject matter makes it easier for people to take photographs at face value and believe that they are based on reality which is already a tendency of the viewers. 3. The Photographs The first photograph of Twiggy that I have discussed is the shot of Twiggy with her newly cropped haircut which was used as a display in the window of Leonard’s hair salon in London. This photograph was also shown in London’s The Independent and is credited with starting the Twiggy craze and her being named ‘The face of “66”’ in its pages. 13 The next two photographs that I have examined are ‘Spot the Shorts’ and ‘Shorts Supply,’ photographed by Ronald Traeger for the inside pages of the July 1967 issue of British Vogue. The fashion models in 1960’s photographs create a narrative with photographers and creative teams constructing images seemingly without effort, offering glimpses of a lifestyle through gesture, glances, and fantasy. 14 Twiggy’s first cover for British Vogue, taken by Ronald Traeger for the October 15, 1967 issue, is the fourth photograph I use and harkens back to the Barry Lategan photo. It is also significant that this is the first cover shot of her for British Vogue, once again establishing her as an important British figure, one that embodies the new class of pop-culture royalty. This photo is also on the Vogue website and in its online archives of British Vogue covers, as well as in history of fashion books such as Icons of Fashion: the 20th Century. Earlier in this chapter I discussed what has been described as the transient, expendable nature of mass media forms and therefore possibly icons, but Twiggy’s photographs such as the ones used in this section provide examples of how someone in contemporary times can be fixed within the lasting memory of people’s minds and become icons, transcending that of mere celebrity or fads. 15 The continual presence of Twiggy on magazine covers, inside magazines, on TV, film, and stage has imprinted Twiggy in the public’s collective memory.

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__________________________________________________________________ 4. The New Society and Celebrity In the late 1950s and early 1960s Britain there was an accelerated phase in which the breakdown of traditional cultural authority and the emergence of a rich variety of identity choices occurred. The transition shown in the established British magazines Queen and Town, from the exclusive social classes to what Queen termed ‘the New Class’ in 1965 was an example of this turning point. It encompassed a whole new society, one that included celebrities from workingclass backgrounds, not just royals and the social elite. 16 Twiggy’s working class background and sudden fame made her more desirable and fit in with the notion of the new class. While much of the clothing models wore in the photos were still designer brands, many of the styles were imitated immediately with the rise of mass-produced ready-to-wear clothing, so that every girl could wear clothing like in the photos. Status-obsessed post WWII Britain drew inspiration from models, artists, film stars, pop musicians, and fashion designers. The youth of Britain had a major increase in disposable income. Between the years of 1945 and 1960 the wages of teenagers rose twice as fast as those of their parents. The youth of Britain had new ideas of what was important to them and how to show this. The word ‘teenager’ started to become common and fixed them within a separate social category. Youth prior to this time held many of the same interests and looked much like their parents. However as mass-media and consumerism began to cater more to this new group of teenagers, youth movements developed concerning their individual identities and self-fulfilment. A much larger group of consumers now had the availability to buy themselves identities and lifestyles. 17 By looking at the particular photographs of Twiggy presented, one can see what kind of identities and lifestyles the youth of Britain and the larger industrialised world were striving for. 5. Museum Display and the New Icon The treatment of the photographs by museums underscores the hierarchal and cultural significance of the new icon. The inclusion of these types of photographs in British museums after 1960 changes and adds to the establishment of them as iconic, removing them from the pages of a magazine and exhibiting them within a more formal and permanent context, framing them and placing them along the walls where artworks within the art historical canon are. 18 Portrait galleries have the ability to hold up certain groups of people as important examples of what and who should be admired and emulated. Museums provide a type of authenticity and authority that demonstrates to the public what is important and true. The British National Portrait Gallery, in particular, is an important British institution whose inclusion of such portraits puts them forth in people’s minds as a kind of historical evidence of the sixties and the people presented in them. 19 The mission of the founder of the British National Portrait Gallery was of displaying

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__________________________________________________________________ portraits ‘of those persons who are most honourably commemorated in British history.’ 20 While the founder, Philip Henry Stanhope, hardly could have imagined Twiggy, her presence in the Gallery cements her status as an important British icon. Adding to the dissemination of these types of photographs within the context of a museum is the inclusion of the permanent collection through the internet. The public can access these portraits and at least twelve of Twiggy from the British National Portrait Gallery’s website. Although all of these areas can be explored at much greater length, the photograph’s role in establishing someone as an icon, aided by mass production and dissemination, a cultural shift, and the extent to which someone can be recognizable by a set of gestures, props, and external attributes has been explored. Each new icon is associated with a specific look. Marilyn Monroe has hers, Elvis has his. None of these icons looks like one another, but they are considered icons nonetheless. While in reality these people may have had different looks, they become synonymous with a particular one. 21 These people have grown beyond celebrity and fame and even people themselves, providing a new archetype for future icons to follow.

Notes 1

Peter Murray and Linda Murray, Oxford Dictionary of Christian Art (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 255. 2 Cynthia Hahn, ‘Vision’, in A Companion to Medieval Art, ed. Conrad Rudolph (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2006), 51. 3 Herbert L. Kessler, ‘Gregory the Great and Image Theory’, in A Companion to Medieval Art, 153. 4 Gilles Plazy, The History of Art in Pictures (New York: Barnes and Noble Books, 1999), 53. 5 Aaron Betsky, ed., Icons: Magnets of Meaning (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1997), 41. 6 Steve Taylor, 100 Years of Magazine Covers (London: Black Dog Publishing Ltd., 2006), 128. 7 Spencer Bennett, ‘Christ, Icons, and Mass Media’, in Icons of Popular Culture, eds. Marshall Fishwick and Ray B. Browne (Bowling Green: Bowling Green University Popular Press, 1970), 91. 8 John McHale, ‘Expendable Ikon 1’, Architectural Design 29 (February 1959): 83. 9 Ibid., 82. 10 Richard G. Tansey and Fred S. Kleiner, Gardner’s Art through the Ages, 10th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1996), 301. 11 Marshall McLuhan, From Cliché to Archetype (New York: Viking Press, 1970), 174.

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__________________________________________________________________ 12

Susan G. Josephson, From Idolatry to Advertising (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1996), 197. 13 Terry Kirby, ‘Twiggy, This Year’s Model Again’, The Independent (London), last modified 12 October 2009, accessed January 23, 2008, http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qn4158/is _20051012/ai_n15666842 /pg _1. 14 Martin Harrison and Tessa Traeger, New Angles (Munich: Schrimer/Mosel, 1999), 7. 15 John McHale, ‘Expendable Ikon 2’, Architectural Design 29 (March 1959): 117. 16 Taylor, 100 Years of Magazine Covers, 36. 17 Mark Donnelly, Sixties Britain: Culture, Society and Politics (Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2005), 26. 18 Eugenie Shinkle, Fashion as Photograph: Viewing and Reviewing Images of Fashion (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2008), 1. 19 National Portrait Gallery [British], last modified 11 February 2008, accessed March 15, 2009, http://www.npg.org.uk/live/search/. 20 National Portrait Gallery, ‘History of the National Portrait Gallery’, last modified 23 November, 2008, accessed October 24, 2008, http://www.npg.org.uk/live/history.asp. 21 McHale, ‘Expendable Ikon 2’, 116-117.

Bibliography Anderson, Terry H. The Sixties. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 2009. Avedon, Richard, and Doon Arbus. Avedon: The Sixties. New York: Plume, 2000. Beaton, Cecil. Beaton in the Sixties: the Cecil Beaton Diaries as He Wrote Them, 1965-1969. New York: Knopf, 2004. Belting, Hans. Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art. Translated by Edmund Jephcott. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994. Betsky, Aaron, ed. Icons: Magnets of Meaning. San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1997. Booker, Christopher. The Neophiliacs: The Revolution in English Life in the Fifties and Sixties. London: Collins Publishers, 1969.

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__________________________________________________________________ Bohm, Dorothy, Amanda Hopkinson, and Ian Jeffrey. Sixties London: Photographs. London: Lund Humphries Publishers, 1998. Buxbaum, Gerda, ed. Icons of Fashion: The 20th Century. Munich: Prestel Verlag, 1999. Calas, Elena, and Nicolas Calas. Icons: Images of the Sixties. New York: Plume, 1971. Chase, Edna W., and Ilka Chase. Always in Vogue. Garden City: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1954. Cherry, Deborah, and Fintan Cullen. ‘On Location’. Art History 29, No. 4 (September 2006): 533–539. Cormack, Robin. Icons. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2007. Crowley, David. Magazine Covers. London: Octopus Publishing Group, Ltd., 2003. Cutler, Anthony. Transfigurations: Studies in the Dynamics of Byzantine Iconography. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University, 1975. Demus, Otto. Byzantine Art and the West. New York: New York University Press, 1970. Doane, Mary Ann, ed. ‘Differences: Indexicality: Trace and Sign’. A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 18, No. 1 (Spring 2007): 1–186. Donnelly, Mark. Sixties Britain: Culture, Society and Politics. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2005. Fishwick, Marshall, and Ray B. Browne, eds. Icons of Popular Culture. Bowling Green: Bowling Green University Popular Press, 1970. Fogg, Marnie. Boutique: A 60’s Cultural Phenomenon. London: Octopus Publishing Group Ltd., 2003.

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__________________________________________________________________ Fukai, Akiko, ed. Fashion: A History from the 18th to the 20th Century. Volume II: 20th Century. Koln: TASCHEN GmbH, 2006. Funnell, Peter. ‘Display at the National Portrait Gallery, London, 1968-1975’. Art History 30, No. 4 (2007): 590–610. Hariman, Robert, and John Lucaites. No Caption Needed: Iconic Photographs, Public Culture, and Liberal Democracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007. Harrison, Martin, and David Bailey. Birth of the Cool, 1957-1969. New York: Viking Studio, 1999. Harrison, Martin, and Tessa Traeger. New Angles. Munich: Schirmer/Mosel, 1999. Hasiotis, Georgette M., ed. The Expendable Ikon: Works by John McHale. New York: The Buffalo Fine Arts Academy, 1984. Hill, Daniel. As Seen in Vogue: A Century of American Fashion in Advertising. Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2004. Holme, Bryan, and Katharine Tweed, eds. The World in Vogue. New York: The Viking Press, Inc., 1963. Hooper-Greenhill, Eilean. Museums and the Interpretation of Visual Culture. New York: Routledge, 2000 Howell, Georgina. In Vogue: Sixty Years of International Celebrities and Fashion from British Vogue. New York: Schocken Books, 1976. Jackson, Lesley. The Sixties: Decade of Design Revolution. London: Phaidon Press Limited, 2000. Josephson, Susan G. From Idolatry to Advertising. Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1996. Kirby, Terry. ‘Twiggy, This Year’s Model Again’. The Independent (London). Last modified October 12, 2005. CNET Networks (BNET). Accessed January 23, 2008. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qn4158/is_20051012/ai_n15666842/pg_1.

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__________________________________________________________________ Kitzinger, Ernst. The Art of Byzantium and the Medieval West: Selected Studies. Edited by W. Eugene Kleinbauer. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976. —––. Byzantine Art in the Making: Main Lines of Stylistic Development in Mediterranean Art, 3rd-7th Century. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977. Knol, Simone. ‘Triple Exposure’. Lucire. Last modified in 1999. Accessed January 23, 2008. http://www.lucire.com/archive1999/10201p0.shtml. Lawson, Twiggy. Twiggy Lawson - The Official Site. Accessed September 29, 2008. http://www.twiggylawson.co.uk. Marwick, Arthur. The Sixties: Cultural Transformation in Britain, France, Italy and the United States, c. 1958- c. 1974. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. Maryke, Anna. Fragment: Icons from Antiquity. New York: Welcome Rain Publishers, 2000. McHale, John. ‘Expendable Ikon 1’. Architectural Design 29 (February 1959): 82– 83. —––. ‘Expendable Ikon 2’. Architectural Design 29 (March 1959): 116–117. McLuhan, Marshall. From Cliché to Archetype. New York: Viking Press, 1970. Melly, George. Revolt into Style: The Pop Arts in Britain. London: Allen Lane, 1970. Mitchell, Jack, and Edward Albee. Icons and Idols: A Photographer’s Chronicle of the Arts, 1960-1995. New York: New Line Books, 2005. Mitchell, W. J. T. Iconology: Image, Text, Ideology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. —––. What Do Pictures Want?: The Lives and Loves of Images. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006. Morley, Simon. Writing on the Wall: Word and Image in Modern Art. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005.

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__________________________________________________________________ Murray, Peter, and Linda Murray. Oxford Dictionary of Christian Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. National Portrait Gallery. Last modified February 11, 2008. Accessed January 23, 2008. http://www.npg.org.uk/live/search/. Onasch, Konrad, and Annemarie Scnieper. Icons: The Fascination and the Reality. New York: Riverside Book Company, 1997. Payne, Blanche, Geitel Winakor, and Jane Farrell-Beck. The History of Costume. 2nd Edition. New York: Addison-Wesley Educational Publishers Inc., 1992. Pitman, Joanna. ‘Getting Close to Twiggy’. The Times Magazine (London). Accessed January 23, 2008 through Twiggy Lawson - The Official Site. http://www/twiggylawson.co.uk/gettingclosetotwiggy.html. Plazy, Gilles. The History of Art. New York: Barnes and Noble Books, 1999. Preziosi, Donald, ed. The Art of Art History: A Critical Anthology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998. Robbins, David, ed. The Independent Group: Postwar Britain and the Aesthetics of Plenty. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1990. Roberts, Lisa C., From Knowledge to Narrative: Education and the Changing Museum. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997. Rose, Gillian. Visual Methodologies, 2nd Edition. London: SAGE Publications Ltd., 2007. Rudolph, Conrad, ed. A Companion to Medieval Art: Romanesque and Gothic in Northern Europe. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2006. Russell, Douglas A. Costume History and Style. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1983. Safran, Linda. Heaven on Earth: Art and the Church in Byzantium. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998.

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__________________________________________________________________ Sassoon, Rosemary, and Albertine Gaur. Signs, Symbols and Icons: Pre-History to the Computer Age. Bristol: Intellect Limited, 1995. Shinkle, Eugenie. Fashion as Photograph: Viewing and Reviewing Images of Fashion. New York: I.B. Tauris, 2008. Shulman, Alexandra, ed. in chief. British Vogue. London: Conde Nast Publications, Ltd. Springer, Paul. Ads to Icons: How Advertising Succeeds in a Multimedia Age. London: Kogan Page, 2007. Stepan, Peter. Icons of Photography: The 20th Century. New York: Prestel, 1999. Stern, Jane, and Michael Stern. Sixties People. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990. Tagg, John. The Burden of Representation: Essays on Photographies and Histories. Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1988. Tansey, Richard G., and Fred S. Kleiner. Gardner’s Art Through the Ages, 10th Edition. New York: Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1996. Taylor, Steve. 100 Years of Magazine Covers. London: Black Dog Publishing Ltd., 2006. Toth, Mike, and Jennie D’Amato. Fashion Icon: The Power of Fashion in Graphic Design. Gloucester, Massachusetts: Rockport Publishers, Inc., 2003. Twiggy. Twiggy: Her Mod, Mod Teen World. New York: Beauty Secrets Inc., 1967. —––. Twiggy: An Autobiography. Suffolk: Hart-Davis, 1975. —––. How I Probably Just Came Along on a White Rabbit at the Right Time, and Met the Smile on the Face of the Tiger. New York: Hawthorn Books, Inc., 1968. Twiggy, and Penelope Dening. Twiggy in Black and White. London: Simon & Schuster, 1997.

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__________________________________________________________________ Victoria and Albert Museum. ‘Sixties Fashion Exhibition’. Accessed January 23, 2008. http://www.vam.ac.uk/collections/fashion/1960s/sixtiesfashion/index.html. —––. ‘Triple Exposure: 3 Photographers from the 60s’. Accessed January 23, 2008. http://www.artmag.com/museums/a_greab/agblova7.html. Vogue. ‘Vogue Art on Demand’. Accessed January http://vogue.artgroup.com/mall/departmentpage.cfm/vogue/78434.

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Vreeland, Diana, ed. in chief. American Vogue. New York: Conde Nast Publications, July 1966 - September 1968. Watson, Linda. Vogue Fashion. London: Carlton Books Limited, 1999. Weitzmann, Kurt, ed. Age of Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1979. —––. Art in the Medieval West and Its Contacts with Byzantium. London: Variorum Reprints, 1982. —––. Classical Heritage in Byzantine and Near Eastern Art. London: Variorum Reprints, 1981. —––. The Icon: Holy Images - Sixth to Fourteenth Century. New York: G. Braziller, 1978. Wheen, Francis. The Sixties. London: Century, 1982. Worth, Wendy. ‘Twiggy’. SWINDLE Magazine, 2008. Accessed April 25, 2008. http://swindlemagazine.com/issueicons/twiggy/. Betsy Thomas is Archivist and Librarian for the Sid Richardson Museum in Fort Worth, Texas, USA. Her studies in Fashion Merchandising and Art History are reflected in her continued professional and individual pursuits.

Part 2 Staging Fashion

Shared Garments and Forced Choreography Barbara Brownie and Caroline Stevenson Abstract Fashion is often described as asserting or reinforcing social or professional bonds, but rarely is such a fixed bond established as when garments physically link one body to another. We may be familiar with shared garments in dramatic costume, as in Chinese dragons or pantomime horses, but there are also examples of everyday garments designed to contain multiple bodies. Examples include Lucy Orta’s collective wear, Dana Karwas and Karla Karwas’ Party Dress worn by five women simultaneously, and Aamu Song and Johan Olin’s Dance Shoes for Father and Daughter. These garments not only assert relationships between wearers, but make that relationship inescapable by physically binding bodies together. By linking or binding bodies, these shared garments restrict movement, and ensure choreographed motion, forcing the wearers to move as one. This establishes a hierarchy, placing one wearer in control of motion, and others in subservient positions. This chapter will discuss the wearing of shared garments, focusing in particular on how forced choreography affects issues of identity, interpersonal relationships, and social hierarchy. It will observe how shared garments may challenge or reinforce ideas about the relationship between fashion and identity, and will explore the social motives behind the design of such garments. Key Words: Shared garments, collective wear, Lucy Orta, identity, choreography, hierarchy, multitude, social, conformity, difference. ***** The conflicting idea that clothing can simultaneously assert the need for conformity as well as difference is at the heart of numerous debates about fashion. This essential dialogue is never so vital as in the wearing of shared garments garments which contain multiple bodies. Shared garments bind wearers together, in a physical manifestation of interpersonal relationships and group identities. In becoming bound to one another, wearers must sacrifice individual identity, and the associated freedom of movement, so that every action becomes a precisely choreographed collaboration. Audiences and consumers are not familiar with the shared garment because it has yet to infiltrate fashion. However, there are artefacts which are more commonly encountered, and from which we can learn about how a shared garment may be used and perceived. The Chinese lion or dragon, and pantomime horse, are two relatively common artefacts with similar properties to shared garments. They are both designed to be worn by several people at once. The pantomime horse usually contains two wearers, one playing the role of the head, and the other the

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__________________________________________________________________ hind legs. In Chinese lions, the number of wearers playing the role of the legs is multiplied, often many times. In both cases, one wearer, at the head, takes the dominant position, while other wearers are subservient. The head guides the body, and the hind legs are forced to follow. That is not to suggest that the wearer at the head is entirely in control of the animal’s movement. The animal can be brought to a standstill if just one of the wearers at the rear refuses to cooperate. All of the wearers must work together in a choreographed routine. The act of wearing a pantomime horse or Chinese lion costume is, therefore, an agreement to behave not as an individual but as part of a greater whole. The movement of the wearers must be synchronised. In theatrical performance, where we most commonly encounter these costumes, the costume is presented with the expectation of choreographed motion. The planned, practiced and synchronised motion of the wearers is vital. In particular, the Chinese lion, in dance and (even acrobatic) performance demands that all wearers move in time with one another. This synchronicity is so vital that performers undergo rigorous training in order to meet audience expectations. One essential difference between the pantomime horse or Chinese lion, and the garments that are the focus of this study, is that the wearers of the lion or horse costume are essentially puppeteers. As Thomas Metzinger observes, ‘the two people inside [a pantomime horse]... are the controllers of a puppet, which differs from an ordinary puppet only in that they are inside it rather than outside.’ 1 They are not simply wearers, but ‘operators.’ 2 A central aim of the puppeteer is to inspire audiences to suspend disbelief to the point that they see a performing animal, rather than two or more people in a costume. 3 They sacrifice not only their individual identities, but also their identities as humans, and replace it with that of a fictional animal. Superficially, this seems very different from the aims of the shared garments described in this chapter, which do not attempt to conceal the human identity of the wearers. However, many of the consequences of the wearing of a shared costume also arise elsewhere. Issues of dominance and subservience, loss of identity, and the requirement for choreographed motion, are also applicable to other shared garments. The work of Lucy Orta has much in common with Chinese lions, and therefore bridges the divide between these puppet costumes and the other shared garments that will be discussed in this chapter. Lucy Orta’s Nexus Architecture (1998-2010) is designed to contain multiple bodies, and is described by Orta as ‘collective wear.’ 4 In this example, bodysuits are connected with ‘tubes of fabric...to form one garment’ worn by as many as a hundred people. 5 The linked individuals form a ‘single human chain’ or grid, ‘sharing a common space.’ 6 The result is a single ‘roving beast’ that navigates through public spaces in carefully selected locations. 7 Orta’s collective wear is reflective of the loss of ‘territory’ that has resulted in the ‘information era.’ 8 In this era of ‘portability,’ there is no such thing as personal space. We are permanently connected, via our phones and other electronic devices, to other members of society. Nexus Architecture is a physical manifestation of those links. It draws

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__________________________________________________________________ attention to the wearers’ ‘membership of a group,’ and consequently their ‘loss of self.’ 9 Orta describes how her work challenges ‘our understanding of clothes as markers of individual/group differences:’ In...Nexus Architecture, clothing becomes the medium through which social links and bonds are made manifest, both literally and metaphorically. The links of zippers and channels, while enhancing the uniformity of the workers’ overalls, create androgynous shapes that defy classification by the usual social markers and attempt to give form to the social, not the individual body. 10

Figure 1. Lucy Orta, Nexus Architecture x 50 Intervention, Köln 2001. Source: Studio Orta. © 2001. Photographer Peter Guenzel. Courtesy of the artist. As with the Chinese lion, Nexus Architecture is designed for performance rather than everyday wear, and that performance is carefully choreographed.

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__________________________________________________________________ Although Orta’s use of the term ‘collective’ to describe her garments implies equality, and common interest or aims, performances of Nexus Architecture demonstrate the difficulty that wearers have adhering to this ideal. Joanne Entwistle draws attention to how Orta’s garment responds to the contradiction that George Simmel earlier identified as driving all of fashion: the need to conform, and the conflicting desire to express individuality. 11 Orta’s overalls are identical, and as with uniforms and other clothes that reinforce group identity, they signify adherence to a ‘social contract.’ This conformity is further enforced by the links that bind the wearers together, and so Orta’s work aims to impose conformity far beyond that which we normally encounter in fashion (where ensembles tend to be chosen ‘in congruence with the fashion trend,’ rather than in strict adherence 12 ). However, we see reflected in fashion, the desire to be ‘both part of a larger social group and yet not to be so bound up in that group that they possess no individuality.’ 13 The desire for differentiation, and competition, is manifested in the different fashion choices made by individuals. Performances of Nexus Architecture draw attention to the conflict between the conformity imposed by Orta, and the wearers’ desire for individuality. In each performance, Orta takes the role of choreographer, marshalling the wearers into place with a whistle so that the performance has the air of a military formation. The separate parts of the garment are usually occupied by volunteers. One volunteer, journalist Kieran Long, describes his experience of this process. 14 Long describes a feeling of ‘compromised subjectivity.’ By becoming part of a strictly choreographed crowd, he felt that he had lost his personal identity and even his humanity, becoming, in his words, ‘points in a geometric arrangement.’ This imposed ‘uniformity’ felt unnatural and unsettling to many of the forty volunteers in this performance at the Victoria and Albert Museum (V&A) to the extent that many rebelled, contravening Orta’s commands. ‘Factions formed’ and, in quiet protest, several volunteers began to ‘deliberately subvert’ the performance. Several chose to sit rather than stand, or to deliberately face the wrong way. Meanwhile, others were keen to remain compliant, and adopted the role of what Long describes as ‘de facto prefects.’ In this way, a social hierarchy emerged within the group, whereby several volunteers became dominant and compliant leaders, and others either subservient followers or defiant rebels. However much Orta’s shared garment imposed uniformity, this hierarchy emerged to challenge the status quo. Where Nexus Architecture diverges from the theme of shared garments is in its capacity to be dismantled. The garment ‘comes apart into pieces of modular textiles,’ and is thereby ‘transformed into individual’ garments. 15 The garment does not enforce a permanent connection between wearers, but instead offers them a choice between connectedness and independence. Wearers may detach themselves from the group in order to regain their individual identity. Similar possibilities are offered by the work of other artists and designers, including Tess Giberson, whose Connection (Spring 2004) allows strings of individuals to be

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__________________________________________________________________ connected by buttoning panels on their skirts. By offering this choice, Orta and Giberson may be considered not to have fully committed to the idea of the shared garment. In both these works, individuals have distinctly separate bodies. They may be linked, but are not bound to the extent that they become one body, and may choose to abandon their fellow wearers if they so desire. However, it is significant that this is a choice that must be consciously made. The mere possibility and novelty of these physical connections encourages wearers to explore their relationships with others. The decision to detach from the group becomes a significant assertion of independence and difference. The bodies contained within Nexus Architecture are not simply one of the masses, but active social subjects. Following Hardt and Negri’s concept of the multitude, they are not one single group, but plural. ‘Unlike the masses or the mob, multitude is not fragmented and disconnected but consists of active social subjects that can act together.’ 16 This multiplicity is highlighted by one of the essential features of Orta’s garment. The links which connect the wearers’ many bodies together also serve the purpose of separating them. Each link - a fixed length - ensures distance between one wearer and the next. The wearers are connected, but held apart. In the virtual social networks that inspired Orta’s creation, the constant contact with virtual peers is contrasted with physical isolation in the real world. In this garment too, wearers are alone in a sea of others. Other shared garments, intended for fewer wearers than Orta’s, include Dana and Karla Karwas’ Party Dress. Party Dress is ‘a shared, bustled garment’ that is worn by five individuals simultaneously. 17 The dress is connected at the skirt, which is large enough that it may be unfolded to ‘create a temporary, inhabitable structure...with room for spectators beneath the fabric.’ 18 Although the Karwas sisters appear more concerned with the ‘dialogue between...architecture and...fashion,’ there is much to be said about the roles of the wearers of this shared garment. 19 The wearing of Party Dress places all five wearers in a subservient role. By being part of the structure, they are excluded from the events that take place inside the venue. With their heads positioned on the outside, they may not even watch the festivities. When the structure is erected, the wearers are not even able to face each other, and so lose every social contact, even with those to whom they are physically bound. In order to enable the social contact between others inside the venue, the wearers’ own social needs are denied. It is possible to draw comparisons to the servants who obediently support sedan chairs while their masters relax in a privileged and enclosed space within. But more than simply being made subservient, these wearers are even dehumanised to the extent that they become objects. They become the tent poles or pillars holding the ceiling of the venue aloft. Hierarchy is also established and/or reinforced by Aamu Song and Johan Olin’s Tanssitossut (‘Dance Shoes for Father and Daughter’) (2006). These red felt shoes resemble traditional Finnish boots, with a second, smaller pair attached above. The shoes are intended to be worn by ‘a father and young daughter...together,’ with the

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__________________________________________________________________ father filling the main part of the shoes, and the daughter standing on top. 20 These shoes force the wearers into a traditional couples’ dance position, with both wearers facing one another and one wearer, the father, taking the lead. This position reinforces the control that the father already has over his daughter, placing him in a dominant position. Moreover, the instability caused by the daughter’s pose requires the father to support her further by holding her hands, thereby further reinforcing the traditional supportive role of the father. In this pose, the wearers are forced into a choreographed routine. The father’s movements must be mirrored by those of the daughter, who is forced to follow his lead as her feet are firmly attached to his. Like many other garments, these shoes assert identity by highlighting relationships to others. The role of the man, as a father, is asserted by the physical bond to his daughter. Likewise, the identity of the girl as a daughter is communicated in the physical bond to her father. However, it is important to note that these roles are dictated not entirely by the shoes, but by the name given by their creators. These shoes could, in practice, be worn by any couple whose feet differ significantly in size. They could, for example, be worn by mother and son. It is only because the creators’ have labelled them as ‘dance shoes for father and daughter’ that they reinforce the traditional familial and gender roles. Choreographed movement is also required by Rosemarie Trockel’s SchizoPullover (1988). Unlike those garments addressed so far, Trockel’s piece does not establish a particular hierarchy. This artefact is consciously democratic. Both wearers occupy an equal position, each having one neck hole and one armhole. In this position, every action must be a collaboration. Actions must be performed as a choreographed motion by the left hand of one wearer and the right hand of the other. In this way, an everyday action that would normally be carried out by an individual becomes a collaborative event, which must be carefully planned and synchronised. Trockel’s garment is generally depicted not with two different wearers, but with two superimposed versions of herself. The name too, Schizo-Pullover, describes a garment designed to contain, and restrain, the conflicting desires of two parts of the same whole. As with all the shared garments presented here, this requires negotiation and agreement. As in Schizo-Pullover, Party Dress, Tanssitossut, and Nexus Architecture, behaviour must be modified to adhere to the demands of the group. In analysing Lucy Orta’s ‘collective wear,’ Entwistle observes that ‘the usual differences and distances between physically bounded bodies [are] overcome,’ thereby introducing the notion that the everyday separation of bodies is undesirable: an obstacle to be conquered or ‘overcome.’ 21 It has been well established elsewhere that clothing often serves the purpose of uniting members of social and professional groups, generating and reinforcing a sense of shared identity. 22 If we are so driven by the desire to establish physical connections with

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__________________________________________________________________ others, why is it the case that shared garments are so rare? Why are they reserves for displays and catwalks? There are, of course, practical concerns. The independent actions that form essential parts of everyday life are incompatible with garments that bond bodies together. Although they reinforce desirable membership of a group, shared garments do not allow for the degree of independence which we take for granted. As discussed earlier, Entwistle observes that shared garments enforce collective behaviour without allowing for individuality. The expression of individuality is, at least in Western society, a primary function of fashion. 23 Another primary function of clothing is the preservation of modesty; clothing functions to protect our bodies from the prying eyes of others, and from unintended physical contact in crowded spaces. 24 Shared garments require the wearers’ bodies to be exposed to one another. This invites an uncomfortable level of physical intimacy. Despite being awkward to wear, shared garments do serve an important purpose. They provide the opportunity to consider the body, and the clothes we wear, as expressions of our sociality. For the wearers, a shared garment provides opportunities to explore connections with others. For the designer, it is a means of articulating tension between the individual and social sphere.

Notes 1

Robert Kirk, ‘How is Consciousness Possible?’, in Conscious Experience, ed. Thomas Metzinger (Lawrence: Allen Press, 1995), 397. 2 Robert Kirk, Raw Feeling: A Philosophical Account of the Essence of Consciousness (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 115. 3 Steve Tillis, Towards an Aesthetics of the Puppet: Puppetry as Theatrical Art (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992), 48. 4 Joanne Milani, ‘Lucy Orta: Global Gear’, Studio Orta, 2001, accessed April 21, 2011, http://www.studio-orta.com/media/text_47_file.pdf. 5 Bradley Quinn, Techno Fashion (Oxford: Berg, 2002), 23. 6 Mark Sanders, ‘Nexus Architecture x 50 Intervention Köln’, Studio Orta, 2002, accessed May 26, 2011, http://studio-orta.com/artwork_fiche.php?fk=&fs=10&fm=0&fd=0&of=5. 7 Tactical Design Collective [blog], ‘Nexus Architecture by Studio Orta’, blog entry by Jonathan, 7 February 2011, accessed January 26, 2011, http://tacticaldesign.mit.edu/archives/58. 8 Lucy Orta, interviewed in Andrew Bolton, The Supermodern Wardrobe (London: V&A, 2004), accessed January 26, 2011, http://www.studioorta.com/media/text_38_file.pdf.

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__________________________________________________________________ 9

Orta, interviewed in Bolton, The Supermodern Wardrobe; Mark Sanders, ‘Nexus Intervention with Architecture Students from the Technischen Universitat Berlin’, Studio Orta, 2009, accessed May 26, 2011, http://www.studioorta.com/artwork_fiche.php?fk=&fs=0&fm=5&fd=0&of=7. 10 Lucy Orta, ‘Questioning Identity’, in Aware: Art Fashion Identity, ed. Gabi Scarbi (Bologna: Damiani, 2011), 36. 11 Joanne Entwistle, ‘Body Boundaries’, exhibition catalogue for the 9th Havana Biennale, Cuba, 2006, accessed March 25, 2011, http://www.studioorta.com/media/text_74_file.pdf. 12 Christopher M. Miller, Shelby H.McIntyre and Murali K. Mantrala, ‘Toward Formalizing Fashion Theory’, Journal of Marketing Research 30, No. 2 (May 1993): 143, accessed January 26, 2011, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3172824. 13 Barnard, Malcolm, Fashion as Communication (London: Routledge, 1996), 11. 14 Kieran Long, ‘Nexus Architecture’, ICON, 016 (October 2004), accessed January 26, 2011, http://www.iconeye.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2688: nexus-architecture--icon-016--october-2004. 15 Quinn, Techno Fashion, 20. 16 Maria Lind, ‘The Collaborative Turn’, in Taking the Matter into Common Hands, eds. Johanna Billing, Maria Lind and Lars Nilsson (London: Black Dog, 2001), 18. 17 Museum of Science, ‘Projects’, Seamless, 2007, accessed January 26, 2011, http://seamless.sigtronica.org/projects.html. 18 Ibid. 19 Lloyd Alter, ‘Party Dress: The Ultimate in Movable Architecture’, Treehugger, 2008, accessed January 26, 2011, http://www.treehugger.com/files/2008/02/party_dress_the.php#>. 20 Aamu Song, ‘Tanssitoussut’, Sauma [Design as Cultural Interface], accessed January 26, 2011, http://www.saumadesign.net/danceshoes.htm. 21 Entwistle, ‘Body Boundaries’, accessed January 26, 2011. 22 Most notably, Georg Simmel, ‘Fashion’, International Quarterley 10 (1904): 131, accessed June 14, 2011, http://www.modetheorie.de/fileadmin/Texte/s/Simmel-Fashion_1904.pdf. 23 Ibid. 24 Elizabeth Rouse, Understanding Fashion (Oxford: BSP Professional Books, 1989), 8.

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__________________________________________________________________

Bibliography Alter, Lloyd. ‘Party Dress: The Ultimate in Movable Architecture’. Treehugger, 2 May 2008. Accessed January 26, 2011. http://www.treehugger.com/files/2008/02/party_dress_the.php#. Barnard, Malcolm. Fashion as Communication. London: Routledge, 1996. Kirk, Robert. ‘How Is Consciousness Possible?’ In Conscious Experience, edited by Thomas Metzinger, 391–408. Lawrence: Allen Press, 1995. Bolton, Andrew. The Supermodern Wardrobe. London: V&A, 2004. Entwistle, Joanne. ‘Body Boundaries’. In exhibition catalogue for the 9th Havana Biennale, Cuba, 2006. Accessed March 25, 2011. http://www.studioorta.com/media/text_74_file.pdf. Lind, Maria. ‘The Collaborative Turn’. In Taking the Matter into Common Hands, edited by Johanna Billing, Maria Lind, and Lars Nilsson, 15–31. London: Black Dog, 2007. Tactical Design Collective [blog]. ‘Nexus Architecture by Studio Orta’. Blog entry by Jonathan, February 7, 2011. Accessed January 26, 2011. http://tacticaldesign.mit.edu/archives/58. Long, Kieran. ‘Nexus Architecture’. ICON 016 (October 2004). Accessed January 26, 2011. http://www.iconeye.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2688: nexus-architecture--icon-016--october-2004. Milani, Joanne. ‘Lucy Orta: Global Gear’. Studio Orta. Originally published in The Tampa Tribune, 25 November 2001. Accessed January 26, 2011. http://www.studio-orta.com/media/text_47_file.pdf. Miller, Christopher M., Shelby H. McIntyre, and Murali K. Mantrala. ‘Toward Formalizing Fashion Theory’. Journal of Marketing Research 30, No. 2 (May 1993): 142–157. Accessed January 26, 2011. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3172824. Museum of Science. ‘Projects’. Seamless, 2007. Accessed January 26, 2011. http://seamless.sigtronica.org/projects.html.

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__________________________________________________________________ Orta, Lucy. ‘Questioning Identity’. In Aware: Art Fashion Identity, edited by Gabi Scarbi, 33–39. Bologna: Damiani, 2011. Quinn, Bradley. Techno Fashion. Oxford: Berg, 2002. Rouse, Elizabeth. Understanding Fashion. Oxford: BSP Professional Books, 1989. Sanders, Mark. ‘Nexus Architecture x 50 Intervention Köln’. Studio Orta, 2002. Accessed May 26, 2011. http://studio-orta.com/artwork_fiche.php?fk=&fs=10&fm=0&fd=0&of=5. —––. ‘Nexus Intervention with Architecture Students from the Technischen Universitat Berlin’. Studio Orta, 2009. Accessed May 26, 2011. http://www.studioorta.com/artwork_fiche.php?fk=&fs=0&fm=5&fd=0&of=7. Simmel, George. ‘Fashion’. International Quarterley 10 (1904): 130–155. Accessed January 26, 2011. http://www.modetheorie.de/fileadmin/Texte/s/SimmelFashion_1904.pdf. Song, Aamu. ‘Tanssitoussut’. Sauma [Design as Cultural Interface]. Not dated. http://www.saumadesign.net/danceshoes.htm. Tillis, Steve. Towards an Aesthetics of the Puppet: Puppetry as Theatrical Art. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992. Barbara Brownie currently lectures in contextual studies in fashion and graphic design at the Cambridge School of Visual and Performing Arts. Caroline Stevenson currently lectures in contextual studies in fashion and graphic design at the Cambridge School of Visual and Performing Arts.

Constructing the Visual Self: Dressing for Occasions Renata Strashnaya Abstract My research explores the activity of dress, focusing on clothing the body as an everyday practice for young professional women. Clothes are defined as ‘expressions of identity, one of the perennial means whereby we signal to the social world who and what we are; they are part of our repertoire of social technology, a means whereby ideas of identity are grounded in the visual.’ 1 To capture the ongoing process of self-presentation through clothes, semi-structured interviews and photographs were used to study how women in their late twenties visually construct multiple versions of themselves in the midst of various simultaneous influences, experiences, and demands. As women transition from space to space, the findings demonstrate that dress rules (personal and conventional) and audience play key roles in image creation. Women in this age group also stress a meaningful distinction between ‘work me’ versus ‘regular me.’ Thus, I argue that identity is itself an activity of soft assembly - a performative act of adaptation to circumstances at hand in a solvable, yet unpredictable world. Interaction of individual and lifestyle demands is, therefore, fundamental to our understanding of how people soft assemble via clothing for the kind of lives they lead. Key Words: Visual self, soft assembly, identity construction, self-presentation, dress, professional women, occasion. ***** 1. Rethinking Identity Neglecting the role of clothing and fashion in people’s lives relates to the widespread sense within psychology and beyond that these are trivial subjects that are not worth serious analysis. The decision-making process involved in the visual representation of the self is taken for granted or is assumed to occur almost automatically and naturally, if not thoughtlessly. Yet, in a highly visible consumer culture, the interplay between dress and identity is central as we are often defined by what we wear. As social beings, we express ourselves through our clothes; but also, the images we see when we are dressed in our clothes provide us with meanings about ourselves. 2 Experimental studies with dress manipulations demonstrate that dress cognitively affects observers as well as observers’ behaviours. 3 For instance, Kummen and Brown found that clothing affects how individuals are acknowledged and the resulting conduct toward them. 4 Recall research provides evidence that people often subjectively infer that their appearance has affected others’ behaviours; thereby, implying that appearance

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__________________________________________________________________ communicates our social identities because people have negotiated and attached meaning to dress cues such that specific cues are linked with specific ways of being. 5 According to Jay Lemke, Our activity, our participation, our “cognition” is always bound up, codependent with, the participation and activity of Others, be they persons, tools, symbols, processes or things…As we participate, we change, our identity-in-practice develops, for we are no longer autonomous Persons in this model, but Persons-inActivity. 6 As such, identity is not a property of the person, but is enacted through dress in the multiple selves people can try on and display in their everyday lives. Identity is not fixed; it is an evolving, constructive process established with others because, as relational beings, we are always involved in a dialogue. Therefore, in deciding how to clothe our bodies, we think about where we are going, who we are going to see (and who is going to see us), and what we will be doing before choosing appropriate dress for the day’s occasion(s). Even when making a choice to be deliberately inappropriate or to stun our intended audience, we still think about the image we want to project and what the appropriate dress codes are against which we are rebelling. In other words, we choose which aspects to keep hidden and which to display, which to abide by and which to reject. While there are theoretical accounts for women and the fashion system, what is missing is how women themselves understand and discuss their identity using their own experience and relationship with clothes. Alison Guy, Maura Banim and Efrat Tseelon acknowledge this shortcoming and emphasise the importance of contextualising dress and clothing within women’s actual everyday lives; 7 yet, more needs to be said about the woman in a social world using clothing as a visual means for expressing different aspects of her identity through carefully constructed images of herself - as they are inspired, defined, or constrained by her lifestyle demands. Fred Davis reminds us that ‘Clothing is worn to represent lives’ 8 and lives are made up of different occasions, each with its own set of demands and opportunities - thus, clothing cannot be studied separately from occasions. Depending on the situation, what is communicated through clothing - whether it is one’s gender, hobby, occupation, age, religious affiliation, sexuality, or geography - differs. For instance, who we are and what we aspire to be is posed for us on each and every occasion in which the image we want to project is channelled through dress. 9 The important point here is that human beings are not singular and they are not living in a static world in which everything is fixed and predictable; instead people are mobile beings transitioning from one space to another. Therefore, what we do, think, and feel is related to the conditions of a particular setting at a given point in time. This expands on Erving Goffman’s assertion that ‘to be a given kind

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__________________________________________________________________ of person is not merely to possess the required attributes, but also to sustain the standard of conduct and appearance that one’s social grouping attaches thereto,’ which typically requires an individual to identify his situation and audience. 10 Of course, this is particularly true today when people’s social identities have become multifaceted, dynamic, numerous, and, to a large extent, calculated. According to Saulo Cwerner, In such a context, people need a safety stored pool of identity tokens to choose from in their weekly, daily, and even hourly changes of self-presentation. Clothes and other body adornments, of course, are at the centre of this pool. 11 Consequently, my study looks at the activity of dress as a carefully constructed answer to ‘Who am I?’ The aim of my research is to explore this assembling process of the self in relation to the multiple occasions that make up everyday life whether it is shopping for groceries or attending a wedding. By arguing against fixity and singularity of the self and for fluidity and movement, I apply the concept of ‘soft assembly’ to examine how young professional women in New York City use clothing to realise different aspects of themselves. Soft assembly refers to a multimodal, mobile person’s ability to adapt to circumstances at hand. According to Andy Clark, an individual is constantly interacting and engaging with a flexible and unpredictable environment - the context for his/her lifestyle demands - and is continuously feeding back to and from the world. In the introduction to his book Supersizing the Mind, he says, ‘Human sensing, learning, thought, and feeling are structured and informed by our body-based interactions with the world around us.’ 12 For instance, space is often shared and, therefore, occupied by others. As a result, the process of getting dressed is influenced by the interpretation of space, the others, one’s relation to the event or occasion - none of which are static. Moreover, since every occasion is defined by its geographic location, rules, audience, purpose, activity, and time (weekday/weekend; day/night), it is important to consider the wearer’s socio-cultural context - particularly, the occasion for which clothing is selected and to which it is worn. In other words, dress - in this case, one’s assemblage of clothing and accessories - plays a central role in identity construction and the statement or meaning associated with what one wears (as well as how, when, and where) will vary according to occasion. Besides being marked by the time and space in which it takes place, an occasion is linked with ‘appropriate’ dress codes, which may or may not be explicitly written or spoken. According to Annette Lareau, ‘Individuals have a variety of socially defined positions, or statuses, within the group(s) to which they belong. The actions of individuals are guided by norms.’ 13 People, in this case, young women, may comply with the leading dress codes embedded in institutional arrangements and collective norms - or if they choose to rebel against it, still have

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__________________________________________________________________ to understand or know what this code is in order to set themselves apart. Misreading or misinterpreting the occasion often leads to feelings of embarrassment or discomfort. Social endorsement of fashion as proper has powerful control over the wearer 14 - for example, being treated as an outcast at a party versus being praised. Moreover, an outfit that is considered appropriate for a late night party in a club, all of a sudden becomes a cause for embarrassment on a crowded subway train. People around you very often control your look; thus, the notion of ‘appropriateness.’ The practice of dress, therefore, needs to be set within the cultural context that defines and frames the outfit and its wearer because ‘meanings are fluid and contextual, rooted in particular historical and social configurations.’ 15 It is an active process in which the woman examines, thinks about, and tries on different clothes to ensure she is pleased or satisfied with her appearance - while simultaneously anticipating how she will be perceived by others and/or if she is dressed appropriately for what her day entails. My study focuses on real-life, middle-class, fashion conscious women who reside, work, and plan their social calendar in or around the New York City area. They are in their late twenties to early thirties, and are interested in their appearance and clothes; thus, the findings would be meaningful to them. Currently, the sample consists of 11 professional women between the ages of 27 to 30. All of the women are heterosexual and reported being engaged (3), married (3), single (3), dating a boyfriend (1), and living with a boyfriend (1). Data collection included semi-structured interviews and digital photographs provided by the participants. Each participant’s data was audio-taped, transcribed as text and thematically analysed. Of particular interest were the theoretical codes - recurrent themes, consistencies, contradictions - and categories that women use in the construction of their visual identity. 2. How Do Young Professional Women Soft Assemble via Clothing for the Kind of Lives They Lead? To understand who they are, it is important to consider where they are; for these women, there is no such thing as a mundane space. Although they may have different approaches for negotiating the flexibility in their lives, all of them engage with multiple social worlds and experience a need or desire to alter their visual self-presentation depending on the occasion. The following two quotes address themes of mobility and soft assembly. Candice: I think I try to maximize as much stuff as I can into a day... I have a list of things that I need to do and it’s impossible to do them in 24 hours, but I try to as much as I can. I think it’s just like the New York mentality that you want to do all of this and it’s like why can’t I? But, really, you don’t have the time to do all of it.

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__________________________________________________________________ Rachel: Depending on the day, I will anticipate different things. If it’s a day that I have class and I know pretty much that I won’t be doing anything besides going to work and to school, I will dress just for work. If it’s a Thursday or a Friday and I think I might wind up doing something spontaneous after work, I might either bring a change of clothes just in case or I might dress more trendy than just plain work clothes. Also depending on meetings I might have I will dress more or less professionally. I definitely try to predict my day before I get dressed in the morning and I want to look a different way depending on the day. 3. What Goes into Their Decision-Making Process of What to Wear and How to Wear It? Young professional women are aware that institutional structures influence how they organise their way of being in the world. Navigating their way through explicit and implicit rules, these women construct versions of themselves to meet the ‘rules of the game.’ Yet, knowing how to negotiate within the system also provides them with agency to resist and challenge the meanings attached to dress by actively altering, redefining, and reclaiming multiple versions of self (i.e., ‘regular me’ versus ‘work me’). In addition to dress rules, the audience - whether real or imagined, physically present or anticipated - plays a significant role in how women put themselves together and/or evaluate the way they look. Allison: When I am working I make an effort of to be more professional looking. It’s like because I am a young person... I try to dress as professionally as possible to offset my age so they [students] will take me seriously. Also, my alternative accessories like the nose ring and the tattoos sometimes show so I don’t want the students to think that they can identify with me too much. Angelina: Every time I would go see my group of friends, they’d be like “Oh my god, I love your outfit.” I’d always get compliments…They’d always ask me where I got my clothing from because they just liked my style, how I dressed. Just from getting compliments not only do you feel better about how and what you are wearing, [but] I just knew that I stood out because of how I put my outfit together.

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__________________________________________________________________ 4. How Do Women Use Fashion as a Cultural Talk to Understand How They Do Their Identity? Overall, there was an initial sense that getting dressed and being in (or with fashion) is something that comes naturally and from within the individual; thus, external (i.e., cultural, institutional, media) factors in the assembly of the visual self are disregarded. In some ways, thinking and talking about the process created a tension between one’s desire for sameness (perceived continuity and control of style or look) and realising that this is not truly the case. During the course of the interview, which required the women to reflect on their experience such as entering the workforce and taking on ‘adult’ responsibilities and roles, they were often surprised by the recognition of the complexity of their own self-presentation through clothes. Allison: I’d say [I have] three different looks. There is work me, which is the professional like slacks and the collared button up shirt and high heels...Then just functional me is like what I am wearing now [long halter top black summer dress] where it is more about comfort. And then the third me is going out me. Then I actually tend to steer towards what some people might describe as a punk or Goth look. Stacy: I have all these drawers full of shirts that I used to wear and I don’t have time to wear them...I really have to find stuff that is between business and mother look. I mean I understand a button down shirt is a button down shirt, you can’t do much about it, but like blouses and stuff like that - that you kind of have to adapt both ways. And you can see at work that younger people... changed a lot because of people adapting. Most of our money goes to work clothes... As I get older, I am changing and there is a change in my personal style because I spend more money, a lot of money, on work clothes. 5. Conclusion Recognising identity construction as a dynamic process of assembly and enactment in relation to constraints and opportunities of daily life benefits our understanding about what it means to be human as well as a sense of who we are as individuals. Building on current knowledge, we need to explore ways in which people do their identities to meet their lifestyle demands instead of thinking and talking about people, environments, and interactions as static entities.

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Notes 1

Julia Twigg, ‘Clothing, Age and the Body: Critical Review’, Ageing & Society 27 (2007): 291. 2 Jennifer Craik, The Face of Fashion: Cultural Studies in Fashion (London: Routledge, 1994). 3 Sandra Forsythe, Mary F. Drake and Charles E. Cox, ‘Influence of Applicant’s Dress on Interviewer’s Selection Decisions’, Journal of Applied Psychology 70 (1985): 374-378. Paul N. Hamid, ‘Some Effects of Dress Cues on Observational Accuracy, a Perceptual Estimate, and Impression Formation’, The Journal of Social Psychology 86 (1972): 279-289. 4 M. E. Kummen and S. A. Brown, ‘Clothing as a Cue in Person Perception: A Review’, Canadian Home Economics Journal 35 (1985): 140-144. 5 Kim Johnson, Jeong-Ju Yoo, Minjeong Kim and Sharron Lennon, ‘Dress and Human Behavior: A Review and Critique’, Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 26 (2008): 3-22. 6 Jay L. Lemke, ‘Cognition, Context, and Learning: A Social Semiotic Perspective’, in Situated Cognition, eds. David Kirshner and James A. Whitson (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1997), 38. 7 Maura Banim and Alison Guy, ‘Dis/Continued Selves: Why Do Women Keep Clothes They No Longer Wear?’ in Through the Wardrobe: Women’s Relationships with Their Clothes, eds. Ali Guy, Maura Banim and Eileen Green (Oxford: Berg, 2001), 203-219. Alison Guy and Maura Banim, ‘Personal Collections: Women’s Clothing Use and Identity’, Journal of Gender Studies 9 (2000): 313-327. Efrat Tseelon, ‘Is the Presented Self Sincere? Goffman, Impression Management and the Postmodern Self’, Theory, Culture & Society 9 (1992): 115-127. Efrat Tseelon, The Masque of Femininity: The Presentation of Woman in Everyday Life (London: Sage Publications, 1995). 8 Fred Davis, Fashion, Culture, and Identity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 102. 9 Ibid. 10 Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (New York: Anchor Books, 1959). 11 Saulo B. Cwerner, ‘Clothes at Rest: Elements for Sociology of the Wardrobe’, Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture 5 (2001): 79. 12 Andy Clark, Supersizing the Mind: Embodiment, Action, and Cognitive Extension (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), xxvi. 13 Annette Lareau, Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race and Family Life (Berkley, CA: University California Press, 2003), 14. 14 Johnson, Yoo, Kim and Lennon, ‘Dress and Human Behavior: A Review and Critique’, 3-22.

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Twigg, ‘Clothing, Age and the Body: Critical Review’, 293.

Bibliography Abrams, Laura. ‘Contextual Variations in Young Women’s Gender Identity Negotiations’. Psychology of Women Quarterly 27 (2003); 64–74. Banim, Maura, and Alison Guy. ‘Dis/Continued Selves: Why Do Women Keep Clothes They No Longer Wear?’ In Through the Wardrobe: Women’s Relationships With Their Clothes, edited by Ali Guy, Maura Banim, and Eileen Green, 203–219. Oxford: Berg, 2001. Barber, Nigel. ‘Women’s Dress Fashions as a Function of Reproductive Strategy’. Sex Roles 40 (1999): 459–471. Barnard, Malcolm. Fashion as Communication. London: Routledge, 1996. Blumer, Herbert. ‘Fashion: From Class Differentiation to Collective Selection’. The Sociological Quarterly 10 (1969): 275–291. Bye, Elizabeth, and Ellen McKinney. ‘Sizing Up the Wardrobe - Why We Keep Clothes That Do Not Fit’. Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture 11 (2007): 483–498. Calefato, Patrizia. The Clothed Body. Oxford: Berg, 2004. Clark, Andy. Supersizing the Mind: Embodiment, Action, and Cognitive Extension. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. Craik, Jennifer. The Face of Fashion: Cultural Studies in Fashion. London: Routledge, 1994. Cwerner, Saulo B. ‘Clothes at Rest: Elements for Sociology of the Wardrobe’. Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture 5 ( 2001): 79–92. Davis, Fred. Fashion, Culture, and Identity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992.

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__________________________________________________________________ Dellinger, Kirsten. ‘Wearing Gender and Sexuality “On Your Sleeve”: Dress Norms and the Importance of Occupational and Organizational Culture at Work’. Gender Issues 20 (2002): 3–25. Forsythe, Sam, Mary F. Drake, and Charles E. Cox. ‘Influence of Applicant’s Dress on Interviewer’s Selection Decisions’. Journal of Applied Psychology 70 (1985): 374–378. Freitas, Anthony, Susan B. Kaiser, Joan Chandler, Carol Hall, Jung-Won Kim, and Tamia Hammidi. ‘Appearance Management as Border Construction: Least Favorite Clothing, Group Distancing, and Identity ... Not!’ Sociological Inquiry, 67 (1997): 323–335. Glick, Joseph. ‘Intellectual and Manual Labor: Implications of Developmental Theory’. In Cultural Psychology and Activity Theory, edited by Laura Martin, Katherine Nelson, and Ethel Tobach, 357–382. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Goffman, Erving. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Anchor Books, 1959. Guy, Alison, and Maura Banin. ‘Personal Collections: Women’s Clothing Use and Identity’. Journal of Gender Studies 9 (2000): 313–327. Hamid, Paul N. ‘Some Effects of Dress Cues on Observational Accuracy, a Perceptual Estimate, and Impression Formation’. The Journal of Social Psychology 86 (1972): 279–289. Johnson, Kim, Jeong-Ju Yoo, Minjeong Kim, and Sharron Lennon. ‘Dress and Human Behavior: A Review and Critique’. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 26 (2008): 3–22. Kummen, M. E. and S. A. Brown. ‘Clothing as a Cue in Person Perception: A Review’. Canadian Home Economics Journal 35 (1985): 140–144. Lareau, Annette. Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race and Family Life. Berkley, CA: University California Press, 2003.

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__________________________________________________________________ Lemke, Jay L. ‘Cognition, Context, and Learning: A Social Semiotic Perspective’. In Situated Cognition, edited by David Kirshner, and James A. Whitson, 37–55. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1997. Miller, Kimberley A., and Scott A. Hunt. ‘Cultures, Identities, and Dress: A Renewed Sociological Interest’. Sociological Inquiry 67 (1997): 320–322. Negrin, Llewellyn. ‘The Self as Image: A Critical Appraisal of Postmodern Theories of Fashion’. Theory, Culture & Society 16 (1999): 99–118. Roach-Higgins, Mary E., and Joanne B. Eicher. ‘Dress and Identity’. International Textile and Apparel Association, Inc., Special Publication 5 (1993). Tseelon, Efrat. ‘Is the Presented Self Sincere? Goffman, Impression Management and the Postmodern Self’. Theory, Culture & Society 9 (1992): 115–127. —––. The Masque of Femininity: The Presentation of Woman in Everyday Life. London: Sage Publications, 1995. Twigg, Julia. ‘Clothing, Age and the Body: Critical Review’. Ageing & Society 27 (2007): 285–305. Urry, John. Mobilities. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007. Wilson, Elizabeth. Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity. London: Virago, 1985. Woodward, Sophie. ‘Looking Good: Feeling Right - Aesthetics of the Self’. In Clothing as Material Culture, edited by Susanne Kuchler, and Daniel Miller, 21– 40. Oxford: Berg, 2005. Renata Strashnaya is a doctoral student in the Developmental Psychology program at the CUNY Graduate Centre in New York City. When she is not teaching undergraduate courses, she is busy pursuing her research interests (identity construction and development) and spending time with her family.

Aristophanes/Hadjidakis’ The Birds (Ornithes): Two Costume Case Studies Sofia Pantouvaki Abstract One of Aristophanes’ most popular ancient Greek comedies is The Birds. In 1959, the celebrated, Academy Award-winning Greek composer Manos Hadjidakis wrote the music for prominent director’s Karolos Koun’s version of the play at Theatro Technis - a pioneering production in the history of Modern Greek theatre, thanks to Koun’s revolutionary vision. The staging by Theatro Technis was choreographed by Zouzou Nikoloudi and designed by the famous Greek painter Yannis Tsarouchis. In 1964, Hadjidakis rewrote his score as a cantata, later performed by Maurice Béjart’s 20th Century Ballet, introducing The Birds as an independent dance piece. In 2000, Greek National Opera invited the American choreographer Karole Armitage to stage Hadjidakis’ full score of The Birds in the framework of the Athens Festival, at the Herod Atticus Roman Odeon at the foot of the Acropolis. Armitage collaborated with Peter Speliopoulos, a Greek-American fashion designer, creating an innovative version of The Birds. This chapter is a comparative study of the visual aesthetics of the painter Tsarouchis and the fashion designer Speliopoulos, both acting as the costume designer in designing The Birds. What is the contribution of the designers’ disciplinary background to the design of the costumes? What visual characteristics are embodied in the specific productions and how do they reflect each artist’s cultural background? This chapter examines cross-cultural elements in these specific designs and investigates the designers’ personal perspective, which becomes evident in the aesthetic/design identity of their costumes. Key Words: Birds, Aristophanes, Hadjidakis, Tsarouchis, Speliopoulos, fashion, costume. ***** 1. Aristophanes’ Birds at Theatro Technis and the Birth of Hadjidakis’ Score The Birds is one of eleven extant comedies by Aristophanes, the great Greek poet of antiquity. It was presented at the City Dionysia in 414 B.C., where it was awarded the 2nd prize. The Birds is a particularly interesting comedy, because ‘it can be considered one of the oldest paradigms of utopistic plays of European literature.’ 1 In a quick overview of the plot, two Athenians, Peisthetaerus (Catch-Pal) and Euelpides (Full of Hope), disillusioned with their fellow-citizens’ behaviour, decide to leave the city of Athens and go settle to a more peaceful place.

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__________________________________________________________________ ... Two birds are guiding them in their trip; ... all together, they decide to found between heaven and earth an ideal city, Nephelococcygia, to be ruled by both humans and birds in the principles of honesty and fairness. Very soon, however, it will be obvious that things cannot be so simple. Though beautifully crafted, the happy-end leaves a modern audience slightly sceptical. 2 In modern Greece, The Birds is probably the most popular ancient drama comedy. The broad impact of the play upon an average Greek audience is mainly due to a very specific production by stage director Karolos Koun, founder and leader of the Art Theatre, a.k.a. Theatro Technis. Karolos Koun (1908-1987) was a prominent Greek theatre director, widely known for his lively and pioneering stagings of Greek drama, especially of ancient comedies. He worked on ancient drama for over fifty years 3 and performed with Theatro Technis ten of the eleven comedies of Aristophanes. In his work with Theatro Technis, Karolos Koun created a legendary performance of The Birds in 1959, This production was presented at the Odeon of Herodes Atticus as part of the Athens Festival. The text of The Birds was translated from ancient Greek by Vassilis Rotas, one of Greece’s most innovative -regarding the use of the language-translators of the 20th century; the sets and costumes were designed by the famous Greek painter Yannis Tsarouchis; the music was composed by Manos Hadjidakis, also known for his Oscar-winning song from the film Never on Sunday by Jules Dassin; and the choreography was by Rallou Manou, founder of the Greek Dance-Theatre. Some of Koun’s innovative ideas in the staging of The Birds proved to provoke the audience and the authorities to such extent that the Minister of Presidency of the Government cancelled the production. Theatre theorist, translator and critic Marios Ploritis observed at the time: ‘this ban and the comments that followed, blew the matter out of proportion, whatever the flaws of the production.’ 4 Although the reasons given for the cancellation of the performances were far more varied than officially admitted, later writings confirm that the production was in fact unready at the time of its first presentation. 5 The production of The Birds by Theatro Technis was restaged in the summer of 1960. Later on, in 1962, in view of the production’s tour abroad, Karolos Koun, decided to revise his direction and a new choreography was made by another Greek choreographer of the modern movement new tradition, Zouzou Nikoloudi. This new version triumphed in the foreign tour, which started at the Théâtre des Nations in Paris in 1962, where the production won the first prize. 6 Koun’s The Birds remained in the Theatro Technis repertoire and the production is still performed in Greece and abroad. 7 After the aforementioned performances The Birds were later performed in London, Zurich, Munich, Israel, the Venice Biennale, Turkey and Cyprus, in a tour in the Soviet Union. In August 1975, the

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__________________________________________________________________ production marked the Theatro Technis debut at the Epidaurus Festival. 8 After Karolos Koun’s death in 1987, The Birds has been performed again to the Greek audience several times. Manos Hadjidakis’ music was originally composed for the Theatro Technis staging by Karolos Koun. Since then, the composer had in mind to enrich his score. 9 In 1964, The Birds’ original music was enriched and completed as a cantata-ballet, written for four soloists, mixed chorus, children’s chorus and orchestra and a year later it was recorded by Hadjidakis in ‘its most complete form.’ 10 The Birds remained as a highlight in Manos Hadjidakis’ works; lyrical, yet powerful, in an ‘inseparable musical entity.’ 11 The music was completed and rearranged by composer Nikos Kypourgos in 2000, when Greek National Opera staged Hadjidakis’ music. 12 Following the first performances of the play and while Theatro Technis was still on tour performing The Birds, choreographer Zouzou Nikoloudi formed her own dance group, named Chorika. The group included in its main repertoire some parts of The Birds, ‘which were enthusiastically received from the US to Japan and from Northern Europe to Latin America.’ 13 This is how the dance piece was born. In 1965, a concert version of The Birds was presented at the Théâtre de la Monnaie in Brussels. Hadjidakis’ work drew the attention of Maurice Bejart, who staged the music as a cantata-ballet with his own group the Ballet du XXe siècle. The production was choreographed by Bejart and designed by Germinal Cassado whilst Hadjidakis conducted it. Despite the inspiring combination of artists, this staging had relatively limited success and did not remain in Bejart’s repertoire. Still, another occasion was to come thirty-five years later: The Greek National Opera commissioned the ballet to the American choreographer Karole Armitage to be presented in the framework of Athens Festival 2000. The orchestra, chorus, soloists and corps-de-ballet of the Greek National Opera participated in this production. Armitage admitted that she was not aware of the historical background of Koun’s production and did not know the old choreographies. 14 Therefore, her choreographic work was led by the music. In an interview to the Press, Armitage vividly described that ‘this music conquered [her] heart from the first moment.’ 15 2. The Production Designers: Yannis Tsarouchis and Peter Speliopoulos Yannis Tsarouchis (1910-1989) was born in Piraeus, Athens and trained as a painter at the School of Fine Arts of Athens. From a young age, he was interested in the Greek identity as featured in folk art and studied local dress and folk architecture in detail. Alongside other artists he led the movement for the introduction of Greek tradition in painting in between the First and the Second World War. Moreover, he was a student of Photis Kontoglou, a painter and iconographer of the early 20th century and expert on Byzantine iconography; inspired by Kontoglou, Tsarouchis studied the traditional Byzantine iconography.

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__________________________________________________________________ He also studied the funerary portraits of Fayoum in detail, which influenced his artistic work. 16 Tsarouchis had a deep interest in theatre. Although a trained and fully active painter, he always had a theatrical gaze towards everything around him. 17 Tsarouchis reflects that the theatre has helped him ‘not to overload [his] painting with dramatic elements that neither painting nor our times can deal with.’ 18 Tsarouchis worked professionally as a set and costume designer, for over sixty years, creating more than a hundred designs for various performances. 19 He designed for all the theatrical genres: theatre, opera, dance and even classical ballet. He designed the sets and costumes for several films, by film directors such as Michael Kakoyannis and Jules Dassin. With Maria Callas in the leading role, Tsarouchis’ costume for Cherubini’s opera Medea are famous worldwide and different versions of the production have been performed at the Dallas Civic Opera and later at the Covent Garden, at the Ancient Theatre of Epidaurus and at La Scala. In studying his costume drawings as well as his finished costumes, it could be observed that Tsarouchis was not simply a painter who suggested designs to be interpreted and elaborated to become costumes. His precise costume drawings reveal that he had a real knowledge of fabrics and dyes, of cuts, construction details and decorative methods. Over the years, often with very low budgets, he gradually created his own style using very cheap materials such as plain cotton fabrics (calico) and paper. As the simplest means, he painted materials in order to transform the garments into costumes of different historical periods. Peter Speliopoulos, a designer born in Massachusetts to parents of Greek origin, designed Karole Armitage’s production of The Birds. Speliopoulos studied Fashion at Parsons School of Design in New York, graduating in 1981 with the award for ‘designer of the year.’ In 1997 he started directing women’s design at Parisian fashion house Cerruti when he was called to design the dance production of the Birds for the Greek National Opera. 20 ‘How clothes function matters as much to Speliopoulos as how they feel’ 21 is stated in Speliopoulos’ biography presenting the designer during his collaboration with the Cerruti. Speliopoulos is further described as ‘a perfectionist with a passion for luxe tailoring,’ 22 selected by Nino Cerruti to lead his women’s collection due to these qualities. Speliopoulos’ designs at Cerruti are defined by elegance, while it is intended that the Cerruti Arte line juxtapose ‘feminine sensuality with the company’s signature menswear tailoring.’ 23 From Speliopoulos’ work during that period (2000-2001) we can observe the clarity of form, the simply cut fabrics and the pastel colour palette. His S/S 2000 collection included some garments with delicate embroidery on light fabrics and paillette accents, while, in his A/W 20002001 collection, he used chiffon fabrics embroidered with little feathers and pailletes. He used similar materials in his designs for the Birds.

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__________________________________________________________________ Karole Armitage might have seen his work using feather-based ornaments to create a lightweight and delicate clothing, but it is not sure whether this was the reason she invited him to collaborate on The Birds production. Speliopoulos considers that he was invited to design the production of the Birds because of his Greek heritage. 24 It is true, though Speliopoulos lived all his life in the US and only occasionally visited Greece. 3. The Birds’ Designs: Tsarouchis for Koun and Speliopoulos for Armitage In this part of study of the costumes for The Birds, the comparative analysis focuses on the costumes for the Chorus; that is, on the costumes of the characters of the Birds. In both the production by Karolos Koun, who staged the theatre play, and that of the dance piece created by Zouzou Nikoloudi, the Birds’ costumes were created for dancers. When designing The Birds, Tsarouchis originally aimed for a more realistic approach. In one of his texts, he wrote that, when he was preparing the first version of costume designs for Karolos Koun in 1959, he had asked a Greek Professor in London to translate for him all the birds’ names in Greek from an English book on birds. 25 As a result, All the costumes of the Birds were based on natural documentation and reminded of naturalistic costumes made for carnival. As I continued, I realized that I was wrong and that naturalism is not always a good solution for the theatre, lest ancient Greek drama … . 26 Therefore, Tsarouchis reworked on the costumes and by 1962 The Birds’ costumes took their final shape and style as we know them today. Tsarouchis explained his inspiration for this new version: The costumes found, for me, their correct style after I studied African ritual costumes. The notion of the bird was given with a handful of feathers stuck on the man’s bottom, adding to the choreography a sense of lightness and some spirit of flying. The feathers that all people believed for real were made of wire and fabric. 27 (Fig. 1)

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Figure 1: Tsarouchis’ design for the Chorus of Birds as reproduced on the cover of the programme of the 1997 performances. Author’s private collection. In fact, close observation of the costumes and of the materials reveals Tsarouchis’ mastery in making costumes out of ‘nothing.’ The Birds’ ‘feathers’ are handmade and simple decorative shapes (circles and lines) are painted on the fabrics, giving a colourful touch to the Chorus of the Birds-dancers. Tsarouchis used a chromatic palette of earthly colours, adding small touches of lightness with white and light blue brushstrokes here and there (Fig. 2a-b). These earthly colours were a characteristic visual element of Tsarouchis’ painting in many different themes. In his text discussing the design of The Birds, he informs us that ‘the idea of placing the wings of the Birds on the actors’ arms was inspired by unknown costumes of native Americans (American Indians).’ 28 Tsarouchis also refers to carnival disguising as one of his sources of inspiration.

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Figures 2a-b: Captions from the 1975 video recording. Source of video: Colour in Space workshop library, Interior Architecture Department, Technological Educational Institution of Athens. Stills by S. Pantouvaki. In a certain sense, Tsarouchis’ costumes embody a double artistic value: not only are they the material object of the performance; they are also artistic products of the painter’s own creative craftsmanship and signature, as the actual costumes were painted by the artist.

Figure 3: The poster of the 1975 Birds performances. Author’s private collection. Although a master also in the design of masks, in his interpretation of the Birds Tsarouchis chose not to use masks in the traditional sense. Instead, he suggested

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__________________________________________________________________ the use of a specific type of stylised eyeglasses (Fig. 3). In this way, ‘the natural aspect of the actors’ view was replaced by a stylised figure; the characteristics of the individual performers were well-hidden under the common feature’ 29 of this google-half-mask. Unlike Tsarouchis, Speliopoulos had never worked in theatre or dance before, so his designs for The Birds were his first ever dance costumes. 30 Speliopoulos’ main preoccupation was in the functionality of the materials in order to facilitate the dancers’ movement. At the same time, he was keen on looking at details in the choice of materials so that his original idea for an elegant aesthetic quality in a lightweight, almost fragile, costume would be preserved in the final result. Speliopoulos’ costumes for The Birds were made of chiffon materials embroidered with feathers. His original idea to use silk chiffon was eventually changed and replaced by a decision to use more resistant synthetic chiffon, which would last the dancers’ powerful movements while dancing. Speliopoulos chose to use an almost ‘inexistent,’ transparent flesh colour for the Chorus of Birds - the corps-de-ballet main costume (Fig. 4b). The movement was highlighted by the sparkling shines of the small pailletes, embroidered in the fabric. The same material was used for the male dancers’ costumes who wore very short trousers (Fig. 4a).

Figure 4a: Speliopoulos’ costume drawing for a Male Bird; Figure 4b: Captions from the video recording of the performance, Greek National Opera, 2000; still by S. Pantouvaki. Both images: author’s personal archive.

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Figures 5a-b: Speliopoulos’ costume drawings for the Flamingo and for the Female Hoopoe. Work colour photocopies, author’s personal archive. In his Birds costumes, Speliopoulos only used colour for specific groups of soloists: golden shadings for the Swan soloists, white for the Leading Swans, pink for the Flamingos (Fig. 5a), and silver grey for the Nightingales. Individual solo birds were especially identified by colour, such as the Female Hoopoe, which was pink and blue/violet in stronger hues (Fig. 5b), and the Crow, which was in total black. All the fabrics were dyed in grading colours, following Speliopoulos’ aim for an elegant colour palette. The embroidery of the materials was also made to a grading effect. Probably the most spectacular input to the production was made by Speliopoulos’ suggestions for the hair and makeup: That was where the Birds were masked and stylised in a totally different way to Tsarouchis’ costumes. Speliopoulos used long double eyelashes both on the upper eyelid and on the lower part of the eye, creating a 1960’s effect of highlighted eyes. His collaboration with Armitage also brought up the idea of afro-style wigs building up an exaggerated volume on the dancers’ heads, to create an impression of the non-human. The huge - especially for a classical dancer’s standards - wigs were the most evident element of the Bird’s costumes at a distance, in the big proportions of the Herod Atticus Odeon where the production was staged.

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Figures 6a-b: Female Birds; captions from the video recording of the performance, Greek National Opera, 2000; stills by S. Pantouvaki. Author’s personal archive. ‘I wanted the event to be fun, entertaining, popular, surprising and ruthless in its seriousness about the making of art and the nature of man. I have been in great company’ 31 writes Karole Armitage about her collaboration with Peter Speliopoulos. In fact, Armitage and Speliopoulos went on to do 4 more operas and 20 ballets together, working as a team since their first collaboration in The Birds. 4. Concluding Obviously, the two designers of the specific Birds productions come from very different artistic backgrounds, carrying two individual and different aesthetic identities. However - and, interestingly - in their designs of the characters of the Birds, we observe that they both tried to develop a personal visual code that would define their interpretation of the notion of a Bird chorus dancing on stage. In this, they both focused on the transformation of the face and head of the dancers, while they had totally different approaches as to the representation of the Birds’ ‘wings.’ In one of the two cases (Speliopoulos’ designs), the wings were totally eliminated. In addition, Tsarouchis used earthly but bolder colours, while Speliopoulos used a pale colour palette. It is to distinguish the two productions in different time periods: in 1959/1962 the first and in 2000 the second. While going deeper into the study of the subject, this would lead us to investigate further the developments in fashion and art throughout this aforementioned period, in order to examine - in future study - also the cultural aesthetics embodied in the costumes of the two productions in question.

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Notes 1

Andreas Rikakis, ‘Aristophanes, Birds’, in Ballet of the Greek National Opera Manos Hadjidakis, Birds, performance programme, Odeon of Herodes Atticus, 26, 27 & 28 July 2000 (Athens: Greek Festival, 2000), 5. 2 See the Plot Summary, ibid. 3 From 1932 until 1987 as theatre researcher Mavromoustakos notes. Platon Mavromoustakos, ‘Karolos Koun and the Art Theatre’, in Karolos Koun - The Performances, ed. Platon Mavromoustakos (Athens: Benaki Museum, 2008), 27. 4 Marios Ploritis, Theatre ’59, quoted in Manos Hadjidakis - Birds, restorationremastering of the 1965 original recording (Athens: Minos-EMI, 1999), 66. 5 Manos Hadjidakis, includes some details on this in ‘A Note from the Composer from the First Release of This Recording’, in Manos Hadjidakis - Birds, 51. 6 Platon Mavromoustakos, ed., Karolos Koun - The Performances (Athens: Benaki Museum, 2008), 254. 7 For detailed information on the performances, see Mavromoustakos, ed., Karolos Koun - The Performances. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 10 Nicos Kypourgos, ‘History of a Score’, in Ballet of the Greek National Opera Manos Hadjidakis, Birds, 12. 11 Kostas Mylonas, ‘History of the Greek Song’, in Manos Hadjidakis - Birds, 53. 12 For more details, see Nicos Kypourgos, ‘History of a Score’, 12-13. 13 Andreas Rikakis, ‘The Birds’ Choreographers’, in Ballet of the Greek National Opera - Manos Hadjidakis, Birds, 9. 14 Vassilis Angelikopoulos, ‘The Myth of The Birds continues...’, Kathimerini, 4 June 2000. 15 Ibid. 16 For more information on Tsarouchis and his work, see the official website of the Yannis Tsarouchis Foundation, accessed September 20, 2011, http://www.tsarouchis.gr/en/main.htm. 17 Efi Andreadi, ‘Three Painters and the Challenge of the Theatrical Act’ [in Greek], in Yannis Moralis, Yannis Tsarouchis, Nikos Hadjikyriakos-Gkikas Painting for the Theatre (Athens: Megaron-Athens Concert Hall, 1999), 13-20. 18 Ibid., 19. 19 Yannis Tsarouchis Foundation official website. 20 In 2002 Speliopoulos left Cerruti and returned to New York as Vice President of Design for Donna Karan New York, where he has stayed since.

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Cerruti, Peter Speliopoulos, typescript biography sent to Greek National Opera in April 2000 for the purposes of the printed programme of the performance (author’s personal archive). 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. For further info see also Speliopoulos’ interview to Sandy Tsantaki, ‘The Poet of Fashion’, Vogue Hellas (June 2000): 257-258. 24 Peter Speliopoulos, email to author, 19 October 2008. 25 Yannis Tsarouchis, untitled text in Half a Century of Aristophanes - Theatro Technis Karolos Koun [in Greek] (Athens: Cultural Olympiad, 2004), 35. 26 Ibid. Translated by the author. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid. 29 Eleni Varopoulou, ‘Karolos Koun’s Aristophanes... A Physical and Anthropological Vision’ [in Greek], in Half a Century of Aristophanes, 12. 30 For this reason, he asked the Greek National Opera Artistic Director to provide him with a collaborator, a costume supervisor, who helped him transform his designs into real dance costumes. 31 Karole Armitage, ‘Choreographer’s Note’, in Ballet of the Greek National Opera - Manos Hadjidakis, Birds, 10.

Bibliography Andreadi, Efi, ed. Yannis Moralis, Yannis Tsarouchis, Nikos Hadjikyriakos-Gkikas - Painting for the Theatre. Athens: Megaron-Athens Concert Hall, 1999. Angelikopoulos, Vassilis. ‘The Myth of The Birds continues...’. Kathimerini, 4 June 2000. Ballet of the Greek National Opera - Manos Hadjidakis, Birds. Performance programme, Odeon of Herodes Atticus, 26, 27 & 28 July 2000, Athens: Greek Festival, 2000. Cerruti. Peter Speliopoulos. Typescript biography, 2000. Half a Century of Aristophanes - Theatro Technis Karolos Koun [in Greek]. Athens: Cultural Olympiad, 2004.

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__________________________________________________________________ Manos Hadjidakis - Birds. Restoration-remastering of the 1965 original recording. Athens: Minos-EMI, 1999. Mavromoustakos, Platon, ed. Karolos Koun - The Performances. Athens: Benaki Museum, 2008. Tsantaki, Sandy. ‘The Poet of Fashion’. Vogue Hellas (June 2000): 256–259. Sofia Pantouvaki, PhD, is a freelance scenographer and researcher, currently teaching at the Department of Theatre Studies, University of the Peloponnese in Greece. Her recent research includes theatrical costume making and clothing in the concentration camps of World War Two.

Part 3 Identifying Fashion

Body Art: Yoruba Women’s Tattoo Fashion and Memories Evelyn Omotunde Adepeko Abstract From time immemorial the human body has been adorned with various and varied tribal marks, decorative cuts and tattoos in many communities all over the world. The history of tattoo dates back to the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries when a considerable number of European seamen and other travelers were tattooed by Tahitian, Marquesan, Maori, Samsoan and other pacific tattooists. Eve de Negri noted in 1976 that the ancient Arab custom of tattooing is firmly established in the Northern part of Nigeria, and is now fashionable among the Yoruba and other tribes as well. It is the aim of this chapter to examine Yoruba women’s tattoo fashion and memories, reasons for having tattoo on the body and for whom they are intended. The chapter will consider different types, names and their meanings, the process of making tattoo designs and its care, the significance of tattoo as related to culture and tradition, and a look at tattoo in the new millennium. Key Words: Tribal marks, decorative cut, tattoo, self-fashioning, ethnic identification, body decorations, beauty/aesthetic culture, tradition. ***** 1. Introduction The Yoruba communities lie within the tropical region, latitude 60 and 90 north, and longitude 20 30' and 60 30' east. They are bounded on the north by the Niger River, Dahomey on the west, Benin on the east and, on the south by the Bight of Benin and the Atlantic Ocean. The Yoruba were probably first known to Europe from the north, through the explorers of northern and central Africa. The principal Yoruba tribes are the Egbado, Egba, Ife, Ijesa, Oyo, Ondo and the Ekiti. Yoruba women are fashion conscious and have distinctive ways of self-fashioning, displayed in hairstyles, dressing and body decorations, such as marks, paints, and tattoo. Yoruba body-marks were of two major types and both are permanent. Eve de Negri mentioned that: Deep cuts were made for ethnic identity such as the royal marks of Oyo drawn as gashes the whole length of the arms and legs. 1 The second type is used more as decoration and fertility symbols. She revealed further that in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, visiting Europeans noted that these “beauty berries” body marks looked like “silk-damask” or flowered “silk”; no doubt in reference to the effect of light-and-shade three dimensional berries made on the skin. Other marks known

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__________________________________________________________________ among the Yoruba as fin-fin cuts, were made in groups which formed geometric patterns over almost the whole of the women’s body. 2 (See fig. 1)

Figure 1: This is an example of permanent body marks by knife cuts. This woman from Edo state has complex arrangements of cuts on the waist and hip area. Courtesy: Eve de Negri 1976. 3 Nigerian Body Adornment. 2. The Reason for Having Tattoo on the Body Before any known civilisation, humankind has been fashion conscious and expressed this in several ways, especially in decorating skin. The skin is seen as permanent human clothing so it is not out of place to see its decoration as a fashionable idea. Skin decoration has been practiced for thousands of years and will undoubtedly continue while this planet lives. Louise E. Jefferson reports that prehistoric humans embellished a wide variety of possessions from weapons to clothing, including the body, basically for ritual or magical purposes. 4 Also the idea that human beings have an inherent desire to decorate themselves and their surroundings is somehow innate to the human species. Marjory Joseph observed that primitive people decorated garments with paints as they did their bodies. 5 In the same vein, art historians/authorities believe that the cave people created art for the sheer love of beauty and that aesthetics are culturally relative; a reason scientists now agree that human beings have aesthetic impulses. To the pre-historic human, tattoo might be for ritual or magical purposes but it is basically for aesthetics and beauty among Yoruba women and contemporary wearers. The Yoruba society in past decades, up until perhaps thirty years ago, believe that a maiden before getting married, or even after marriage, must cut tattoo marks

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__________________________________________________________________ on certain parts of her body for the purpose of enhancing that part of the body for societal appreciation as well as for her husband’s appreciation. The favourable climatic condition of the tropical region where the Yoruba communities lie is perhaps another reason for decorating their skin. Therefore, body decoration was a common practice within the Yoruba communities. Also the warm climatic condition favours the use of little or no clothing at all, therefore, a decorated or tattooed body was an expression of fashion among the Yoruba women. 6 Today this practice has virtually declined. The practice was done in isolation from the totality of social order. All social institutions were cooperated to achieve social order. The family institution was established to put in place or achieve social harmony in its place of jurisdiction. Marking the body for beautification was introduced to women for purposes of attracting suitors. Markings on private parts were for erotic purposes, i.e., enhancing lovemaking. If a wife has beautiful markings for her husband to behold, the latter need not go outside the marital home to seek and enjoy such erotic markings. In other words, the culture may have ‘forced’ the bearing of marks on young women to prevent their husbands from committing adultery. Committing adultery might not even occur because in the past, a man has many wives. I believe the man will behold a variety of these beauty marks but will prefer some markings on certain wives more than on others. Hence the need for women to select from the tattooist’s catalogue of patterns/motifs very striking types that their suitors would appreciate.

Figure 2: An example of a woman who cut tattoo marks on her body after her wedding. Courtesy of the author. Figure 2 above is an example of a woman who cut tattoo marks on her body after her wedding. When interviewed she revealed that she had to cut tattoo on her body

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__________________________________________________________________ because her husband wanted it. She said her husband loved to behold such beautiful markings on women and in order prevent him going outside the marital home to seek and enjoy beholding such erotic/romantic markings on other women, he demanded that his wife make permanent tattoo markings on her body. The woman added that her husband was the one who paid for the cost of the tattoo. As mentioned earlier, tattoo fashion is a common form of body art in many communities of the world. However, reasons for having it differ from one society to another. This also implies the need for each woman to be ready to bear the pain associated with more elaborate pattern markings. In Frank Willet’s view, the art of body decoration such as painting, staining the body, scarification tattooing and many others, are most likely to do with social status, religion or beauty. 7 In the same vein, Helen Gardner et al., corroborate Willet’s opinion by indicating that tattoos of Polynesians, the nobles and warriors especially, were concerned with increasing their status and personal beauty. 8

Figure 3: Leg and Figure 4: Hand. Examples of women having tattoos on their bodies - legs and hands. Courtesy of the author. Figures 3 and 4 are examples of women having tattoo on their bodies - legs and hands - in order to enhance their personal beauty. Chike Cyril Aniakor testifies that the Ibo women are similar to their Yoruba counterparts. 9 He noted that the female body art has a strong aesthetic base; the art functions as a visual device to reaffirm the beauty of the female body, individual social status and wellbeing, while celebrating the virtues of female maternity. The artform is useful in making social transitions to womanhood. Ayodele Ajibade

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__________________________________________________________________ identifies the Tivs of Benue State in Nigeria as having scarifications on their bodies because, amongst them, it is regarded as the most important requisite for beauty. 10 Nevertheless, for the Yoruba women, tattoo has no spiritual or religions inclinations; it is basically intended for beautification and adornment of the body. The reason for having tattoo on the body in contemporary times, especially in the west, as recorded by Chris Wroblewzki, could be attributed to a number of reasons differing from the traditional concept of tattoo. 11 According to Wroblewzki the reason for having a tattoo is simple; it enhances gut appeal, because wearers like the way they look on them. Furthermore, tattoo not only reinforces positive feelings in the wearer but also suggests an element of mystery that is obviously connected to the ancient practice and traditions of tattooing. To them tattoo is a hot medium that inescapably arouses the consciousness of their bodies, revealing itself through the emotions and aspirations of those who participate. 3. Who Can Wear It? Every Yoruba woman is a potential tattoo wearer. Trowel noted that it is common to the human race and to women especially, to attempt to enhance natural beauty by some forms of decoration. 12 In the past, within the Yoruba community, tattoo was associated with the womenfolk. In some Nigerian communities, as explained by de Negri, cicatrisation was done on both boys and girls at puberty; such cicatrisation was a mark of bravery for boys and for girls, a part of the fertility rites connected with ‘coming-of-age’ ceremonies. 13 Wroblewzki reiterates that there are no barriers to sex or class in tattooing: ‘All skins are equal under the tattooist’s needles.’ 14 This statement qualifies anyone to wear tattoo in our contemporary era, as long as he or she can endure the pain associated with it during the process. 4. The Different Types, Names and Their Meanings Yoruba women wear tattoo of different types, names and meanings. However, the different types are common to all the Yoruba communities. Here are some examples. Name 1. Oniresi 2. Olope 3. Eleye 4. Elejo 5. Alade 6. Alaogo 7. Aarin omo ni o sun 8. Igbomole 9. Gbegbemu 10. Oruko

Meaning Rice style Palm-tree style Bird style Snake style Crown style Wrist watch Mother’s pride style Mother’s lap, a child’s seat style Hold my side style Names: Personal names or lovers’ names

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__________________________________________________________________ 5. The Process of Making Tattoo Design/Care The process was often painful. This has naturally discouraged the practice in many Yoruba communities. Only the brave were able to endure the pain. A greater number of today’s tattoo wearers among the Yoruba women had it done when they were young and were able to withstand the pain involved in the process of marking. Some had it done while still an infant and not so sensitive to pain. Tattooists were predominately men, called onikolo. In some Yoruba communities tattoo was also done by those involved in children’s circumcisions. They are called akomola. These were the processes involved: - The client either chose motifs from the tattooist’s catalogue or came up with her own conceptual motifs; but most of the time, the client chose from the catalogue or left the choice to the tattooist. - The client dropped her money for the cost of the tattoo in water contained in a bowl placed there by the tattooist. No refund would be made to the client after dropping her money into the water even if she declined and refuse to have the tattoo done because of the pain involved. The cost or the amount to be paid depended on the intricacy of the design. However, the cost of tattoo in the past was very inexpensive, between one and ten pence. Some even got it for free, especially when the tattooist was a relative or an acquaintance of the client. Parts of the body that are commonly tattooed are: leg, arm, back of the palm, chest, back of the waist, wrist, lap, ankle, abdomen, face and the chin. - The tattooist would wash the surface to be tattooed with water from the bowl, and then trace the motif chosen by the client. The tracing was done with a fowl’s feather and with a solution made from soot. - A needle or knife could be used for the markings. For the needle method, 10 to 12 needles would be tied together with a string. The tattooist would hold them together in one hand, while with the second hand, hold the part to be tattooed in order to smoothen and toughen the muscle for easy penetration of the needles. The pattern or design would be made using a pinching method; he would then carefully trace the layout already drawn on the skin of the client. The pinching continues until the design is completed. Courageous clients who were able to endure the pain to the end were sometimes compensated with extra designs made for them without cost especially when others opted out in the process, as pain thresholds in each person differ greatly; it

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__________________________________________________________________ was not uncommon to see tough-looking women fainting, unable to bear the pain after just two minutes under the needle.

Figure 5: An example of an uncompleted tattoo design. Courtesy of the author. Figure 5 above is an example of an uncompleted tattoo design. When interviewed, the wearer explained that the second bird on the right side in the design was incomplete because she could no longer bear the pain. However, conditions under which the tattoos were done were far from ideal. Some degenerated into large sores when proper care was not taken. - After the process, darkening substances such as soot, powdered charcoal, juice from efo odu, and any other dark substance were rubbed in for darkening purposes. 6. Care of Tattoo The tattooed body takes about two to four weeks to heal depending on the condition of the person wearing the tattoo. No medication was needed for the healing. The person wearing the tattoo only needed to rub palm-kernel oil - adin agbon - and any darkening substance to the surface every morning after taking her bath.

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__________________________________________________________________ The Significance of Tattoo as Related to Culture and Tradition: There is a vast amount of reasons significant to a person who chooses to adorn him/herself with tattoo. Symbolisation varies by origin of the design. Whether the tattoo is worn for graphic design or personal reasons, tribal tattoo is definitely one of the most popular tattoos all over the world. Although tribal symbols vary, reasons for tattooing were generally the same, ranging from marriage and rite of passage. In the past, Yoruba teenage girls wore the names of their future suitors on their bodies, just as engaged women wear engagement rings indicating her romantic commitment to her fiancé. Animal motifs are symbolic among tribal tattoos. The meanings of course vary according to the kind animal you choose, e.g. a bear represents good nature or luck, the butterfly symbolised spiritual immortality, the eagle is a sign of might and spiritual growth, while the feather shows creativity and rebirth. The Bird as a motif for tattoo design was widely used in many Yoruba communities. Figure 6 below is an example of a tattoo design with a bird motif. In the design, there are two birds facing each other; this could be taken as two lovers focusing on each other, hence it may be suggested that Yoruba women wear tattoo for romantic purposes. The African tribe of the Nuba people of Sudan, according to Nan McNab, is among the most skillful face and body painters. 15 They use face paint to correct flaws in a face or emphasise its good features. He provides an example that a pointed and narrow nose can be disguised by painting it with flattening colour and pattern to stunning effect. To them, body decoration could be effectively manipulated to hide physical faults. De Negri reveals that body marks, like tattoo, have symbolic or decorative significance connected with marriage and birth. 16 Others have a magical purpose; Abiku marks were of this type. They were tiny cuts made in one or two parallel lines over the back and shoulders. When made on a child, the lines were rubbed-in with medicinal spices specially compounded to prevent the Abiku-child from being snatched away to the spirit world. According to her, Abiku children were usually one of a pair of twins, sometimes one is marked with Abiku marks to prevent the same calamity happening again.

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Figure 6: An example of a tattoo design with a bird motif. Courtesy of the author. 7. A Look at Tattoo in the New Millennium As the saying goes, ‘as it was in the beginning so it is now.’ Tattoo wearers in the twenty-first century wear tattoo for the same reason it was used as a medium of decorating the body in the eighteenth century. As earlier mentioned, Wroblewski said, ‘The reason for having a tattoo is simple, gut appeal, we like the way they look on us. Furthermore, tattoos not only reinforce positive feelings about ourselves, they also suggest an element of mystery that is obviously connected to the ancient practices and traditions of tattooing.’ 17 The choice of tattoo worn in contemporary times is usually determined by the kind of company people keep, especially youths - bikers, basketballers, footballers and supporters, to mention a few, and to a greater extent, by the type of social life they lead. Tattoos are now no longer chronically associated with animals, ex-servicemen and prostitutes, but enjoy wider popularity, notably and for the first time, among middle-class youth. ‘There are no barriers to sex or class in tattooing. All skins are equal under the tattooist needles.’ In other words, anybody can wear tattoo, cutting across all social strata. Another reason for the wide spread of tattoo, according to findings in the new millennium, is simply aesthetic. It enhances natural beauty, as it is conspicuous on light complexions and as such, it has become part of their cosmetics, without which some youths, both male and female, feel incomplete. Some wearers state that the temporal nature of the design also adds to its appeal, because the design can be changed within a short time, giving room for variety. Improvement and modification has been introduced to tattoo in terms of process and material used for the tattoo markings. Electronic tools and intricate and geometric designs have been introduced into tattoo designs. As we all know, fashion is dynamic and changing. The younger generation of Yoruba women no longer make permanent tattoo on their bodies as in the time of their ancestors. They have taken to the western way of body decoration while their counterparts in the western world are now wearing permanent tattoo designs on their bodies. Therefore, it can be stated that what the Yoruba women have offered

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__________________________________________________________________ in terms of fashion, the western youths have taken to. Figures 7 and 8 below are examples. In the same vein, Maggie Angeloglou suggests that the swift application of lipstick is usually the last thing a woman does before she steps out of the house and into the street. This is not with the intention of transforming herself completely, but with the understanding that the habit of making-up is so deeply ingrained that many women feel ashamed and unattractive without it. 18 Some wear eye shadow and different facial make-up. This is the level women had attained in beautifying themselves in contemporary times in the western fashion.

Figure 7: An example of contemporary tattoo design. Courtesy: Don Pulgsle, tattoo by Jack Ruddy, Anaheim, California, U.S.A. Figure 8: An example of contemporary tattoo design. Figure 8: Courtesy: Greg Kulz, tattooed by Vaughan, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. 8. Conclusion This chapter examines body art within Yoruba women’s tattoo fashion and memories. The reasons for wearing tattoo and who can wear it, the different types, names and their meanings, the processes of making tattoo designs and its care, the significance of tattoo as related to culture and tradition, and the meaning of tattoo in the new millennium. Although the art of having permanent marks, cuts and tattoo on the body has become old fashioned among Yoruba women in contemporary times, the fact remains that we must all endeavour to sustain and preserve our cultural heritage in every sphere. Therefore it is pertinent that the Yoruba women note that total dependence on western cosmetics for body beautification/decoration will soon send our indigenous ways of body beautification/decoration to total extinction. For this not to be so, this paper suggests that Yoruba women, both single and married, should always use what is indigenous to their culture for their body beautification.

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Notes 1

Eve de Negri, Nigeria Body Adoration (Lagos: Academy Press Ltd. Lagos, 1976), 11-13. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 4 Louise E. Jefferson, Decorative Art of Africa (London: Collins St. James Place, 1974). 5 Majory Joseph, The Essentials of Textiles, 2nd edition (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1980). 6 Evelyn Omotunde Adepeko, field survey on tattoo, 2008. 7 Frank Willet, African Art, An Introduction (London: Thames and Hudson, 1960). 8 Helen Gardner, Horst de la Croix and Richard G. Tansey, Art through the Ages, 5th edition (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1970). 9 Chike Cyril Aniakor, Reflective Essays on Art and Art History (Lagos: The Pan African Circles of Artists Press, Nigeria, 2005). 10 Ayodele Ajibade, Contemporary Female Body Decoration. A Case Study of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria (An unpublished Bachelor of Arts, Honours Degree in Art History; Department of Fine Arts, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 2006), 8-15. 11 Chris Wroblewzki, Skin Shows: The Art of Tattoo (London: Virgin Publishing Ltd., 1989). 12 Ajibade, Contemporary Female Body Decoration. A Case Study of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. 13 De Negri, Nigeria Body Adoration, 11-13. 14 Wroblewzki, Skin Shows: The Art of Tattoo (London: Virgin Publishing Ltd., 1989). 15 Nan McNab, Body Bizarre Body Beautiful (Australia: Allen and Unwin Pty Ltd., 1999). 16 McNab, Body Bizarre Body Beautiful. 17 Wroblewzki, Skin Shows: The Art of Tattoo. 18 Maggie Angeloglou, A History of Make-Up (London: Studio Vista, 1970).

Bibliography Adepeko, Evelyn. Field Survey on Tattoo. 2008. Ajibade, Ayodele. Contemporary Female Body Decoration. A Case Study of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. An unpublished Bachelor of Arts, Honours

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__________________________________________________________________ Degree in Art History. Department of Fine Arts, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 2006. Angeloglou, Maggie. A History of Make-Up. London: Studio Vista, 1970. Aniakor, Chike Cyril. Reflective Essays on Art and Art History. Lagos: The Pan African Circles of Artists Press, 2005. De Negri, Eve. Nigeria Body Adoration. Lagos: Academy Press Ltd., 1976. Gardner, Helen, Horst de la Croix, and Richard G. Tansey. Art through the Ages. 5th Edition. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1970. Jefferson, Louise E. Decorative Art of Africa. London: Collins St. James Place, 1974. Johnson, Samuel. The History of the Yorubas. Lagos: C.S.S Bookshops, 1921. Joseph, Majory. The Essentials of Textiles. 2nd Edition. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1980. McNab, Nan. Body Bizarre Body Beautiful. Australia: Allen and Unwin Pty Ltd., 1999. Willet, Frank. African Art, An Introduction. London: Thames and Hudson, 1960. Wroblewzki, Chris. Skin Shows: The Art of Tattoo. London: Virgin Publishing Ltd., 1989. Evelyn Omotunde Adepeko, Adeyemi College of Education, Ondo, Ondo State, Nigeria.

Where Have All the Flowers Gone? Unisex Hair Salon Form and Function Donna Louise Bevan Abstract This chapter will explore the impact the unisex salon has had on the hairdressing experience and will examine the significance of the hair salon in the construction and transformation of women’s personal hair fashion aesthetic and identity. Much fashion research has focused on the significance of dress in relation to body and identity. My research offers a perspective which examines hair and hairdressing as a process of engagement among the producers and consumers, the rituals and routines of the salon experience, and the development of fast fashion/fast hair. Key Words: Hairdressing, identity, anxiety, performance, power, ritual, cultural exchange, social space. ***** 1. Introduction Hairstyles can be seen as important ‘cultural artefacts.’ They are simultaneously a public and private view of the body 1 and usually manipulated and styled. 2 The link between the public and private will be explored through an examination of the rituals of the hair salon where the two realms come together and identities are forged. 3 The chapter focuses on specific local meanings of hair practices in three hair salons, the hairdressers and their clients, in the provincial town of Basingstoke in North Hampshire. I have explored the lived experience of the salon as an aspect of shopping and consumption, which is often ignored. 4 The contemporary hair salon offers a space where the rituals 5 and power relationships encountered within these three everyday sites of consumption can be examined. It is through the power relations 6 of the salon, the training and formal codes of conduct of the hairdresser, and the clients’ anxieties and expectations of the idealised self that resistance and accommodation are played out. This ethnographic study examines the hairsalon as a site in which the micro reflects the macro issues impacting social and cultural engagement. This ethnographic study explores and describes the significance of the ordinary (traditional) high street hair salon as a site of discursive intersection and cultural currency. An examination of the hair salon as an important place for social engagement, cultural exchange, and community formation within a contemporary context of the unisex salon was the starting point.

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__________________________________________________________________ 2. Overview of the Salon Experience Ossman, 7 in her research into hair salons in three countries, offers an approach which will show the significance of the hair salon at a local level and the impact of global styles and corporate salons. In the UK on most high streets, we see salons offering the corporate experience; one of the most prominent is Tony and Guy, which franchises outlets. There is a corporate approach to hairdressing and every franchise signs up to a code of conduct and staff training so that the experience should feel familiar whether you are visiting a salon in Leeds or Southampton or even Basingstoke, which is in fact a franchise. There is an expectation in this corporate approach which aims for a seamless experience where the hairdresser must work within the agreed framework the a forty-minute time span of the hair cut/style, while giving the customer the feeling of individual care and attention. The price plan offers a whole range of skill levels and experience and as a customer you decide the level you can afford. In this choice, the anxiety of handing over your head to another begins - this seems to be the most worrying aspect of the hairdressing experience. The client may not be placed with his/her regular hairdresser; when forging a new relationship, this anxiety is at its greatest. This is probably not surprising; meeting with someone you do not know, who proceeds to interpret your needs and wants, knowing they are about to remove part of you, can be stressful. It is thought that in salon design terms, that by focusing on the client and customer in their own space (chair-mirror relationship) in a clean - in most cases, clinical environment - will offer a feeling of comfort and reassurance. The standardised layout of the salon offered by the corporate salon experience and framework of planned service is significant. However, it is the relationship between the client and stylist and the issues involved in the cutting of hair, and the construction of a new style/re-styling of the self which will form the main basis of my discussion here. Unlike clothing, the reworked hair cannot be removed and replaced easily; the results are longer lasting, 8 based on a cut requiring attention every six weeks. The wrong haircut has to be endured until it grows out or another hairdresser can rectify the disaster (or buy a wig). It can lead to a lack of confidence and issues of negative self-awareness, which many of my respondents commented on; the majority of woman interviewed wanted to tell me about their memories of hairdressing disasters. This has lead to circumstances where women retain a hairstyle safety net in having the same hairdresser for many years. The anxiety of going to the hairdresser and the prospect of something going wrong was removed, or at least appeared to be. However, many of the women I spoke to felt they should be making more effort on their appearance. Many were particularly interested in the current spate of restyle programmes, which have as the final outcome, a haircut and make-up application completing the transformation toward a ‘new identity.’ They also

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__________________________________________________________________ complained that the hairdresser never made any effort to change their style but simply tidied up what they already had. Through these discussions we can see that the hairdresser can be said to have a major impact on our identities; most people have their hair worked on and groomed in some way and the majority of the population visits hair salons at some point each year to have their hair cut and styled. Mercer indicates that, Such practices socialize hair, making it the medium of significant statements about self and society...In this way hair is merely a raw material, constantly processed by cultural practices which thus invest it with meaning and value. 9 Alexander 10 and Mercer 11 see this hands-on interpretation as significant; the grooming of hair is important in that it is performed by human hands with very basic tools. Many of these tools have been developed in design terms and continuously updated, but nevertheless fundamentally perform the same task. The technology has developed and changes have taken place over time to speed up the process and allow for greater turnover of clients but the manual interaction with the hair is central to the transformation process. 3. Performance - Process Practice Performance However, where this transformation takes place is also significant and while this relationship is central to the creation of the look/final style, we need to look at the whole process. The hair salon space can be examined through two forms and notions of performance - first using the expansive work on performance in relation to Goffman 12 and his work on the presentation of self, focusing on social identity and in particular, gendered identity. His notion of the performed self, and particularly in relation to gendered identity in bodily performance within the discussion of the constant performed self, will be used to explore the activity within the salon in relation to both the client and staff. Goffman’s use of on and off stage is significant in the demarcation of boundaries of the salon. Mitchell, 13 in his analysis of performance, brings together the three Ps in his analysis of performance in relation to the study of anthropology and material culture. The three Ps are process, practice, and performance. Mitchell brings together an analysis of the material transformation ‘Of the body; of things and of space…in each…extraordinary performances of ritual create transformations that are carried forward into everyday contexts.’ 14 In my own approach on the analysis of women and their hair, it was of major significance to consider this in relation to the space of transformation. The ritual involved in my approach to performance was one which sees performative activities or events interact with everyday life to effect transformation. Mitchell 15

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__________________________________________________________________ uses three very clear examples of rituals taking place but he suggests that it is at the point of transformation that involves intersection/interaction of the material and conceptual. Here the object becomes subject and through the performative process, the transformation takes place. It is the relation between client and hairdresser enacted through the mirror of the salon, where the transformation is viewed as a spectacle of the ritual process. The craft skill 16 of the individual hairdresser, their knowledge and understanding of their trade, and their ability to engage with their client to retrieve the information required to be able to produce the desired final product, may represent as much as eight to ten exchanges per day. My approaches to collecting data varied in relation to the spaces of the salon and in relation to the way in which I chose to ask questions of the staff I interviewed. All my recorded interviews with salon staff took place in their off space or the staff-room in part due to issues with salon equipment and general background noise, but also to obtain different information in the more relaxed space of the staff-room. The staff room is usually a small space which encourages the staff not to stay there too long (in my main space for analysis in Basingstoke, the staff-room was no more than a long, thin room located between the two main cutting and colouring zones). This could be regarded as a private space for staff away from clients/customers or a space to relax and discuss ideas and issues with other staff members (which it was). There was, however, one addition which they were used to having but which I was surprised to see; a surveillance camera, which linked to the manager’s office, and which provokes clear reference to the ideas of Foucault and the panopticon. 17 The managers or their senior staff regulate the space of the staff-room from this camera link. They will regularly move staff out of the space when it becomes too crowded, if they are seen to be spending too much time in there, or when there is other cleaning hygiene tasks waiting - sweeping floors, cleaning the sinks in the colour room, or cleaning equipment. The hierarchy of the salon can be identified through the price list and also in the tasks undertaken by staff - senior salon staff are reluctant to clean public spaces and do general menial tasks - cleaning hair from floors is for the trainees and Saturday staff helpers. This was clarified in all salons I examined and was outlined in the recorded interviews where they often discussed their roles and the frustration they felt if asked to do a task seen as beneath their status. In turn, the staff-room offers time-out for the staff to relax in between clients; they also have a television screen which links to a camera at reception which clearly shows clients arriving. This is a well-orchestrated system which allows a hidden insight into the running of the salon which is not obvious to the client. The surveillance in the public spaces of the salon are monitored off stage but also on the shop floor where the client and other salon staff keep watch through mirrors on the work and conversation.

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__________________________________________________________________ 4. Hair Salon History The modern unisex salon space has developed out of a very different approach to hairdressing developed by hairdressers in the late 1960s when there was a move away from traditional techniques of hairdressing to what is now recognised as the modern approach to hair styling and hair salons. Innovators at this time such as Vidal Sassoon introduced a new way of working with hair that moved away from dressing the hair to more blow-dry techniques. The cut and blow dry made a shift from the weekly hairdressing requirements of the traditional techniques of the shampoo and set, to a six-week return to the salon and personal maintenance of the style at home. Space does not permit discussion for a of this process, but it was a major shift and allowed for male and female hair to utilise similar techniques and experiences; one was based on a combination of Fordist and modernist principles of rationalised use of space and hygiene. Sassoon has said in previous interviews that his styles offered both ‘form and function.’ The move away from simply visiting a local salon saw hairdressers begin to change at this point; the local hairdresser no longer styled hair in the village, and as my research demonstrates, the stylist’s techniques and surroundings were often seen as dated and out of touch. This lead to the customer being offered the experience of engagement with the wider selection of ‘types’ of hair salon experiences and the differentiation of product through the design of the space. 5. Engagement with the Space The salon has zones of activity and the client is guided through this space at various stages in the process of hair transformation. The reception is where the client is greeted and is usually covered in a cape as a form of protection from contamination of their clothing while spending time in the salon. It is often a branded garment linked to the brand image of the salon, or matching key colours of the space; however, its function as protection also impacts the client’s perception of the stylist. The application of this garment renders the customer devoid of their usual reference point of fashion; their head and feet are the only fragments of the body that remain on view. It is the practice in many salons and all of the ones I studied that this ‘caping’ process is done by a receptionist or a trainee. In this process, the hairdresser/stylist never sees the whole body of the client and more importantly, the clothed body of the client. This is most problematic if this is a new client, as no reference can be made by the hairdresser. Therefore, the important role of getting to know your client and their needs and wants, and making choices about the hairstyle that will work best has been compromised. In my interviews and lengthy discussions with Andrew Barton, advisor to many industry bodies and London salon owner, the significance of getting to know your client and their personal concerns are important. He suggests that what their hair is like is in fact not that important; one can change the hair through salon processes but spending time with a new client, ‘… getting very quickly to learning about about...

how she feels about herself, what she dislikes about herself…then I can design something that works for her.’ 18 It is significant that it is when this relationship works, and the hairdressers listen and understand the needs of their clients, that the anxiety is reduced and the client leaves with their required cut which works to quell the anxiety of allowing their hair to be worked on by a stranger. 6. In Conclusion and Further Areas for Research This chapter has attempted to show the clear relationship between the hair salon and the client-hairdresser as central to our understanding of the significance of women’s hair identity. This is by no means the full body of my research, but should provide some insight to my research and processes thus far. Further research will engage with a salon in my local hospital in Basingstoke, allowing me to conduct further interviews with staff and, where possible, with clients of the salon. This will allow for analysis of individuals where identity can be seen as fragmented. There is also a need for further research into the mobile hairdresser, which is of particular interest to me, where the hairdressing takes place not in the public space of the salon but in the private space of the home. My research is in its early stages but I hope my early insights offer some interesting areas for further developments. 1 Current investigations are concerned with hair as waste product. From the interviews I have carried out over the past three years, I have realised how the hair from clients is seen as repellent by many hairdressers; they do not wish to touch it and cleaning it from the floor around the client’s chair is given over to trainee staff. This hair is collected and hidden away to be recycled or enter general waste; it is seen as an object of contamination in the salon space. Having been on the floor, it is dirty and destroys the illusion of total hygiene and cleanliness that the salon promotes. On my frequent visits to my salons, I regularly heard discussions of who was to do the cleaning and of not leaving out the corners where the hair tends to gather. The hairdressers also discussed their clothing and how senior stylists in my main salon were encouraged to wear their own clothes to ‘promote their individual style.’ However, they also laughed about the way in which the client’s hair also became trapped in their work clothing and that ‘we have to wear bras and home bras - the hair gets everywhere and it makes your bra itch.’ 19 They all laugh in agreement and with general comments on how it gets everywhere and in the most surprising places. My photographs show bags of hair samples from clients ready for colour testing and for colour experiments. This hair is harvested from the client’s head and bagged up and not collected from the floor to avoid mix up and cross contamination with other clients. These interesting insights have led me to consider the insights of Mary Douglas 20 in her seminal text Purity and Danger. It

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__________________________________________________________________ has led me to consider further our relationship with hair ornaments and decorated jewellery made with human hair. I note from the work of Oflek 21 that this became a concern at the height of its popularity among the Victorian population. With the introduction of new production techniques, there were concerns that unscrupulous dealers would use not the hair given to them, but strangers’ hair, which may have been more suitable for the process.

Notes 1

Rachel Weitz, ‘Women and Their Hair: Seeking Power through Resistance and Accomodation’, Gender and Society 15, No. 5 (October 2001): 667-686. In this article, Weitz discusses the relationship women have with their hair accommodations and that the resistance toward women’s subordination could be viewed through the everyday experiences of women with their hair. 2 Caroline Cox, Good Hair Days: A History of British Hairdressing (London: Quartet Books Ltd., 1999). This text offers historical overviews of hairstyles, but does not address the more complex issues of our relationship with hair and hair styling. Grant McCraken, Big Hair: A Journey into the Transformation of Self (New York: Overlook Press, 1996). McCracken’s text is an American ethnographic study which discusses hair but does not seek to examine it in relation to the spaces in which it is transformed, nor as a place where ethics take place; it is more about people’s discussions about their choices of hairstyle. 3 Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Garden City: Anchor Books, 1959). Goffman examines the performances of everyday life. Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990). Butler studies gender constructs. Steph Lawler, Identity: Sociological Perspectives (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008). Lawler discusses the complex nature of identity. 4 Daniel Miller, A Theory of Shopping (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998). Miller discusses shopping and consumption as significant experiences in relation to our understanding of ourselves and the personal objects that surround us. 5 Miller, A Theory of Shopping. Dennis Rook and Sidney Levy, ‘Psychosocial Themes in Consumer Grooming Rituals’, in Advances in Consumer Research 10, eds. Richard P. Bagozzi and Alice M. Tybout, Ann Arbor (September 1983): 329333. 6 Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge. Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980). 7 Susan Ossman, Three Faces of Beauty: Casablanca, Paris, Cairo (North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2003). Ossman’s study explores hairdressing and client relationships in three countries to examine cultural differences and the impact of globalisation.

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The advent of the contemporary salon system was based on the techniques developed by hair salons such as Vidal Sassoon in the 1960s, which formed the basis for a cut requiring attention every six weeks. 9 Kobena Mercer, Welcome to the Jungle: New Positions in Black Cultural Studies (New York: Routledge, 1994), 12. 10 Bryant Keith Alexander, ‘Fading, Twisting, and Weaving: An Interpretive Ethnography of the Black Barbershop as Cultural Space’, Qualitative Inquiry 9, No. 1 (February 2003): 105-128. Alexander examines black men’s hairdressing experience. 11 Mercer, Welcome to the Jungle: New Positions in Black Cultural Studies, 12. Mercer addresses the issue of hair and black identity. 12 Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. 13 Stephen Mitchell, ‘Performance’, in Handbook of Material Culture’, eds. Christopher Tilly, Webb Keane, Susanne Kuechler-Fogden, Mike Rowlands and Patricia Spyer (Sage: London, 2006), 384. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid. 16 Alfred Gell, ‘Technology and Magic’, Anthropology Today 4, No. 2 (April 1988): 6-9. Gell examines the interesting relationship humans have had with simple tools in the creation of complex products and humans’ ability to create these complex hairsyles (it is the author’s opinion that this challenges the notion of the hairdresser as an unskilled craft person/designer). 17 Foucault, Power/Knowledge. 18 Andrew Barton, interview with author, June 2010. 19 Salon 3, interview with author, 2 December 2009. 20 Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger. An Analysis of Pollution and Taboo (New York: Routledge, 1966). 21 Galia Ofek, Representations of Hair in Victorian Literature and Culture (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009). Ofek discusses the human hair trade and jewellery making.

Bibliography Alexander, Bryant Keith. ‘Fading, Twisting, and Weaving: An Interpretive Ethnography of the Black Barbershop as Cultural Space’. Qualitative Inquiry 9, No. 1 (February 2003): 105–128. Black, Paula. ‘Ordinary People Come through Here: Locating the Beauty Salon in Women’s Lives’. Feminist Review 71 (2002): 2–17.

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__________________________________________________________________ Black, Paula, and Ursula Sharma. ‘Men Are Real, Women Are “Made Up”: Beauty Therapy and the Construction of Femininity’. The Sociological Review 49, No. 1 (2001): 100–116. Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge, 1990. Cox, Caroline. Good Hair Days: A History of British Hairdressing. London: Quartet Books Ltd., 1999. Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger. An Analysis of Pollution and Taboo. New York: Routledge 1966. Entwistle, Joanne, and Elizabeth Wilson, eds. Bodydressing. Oxford: Berg, 2001. Featherstone, Mike. Consumer Culture and Post-Modernism. London: Sage, 1991. Foucault, Michel. Power/Knowledge. Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977. Edited by Colin Gordon. New York: Pantheon Books, 1980. Gell, Alfred. Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998. —––. ‘Technology and Magic’. Anthropology Today 4, No. 2 (April 1988): 6–9. Goffman, Erving. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Garden City: Anchor Books, 1959. Jackson, Peter, Michael Rowlands, and Daniel Miller. Shopping, Place and Identity. New York: Routledge, 1998. Lawler, Steph. Identity: Sociological Perspectives. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008. McCraken, Grant. Big Hair: A Journey into the Transformation of Self. New York: Overlook Press, 1996. Mercer, Kobena. Welcome to the Jungle: New Positions in Black Cultural Studies. New York: Routledge, 1994.

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__________________________________________________________________ Miller, Daniel. ‘Style and Ontology’. In Consumption and Identity, edited by Jonathan Friedman, 71–96. Chur: Harvard Academic Publishers, 1994. —––. A Theory of Shopping. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998. Mitchell, Stephen, ‘Performance and Material Culture’. In Handbook of Material Culture, edited by Christopher Tilly, Webb Keane, Susanne Kuechler-Fogden, Mike Rowlands, and Patricia Spyer, 384–401. Sage: London, 2006. Ossman, Susan. Three Faces of Beauty: Casablanca, Paris, Cairo. North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2003. Piess, Kathy. ‘Making Up, Making Over: Cosmetics, Consumer Culture, and Women’s Identity’. In The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective, edited by Grazia de Victoria, and Ellen Furlough, 311–336. Berkely: University of California Press, c. 1996. Ofek, Galia. Representations of Hair in Victorian Literature and Culture. Surrey: Ashgate, 2009. Rook, Dennis, and Sidney Levy. ‘Psychosocial Themes in Consumer Grooming Rituals’. Advances in Consumer Research 10, edited by Richard P. Bagozzi, and Alice M. Tybout, Ann Arbor (September 1983): 329–333. Tilly, Christopher. Handbook of Material Culture. London: Sage, 2006. Weitz, Rachel. ‘Women and their Hair: Seeking Power through Resistance and Accomodation’. Gender and Society 15, No. 5 (October 2001): 667–686. Wilson, Elizabeth. Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity. London: Virago Press Ltd., 1985. Zdatny, Steven. ‘The Boyish Look and the Liberated Woman: The Politics and Aesthetics of Women’s Hairstyles’. Fashion Theory 1, Issue 4 (1997): 367–397. Donna Louise Bevan is a Senior Lecturer and MA Course Leader, Writing Fashion and Culture, Southampton Solent University, United Kingdom.

Han-Centric Dress: Fashion Subculture or a National Identity for China? Linda T. Lee Abstract Many forecasters project that Chinese trends will increasingly play a role in global fashion design as major fashion houses look eastward for inspiration. Local Chinese designers and design graduates are encouraged to embed cultural identity into their designs as a mark of distinctiveness. However, some Chinese youth think less about brands or the future of Chinese fashion, but look to its ancient past by creating fashion clubs devoted to traditional Han Chinese clothing, known as hanfu. This chapter explores the significance of the hanfu movement in Shanghai and Beijing. Key Words: Hanfu, subculture, national identity, globalization, branding, youth fashion. ***** 1. Introduction Many forecasters project that Chinese trends will increasingly play a role in global fashion design, as major fashion houses look eastward for inspiration. Local Chinese designers and design graduates are encouraged to embed cultural identity into their designs as a mark of distinctiveness. However, some Chinese youth think less about brands or the future of Chinese fashion, but look to its ancient past by creating fashion clubs devoted to traditional Han Chinese clothing, known as hanfu. This chapter explores the significance of the hanfu movement through personal interviews and on-site documentation in Shanghai and Beijing. Particular focus will be placed on direct links to globalisation in China. During the past five decades, China has undergone major social change that shaped the drivers and motivations of the Chinese consumer. These value shifts impacted their lives, beliefs and buying habits. The growth of the hanfu subculture reflects China’s nationalism and seeks to reconnect with tradition in the face of China’s rapid push to modernisation. The movement seeks to shape a culture where hanfu becomes an accepted part of clothing that can be worn, as well as revive traditional values among Chinese youth. With China’s rise as the world’s second largest economy in 2010, the impact of such movements can be enormous. Today, there are roughly 300 million adults under the age of 30. Young Chinese born between 1980 and 1994, known as ‘Gen Y’ consumers, are demanding global fashion brands and authentic labels. However, Han fashion enthusiasts choose to reject the trend to wear global

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__________________________________________________________________ fashions or brand labels. This chapter discusses how this movement will likely fare within China’s youth’s shift to an individualist society. As the first generation with the ability to choose their own career, lifestyle and cultural identity, how will they uphold China’s traditional cultural roots in what they wear? 2. Under the Spell of China Recent collections of major fashion houses from Europe and the United States saw designers look to China for inspiration. As the shift of global power moves to the east, Western designers such as Dries Van Noten, Karl Lagerfeld, Marc Jacobs, Giorgio Armani, Ralph Lauren and Oscar de la Renta are creating collections for the Chinese consumer by appropriating Chinese symbols and styles as opposed to their own typical designs. The opportunity to court the Chinese consumer was clearly at the forefront of each designer’s mind. Ralph Lauren, well known for his distinctive Americana Western looks, departed from his usual direction by producing styles with a 1930s Shanghai influence. Lauren’s company recently bought his Southeast Asia business back from a licensee and is likely to align a business strategy for maximum impact in this high potential market. 1 Fashion pundits question whether western designers can appeal to the aspirational Chinese consumer when a collection is designed with Chinese characteristics. Would Chinese shoppers rather buy designs perceived of as representatives of indigenous authenticity? The sophisticated Chinese consumer wants global luxury brands, not exotic concepts. This question brings us back to the predicament for a traditional costume of national identity for China. Like everything in urban China, things change quickly. Attitudes toward luxury consumption and traditional Chinese design are shifting year by year. Though it may take five or ten years, we might just see an appreciation for Chinese craftsmanship develop more quickly than many would imagine, and more quickly than European luxury brands would like. 2 3. Qipao as National Garment Generally, Chinese society recognises the qipao as its national dress and the embodiment of Chinese chic. During the Qing dynasty (1644-1910), a social strata emerged called the banner people (qi-ren). ‘Qi Pao’ is the Manchu name for the type of dress that became popular in the 1920s. 3 In the early 20th century, qipao had no darts or cutting lines in the waist and bust and concealed the figure to suit all ages. 4 After 1644, Manchurian rulers forbade Chinese Han males to wear traditional Han costumes or be killed. Han men were ordered to shave their forehead and wear a queue at the back of the head according to Manchu tradition. Thousands of Chinese scholars died refusing to shave their hair or to abandon their traditional form of dress. To subdue the resistance, the Manchus allowed Chinese Han

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__________________________________________________________________ females to continue wearing traditional hanfu (the clothing system of Han). The ruling Manchus concluded Han female clothing was less symbolic and therefore, women were not considered the equal of men. Today, hanfu adopters see the qipao as ‘counterfeit’ ethnic costume and as imposed Manchu style dress. To say that qipao is China’s national costume is inaccurate because the hanfu costume originated from the Shang Dynasty, c.1600-1027 B.C., and long served as formal clothing until the end of the Ming Dynasty. 5 After the Qing Dynasty was toppled in 1911 and a new Republic was established, people distanced themselves through clothing from any association with the dynasty. As young Chinese went to study overseas during the 1900s, they came back home dressed in western styled suits making western clothing become popular. This trend alarmed the silk and cotton textile industry. Sun Yat Sen, President of the Republic of China, created a new dress code to mark the birth of a nation and to lessen the negative impact on the national textile industry. In 1912, the government officially declared the formal Dress Code of the Republic of China. This guideline defined men’s formal wear as cheongsam and suggested that women wear knee length tunic tops with a pleated skirt. The twopiece women’s dress proved to be unpopular. In 1927, the government proposed a second dress form, the qipao as a ‘national dress’ for Chinese women. 6 The modern qipao style evolved in the 1920s in Shanghai and became a hybrid of traditional Chinese and Western elements. 7 To a large extent, a person’s attire became a political symbol. Sun Yat Sen introduced the Zhong-Shan suit. The suit was later modified and became known as the Mao suit. The 1949 revolution under Mao Tse Tung ended the qipao and other fashions. However, emigrants and refugees brought the fashion to Hong Kong, where it remains popular as stylish dress. 8 The attention the qipao received in the West was reported in China and affected Chinese views of the qipao as a symbol of Chinese identity. Should a national garment be a design issued by the government? The lack of a form to represent the Chinese gave way to new inventions. At the 2001 Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit (APEC) in Shanghai, a new Tang style jacket was introduced to represent the host country. After the media published photos of twenty national leaders wearing the APEC jacket, including Jiang Zemin, George W. Bush, and Vladimir Putin, a Tang style fad swept the men’s formal wear market in China. The APEC jacket was viewed as a possible form of national costume. However, the fad was short lived when sales fell after a few years. The jacket’s lack of authenticity and cultural heritage had no association to the Tang Dynasty as the name implied. It was a passing trend and men returned to Western suits after the highly publicised launch. 9 Hanfu advocates viewed the Tang jacket as another imposed code of ethnic dress.

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__________________________________________________________________ 4. New Codes of Dress Today, China has 300 million people under the age of 30, making them a population that youth marketers cannot ignore. By 2015, the number of Chinese adults under 30 is expected to rise to 500 million. Generation Y is changing the face of China with conspicuous consumption and its fickle brand loyalty. Young people are embracing a new lifestyle and values in the post-Mao reform era. Although Chinese shoppers aspire for luxury brands, many are embracing specialty stores with higher inventory turnover and better value. This is especially true as a new middle class emerges with more disposable income and changeable fashion tastes. The Chinese youth fashion market is growing as quickly as most fashion brands around the world. Fast fashion global retailers, like Uniqlo, Hennes and Maurice (H&M) and Zara cater to teen tastes. Abercrombie & Fitch, another popular retailer, announced plans to enter the Chinese market. Nels Frye, style editor of the bilingual Lifestyle magazine, says Chinese people will wear whatever clothes they can afford. He has seen a decisive shift in the past few years from the tendency of being collectivist brand slaves to fashion risk takers. Frye believes the big story emerging now is a move toward greater individuality. Today, individual identity and style are becoming more important than belonging to a group. Frye states, ‘Within the restrictions of self-expression, whether it is literature, media or popular music, fashion is the one area where young Chinese feel they can be totally free.’ 10 5. Chinese Youth Fashion Today While it was difficult to get statistics on the youth market, I was able to conduct a focus group with design students, ages 18 to 22, from the Beijing Institute of Fashion Technology. The school also has a Museum of Minority Costume with a section on hanfu clothing. It was the ideal place to study traditional Han costume and to observe ‘Generation Y’ fashion trends. Students on campus wore the latest western styles and were avid readers of China Vogue magazine. I asked participants to fill out a Chinese language survey with topics on hanfu dress, street wear, and to predict the future of fashion in China. The responders saw hanfu dress as a statement on self-identity, not a fashion trend. One student belonged to a hanfu group and saw its cultural renaissance as important for the future of fashion in China. In contrast, other students felt as Chinese people become more prosperous, they will want to experiment with different tastes and thoughts. Students reported that the current shopping frenzy among young consumers valued global fashion brands more than price. Top trends included ‘omei’ style consisting of American and European looks and mix-match ‘casual’ and ‘unisex’ styles which pair jeans with graphics on oversized T-shirts. Additionally, ‘sport’ labels with Adidas or Nike logos were particularly important to young consumers.

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__________________________________________________________________ Lady Gaga was a big influence among music lovers. ‘Ha ri’ or ‘ha han,’ Japanese or Korean ‘cute’ styles, stood out as a craze. The group agreed that eco-fashion and sustainable design are important future trends for China. With China’s standing as the world’s manufacturer, students shared concerns on global climate change and natural disasters. Homegrown designers will be informed by traditional culture and history, but will develop distinctive, original and modern brands. One student observed that authentic Chinese style cannot be seen merely on the surface, like a mandarin collar or qipao, but reflects an inner philosophy. Nels Frye wrote about the ‘fugu’ retro style gaining popularity among China’s young urbanites. Growing nostalgia for homegrown Chinese brands with heritage has taken hold, often mixed and matched with major global brands by Beijing or Shanghai hipsters and fashionistas. Young people want to find new ways of adding a Chinese touch to their own unique style of dress. Whether it is retro school days, Northeastern fabrics, incorporating traditional elements in modern ensembles, or wearing Chinese designers, the emphasis for young local hipsters was incorporating elements of China. 11 6. Hanfu Revival A 2006 article from Jing Daily, reported growing interest in traditional Chinese clothing in China, noting that clubs based around dressing in ancient Han Dynasty style have popped up in a few cities. The hanfu movement may have started in 2003, when a young man wore hanfu in public and inspired others to follow. 12 Some scholars view the revival of hanfu as an outbreak of Chinese identity anxiety and a backlash against western cultural colonisation. 13 Others say the current styles worn are part of a fashion fad or a form of romanticism for the past. The hanfu movement in China is a reaction to globalisation, resisting the popularity of international brands and labels tacked onto one’s clothes and lifestyle. The deep-rooted nature of this ethno-centric dress movement is a search for authenticity and identity that counters China’s rapid economic growth. The revival of ethnic dress celebrates ancient writings and hanfu period costumes worn during past dynasties to re-enact the past at social gatherings. Wearing traditional robes, members play scholarly games and take turns reciting poems in public spaces such as Beijing’s Yuyuantan Park. Hanfu dress has gained popularity at weddings, concerts, graduations, coming of age ceremony and at events as China’s National Day and the Dragon Boat Festival. The hanfu form was considered pure because it existed long before the barbarian invasions and has been considered more legitimate as Han national costume than the qipao and Tang style jacket. 14

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__________________________________________________________________ Li Yiman, designer of hanfu brand, Ru Meng Ni Shang, recounted how her career developed out of an obsession with all things ancient. The market for her clothing came from a growing culture that seeks to connect with tradition in the face of modernisation. The hanfu movement became popular with Chinese people born in the 1970s, just before economic reforms and opening up began to transform society. Invited to a hanfu party, Li made her own hanfu garment after not finding anything she liked. Her garment became a hit and she started making hanfu garments for her closest friends. As requests piled up, people encouraged her to start her own shop. Li’s designs have been sold in over 22 different countries as well as to expatriates living in China. With more customers wearing her brand abroad, the brand is growing in demand. Li thinks the hanfu movement is a way to declare national identity. She came to realize every nation has its own national costume except China. According to Li, hanfu exudes beauty and is the best costume to represent Chinese identity. She wants hanfu to become one of China’s best known traditions. For this reason, the designer decided to start an e-shop, Ru Meng Ni Shang. The company is named after a line from an ancient Chinese poem that translates as ‘dresses as beautiful as dreams.’ 15 While she thinks its design is hard to adapt to modern life, Li believes the future of hanfu is a bright one. 16 In 2007, a petition was submitted to the Beijing 2008 Olympic Committee. The petition advocated that the committee adopt traditional Han Dynasty costumes as the delegation’s official costume during the Beijing Olympics. Proponents argued it was necessary for China, as host of the Olympic games, to demonstrate its unique culture by dressing up in ethnic outfits and honoring ancient customs. Another proposal pushed to nominate Han style dress as the Chinese National Costume. Chinese scholars and the public felt a sense of patriotism and nationalism. However, with the folk dress of 55 ethnic minority groups living in China, the minorities would be neglected and overlooked. 17 Although the motion for hanfu dress adoption was rejected, the Olympic Committee confirmed that Chinese elements would be integrated into the delegation uniform design.18 7. Global Innovators and Emerging Designers Fashion forward brands are breaking the mold to help China gain recognition as a global leader. Ma Ke, one of China’s most eminent designers, set out to change the perception of China as a cheap manufacturer, rather than a creative nation. In Fast Company, she says, ‘We must make a better future for Chinese design.’ Ma wanted to make ‘clothes out of passion and creativity rather than the hunt for profits.’ Unable to find such a company, she founded Exception de Mixmind in 1996. Known for its 100% natural fabrics and minimalist style, it is now one of China’s most popular brands. In 2006, Ma created Wuyong, a haute couture collection dedicated to reviving traditional Chinese crafts and ecology. She used hand-woven natural fibers and

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__________________________________________________________________ hand dying with natural dyes. Named the Best Asian Fashion Designer at 2007’s Elle Style Awards, Ma was the first Chinese to show at Paris Fashion Week and Haute Couture Week. 19 In 2008, she was invited to display ‘Wuyong,’ at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. 20 Influential fashion director Nicola Formechetti provides financial backing for emerging designers from China, like Qui Hao and Masha Ma. These two designers represent the growth spurt in fashion and design in China and reflect the global vision of China’s new innovators. According to Italian fashion executive Elio Forucci, China’s emerging designers ‘will drive catwalk trends more than deep pocketed Asian buyers as China’s creativity becomes fashion’s next big thing.’ 21 8. Conclusion Today’s Chinese designers are bringing diverse inspiration into their creations whether vintage, ethnic or luxury. They are creating unique items that reflect China’s history and dynamism. Marketing experts say China’s fashion industry needs a synergy where imaging, marketing and experience converge into a truly powerful brand. Only then will Chinese brands join the international community of global brands. 22 As a result, we will see a radical shift from the existing European and U.S. fashion centers. China will be global leader not only in fashion production but also in fashion design. The debate for a traditional costume and a national identity will continue for the 1.3 billion Chinese in the process of transforming their country into a major player on the international fashion stage. The hanfu movement originally grew out of forums created on hanfu, which covered the cultural identity of China. However, the movement can no longer be depicted as a subculture or a fashion trend, but as a political symbol of national identity and pride. We will see traditional (antifashion) clothing like hanfu continue to evolve and be re-discovered again under different social and historical circumstances. In the afterword to Re-Orienting Fashion: The Globalization of Asian Dress, anthropologist Sandra Niessen states, ‘The fear is not for the loss of a material item, but for the loss of a unique, ethnic identity.’ 23

Notes 1

‘Ralph Lauren RTW Fall 2011’, Women’s Wear Daily, February 17, 2011, accessed June 17, 2011, http://www.wwd.com/fashion-week/fall-ready-to-wear2011/review/ralph-lauren-rtw-fall-2011-3501763. 2 ‘Are Chinese Shoppers Ready for Luxury with Chinese Characteristics?’ Jing Daily, February 14, 2011, accessed June 20, 2011, http://www.jingdaily.com/ en/luxury/hk-luxury-brand-chinese-arts-crafts-looks-to-sell-traditionalcraftsmanship-in-beijing.

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Jackson, Beverly, Shanghai Girls Gets All Dressed Up (Berkeley: Ten Speed Press, 2005), 53. 4 Tsui, Christine, China Fashion: Conversations with Designers (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2010), Berg Fashion Library edition. 5 Hua Mei and Yu Hong, Chinese Clothing, Cultural China Series (China Intercontinental Press, 2005), 14. 6 Juanjuan Wu, Chinese Fashion: From Mao to Now (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2009), 197. 7 Wu, Chinese Fashion, 106. 8 Ibid., 112. 9 Ibid., 121. 10 Frye, Nels, Interview with Linda T. Lee, June 1, 2011. 11 Frye, Interview. 12 Stephen Wong, ‘Han Follow Suit in Cultural Renaissance’, Asia Times Online, August 26, 2006, accessed May 5, 2011, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/ HH26Ad01.html. 13 Wu, Chinese Fashion, 124. 14 Ibid., 125. 15 Angelia Teo, ‘Now in Vogue’, China Daily, June 1, 2011, 49. 16 Yiman Li, Interview with Linda T. Lee and Phyllis Lee (translator), June 6, 2011. 17 Wu, Chinese Fashion, 126. 18 Yu Nan, ‘Ancient Style Costume, Olympic Games Uniform?’ China Daily, April 6, 2007 accessed March 8, 2011, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/200704/06/content_845379.html. 19 Wu, Chinese Fashion, 154. 20 Stephanie Schomer, ‘A Generation of Emerging Designers Who Design with Purpose’, Fast Company, October 1, 2010, accessed May 29, 2011, http://www.fastcompany.com/magazine/149/can-design-save-the-world.html. 21 Antonella Ciancio, ‘Milan Fashion Awaits Chinese Design Boom’, Reuters, February 27, 2011, accessed June 17, 2011, http://in.reuters.com/article/2011/02/ 27/us-italy-fashion-china-idINTRE71Q1RR20110227. 22 Teo, China Daily, 49. 23 Sandra Niessen, ‘Afterword: Re-Orienting Fashion Theory’, in Re-Orienting Fashion: The Globalization of Asian Dress, edited by Sandra Niessen, Ann Marie Leshkowich and Carla Jones (Oxford: Berg, 2003), 257.

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Bibliography ‘Are Chinese Shoppers Ready for Luxury with Chinese Characteristics?’ Jing Daily, February 14, 2011. Accessed June 20, 2011. http://www.jingdaily.com/ en/luxury/hk-luxury-brand-chinese-arts-crafts-looks-to-sell-traditionalcraftsmanship-in-beijing/. Ciancio, Antonella. ‘Milan Fashion Awaits Chinese Design Boom’. Reuters, February 27, 2011. Accessed June 17, 2011. http://in.reuters.com/article/2011/ 02/27/us-italy-fashion-china-idINTRE71Q1RR20110227. Frye, Nels. Interview with Linda T. Lee, June 1, 2011. Jackson, Beverley. Shanghai Girls Gets All Dressed Up. Berkeley: Ten Speed Press, 2005. Li, Yiman. Interview with Linda T. Lee and Phyllis Lee (translator), June 6, 2011. Mei, Hua, and Yu Hong. Chinese Clothing, Cultural China Series. China Intercontinental Press, 2005. Niessen, Sandra. ‘Afterword: Re-Orienting Fashion Theory’. In Re-Orienting Fashion: The Globalization of Asian Dress, edited by Sandra Niessen, Ann Marie Leshkowich, and Carla Jones. Oxford: Berg, 2003. ‘Ralph Lauren RTW Fall 2011’. Women’s Wear Daily, February 17, 2011. Accessed June 17, 2011. http://www.wwd.com/fashion-week/fall-ready-to-wear2011/review/ralph-lauren-rtw-fall-2011-3501763. Schomer, Stephanie. ‘A Generation of Emerging Designers Who Design with Purpose’. Fast Company, October 1, 2010. Accessed May 29, 2011. http://www.fastcompany.com/magazine/149/can-design-save-the-world.html. Teo, Angelia. ‘Now in Vogue’. China Daily, June 1, 2011, 49. Tsui, Christine. China Fashion: Conversations with Designers. Oxford and New York: Berg, 2010. Berg Fashion Library edition.

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__________________________________________________________________ Wong, Stephen ‘Han Follow Suit in Cultural Renaissance’. Asia Times Online, August 26, 2006. Accessed May 5, 2011. http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/ HH26Ad01.html. Wu, Juanjuan. Chinese Fashion: From Mao to Now. Oxford and New York: Berg 2009. Yu, Nan ‘Ancient Style Costume, Olympic Games Uniform?’ China Daily, April 6, 2007. Accessed March 8, 2011. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/200704/06/ content_845379.html. Linda T. Lee has been an Assistant Professor of Fashion Design at Virginia Commonwealth University, School of the Arts, since 2004. Before a career in teaching, she has worked in New York City’s fashion industry for approximately 30 years. Her studio courses range from sustainable fashion to product development with Mayan artisans in Guatemala. Her research interests focus on emerging fashion trends in Asia, sustainable and indigenous textiles, with an emphasis on the preservation of traditional weaving practices.

Interwoven: Identity and Dress amongst Sedentary and Nomadic Peoples of the Arabian Peninsula Thomas Roche and Erin Roche Abstract This chapter discusses women’s fashion and identity in the Sultanate of Oman, a Gulf State on the Arabian Peninsula. In particular it explores women’s clothing practices as expressions of religious, regional and tribal identities. The chapter is the first to document the variety of women’s dress practices in the Sultanate of Oman, recording how nomadic Bedouin, sedentary Arab and al-Balochi women express their identity in embroidery, tailoring and self-fashioning practices. The chapter not only details some of the variety of forms in burqas, abayas, trousers and headscarves but also discusses accompanying beliefs in order to explore how Omani women conceptualise beauty within religious, regional, and ethnic identities. The authors also briefly address the influence of trading neighbours, immigrant labour and the homogenising influence of state identity on Omani women’s fashion practices and beliefs about fashion. The findings presented are based on a collection of photos, videos and sound recordings taken during semistructured interviews with groups of women across the Sultanate in 2010 and 2011. The researchers used the existing social and kin networks of female student translators at Sohar University to meet with women from the Bedouin camps of the Empty Quarter, to the fjorded islands of Musandam abutting the Iranian coastline, to the scattered settlements of the Yemeni borderlands. This project aims to promote an understanding of cultures within the Islamic and Arab world by exploring the fashion of Omani women as practices of belonging. In showing the variety of tradition of dress in one Arab country we hope to promote a greater understanding of Arabic and Muslim women’s dress in general. Key Words: Identity, Islamic dress, belief, embroidery, abaya, burqa, Oman, Bedouin, Arab. ***** 1. Muslim Women’s Dress in the Western Gaze Muslim women’s dress practices have garnered much negative attention in Europe recently with two European countries, France and Belgium, banning the wearing of the veil in public in 2011. Politicians such as Kurt Wilders in the Netherlands and Nicholas Sarkozy in the France, have suggested that elements of Muslim women’s dress are in direct opposition to European value systems. In Britain Nigel Farage, leader of the UKIP Party, spoke out during a 2009 election campaign, saying that the burqa symbolised a divided British society and that burqas ‘oppress’ women. 1 Not only have populist politicians expressed such

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__________________________________________________________________ sentiments, French feminist Elisabeth Badinter, voted in Marianne as the country’s most influential intellectual, testified in the French Senate in favour of the ‘burqa ban’ 2 and has argued that migrants discarding the burqa equates with them being liberated. The French government’s stand on Muslim women’s dress resulted, in September 2011, in the first fines being imposed by a judge in Paris against two women who wore the face veil, the niqab, in public. 3 American academic Leila Ahmed notes that negative views of Muslim women’s dress have existed unchanged and unchallenged for generations in the West. 4 She cites the British Consul-General and effective ruler of Egypt in 1905, Lord Cromer, who claimed that one could judge the backwardness of a MiddleEastern people by the degree to which their women were covered, and that part of the British agenda in the Middle East should be ‘saving brown skinned women from brown men.’ 5 A century later western politicians, academics and the public still consider Muslim women’s dress as a sign of women’s oppression. We would argue that this is based on a poor understanding of Muslim women’s dress practices. This chapter presents an exploration of the language of dress in communities of women on the Arabian peninsula in an effort to better understand what those communities communicate amongst themselves through their dress practices. 2. The Language of Dress Language, wrote Russian linguist Mikhail Bakhtin, 6 should be studied as dialogue situated within a specific community. We have taken the position that the language of Muslim women’s dress is part of individuals’ participation in a local community, communicating aspects of identity which outsiders do not understand because they lack the knowledge that enables them to decode the language of those communities. Our study is based on semi-structured qualitative interviews using a flexible generalised substantive framework with 6-7 participants, per site, who discussed what their dress articulates about their identity with each other and the interviewer (through a student-translator). In what follows we explore Omani dress practices as signifiers of marital status, tribal affiliation, as well as resistance to western colonial projects and exploitation of the female body as a commodity. 3. Interweavings Project The site of this study was the Sultanate of Oman, a nation of three million people lying in the north-east of the Arabian peninsula. The United Arab Emirates (hereafter UAE) neighbours Oman to the west, Saudi Arabia to the southwest, Yemen in the south and Iran lies across the Strait of Hormuz to the north. A mountain range separates the deserts of the Empty Quarter from the agricultural alBatinah plains. Prior to 1970 there were no universities, and only 3 schools in Oman. 7 This Gulf State produces approximately one million barrels a day in comparison with Abu Dhabi’s 27 million barrels a day. 8 In terms of dress, for

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__________________________________________________________________ many the Gulf States call to mind the ubiquitous black abaya (cloak) as an expression of faith and modesty. We begin by considering the variety of dress practices in three regions. A full survey of our results with images can be found at http://www.interweavings.com/. 3.1 Al-Batinah Region Al-Batinah is the most densely populated region of Oman, running south from its northern border with the UAE to the capital Muscat. 9 Women of this region typically wear a dishdasha (tunic) past the knee with an embroidered neckline, cuffs and hem, trousers called serwal or bantaloon (cf. pantalon, French) with an embroidered cuff and a shaila (scarf) (see Figure one). The key signifier of alBatinah regional identity is the singaff, a contrasting purple coloured hem of the dishdasha. The purple colour is a relic of traditional fabric dying practices. Neel (indigo), was once the most expensive of dyes used throughout Oman to colour fabrics and as such purple became a sign of wealth and status. Although indigo dying has all but died out in the Sultanate, the status attached to this colour remains. In al-Batinah trouser cuffs are usually fabricated in woollen thread with the design formed by a combination of geometric shapes. There is little variation in design, with most women we spoke to explaining they learnt the skill, design and colour combinations from their mothers, grandmothers or aunts and that they have no desire to change or vary the patterning. Amongst some tribes in al-Batinah, it is believed that garments should have embroidery at all entry points (neckline, hem, sleeve and trouser cuffs) to prevent evil from entering the body. This belief was only expressed by elderly women. Another feature of al-Batinah dress is the use of composite and conflicting colours, the three garments worn, the shaila, dishdasha and serwal, should be of different colours, prints and fabrics. Traditionally al-Batinah Omanis express and celebrate individuality through the self-selected mixing of colour. The more colours worn at once, the more beautiful they regard one’s individual style. The intensity and brightness of these ensembles is in high contrast to the stereotypical image of Gulf women in the black abaya from head to toe.

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Image 1: al-Batinah dishdasha, serwal and shaila ensemble. Also commonly seen in al-Batinah is a shaila (long scarf) with hand woven fringing (hathiya) on the short sides. More flamboyant shailas are worn at celebrations (e.g. weddings) than those worn on a daily basis. Older women recalled that in the past it was worn instead of the black full body tunic (abaya). None of the women interviewed could exactly remember when the abaya replaced the longer colourful shaila; however they suggested that the trend began in the early seventies, pre-dating the declaration of the Islamic Republic of Iran on 1 April 1979, and conservative socio-cultural movements in Saudi Arabia following the Siege of Mecca on 20 November 1979. Bristol-Rhys 10 remarks that in the UAE abaya wearing also seems to have begun in the early seventies and gained currency as a sign of solidarity with the aforementioned Islamic movements in the early eighties. However, it is of note that while visiting neighbours within their villages, women outside of the Capital region who are over sixty still rarely wear the abaya. The weaving of hathiya is considered a fine handcraft and is practiced by female artisans. A weaving apparatus is constructed in the family home and takes up the length of one room, approximately 3 metres, which dictates the length of each piece of hathiya. Weaving takes place around other household management duties and can take anywhere from 1 day to 2 weeks, depending on the complexity of the design. Each length is sold for 5 to13 Omani Rials ($12 to $31 USD), which is a little more than the cost of materials. The weavers are kept busy by orders from neighbours and neighbouring villages, depending on the reputation of the weaver. 3.2 Tribal Variation within al-Batinah Tribalism remains, to varying degrees in different regions, an organisational system in Omani society with tribal membership playing a deciding role in both employment and marriage opportunities. Women signify their tribal membership through the cuts and colour patterns used in the fabrics of their dress. The

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__________________________________________________________________ dishdashas described above were worn by al-Qasmi women in and around the town of Sohar, al-Balochi people from the same region, however, wear a tunic called a thawb (see Figure two) as their outer garment instead of the dishdasha. This garment creates a wider silhouette on the wearer and disguises body form thoroughly. This is worn over other layers including trousers, as well as a dishdasha and is accompanied by a shaila. The al-Balochi people in the al-Batinah are originally from a southern province in present-day Iran, and many of the older generations still speak Balochi. The thawb in its complete form is very similar to the Iranian thawb, and has no resemblance to the dress cut of the Al-Balochi peoples from Pakistan. Here we see how dress practices signify tribal affiliation, although people from both the al-Balochi and al-Qasmi tribes consider themselves as Omanis.

Image 2: al-Batinah thawb worn by al-Balochi women. Clothing practices throughout the Sultanate of Oman also function to signify marital status, with variations in wearing practices from region to region and tribe to tribe. The women of most tribes in al-Batinah wear a burqa, a frame-stretched cloth covering a portion of the face, with the fabric typically coated in neel (indigo). Indigo temporarily stains the wearer’s skin blue. Tinted skin is believed to be beautiful and once the indigo is washed off the skin appears paler, which is also believed to be attractive. Younger women, by contrast, now often turn to the wide variety of whitening creams to lighten the colour of their skin. In al-Batinah the burqa is typically worn only after marriage and the size varies between tribes. Some tribes believe that young married women should wear burqas that cover as much area of the face as possible, but that older women can show more of their

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__________________________________________________________________ face as their beauty is not as alluring. In contrast, women of other tribes explained that older women are less attractive and hence should cover as much of their faces as possible, whereas young women should modestly expose some of their beauty. Through discussions with women across the generations we found that young women in al-Batinah express preference for wearing the hanging black fabric niqab to the neel burqa, which they describe as old fashioned. The niqab, which is popular amongst urban Saudis and Emirati women, and which was recently banned in France and Belgium, is gaining popularity as a symbol of modernity in the alBatinah region. However, anthropologist Unni Wikkan noticed on her visits to Oman in the mid-1970s that younger women did not like wearing the burqa and she predicted it would disappear with the coming generation, which has certainly not happened, particularly in tribes where the burqa signifies marital status. Our discussions suggest that younger women do not wear the burqa but adopt it first after marrying or having children. 11 We suggest that burqa wearing is a practice women in Oman grow into as they age. The student translators in the project made it clear that wearing the hijab or modest head covering, such as a scarf, ensured that they were seen as a respectable Muslim woman by fellow Gulf Arabs. While some students said that wearing a veil was a way of rejecting western dress alternatives, which they felt were demeaning to women, all students were in agreement that they would never consider leaving the home without wearing the hijab: this it would be shameful and humiliating. The hijab affords them a sense of security outside the home. 3.3 Al-Dhahira Region Separated from the coastal plains by a range of mountains lie al-Burami and AlDhahira regions. The United Arab Emirate of Abu Dhabi borders al-Burami to the north. Due to the accessibility of the United Arab Emirates from these regions, many traditional styles of dress have been replaced by mass-produced cheaper garments. High street fashion trends in UAE shopping malls influential factors in the choice of adornment and style of the women of these regions. Most women of varying ages in al-Dhahriah wear the laysue an ankle length dishdasha and matching scarf. These garments are either store bought or made to order from local tailors. The women we met informed us that in the past they wore very plain fabrics, without embroidery on the cuffs and neckline with an ankle length dishdasha. A visual cue which signifies al-Dhahriah identity is the esaba head covering, a band of embroidery in metallic thread worn across the forehead. Two scarfs are worn to cover the hair: the galboob, a mid-length with a knot of threads in the centre so it can be positioned properly; and a longer scarf called a wuqiyah worn instead of an abaya.

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__________________________________________________________________ 3.4 Al-Sharqiyah Region Al-Sharqiyah is the eastern desert region of Oman populated by the sedentary townspeople and nomadic Bedu (Bedouin). Women of the interior, both Bedouin and non-Bedouin, wear heavily embellished trousers with embroidered cuffs. This is stitched with zari (metallic thread) in a combination of zigzag patterns. On the inside of the ankle a one hand span length of embroidery is extended in a rectangle towards the knee. Non-Bedouin women’s trousers are accompanied by a mid-calf or longer length dishdasha with a singaff similar to the al-Batinah style. In alSharqiyah the fabrics are vibrant and are commonly synthetic brocades imported from India and China.

Image 3: Bedu woman in al-Sharqiyah, note the block colours worn here. Women here wear heavily embroidered sleeve cuffs, Bedouin women wear matching scarves with their dishdahsas, sticking to bold block colours (Figure three). Coastal Bedouin favour red shailas with silver zari edges and stitching through the centre of the scarf. In stark contrast the sedentary people of alSharqiyah typically wear shailas made in or inspired by designs found in Zanzibar called kanja. These are bold in geometric print and colour, ideally in a different colour from the rest of their outfit. Maritime records from the 1940s indicate that approximately 2,000 sailors from the al-Sharqiyah port of Sur visited Zanzibar annually. 12 Every monsoon these traders brought back not only material goods but

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__________________________________________________________________ also wives and dress practices. The contrasting dress practices mirror a social distance between the sedentary and the nomadic peoples of al-Sharqiyah region: sedentary peoples occasionally described the block-coloured scarf wearers as unsophisticated and untrustworthy; and Bedu women laughed during discussions of the ornamentation of the town dwellers. Al-Sharqiyah women wear a thawb called qbah over their dishdasha. Depending on which tribe a woman belongs to, the qbah may have a heavily embellished neckline, in zari or rainbow threads. This garment is often hitched up and tucked into the elastic waistband of trousers or is looped to act as a head covering. The other form of qbah is common amongst Bedouin of the interior and is plainer in design, constructed from plain fabric similar to tulle occasionally with a lace or satin bound hem. Again, it is worn over the dishdasha and communicates marital status. Communicating one’s marital status through dress is a key element to the social networking structures in Omani communities. When there is a local gathering an older woman will use this visual cue to find potential suitors for sons or grandsons, thus avoiding any embarrassing offers to an already married woman. Married women in al-Sharqiyah wear a large burqa covering most of the face (figure three), leaving only the eyes and sometimes the chin exposed. In some tribes Bedouin women also have face tattoos, often on the chin. Sometimes there are dot tattoos on the cheeks, or lines, which seem to extend the corners of the mouth. These adornments are considered to enhance the woman’s beauty. The tattoos are made by piercing the skin repeatedly and putting khol and neel under the broken skin. Another facial adornment practiced amongst these Bedouins in scarring. Infant girls sometimes have their faces burnt intentionally scarring them in the name of beauty. These burns are usually on the forehead between the eyebrows and may extend to the nose; a practice is performed by the uncles or father of the child. The sedentary coastal women of al-Sharqiyah have their own unique style. While the components of their dress are the same, fabrication and embroidery vary from those found in the deserts of al-Sharqiya. Striped fabric for dishdasha and trousers is especially popular, with red and black being the most common colour combinations. Embroidery is found on trouser cuffs as well as dishdasha sleeves and hems in a more delicate style than that found inland. The embroidery of Jalaan and Sur is usually stitched in silver zari thread in a technique believed to have developed from French embroidery, shared amongst the women during the time when Sur was a key trading port linked to French colonies. Sheriff writes that as recently as 1905, one third of all dhows in Sur claimed the right to fly the French Flag as they had wives or a permanent dwelling in French colonies, such as the Comoro Islands or Djibouti. 13 Dishdashas are worn just over the knee, allowing exposure of needlework on the trousers, with a qbah worn over the top. It is similar to that of the non-Bedouin women discussed above. They enhance the beauty of this garment by attaching a hand-made tassel to the neck closure points. The tassel

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__________________________________________________________________ is always made in metallic thread and often has beadwork included in the design and is perfumed.

Image 4: al-Sharqiyah dishdasha worn by sedentary women. 4. Conclusion This chapter challenges the dominant western reading of women who are muslim’s dress as a text speaking of oppression and subservience. In this work we have explored some of the vibrant dress practices within one Islamic Arab nation and how those practices are understood by women in three regions of Oman. In that context we have seen the burqa as a signifier not of oppression, but of respectability and sometimes of marital status. The wearing of coloured fabric (block vs. the patterned) and embroidery techniques (thick block vs. fine zari stitch work) here have been discussed as performances of group membership (the nomadic vs. the sedentary) and the cut of a tunic as indicating tribal membership. The language of Muslim women’s dress on the Arabian Peninsula, in all its variation and vibrancy, speaks of belonging and creativity within regional traditions.

Notes 1

‘The Islamic Veil across Europe’, last modified 22 September 2011, accessed September 22, 2011, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-13038095.

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NB. Popular debate refers to burqas, what is actually in question is the hijab (covering) including: niqab (see http://www.interweavings.com/3-burqas-16.html), burqas (Arabic pl. baraqa see http://www.interweavings.com/3-burqas-10.html) and shailas (scarves). 3 Angelique Chrisafis, ‘Niqab Women Fined by French Court’, The Guardian, September 22 2011, accessed September 24, 2011, http://www.guardina.co.uk/world/2011/sep/22/niqab-women-fined-french-court. 4 Leila Ahmed, A Quiet Revolution: The Veil’s Resurgence, from the Middle East to America (Yale: New Haven Press, 2011). 5 Cromer in Ibid., 38. 6 Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays by M. M. Bakhtin (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981). 7 Thomas Roche, ed., Orientations in Language and Language Learning and Translation, ed. Thomas Roche (Muscat: Al Falaj Press, 2009), 7-8. 8 ‘Omail Oil Production’, last modified 1 May 2011, accessed September 14, 2011, http://www.indexmundi.com/oman/oil_production.html. 9 ‘Interweavings: Omani Women’s Verbal and Material Culture’, last modified 1 October 2011, accessed October 11, 2011, http://www.interweavings.com. 10 Personal communication from Jane Bristol-Rhys author of Emirati Women: Generation of Change (London: Hurst & Company, 2010). 11 Unni Wikan, Behind the Veil in Arabia: Women in Oman (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1982). 12 Abdallah, Sherif, Dhow Cultures of the Indian Oceans: Cosmopolitan, Commerce and Islam (London: Hurst & Company, 2010). 13 Ibid.

Bibliography Ahmed, Leila. A Quiet Revolution: The Veil’s Resurgence, from the Middle East to America. Yale: New Haven Press, 2011. Bakhtin, Mikhail. The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays by M. M. Bakhtin. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981. Bristol-Rhys, Jane. Emirati Women: Generation of Change. London: Hurst & Company, 2010. Chrisafis, Angelique. ‘Niqab Women Fined by French Court’. The Guardian, September 22 2011. Accessed September 24, 2011. http://www.guardina.co.uk/world/2011/sep/22/niqab-women-fined-french-court.

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__________________________________________________________________ Roche, Thomas. Orientations in Language and Language Learning and Translation. Muscat: Falaj Press, 2009. Roche, Thomas, Erin Roche, Ahmed al-Saidi, and A. al-Rawi. Interweavings: Omani Women’s Verbal and Material Culture. http://www.interweavings.com. Sherif, Abdallah. Dhow Cultures of the Indian Oceans: Cosmopolitan, Commerce and Islam. London: Hurst & Company, 2010. Kramer, Judith. ‘Against Nature: Elisabeth Badinter’s Contrarian Feminisim’. New Yorker, July 25, 2011, 44–55. Wikan, Unni. Behind the Veil in Arabia: Women in Oman. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1982. Thomas Roche is an Associate Professor of applied linguistics at Sohar University, Sultanate of Oman. His research interests include individual difference in foreign language learning, and intercultural communication. Erin Roche is a founder of the Costume Institute of Australia and also works as a consultant and costume designer for film, theatre and television. Her research interests include fashion and identity; as well as fashion and globalisation.

Acknowledgements This research was supported by a grant from the Omani Research Council (Grant number ORG/CBS/09/002).

Metamodernism in Fashion and Style Practice: Authorship and the Consumer Julianne Pederson Abstract Metamodernism has taken foothold as cultural practice. Authorship has taken on new meaning as the journalistic hierarchy of traditional fashion reporting, critique, and photography has shifted emphasis toward the more novel and ‘performative utterance’ oriented platform of fashion and style blogging. Bloggers have established their legitimacy in the ‘trickle-down’ world of fashion professionals by subverting high fashion imagery and products into successful communications via various methods of bricolage and publication. These communications have changed the very language and delivery method of fashion products and imagery to the consumer. Independent Fashion Bloggers have employed, perhaps inadvertently, Fiske’s notion of vertical intertextuality in such a way that their communications, both individually and collectively, have become a more credible context from which fashion consumers can draw information and ideas, and also make suggestions or purchases. The style blogger’s signature carries more weight for metamodern fashion followers because it revels in the duality that occurs between ideology and reality. The metamodern consumer of fashion goods and services lives more comfortably in the flux of value systems and differences that penetrate life’s activities and events. Thus, the dialog of difference has been opened along with the greater presence of the author for the reader via chosen text, imagery, video, links, music, applications, and various other presentations offered via blog publication. The metamodern consumer of fashion imagery and product tends to identify with bloggers’ performative narrations in a more effective way. As blog entries are dispensed more frequently and more efficiently, this will become the preferred delivery method of information for metamodern fashion consumers. Likewise, reader response is encouraged, thereby allowing the reader to knit themselves into the metanarrative of fashion influence and change. This type of communication is received as being more truthful, thereby having the effect that readers identify more closely with the production of fashion, versus merely the consumption of it. In this way, the context of successful communications regarding fashion and style has been irreversibly modified: it has become a ‘trickle-up’ model instead. Key Words: Metamodernism, authorship, fashion, style, blogging, bricolage, legitimacy, subversion, vertical intertextuality, decentralisation. *****

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__________________________________________________________________ We exist in a situation of cultural pluralism and amongst countless dualities and multiplicities, both presented and represented, in and via all of the several and various available modes and methods of communication. Whether communications are ‘successful’ or not is irrelevant in the context of current Westernised daily cultural practice and participation. 1 Communications technology and mediated modes of messaging have become archaic terms insofar as our ability to convey our current status, whims of imagination and evidence of our existence, per se, are expedited via applications and mobile devices designed to carry out our musings, words, intents, images and meanings to readers, wherever and whenever readers meet up with the various traces of authors. Often, we, as authors and readers, find ourselves becoming engulfed by vast amounts of information, accessibility, and a certain promise of tomorrow as we are constantly moving toward a traditionally linear perception of the future. We find ourselves propelling out to and repelling down from one referential or signifier to another, via aid of the aforementioned methods of communication, with precision and speed that only gains momentum as we ‘oscillate between’ wants and needs for advancement in techne and our own personalised expressions and our perception of quality of life. 2 It has become clear that, in light of such ‘oscillation,’ our perception of the most basic ideas of existence have been irreversibly altered. 3 Notions of time, space, sense of place and proximity can no longer be arranged in a linear method of organisation. Rather, it has become a more accurate observation to see and feel time and space/place as a decentralised point of contact and interaction. 4 One could attribute these changes in perception to the technology that has fostered such differences in communications from author to reader and back again. However, as the metanarrative has not taken a sharp or distinctive turn away from what it once was, it may be simpler for us to read these movements as necessary decentralisation in our quest for meaning making. The metanarrative has shifted from one of linear organization to one of multiplicities and mutual configurations of understanding and or reading of the same text, images, sounds and feelings built from the foundations of such authored materials. The intent and trace of the author can and must be mutated by the reader in that it is appropriated to his or her wants and needs. 5 De Certeau’s notion of ‘poaching’ is more evident due to technological traces left behind from readers and authors alike. 6 Information, as it is at once created, sourced, altered, appropriated, cited, credited and repeated (in certain cases ad nauseam), leaves a digital trace as it ‘oscillates between’ user, creator, and re-user again and again. Derrida’s explication of the ‘code’ of linguistics having necessary transient oscillations between intent, meaning and participation, furthermore, allows for the dissemination of the ‘code’ itself into something more useful for the reader, wherever and whenever the reader finds a trace to be read. 7 In other words, it has become evident that ‘legitimacy and correctness’ is an unnecessary prerequisite for making sense of an author’s intent in mark making and trace

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__________________________________________________________________ leaving. 8 Instead, Derrida’s ideas of ‘abnormal’ communications are just as citable, and consequently, equally as credible and legitimate as Austin’s notion of ‘successful communications’ are. 9 Metamodernism, as a practice, is the term used to define such decentralizations of and movement between intention and trace, mark maker and interpreter, reading and authorship, consumption and production, object, subject, time, place and space. 10 Blogging, microblogging, vlogging, Polyvoring, liking, Pinteresting, Tumbling, Stumbling, hauling, Soundclouding, Tweeting, reTweeting, positioning, repositioning, streaming, updating, joining, requesting, responding, searching, signing, hiding, finding, interfacing, interlocutory presence and absence, and the allatonceness this transience all produces and inoculates us to is what metamodernism can best be described as. It is the context of our most current situation and is an adaptation to being ‘hyperreal.’ 11 In light of our access to information, it has become increasingly less possible to create or author newness. Instead, as ‘hyperrealists’ and ‘metamodernists,’ we have all become ‘poachers,’ expropriators and repeaters of previously indulged ideation. Nothing is truly original, save for the ‘code itself’ and it is most ‘truthful’ when delivered via ‘performative utterances.’ 12 Even these ‘performatives’ need not be ‘successful communications’ by Austin’s standards to be considered legitimate. One such example of this could be that of acronyms that have been squeezed out from sentence form to project expropriated abbreviated meanings of previous meanings. As such, the new newness goes further than the merely ‘representational or simulacra.’ 13 It may even be non-existent materially and, moreover, contextually. However, the message is fully present in the mind of the reader who speaks its language, even when an inaccurate interpretation of the intent of the communicator is received by whichever reader is finally reached. Because it is citable, it is a successful communication. 14 It is legitimate, whether it fits into the conventions of language, sign systems and ways of knowing or not. In this way, we have become digital ‘bricoleurs,’ avatars of Self, concept, image, text, sound, sensations felt, feelings elicited, shared and rejected, object and subject alike. 15 Metamodernism is the practice of our everyday lives as digital and multimedia ‘bricoleurs,’ ‘flaneurs’ and disenfranchised ‘poachers’ left over from the post-post modern remix of web 2.0. 16 The culture of participation in style communications and fashion representation has demonstrated that the division between author and consumer has been irreversibly blurred. It is the space between that has the most occupants and we are smearing the ‘code’s’ ink. ‘Simulation and Simulacra’ have indeed become one ‘gyre.’ 17 ‘Subversion,’ as Adorno uses the concept, has been subverted and subverted again. 18 Self-referentiality is necessarily dependent upon the ‘simulacras’ of the ‘Other’ as our tribesmen and our adversaries. What elites of days before have brought to the table by subordinating the ‘Other’ as consequence of resource and information inaccessibility is no longer relevant to metamodernist practice.

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__________________________________________________________________ Elitism, as a practice, requires static strategic positioning and division between spaces, objects, subjects, ideas, commodities, people, nature, culture and other influential factors of mark/meaning making, like the exchange of cultural for economic capital and vice versa. In this way, stability of the entire hierarchical arrangement relies upon the ‘Other’ believing that the elite are the inventors of the ‘code’ and, as such, only the elite can manipulate, use or otherwise successfully communicate the meanings of objects and subjects. Elites have tendencies to enforce the idea that an ultimate truth exists and only they have access to it. The communicators within and for the elite in any field of interest may argue that the division between author and reader is maintained by that very existence of truths that are inaccessible to subordinates, the readers. The idea that the ‘code’ of meaning, as determined by any and all mark makers, is static enough to be interpreted legitimately and unwaveringly by only a select few is inaccurate, at best. It would be more accurate to note that the elite and the subordinates are all just making it up as they go along, but only the subordinates are aware and proud of their own and each other’s bricolage efforts and communications. Likewise, it would appear that the ruse is up for the elites, thanks to the oscillations of meaning and ‘intertextuality’ of metamodernism that has taken foothold as daily Westernised cultural practice. 19 The trace, or evidence, of this cultural shift in believing, in the mutability of the ‘code’ itself, and in the dissemination of the presupposition that truth exists in a static space accessible only by the elite or bourgeoisie, can be verified by visiting the various contact points for independent fashion reporters’, style bloggers’ and microbloggers’ postings, images, texts, sounds, collages, links, expressions, performances and utterances. 20 Most frequently, each communication involves the entire list of the aforementioned methods of attempted contact with potential readers. The linking of these communications methods and mediums would appear to be Fiske’s idea of ‘Vertical Intertextuality’ in action. 21 The referencing of various modes of communication, distributed inside of the content of other communications while both or all are being mediated by different sources, perhaps even running from a different platform altogether (read: speaking a foreign language or Windows for Mac, etc.), is what gives multimedia communicators more potential market penetration, power of authorship, an open dialog with fellow interested parties or followers, and, as a result of these factors, are often given more credibility, trust and loyalty on the part of those who communicate frequently about fashion and style. Due to the availability of and frequency in creating these communications, it is common for followers and users to have developed farreaching and meaningful alliances within these networking communities. 22 With the traces and impressions left in the wake of increasing communications methods and daily practices, it is evident that the lines between all of the forms of mediation for communications have now become blurred. A user can, and frequently will, link several applications such that a communication launched will

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__________________________________________________________________ have multiple audiences all at once. The faster and more interactive the method of communication is how one, generally, will format the content and message delivered. A necessary abbreviation of the interlocution to 140 characters or less may alter the intention behind the authors’ mark making, purpose and audience. In this way, it could be influencing the ‘code’ itself. Perhaps the meaning of or intent of the authors’ communication, be it successful according to Austin or not, is altered in such a way that it can only be retrieved by a knowledgeable reader. If the ‘code’ is mutating as rapidly as techne allows it to, we, as authors of it, and readers trying to comprehend and derive meaning from it, would be wise to follow it closer than other mutually interested parties in the fashion and style communications industry and blogosphere. This mutation of the ‘code’ (referring to the acronyms mentioned previously, especially) can definitely be the cause for the migration of ‘sincerity of a statement,’ and, thusly, it can create a sense of anxiety for mark makers from all of the different types of publications. 23 The greatest potential for ‘successful and truthful communications,’ according to Derrida’s theories, would likely come from authors who utilise all potential points of contact with his or her ultimate readers. 24 Furthermore, Derrida claims that the only real ‘truth’ present in any communication is that of citability, not the originality or accuracy of any particular statement made by the author. 25 In this way, it could be argued that all communications are successful once they are launched from their sender. In other words, producing original written text, any form of mark making, any level of sound creation and/or recording, commodity design and exchange, language usage, subject or object development, does not necessarily dictate authorship of those materials, concepts, sensations or ideas. In fact, as profane, arcane, or unintentional they may be on the part of the producer, these communications can be seen as equally valuable to those previously and traditionally held in the highest of esteem, like that of sacred texts. This is why we can see the traces of the decentralisation of the traditional geographic fashion and style centres moving away from the ideologies of the past. It is not without compromise of some values, however. There are few credible sources of information more accurate to the reader than one with whom the reader can identify with frequently and consistently, actually, representationally and digitally. In metamodern practice, the actual, representational and digital are read to be one and the same. As the fashion centre becomes mobile and less pragmatically didactic, antiquated becomes the notion of fashion and style existing only where the elite claim to have or possess it. Large scale fashion houses, publications and the marketing people who attempt to control the various messages concerning their brands and products as they are dispensed to and consumed by their followers and subordinates are learning that their influence is waning in light of metamodern fashion and style practice. 26 The messages and communications launched by these individuals and collectives are becoming somehow less truthful

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__________________________________________________________________ than they ever were to fashion and style consumers. These active consumers are now reappropriating, poaching and subverting the intent of these brands and fashion/style products, images, texts and traces in materials in such a way that the elites have essentially lost control of their own division of space and sense of place in the antediluvian, though useful for them, hierarchy of creation and distribution of the very concepts and themes that propel fashion and styles into necessary change: the thenness, newness, nowness and what is nextness. As consequence of the lines being blurred between Elite and Subordinate, Us and Them, Her and/or Him and It, metamodernism has subjugated the previously exclusive modes of fashion and style information and distribution, for it is entirely based upon occupying the spaces between the traditionally enforced binaries noted above. It moves us en masse and comfortably within and outside of these yet undefined spaces, where the practice of new sensibilities and value systems oscillate continuously, non-linearly, and freely, often with healthy doses of humour interjected. It situates itself and us between places and pockets in time, geography, states of mind, pretention, reality, hyperreality, and the individual and collective expressions of beliefs. The simple knowledge of the existence and acceptance of these concepts is what strengthens discursive and performative utterances on the part of our more ‘truthful’ and relatable fashion and style bloggers. It has become the antithesis of the hierarchy and, as such, it has viewers, readers, interpreters and consumers producing, constructing, deconstructing and retrofitting ideas and objects to suit their individual wants and needs. It necessarily displaces from power those who produce content for and edit major fashion publications. By focusing on printed written word as truth dispensary and defining fashion by division of classes, the powers that used to be, limit their own authority and influence of the practicing metamodernists, which encompasses the lot of us who are consistently exposed to digital and mobile communications devices and the traces left by them, us. Hence, there is a limitation of the reach that some of these elite publishing houses have due simply to their general demonstrations of their resistance to and unwillingness to embrace the transience of technocratic cultural postural sway. Suffice to say, simulation via creative direction for the visual representation that was once necessary in order to market and showcase fashion products to the consumer, is outdated and some players are still left defending this mode despite their own admittance of Fashion being most accurately and succinctly defined as Change. Self-publishing fashion loyals and those who practice street-style blogging as religion have irreversibly altered the language, delivery methods, and hierarchically ordered designations of those who could be truthfully considered Producers versus those considered mere Consumers. The authorship of style making, fashion mark making, and the sharing of these things, ideas and conceptual frameworks, is also transient in that the consumer can become a more influential author of style as a product, template and strategic method of

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__________________________________________________________________ positioning via technocratic expressions and ‘performative utterances.’ Blogging, Tweeting, Vlogging, Hauling, Polyvoring, Tumbling, Stumbling Upon, Pinteresting, Liking, linking, communicating and documenting for the purpose of publishing personal and interpersonal styling efforts, regardless of event or context, is the trace of the authors’ presence and a key signifier of the authors’ absence, all at once. 27 Metamodernists are most comfortable situated in the space between what is typically considered that of the categorically definable and traditional medium, and that of the less predictable flux currently dictating our technologically influenced and propelled communications, especially those concerning the fashion and style community.

Notes 1

J. L. Austin, How to do Things with Words, Second Edition, eds. J. O. Urmson and Maria Sbisà (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1962), 60. 2 Timotheus Vermeulen and Robin van den Akker, ‘Notes on Metamodernism’, Journal of Aesthetics & Culture 2 (2010): 5-2, doi: 10.3402/jac.v1i0.5677L. 3 Vermeulen, ‘Notes on Metamodernism’, 6. 4 Ibid., 12. 5 Roland Barthes, Image, Music, Text, ed. and trans. Stephen Heath, Noonday Press edition (New York: Hill & Wang, 1988), 148. 6 Michel de Certeau, ‘Reading as Poaching’, in The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press), 165-176. 7 Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology, trans. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (Baltimore & London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976 [French Edition, 1967]), 29-100, Part I was originally a journal article, 1965. 8 Charles Sanders Peirce, Peirce on Signs: Writings on Semiotic, ed. James Hoopes (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 66. 9 Jacques Derrida, Margins of Philosophy, trans. and notes Alan Bass (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 320-321. 10 Vermeulen and van der Akker, ‘Notes on Metamodernism’, 12. 11 Jean Baudrillard, Impossible Exchange, trans. Chris Turner (London and New York: Verso, 2001), 12. 12 Austin, How to Do Things with Words, 6, 62 and 88. 13 Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation, trans. Sheila Faria Glaser (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994), 6, 45 and 152. 14 Derrida, Margins of Philosophy, 325. 15 Claude Levi-Strauss, The Savage Mind, eds. Julian Pitt-Rivers and Ernest Gellner (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 16-23 and 35-36.

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__________________________________________________________________ 16

Georg Simmel, The Sociology of Georg Simmel, trans., ed. and intro. Kurt H. Wolff (New York: Macmillan and The Free Press, 1950). 17 Joseph Frank, The Idea of Spatial Form (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, c1991), 113. 18 Theodore W. Adorno, The Culture Industry: Selected Essays on Mass Culture, ed. with intro. J. M. Bernstein (London and New York: Routledge, 2001), 20. 19 Bernadette Casey, et al., ‘Intertextuality’, Television Studies: The Key Concepts (London and New York: Routledge, 2002), 126-128. 20 http://heartifb.com/. 21 http://www.bloglovin.com/en/blogs. 22 http://www.google.com/search?client=safari&rls=en&q=fashion+toast&ie=UTF8&oe=UTF-8. 23 Austin, How to Do Things with Words, 53-55 and 103-108. 24 Jacques Derrida, ‘Signature, Event, Context’, Limited Inc. (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, c1998), 1-23. 25 Ibid., 17. 26 Ric Jensen, ‘Blogola, Sponsored Press and the Ethics of Blogging’, The Ethics of Emerging Media: Information, Social Norms, and New Media Technology, eds. Bruce E. Drushel and Kathleen German (New York: Continuum, 2001). 27 Marshall McLuhan and Quentin Fiore, The Medium Is the Massage: An Inventory of Effects (New York: Bantam, c1967), 63.

Bibliography Adorno, Theodore W. The Culture Industry: Selected Essays on Mass Culture. Edited and introduction by J. M. Bernstein. London and New York: Routledge, 2001. Austin, J. L. How to Do Things with Words. Edited by J. O. Urmson, and Maria Sbisà. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1962. Barthes, Roland. The Rustle of Language / Roland Barthes. ‘The Death of the Author’ and ‘From Work to Text’. Translated by Richard Howard. 1st Edition. New York: Hill and Wang, 1986. Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Translated by Annette Laver. United States: Hill and Wang, 1975. —––. Image, Music, Text. Noonday Press Edition. Edited and translated by Stephen Heath. New York: Hill & Wang, 1988.

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__________________________________________________________________ Baudrillard, Jean. Simulacra and Simulation. Translated by Sheila Faria Glaser. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994. —––. Impossible Exchange. Translated by Chris Turner. London and New York: Verso, 2001. Calhoun, Craig, Joseph Gerteis, James Moody, Steven Pfaff, and Indermohan Virk, eds. Classical Sociological Theory. Second Edition. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. Casey, Bernadette, Casey, Neil, Calvert, Ben, French, Liam, and Justin Lewis. Television Studies: The Key Concepts. London: Routledge, 2002. Cobley, Paul, and Litza Jansz. Introduction to Semiotics. Edited by Richard Appiganesi. United States: Totem Books, 2005. De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by Steven Rendall. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984. De Man, Paul. The Resistance to Theory. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006. Derrida, Jacques. Margins of Philosophy. Translation and notes by Alan Bass, 320–321. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982. Derrida, Jacques. Of Grammatology. Translated by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, 29–110. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976 [French Edition, 1967]. (Part I was originally a journal article, 1965). Edwards, Steve. Vernacular Modernism. Varieties of Modernism. Edited by Paul Wood, 241–251. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004. Fiske, John. ‘Shopping for Pleasure: Malls, Power and Resistance’. In The Consumer Society Reader 2000, edited by Juliet B. Schor, and Douglas B. Holt, 306. New York: New York Press, 2000. Foucault, Michel. Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College de France 1975-1976. Edited by Mauro Bertani, and Alessandro Fontana. Translated by David Macey. New York, NY: Picador of St. Martin’s Press, 1997.

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__________________________________________________________________ Frank, Joseph. The Idea of Spatial Form. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press: c1991. Jensen, Ric. ‘Blogola, Sponsored Press and the Ethics of Blogging’. In The Ethics of Emerging Media: Information, Social Norms, and New Media Technology. Edited by Bruce E. Drushel, and Kathleen German. New York: Continuum, 2001. Lemon, Lee T., and Marion J. Reis, trans. and intro. Russian Formalist Criticism: Four Essays. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1965. Levi-Strauss, Claude. The Savage Mind. Edited by Julian Pitt-Rivers, and Ernest Gellner. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966. Meyrowitz, Joshua. No Sense of Place: The Impact of Electronic Media on Social Behavior. New York: Oxford Press, 1985. Peirce, Charles. Peirce on Signs: Writings on Semiotic. Edited by James Hoopes. University of North Carolina, 1991. Putnam, Robert. Bowling Alone. London: Simon & Schuster, 2000. Rochon, Thomas R. Culture Moves: Ideas, Activism, and Changing Values. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1998. Simmel, Georg. The Sociology of Georg Simmel. Translated, edited and introduction by Kurt H. Wolff. New York: Macmillan and The Free Press, 1950. Shklovsky, Victor. ‘Art as Technique’. In Russian Formalist Criticism: Four Essays. Translated by Lee T. Lemon, and Marion J. Reis. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1965. Vermeulen, Timotheus, and Robin van den Akker. ‘Notes on Metamodernism’. Journal of Aesthetics & Culture 2 (2010). Julianne Pederson is an independent scholar, brand consultant, creative director and cultural commentator. Her main focus lies in the semiology of fashion and style, in addition to future studies. Her BIS is from the University of Minnesota (Colleges of Liberal Arts and Design, 2008) with chosen concentration areas in Cultural Studies, Sociology and Retail Merchandising. She also has a degree in Apparel Technologies.

Part 4 Locating Fashion

Montreal, City of Fashion: Comparison of the Perceptions, the Visions and the Expectations of the Fashion Designers with Those of the Local Consumers Michèle Beaudoin and Manon Arcand Abstract The Québec fashion industry is undergoing a profound transformation. In response to international pressure, businesses must rethink their activities. In this context, Montréal, the most important Canadian city in the industry, is seeking to better consolidate its status as a fashion city. Beyond addressing the issues, a study contrasting designers’ and consumers’ perceptions, visions, and expectations sheds light on consumers’ role in the diffusion of fashion innovations. 1 A focus group comprising twelve fashion designers was formed, and a phone survey (n=601) of Montréal area adults was conducted. The data analysis indicated: 1) very low notoriety of local designers with consumers; (2) limited recognition of Montréal as a fashion city; and (3) considerable divergence between the consumers’ ideal fashion shopping experience (downtown department stores) and the designers’ offer (stand-alone boutiques). The designers’ focus group points to a schism regarding the perceived pertinence of investing in the development of a strong Montreal fashion label. Potential development avenues are presented, in order to position Montréal as a fashion city and promote its designers. Key Words: Fashion, designers, creators, innovators, diffusion of innovation, country-of-origin effects, consumer perceptions. ***** 1. Introduction The Québec fashion industry is undergoing a profound transformation. Companies have had to reorient their organisation to focus more on creation, logistics and marketing of collections. Retail giants now exert unprecedented control over distribution channels. Differentiation strategies have become essential components of sales policies and action plans to help companies fend off newcomers in the local market and envision incursions into foreign markets. This context leaves little room for local designers. Recently, the city of Montréal has been analysing its positioning as a fashion city, an exercise that entails comparing the perceptions of designers and consumers. The strategies developed to position the city must integrate these two realities. This chapter illustrates the gaps in perception between Montréal designers and consumers, which make up the target market in a local perspective. Regarding managerial contributions, this study informs reflection by municipal decisionmakers on the positioning of Montréal as a fashion design city. The study is a step

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__________________________________________________________________ toward better understanding the importance of creation in the recognition of a city. From a theoretical standpoint, it expands on and applies the concepts of diffusion of innovations developed by Everett M. Rogers, 2 applied to the fashion domain. 3 2. Literature Review A. The Diffusion Process of Fashion Innovations Studies of purchasing behaviour in the fashion/apparel industry have identified categories of consumers that contribute to the adoption of an innovation. Generally, five groups of consumers have been described, each presenting specific attributes in line with the typology developed by Rogers. 4 By recognising the attributes of these groups, marketing strategies specific to each group can be developed. 5 First, innovators try new ideas (3%), early adopters also do so, but prudently (13%). The early majority like novelty but are not leaders; they rely on the opinion of early adopters (33%). The late majority are sceptical and wait for public opinion (33%), and laggards cling to tradition and are suspicious of change (15%). Rogers 6 maintains that innovators are not only the first to adopt a novelty, but they also influence others to adopt the new product, 7 thus favouring diffusion of the innovation in their social system. In the fashion sector in particular, many studies have sought to shed light on the behaviours and self-image of innovators 8 or the motivations that lead innovators and early adopters to communicate and influence their social system. 9 The findings show that fashion innovators tend to spend more in the product category and read more magazines than those in the other segments. They perceive themselves as contemporary and colourful. Opinion leaders (often early adopters) are seen by other members of their group as having particular expertise and knowledge in the domain and are considered important sources of advice and influence. 10 They are characterised by the need for public recognition and a strong desire for uniqueness. People who seek their advice (such as the early majority) do so mainly to reduce the risk related to purchases or to save time. 11 They are motivated mainly by the need to conform to the group. Rogers’ typology therefore sheds light on the lifecycle of fashion products, whose success or failure depends on their acceptance by the first two groups. B. Fashion Designers: Creation and Distribution The literature on fashion designers is modest. Wendy Malem 12 defines the designer as being motivated by intrinsic values (creation, innovation, originality) rather than financial considerations. Nonetheless, designers must understand the market and business to ensure the diffusion of their creations. This reality, which combines creation and commercialisation, is specific to the fashion/apparel industry where the creation (clothing) is primarily a utilitarian and functional product for many consumers. Indeed, the fashion industry is one of overproduction, where the goal is often to convince consumers to replace what they already own. 13

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__________________________________________________________________ The union of these two realities is a constraint that obliges designers to develop business strategies to prosper. Works on fashion product distribution mainly examine globalisation and the new ground rules, 14 yet the importance placed on expansion strategies neglects the local viewpoint and recognition of local brands. The Institut Français de la Mode 15 maintains that creation and innovation have become essential strategic tools to counter international competition and thus ensure a place on the market. Partnerships and collaboration are additional models to consider. Although they involve compromises, they can enhance the notoriety of designers. The collaboration between the designer Stella McCartney and the brand Adidas exemplifies a joint initiative by previously independent industry stakeholders. 3. Methodology and Data Collection This study analysed data from two sources: a group interview conducted with twelve Montréal fashion designers and a telephone survey of 601 consumers residing in the greater Montréal area. The two studies were conducted in 2009 by a renowned marketing research firm. The following themes were covered during the focus group for designers: - Montréal’s reputation and notoriety as a fashion city - Consumers’ perceptions of Montréal fashion creations - Importance of the local character for consumers - Methods to promote Montréal fashion creations The group discussion method has several advantages, including flexibility to cover various themes and explore them in depth, stimulation of respondents, who express strong views, and the snowball effect that occurs when comments by one participant trigger reactions in other participants. 16 The survey of a representative sample of consumers was intended to: 1) determine the notoriety of Montréal designers; 2) evaluate the perceptions of Montréal as a fashion city; 3) categorise consumers according to a taxonomy congruent with Rogers; 17 and 4) measure purchasing habits and knowledge of fashion. The questionnaire, which was about fifteen minutes in duration, was made up of open questions (e.g. notoriety of designers, commercial arteries for fashion shopping) and Likert scales (e.g. measurement of perceptions). 4. Results A. Profile of Survey Respondents Seventy percent of the sample resides on the island of Montréal, and the respondents are fairly well educated (86% have at least a college diploma) and have above-average income (47% reported income of $60,000 or more). To properly represent the target clientele of designers, the sample was formed to

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__________________________________________________________________ include a larger quota of women (83%) and consumers aged between twenty-five and forty-four (87%). B. Taxonomy of Fashion Consumers A taxonomy comprising three profiles was created based on the results; it is presented in Table 1. The first group includes innovators and early buyers. The second group is influenced by the first and represents the mass (early and late majority). They have a moderate interest in fashion and scant knowledge of Montréal designers. Group 3 represents those for whom attire is a necessary evil and whose clothing purchases are dictated by utilitarian motivations. Table 1 - Taxonomy of Montréal Fashion Consumers Group 1 (26%) Group 2 (52%) Group 3 (22%) Expressed some Have little or Interest in fashion Very interested, most informed interest no interest in fashion Could name the Slightly less Unable to Notoriety of most than a quarter of mention one Montréal respondents designers could name one Specialised Nowhere in Department Main shopping boutiques, Sainteparticular stores, rarely location Catherine Street in Montréal On the streets, Mainly not in Source of Magazines on TV and on magazines inspiration apart the Internet from stores Laggards Concordance with Innovators and early Majority (early adopters and late) Rogers (2003) categorisation C. Local Notoriety of Montréal Designers Although 63% of respondents say they are interested in fashion, only 25% of the brands named are Canadian. 64% of consumers surveyed could not name a single Montréal designer. Designers also acknowledge that they have problems with notoriety. Nonetheless, among designers there is little consensus that developing the local market should be a priority, as illustrated by these excerpts from the focus group: …(would like to see) a group to carry out exports…a store that represents Québec fashion in New York…

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__________________________________________________________________ … First we must be able to exist here. Every artist begins at home… As soon as the product is authentic, it will be known elsewhere… D. Image of Montréal as a Fashion City Consumers hold varied perceptions of the image Montréal projects as a fashion city. Whereas 74% of respondents agree somewhat or completely with the fact that Montréal is a fashion city, they are less inclined to affirm that they would pay more for a local fashion item (average 5.6/10). Similarly, almost 40% of respondents do not think that the fact that clothing is designed in Montréal signals quality (36%) or originality (38%). This image contrasts markedly with designers’ impressions of how consumers view their products (high quality). Designers do not form a homogeneous group regarding the importance of a strong image for Montréal fashion. Some advocate individual development of the brand image and do not support the idea of collective promotion of Montréal fashion. These artisans fear that associating with other designers would cause them to lose their unique character or elements of differentiation. One example: ...Me, I think we have to work individually on the brand image, not in a group, you’ll be diluted... E. Purchasing Habits of Consumers Related to Fashion Interestingly, consumers prefer purchasing clothing in downtown Montréal, whereas designers prefer to sell their goods in districts adjacent to downtown. This gap is important because it prevents collections from reaching potential customers. Over 71% of respondents say that they purchase fashion in department stores and specialised boutiques. However, from the designers’ standpoint, collaboration with manufacturers or distributors is out of the question. One designer even confirmed that it is unthinkable that a chain could be part of a group of industry players. More than half of the survey respondents (62%) claim that they follow fashion trends while watching prices. Over 74% of members of profile 1 identify with this statement. Designers view their brands as too expensive for local consumers and complain that the public is not willing to pay full price for the designers’ perceived value of the brand. Consumers tend to purchase Québec fashion at a discount. 5. Discussion and Recommendations: Combine Both Realities This analysis shows that designers’ and consumers’ perceptions contrast in several respects. These contradictions explain the limited success of local collections. It seems that the average consumer has little interest in and knowledge of local fashion, which tends to be distributed away from consumer’s preferred shopping area. Consistent with Malem, 18 we find that there are two types of

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__________________________________________________________________ fashion designers: 1) the artisan (for whom the freedom of creation takes precedence) and 2) the business person. Designers therefore do not form a monolithic block regarding development strategies to recommend, which complicates the formulation of a strategy to publicise local fashion. The main antinomies noted among designers are: -

individualism vs. collective promotion of a Montréal label desire for autonomy vs. interest in a partnership with other players importance of the local market vs. the international market

Until consensus is reached among designers, it is impossible to satisfy all of them and envision common action to develop the notoriety and brand image of local fashion. The question of the added value of a Montréal label for consumers then arises. The first step should be to foster global recognition of Montréal fashion creations (i.e., a Montréal label), along with collaboration between designers and retailers. Local brands cannot have meaning (success) without the public (consumers). 19 To respond to the globalisation of markets that dilutes local products and apply proactive strategies to position the city and its designers in the imagination of local consumers, city administrators should endeavour to stimulate interest among local consumers that would provide brands and designers with internal potential before they take on foreign markets. 20 Whereas the goal is to create an attraction to local products, consumers must also know about them (notoriety) and recognise their value (brand image). The Montréal label or brand should be developed if it is to project a personality, and instil pride and a feeling of belonging. The consumer must actively endorse products designed in Montréal. It is unlikely that consumers would be willing to value local brands if they do not know them or the designers. Innovators and opinion leaders must be offered products that would motivate them to differentiate themselves because of their pride in wearing local creations. They would consequently publicise these products. The population as a whole should be encouraged to buy local products, with a focus on their personality and perceived value at a reasonable price. For distributors to work jointly with designers, some sizable obstacles would have to be surmounted. We noted that designers would sooner reject distributors and manufacturers than collaborate with them. Nonetheless, it is precisely these distributors that bring the products to the end consumer. Such collaborations are indeed the gauge of success elsewhere in the world. Better management training for fashion designers might be an avenue to consider. In conclusion, there is a striking contrast between the vision and behaviour of designers and consumers. Reflection is necessary to help city decision-makers bridge the two realities. Priority actions intended to nurture a Montréal label should

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__________________________________________________________________ focus on the recognition and importance of local brands without distinction. Efforts should be made to heighten interest and pride in purchasing local products regardless of the category and price range. The idea that local creations participate in creating a Montréal lifestyle is extremely attractive, yet this lifestyle must be identified. The city administration has invested in creating an informative website on fashion in Montréal. This initiative is a step in the right direction to improve the notoriety of Montréal fashion among consumers, but further steps are needed. For instance, joint and concerted involvement of industry players (city administrators, retailers, distributors and designers) would be useful.

Notes 1

Everett M. Rogers, Diffusion of Innovations (New York: Free Press, 2003). Ibid. 3 Jane E. Workman and Kim K. P. Johnson, ‘Fashion Opinion Leadership, Fashion Innovativeness and Need for Variety’, Clothing and Textile Research Journal 11, No. 3 (1993): 60-64. 4 Everett M. Rogers, ‘New Product Adoption and Diffusion’, Journal of Consumer Research 2 (1976): 290. Rogers, Diffusion of Innovations. 5 Ronald E. Goldsmith, Mary-Ann Moore and Pierre Beaudoin, ‘Fashion Innovativeness and Self-concept: A Replication’, The Journal of Product and Brand Management 8, No. 1 (1999): 7. Ian Phau and Chang-Chin Lo, ‘Profiling Fashion Innovators: A Study of Self-concept, Impulse Buying and Internet Purchase Intent’, Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management 8, No. 4 (2004): 399. 6 Rogers, Diffusion of Innovations. 7 Ronald A. Clark and Ronald E. Goldsmith, ‘Interpersonal Influence and Consumer Innovativeness’, International Journal of Consumer Studies 30, No. 1 (2006): 34. 8 Phau and Lo, ‘Profiling Fashion Innovators’. Goldsmith, et al., ‘Fashion Innovativeness and Self-concept: A Replication’, The Journal of Product and Brand Management 8, No. 1 (1999): 7. 9 Laurent Bertrandias and Ronald E. Goldsmith, ‘Some Psychological Motivations for Fashion Opinion Leadership and Fashion Opinion Seeking’, Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management 10, No. 1 (2006): 25. 10 Rogers and Cartano 1962; Eliashberg and Shugan 1997, cited in Laurent Bertrandias and Roland E. Goldsmith, ‘Some Psychological Motivations for Fashion Opinion Leadership and Fashion Opinion Seeking’, 25. 11 Bristor, 1990 cited in Bertrandias and Goldsmith, ‘Some Psychological Motivations’, 25. 12 Wendy Malem, ‘Fashion Designers as Business: London’, Journal of Fashion 2

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__________________________________________________________________ Marketing and Management 12, No. 3 (2008): 398. 13 Jane E. Workman, ‘Fashion Consumer Groups, Genders, and Need for Touch’, Clothing and Textile Research Journal 28, No. 2 (2010): 126-139. 14 Christopher M. Moore, John Fernie and Steve Burt, ‘Brands without Boundaries - The Internationalisation of the Designer Retailer’s Brand’, European Journal of Marketing 34, No. 8 (2000): 919. 15 IFM, ‘Management & Création. Entre Rationalité & Émotion’, Actes du colloque tenu le 17 mars 2003, Palais du Luxembourg, Institut Français de la Mode (2003): 92. 16 Naresh Malhotra, Études Marketing avec SPSS (Paris: Pearson Education, 2004). 17 Rogers, Diffusion of Innovations. 18 Malem, Fashion Designers as Business: London. 19 Gilles Marion, ‘Apparence et Identité: Une Approche Sémiologique du Discours des Adolescentes à Propos de Leur Expérience de la Mode’, Recherche et Applications en Marketing 18, No. 2 (2003): 1. 20 Christopher M. Moore, John Fernie and Steve Burt, ‘Brands without Boundaries - The Internationalisation of the Designer Retailer’s Brand’, 919.

Bibliography Bertrandias, Laurent and Roland E. Goldsmith. ‘Some Psychological Motivations for Fashion Opinion Leadership and Fashion Opinion Seeking’. Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management 10, No. 1 (2006): 25. Clark, Ronald, and Ronald E. Goldsmith. ‘Interpersonal Influence and Consumer Innovativeness’. International Journal of Consumer Studies 30, No. 1 (2006): 34. Goldsmith, Ronald E., Mary Ann Moore, and Pierre Beaudoin. ‘Fashion Innovativeness and Self-concept: A Replication’. The Journal of Product and Brand Management 8, No. 1 (1999): 7. Institut Français de la Mode (IFM). Management & Création. Entre Rationalité & Émotion. Actes du Colloque tenu le 17 mars 2003, Palais du Luxembourg, (2003): 92. Malem, Wendy. ‘Fashion Designers as Business: London’. Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management 12, No. 3 (2008): 398. Malhotra, Naresh. Études Marketing avec SPSS. Paris: Pearson Education, 2004.

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__________________________________________________________________ Marion, Gilles. ‘Apparence et Identité: Une Approche Sémiologique du Discours des Adolescentes à Propos de Leur Expérience de la Mode’. Recherche et Applications en Marketing 18, No. 2 (2003): 1. Moore, Christopher M., John Fernie, and Steve Burt. ‘Brands without Boundaries The Internationalisation of the Designer Retailer’s Brand’. European Journal of Marketing 34, No. 8 (2000): 919. Phau, Ian, and Chang-Chin Lo. ‘Profiling Fashion Innovators: A Study of Selfconcept, Impulse Buying and Internet Purchase Intent’. Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management 8, No. 4 (2004): 399. Rogers, Everett M. ‘New Product Adoption and Diffusion’. Journal of Consumer Research 2 (1976): 290. —––. Diffusion of Innovations. New York: Free Press, 2003. Workman, Jane E. ‘Fashion Consumer Groups, Genders, and Need for Touch’. Clothing and Textile Research Journal 28, No. 2 (2010): 126–139. Workman, Jane E., and Kim K. P. Johnson. ‘Fashion Opinion Leadership, Fashion Innovativeness and Need for Variety’. Clothing and Textile Research Journal 11, No. 3 (1993): 60–64. Michèle Beaudoin is a Professor at the École Supérieure de Mode de Montréal, Université du Québec à Montréal (ESG-UQAM). Her research interests include fashion distribution and shared management. Manon Arcand is a Marketing Professor at the Business School of Université du Québec à Montréal (ESG-UQAM). Her research interests include marketing of fashion, marketing on the Internet as well as online consumer behaviour.

Modes of the Metropolis: The City as Photography’s Fashion Icon Jess Berry Abstract The world’s fashion capitals - Paris, London, New York, Milan and Tokyo - have been established through a complex set of formulations that revolve around systems of production, distribution and consumption. While cities have long relied on fashion for cultural and economic domination and distinction, fashion has also adopted the city’s mythologies of modernity, romance and glamour. In many ways photography has acted as a cultural intermediary between the two, playing a significant role in the branding of cities as style sites and in accessorising fashion with iconic monuments and streetscapes. Each of the world’s major fashion capitals has a unique and enduring identity that has in part been established through photography. In the collective imagination Paris is poised and elegantly chic, New York is dynamic and modern and London is dignified and purposeful. In analysing magazine and advertising photography, this chapter interrogates the language and mythology of fashion city rhetoric. It argues that photography establishes cities as objects of fashion, that is, repositories of ideas and meanings to be desired and consumed. These images are so successful that locations not immediately associated with high fashion status have been similarly posed so as to participate in the fashion capital’s symbolic economy of style. This chapter questions if in making these allegorical comparisons fashion photography creates a problematic narrative for the fashion city, where the authenticity and distinctiveness of its objects are uncertain. Alternatively, is the appropriation of fashion city rhetoric simply borrowing from a lexicon of style that serves to reinforce fashion’s economy of desire? Key Words: Fashion cities, fashion photography, narrative. ***** 1. Introduction The nexus between geographic location and cultural production has been revealed as integral to the success of both local and global economic markets. As economist Elizabeth Currid argues, ‘the clustering of cultural production in particular geographies allows a particular product to brand a place’ and for the geographic location to ‘maintain its monopoly in the global marketplace.’ 1 In the field of fashion these locations have been termed ‘fashion capitals’ and are associated with particular cities’ significant claims for global status as style makers. The key fashion capitals - Paris, London, New York, Milan and Tokyo have established themselves not only as global producers of fashion but also

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__________________________________________________________________ dictators of taste. As such they hold powerful positions in the world’s fashion system. According to urban geographer David Gilbert, the global fashion capitals have been both materially and symbolically constructed through a complex dynamic of economic circumstances, production systems, and cultural representations. A significant factor in establishing the dominant fashion capitals has been ‘the emergence of a distinctively modern fashion media system.’ 2 Advertising, magazines, the fashion press, fashion weeks, television and cinema are powerful determinants in creating a ‘symbolic economy’ for fashion. Fashion historian Christopher Breward concedes the authority of the fashion capitals within global fashion discourse, yet argues that this network is far from static, suggesting that the fashion city itself is subject to the fashion cycle, which has real cultural and economic consequences. 3 As Gilbert notes, ‘making a city fashionable…is now a common and often explicit aim of urban policy.’ 4 While cities have long relied on fashion for cultural and economic domination and distinction, fashion has also adopted the city’s mythologies of modernity, romance, excitement and glamour. In many ways, photography has acted as a cultural intermediary between the two, playing a compelling role in the branding of cities as style sites and in accessorising fashion with iconic monuments and streetscapes. Interestingly, while fashion itself is constantly changing, the fashion city image is far less mutable. Each of the world’s major fashion capitals has a unique and enduring identity that has in part been established through photography. The city became an important backdrop to fashion photography in the second half of the twentieth century 5 when photographers such as Norman Parkinson (1913-1990), Erwin Blumenfeld (1897-1969) and Willy Maywald (1907-1985) moved out of the studio and into the street. This chapter argues that these photographers collectively posed the city as a fashion object and formulated lasting and iconic images for each of the capitals. In the collective imagination Paris is poised and elegantly chic, New York is dynamic and modern and London is dignified and purposeful. In effect, these photographers have created an ongoing fashion narrative that treats the city as a fashion object or character that persists in contemporary contexts such as the recent advertising campaigns of Yves Saint Laurent (YSL), DKNY, and Burberry. In analysing magazine and advertising photography, this chapter will interrogate the language and mythology of fashion city rhetoric. It argues that photography establishes cities as objects of fashion, that is, repositories of ideas and meanings to be desired and consumed. These images are so successful that locations not immediately associated with high fashion status have been similarly posed so as to participate in the fashion capital’s symbolic economy of style. Bruno Benini’s (1925-2001) Melbourne modelled as Paris and Baldovino Barani’s images of Hong Kong as London through the looking-glass are amongst the many examples that employ the ‘cultural capital’ of iconic fashion capitals. This chapter

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__________________________________________________________________ will question if in making these allegorical comparisons fashion photography creates a problematic narrative for the fashion city, where the authenticity and distinctiveness of its objects are uncertain; or alternatively, is the appropriation of fashion city rhetoric simply borrowing from a lexicon of style that serves to reinforce fashion’s economy of desire. .

2. Mode and the Metropolis Georg Simmel was one of the first to identify the relationship between fashion and the city. Particularly, he noticed that the rapidly growing cities of the nineteenth century created a maelstrom environment that provoked the individual to assert personality through both uniformity and distinction in dress. 6 More recently, urban geographers have been interested in ‘the city as a site that embraces the culture of fashion,’ 7 observing, as Gilbert does, that ‘some cities [are] in positions in the networks of world trade which [enhance] the supply of novelty experience and [encourage] the acceleration of the fashion cycle.’ 8 Thus the city is significant, not only as the venue where fashion occurs, but also as a promotional tool of stylistic change. Paris is one of the longest standing examples of the city as a global brand. Its role as a fashion capital is related to the city’s industrial structure as a site of fashion production, its distinctive locations of consumption, and its cultural representation in the collective imagination. As fashion historians Martine Elzingre and Pierre Hodgson claim, The success of Paris Fashions relates to the history of France: to the city’s status and destiny as a national capital…the city came to be defined as a space within which fashions of all sorts were created, manufactured, used, consecrated and disseminated. During this process, Paris became a powerful locus for the production of fantasy and theatre for the body. 9 While Paris’ position as the pre-eminent fashion capital is undoubtedly tied to the birth of haute-couture and the systems of production and consumption that have thrived there, I argue that the image of Paris, fashioned by photographers has also contributed to the city’s iconic fashion status. Photographers including Louise Dahl-Wolfe (1895-1989), Willie Maywald, Walde Huth (1923-2011) and Norman Parkinson developed an image of Paris and La Parisienne in the 1940s and 50s that revolves around the narrative of a modern and stylish woman on a quest for selfdiscovery and romantic liaison. 10 The city’s architecture and streetscape is modelled as a central character in this fashion fantasy. In particular the Eiffel Tower has dominated Paris fashion, its presence immediately signifying Parisienne chic and acting as a geographical signature of authorship. Through its repetition in the pages of Vogue, Harpers Bazaar and Elle

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__________________________________________________________________ the tower has become a symbolic visual cue for fashion itself. Fashion scholar Agnes Rocamora argues that the Eiffel Tower is inextricably linked to Paris’ representation as a fashion capital. She states: That the tower was erected at around the same time as Paris haute couture emerged also makes the monument significant in the construction of Paris fashion as part of the nation’s heritage...The tower’s iconic presence in fashion images suggests that Paris fashion - Yves Saint Laurent, Dior, Givenchy, for instance - is a seminal modern gesture, as central to the nation’s…heritage as Eiffel’s monument. 11 The Paris of fashion photography is idealised as romantic, elegant and timeless, but it is not just the tower that conveys this image. Picturesque backdrops of the Seine, the Arc de Triomphe and street-side cafés have all promoted Paris’ mythic qualities in a similar way to tourist images. Subsequently Paris’ monuments and streetscapes have become a central character of fashion’s narrative with photography creating aesthetic and symbolic value for the city in the same way a dress or a shoe is rendered a protagonist in a photographic fashion story. As Gilbert argues: The imagined cities of fashion press rhetoric become visualised as the city is presented as a fashion object by photography. Fashion photography has had a close relationship with the representations of cities on postcards and tourist guides. In both cases there is value in those symbols that are unambiguous identifiers of a particular city. 12 The portrayal of Paris as fashion capital and accessory to style is not unique to that city. London and New York have been similarly reduced to recognisable vistas out of which alluring fashion narratives evolve. Each city has a distinct image that differentiates it from the other fashion capitals. For example, New York is portrayed as dynamic and exciting, a place for the fashionable femme to stand out against a towering backdrop. Even when Norman Parkinson 13 and David Bailey 14 depict their very different versions of the same city, as glamorous and gritty respectively, they both employ the strong vertical lines of skyscrapers and streetscapes to portray New York as a city of adrenaline and adventure. London fashion has been similarly styled though often with the accessorised backdrop of black cabs, pillar-boxes and double-decker buses. 15 These symbols convey London as a city of purpose and progress, a place for the stylish woman to stride forward with composure and confidence no matter the bustle around her. That numerous

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__________________________________________________________________ images construct a similar identity for a particular fashion capital suggests an ongoing narrative constructed over time. Narrative is a tool frequently used in fashion magazine editorials and advertising campaigns as a rhetorical device to construct a story around clothing and the evolution of a character. As art historian Ulrich Lehmann suggests, this development often revolves around a garment rather than the…character of the model…a scenario in which the clothes undergo a series of transformations to eventually reach a goal or destination - that is ultimately their consumption…a substantial shift occurs from the narrative identification with the model to the narrative identification with the object. 16 I propose that in the case of fashion city photography a narrative develops connecting other images by means of association. The city, its monuments, and streetscapes are the central character of this fiction. Through its repetition over time, the fashion city becomes a constant object that the spectator identifies with and ultimately desires. In the spectator’s imagination the city undergoes character development similar to the model or the clothes of the conventional fashion narrative. The use of previous fashion capital narratives appears particularly prominent in recent advertising campaigns by YSL, Dior, DKNY and Burberry. That Paris, London, and New York have become imagined spaces for fashion fantasy makes them an ideal background for advertising images that promote the desirability of the city as a fashion object. As tourism scholars Annette Pritchard and Nigel Morgan claim, ‘the framing of fashion photography is often based on previous representations of the places where shoots take place: in other words, fashion shoots are texts about previous texts of place.’ 17 While Pritchard and Morgan are referring to the way in which fashion photography appropriates existing tourism images, I contend that recent advertising campaigns pose the city in a similar way to previous fashion images. For example, if we compare the YSL Parisienne perfume advertisement featuring Kate Moss 18 with Walde Huth’s photograph from the 1940s, 19 a number of correlations are evident. In Huth’s image the narrative suggests a woman elegantly dressed in couture ascending the steps towards a romantic liaison under, or perhaps with, the Eiffel Tower. The YSL advertisement set some fifty years later depicts the same scenario though at its conclusion. Indeed there are many striking similarities between advertising campaigns and iconic fashion photography images suggesting that advertising is referring to these previous representations in order to develop the narrative. While there might be gaps between what are essentially unconnected photographs, the spectator conceives of logical connections and associations to create their own version of the

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__________________________________________________________________ storyline. Clear examples of this narrative development include Dior’s Lady Dior campaign from 2009 and Erwin Blumenfeld’s use of the Eiffel Tower’s iron framework to suggest romantic adventure (1939); 20 DKNY’s use of dynamic vertical lines in typography and product placement to recall the images of Parkinson and Bailey; and Burberry’s co-opting of quintessential London street scenes including black cabs and telephone boxes that had been previously represented by Georges Dambier. In this way current advertising images by YSL, Dior, Burberry and DKNY might be interpreted as mapping out a story over time, relying on the viewer’s recognition of previous iconic city images for the narrative to unfold. I contend that the fashion city characters that have been created for Paris, New York and London through magazine and advertising photography are so well developed as rhetorical devices that they have been successfully co-opted by non-fashion capitals. 3. The Metropolis in Masquerade Breward and Gilbert have noted that while the traditional fashion capitals are central to the geography of fashion, at different moments in time, locations as diverse as Melbourne, Shanghai and Mumbai and have laid claim to ‘fashion city’ status. 21 I contend that one strategy that is used to convey fashion city status is to appropriate established fashion city narratives from capitals such as New York, Paris and London and apply them to peripheral fashion cities such as Melbourne and Hong Kong. Fashion historian Margaret Maynard argues that the meaning of fashion photographs is ‘produced by viewer expectations from resemblance to “other images”’ 22 where they often ‘respond to the continuous interplay between themselves.’ 23 This appears particularly true for Bruno Benini’s and Helmut Newton’s (1920-2004) photographs taken in Melbourne during the 1960s. These images draw on a styling of the city that photographers such as Parkinson and Maywald applied to Paris and New York in the 1950s. For example, both Benini and Newton rely on streetscape elements such as paving and architecture to suggest a rhetorical Paris. Benini in particular found inspiration in European fashion photography and noticed the potential for developing Australian images that created atmosphere rather than painstakingly rendering details of the garment. 24 Using techniques such as soft focus and diffuse lighting to create a romantic fantasy, Benini and Newton both attempted to capture the ambience of Paris that had been established in previous fashion photographs. At the time, Melbourne purposely traded on these associations in order to establish the city as a centre of style in Australia. For example the city’s exclusive shopping precinct - Collins Street - was affectionately dubbed ‘The Paris End’ due to its European aspect and reputation as a place to promenade. 25 Given the close association between Melbourne and Paris in the Australian imagination it is interesting that Newton’s photographs also model Melbourne as

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__________________________________________________________________ New York. This is particularly evident in his image that features a woman with her arm out-stretched, holding her handbag as if hailing a taxi (1959). 26 Her pose immediately brings to mind the adrenaline and energy of that city. That Melbourne can be represented convincingly as either Paris or New York suggests that establishing an identity for the fashion city is not entirely reliant on the presence of iconic monuments or streetscapes. I propose that what Benini and Newton are doing with these images is styling or posing the city. In the same way a model is styled and posed to take on a character, the city is modeled to masquerade as another city. This masquerade could be seen as problematic, for in visually collapsing Melbourne with New York or Paris, the city compromises its authenticity and distinctiveness in its reliance on allusion to established narratives and icons. For example, Benini’s image of an elegantly attired woman walking her poodles (1961) 27 calls to mind Dahl-Wolfe’s photograph of a similar scene in front of the Eiffel Tower (1940), 28 so even though the reality is Melbourne, the viewer instantly thinks of Paris. Alternatively, in drawing on these associations it could be argued that Benini is casting Melbourne in a characteristic role, making comparisons to further the city’s style status. Benini’s appropriation of Paris as a fashion object might appear to be the result of Australia’s cultural cringe of the 1950s, when the nation was suffering a feeling of inferiority in relation to its British and European counterparts. However, more recent representations that apply iconic fashion city rhetoric in relation to peripheral cities still hold cultural currency. For example, Barani’s photographs of a model alighting a tram, 29 clad in couture make reference to Parkinson’s memorable images of London from the 1960s. That these photographs were captured in Hong Kong in 2009 suggests that the fashion city narrative is able to span time as well as cultural difference. 4. Conclusion This chapter has argued that the fashion capitals of Paris, London and New York have established distinctive fashion identities through their photographic representation. Collectively, fashion photographers have established a lasting narrative for the fashion city that has featured in recent advertising campaigns. Further, these images style the city as a fashion object and are so successful in creating a character for the city that locations not immediately associated with high fashion status have been similarly posed. The use of fashion city rhetoric in photography thus appears to borrow from a lexicon of style where cities are able to masquerade as each other so as to participate in the fashion capital’s symbolic value. The ability for the fashion city to develop as a narrative that spans space, time and cultural difference is perhaps most aptly illustrated in Dior’s 2010 campaign featuring Marion Cotillard posed in front of numerous fashion city backgrounds including the traditional capitals Paris and London, and the newly emergent

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__________________________________________________________________ strongholds Moscow and Shanghai. 30 The cinematic character of the images is reinforced through their seriality. The story that unfolds revolves around the characters of Cotillard as the model, the Dior handbag and the fashion city - all are equal objects of fantasy and allurement. Individually, the images continue to portray existing fashion city narratives through direct reference and allusion. Perhaps what is most interesting about this campaign is that the distinctive identities of the traditional fashion capitals have in many ways been collapsed with each other. Where the conventional fashion narrative develops through drastic changes of clothes worn by the same model in similar surroundings, in this instance, the model and the handbag appear almost static compared to the change in cityscape. However, this is not to suggest a vast difference between the cities but rather a consistency. While each of the cities is recognisable for its iconic architectural monuments, these cities convey a similar character of romance and adventure with Moscow and Shanghai modelled as fashion equals to Paris and London. Rather than an individual character, all of these cities are simply branded as Dior, so recognising the city for the valuable and desirable commodity it has become.

Notes 1

Elizabeth Currid, The Warhol Economy: How Fashion Art and Music Drive New York City (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2007), 155-156. 2 David Gilbert, ‘From Paris to Shanghai: the Changing Geographies of Fashion’s World Cities’, in Fashion’s World Cities, eds. Christopher Breward and David Gilbert (Oxford: Berg, 2006), 19. 3 Christopher Breward, ‘Fashion Cities’, in Berg Encyclopaedia of World Dress and Fashion, Volume 10 Global Perspectives, accessed July 8, 2011, http://www.bergfashionlibrary.com. 4 David Gilbert, ‘Urban Outfitting: The City and the Spaces of Fashion Culture’, in Fashion Cultures: Theories, Explorations and Analysis, eds. Stella Bruzzi and Pamela Church Gibson (London: Routledge, 2000), 20. 5 Hilary Radner, ‘On the Move’, in Fashion Cultures: Theories, Explorations and Analysis, eds. Stella Bruzzi and Pamela Church Gibson (London: Routledge, 2000), 137. 6 Elizabeth Wilson, ‘Urbane Fashion’, in Fashion’s World Cities, Fashion’s World Cities, eds. Christopher Breward and David Gilbert (Oxford: Berg, 2006), 33. 7 Linda Welters, ‘The Geography of Dress: Introduction’, in The Fashion Reader, eds. Linda Welters and Abbey Lillethuin (Oxford: Berg, 2007), 163. 8 Gilbert, ‘Urban Outfitting’, 21.

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Martine Elzingre and Pierre Hodgson, ‘Paris as a Fashion City’, Berg Encyclopaedia of World Dress and Fashion, Volume 8 West Europe, accessed July 8, 2011, http://www.bergfashionlibrary.com. 10 See Louise Dahl-Wolfe, Suzie Parker in Dior Hat, Tulleries, Paris (1950), accessed July 8, 2011, http://www.nmwa.org/collection/detail.asp? WorkID=747. Norman Parkinson, Cardin Hat over Paris (1960), accessed July 8, 2011,http://www.normanparkinson.com/limitededitions/index5.html. Walde Huth, Patricia Wearing Jaques Fath (1956), accessed July 8, 2011, http://forums.thefashionspot.com/f71/walde-huth-photographer-26869.html. 11 Agnes Rocamora, Fashioning the City: Paris Fashion and the Media (London: I.B Tauris, 2006), 46. 12 Gilbert, ‘Urban Outfitting’, 21. 13 See Norman Parkinson, Young Velvets, Young Prices, New York, Vogue (1949) accessed July 8, 2011, http://www.normanparkinson.com/limitededitions/index7.html. 14 See David Bailey, Jean Shrimpton, New York (1962), accessed July 8, 2011, http://iconolo.gy/archive/jean-shrimpton-new-york-1962-david-bailey/109. 15 See Georges Dambier, Lucinda, Telephone Box (1949), Photo 70, accessed July 8, 2011, http://www.georges.dambier.fr/. 16 Ulrich Lehmann, ‘Fashion Photography’, in Chick Clicks: Creativity and Commerce in Contemporary Fashion Photography, eds. Ulrich Lehmann and Jessica Morgan (Ostfidern-Ruit: Hatje Cantz, 2002), n.p. 17 Annette Prichard and Nigel Morgan, ‘On Location: Re(viewing) Bodies of Fashion and Places of Desire’, Tourist Studies 5, No. 3 (2005): 285. 18 See Yves Saint Laurent, Parisienne, accessed July 8, 2011, http://yslparisienne.com/au/event/. 19 See Walde Huth, Jaques Fath Dress (1953), accessed July 8, 2011, http://forums.thefashionspot.com/f71/walde-huth-photographer-26869.html. 20 See Lady Dior Campaign (2009) and Erwin Blumenfeld, Lisa Fonssagrives in Lucien Lelong (1939), accessed July 8, 2011, http://www.fashionologie.com/Marion-Cotillards-Lady-Dior-Falls-Short-LadyLisa-2474833?page=0%2C0%2C0. 21 Christopher Breward, Preface to Fashion’s World Cities, Fashion’s World Cities, eds. Christopher Breward and David Gilbert (Oxford: Berg, 2006), 10. Gilbert, ‘From Paris to Shanghai’, 2006. 22 Margaret Maynard, ‘The Fashion Photograph: an Ecology’, in Fashion as Photograph, ed. Eugenie Shinkle (London: IB Tauris, 2010), 56. 23 Maynard, ‘The Fashion Photograph: an Ecology’, 66. 24 Bruno Benini Archive, Powerhouse Museum, accessed July 13, 2011, http://www.powerhousemuseum.com/imageservices/index.php/tag/bruno-benini/.

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Susan van Wyk, ‘The Paris End: Photography, Fashion and Glamour’, in The Paris End: Photography, Fashion and Glamour, eds. Susan Van Wyk, Michael Shmith and Danielle Whitfeld (Melbourne: National Gallery of Victoria, 2006). 26 Helmut Newton, Model with Car (1959), accessed July 13, 2011, http://www.powerhousemuseum.com/collection/database/?irn=157914&search=he lmut+newton&images=&c=&s=. 27 See Bruno Benini, Model Margo McKendry with Two Dogs (1961), accessed July 13, 2011, http://www.powerhousemuseum.com/collection/database/?irn=398784&search=br uno+benini&images=&c=&s=. 28 See Louise Dahl-Wolfe, Model in a Dior Suit walking Poodles in Paris (1940), accessed July 13, 2011, http://www.nmwa.org/collection/detail.asp?WorkID=722. 29 See Baldovani Barani, Evangelist (2009), accessed July 13, 2011, http://www.baldovinobarani.com/#!__the-evangelist. 30 See Marion Cottillard in the Lady Dior campaign, 2009, accessed July 13, 2011, http://www.wwd.com/media-news/fashion-memopad/memo-pad-marion-cotillardsshanghai-high-lucky-louboutin-3017239.

Bibliography Breward, Christopher. ‘Fashion Cities’. In Berg Encyclopaedia of World Dress and Fashion, Volume 10 Global Perspectives. Accessed July 8, 2011. http://www.bergfashionlibrary.com. Breward, Christopher. ‘Preface’. In Fashion’s World Cities, edited by Christopher Breward, and David Gilbert. Oxford: Berg, 2006. Bruno Benini Archive. Powerhouse Museum. Accessed July 13, 2011. http://www.powerhousemuseum.com/imageservices/index.php/tag/bruno-benini/. Currid, Elizabeth. The Warhol Economy: How Fashion Art and Music Drive New York City. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2007. Elzingre, Martine, and Pierre Hodgson. ‘Paris as a Fashion City’. Berg Encyclopaedia of World Dress and Fashion, Volume 8 West Europe. Accessed July 8, 2011. http://www.bergfashionlibrary.com. Gilbert, David. ‘Urban Outfitting: the City and the Spaces of Fashion Culture’. In Fashion Cultures: Theories, Explorations and Analysis, edited by Stella Bruzzi, and Pamela Church Gibson. London: Routledge, 2000.

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__________________________________________________________________ —––. ‘From Paris to Shanghai: the Changing Geographies of Fashion’s World Cities’. In Fashion’s World Cities, edited by Christopher Breward, and David Gilbert. Oxford: Berg, 2006. Lehmann, Ulrich. ‘Fashion Photography’. In Chick Clicks: Creativity and Commerce in Contemporary Fashion Photography, edited by Ulrich Lehmann, and Jessica Morgan. Ostfidern-Ruit: Hatje Cantz, 2002. Maynard, Margaret. ‘The Fashion Photograph: an Ecology’. In Fashion as Photograph, edited by Euginie Shinkle. London: IB Tauris, 2010. Prichard Annette, and Nigel Morgan. ‘On Location: Re(Viewing) Bodies of Fashion and Places of Desire’. Tourist Studies 5, No. 3 (2005): 283–296. Radner, Hilary. ‘On the Move’. In Fashion Cultures: Theories, Explorations and Analysis, edited by Stella Bruzzi, and Pamela Church Gibson. London: Routledge, 2000. Rocamora, Agnes. Fashioning the City: Paris Fashion and the Media. London: I.B Tauris, 2006. Van Wyk, Susan. ‘The Paris End: Photography, Fashion and Glamour’. In The Paris End: Photography, Fashion and Glamour, edited by Susan Van Wyk, Michael Shmith, and Danielle Whitfeld. Melbourne: National Gallery of Victoria, 2006. Welters, Linda ‘The Geography of Dress: Introduction’. In The Fashion Reader, edited by Linda Welters, and Abbey Lillethuin. Oxford: Berg, 2007. Wilson, Elizabeth. ‘Urbane Fashion’. In Fashion’s World Cities, edited by Christopher Breward, and David Gilbert. Oxford: Berg, 2006. Jess Berry is Lecturer of Art and Design History and Theory, Queensland College of Art, Griffith University, Australia.

In Fashion: Venues for Sybaritic Parades in Italy and Beyond Annette Condello Abstract The subject of the ancient Sybarites is highly influential for understanding fashion. Historically, Sybarites were famously believed to live luxuriously in their sumptuous city of Sybaris in what today is southern Italy. The term ‘sybarite’ has become proverbial and luxury remains associated with the legendary vanished city and its inhabitants. In 1876, Italian writer Romualdo Cannonero discussed a proverb concerning the luxurious lifestyle and dress sense of the ancient Sybarites. This proverb also critiqued their insolence and sumptuous way of walking, expressed as the ‘sybaritic parade.’ The fame of the ‘sybaritic parade’ in Renaissance Venice subsequently impacted Parisian aesthetic sensibilities in the eighteenth century. Through time, the Sybarites’ luxurious and pleasure-seeking habits came to be identified with cuisine, opera, the architectural realm and fashion. This chapter will investigate the ‘sybaritic’ venues abroad as cultures of fashion. It will focus on the modifications of luxurious surroundings and question how these surroundings created the catwalk of certain cities. Then, the chapter will highlight the criticism associated with the aristocratic sybarites throughout eighteenth- and nineteenth-century France, identifying its underpinnings as moralistic. It next examines Cannonero’s proverb in relation to the genesis of French fashion and later the rise of the American department store. It argues that ‘sybaritic’ venues were, and still are, fashionable architectural spaces. Key Words: Luxury, fashion, architecture, sybaritic parade, catwalk. ***** 1. Introduction A vast territorial sprawl that extends to strange and uncertain destinations, fashion space unfolds in virtually every culture. It travels. 1 There is some herculean leap from the first fashion show to the origin of the catwalk. When did the sybaritic fashion space originate? Where were the sybaritic parade venues? Some critics believe the origin of the fashion show remains obscure. 2 Others suggest that it began around the 1860s and periodically took place in Paris couture salons. 3 I would argue that the genesis of the fashion show occurred in Magna Graecia through the myths about the ancient Sybarites. These myths eventually affected Renaissance Venice, Parisian and American lifestyles and their penchant for exhibiting the luxury and theatricality of garments in sybaritic settings such as the flooded street, the theatre, the salon and the department store. Concentrating on the venue for a type of sybaritic parade in Venice, I then focus on those that arose rapidly in eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury Paris, New York and Chicago. In this paper ‘sybaritic’ indicates something

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__________________________________________________________________ that is in fashion, derived from myths about ancient Sybaris, and which relates to the architectural realm. A precursor to the first fashion space and show was therefore the sybaritic venue. 2. The Genesis of the Sybaritic Venue from Magna Graecia to Renaissance Venice One of the places in the western world where luxury fashion began was in ancient Sybaris, now the Italian province of Calabria. Although ancient Sybaris only lasted about two hundred years, myths about it persist even today. Myths about Sybaris arose in the Greek world because of the alleged luxurious lifestyle of its inhabitants - they clothed themselves with purple and saffron garments, dyed and curled their hair with gold filaments, wore cork heels, carried pet Maltese dogs and invented the patent. 4 The patent is particularly significant as it applies to the garment industry today with regard to copyrighting a creator’s design. People either desired to emulate them or restrict others from living this way (such as Pythagoras in the neighbouring polis of Croton, not far from Sybaris). The Sybarites were among the first Greeks in Magna Graecia to invite women to their great banquets and public festivals. 5 Other Greeks destroyed the city in 510 BC. 6 Some one hundred years after the city’s destruction, the first historical accounts of Sybaris appeared. The legends and myths concerning Sybaris were particularly influential. For example, a wealthy citizen by the name of Smidyrides ‘took luxury to unparalleled lengths’ in terms of the number of cooks he employed for his daughter’s wedding for the purpose of extravagant display.’ 7 The Sybarites were noted for their cuisine and patented recipes. 8 They are constantly referred to as competitive inventors. In Sybaris, a common adage is that one should design a dress one year in advance of a special occasion. Romualdo Cannonero’s book Sybaris (1876) describes the customs of Calabria and appraises and condemns Sybaris’ luxury in relation to the city’s public festivals, which expose the earliest fashion show in antiquity. Cannonero describes ‘lusso sibaritico’ (sybaritic luxury) as relating to the inhabitants’ public festivals. He also critiqued their insolence and sumptuous way of walking, expressed as the ‘sybaritic parade’: ‘incede insolente e vanitoso della sontuositá del vestire, si diceva di lui: il Sibarita in mostra,’ 9 (or the ostentatious Sybarite) associating their self-indulgence with material luxury. At the sybaritic parade - everyone dressed to the teeth and ate delicate dishes at festivals. In other words, these wealthy women routinely dressed in their finest garments. This text regarding their materialistic public festivals implicates a sybaritic venue and parade, and this is significant for understanding the history of fashion through the lens of the early fashionable promenade. They were known in the ancient Roman world, yet the Sybarite notoriety extended to Renaissance Venice. Sybaris reappeared as a myth in Renaissance Venice moral writings and then became popular once again from the late eighteenth century onwards. The reason

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__________________________________________________________________ for the moral criticism of the Sybarites occurring in the Italian (and French) Renaissance was that Christian beliefs about luxurious buildings as being heavily ornamented were associated with lechery. Female sybarites, as courtesans, exhibited lecherous behaviour within these buildings and supposedly corrupted court societies. 10 The streets and squares became sybaritic venues, even during flooding, especially when women wore high heels. The Venetian courtesans of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries who wore chopines (platforms) did this to ‘rise above the other women in crowds.’ 11 Other ladies began wearing these stilt-shoes, as it ‘prevented hems from getting soiled when the canals flooded in the winter months.’ 12 In this case, the flood walkways acted as early public catwalks where women were placed on waterlogged pedestals rather than high ones. The transmission of sybaritic spaces as public fashionable venues not only emerged in Venice as flood walkways but they also emerged within private eating establishments. The design of the innovative eighteenth-century dining room, which incorporated one part of a floor that could move vertically to shift dishes from one level to the next to serve noble guests and hosts, is significant as it would have demonstrated a sybaritic venue in a unique way; it was a place of high fashion that would later inspire a French Revolution scaffold show. The more refined Sybarites reclined on their couches when they dined and their lifestyle was mentioned disparagingly in various classical stories and in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Italian, French, English and American writings. 13 French dining establishments inevitably became theatrical ‘salons’ for reclining in sybaritic pleasures and might have been the first fashionable meeting places - formal dinner parties where accessories on ladies and courtesans were paraded. 3. Modifications of the Sybaritic Venue in France Myths and images of the Sybarites, and their condemnation spread throughout France in the sixteenth century. Many references to the sybarites in France at this time are attached to the immoral behaviour of the aristocrats, especially in the theatre or at banquets. They appear in Pierre Cousteau’s Pegma (1555), published in Lyon, France, and each instance accompanies a set of moral essays. What is intriguing about this particular text is that the title ‘means literally a framework and was applied in the Renaissance to theatrical pageants, triumphal arches and similar structures’ like moveable stages.’ 14 The moral essay of ‘On the Oracle of Apollo given to the Sybarites’ and its woodcut must have spread amongst aristocratic circles in Lyon and beyond, presumably in Fontainebleau, Versailles and then Paris. The image of the female sybarite must have inspired the type of ‘stage setting’ that appears in French theatre and little mansions. This particular sybaritic space therefore provides a starting point for imagining sybaritic venues that were moveable - from floor to floor, and involved music and artificial lighting for that element of surprise.

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__________________________________________________________________ In Les Sybarites (1753), for instance, the French opera composer Jean-Philippe Rameau demonstrated the destruction of Sybaris artistically. This opera was enacted at the court of the French king, Louis XV (the son of Louis XIV), at Fontainebleau’s theatre. 15 This opera is important as it is based on the ancient conflict between Sybaris and Croton, and it exemplifies one way the ancient Sybarites were used as a way of justifying a fashionable venue in France. We do not know exactly what the character of the opera scenery was like, but one can imagine that it might have had elaborate fête settings. By the late seventeenth century, the French elite behaved like Sybarites at royal fêtes. Nicolas Fouquet, King Louis XIV’s Superintendent of Finance, established his own dining room at Vaux-le-Vicomte. It was Louis XIV’s emulation of it at Versailles and Les Sybarites was presumably an inspiration for both Fouquet, and the king’s interior. The links between space and the sybaritic myths were well established in French dining rooms and at the theatre. By 1762, the ‘French had developed a tendency to become “sybarites, plunged into a voluptuous stupor, breathing and thinking only for pleasure, deaf to the voice of the patrie.”’ 16 Fashion Queen Marie-Antoinette was a sybarite too, even at the end of her reign at the guillotine on a scaffold, an elevated stage, where she was wearing ‘high heels.’ 17 By the late eighteenth century, the concept of fashion was believed by some to have been invented in France as they were the creators of high fashion garments. 18 ‘Napoleon wanted the world to use fashions that were made in France using French materials…and the Journal des Dames et des Modes showed ladies the latest fashions.’ 19 ‘Fashion parades’ periodically took place in Paris couture salons. 20 At this time, the fashion victim is born; [Some women] eagerly bought the magazines that showed the latest trends, they spent all of their money on clothes and they sought out eagerly the best opportunities to show off what they wore. The promenade, the balls and other social occasions became all important and their source of contentment was the admiration of their clothes and accessories. 21 Ultimately, fashion victims were really sybarites in a different guise that attended social venues. The salons metamorphosed into houses of fashion, which were later exposed in department stores in the late nineteenth century. 4. Beyond France The earliest fashion show recorded in the United States, as far as I have been able to determine was in 1848. That year, Alexander Turney Stewart built the Marble Palace department store at Broadway and Chambers Street in New York City. The Marble Palace sold European imported garments and apparently ‘offered

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__________________________________________________________________ the first “fashion shows” on its second floor, within the “Ladies’ parlor,” lined with full-length mirrors.’ 22 Eventually, sybaritic venues and shows were exported from New York to Chicago. The city of Chicago succeeded in creating a sybaritic venue with its ornate materials department stores, especially Carson Pirie Scott and Company Department Store (1898-1904) designed by architect Louis Sullivan. Chicago’s World Columbian Exposition (1893) also changed the image of the sybaritic venue from a European platform to an American platform; the first moving walkway was invented here. Seventeen years later, wife of entrepreneur Potter Palmer, Bertha Palmer, represented American fashion at the World’s Fair in Paris. 23 Perhaps Bertha imported the idea of the French sybaritic fashion show in Chicago in the early 1900s. Both Chicago’s and New York’s buildings celebrate what is ‘sybaritic’ in terms of luxurious materials, such as the patented ‘Luxfer’ prismatic glass blocks and marble clad interiors; they demonstrate instances of fashionable houses as open and elevated salons in skyscrapers. By the mid 1900s, the term ‘catwalk’ applied to the elevated fashion show probably as a result of the popular catwalks for construction workers between skyscraper buildings. As Bradley Quinn observes, ‘fashion shows combine the artificiality of the catwalk with the affected movement of the model, presenting garments in a hyperreal context that radically dislocates them from their intended environments.’ 24 Within the built environment the elevator as a moving catwalk has informed how high fashion evolved, literally, and also how it has transformed contemporary ‘sybaritic’ labels and their architectural fit-outs. 5. Conclusion The sixteenth century certainly had the flood walkways - early public catwalks in the city. The venues themselves demonstrate many distinctively sybaritic characteristics: a taste for the elevated stage, adaption of French moveable stages, scaffolds and theatrical salons, and in the Unites States, the replication of idyllic scenarios for future elevated fashion shows in the city department stores and in the street. Today fashion shows are promotional sybaritic stages where audiences worry constantly about what other fashion victims are wearing in order to outshine one another. The ‘elevation’ of the fashion venue encourages the patenting of clothes and this idea has transferred to the patenting of the stage, architecturally, with the advent of architects employed to design tectonic labels. An example of this is OMA/Rem Koolhaas’ design of the ‘Prada Transformer’ (2009), a tetrahedron-shifting pavilion built in Seoul, Korea, where the architectural catwalk has expanded into the cultural landscape. One other is the English firm ‘Sybarite’ and their Marni clothing interior at Selfridges Department Store in London. ‘Sybaritic shows’ are fashionable architectural spaces.

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Image 1: Sybarite’s Marni interior, Selfridges & Co., Oxford Street, London (2011). Author: A. Condello. Reproduced by permission of Annette Condello. © Annette Condello.

Notes 1

Bradley Quinn, The Fashion of Architecture (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2003), 33. 2 Valerie Steele argues that ‘[f]ashion began, not in Paris, but in Italy, where it was closely associated with the rise of cities.’ Valerie Steele, Paris Fashion: A Cultural History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 17. 3 See Amanda Fortini, ‘How the Runway Took Off: A Brief History of the Fashion Show’, Slate Magazine, 8 February 2006, accessed July 21, 2011, http://www.slate.com/id/2135561/. On the American fashion show refer to William Leach, ‘Transformation in a Culture of Consumption: Women and Department Stores, 1890-1925’, The Journal of American History 71, No. 2 (September 1984): 319-342.

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Joseph S. Callaway, Sybaris (Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1950), 78-83. Orville H. Bullitt, Search for Sybaris (Philadelphia and New York: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1969), 60 and note 60, 218. 6 Pier Giovanni Guzzo, ‘Ricerche Intorno a Sibari: Da Cavallari a Zanotti Bianco’, in Magna Graecia: Archeologia di un Sapere, eds. Salvattore Settis and Maria Cecilia Parra (Milano: Electa, 2005), 8. 7 Bullitt, Search for Sybaris, 61; Callaway, Sybaris, 111-112; and James Davidson, Courtesans and Fishcakes: The Consuming Passions of Classical Athens (London: Fontana Press, 1997), 5. 8 It is interesting that a patented recipe for a period of one year would be considered a luxury rather than a necessity. Davidson, Courtesans and Fishcakes, 4-5. 9 Author’s translation. From Romualdo Cannonero, Dell’antica Città di Sibari e dei Costumi dei Sibariti (Cosenza: Brenner, 1991 [1876]), 19. 10 Werner Sombart discusses how females corrupted court societies. Werner Sombart, Luxury and Capitalism (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1967), 26. 11 Refer to http://www.metmuseum.org, accessed June 20, 2011. 12 Ibid. 13 Both Hermann and Georg Schreiber refer to the Sybarites’ life and practices. Hermann Schreiber and Georg Schreiber, Vanished Cities (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962), 265. 14 See Pierre Cousteau, Le Pegme de Pierre Coustau, 1555 (New York: Garland Publishers), 1979, i. 15 See Paul F. Rice, ‘The Fontainebleau Operas of Jean-Phillipe Rameau’, The Journal of Musicology 6, No. 2 (Spring 1988): 229. 16 David Bell cites Claude-Francois Xavier Millot’s Discours sur le Patriotisme (1762), in David A. Bell, ‘The Unbearable Lightness of Being French: Law, Republicanism and National Identity at the End of the Old Regime’, The American Historical Review 106, No. 4 (October 2001): 1231. 17 John Garber Palache, Marie-Antoinette, the Player Queen (New York: Longmans Green & Co., 1929), 309. 18 Joan DeJean, The Essence of Style: How the French Invented High Fashion, Fine Food, Chic Cafes, Style, Sophistication and Glamour (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005). 19 Cristina Barreto and Martin Lancaster, Napoleon and the Empire of Fashion, 1795-1815 (Milano: Skira, 2010), 177. 20 Amanda Fortini, ‘How the Runway Took Off: A Brief History of the Fashion Show’, Slate Magazine, 8 February 2006, accessed July 21, 2011, http://www.slate.com/id/2135561/. 5

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Barreto and Lancaster, Napoleon and the Empire of Fashion, 143. ‘Evolution of the Department Store’, accessed June 22, 2011, http://homepage.mac.com/oldtownman/soc/shoppingcenter4.html. 23 See Mary Beth Klatt, Chicago’s Fashion History: 1865-1945 (Charleston, South Carolina, Chicago, Illinois, Portsmouth, New Hampshire and San Francisco, California: Arcadia Publishing, 2010), 7. 24 Bradley Quinn, The Fashion of Architecture (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2003), 36. 22

Bibliography Barreto, Cristina, and Martin Lancaster. Napoleon and the Empire of Fashion, 1795-1815. Milano: Skira, 2010. Bell, David A. ‘The Unbearable Lightness of Being French: Law, Republicanism and National Identity at the End of the Old Regime’. The American Historical Review 106, No. 4 (October 2001): 1215–1235. Bullitt, Orville H. Search for Sybaris. Philadelphia and New York: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1969. Callaway, Joseph S. Sybaris. Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1950. Cannonero, Romualdo. Dell’antica Città di Sibari e dei Costumi dei Sibariti. Cosenza: Brenner, 1991 [1876]. Cousteau, Pierre. Le Pegme de Pierre Cousteau, 1555. New York: Garland Publishers, 1979. Davidson, James. Courtesans and Fishcakes: The Consuming Passions of Classical Athens. London: Fontana Press, 1997. DeJean, Joan. The Essence of Style: How the French Invented High Fashion, Fine Food, Chic Cafes, Style, Sophistication and Glamour. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005. ‘Evolution of the Department Store’. Accessed June http://homepage.mac.com/oldtownman/soc/shoppingcenter4.html.

22,

2011.

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__________________________________________________________________ Fortini, Amanda. ‘How the Runway Took Off: A Brief History of the Fashion Show’. Slate Magazine, February 8, 2006. Accessed July 21, 2011. http://www.slate.com/id/2135561/. Guzzo, Pier Giovanni. ‘Ricerche Intorno a Sibari: da Cavallari a Zanotti Bianco’. In Magna Graecia: Archeologia di un Apere, edited by Salvattore Settis, and Maria Cecilia Parra, 133–139. Milano: Electa, 2005. Klatt, Mary Beth. Chicago’s Fashion History: 1865-1945. Charleston, South Carolina, Chicago, Illinois, Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and San Francisco, California: Arcadia Publishing, 2010. Leach, William. ‘Transformation in a Culture of Consumption: Women and Department Stores, 1890-1925’. The Journal of American History 71, No. 2 (September 1984): 319–342. The Metropolitan Museum http://www.metmuseum.org.

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Accessed

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Palache, John Garber. Marie-Antoinette the Player Queen. New York: Longmans Green & Co, 1929. Quinn, Bradley. The Fashion of Architecture. Oxford and New York: Berg, 2003. Rice, Paul F. ‘The Fontainebleau Operas of Jean-Phillipe Rameau’. The Journal of Musicology 6, No. 2 (Spring 1988): 227–244. Schreiber, Hermann, and Georg Schreiber. Vanished Cities. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962. Sombart, Werner. Luxury and Capitalism. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1967. Steele, Valerie. Paris Fashion: A Cultural History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988. Leach, William. ‘Transformation in a Culture of Consumption: Women and Department Stores, 1890-1925’. The Journal of American History 71, No. 2 (September 1984): 319–342.

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__________________________________________________________________ Annette Condello, PhD (UWA), is a Lecturer in Architecture at the School of the Built Environment at Curtin University, Australia. Research interests include modern and contemporary luxury, gastronomy, fashion, glamour and sloth, and their effects upon architecture.

The Colombia’s Sub-Culture of Mexico Amanda Watkins Abstract Monterrey in Mexico is a wealthy industrial city and home to global corporations within a 2 hour drive from the USA border. Poverty is still evident and fashion does not play a huge part in many people’s lives other than the young. I became interested in a group of boys with a unique Mexican sub-culture style who were using cultural elements from their heritage calling themselves ‘Colombias.’ This name pays homage to the influence of Colombian Vallenato music brought here by travellers in the 1970s that has since evolved with a local sound. They appeared to be patriotic with clothes made by their friends and family in brightly coloured fabrics bearing religious images of Virgin of Guadalupe and Saint Jude Tadeo. Traditional elements in their clothing are adopted and worn with crucifixes and religious escapularios, hand-knotted or woven with nicknames and personal details deemed essential to their identity. Hairstyles are extreme with the front styled into two huge sideburns grown past the chin with the back of the head shaved into a crew cut marking the clear difference to surrounding society. They present themselves immaculately and invest heavily despite coming from the underprivileged part of society. The influence of the USA is evident with oversized clothes and labels being worn together with the Mexican elements. The complexity of Monterrey’s class structure and the huge imbalance of financial resources and different socioeconomic backgrounds are evident with people rarely if ever sharing the same public space or socially interacting. These issues have contributed to the controversy and their negative representation in the press and in the minds of the general public. The association with the infamous drug traffickers puts the boys who are often merely showing an interest in a local youth culture and style in a negative and vulnerable position. Key Words: Cholombianos, Monterrey, Mexico, Cumbia, Vallenato, sub-culture. ***** Monterrey in the north of Mexico is an industrial city two hours south of the border of the United States and home for many of Mexico’s wealthiest people. Independencia is a small and impoverished neighbourhood overlooking the centre of the city and the home of the subculture known locally as the Colombias. They are named after the Colombian travellers who settled in Monterrey the 1970’s bringing their Latino Cumbia Vallenato music, which over time local musicians have adapted it to make it more up beat. Cumbia appeals almost exclusively to the working and lower class with the upper class rejecting it in favour of modern American or English artists music. This among other elements caused suspicion

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__________________________________________________________________ and mistrust due to the contrast of the city’s inhabitants as conservative wealth contrasts with poverty and the huge difference in lifestyles has lead to a lack of understanding. The Colombias are considered as outsiders of society: a rebellious group of delinquents, jobless, aggressive and possibly involved in the drug war. Stereotyping of new subcultures that demand attention through their appearance is frequent in western societies. Many of the Colombias are at school and receive money from their parents or work in factories, on building sites or various menial work. I became interested in the subculture in 2007 when I first visited Mexico and having studied menswear fashion design I was intrigued by their original style and the way that they were incorporating cultural elements. I saw them one Sunday afternoon together dancing as a group of friends played traditional instruments beside the river and the combination of their clothing bearing pictures of Virgin of Guadalupe and the ambience from the Latino music gave me the impression they were patriotic, proud to be Mexican and having fun. My focus was on the style of the males in particular as they were far more expressive and experimental, adopting street style but giving it a folkloric twist incorporating craft inspired hand-woven escapularios. They used images of religious icons specific to Mexico and they combined this with personalised clothing through the use of embroidery or airbrushing with their names or neighbourhoods. Their highly distinctive hairstyle was the biggest marker of difference. The entire head of hair at the front is swept into huge thick sideburns reaching down past their chins and slicked into place with gel. The back is shaved into a crew cut leaving a tuft of hair at the nape almost mullet like creating an extremely striking look and a way of developing their collective identities. Much of the information about the scene is passed on by word of mouth and I have relied on their personal accounts and my research from spending time with them thus comparing them to marginalised youth in the west. As Craik states ‘blacks in Europe and America have developed distinctive and interrelated system of fashion alongside western modes.’ 1 I am interested in how this sub-culture in Mexico follows this pattern highlighting the importance of fashion to aspirational teenagers regardless of their economic status. Craik uses the example of the Zoot suit, which was seen as a way of rebelling through clothing in the 1940’s and this was also a strong statement for Mexicans.

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Image 1: Custom made tracksuit in Virgin de Guadalupe fabric and personalised embroidered cap and bandana worn as a scarf. Photo: Amanda Watkins. 1. Fashion in Monterrey and the Colombias The majority of the population wears cheap mass produced or second-hand

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__________________________________________________________________ clothing from the United States bought inexpensively from street markets. Fashion is slower than it is in western countries and is affected by economic constraints, the tropical climate and lack of innovation. In contrast the more affluent consume fashion on a regular basis. They buy designer clothing and highstreet brands on frequent shopping trips to the United States or in air-conditioned shopping malls in the wealthier parts of Monterrey. Mexican indigenous tribes such as the Huicoles who wear brightly coloured handmade clothing in traditional styles that have remained the same for generations are rarely present in the city as they visit to sell handcrafted items at the weekend before retreating to their villages in the mountains. The influence of the United States, Monterrey’s close neighbour is evident in the oversized ‘gangster style’ silhouette that the Colombias have adopted through brands such as Dickie’s workwear, commonly used by African American sub-cultures. This seems significant because icons such as Public Enemy, Run DMC, 2Pac, Jay-Z and Snoop Dogg created social mobility and economic success through music and fashion in the 1990’s. We see very clearly today in cities all over the world ‘an index of greater confidence and acceptance of black fashion and tolerance towards black culture, has been reflected in a greater emphasis on casual, sportswear and leisure clothes in fashion.’ 2 The Colombias combine this silhouette with influences from surrounding peers, many returning migrants bringing fresh ideas back from the north of the border. They customise some clothing, paisley print bandanas, shirts, caps and T-shirts are transformed from the generic into unique items through embroidery and airbrushing creating a higher personal and social value. Notably no specific magazines direct their sartorial decisions and other than the American youth silhouette their ideas are influenced by each other literally from the street. Commodification has occurred minimally through the selling of garments copied from their own ideas and produced in small numbers by canny locals with an eye for business and sold in local street markets. The use of the image of the Virgin of Guadalupe and other patriotic religious iconography in simple styles is the strongest example of this spreading influence starting from the street. Many of these markets downtown no longer exist due to the Government allowing military operations to destroy them in the fight against drugs and black market activities. The markets were very popular and due to the low salaries of the average consumer mass-produced fake versions of designer brands thrived there. Ralph Lauren polo shirts with London or Paris embroidered across the front are particularly popular. The popularity of these T-shirts among teenagers, which have been worn by drug traffickers when arrested, has been reported to indicate the huge influence of ‘Narco Fashion’ and the misguided perceptions of teenagers from impoverished backgrounds seeing drugs as a route to financial success. 3 The majority of boys when questioned about this explained that the kudos of Ralph Lauren was more relevant due to it being an expensive designer fashion brand otherwise inaccessible due to the high price, therefore it is considered upper class

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__________________________________________________________________ fashion. ‘Clearly, different classes have different positions in society: they have differing amounts of power and they are of higher or lower status.’ 4 Much of the paranoia is rooted in the division that has existed for many generations in Mexico but seems more apparent in Monterrey due to the lack of shared public spaces and a defined social distance. The unwillingness of elites to accept Amerindians, in particular as fellow citizens both undermined attempts at forging inclusive democracies and impeded the creation of “national” culture. Far from embracing contemporary indigenous cultures as evidence of deep folk heritage, elites in Spanish America often hoped to eradicate what they saw as backward, obsolete practices whose continued vitality threatened the very existence of the nation. Peasant culture, the source of “national” culture in many parts of Europe, was thus viewed with distrust by nationalizing elites in Spanish America insofar as it was associated with the indigenous population. 5 The mixing of elite fashion labels such as Ralph Lauren with Mexican religious icons and indigenous style woven fabrics is a recent phenomenon. It is the retention of national and indigenous identity that conveys a strong patriotic message. This is not unique to the Colombias as Barnard states that ‘young, ghettobased black youth used fashion and music to challenge white, middle-class ideologies.’ 6 This becomes evident in the ritualistic dressing up to go to dance events, as exciting and as important as the event itself, ‘The individual can derive aesthetic pleasure from both the act of creating personal display and from the contemplation of his own display and that of others.’ 7 The Colombias use their clothing to communicate within their clique. The meaning of what they wear is different depending on your understanding. ‘Successful communication to some people is thus likely to be achieved at the expense of either lack of communication with others, or of sending the message which was not intended.’ 8 An impression of newness informs your economic status and demonstrates the ability to participate in conspicuous consumption, possibly fuelling paranoia from surrounding society, as many are assumed to be jobless delinquents. The privilege of displaying their ability to spend surplus income on their clothing was of great importance and was increasingly significant in a struggling economy. Worn and faded clothing has a different meaning in Mexico in stark contrast to trends in Western capitalist societies of clothing that is often preferential and bought specifically with a prewashed and aged ‘vintage’ appearance.

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__________________________________________________________________ 2. Virgin de Guadalupe and Elements of Their Heritage in the Clothing There was conformity in their style but it became apparent from the subtle variety of fabrics and styles that some of their clothing was made individually with personal design specifications. The image of the Virgin de Guadalupe used on the fabric for the shirts and loose trouser combination is paramount. Mexico’s national icon adorns their enormous tropical tracksuits and simple V-neck tabard style shirts. The same style of the shirt is commonly used by hospital workers and made to order by local tailors, friends or relatives for a reasonable price and this was an easy style to adopt, looking completely different when made in bright fabrics. The inexpensive fabric widely available in local haberdasheries looks slightly kitsch and flamboyant when made into tracksuits. It was not initially intended for clothing but as an affordable picture square to be mounted on the wall in the home, made apparent by the visible black dotted lines marking each picture clearly in sections. The Virgin de Guadalupe’s image is evident everywhere in Mexico and holds a powerful meaning as a spiritual guardian symbolising the fight for independence and equality more meaningful since Zapata’s rebel army attacked Guanajuato in 1910 whilst brandishing her image. The wearing of their icon although possibly not consciously patriotic shows respect for their heritage by paying homage to entrenched meanings and beliefs, which are still relevant today. ‘Ideology may be defined as a set of beliefs, values and ideas about the world and the things in it which is characteristic to the particular group.’ 9 They are viewed as aggressive and challenging by society despite adopting imagery connected to their religious and historical national icons. In a similar way punk and hip-hop used their challenging appearance to bring attention to an imbalance of power in Britain and America. These styles were eventually commodified and became part of the consumerist highstreet. Due to the more complicated social issues in Mexico the same is unlikely to happen for the Colombia’s subculture. A persistent snobbery exists perpetrated by the sustained distance between the classes, which has even given rise to the popular phrase ‘Fresa’ meaning snobs. This is demonstrated through the differences in fashion, music, dancing and the overt use of popular icons. The image of San Judas Tadeo depicted in a white robe with a bright green sash is the patron saint of difficult and desperate causes, Santa Muerte, a deathly cloaked skeleton with a scythe in one hand and a world globe in the other is associated with the criminal underworld, although not as popular in the north of the country as it is in Mexico City still seen. These icons are commonly adopted by the lower classes, struggling economically in acknowledgment of what they represent and this resonates particularly with the younger generation. Colourful woven effect textiles bearing Aztec inspired designs and reminiscent of the weaving tradition of the past have been adopted for their shirts rather than for their more common use within the home. Traditional woven textiles are still made in the south on handlooms and are worn by the indigenous population in very basic styles, not cut and sewn as with the Colombias shirts. The fabric used for the

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__________________________________________________________________ shirts is a cheaper copy of these textiles and mass-produced with synthetic fibres. The traditional and humble nature of this textile, worn by indigenous communities in the south makes a patriotic statement when worn as a leisure garment in a modern context by a teenager living so close to the border. By wearing these traditional textiles in the richer and more Industrious north of the country, where it is very Americanised they are perhaps illustrating their respect or deeper subconscious connection to their indigenous roots. The Guayabera shirt also originated in the south of Mexico and although still worn by many of the men in Monterrey it is not as popular with the younger generation who dislike the loose fit. This is exactly the aspect of the Guayabera’s design that makes it more appealing to the Colombia’s, allowing them to wear a familiar and widely available garment in the desired oversized fit. Synonymous with the image of the Mexican man and otherwise known as the Mexican wedding shirt, the mix of Spanish and Cuban design was adopted by craftsmen in the south over 200 years ago. The revival for wearing these finely detailed shirts with pleats and embroidery crisply laundered gave them a brief renewed hi-style status among the Colombias in a city where many reject these elements of their heritage in favour of cheap, mass produced polo-shirts, T-shirts and jeans. 3. Handmade Escapularios and Identities The most prominent item of identification is their custom-made religious inspired accessory the Escapulario. They are worn like a folkloric version of the Hip Hop medallion with pride and importance to every dance event. The most popular method used is self-taught weaving and knotting skills for an ingenious statement of identity bearing nicknames, girlfriends, neighbourhood or group names, including words they have invented to describe themselves and their friends. Embroidery and airbrushing is used to personalise them as an alternative option should they not have the personal artistic skills to create their own. Plastic Escapularios are created and made to order using letters made from finely cut metal and arranged with pictures. Many people in Mexico wear these small handcrafted neckpieces featuring important characters in their history, but the Colombias have taken the concept to a higher level wearing them in huge sizes with much more attention to design. In a recent discussion for Thinking Allowed on BBC Radio 4 Richard Sennett discussed the importance and the positive effect of making things and how this connects people in communities, promoting selfsatisfaction and happiness as opposed to simply buying mass-produced items. 10

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Image 2: Mass produced woven style fabric with Aztec symbols. Photo: Amanda Watkins. The people who are part of this subculture in Monterrey make use of what little resources they have to create their talisman-like adornments using personal craft based skills and these symbolically tie their community together. ‘Agreement on

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__________________________________________________________________ bodily adornment reinforces common consciousness and is a common course of action in a closely-knit group.’ 11 They are impossible to buy in shops or markets but available through word of mouth if you do not possess the skills to make your own. This demonstrates their desire to connect to each other and without any of the usual prejudices associated with overt decoration commonly associated with feminine qualities in the US and Europe, ‘conversely, expressive (individualistic or idiosyncratic) male fashion has been confined to particular groups and subcultures.’ 12 In Europe men disassociated themselves throughout the industrialisation period with what was seen as decorative and ‘women were allocated the role of decorating to complement men through their clothes and demeanour.’ 13 However in the Americas ‘decoration has frequently been a major feature of masculinity.’ 14 With Monterrey bordering Texas the mode of dressing is typically conservative and follows the style there, often the stereotypical ‘cowboy.’ The idea of wearing your identity around your neck could also be a more convenient alternative to the common practice of taking graffiti card signs to dance venues to assure personal dedications are given by the musicians. These are made on recycled cardboard in huge sizes to grab the attention of the band. It is also common to simply type out your message on your mobile phone. 4. Conclusion The Colombias appear to have created through their subculture a statement about the importance of their heritage, regardless of whether their image has intentionally developed a negative message to surrounding society they are also promoting many positive messages when observed closely. They strive for a better lifestyle and have a desire to present this through their attire. Their style nods to their ancestors and the beliefs of previous generations through the adoption of their national religious icons and traditional Guayabera shirts and fabrics bearing Aztec symbols. The Drug War has irritated an already distant relationship between the classes in Monterrey and this has helped perpetuate the negative image towards the Colombias ignoring the fact that many are teenagers from lower economic families and part of an exciting subculture innocently expressing their love of fashion and music. Their style is worn without any direct negative political agenda but still alarms the dominant conservative culture. Their sartorial display of confidence could be perceived as rebellious through their portrayal in the media, with a willingness to challenge society offering remote opportunities of rising economically. They signify a small but fascinating and highly visible sub-cultural group and signify in many ways the changes and developments in Mexico economically. Because of the dangerous current climate in Mexico many of the visual elements of this subculture, intended to create a personal expression of style and identity in the creation of their collective identities, have diminished over time for fear of persecution by the police and surrounding society.

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Image 3: Colombia wearing a Handwoven Escapulario. Photo: Amanda Watkins.

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Notes 1

Jennifer Craik The Face of Fashion (London: Routledge, 1993), 39. Craik, The Face of Fashion, 40. 3 MSN News, ‘Mexico’s Hottest Fashion Craze’, accessed October 6, 2011, http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/43357779/ns/world_news-americas/t/mexicoshottest-fashion-craze-narco-polo-jerseys/. 4 Malcolm Barnard, Fashion as Communication (Abingdon: Routledge, 2002), 6. 5 Rebecca Earle, The Politics of Dress in Asia and the Americas. National Dress in Spanish America (Great Britain: Sussex Academic, 2007), 65. 6 Malcolm Barnard, Fashion as Communication (Abingdon: Routledge, 2002), 45. 7 Mary Ellen Roach and Joanne Buboiz Eicher, ‘The Language of Personal Adornment’, in Fashion Theory, A Reader, ed. Malcolm Barnard (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), 109. 8 Colin Campbell, ‘When the Meaning Is Not a Message’, in Fashion Theory. A Reader (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007) 162. 9 Malcolm Barnard, Fashion as Communication (Abingdon: Routledge, 2002), 41. 10 Richard Sennett and David Gauntlett, ‘Craft Community’, Radio 4 Podcasts, Thinking Allowed, accessed May 2, 2011, http://downloads.bbc.co.uk/podcasts/radio4/ta/ta_20110427-1635a.mp3. 11 Mary Ellen Roach and Joanne Buboiz Eicher, ‘The Language of Personal Adornment’, 118. 12 Craik, The Face of Fashion, 179. 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 2

Bibliography Craik, Jennifer. The Face of Fashion, Cultural Studies in Fashion. London: Routledge, 2003. Roach, Mary Ellen, and Joanne Bulbolz Eicher. ‘The Language of Personal Adornment’. In Fashion Theory: A Reader, edited by Malcolm Barnard, 109–121. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007. Campbell, Colin. ‘When the Meaning is Not a Message: A Critique of the Consumption as Communication Thesis’. In Fashion Theory: A Reader, edited by Malcolm Barnard, 159–169. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007.

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__________________________________________________________________ Earle, Rebecca. ‘National Dress in Spanish America. Nationalism and National Dress in Spanish America’. In The Politics of Dress in Asia and the Americas, edited by Mina Roces, and Louise Edwards, 163–181. Eastbourne: Sussex Academic, 2009. Barnard, Malcolm. Fashion as Communication: Communication and Culture. Abingdon: Routledge, 2002.

Fashion,

Clothing,

Edwards, Tim. Fashion in Focus: Concepts, Practices and Politics. Abingdon: Routledge, 2011. Amanda Watkins is a lecturer of Fashion Design at the Universidad de Monterrey in Mexico. She studied Menswear Fashion Design at The Royal College of Art in London and in this time developed her interest in street style, she is currently working on a book about the Colombias.

Emplaced/Displaced Dress: Diasporan Dress amongst South Asian Immigrants in West Virginia Mario J. Roman and Charlotte Jirousek Abstract Eicher, Evenson and Lutz’s definition of dress from The Visible Self includes the five senses as an integral part of the clothed experience. The incorporation of hearing, seeing, smelling, tasting, and touching into our delineation of dress recognises that the physical, social, cultural, and aesthetic aspects of clothes are not understood truly without apprehending the sensory experience. Dress and the senses have been confined mostly to reporting of the sensory features of apparel; however, viewing fashion through the senses is another mode of access into cultural, psychological, and social explorations. Researchers that move beyond embodiment and incorporate the sensed environment are exploring ‘emplacement.’ Emplacement as defined by David Howes in The Empire of the Senses is ‘The sensuous interrelationship of body-mind-environment. This environment is both physical and social, as is well illustrated by the bundle of sensory and social values contained in the feeling of “home.”’ In many apparel studies of the South Asian diaspora, sensory narratives are not utilised as an element in the discussion of dress, fashion, migration, and identity. During my interviews with Indian and Pakistani immigrants about their dress choices, these conversations revealed that these women’s mental and emotional responses to their apparel were informed by unfamiliar sensory-dress experiences in their newly adopted environments. While clothes can reinforce one’s sense of place, some participants revealed that dress choices can elicit emplacement’s opposite, ‘displacement,’ or feeling disconnected from one’s physical and social environment. Based on my research with South Asian immigrants, this chapter will explore emplacement and displacement from sensory-dress narratives. Through conversations about dressing back home and in the diasporic world, these collected stories reveal that through a confluence of mind, body, and sensed environments these women fluctuated between inclusive and exclusive social spheres with the dressed personae they created. Key Words: Dress, emplacement, displacement, South Asian diaspora, immigration, sensory theory. ***** 1. Introduction South Asian dress is a truly sensory-oriented experience for the wearer, which scholars such as Littrell and Ogle and Shukla have discussed. 1 2 Each day, vivid saris, 3 embroidered kurtas, 4 aromatic oils and jangling bangles dress Indian women in a full sensory experience. What these researchers accomplish through an

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__________________________________________________________________ embodied interpretation is uncovering the affective response that dress creates when viewed through the senses. Without fully considering environment in sensory analysis, however, these investigations lack context. From the fall of 2008 through the spring of 2009, I conducted interviews with ten Indian and Pakistani immigrants who currently live in the U.S. state of West Virginia. 5 The project arose out of a noticeable omission in scholarly research on South Asian women living in non-metropolitan locations and their daily dress choices after immigration. 6 Throughout each interview, their stories were rich with sensory descriptions of their past and present environments and their clothing choices. The following chapter will present a portion of my thesis research focusing on ‘sensory narratives’ and how they contribute to the understanding of the language of immigrants’ dress choices in the rural United States. 2. Emplacement and Displacement Encounter Dress The Empire of the Senses edited by David Howes features some researchers who move beyond the idea of embodiment, or the integration of mind-body, to that of mind-body-environment, termed emplacement. When considering the sensory experience, embodiment is limited because it only views the senses as an internal experience. The incorporation of environment, or exterior view, creates a simultaneous interior-exterior relationship, or a ‘multi-directional interaction.’ Emplacement is defined as ‘The sensuous interrelationship of body-mindenvironment. This environment is both physical and social, as is well illustrated by the bundle of sensory and social values contained in the feeling of “home.”’ 7 Our senses often elicit negative feelings; therefore, emplacement’s opposite is displacement, or feeling disconnected from one’s environment. 8 Howes’ ideas are applicable to the discussion of dress and migration because I believe that the immigrant’s dress experience is an emplaced experience that I define in the following ways. Emplaced dress views the sensory interactions of clothing within the physical and social interrelationship of body-mind-environment to render a feeling of self-satisfaction. A displaced dress experience occurs when one’s dress choices create a feeling of disconnection with one’s physical and social environment. The collision of body, dress, senses, and space require the person to make dress choices in order to adapt to the new setting; a re-inscription of one’s human ecology. Researchers Littrell and Ogle propose in their sensory study of Indian women who immigrated to the U.S., that immersion in a new world develops a new language of dress, which they define as ‘transnational.’ Dress expectations must be maintained between Indian and American cultures. 9 These scholars close by saying that these women’s expanded ideas of dress result from a multi-sensory experience, which supported the development of a transnational sense of self. 10 While I agree with Littrell and Ogle that a new language of dress develops from the diasporic experience, I question whether terming it ‘transnational’ may be an attempt to align

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__________________________________________________________________ it with a popular body of literature. Transnationalism focuses on the flows of ideas, people and economies between nation-states. While the individuals of their study have migrated with their dress, their daily dress choices exist in particular spatialtemporal situations, not across national borders. Rather than imposing an expansive geographical notion within the small spaces of closets, Littrell and Ogle could view the dress choices in context. The emplacement analyses below focus on the participants’ sartorial struggle with displacement. The individuals of this study each expressed varying periods of dress adjustment fraught with body image, modesty and situational issues. While they each encountered displacement, their solutions are highly personalised systems of dress. The following section will contrast the experiences of two direct migrants and the fourth section will look at two multiple migrants. Direct migrants and multiple migrants were chosen to question whether an immigrant with multiple relocation experiences adapts their dress more quickly in a new environment than an immigrant who has moved only once. 11 I will conclude by returning to Littrell and Ogle’s idea of a new language of dress as a result of sensory analysis. 3. Case Study: Dress Choices of Direct Destination Migrants Mrs. Lahiri and Mrs. Khan are two women whose migration experiences were oddly similar. 12 As direct destination migrants, both women moved directly to a U.S. metropolitan city from villages in South Asia: Lahiri moved to Miami in 1974, Khan relocated to Brooklyn in 1975. Then, both women moved directly to West Virginia. While their wardrobes are culturally different as Lahiri is South Indian and Khan is Pakistani; both of these women’s sense of self and modesty are rooted in their rigidly defined clothing pasts. After moving to West Virginia, their individual adaptations to Western dress unfolded differently. 13 Mrs. Lahiri continued to wear her saris while living in Miami and in West Virginia, which was a much cooler climate. Her transition to Western dress would take eleven to fifteen years after she started to work in the mid-1990s. Today, her saris are almost exclusively worn at community functions and at temple. When asked if she moved more freely in Western clothes, Lahiri responded with the following, There is a sense of freedom. …wearing long skirts was easier than wearing pants. That’s makes sense of course, the modesty part of it is drilled into you. … Indian women, we grow up being told that people are watching, how to be careful and modest... But anyways, …that was also gradual to be able to able to feel comfortable wearing something pants, pant suits rather than skirts and dresses.

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__________________________________________________________________ Leg coverage is a recurring theme for these women due to cultural modesty norms, which require covering the legs from navel to ankle. Lahiri did not begin to wear pants until she was in her twenties, and the experience of breeching must have been uncomfortable. Wearing skirts or skirt forms until this time, Lahiri did not have to worry a lot about her legs. In pants, her legs are physically covered but became exposed mentally. Couple this with her assumed sensory experience of being watched, Lahiri not only becomes physically aware of her legs but selfconscious because of them. Lahiri herself said that she believed that she began to wear Western clothes because she lost a lot of weight and wanted to try something different. It took more than a decade before Western dress became an everyday occurrence. Her particular experience with pants highlights the root of Lahiri’s displaced experience, dress adaptation and its slow progression. Western dress and the choices available did not fit into her definition of modesty particularly, it would seem, before she lost weight; therefore, there was a long period of trial and re-trial before feeling comfortable in Western dress. It is hard to relay the tone in writing of what Mrs. Khan conveyed to me about moving from the Swat Valley of Pakistan to Brooklyn. There was a jumbled sense of unknowing during this part of the interview. As Khan told me, immigrating to Brooklyn was not easy. Most of the other Pakistanis she knew spoke Urdu and were from cities. Khan spoke Pashto and was from a village, so there was even a sense of isolation within her community. As far as dress was concerned, when she and her husband arrived in Brooklyn he told her that she did not have to cover her head, When I came, I was use to wearing chaddar 14 . And my husband say, “Just put it around here (motioning to her shoulders and beneath her neck). Don’t wear it.” It was very very difficult for me to just walk without covering my head. … There was no way I could walk without it. It was a security for me. So I would put it around here (shoulders) to at least cover my front. For Khan, however, covering the head was a cultural imperative. Despite her unfamiliarity with Western dress, I found it surprising that Khan’s adaptation to it was quicker than some of the other participants, like Lahiri. For Khan, it was the change in climate, which forced her to buy a coat, hat and gloves two or three months after her arrival in Brooklyn. My husband took me to buy a coat, big coat for winter. I said, “Men wear coat. Woman doesn’t wear coat. I’m not, there is no way I’m going to wear coat!” … I bought a thick sweater. Later,

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__________________________________________________________________ we took our son for a walk and I got so cold. I told him, “We need to go and buy coat.” Within the next year, Khan began to wear pants and blouses because she felt that she was sticking out in her salwar kameez. 15 Khan never transitioned completely to Western dress on an everyday basis as Lahiri did. Though she wears ‘hijab, 16 pant and shirt’ Khan still seems to feel more comfortable in salwar kameez, which she always wears at home. Though initially encouraged by her husband not to cover her head, Khan eventually readopted a head covering. She has migrated from the traditional South Asian chaddar to hijab, in the form of a headscarf, which relates to a broader Muslim identity. For Lahiri and Khan, moving first to urban locations provided a smoother transition since both cities possessed South Asian communities. Khan’s displacement was immediately registered in Brooklyn through climate and unveiling. Lahiri’s displacement was not registered until she moved to West Virginia. After losing substantial weight and becoming employed are the factors through which Lahiri finally experienced displacement. Through both narratives, the common factor each woman struggled with the most was modesty. While Lahiri switched over to Western dress as her preferred choice, Khan continues to wear clothing from both wardrobes. For these subjects, the experience of displacement through dress required them to redefine themselves in their environments. 4. Case Study: Dress Choices of Multiple Destination Migrants Prof. Kapoor and Dr. Kilari are two multiple destination migrants with the most diverse international experiences of the subjects. 17 As the following analysis will show, for Kapoor and Kilari, their adoption of Western dress was quick. Both women knew how to present themselves physically and socially so that they were able to establish a sense of home in a new world. Their feelings of displacement; however, remain as part of their diasporic experience. Prof. Kapoor left India in 1964 for Trinidad/Tobago. Then, she moved to Malaysia and onto Africa before landing in Minnesota in 1988. She described her dress experience in India, Trinidad/Tobago, Malaysia and Africa as the same; she wore saris in public and salwar kameez at home. As she explained there were never problems in these other countries with Indians maintaining their familiar dress. She described the Indian communities as larger and closely connected in these countries. Her immigration to Minnesota; however, caused a dramatic shift in her daily dress choices. In the most telling statement during her interview Kapoor said, ‘I did not want to be a foreigner. The word ‘foreigner’ was said with a ring of negativity. Saris were reserved for community and religious gatherings. Salwar kameez

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__________________________________________________________________ continued to remain in the privacy of her home. Western dress took over her public presentation of self. When I inquired whether the adoption of Western dress was motivated by the Northern climate, Kapoor partially dismissed this idea, saying that it was only a small part. For Kapoor, her decision was motivated by an affective desire. Kapoor explained that she did not want to stand out. She followed this expression with her primary desire, ‘I wanted to be part of America.’ These two key statements bring together the negative and positive side of the same aspiration, or not to be something and to be something else. It would appear that when Kapoor first went to Minnesota she dealt with only a small period of displacement. Kapoor, by contrast, experienced a disconnection with her new American physical and social environment. As Proshanta Nandi’s study of nonmetropolitan Indians showed, Indians in less urban locations are not surrounded by the community that they are use to in their former urban environments. 18 Kapoor never experienced an American metropolis; however, she experienced that insulation of a close-knit Indian community in the other countries. One way to respond to this sense of displacement was to change her appearance so that she simultaneously communicated who she was and was not. Dr. Kilari mentioned how she was exposed to different cultures at a young age; therefore, when she first moved to Ireland in 1975, it was not a shock to see how people dressed. Then, she relocated to England followed by Jersey Island before landing in Chicago. Kilari differs from Kapoor in that she began to wear Western dress in Ireland. Kilari repeated throughout the interview that changing to Western dress was not difficult for her nor was it difficult for her friends that were also working women. As working women, she explained, they chose to adapt to their environments. Kilari, however, repeatedly came back to the subject of modesty, which was and continues to be an issue. As she said, I feel a little bit uncomfortable if I have to wear, forget about short skirt, even mid-length skirt. I prefer to ankles. … It is how we are brought up. … So, coming to clothes issue I don’t think it’s a big thing either for my generation or for them [their children] to adapt. Except that we may have certain inhibitions. Kilari discussed how behaviour is an integral part of modesty, 19 You can’t just flaunt yourselves and not attract attention, you know. So, when you want certain things, you want respect and things like that you also have to behave in certain way too. … So, I feel how we dress and how we behave can have consequences too, you know.

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__________________________________________________________________ Her wish to maintain modesty is not solely rooted in an embodied perspective but also in an emplaced one, as Kilari is considering environment and social perception of herself. What she maintains is a nostalgic modesty, one that is fading in her natal country of India. Kapoor and Kilari expressed only brief periods of displacement. Prior exposure to different cultures increased their awareness of what was required to assimilate. Both women decided to change to Western dress for their public personas. For Kilari, she made the necessary dress choices to move forward, however, her sense of modesty still prevents her from putting all feelings of dissociation behind. Kilari, therefore, will always wear Western dress with South Asian modesty. While Prof. Kapoor focused less on modesty, her remnant feelings of displacement creates an underlying need to show who she is and who she is not on a daily basis; i.e., an American, not a foreigner. 5. Conclusion The common factor linking these four women above and the other six participants when they make dress decisions is modesty they learned from their natal cities and villages. Though a collective South Asian modesty links them together, their redefinition of selves through dress is highly personal and considers context. While Littrell and Ogle chose to define their subjects’ language of dress as transnational, I find this terming too expansive for the women of this study. What these women expressed is that the blending of Western dress and South Asian modesty is a product of dealing with displacement; therefore, as members of a diaspora I would term their dress as diasporan. This usage places their dress in a fluid context where they exist currently, bonded as members of the South Asian diaspora.

Notes 1

The term ‘dress’ has many definitions. In this chapter, I am using the meaning as defined by Eicher, Evenson and Lutz because of the incorporation of the five senses and the implied understanding that dress happens in context, (The Visible Self). As they state, ‘We view dress as a product and process that distinguishes human beings from other animals. As a product, many items are involved in dress that are a result of human creativity and technology. As a process, dressing the body involves actions undertaken to modify and supplement the body in order to address the physical needs and to meet social and cultural expectations about how individuals should look. This process includes all five senses…regardless of the society and culture into which an individual is born.’ Joanne Bubolz Eicher, Sandra Lee Evenson and Hazel A. Lutz, The Visible Self: Global Perspectives on Dress, Culture and Society, 2nd edition (New York: Fairchild Publications, 2000), 4.

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For discussions on the role of sensory appreciation in Indian dress, see Mary A. Littrell and Jennifer Paff Ogle, ‘Women, Migration, and the Experience of Dress’, in Dress Sense: Emotional and Sensory Experiences of the Body and Clothes, ed. Donald Clay Johnson and Helen Bradley Foster (Oxford: Berg, 2007), 121-132; Pravina Shukla, The Grace of Four Moons: Dress, Adornment, and the Art of the Body in Modern India (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008), 43-44, 104108, 245-247, 274-275, 284 and 396-397. 3 A sari is a length of uncut and unseamed cloth that is four to nine yards in length and slightly larger than a yard in width. The sari is wrapped folded, pleated and draped around women’s bodies to form a garment that semi covers or fully covers the body. 4 A kurta is a knee-length men’s tunic. Today the kurta is worn by both men and women, its length and fit varying greatly. 5 Of the ten women interviewed, eight were Indian and two were Pakistani. They ranged in age from 43 to 65 years old. They all immigrated to the U.S. between 1974 and 1992, which classifies these women as migrating to the U.S. after immigration laws were relaxed in 1965 and before the 1990 U.S. Green Card Lottery was instituted. All women currently live in the North-Central region of West Virginia. 6 The only study I came across during my research to consider Indian immigrants to the United States who live in non-urban locations was by Proshanta K. Nandi. See Proshanta K. Nandi, ‘Asian Indians in Non-Metropolitan America: A Study’, in Global Indian Diaspora: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, eds. Jagat K. Motwani, Mahin Gosine and Jyoti Barot-Motwani (New York: Global Organization of People of Indian Origin, 1993), 468-474. 7 David Howes, Introduction to Empire of the Senses: The Sensual Culture Reader by David Howes (Oxford: Berg, 2005), 7. 8 Ibid. 9 Mary A. Littrell and Jennifer Paff Ogle, ‘Women, Migration, and the Experience of Dress’, 128. 10 Ibid., 131. 11 Parminder Bachu, ‘New Cultural Forms and Transnational South Asian Women: Culture, Class, and Consumption among British South Asian Women in the Diaspora’, in Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora, ed. Peter van der Veer (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 223-225. 12 Mrs. Lahiri is 55 and originally from Velleteuru, India which is in the state of Andhra Pradesh. Mrs. Khan is 58 and originally from the Swat Valley of Pakistan which is located in the Northwest Frontier Province. Lahiri is Hindu; Khan ,

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__________________________________________________________________ Muslim. Both women completed high school education in their natal countries and were housewives when they came to this country. 13 Mrs. Lahiri moved to West Virginia in 1978; Mrs. Khan, to West Virginia in 1980. 14 A chaddar is a large cloth, usually cotton, used as a head and upper body covering, veil and/or shawl by Muslim and Hindu women. 15 Salwar kameez is a women’s clothing ensemble consisting of three pieces: a tunic top, drawstring trousers and long scarf. 16 Hijab literally translates to mean ‘to veil’ and refers to spatial divisions for the purpose of modesty as expressed in the Koran. Hijab has garnered a contemporary meaning which refers to headscarves and outer garments. In this study, my subjects used this word to refer to a square piece of fabric used to cover the head, ears and throat. 17 Prof. Kapoor is 68 and originally from Raipur, India which is in the state of Chhattisgarh. Dr. Kilari is originally from Hyderabad, India, which is in the state of Andhra Pradesh. Her age was not given. Kapoor is Sikh; Kilari, Hindu. Prof. Kapoor completed her PhD in Mathematics at India Institute of Technology in New Delhi. Kilari completed her M.D. in Andhra Pradesh. Kapoor moved to West Virginia in 2003; Kilari, to West Virginia in 1988/89. 18 Nandi, Global Indian Diaspora: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, 468-474. 19 For discussions on modesty during British colonial rule of India, see Himani Bannerji, ‘Attired in Virtue: The Discourse on Shame (Lajja) and Clothing in Colonial India’, in From the Seams of History, ed. Bharati Ray (Oxford University Press, 1996), 67-106; Emma Tarlo, Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 129-201.

Bibliography Bhachu, Parminder. ‘New Cultural Forms and Transnational South Asian Women: Culture, Class, and Consumption among British South Asian Women in the Diaspora’. In Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora, edited by Peter van der Veer, 222–244. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995. Bannerji, Himani. ‘Attired in Virtue: The Discourse on Shame (Lajja) and Clothing in Colonial India’. In From the Seams of History, edited by Bharati Ray. Oxford University Press, 1996.

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__________________________________________________________________ Eicher, Joanne Bubolz, Sandra Lee Evenson, and Hazel A. Lutz. The Visible Self: Global Perspectives on Dress, Culture and Society. 2nd Edition. New York: Fairchild Publications, 2000. Howes, David. ‘Introduction: Empires of the Senses’. In Empires of the Senses: The Sensual Culture Reader, edited by David Howes, 1–17. Oxford: Berg, 2005. Littrell, Mary A., and Jennifer Paff Ogle. ‘Women, Migration, and the Experience of Dress’. In Dress Sense: Emotional and Sensory Experiences of the Body and Clothes, edited by Donald Clay Johnson, and Helen Bradley Foster, 121–132. Oxford: Berg, 2007. Nandi, Proshanta K. ‘Asian Indians in Non-Metropolitan America: A Study’. In Global Indian Diaspora: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, edited by Jagat K. Motwani, Mahin Gosine, and Jyoti Barot-Motwani, 468–474. New York: Global Organization of People of Indian Origin, 1993. Roman, Mario J. ‘Attired at Home, Disguised in the World: Dress Choices of South Asian Women in North-Central West Virginia’. M.A. thesis, Cornell University, 2010. Shukla, Pravina. The Grace of Four Moons: Dress, Adornment, and the Art of the Body in Modern India. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008. Tarlo, Emma. Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. Mario J. Roman received his Masters of Arts from Cornell University’s Department of Fiber Science & Apparel Design in 2010. He began his PhD at London College of Fashion where he researches the circulation of editorial photoshoots between international editions of fashion magazines. Charlotte Jirousek, PhD, is an associate professor at Cornell University in the Department of Fiber Science and Apparel Design. She teaches courses in design foundations, social responsibility in the global textiles and apparel industry and cultural/historical aspects of textile and apparel design. Her research centers around the history of dress and textile technologies. She is particularly interested in the relationship of Islamic dress and textiles to European dress, and the history of Ottoman textiles industry and trade, particularly as evidenced by surviving vestiges of traditional textile production technologies and systems.

À la Mode? Fashion Design Protection in Canada B. Courtney Doagoo Abstract This brief note will give an overview of the legal framework for fashion design in Canada. Articles of fashion design are considered to be ‘useful articles’ and are therefore subject to specific provisions, which limits their protection under Canada’s Copyright Act. This leaves designers to seek protection under the Industrial Design Act, which may prove to be an unworkable option for many small and medium sized design firms. In the United States, law for fashion design protection has been gaining ground and as a result there is a spillover of interest in Canada. Since writing this chapter, the Canadian Copyright Act has been amended, 1 the Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act IDPPPA was laid to rest, and a new Bill for fashion protection was introduced in the United States called the Innovative Design Protection Act (IDPA). 2 Key Words: Fashion design, copyright, industrial design. ***** 1. Introduction Fashion 3 has been defined as a medium of self-expression, symbolic and communication systems. 4 It is also an extremely innovative and profitable industry. 5 Fashion designers invest considerable resources into the research and development phase of design, conducting market research in various areas such as ‘fabric trends, colours, styles, price points, retail requirements, competitive forces, and other sources of innovation,’ 6 which are all vital to their success. Unlike designers, copyists have an advantage because they do not have to invest comparable resources for design development and therefore are able offer lower cost copies in the marketplace. 7 As such, it has been claimed that designers are vulnerable to the harms caused by copying. 8 Further, technological advances, overseas manufacturing and what have been referred to as ‘fast fashion’ 9 copyists have made copying efficient and profitable. 10 An example of this efficiency was demonstrated in the media frenzy surrounding Kate Middleton’s wedding dress, designed by Sarah Burton. 11 It is for these reasons that there has been an interest in enhancing the legal protection for the fashion industry in the United States. Some advocate that the fashion industry thrives economically and creatively because of low intellectual property protection, 12 while supporters of protection believe that the lack of protection is causing both economic and innovative harm mostly to new, small and medium sized firms. 13 Since the Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act 14 (IDPPPA) was proposed in 2010 in the United States, 15 Canada

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__________________________________________________________________ has taken notice. The purpose of this summary is to provide an outline of the Canadian legal framework available for fashion design protection. Fashion design is the overall appearance of the article: 16 ...[t]he expressive elements in most garments are not “bolted on” in the manner of an appliqué, but are instilled into the form of the garment itself - in the “cut” of a sleeve, the shape of a pant leg, and the myriad design variations... 17 Part I will briefly explain the distinction between trends and copies within the industry so as to familiarise the reader with the concept at the heart of the debate over legal protection. Part II will discuss the current legal framework in Canada and Part III will illustrate the underlying issues surrounding it. To conclude, a brief summary of the IDPPPA will be provided. 2. The Difference between Trends and Copies Relevant to the legal analysis below is the distinction between trends and copying. Trends are like creative themes, concepts and ideas that allow individuals (and designers) to participate in a collectivity, while also being able to simultaneously distinguish and curate their own individual style. 18 Examples of trends may include floral, nautical, hipster, bohemian or military looks. Copying on the other hand occurs where the copier has virtually made no effort to differentiate their copied version from the original design. 19 It is like a literal copy. 20 Some commentators believe that copying is detrimental to the innovative helm of the industry and therefore should be the focus of legislation, 21 while others believe that copying actually drives the industry. 22 Some countries offer explicit protection for the fashion industry. For example, France, a prominent exporter of couture, provides explicit fashion design protection in its national copyright laws 23 and also under the European Design Directive. 24 Other countries, such as Canada and the United States rely on several different options for protection. The section below will discuss the current framework for fashion protection in Canada. This will include a brief discussion of the Copyright Act 25 and Industrial Design Act. 26 3. Canada’s Current Framework for Fashion Design Protection In Canada, the framework for fashion design protection is a patchwork of laws, which includes the Copyright Act and the Industrial Design Act. 27 a) Copyright Act In Canada, copyright is a negative right that permits the owner of a copyrightable work to prevent the unauthorised reproduction of his or her protected expression. 28 The purpose of copyright protection is to strike a balance between the

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__________________________________________________________________ creation of works of authorship and the dissemination of these works to the public. 29 The former relies on an economic utilitarian justification - an incentive based theory, granting authors a limited right (limited both in scope and in length), which allows them to benefit from the exploitation of their works by preventing unauthorised use. 30 User rights are also recognized 31 in instances such as fair dealing, a provision that allows for the use of a work under certain circumstances including research, criticism, and news reporting. 32 Copyright protection is highly sought after due to its robust length and scope of protection. In Canada, the length of protection for a copyrighted work generally spans the author’s life plus fifty years, whereas in the United States 33 and the United Kingdom 34 the term is 20 years more. The scope of protection is listed under section 3 of the Act, 35 which includes the right to produce, reproduce, perform or publish the work. These rights granted under the Act are also subject to users’ rights (as mentioned above) that seek to promote balance between the creator of a work and the public interest. 36 Copyright protection is automatic, meaning that there is no formal registration requirement to trigger protection. 37 Once a work is created, there is protection. There are also four eligibility requirements, which are originality and authorship, fixation, expression, and that the work has to correspond to one of the subject matter categories listed in listed in the Act. 38 According to the Supreme Court of Canada, the originality and authorship threshold in Canada is lower than that in the United States (spark of creativity) and higher than in the United Kingdom (sweat of the brow) standards. 39 The level of originality required for a work to receive protection is an exercise of ‘skill and judgment’ not so trivial as to be mechanical so that mere copying would not meet this threshold. 40 Further, originality also requires that the work originate from the author him or herself. 41 An original work of authorship must be fixed in a permanent (tangible) form in order to be protected. 42 Further, the protection applies only to the expression of the work rather than to the underlying idea. 43 Ideas are the building blocks of creative endeavor and should not belong to a single individual. 44 Finally, in order for a work to qualify for copyright protection, the work must correspond to one of the categories of artistic, 45 literary, 46 musical, 47 or dramatic work. 48 b) Industrial Design Act Although the Canadian Intellectual Property Office has classified clothing under the Industrial Design Act, 49 it is not entirely clear whether the current framework is conducive to the fashion industry. The term ‘design’ has been defined to include the ‘features of shape, configuration, pattern or ornament and any combination of those features that, in a finished article, appeal to and are judged solely by the eye.’ 50

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__________________________________________________________________ Therefore, in order to acquire protection, an article has to have an aesthetic appeal. 51 The ornamentation or design has to appeal to or is judged solely by the eye, 52 meaning that hidden embellishments would not meet this requirement. 53 Further, protection does not extend to features ‘dictated solely by a utilitarian function of the article.’ 54 Another eligibility requirement is originality. The threshold for originality is higher than the copyright originality threshold (closer to novelty), and requires that the Registrar compare a design to prior arts in the field. 55 The higher threshold for originality is justified so as not to paralyse the industry. 56 The length and scope of industrial design protection is minimal at best compared to copyright protection. Industrial design protection spans ten years 57 and is activated after a mandatory registration process. 58 c) Useful Articles: Section 64 of the Copyright Act Since the Copyright and Industrial Design Acts are the two leadings sources of law for fashion design protection, it is important to understand their interplay under section 64 of the Copyright Act. Articles of fashion design are considered to be ‘useful articles’ and generally qualify for protection under this provision. 59 Without delving into the history between these two statutes, for the purpose of this short note, it is sufficient to mention that in 1988 an amendment was made to the Copyright Act 60 with the intent to ‘completely sever design protection from copyright protection.’ 61 The amendment, based in section 64 of the Copyright Act states that if a ‘useful article’ is made in a commercial quantity of more that 50 copies, then it is no longer an infringement of copyright if someone reproduced the article either entirely or substantially. 62 The owner of the design might then be motivated to separately register their design under the Industrial Design Act in order to receive protection. 63 Further, section 64(3) 64 of the Act lists a number of exceptions that limit the application of the 50-copy threshold for copyrightable artistic works applied to that article: (a) a graphic or photographic representation that is applied to the face of an article 65 which could include artistic works, photographs, or other visual design; (b) a trade-mark or a representation thereof or a label 66 which would include the G of Gucci, the LV of Louis Vuitton etc.; (c) material that has a woven or knitted pattern or that is suitable for piece goods or surface coverings or for making wearing apparel 67 which can be considered ornamental design on a fabric for clothing; and (e) a representation of a real or fictitious being, event or place that is applied to an article as a feature of shape, configuration, pattern or ornament 68 mostly to merchandising type articles. This section allows for copyright and industrial design protection to apply simultaneously but for different aspects of the work.

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__________________________________________________________________ 4. Current Framework: Possible Contentions Having explained the general framework of fashion design under Canadian law, this section will consider some possible contentions with the current framework. a) Copyright Case law and statute have done little to articulate a clear framework for the copyright protection of fashion design in Canada. Fashion design has not yet been considered as an artistic work under the subcategory of work of artistic craftsmanship, 69 and as mentioned above, is generally protected under the ‘useful article’ section. Defining the scope and parameters of ‘useful article’ subject matter has also been contentious in certain cases. For example, in 2004 the Federal Court questioned whether or not jewellery was a ‘useful article’ or an artistic work, although it would normally be categorised under industrial design protection. 70 This issue has not yet been resolved due to the lack of case law in this area. Another issue is that section 64 of the Copyright Act permits certain elements of the design (the appliqué or print on a dress) to be protected under copyright law for the entire copyright term whereas the underlying design itself would be ineligible and have to be protected separately under industrial design law. Rather than considering the work as a whole, it is de-constructed into various parts, which might be an undesirable practice for many designers. However, some designers might find this protection useful if they would otherwise have no protection at all. b) Industrial Design As mentioned above, garments can be protected if registered by the Industrial Design Act. However, the cost of obtaining access to this route may be prohibitive for many new, small and medium design firms. A single article of design protection could cost a minimum of $750 CAD per item. 71 Further, industrial design protection must be separately applied for and registered in different jurisdictions. 72 Also, as mentioned above, the protection afforded by industrial design is not as robust as copyright protection; however, the originality threshold is higher which would help ensure that mere variances would not qualify for protection. Finally, several commentators have argued that the Industrial Design Act is inadequate and that is in need of reform. 73 Unlike Canada, there is a push in the United States to follow France’s lead by recognising fashion design protection explicitly in its copyright laws. The section below will briefly summarise the main points of the IDPPPA. 5. Proposed Fashion Design Protection in the United States The IDPPPA was proposed in 2010, for the protection of fashion design in the United States. In short, the IDPPPA proposed to amend the section within the US

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__________________________________________________________________ Copyright Act applicable to ‘useful articles,’ 74 to define apparel as protectable subject matter under the definition fashion design, and to grant it a 3 year copyright term 75 with a threshold similar to the higher originality (borderline novelty) standard 76 of the Canadian Industrial Design Act. Registration is not mandatory which is standard for all copyright protection and user rights are clearly defined in order to avoid litigation against individual (non-commercial) users. 77 Further, proving infringement would involve demonstrating that the copy was ‘substantially identical’ to the original rather than the copyright standard of ‘substantially similar.’ 78 The IDPPPA proposed certain benefits to the fashion industry. First, the term is short, which would be conducive to the rapid and innovative cycle of the industry. Further, the IDPPPA would not have functioned to separate the aspects of the garment - the design is treated as a whole. Finally, the higher threshold for originality would help ensure that minor variances could not be eligible for protection, while the ‘substantially identical’ infringement standard would have allowed designers to continue to innovate freely. 79 6. Conclusion The interest in fashion design protection is fairly new in Canada. Although Canada has a framework in place for useful articles under its Copyright and Industrial Design Acts by virtue of section 64, there are still uncertainties and possible prohibitive restrictions for new, small and medium sized firms. While there has not really been a push for fashion design protection in Canada yet, there may be a spillover of interest due to the movement towards stronger protection in the United States. Could a 3-year American quasi-copyright protection model for fashion design be an option for the future of the Canadian fashion industry, or perhaps a possible re-examination of the Industrial Design Act? It remains to be seen.

Notes 1

Copyright Modernization Act S.C. c. 20 (2012). Innovative Design Protection Act (IDPA, 2012) S. 3523, 112th Cong. (20112012), The Library of Congress, http://thomas.loc.gov/cgibin/bdquery/z?d112:s.3523. 3 Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act (IDPPPA, 2010), S. 3728, 111th Cong. (2009-2010), The Library of Congress, http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d111:S3728. For the purpose of this chapter, the term ‘fashion design’ will be defined as it is being proposed in section 2 of the late IDDDPA, namely: ‘(A) is the appearance of the whole of an article of apparel, including its ornamentation; and (B) includes original elements of the 2

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__________________________________________________________________ article of apparel or the original arrangement or placement of original or nonoriginal elements as incorporated in the overall appearance of the article of apparel that (i) are the result of a designer’s own creative endeavor; and (ii) provide a unique, distinguishable, non-trivial and non-utilitarian variation over prior designs for similar types of articles.’ 4 Jennifer Craik, Fashion: The Key Concepts (New York: Berg Publishers, 2009), 109-110; Joanna Entwistle, The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress and Modern Social Theory (Malden: Polity Press & Blackwell Publishers, 2000), 66. 5 Kal Raustiala and Christopher Sprigman, ‘The Piracy Paradox: Innovation and Intellectual Property in Fashion Design’, 92 VA. L. REV. 1687, 1689 (2006). 6 Industry Canada, A Canadian Approach to the Apparel Global Value Chain, Industry Canada, March 2008, accessed November 19, 2012, http://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/026.nsf/eng/h_00102.html, at 5-6. 7 C. Scott Hemphill and Jeannie Suk, The Law, Culture and Economics of Fashion, 61 STAN. L. REV. 1147, at 1171-1172 (2009). 8 Ibid., at 1174-1177. 9 Ibid., at 1171-1172 (The authors also observe that not all fast fashion business models engage in copying although many do). 10 Ibid. 11 Emily Gyben, Royal Wedding Dress by ABS Allen Schwartz Already Finished, Fashion Etc, May 5, 2011, accessed August 21, 2011, http://fashionetc.com/news/fashion/1698-royal-wedding-dress-abs-allen-schwartz; Jennifer Arrow, Steal This Look: They’re Already Knocking Off Kate’s Wedding Dress!, E!ONLINE, April 29, 2011, accessed August 21, 2011, http://ca.eonline.com/uberblog/b239294_steal_this_look_theyre_already_knocking .html; See also, Sprigman and Raustiala, supra note 5, at 1705 (Noting that Allen B. Schwartz prides himself on replicating runway dresses in record time). 12 Johanna Blakley, Lessons from Fashions Free Culture, TED, April 2010, http://www.ted.com/talks/johanna_blakley_lessons_from_fashion_s_free_culture.h tml (Blakley argues that the reason for fashion’s high innovative and creative success is in part due to the low intellectual property protection afforded to it). 13 See generally, Hemphill and Suk, supra note 7, at 1174-1177 and 1180. 14 Supra note 3, (IDPPPA, 2010). 15 At the time that this paper was originally written, the IDPPPA was active but has since been replaced by a new Bill that was introduced in 2012: The Innovative Design Protection Act (IDPA, 2012) S. 3523, 112th Cong. (2011-2012), The Library of Congress, http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d112:s.3523. 16 Sprigman and Raustiala, supra note 5, at 1700. 17 Ibid. 18 Hemphill and Suk, supra note 7, at 1152 (The authors define trends as ‘a

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__________________________________________________________________ particularly vivid manifestation of a general innovation pattern wherein those engaged in innovation continually seek after the new and different while, at the same time, converging with others on similar ideas.’) 19 Ibid., at 1153 (The authors find that close copying must be ‘distinguished from other forms of relation between two designs, which may go by any number of names including inspiration, adaptation, homage, referencing, or remixing.’) 20 Ibid., at 1159. 21 Ibid., at 1153; Jeannie Suk, Testimony of Jeannie Suk: Hearing on H.R. 2511, the Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act, US House of Representative Committee on the Judiciary, July 15, 2011, accessed August 21, 2011, http://judiciary.house.gov/hearings/pdf/Suk07152011.pdf, at 3-4. 22 Sprigman and Raustiala, supra note 5, at 1733. 23 Estelle Derlaye, Are Fashion Designers Better Protected in Continental Europe That in the United Kingdom? A Comparative Analysis of the Recent Case Law in France, Italy and the United Kingdom, Journal of World Intellectual Property 13, No. 3 (2010): 315 and 318; See also, Code de la Propriété Intellectuelle, 1992 L 1 c2, art L 112-2 §10 and 14. 24 Directive 98/71/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 October 1998 on the Legal Protection of Designs, http://eurlex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:31998L0071:EN:HTML. 25 Copyright Act, R.S.C., ch. C 42 (1985). 26 Industrial Design Act, R.S.C., ch. I 9 (1985). 27 Trademark law is acknowledged as a vital instrument for legal protection against fashion counterfeiting, however it is not the focus of and will not be discussed in this summary. 28 Daniel J. Gervais and Elizabeth F. Judge, Intellectual Property: The Law in Canada (Toronto: Carswell, 2011), 35. 29 CCH Canadian Ltd., v. Law Society of Upper Canada, [2004] S.C.R. 339, 2004 SCC 13 (Can.), ¶ 9-13. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid., at 12. Gervais and Judge, supra note 28, at 216-217. 32 Copyright Act, § 29, 29.1, 29.2, 29.3. (Since this chapter was written, the Canadian Copyright Act has been amended by the Copyright Modernization Act S.C. c. 20 (2012) to include additional user rights including an exception for noncommercial user generated content in § 29.21 of the Act as well as for parody and satire in § 29). 33 The Copyright Act, 17 U.S.C. § 302 (2010). 34 Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, c.1, s 12 (Eng.). 35 Copyright Act § 3. 36 CCH Canadian, [2004] S.C.R. 339 (Can.) ¶ 30.

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__________________________________________________________________ 37

Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, Sept. 9, 1886, as last revised at Paris on July 24, 1971, 1161 U.N.T.S. 30, art. 5(2) [hereinafter Berne or Berne Convention]. 38 Gervais and Judge, supra note 28, at 44. 39 CCH Canadian, [2004] S.C.R. 339 (Can.), ¶ 15-16. 40 Ibid., ¶ 16. 41 Ibid., ¶ 23. 42 Gervais and Judge, supra note 28, at 38. 43 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, Apr. 15, 1994, Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, Annex 1C, 1869 U.N.T.S. 299, 33 I.L.M. 1197 (1994) art. 9(2). http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/trips_e/t_agm1_e.htm [hereinafter TRIPS or TRIPS Agreement] (defining ‘Pirated copyright goods’. 44 Gervais and Judge, supra note 28, at 45. 45 Copyright Act § 2 [‘“artistic work” includes paintings, drawings, maps, charts, plans, photographs, engravings, sculptures, works of artistic craftsmanship, architectural works, and compilations of artistic works’]. 46 Ibid., [‘“literary work” includes tables, computer programs, and compilations of literary works’]. 47 Ibid., [‘“musical work” means any work of music or musical composition, with or without words, and includes any compilation thereof’]. 48 Ibid., [‘“dramatic work” includes (a) any piece for recitation, choreographic work or mime, the scenic arrangement or acting form of which is fixed in writing or otherwise, (b) any cinematographic work, and (c) any compilation of dramatic works’]. 49 Canadian Intellectual Property Office, Canadian Industrial Design Classification Standard, CIPO, (2005), http://www.cipo.ic.gc.ca/app/opiccipo/id/dsgnSrch.do;jsessionid=0001lB3C7szUhyeZWoX-KdirCCU:-1B0PLHD. 50 Copyright Act § 64; Industrial Design Act § 2. 51 Gervais and Judge, supra note 28, at 288. 52 Industrial Design Act § 2. 53 Mainetti S.P.A. v. ERA Display Co., (1984) 80 C.P.R. 2d 206, 2 C.I.P.R. 275 (Can.), ¶ 58-61. 54 Industrial Design Act § 5.1 55 Ibid., at § 4(b), 6(1); Gervais and Judge, supra note 27, at 296-297. 56 Clatworthy and Son Ltd., v. Dale Display Fixtures Ltd., [1929] S.C.R. 429, [1929] 3 D.L.R. 11 (Can.), ¶ 3-6. 57 Industrial Design Act §10(1). 58 Ibid., § 9. 59 Import-Export Rene Dehry (Canada) Inc., c. Magasins Greenberg Ltee., [2004]

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__________________________________________________________________ J.Q. No. 2705, 2004 CarswellQue 566 (Que. CA), ¶45; Raustiala and Sprigman, supra note 5, at 1699. 60 An Act to Amend the Copyright Act and other Acts in Consequence Thereof, S.C. 1988, c. 65. 61 Amy Muhlstein and Margaret Ann Wilkinson, Whither Industrial Design, 14 I.P.J. 1, 24 (2000). 62 Copyright Act §64(2). 63 Gervais and Judge, supra note 28, at 1152. 64 Copyright Act §64(3). 65 Copyright Act §64(3)(a). 66 Ibid., § 64(3)(b). 67 Ibid., § 64(3)(c). 68 Ibid., § 64(3)(e). 69 David Vaver, Intellectual Property Law: Copyright, Patents, Trade-Marks (Toronto: Irwin Law, 2011), 84. 70 Pyrrha Design Inc., v. 623735 Saskatchewan Ltd., 2004 FCA 423 (Can.), ¶13. 71 Canadian Intellectual Property Office, Tariff of Fees - Industrial Designs, CIPO, May 7, 2008, accessed August 21, 2011, http://www.cipo.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/cipointernet-internetopic.nsf/eng/wr00640.html, (The fee is $400 for a basic examination fee, $350 for maintenance, $100 to record an assignment of the design. This amounts up to $750 CAD (minimum) for the protection of a single article of fashion design. Further the cost for a single season consisting of 20 new articles of fashion design in a single jurisdiction would roughly work out to be $15,000 CAD in registration fees alone - not including costs for legal counsel, or litigation.) 72 Canadian Intellectual Property Office, A Guide to Industrial Designs: Appendix I - Frequently Asked Questions, CIPO, February 4, 2011, accessed August 21, 2011, http://www.cipo.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/cipointernetinternetopic.nsf/eng/wr02387.html#q5. 73 Muhlstein and Wilkinson, supra note 61, at 5 and 56-57; Myra J. Tawfik, ‘When Intellectual Property Rights Converge - Tracing the Contours and Mapping the Fault Lines “Case by Case” and “Law by Law”’, in An Emerging Intellectual Property Paradigm: Perspectives from Canada, ed. Ysolde Gendreau (London: Edward Elgar, 2008), 267 and 271. 74 Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act, S. 3728, 111th Cong. (2009-2010), The Library of Congress, ‘All Information’, http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d111:SN03728:@@@L&summ2=m&. 75 Ibid. 76 Susan Scafidi, IDPPPA: Introducing the Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act aka Fashion Copyright, Counterfeit Chic, August 6, 2010,

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__________________________________________________________________ accessed August 21, 2011, http://www.counterfeitchic.com/2010/08/introducingthe-innovative-design-protection-and-piracy-prevention-act.html. 77 Supra note 74. 78 Supra note 76. 79 Suk, supra note 21, at 8.

Bibliography Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, Apr. 15, 1994. Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, Annex 1C, 1869 U.N.T.S. 299, 33 I.L.M. 1197 (1994). Arrow, Jennifer. Steal This Look: They’re Already Knocking Off Kate’s Wedding Dress!. E!ONLINE, April 29, 2011. Accessed August 21, 2011. http://ca.eonline.com/uberblog/b239294_steal_this_look_theyre_already_knocking .html. Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, September 9, 1886, as last revised at Paris on July 24, 1971, 1161 U.N.T.S. 30. Blakley, Johanna. Lessons from Fashions Free Culture. TED, April 2010. Accessed August 21, 2011. http://www.ted.com/talks/johanna_blakley_lessons_from_fashion_s_free_culture.h tml. Canadian Intellectual Property Office. Tariff of Fees - Industrial Designs. CIPO, May 7, 2008. Accessed August 21, 2011. http://www.cipo.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/cipointernet-internetopic.nsf/eng/wr00640.html. —––. Canadian Industrial Design Classification Standard. CIPO, (2005). Accessed August 21, 2011. http://www.cipo.ic.gc.ca/app/opiccipo/id/dsgnSrch.do;jsessionid=0001lB3C7szUhyeZWoX-KdirCCU:-1B0PLHD. —––. A Guide to Industrial Designs: Appendix I - Frequently Asked Questions. CIPO, February 4, 2011. Accessed August 21, 2011. http://www.cipo.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/cipointernetinternetopic.nsf/eng/wr02387.html#q5. CCH Canadian Ltd., v. Law Society of Upper Canada, [2004] S.C.R. 339, 2004 SCC 13 (Can.).

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__________________________________________________________________ Clatworthy and Son Ltd., v. Dale Display Fixtures Ltd., [1929] S.C.R. 429, [1929] 3 D.L.R. 11 (Can.). Copyright Act, R.S.C., ch. C 42 (1985). Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, c.1 (Eng.). Industrial Design Act, R.S.C., ch. I 9 (1985). Copyright Modernization Act S.C., c. 20 (2012). Craik, Jennifer. Fashion: The Key Concepts. New York: Berg Publishers, 2009. Derlaye, Estelle. Are Fashion Designers Better Protected in Continental Europe that in the United Kingdom? A Comparative Analysis of the Recent Case Law in France, Italy and the United Kingdom. Journal of World Intellectual Property 13, No. (2010): 315 and 318. Directive 98/71/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 October 1998 on the Legal Protection of Designs. Entwistle, Joanna. The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress and Modern Social Theory. Malden: Polity Press & Blackwell Publishers, 2000. Feist Publications Inc., v. Rural Telephone Service Co., 499 U.S. 340 (1991). Gervais, Daniel, and Elizabeth F. Judge. Intellectual Property: The Law in Canada, 2nd Edition. Toronto: Carswell, 2011. Gyben, Emily. Royal Wedding Dress by ABS Allen Schwartz Already Finished. Fashion Etc, May 5, 2011. Accessed August 21, 2011. http://fashionetc.com/news/fashion/1698-royal-wedding-dress-abs-allen-schwartz. Hemphill, C. Scott, and Jeannie Suk. The Law, Culture and Economics of Fashion. 61 STAN. L. REV. 1147 (2009). Import-Export Rene Dehry (Canada) Inc., c. Magasins Greenberg Ltée. [2004] J.Q. No. 2705, 2004 CarswellQue 566 (Que. CA).

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__________________________________________________________________ Industry Canada. A Canadian Approach to the Apparel Global Value Chain. Industry Canada, March, 2008. Accessed November 19, 2012. http://www.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/026.nsf/eng/h_00102.html. Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act, S. 3728, 111th Cong. (2009-2010). The Library of Congress. Accessed August 21, 2011. http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d111:SN03728:@@@D&summ2=m&. Mainetti S.P.A. v. ERA Display Co., (1984) 80 C.P.R. 2d 206, 2 C.I.P.R. 275 (Can.). Mohammed, Abdulelah. Retailers Competing for Market Share: 2007 Retail Sales in Review. Statistics Canada: Analysis in Brief, Nov. 12, 2009. Accessed August 21, 2011. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/11-621-m/11-621-m2008075-eng.htm#tm4. Muhlstein, Amy, and Margaret Ann Wilkinson. Whither Industrial Design, 14 I.P.J.1. (2000). Pyrrha Design Inc., v. 623735 Saskatchewan Ltd., 2004 FCA 423. Raustiala, Kal, and Christopher Sprigman. The Piracy Paradox: Innovation and Intellectual Property in Fashion Design, 92 V A. L. REV. 1687 (2006). Scafidi, Susan. IDPPPA: Introducing the Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act aka Fashion Copyright. Counterfeit Chic, August 6, 2010. Accessed 21, 2011. http://www.counterfeitchic.com/2010/08/introducing-theinnovative-design-protection-and-piracy-prevention-act.html. Suk, Jeannie. Testimony of Jeannie Suk: Hearing on H.R. 2511, the Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act. US House of Representative Committee on the Judiciary, July 15, 2011. Accessed August 21, 2011. http://judiciary.house.gov/hearings/pdf/Suk07152011.pdf. Tawfik, Myra J. ‘When Intellectual Property Rights Converge - Tracing the contours and Mapping the Fault Lines “Case by Case” and “Law by Law”’. In An Emerging Intellectual Property Paradigm: Perspectives from Canada, edited by Ysolde Gendreay. London: Edwin Elgar, 2008.

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__________________________________________________________________ Vaver, David. Intellectual Property Law: Copyright, Patents, Trade-Marks. Toronto: Irwin Law, 2011. B. Courtney Doagoo is a graduate student at the University of Ottawa, Faculty of Law Graduate Studies. The publication of this chapter and presentation at the conference were made possible by the generous support of the University of Ottawa Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies, Dr. Teresa Scassa through the Canada Research Chair Program, the Faculty of Law, and the Faculty of Law Graduate Studies Office at the University of Ottawa, all to whom I would like to give a special acknowledgment and thanks.

Fashion Nation: Contemporary Italian Art and the BaroqueCentric Language of Fashion Laura Petican Abstract Contemporary Italian art occupies a distinct position in the current cultural space between big brands, the luxury industry, national identity, and fine art practice. In the context of an extensive historical, cultural trajectory that situates Italy as one of the world’s centres of artistic achievement - with respect to both its classical legacy and its success as an epicentre of innovation in fashion and industrial design contemporary Italian artists articulate an aesthetic vision which posits the visual language of high fashion as a path to explorations of national identity and selfdefinition. In this sense, the past figures largely in current Italian cultural practice and the baroque, in particular, provides a conceptual and historical model from which to analyse the contemporary Italian artist’s explorations of identity and consumption. The baroque interest in co-extensive spatial and temporal realms, a heightened sensitivity to materials, and notions of spectacle overlap with the methods and innovations of fashion merchandising and brand recognition, and form the basis of contemporary artistic works centred in both traditional and new media. Francesco Vezzoli (b. 1971, Brescia) and Vanessa Beecroft (b. 1969, Genoa) use the language and imagery of fashion variably to explore realms of personal identity, spectacle, and consumption, to articulate an aesthetic vision rooted in the national, cultural environment. Vezzoli’s exhibition, ‘Sacrilegio,’ at the Gagosian Gallery in Manhattan, uses the faces of supermodels superimposed on Renaissance and baroque Madonna and Child images, in a conflation of popular religion and high fashion. Beecroft’s career of installations of live models in various states of dress/undress, frontally and flatly presented wearing only a portion of a designer’s iconic ‘look’ - the strappy stilettoes or glittered-logo bikinis of Gucci, for example - present a baroque-centric expression of the contemporary Italian artist’s navigation of identity and spectacle firmly rooted in the national historical and cultural context. Key Words: Italian art, baroque, fashion, Vanessa Beecroft, Francesco Vezzoli, space, time, materials, national identity, consumption, luxury. ***** While perhaps unfashionable to make a claim for the expression of national identity in the work of contemporary Italian artists such as Vanessa Beecroft (b. 1969, Genoa) and Francesco Vezzoli (b. 1971, Brescia), it may be seen that their respective practices, in tendencies related to subject matter, materials, and ways of understanding space and time, reveal a connection to the national, cultural history

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__________________________________________________________________ of Italy and its aesthetic traditions. The multidisciplinary works and performances of Beecroft and Vezzoli are entrenched in current modes of practice that navigate issues of personal identity, spectacle and consumption, using both traditional and innovative materials; in this sense, they participate in artistic currents characteristic of the international arena. Additionally, a particular conception of materials and sensitivity to the body implicate fashion as a major conceptual underpinning in works that involve needlepoint, high fashion imagery and deconstructed interpretations of signature fashion looks that are intimately connected to Italy’s renowned legacy of fashion design and textile manufacture. As Michael Boodro writes, ‘… the association between art and fashion is a long one and is only growing more intense.’ 1 The sentiment finds precedence in traditional portraiture and aristocratic commissions where elaborate textures and surfaces in clothing presented the artist with the opportunity to exploit their technical virtuosity. For Italy’s contemporary artists, the fashion industry has evolved to play a major role in aesthetic conception and professional partnerships between art and commerce. Notions of spectacle related to the fashion industry in its staging of events and dramatic displays are deployed by Beecroft and Vezzoli in multimedia works and provide links to the national, cultural context. Their use of materials in works that extend through space and play out over time, engaging the audience in a living spectacle of sights, movement and texture, are evocative of the baroque, where painting and sculpture confront the boundaries between art and life. A complex of baroque-centric traits links Beecroft and Vezzoli to the national, cultural context by way of an inherited sensibility that takes the historical baroque as its transhistorical link. A baroque-centric trait complex is conceived as a set of common denominators associated with baroque art and architecture, derived from seminal works in baroque historiography by Heinrich Wölfflin, William Fleming, John Rupert Martin, Marshall Brown and Giuliano Briganti. 2 The relation between contemporary Italian works and the historical baroque suggests an interpretation of baroque traits in present works, manifested in a dynamic interaction of space, time and materials. In the current analysis, Thomas Munro’s ‘baroque’ becomes ‘baroque-centric’ to emphasise that its application to contemporary Italian art is not a literal appropriation of the baroque, but an expression of abstract baroque traits. 3 Application of the trait complex involves a conception of the artistic act as connected to nature and natural forces, with an interest in co-extensive realms of space and time, tension and theatricality, articulated in a sensual interpretation of materials, implicating the spectator as participant in the aesthetic act. Beecroft’s video work VB52 of 2003 offers the viewer a tableau vivant of movement, colour, and shifting signs, as colour-coded live bodies share in a communal event presented to the audience in dramatic foreshortened view. As the dinner party participants shift with delicate movement, consuming the monochromatic repast, orchestrated according to an unknown fashion colour theory, a baroque-centric expression manifests in the work’s unfolding in space

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__________________________________________________________________ and over time, living with the spectator. Boundaries between art and life are confronted, as the food on the feast table reflects dietary experiments conducted by the artist herself, whereby her own consumption of food of only one colour was documented for a specified period of time, observing biological changes according to the food’s perceived chromatic effect on her body. The guests at Beecroft’s aesthetic dinner party consume her food and by extension, her body; their multihued clothing reflects the artist’s own biological transitions, played out in real time. The heightened fashion aesthetic articulated in wigs styled in deliberately distinct shapes, colours and styles, echoes the choice of currently fashionable shoes and clothing, to affirm the aesthetic event in the now. The participants embody the energy and dynamism associated with baroque works such as Caravaggio’s The Calling of St. Matthew, c. 1598-1600, whose figures, in a similarly dramatic foreshortened pictorial space, gesture beyond the picture plane to implicate the viewer in the depicted event while animated gestures suggest their life force. For Beecroft, the use of live bodies and comestibles also emphasises the fleeting nature of beauty and life in the tradition of vanitas images - decay, inevitable death and decline, etc., and in works such as Caravaggio’s Basket of Fruit, c. 1596, whose subject is pictured in an imperfect, evolving state. Likewise, the living aspect Beecroft’s models introduces a lack of closure; the work is in flux and always changing, its baroque-centricity plays out in space, through time, its materials fashionably colour-coordinated - enact real life drama. Beecroft’s VB35 of 1998 was performed at the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum in New York and functioned similarly on baroque-centric devices articulated with fashion vocabulary; this time, with a gallery of models wearing glittered-logo Gucci bikinis and matching high-heeled mules. As Vincent Carducci observed with respect to the ‘Fabula’ exhibition at the Cranbrook Art Museum in Bloomfield Hills, here fine art and luxury ‘were familiar bedfellows,’ where contemporary artists have ‘… found refuge in the brand identities of mass marketing.’ 4 Explaining her choice of outfits for the models, Beecroft states, ‘At the Guggenheim, I just shopped for the most expensive bikini they had, the rhinestone one.’ 5 She elaborates further on her method of selecting attire as partly determined by chance or the willingness of donors or corporate sponsors. For example, in reference to an earlier performance she explains, At that time I was wearing Manolos myself, but I could afford only one pair, not for all the models. I was trying to get as close to the real thing as I could, but I was limited by the budget. One day in 1995 I decided to call Prada. I asked for shoes and they sent me a box full of them. Prada was the first to send me items with no questions asked. For VB16 at Deitch Projects I wanted Chanel slippers, but I could only get Todd Oldham. I wanted the transparent sheer underwear that was Agent Provocateur, instead

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__________________________________________________________________ I got handmade underwear. In the performances, it’s hard to control the details. 6 While Beecroft’s performances function similarly to each other in terms of their playing out over space and time, their embrace of chance, involvement of the audience and use of live bodies clothed in partially deconstructed signature ‘looks,’ the dynamic aspect of baroque works is somehow countered by the artist’s insistence that the models remain as lifeless as possible. As with VB56 of 2005, conceived for the re-opening of Louis Vuitton’s Champs Élysées flagship store in Paris, where semi-clothed models were ‘installed’ on the shelves next to the company’s handbags and accessories, the artist prescribed minimal contact among the models and with the audience. With their movement limited to the occasional shift from one foot to the other, the inherent dynamism is stifled and deadened. Conversely, the transitory nature of fashion and ensuing impulse to consume is exploited by the somehow blatant discomfort displayed and unglamorous presentation of these items of popular desire. The audience’s expectation is effectively frustrated and perhaps enhanced by this denial. As Darryl Chin explains, The sheer inutility of all these mute young women issues a taunt, daring us to assign some semblance of coherence in the repetitive display of one person after another. By having all of them made up and dressed (or undressed) in conformity, Beecroft attempts to minimize individuation. In a sense, Beecroft is playing with the paradox of fashion: on the one hand, fashionability is conformity; on the other hand, defining individual style is the fulfilment of fashion. 7 A recent and more explicit collaboration with a main outlet of the fashion industry transpired with Beecroft’s March 2011 project for the lifestyle and fashion publication, Wallpaper* magazine. The work followed the artist’s participation in the exhibition Not in Fashion. Fashion and Photography in the 90s, 8 in Frankfurt, Germany, where she re-staged a previous VB performance. For Wallpaper*, Beecroft staged what could otherwise be termed a fashion photo shoot, if not for the artist’s proclamation, ‘I don’t do photo shoots.’ 9 Provided with a selection of clothing and accessories from a variety of contemporary fashion design firms’ current collections, Beecroft dressed and arranged models in the gallery in response to other artists’ works included in the exhibition. Her own installation involved models dressed in sorbet-hued, colour-blocked, seemingly partial outfits with wigs shifting in colour and style from one inert body to another, while for other artists, models were instructed to re-enact the hair flipping gesture of concert goers pictured in a mosh pit, others in half-outfits, variously

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__________________________________________________________________ standing/sitting/lounging on the gallery floor in an ‘anti-fashion,’ deconstructed aesthetic. Although Wallpaper*’s likely intention was to provide its readership with a view of the most current trends fusing art and fashion, critic Dave Hickey notes something retroactive in Beecroft’s work. He writes, … the anxious displacement and exacerbated immediacy we experience in the presence of Beecroft’s tableaux derives most powerfully from the classic, innovative maneuver of Renaissance art - from Beecroft deploying the rhetoric of one genre in the space of another, so what we feel is not so much the jolt of innovation as the jolt of confounded conventions. Michaelangelo deployed the rhetoric of painting in the space of sculpture. Bernini deployed the rhetoric of painting in the space of sculpture. Beecroft’s tableaux deploy the rhetoric of painting in the space of live performance. 10 Again, the notion of an aesthetic expression conditioned by accumulated cultural influences. The complicity of art and fashion in Beecroft’s works not only entrench her live imagery in the contemporary, now-friendly domains of big brands, luxury, commerce and fine art, they also succeed, by virtue of their dynamic technical and conceptual elements, in conjuring the techniques and effects of the past. Spanning time and space, and appealing to the audience via luxurious and desirable confections of fashionable shapes, textures and colour, Beecroft’s works are a baroque-centric expression of Italy’s cultural legacies in the realms of both art and fashion. Fashion’s imagery is further explored by several of Vezzoli’s works, and indeed, plays a significant role in the artist’s influences, ranging from old Hollywood movies, Cinecittà, and the legendary style of iconic female actresses, for whom he imagines elaborate cinematic events composed of his own fantasies and the public persona articulated by these women throughout the twentieth century. A multimedia work drawing on epic proportions, Vezzoli’s Trailer for a Remake of Gore Vidal’s Caligula of 2005 is a short video work that involved the collaboration of a cast of Hollywood and European actors, all brought together to stage a trailer for a remake of a movie that would never be made. The grand proportions and heroic imagery, accompanied by a cameo appearance of Gore Vidal, confounds the viewer with tempting, brief glimpses of otherwise unrelated celebrities (Helen Mirren and Courtney Love, for example). They proffer suggestive, ridiculous prose, dressed as pseudo-Greek/Roman goddesses in costumes designed by Versace, while naked bodies writhe in the background. The fashion aesthetic is extended to Vezzoli’s later Greed of 2009, a work conceived in both print and video to promote a fictional perfume that will similarly never be made where again, the viewer’s very real expectations of consumption are

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__________________________________________________________________ thwarted by the illusory quality of the product offered. Vezzoli’s interest lies in the production value and slick appearance of these would-be commodities, rather than the commodity itself. The artist collaborated with Hollywood actresses Natalie Portman and Michelle Williams to stage a television advertisement for the perfume. Directed by Roman Polanski, the video features the two fighting over the precious bottle, which pictures a portrait of the artist on its front. The work is complemented by a series of print portraits of historical, iconic female artists represented as in a fashion advertisement with Vezzoli’s trademark embroidered tears streaming down their faces. Vezzoli’s Caligula and Greed works, in their use of over-the-top fashion imagery, plays on clichés of excess, luxury and spectacle. They conspire with works such as those of Beecroft in their performative aspects that enter real space and time and implicate the viewer in the aesthetic act and the challenge to expectation. As with Gianlorenzo Bernini’s The Ecstasy of St. Teresa of 1645-1652 in the Cornaro Chapel in Rome, a manipulation of architectural space takes the spiritual experience - or visceral reaction - of its audience as part of its goal. In the baroque work, rays of real light shine down on the dying saint through concealed openings in the architecture above, while sculptural portraits of the Cornaro family, in separate architectural niches surrounding the altar, discuss the miracle unfolding before them in animated gesture. The architecture is controlled and manipulated in order to channel light and simulate movement towards an aesthetic experience that traverses real space, implicating the viewer in the divine act. The contemplation of the life of the saint is augmented by illusionistic painting of architectural elements that extend the structural elements into the supernatural realm as the saint appears to float heavenward on a cloud. The ‘supersensible reality’ is realised via the illusion of an infinitely extending space in the painted architecture, where illusionistic devices establish the spatial co-existence of heavenly and earthly space. With similar manipulation of the audience’s experience and expectations, Vezzoli’s performance and video works build toward a dramatic aesthetic event centred on tension and theatricality, assuaged by the smooth, gleaming surfaces of contemporary Italian fashion. The real tension created between art and life, as with Beecroft’s live models and their audience, presents Vezzoli’s Caligula and Greed as baroque-centric in their multidisciplinary exploitation of vivid aesthetic experience. Lastly, Vezzoli’s recent Sacrilegio works, a series of portraits of 1980s’ supermodels posed as Renaissance and Baroque madonna and child icons - again with the artist’s embroidered, glittery tears streaming down their faces - similarly employ a manipulated architectural feature to evoke the deconstructed confines of the baroque. Crying Portrait of Kim Alexis as a Renaissance Madonna with Holy Child (After Giovanni Bellini) or Crying Portrait of Cindy Crawford as a Renaissance Madonna with Holy Child (After Andrea Mantegna) both of 2010, present the viewer with an historically conflated image of iconic Italian altar

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__________________________________________________________________ painting, rendered with twentieth-century cultural icons in the form of high fashion models, with a further reference to Italy’s fashion traditions in the artist’s embroidered surfaces. As the images seem to melt and drip out of their irregularly shaped frames and enter the real space of the spectator, the gilt frames of their historical counterparts are called upon; the opulence associated with baroque churches infuses Vezzoli’s contemporary church of pop culture with the weight of the past. His baroque-centric supermodel madonnas transport the viewer into a heavenly realm of luxe surfaces, intricate textures and consumption. They extend beyond their frame, like Bernini’s Cornaro family, to reach out to the viewer and summon the same devotion, which of course, they already have. Italian artists and fashion designers have become complicit as agents of Italian national identity in a neo-Liberal economy that trades on notions of artistic authenticity and cultural specificity as commodities. As Vincent Carducci writes, ‘These days, the art world seems to have gotten over its discomfort with commodity culture and even cuddled up to once-abhorrent concepts such as fashion.’ 11 While embracing the codes and efficiency of private enterprise, liberalised trade and relatively open markets related specifically to fashion, Beecroft and Vezzoli maintain a conception of aesthetic production rooted in the past, a tendency which may, according to Boodro, reflect ‘… a common mood or desire, a yearning for change, a nostalgia for a more glorious past, a need for a new and improved future.’ 12 Writing on the development of the Italian fashion scene in the interwar period, Emily Braun writes, ‘… it promoted the new and discarded the old, blurred the lines between art and industry, and was predicated on style as both a social and an aesthetic statement.’ 13 Similarly for contemporary Italian artists, their works remain engaged in current approaches to artistic practice and speak to contemporary issues surrounding personal and collective identity and the consumption of images. Using the language and imagery of fashion, they articulate a baroque-centric style tied to the cultural nation of Italy.

Notes 1

Michael Boodro, ‘Art and Fashion’, in The Fashion Reader, Second Edition, eds. Linda Welters and Abby Lillethun (Oxford: Berg, 2011), 369. 2 ‘Baroque-centric’ is distinct from European characterisations of the baroque and neo-baroque articulated primarily in reference to literature and concerned with notions of movement, instability and metamorphosis, and from the Latin American neo-baroque, where sensuality, extravagance and spectacle are given as defining characteristics. For a more detailed description of these distinctions and an outline of the baroque-centric trait complex, see Laura Petican, Arte Povera and the Baroque: Building an International Identity (Bern: Peter Lang AG, 2011).

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Thomas Munro, ‘Style in the Arts: A Method of Stylistic Analysis’, The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 5, No. 2 (1946): 129. This essay provides a model for constructing the baroque-centric trait complex. Style is composed of traits, combined to form ‘compound descriptive types.’ He defines style as, ‘… a compound descriptive type which requires a comparatively large number of specifications for clear definition. It consists of a combination of traits or characteristics which tend to recur together in different works of art, or have done so in the art of some particular place and period.’ 4 Vincent Carducci, ‘Fabula: Consumer Media and Contemporary Art’, New Art Examiner 29, No. 1 (S/O, 2001): 89. 5 Vanessa Beecroft quoted in Munro Galloway, ‘I Prefer Nudity’, Art Press 265 (Fall 2001): 27. 6 Ibid. 7 Daryl Chin and Vanessa Beecroft, ‘Models of Fashion’, PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 20, No. 3 (September 1998): 25. 8 The exhibition ran from September 25, 2010 to January 9, 2011 at Frankfurt’s Museum Für Moderne Kunst, Frankfurt am Main, Germany. 9 Beecroft quoted in Skye Sherwin, ‘Art Stopping’, Wallpaper* (March 2010): 152. 10 Dave Hickey, ‘Vanessa Beecroft’s Painted Ladies’, in VB 08-36: Vanessa Beecroft Performances, co-authored by Dave Hickey and Vanessa Beecroft (Ostfildern-Ruit: Hatje Cantz, 2000), 8. 11 Carducci, ‘Fabula’, 89. 12 Ibid., 370. 13 Emily Braun, ‘Futurist Fashion. Three Manifestoes’, Art Journal 54, No. 1, Clothing as Subject (Spring, 1995): 34.

Bibliography Boodro, Michael. ‘Art and Fashion’. In The Fashion Reader, Second Edition, edited by Linda Welters, and Abby Lillethun, 369–373. Oxford: Berg, 2011. Braun, Emily. ‘Futurist Fashion. Three Manifestoes’. Art Journal 54, No. 1, Clothing as Subject (Spring 1995): 34–41. Briganti, Giuliano. ‘Baroque Art’. In Encyclopedia of World Art. Volume 2. London: McGraw-Hill Publishing Co. Ltd., 1960, 255–381. Carducci, Vincent. ‘Fabula: Consumer Media and Contemporary Art’. New Art Examiner 29, No. 1 (S/O, 2001): 89.

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__________________________________________________________________ Chin, Daryl, and Vanessa Beecroft. ‘Models of Fashion’. PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 20, No. 3 (September 1998): 22–25. Fleming, William. ‘The Element of Motion in Baroque Art and Music’. The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 5, No. 2 (1946): 121–128. Galloway, Munro. ‘I Prefer Nudity’. Art Press 265 (Fall 2001): 24–28. Hickey, Dave. ‘Vanessa Beecroft’s Painted Ladies’. In VB 08-36: Vanessa Beecroft Performances, co-authored by Dave Hickey, and Vanessa Beecroft, 5–8. Ostfildern-Ruit: Hatje Cantz, 2000. Martin, John Rupert. Baroque. London: Penguin Books, 1991. Munro, Thomas. ‘Style in the Arts: A Method of Stylistic Analysis’. The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 5, No. 2 (1946): 128–158. Petican, Laura. Arte Povera and the Baroque: Building an International Identity. Bern: Peter Lang AG, 2011. Sherwin, Skye. ‘Art Stopping’. Wallpaper* (March 2010): 152. Wölfflin, Heinrich. Principles of Art History: The Problem of the Development of Style in Later Art. 6th Edition. Translated by M. D. Hottinger. New York: Dover Publications Inc., 1950. —––. Renaissance and Baroque. Translated by Kathrin Simon. New York: Cornell University Press, 1964. Laura Petican is an art historian specialised in post-war and contemporary Italian art. Petican is currently SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellow at the John Labatt Visual Arts Department of the University of Western Ontario, where her research focuses on ‘baroque-centricity’ in contemporary Italian art.

Part 5 Accessorising Fashion

Marlies Dekkers: Lingerie Epitomising Post-Feminist Identity Daniëlle Bruggeman Abstract This chapter explores the way in which lingerie can serve as a strategic means to express powerful femininity in a post-feminist era, by focusing on Dutch fashion designer Marlies Dekkers - internationally renowned for her daring lingerie. Celebrities such as Britney Spears, Lady Gaga, and Paris Hilton have been spotted wearing Dekkers’ lingerie, which has entered the realm of fashion because it is meant to be seen: underwear as outerwear. I claim that Dekkers engages in a postfeminist strategy, by celebrating the female body, and presenting powerful feminine identity in her fashion photography. Her lingerie is designed for women who are self-aware, confident, proud of their body, and in charge of seduction. This portrayal of femininity is, for instance, exemplified by the women in Sex and the City who are often said to embody a post-feminist ideal: they are free, independent, sexually active, and self-confident without fearing a sexual double standard. 1 While arguing how Dekkers employs her lingerie to express postfeminist identity, this chapter will also briefly explore the way in which lingerie and feminism have been interconnected historically. Lingerie has played an ambivalent role for centuries, serving as a sign of either oppression or empowerment of women. In the twenty-first century, as I will argue, lingerie is utilized to make a post-feminist statement. However, post-feminism is not without its pitfalls. Feminist scholars have rightly argued that the quest for sexual ‘liberation’ has resulted in a hypersexualised culture and a renewed sexism in which women themselves are actively participating. 2 There is a fine line between presenting a powerful, post-feminist femininity by showing beautiful female bodies dressed in lingerie on the one hand, and playing into the hypersexualisation of our culture on the other hand. Dekkers’ lingerie epitomises this paradox of postfeminist identity. Key Words: Marlies Dekkers, lingerie, post-feminism, identity, the female body, Dutch fashion. ***** 1. Introduction Lingerie has played a significant role in the tradition of feminist movements. Feminists have often considered corsets and bras as symbols of the oppression of women, and have employed lingerie in strategic ways during protests to make political statements for the liberation of women. 3 Lingerie has thus played an ambivalent role for centuries, serving as a sign of either oppression or empowerment of women. On September 7, 1968, radical second-wave feminists

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__________________________________________________________________ protested at the Miss America pageant in Atlantic City. They claimed that Miss America promoted ‘an ideal of women as plastic, doll-like, submissive sex objects who paraded in swimsuits for the pleasure of men.’ 4 Bras, as well as girdles, high heels and cosmetics were thrown into a ‘freedom trash can’ on the boardwalk in Atlantic City. The trope of bra-burning feminists originates here. Although it is said that no bras were actually burned at the 1968 protest, the myth of burning bras has been inextricably connected to radical second-wave feminism ever since. 5 Today, we do not need to throw our bras away anymore, nor do we need to symbolically burn our bras in order to fight for our liberation. Now, we have a free choice to wear sexy lingerie again. In the twenty-first century, as I will argue, lingerie is utilised to make a post-feminist statement: wearing sexy bras and knickers, and celebrating the beauty of female bodies, are viewed as signs of our liberation, as indicators of powerful femininity and female sexuality. In this chapter I will first briefly explore the way in which lingerie and feminism have been interconnected historically. Then I will argue that lingerie, today, serves as a strategic means to express a post-feminist ideal by focusing on Dutch fashion designer Marlies Dekkers - who is internationally renowned for her daring lingerie. Celebrities such as Britney Spears, Lady Gaga, and Paris Hilton have been spotted wearing Dekkers’ lingerie. Her designs have entered the realm of fashion because it is meant to be seen: underwear as outerwear. As I will argue, Dekkers’ lingerie is an expression of the embodied experience of post-feminist identity. 2. Corsets, Girdles and Brassieres: From Feminism to Post-Feminism Before elaborating on the brand Marlies Dekkers, and on the relationship between lingerie and post-feminism in contemporary culture, I would first like to draw attention to the historical ways in which underwear, intimate apparel, or lingerie is connected to feminism. In her book The Corset (2001), Valerie Steele provides a rich cultural historical overview of the corset, arguing that it should not simply be viewed as a mere symbol of the oppression of women. She offers a more sophisticated perspective by emphasizing the positive connotations of the corset, such as social status, self-discipline, artistry, respectability, beauty, youth, and erotic allure. 6 Nevertheless, she does take into account that feminist historians have claimed that the corset was deeply implicated in the nineteenth-century construction of a ‘submissive’ and ‘masochistic’ feminine ideal, 7 that Victorian women were forced to submit to tight-lacing, 8 and that erotic connotations of the corset were closely related to constriction and pain. 9 While some have argued that women chose to conform to the prevailing beauty ideals, letting intimate apparel shape and sexualise their female bodies, the corset has been a controversial clothing item throughout history. 10 In An Intimate Affair (2007), historian Jill Fields describes how underwear has been used frequently to make subversive political statements. She refers to, for instance, the strike by the ‘American Lady Corset’ workers in Detroit in 1941, who went on the street dressed

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__________________________________________________________________ in corsets and stockings, protesting and asking for better working conditions. 11 Wearing underwear as outerwear thus conveyed political, emancipatory messages of female empowerment. Although different women’s right-wing activists had advocated for freedom of movement for women in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, 12 and the corset did gradually disappear in the early twentieth century, it was not until the late 1960s and early 1970s that a noticeable trend away from ‘control garments’ became clearly visible. 13 Against the backdrop of hippie culture and the secondwave feminist movement, there was a significant and often contradictory shift in attitude towards the body: ‘girdles, especially, but also brassieres, were increasingly perceived as restrictive, uncomfortable, and mendacious.’ 14 Yet, as an act of rebellion, in the early 1970s the corset was reappropriated by young women associated with London’s punk and goth subcultures. ‘Long disparaged as a symbol of female oppression,’ 15 Steele writes, ‘the corset began to be reconceived as a symbol of female sexual empowerment.’ 16 Popstar Madonna played an important part in popularising the trend of wearing corsets openly, as fashionable outerwear. Madonna’s stage shows were conceived of as overtly sexualised and seemed at odds with the ideals of feminism to fight against the sexual objectification of women. 17 At the same time, for many feminists Madonna was an important symbol of women’s sexual liberation. Madonna’s expression of sexual independence and female desire, and the way in which she freely played with different representations of femininity were very liberating for women. 18 In retrospect, Madonna’s choice to wear sexy lingerie on stage is an early expression of a post-feminist statement. An important aspect of post-feminism is what cultural theorist and feminist Angela McRobbie has called ‘enjoyable femininity,’ referring to women who are economically independent and in charge of creating their own (sexual) experiences and pleasures using the goods made available by consumer culture. 19 These women see nothing contradictory in being feminine and sexual at the same time. Today, singer Lady Gaga plays a vital role in expressing the idea that openly showing your body dressed in lingerie is first and foremost a ‘“my body, my choice” expression of power.’ 20 Perhaps it is no coincidence that Lady Gaga has been spotted wearing bras of different Dekkers collections several times. As I have argued, wearing underwear as outerwear, or symbolically burning bras, has a long trajectory in making political feminist statements to protest the oppression of women, to fight for equal rights, and for the liberation of women. In contemporary popular culture, however, it is suggested that legal, social, and economic equality has been achieved (at least, to some extent). Women are openly wearing sexy lingerie to celebrate their bodies, showing that they are proud of their bodies, and enjoying their own sexuality: lingerie can now be used as a means to make post-feminist statements. Post-feminism is, for instance, exemplified by the women in Sex and the City, who are often said to embody the post-feminist ideal:

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__________________________________________________________________ they are free, economically independent, sexually active, and self-confident without being afraid of a sexual double standard. 21 Many celebrities who express this post-feminist ideal - including Carrie and Samantha in Sex and the City - have openly worn Dekkers’ lingerie. 3. Marlies Dekkers and Post-Feminism As Dekkers’ lingerie plays an important role in contemporary popular culture, and also has an enormous international appeal, it is worth taking a closer look at the brand. In 1993 Dekkers launched her lingerie label Undressed, which is characterised by the design of the material product itself: the black straps following the round shape of the breast, parallel to the cups of the bra. These straps cause an interesting interplay of lines on the body, guiding the eye of the viewer, accentuating specific parts of the female body. Another feature of Dekkers’ lingerie is the fact that it is not hidden under the clothes, but it is meant to be seen: underwear as outerwear. In this regard, it is interesting that Dekkers has been inspired by Madonna. It was not necessarily the fact that Madonna also wore underwear as outerwear that inspired Dekkers, but above all it was the message Madonna conveyed: ‘That women are in charge of their own bodies. That women have their own sexuality and are allowed to enjoy it.’ 22 As Dekkers has stated herself in an interview that I conducted with her, her lingerie is designed for women who are powerful, self-aware, confident, proud of their body, and in charge of seduction. 23 This portrayal of sexy and strong femininity is reflected in the fashion photography of her campaigns and catalogues. She celebrates the female body, and presents a powerful feminine identity by showing women who are in charge and strike active poses. There is no suggestion of women being passive or submissive sex objects. As Dekkers’ lingerie is designed to be seen, the wearer of the lingerie is aware of the fact that she has the power to play with the gaze of the viewer. Her body is there to be seen. This visual aspect is a clear expression of a post-feminist point of view, as illustrated by feminist Ariel Levy, who quotes an American actress: ‘“The body is such a beautiful thing,” she said. “If a woman’s got a pretty body and she likes her body, let her show it off!”’ 24 In this post-feminist era, it is ‘permissible, once again, to enjoy looking at the bodies of beautiful women.’ 25 The younger female viewer, who is educated and visually literate, is not angered by such a repertoire, as McRobbie points out in her book The Aftermath of Feminism (2009). 26 As feminism is understood to have achieved its goals of equality, it is no longer necessary in the eyes of younger generations of women. As highly educated and economically independent women, they do not experience sexual exploitation. Therefore, they can choose to be sexually attractive, and, so they claim, they do it for themselves, for their own enjoyment. 27 In my view, Dekkers is a perfect example of this post-feminist ideal.

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__________________________________________________________________ She employs her lingerie as a post-feminist strategy to express a powerful, and self-confident feminine identity. However, post-feminism is not without its pitfalls. Increasingly, feminist scholars have rightly argued that the quest for sexual ‘liberation’ has resulted in a hypersexualised culture and a renewed sexism in which women themselves are actively participating. 28 There is a renewed sexualisation of the body, which goes hand in hand with the commercialisation of the female body (a new development here is that this is also the case for the male body, but that development falls outside the scope of this chapter). Women may no longer be passive sexual objects, nor does the male gaze objectify them. They have become subjects and are in control of their own bodies. But they do now actively participate in the sexualisation and commercialisation of their bodies. That is the paradox of postfeminism. Levy captures this paradox remarkably well by stating, ‘Only thirty years (my lifetime) ago, our mothers were “burning their bras” and picketing Playboy, and suddenly we were getting implants and wearing the bunny logo as supposed symbols of our liberation.’ 29 What is more, I want to add, the current trend of openly wearing and showing off your sexy lingerie as a supposed symbol of women’s liberation is even more remarkably paradoxical in relationship to the trope of ‘bra burning’ feminists. I want to argue that there is a fine line between presenting a powerful, post-feminist femininity by showing beautiful female bodies dressed in lingerie on the one hand, and playing into the hypersexualisation of our culture on the other hand. Trying to conform to the contemporary highly sexualised beauty ideals, by shaping the body through diet, exercise, and cosmetic surgery, is a sign that ‘the corset did not so much disappear as become internalized.’ 30 We could say that while the bra is shown on the outside, the corset remains hidden inside the body in its disciplining effects. Through the internalisation of beauty ideals and practices of self-regulation, we are disciplining our bodies in a Foucauldian sense. 31 The corset thus is still present, yet invisible, practicing its power to shape and sexualise the female body. Whereas women on a large scale fought to liberate themselves from the constraints of fashion in the 1970s, today, we are still disciplining ourselves in the name of fashion, moulding, shaping and sexualising our bodies. This sexualisation has been taken to the extreme in contemporary popular culture. In this sense, the internalised corset is perhaps more present than ever. Designer Dekkers is always trying to design the perfect fit of the bra in an attempt to shape the ‘perfect breast,’ the perfect female body. This is not just an expression of the internalisation of the corset to shape the body, but also a play with visual (historical) references to the corset. What is surprising here is that contemporary culture only celebrates the positive connotations attached to the corset, such as youth, beauty, and erotic allure. It ignores the negative connotations such as oppression, submission, pain, and constriction. The post-feminist point of view thus is rather onesided or perhaps recklessly optimistic by emphasising the

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__________________________________________________________________ idea that women have the freedom to choose to shape and sexualise their own bodies by wearing daring lingerie. It is this paradox of post-feminism - presenting powerful femininity while balancing on the edge of a new form of sexism - that is inherent to the brand Marlies Dekkers. She is pushing the boundaries of the sexualisation of beautiful women dressed in lingerie, while at the same time presenting active, strong, and empowered women. The lingerie is meant to convey the idea that by wearing the lingerie you will embody, experience, and express that post-feminist ideal. We have thus entered a new regime of sexual meanings based on female consent, equality, participation and pleasure, 32 resulting in a hypersexualised culture in which women are self-objectifying their own bodies. Although the dominant view is that, today, in this post-feminist era we have the freedom of choice to wear sexy lingerie for our own pleasure, I cannot help but wonder if we are not experiencing a backlash. Looking at it in the context of previous feminist movements I wonder: are we truly empowered if we sexualise our bodies by openly wearing naughty lingerie? Would it not rather be a sign of real empowerment, confidence, and acceptance of our own femininity if we did not need to let our lingerie peep from underneath our clothes? Is not the corset - as a symbol of shaping and sexualising the body - more present than ever? Should we burn our bras yet again?

Notes 1

Ariel Levy, Female Chauvinist Pigs. Women and the Rise of Raunch Culture (London: Simon & Schuster, 2005); Angela McRobbie, The Aftermath of Feminism. Gender, Culture and Social Change (London: Sage, 2009). 2 Levy, Female Chauvinist Pigs; McRobbie, The Aftermath of Feminism; Natasha Walter, Living Dolls. The Return of Sexism (London: Virago, 2010). 3 Valerie Steele, The Corset. A Cultural History (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001); Lesley Scott, Lingerie. A Modern Guide (London: Quantum, 2010). 4 Bonnie Dow, ‘Feminism, Miss America, and Media Mythology’, Rhetoric & Public Affairs 6, No. 1 (2003): 128. 5 Ibid., 130. 6 Steele, The Corset, 1. 7 Ibid., 35. 8 Ibid., 90. 9 Ibid., 120. 10 Jill Fields, An Intimate Affair. Women, Lingerie and Sexuality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007). 11 Ibid., 243. 12 Scott, Lingerie, 65.

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Steele, The Corset, 162. Ibid. 15 Ibid., 166. 16 Ibid. 17 Scott, Lingerie, 124. 18 Anneke Smelik, ‘Carrousel der Seksen; Gender Benders in Videoclips’, in Een Beeld van de Vrouw. De Visualisering van het Vrouwelijke in een Postmoderne Cultuur, ed. Rosi Braidotti (Kampen: Kok Agora, 2003), 19-49. 19 McRobbie, The Aftermath of Feminism, 3. 20 Scott, Lingerie, 124. 21 Levy, Female Chauvinist Pigs; McRobbie, The Aftermath of Feminism. 22 Jos Arts, Marlies Dekkers (Arnhem: ArtEZ Press, 2008), 60. 23 Interview conducted with Marlies Dekkers by the research group ‘Dutch Fashion Identity in a Globalised World’, Radboud University Nijmegen (The Netherlands), 3 February 2011. 24 Levy, Female Chauvinist Pigs, 9. 25 McRobbie, The Aftermath of Feminism, 17. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Levy, Female Chauvinist Pigs; McRobbie, The Aftermath of Feminism; Natasha Walter, Living Dolls. The Return of Sexism (London: Virago, 2010). 29 Levy, Female Chauvinist Pigs, 3. 30 Steele, The Corset, 143. 31 Michel Foucault, Discipline & Punish. The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage books, 1979 [1975]). 32 McRobbie, The Aftermath of Feminism, 18. 14

Bibliography Arts, Jos. Marlies Dekkers. Arnhem: ArtEZ Press, 2008. Dow, Bonnie. ‘Feminism, Miss America, and Media Mythology’. Rhetoric & Public Affairs 6, No. 1 (2003): 127–160. Fields, Jill. An Intimate Affair. Women, Lingerie and Sexuality. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007. Foucault, Michel. Discipline & Punish. The Birth of the Prison. Translated by Alan Sheridan. New York: Vintage Books, 1979 [1975].

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__________________________________________________________________ Levy, Ariel. Female Chauvinist Pigs. Women and the Rise of Raunch Culture. London: Simon & Schuster, 2005. McRobbie, Angela. The Aftermath of Feminism. Gender, Culture and Social Change. London: Sage, 2009. Scott, Lesley. Lingerie. A Modern Guide. London: Quantum, 2010. Smelik, Anneke. ‘Carrousel der Seksen: Gender Benders in Videoclips’. In Een Beeld van de Vrouw. De Visualisering van het Vrouwelijke in een Postmoderne Cultuur, edited by Rosi Braidotti, 19–49. Kampen: Kok Agora, 1993. English (unpublished) version: http://www.annekesmelik.nl, under publications (articles). Steele, Valerie. The Corset. A Cultural History. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001. Walter, Natasha. Living Dolls. The Return of Sexism. London: Virago, 2010. Daniëlle Bruggeman is a PhD candidate at the department of Cultural Studies, Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands. Her research explores the dynamic relationship between fashion and identity, as part of the interdisciplinary project ‘Dutch Fashion Identity in a Globalised World,’ funded by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO).

Intimate Paradoxes of Victorian Lingerie: The Cases of George Sand and Amelia Bloomer Dinu Gabriel Munteanu Abstract Drawing on expertise from cultural anthropology and the liberal arts, the aim of this chapter is to examine some of the interwoven psychological, anthropological, sexual, and socially semiotic representations of 19th century feminine undergarments, and in this process show how these phenomenological and cultural constructs shaped - or reflected - Victorian civilisation in terms of gender identities, erotic taboos and widely-dispersed social attitudes. Central to this chapter will be two critical case-studies, one on American dress reformer Amelia Jenks Bloomer, demonised by her contemporaries for donning, underneath a skirt, a form of loose Turkish trousers, and the other on the French Romantic poet George Sand, who plainly dressed in masculine attire. This chapter will argue that although both Sand and Bloomer dramatically transgressed the Victorian norms of femininity, arousing (especially Bloomer) ridicule and moral trepidation, neither of them was in any way riotously unfeminine or radically revolutionary. Key Words: Lingerie, Victorianism, George Sand, Amelia Bloomer, shame, femininity. ***** In its preoccupation with moral uprightness, the Victorian Age saw careful regulations of the forms of permissible sex attraction, especially in what the apparel of women is concerned. Following the increasing social importance of the middle-class, the spirit of prudery pulled through from its war-time setbacks, and became the central influence over the costume of both sexes. 1 This social context deserves particular attention, as it marks a threshold in modern culture and psychology. Of course, there had been earlier times when various states of undress were severely frowned upon. There is, however, something fundamentally different between the Victorian type of prudery and, for instance, the early-medieval attitude towards the human body. In the latter case, reticence was centrally sanctioned and originated from the Church - generally by virtue of preaching against carnal sin, feminine charms and the fiery pits of doom, all of which were relatively inter-changeable. And while ecclesiastical attitudes had not altered much over the centuries, Lady Fashion certainly did, shrugging its occasionally unveiled shoulders in the purple faces of clerics, who seem to have lost any practical grip on these matters somewhere in the 15th century. With Victorianism, however, the changes in body dis-play and down-play were much more deeply rooted in society, and have thus proven both more perennial,

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__________________________________________________________________ and more complex than before. Life had changed fundamentally, class-distinctions becoming more blurred as the middle-class exploded, consumerism growing rapidly alongside industrial economies, and concepts such as individual, personal hygiene and birth-control redefining the connotations of family and sexuality. Dress codes reflected these changes in quite bizarre manners. As two early sartorial historians suggest, one might have expected that, after having discovered soap and water, the glorious human body to finally emerge from its trappings, making excessive underclothes an inconsequential burden of the past; yet ‘who could have foreseen the irony of embedding the Victorian body in layer upon layer of undergarments, all scrupulously clean, and all scrupulously hidden?’ 2 Arguably, these practices were a social response to newly developed Victorian middle-class notions of ‘character,’ ‘duty,’ ‘earnestness,’ ‘hard work,’ and so on. In building up such virtues, one had to control the lesser facets of human nature, or at least (or perhaps especially) to divert them away from social visibility. In documenting the Western ‘civilising process’ and the creation of modern manners, Elias refers to this context as indicative of an elaborate ‘shame frontier,’ which problematises the naked body and its exposure to all but closest family members. 3 And while the worry for discomfiture might be waning now, two centuries later, for the typical Victorian the shame barrier, like any heavily guarded frontier, was bound not only to create the paradoxical need and fear of trespassing it, but also generate a no man’s land on either sides of it, a psychological zone which allowed for the uncoiling of sexual tensions and the building of modern erotic traditions. These phenomena are well reflected by transformations in undergarments’ design and functions. It would be virtually impossible in one single chapter to review the entire range of post-modern shibboleths regarding ‘typically Victorian’ middle-class womanhood - clichés that in themselves are by-products of overly-enthusiastic, second-wave feminist prose, 4 which in its liberating zeal created a series of indiscriminate dictums that trumpeted, among other things, the moral enslavement (by men, of course) and sexual unassertiveness (for men, evidently) of 19th century women. The corset, for example, was picked out as an instrument of suppression and conformity, described as a veritable birdcage forced by men upon helpless, dominated women. 5 It is as if a bruised syllogism had been woven around the notions of ‘woman,’ ‘corset’ and ‘patriarchal tyranny.’ The banishing of all middle hues from this picture is disheartening, especially since corsetry was ‘not one monolithic, unchanging experience that all unfortunate women experienced before being liberated by feminism. It was a situated practice that meant different things to different people at different times.’ Indeed, while some women undoubtedly perceived it as an assault of the body, the corset also ‘had many positive connotations - of social status, self-discipline, artistry, respectability, beauty, youth, and erotic allure.’ 6

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__________________________________________________________________ It is, however, not the corset that this chapter would like to place at the centre of the attention here but women’s drawers. 7 These underpants would challenge, and eventually overtop the Victorian canons of gender propriety. The design of this undergarment is rather modest in size, yet intimately close to the skin and vital to the prescriptions of both femininity and of transgressive ‘non-femininity’ as well. These divided undergarments became integral part of Victorian dress codes early in the century, during a period of heightened gender-differentiation, in which the dress of both sexes clearly strengthened the distinctions between their increasingly disparate daily routines. Therefore, on a first reading, it appears paradoxical that drawers, formerly a masculine undergarment, would be adopted by women at a time when the social construction of the two sexes would be centered on stressing out their very differences. To go beyond this apparent contradiction, one needs to examine some historical facts - and especially the construction of the drawers themselves - a little more closely. Children’s attire provides us with a fundamental hint, since the first females to wear drawers at the beginning of the century were actually young girls. This was a time of changing attitudes towards childhood, when both middle-class girls and boys would be dressed up similarly during their first five-six years of age. Gender distinction in dress would gradually be instituted as children grew, older boys’ drawers becoming longer breeches, and girls’ turning into small ‘pantalettes.’ However, the essential sartorial change which would condition the passage into adulthood differed dramatically according to sex: for boys it meant the adopting of long trousers, while girls had to abandon the closed-crotch design of the pantalettes, and don the open-crotch drawers worn by their mothers. Considered a ‘striking example of regulating female behaviour through attire, the adoption of adult female apparel had implications beyond the actual physical restriction that inhibited freer movement,’ and signalled the ‘assuming of the status of potential sexual partner. Wearing open drawers created a signal, if not the daily reality, of a woman’s sexual availability.’ 8 Interestingly enough, when they first appeared, drawers were criticised for being both exceedingly modest and immodest: some men welcomed the new visibility of previously obscured lower limbs, while others missed the forbidden pleasures of glimpsing nude flesh when women raised their skirts to avoid dangerous steps. 9 No matter the tastes, however, the discussion would have a clear emphasis, revolving not around the potential gender-ambivalence of the drawers, but around their sensual nature. I must thus disagree with one historian’s suggestion that opposition to women wearing divided underwear was based on ‘the fear that these “masculine” garments would sexualize women.’ 10 On the contrary, the fear - otherwise very real - was that they would ‘unsexualise’ women and turn them into manly surrogates. To avert such a horror, society made it clear that ‘women could wear a divided garment if it were feminized and sexualized, and this feminization of the garment assured that “real” trousers would still be worn only

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__________________________________________________________________ by “real” men.’ 11 The open-crotch construction would clearly distinguish between masculine and feminine underpants, and - like the corset - would allow women to navigate the waters of respectability while at the same time asserting their sexuality. However some women found this navigation burdensome and redundant, if not undignified. Two of the most famous of them were the French Romantic writer George Sand (1804-1876), who plainly dressed in manly attire, and the American reformer Amelia Jenks Bloomer (1818-1894); the latter’s name actually came to designate a distinct piece of underclothing (the Bloomer), which was a garment made up of full, loose pantaloons (or ‘Turkish’ trousers), worn under a short skirt. These two ladies are fascinating, intelligent and pioneering historical figures, and therefore an examination of both their cases follows. George Sand was probably the most notorious cross-dresser of the time. Her preference for manly attire, especially for masculine drawers and chemises, was exceptional in a post-revolutionary France where women generally followed the strict etiquette that expressed the power and position of their families. However, an indication at least some women became tired of wearing shoes that were not exactly designed for walking, and of becoming petticoat-igloos during winter, is the fact that the regulation of these discriminating codes had to be enforced by the passing of legislation specifically forbidding 12 the wearing of male clothes by the fair sex - leading us to believe that such occurrences were not that infrequent, after all. 13 Returning to George Sand, it is unquestionable that she was a dominant figure in the literary milieu of the 19th century. Hence, her manner of dress, aside from being an obvious reflection of a strong personality, also points to a more practical issue, namely her free (physical) participation in the male-dominated Parisian literary circles. Her presence would have probably been somewhat awkward (both for herself and her fellow colleagues), had she worn the heavy petticoats and corsets of the age. It is also true that her literary works are primarily subject to ideological considerations: the novel that brought her immediate fame, Indiana (1832), is a passionate protest against the social conventions that unwillingly bound a woman to a husband she did not care for, a protest amounting up to an impressive apologia for a heroine that abandons an unhappy marriage to find true love. Her other semi-biographical works (e.g., Valentine, 1832; Lélia, 1833) similarly study the iniquitous position of 19th century women and plead for their romantic liberation, while also discussing wider spheres of social and class relationships. Her characters are of an extreme innocence and charm, her prose fluent, idealistic and embedded with an almost child-like optimism. ‘The novel,’ she declared, ‘need not necessarily be the representation of reality.’ 14 Yet Sand could and would be the representation of her novels. Her donning of masculine attire was not an act of self-inflicted masculinisation. On the contrary, it was a personal pro-claiming of what femininity truly meant for her: the liberty to

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__________________________________________________________________ choose, before anything else, whom to love. She might have dressed as a man, but Amandine Aaurore Lucile Dudevant - how exquisitely feminine, fragile almost, her real name sounds - was irresistible, as a woman, to the artists and writers with whom she came into contact. After an insipid, provincial marriage, she moved to Paris (1831) and cultivated a close friendship with Henri de Latouche, the director of Le Figaro. As she became increasingly known on the literary scene, her list of lovers began to grow. At the end of her life, it would include, among others, names such as Prosper Mérimée, Alfred de Musset, and Frédéric Chopin. Such was the charm of Amandine, that Musset’s finest lyrics (as he would later recount in his Confession) would be inspired by their intermittent love affair. For Chopin, the period he stayed with Sand at her country house in Nohant was to be the happiest and most productive in his life, and the long summers spent there bore fruit in a succession of masterpieces. 15 Yet let us not make the mistake to accept the popular impression of her as a nymphomaniac who changed her philosophy and politics to suit the views of each successive lover. When she thought she had found something approaching perfection in a man, she lived with him for years, caring for him with a love that was more that of a mother than of a mistress. She stayed eight years with Chopin, for example, until he left her after a quarrel. She remained impervious to Musset’s sceptical views and Chopin’s aristocratic prejudices, while the man whose opinions she adopted wholeheartedly, the philosopher Pierre Lerous, was never her lover. 16 Is this, then, the figure of a brusque and mannish character, devoid of femininity and a danger to Victorian morals? Or is Sand’s choice of dress and life not the most elegant proof of how the spirit of a free woman does not reside in the many - or the few - layers of her clothes, but in her capacity to transform and, ultimately, to transcend them? To this day, this is a lesson too few feminists - men or women - have truly comprehended. On the other side of the Atlantic, Amelia Bloomer’s story is even more relevant for the understanding of Victorian gender-dress-politics, and especially of the fixation on ‘feminine’ vs. ‘non-feminine’ undergarments. Amelia was an American journalist and writer, only slightly involved in the actions of the women’s rights movement when she adopted, in 1851, the ankle-length, baggy trousers outfit proposed by one of her friends, Elizabeth Miller. Therefore, although she had not originated the costume, Bloomer’s defence of it in her journal The Lily linked her name with it indissolubly. 17 The costume enjoyed a small succès de scandale in America, where it was adopted mostly by a few feminist activists. Practically, most

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__________________________________________________________________ women were amused, as well as shocked by the Bloomer and did not for a moment think of wearing such an immodest and non-conformist garment. 18 Despite the fact that its public use was very short-lived, the outfit generated an immense amount of public debate, ridicule and fear after it first appeared. An article in the New York Times (1851) went insofar as to use violent political discourse to describe the moral perniciousness of trouser wearing women, suggesting that this right belonged exclusively to men. 19 The distinguished journalist, either a cultured misogynist or very fearful of women altogether (assuming there is a real difference between the two) made it clear that such a scandalous practice represented an anti-masculine provocation, a personal attack against men and, worst of all, against the holy concept of gender-difference itself. Similarly, caricatures appeared in magazines, depicting women in Bloomer costumes wielding canes, smoking cigars and proposing marriage to timid, domesticated men, who washed the laundry and took care of the children. Other brave critics suggested that this horrific, ankle-revealing costume was being adopted by prostitutes (hence its complete incompatibility with proper women), while also arguing that the Turkish element in its description (‘loose Turkish trousers’) made it dubiously heathen, thus dangerous to civilized women. 20 All of these observations underline the fact that dress codes, especially those regulating undergarments, were very potent and effective regulators of gender-differences, and were perceived by men as warrantors of political and social control. 21 However, this chapter argues that the unusually vehement reaction to the Bloomer costume points out to the possible fact that men’s defensive reaction to it was based on a self-sustained illusion, an apparently intrinsic and objectively unjustified fear of women’s assertiveness. In other words, men - not women - were exhibiting signs of social hysteria when discussing these issues. If the reasons why Amelia Bloomer adopted the costume are examined, it will become clear that she did not instil it with any kind of political undertone. In 1851, she was barely involved in the women’s rights movement, in which she would become an active member years later, after the Bloomer affair was long consummated. It was not feminist fervour that motivated her alternative dress proposal, but rather common sense and hygiene-related considerations. The normal feminine dress of the 1840’s, which made many layers of petticoats necessary for the bulk-shape demanded by fashion, posed not only weight problems, being literally hard to wear, but it would also get easily soiled, as women brushed the streets with their long and rich attire. Amelia’s costume resolved both of these problems, yet not at the expense of feminine charm. On the opposite, seduction was not absent from the Bloomer costume. In describing its pantaloons Mrs. Bloomer insisted that they should reach the ankle but not the instep and that when they were worn with boots, they should be gracefully shaped on the upper edge

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__________________________________________________________________ and trimmed with fur or fancifully embroidered. The pantaloons were to be loosish and held in at the ankle by elastic; the coat worn over them was to have a full skirt and reach to about, or a little below, the knee. 22 Indeed, these fashion-conscious amendments would have probably never surfaced in the mind of a radical feminist dress reformer. And although in later life she would become an active champion of women’s emancipation, she denied that the Bloomer had ever played an important part in her campaigns for their rights. In fact, she explained her giving up of the costume ‘in the later 1850’s, when [sic] comfortable crinolines replaced heavy petticoats and when, moving with her husband to a windy part of the United States, the short skirt she wore with her Bloomer blew up embarrassingly over her head.’ 23 This, then, is the figure of the real Amelia Jenks Bloomer, an attractive, witty, fashionable young woman, intent on feeling and looking good in her skin (and clothes), a lady who never denied her femininity, nor ever claimed to want to fundamentally re-define it. That so many men saw in her outfit an attempt at castrating them out of their trousers (even after the Bloomer had been rejected by virtually all contemporary women) is perhaps indicative of a masculine psychological frailty, reticence or fear regarding non-conformist women in general, sentiments which despite being coated in Victorian condescendence, transpire to the modern researcher as yet another peculiar, and somewhat pathetic episode in the history of patriarchal society and its wallowing belligerencies. Of course, women were quite aware of these soft spots in men’s uncomplicated egos (an awareness they have beautifully cultivated throughout history), and when bicycles were mass produced, making the wearing of open-crotch drawers practically impossible (or at least unconceivable), the ‘bicycle dress’ of the 1890’s would be described in one issue of Harper’s Bazaar (1894) as ‘Turkish trousers, long and ample, made of such fullness that when standing upright the division is obliterated.’ 24 Still, as if to revenge the unjustness of past decades, these garments were victoriously and forever known as ‘cycling Bloomers.’

Notes 1

Willett Cunnington and Phillis Cunnington, The History of Underclothes (New York: Dover Publications, 1951), 120. 2 Ibid., 98. 3 Norbert Elias, The Civilising Process: The History of Manners (Oxford: Blackwell, 1978).

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Helen Roberts, ‘The Exquisite Slave: The Role of Clothes in the Making of the Victorian Woman’, Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2 (1977): 554-569. 5 Ibid., 554. 6 Valerie Steele, The Corset: A Cultural History (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2007), I. 7 The name derives from the act of ‘drawing’ the garments over the body. Drawers were previously worn exclusively by men, to keep warm and to protect the outer garments from direct contact with the body (quoted in Jill Fields, An Intimate Affair: Women, Lingerie, and Sexuality, Berkley: University of California Press, 2007), 19. 8 Fields, An Intimate Affair: Women, Lingerie and Sexuality, 24. 9 Ibid., 25. 10 Jennifer Craik, The Face of Fashion: Cultural Studies in Fashion (London: Routledge, 1978), 119. 11 Fields, An Intimate Affair, 25. 12 Whether this reflects French men’s phobia for unfashionable women or the general patriarchal dottiness typical of the 19th century would be a question worth looking into. 13 See also Valerie Steele, The Corset, 163-164. 14 ‘George Sand’, Encyclopaedia Britannica 2003 Ultimate Reference Digital Suite, 2003, 1. 15 Arthur Hedley, ‘Frédéric Chopin’. Article contributed for the Encyclopaedia Britannica 2003 Ultimate Reference Digital Suite, 2003. 16 ‘George Sand’, 2. 17 Jacob Marly, ‘Dress’, Article contributed for the Encyclopaedia Britannica 2003 Ultimate Reference Digital Suite, 2003, 45. 18 Marly, Dress, 46; see also Stella Mary Newton, Health, Art & Reason. Dress Reformers of the 19th Century (London: John Murray Publishers, 1974), 4. 19 Fields, An Intimate Affair, 26. 20 Ibid., 26-27. 21 Ibid., 25-26. 22 Newton, Health, Art & Reason, 4. 23 Ibid., 3. 24 Quoted in Stella Blum, Victorian Fashion and Costumes from Harper’s Bazaar, 1867-1898 (Courier Dover Publications, 1974), 266.

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Bibliography Craik, Jennifer. The Face of Fashion: Cultural Studies in Fashion. London: Routledge, 1998. Cunnington, Willett, and Cunnington, Phillis. The History of Underclothes. New York: Dover Publications, 1951/1992. Elias, Norbert. The Civilising Process: The History of Manners. Oxford: Blackwell, 1978. Fields, Jill. An Intimate Affair: Women, Lingerie, and Sexuality. Berkley: University of California Press, 2007. ‘George Sand’. Encyclopaedia Britannica 2003 Ultimate Reference Digital Suite, 2003. Hedley, Arthur. ‘Frédéric Chopin’. Article contributed for the Encyclopaedia Britannica 2003 Ultimate Reference Digital Suite, 2003. Marly, Jacob. ‘Dress’. Article contributed for the Encyclopaedia Britannica 2003 Ultimate Reference Digital Suite, 2003. Newton, Stella Mary. Health, Art & Reason. Dress Reformers of the 19th Century. London: John Murray Publishers, 1974. Roberts, Helen. ‘The Exquisite Slave: The Role of Clothes in the Making of the Victorian Woman’. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2 (1977): 554–569. Steele, Valerie. The Corset: A Cultural History. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2007. Dinu Gabriel Munteanu has a B.A. degree in psychology and an M.A. in Arts & Sciences. He is currently a doctoral researcher under the sponsorship of Nottingham Trent University’s School of Arts & Humanities. He writes about things that fascinate him.

All Tied Up: The Cravat and the Evolution of Men’s Fashion in Nineteenth-Century France Leonard R. Koos Abstract During the final years of the Bourbon Restoration in France in the 1820s, a surprising and inordinate number of guides and manuals appeared in print contending that the cravat was the most important element of men’s fashion. In ephemeral works like Cravatiana, (1823), L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate (1827), Le Code de la Cravate (1828), and Manuel de l’homme du Monde, Guide Complet de la Toilette et du Bon Ton (1828), among many others, the male reader was instructed on all aspects of the cravat - its history, the choice of an appropriate cravat according to the occasion, and illustrated directions on how to tie as many as forty-one types of cravats then current. This chapter will analyse these manuals and demonstrate how they are emblematic not only of this pivotal moment in men’s fashion, but also relate to greater social and cultural changes in nineteenth-century France. These texts will be contextualised by discussing their relationship to trends in men’s fashion in France in the first two decades of the century, specifically the transformation of the extravagant fashions of the Directory incroyables into the understated elegance of the fashionables of the 1820s, a French variant influenced by English dandy on the continent. This chapter will then analyse how these manuals discursively function as social commentary, discussing their conception the cravat as a mark of individuality in a society increasingly dominated by a lack of sartorial distinction. Finally, this chapter will demonstrate how the cravat during this period can ultimately be understood as an expression of class conflict and mobility as the emergent bourgeoisie attempted to imitate and distinguish itself from the Ancien Régime’s aristocracy in the use of this unique and increasingly marginalised accessory of nineteenth century men’s fashion. Key Words: Cravat, Bourbon Restoration, men’s fashion, Balzac, aristocracy, bourgeoisie. ***** In Honoré de Balzac’s novel Le Père Goriot, published in 1834 but set in the early Bourbon Restoration France of 1819, the protagonist Eugène de Rastagnac, an ambitious provincial aristocrat who has made his way to the big city to conquer Parisian society, finds himself one afternoon in the company of Parisian dandy Maxime de Trailles in Madame de Restaud’s salon. While the narrator, not without irony, describes Eugène as having dressed himself ’very elegantly,’ 1 for the visit, when compared to the fashionable count, Rastignac himself recognises just how shabby his clothes appear in comparison and just how inferior his fashion sense is.

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__________________________________________________________________ Consequently, he embarks on a plan to learn how to use the components of men’s fashion for his own benefit. The lesson for this apprentice dandy would seem to be to dress for success. And, as Rastignac collects through lies and trickery the necessary funds to do so, he understands that must rely on the services and talents of an intermediary, his tailor, symbolically called ‘a hyphen between a young man’s present and future.’ 2 In another text published in 1834, an essay entitled ‘La Mode à Paris’ by Charles Ballard in the satirical collection Paris, ou le Livre des Cent-et-un, the author proceeds from the premise that ‘save for rare exceptions, the fashionable man has become a synonym for a ridiculous man.’ 3 Much like the stated plan for Balzac’s own Comédie Humaine, Ballard attempts to classify the various existing types of these ridiculous, fashionable men in French society. He passes in review dandies and fops in varying degrees, but ultimately reserves his harshest criticism for those fashionable men who are ‘so absorbed by the preoccupation of their dress, so immersed in the abstractions of a cravat knot, a shirt button, and a tuft of hair, that a revolution can brush up against them without distracting their minds from this obsession, if the word mind can even be used when talking about them.’ 4 It certainly strikes a curious note that, in the same year, shortly after the 1830 revolution had definitively overthrown the Bourbon regime in favour of LouisPhilippe’s constitutional monarchy, two such diametrically opposed perspectives on the cultural capital of the fashionable man should appear. Indeed, the 1830s in France as elsewhere in industrialising Western Europe, constituted a transitional period in the history of men’s dress as the fashion system‘s gender divide developed and deepened in the course of the nineteenth century. John Carl Flugel, in his groundbreaking The Psychology of Clothes (1930), identified in this period what he ultimately called the Great Male Renunciation of elements like colour, ornamentation, and so forth, as men’s sartorial codes receded into the purportedly utilitarian uniformity of the black suit. Flugel contended that the Great Male Renunciation marked the moment when man ‘abandoned his claim to be considered beautiful. He henceforth aimed at being only useful. So far as clothes remained of importance to him, his utmost endeavours could lie only in the direction of being “correctly” attired, not in being elegantly or elaborately attired.’ 5 In Charles Ballard’s indictment of certain men’s preoccupation with fashion, he evokes as a primary example the seemingly innocuous if not arcane detail of a cravat’s knot. The reader of 1834, however, would find this detail a meaningful one as it recalled the previous decade’s cravat craze expressed by the publication of numerous guides and manuals on this element of the fashionable man‘s dress. These works, clearly authored by middle-class writers for a middle-class readership, typically included a history of the cravat, a commentary on its aesthetic and social value, and practical details like the use of starches, illustrated instructions on the tying of as many as forty-one different knots, and advice on the appropriateness of certain knots for varying physiognomies, contexts, and

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__________________________________________________________________ occasions. The publication of such manuals began in England in 1818 with the appearance of the anonymous Neckclothitania or Tietania, Being an Essay on Starchers, by One of the Cloth, very liberally translated in French in 1823 as Cravatiana, ou Traité Général des Cravates Considérées dans leur Origine, leur Influence Politique, Physique, Morale, leurs Formes, leurs Espèces. Within a few years, a number of other cravat guides, most anonymously authored, appeared in France including L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate (1827), L’Omnibus de la Toilette, Contenant 125 Préceptes D’hygiène, de Bon Ton et de Bon Gout Relatives à la Toilette, et Ensiegnant les Quarante et une Manières de Mettre sa Cravate (1828), Le Code de la Cravate (1828), and A. Martin’s Manuel de L’homme du Monde, Guide Complet de la Toilette et du Bon Ton (1828). L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate, published under the comic pseudonym le Baron de L’Empésé (the Baron of the Starched) but attributable to Emile Marco de Saint-Hilaire, 6 was the most popular of these manuals, having been reprinted at least twelve times and, in turn, translated into English and published in London in 1828 as The Art of Tying the Cravat by H. Le Blanc. In L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate, not only does a portrait of the fictive Baron de l’Empésé appear, but the narrative invents an aristocratic genealogy for him. Despite varying degrees of satire, these works were unanimous in their estimation of the pre-eminence of the cravat in cotemporary men’s fashion. A. Martin in his Manuel de L‘homme du Monde, for example, categorically asserted, ‘[t]he cravat is the most important part of a man’s wardrobe; it is to the suit as beautiful eyes are to the face; it should be the object of the most singular care and strict attention; it is by the cravat that a man is judged; the cravat is the whole man.’ 7 The author of Le Code de la Cravate concurred, contending that ‘it is at the cravat that one preferentially places one’s gaze, and it often decides the opinion, good or bad, that a well composed group holds for a new individual who is presented to them or admitted in their company.’ 8 In an 1829 satirical essay on the fashion entitled ‘De la Cravate, Considérée en Elle-Même et Dans ses Rapports avec la Société et les Indvidus,’ Balzac contended that ‘it is by [the cravat] that man reveals and manifests himself.’ 9 The author of L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate conveniently summarised this hyperbolae by stating: ‘It is the thermometer of one’s taste in matters of tying and education.’ 10 This final comment, at the very least, additionally underscores the uniqueness of the cravat as an element of men’s fashion. As with all fashion, the cravat represents a choice meant both to correspond to a particular context as well as to distinguish the wearer within it, however its successful articulation depends entirely on its wearer’s mastery of the techniques of creating the appropriate knot. A poorly tied cravat, as Le Code de la Cravate warned, ‘is like a talisman of malediction and calamity.’ 11 Given the paramount importance attributed to the cravat in the overall appearance, selecting a knot, studying its formation, and successfully executing it could take up the

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__________________________________________________________________ majority of the reportedly one to two hours of dressing time per day for the fashionable man in the 1820s. 12 If we accept Flugel’s basic thesis on the progressive gendering of the fashion system in the first half of the nineteenth century and, as Kaja Silverman has interpreted it, its engendering of a male gaze on a fashionably female object of desire, 13 then we necessarily must see in the complicated grammar and localised spectacle of cravat knots in the 1820s one of the last flourishes in the nineteenth century of overt heteronormative male participation as active consumers in such a system. 14 To understand fully the cravat’s complicated cultural status at this time, a brief review of men’s fashion in France since the late-eighteenth century is instructive. In terms of both men’s and women’s upper-class fashion, the 1789 Revolution dramatically disrupted the extravagant social spectacle of Ancien Régime sartorial visual codes, replacing them with an equally codified and politicised yet markedly pared down and standardised regime of dress emblematised by, for example, the rejection of the culotte in favor of pants, the rejection of the eighteenth-century cravat in favour of the loosely tied foulard, the cocade, the Phrygian cap, and so forth. With the Thermaodrian Reaction and the ushering in of the Directory in 1795, a resurgence of politically resonant elaborateness in the fashion styles of the so-called jeunesse dorée, the incroyables and the merveilleuses, occurred. For the male incroyable, this frequently included enormous spectacles or monocles in order to feign myopia, short frock coats with enormous collars gathered in the back, velvet culottes, large opera hats, and so forth. 15 While such eccentricity receded during the First Empire, heteronormative male fashion continued to be expressed in France in Napoléon’s institution of elaborate military dress and in the imitation and dissemination of the appropriated figure of the English dandy. On the latter, referred to through the 1830s in French as either le dandy, le fashionable, or le lion, the influential figure of George Brummel, who definitively relocated to France in 1816 and incidentally championed the use of the cravat, was paramount. The cravat, repopularised and rendered ever more intricate by English and French dandies on the continent then codified in the manuals of the 1820s, was figured throughout not only as an essential element of men’s dress, but also as a fundamentally telling signifier of specific characteristics of its wearer’s personality and temperament. L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate, for example, noted that the cravate mathématique was exclusively the appropriate tie for precise thinkers, the cravate orientale for men of good fortune, the cravate Byron for poets, the cravate américaine for politicians and public speakers, and so forth. 16 On another level, the classificatory structure and rhetoric of these guides, while textually consistent with the representational strategies of the nineteenth century physiologie, which dominated social and literary discourse of this period, additionally related to a constant preoccupation in these manuals regarding the fluid and ultimately tenuous status of current categories and distinctions of class. Le Code de la Cravate

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__________________________________________________________________ contended that this element of fashion ‘easily allows one to distinguish the city man from the country man, the Parisian from the provincial, the bourgeois from the military man, the witty man from the idiot.’ 17 L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate depicted a far more dramatic state of affairs, suggesting that the cravat represented a final, perhaps even desperate, act of individuality and resistance against the ‘general levelling that threatens a society in the throes of a fusion of all stations and conditions… .’ 18 The cravat of the 1820s, then, through the increasingly unexecutable and unreadable complications of its knots, became a more purely rhetorical and ideological not to mention contradictory performance in a world where one could no longer determine a man’s origin and class by his clothes. When we consider the political climate in France during the heyday of the cravat, the 1824 ascendancy of Charles X, the last Bourbon king who was widely considered to be an imposter on an equally illegitimate throne, seems particularly pertinent. 19 Moreover, his regime’s inability, despite its authoritarian aspirations, to maintain political and cultural authority over a newly assertive middle-class as well as over the Ancien Régime’s signifying traditions of privilege and birthright, rendered the latter vulnerable to the predatorily emergent values of a commercial culture in which the former could acquire those signifiers in the marketplace. 20 Yet, as Balzac stated in his essay on the cravat, ‘imitation and subjugation to rules discolour, freeze and kill it; it is neither by study nor by work that one succeeds with it… The day when it submits to general rules and fixed principles, it will have ceased to exist.’ 21 Cravat manuals, as seeming bourgeois parodies of privilege grafted onto a truncated and maimed tradition, constituted gestures of appropriation of the signs of aristocratic distinction that ultimately neutralised their status and rendered them merely commodified accessories in a new social order wherein the values of the workplace as an arena for men‘s public selves would soon dominate. 22 From an essential element of men’s everyday fashion to a progressively marginalized accessory for specific occasions before becoming a pejoratively telling affectation in all instances, the cravat in France in the 1820s and 1830s ultimately functioned like a political and social barometer of the shifting cultural topology of the period. While manuals and guides, however satirical, seemingly sought to preserve and perpetuate the distinction, sartorial or otherwise, with which the cravat had been associated, one senses already that this was a losing battle as an ascendant bourgeoisie was redrawing the lines of class difference and those aspects of popular and elite culture associated with them. In a curious turn, the complex cravat styles of the 1820s, as a site of contested performativity, effected a cultural and political double bind in which a new social order sought to establish and assert its authority by appropriating, imitating and simulating the values of a deposed and declining system of signification only to simultaneously and satirically undermine them as passing fashions that no longer corresponded to subsequent bourgeois reconceptualisations of masculinity.

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Notes 1

Honoré de Balzac, Le Père Goriot (Paris: Gallimard, 1971), 84. All translations, unless otherwise indicated, are the author’s. 2 Ibid., 139. 3 Charles Ballard, ‘La Mode à Paris’, in Paris, ou le Livre des Cent-et-un (Paris: Ladvocat, 1834), 178. 4 Ibid., 188-189. 5 John Carl Flugel, The Psychology of Clothes (London: Hogarth, 1930), 111. Flugel was also part of the Men’s Dress Reform movement, which emerged in England after World War I. For more on this, see Joanna Bourke, ‘The Great Male Renunciation: Men’s Dress Reform in Inter-War Britian’, Journal of Design History 9 (1996): 23-33. 6 Although some sources attribute this work to Balzac, they erroneously conflate Balzac’s journalistic work in the 1820s on fashion with his publishing firm, which published L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate in 1827, along with other similarly satirical pamphlets by Emile Marco de Saint-Hilaire like L’Art de ne Jamais Déjeuner chez Soi et de Dîner tous les Jours chez les Autres (1827), L’Art de Recevoir et de n’en pas Donner (1827), and L’Art de Payer ses Dettes et de Satisfaire ses Créanciers sans Jamais Débourser un Sous (1827). 7 A. Martin, Manuel de L’homme du Monde, Guide Complet de la Toilette et du Bon Ton (Paris: Audin, 1828), 249. 8 Le Code de la Cravate, Traité Complet des Formes, de la Mise, des Couleurs de la Cravate (Paris: Audin, 1828), 6. 9 Honoré de Balzac, ‘De la Cravat, Considérée en Elle-Même et Dans ses Rapports avec la Société’, in Oeuvres Complètes, volume 20 (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1879), 462. 10 L‘Art de Mettre sa Cravate de Toutes les Manières Connues et Usitées, Enseigné en Seize Leçons (Paris: La Librairie Universelle, 1827), 7. 11 Le Code de la Cravate, 59. 12 Cravatiana ou Traité Général des Cravates Considérées Dans leur Origine, leur Influence Politique, Physique et Morale, leur Formes, leurs Espèces (Paris: Dalibon, 1823), 38. A slightly later text, G. de M.’s satirical essay Histoire Philosophique, Anecdotique et Critique de la Cravate et du Col (Paris: Michel Lévy, 1854), while arguing against the cravat in favour of the modern, massproduced collar, noted the wastefulness in terms of time that men devoted to the cravat: ‘Over an average of forty years, it is a matter of taking away four thousand hours from one’s business and one’s pleasures’ (90). 13 See Kaja Silverman, ‘Fragments of a Fashionable Discourse’, in Studies in Entertainment: Critical Approaches to Mass Culture, ed. Tori Modeleski, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), 108-129.

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While journals on women’s fashion existed in substantial numbers since the lateeighteenth century in France, nothing comparable on men’s fashion existed before the Second Empire. Even so, journals like Le Lion, Journal des Nauseates et des Modes D’hommes did not focus on men’s fasion per ssay, but rather on the fashionable lifestyle of the contemporary man. In the 1820s and 1830s, details men’s fashion was included in women’s fashion periodicals like Le Protée, but also in professional journals like Le Narcisse, Album du Tailleur et de L’élégant ou Revue Générale des Modes Parisiennes. 15 For more on the political dimension of dressing during the Directory, see Ewa Lajer-Burcharth, ‘The “Muscadins” and the “Merveilleuses”: Body and Fashion in Public Space under the Directory, 1795-1799’, in Repression and Expression: Literary and Social Coding in Nineteenth-Century France, ed. Carrol F, Coates (New York: Peter Lang, 1996), 137-144. 16 L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate, 7-8. To a somewhat lesser extent, a number of texts treat the accessory of gloves in the same way. For example, see Honoré de Balzac, ’Etude de Moeurs par les Gants’, Oeuvres Complètes, volume 20 (Paris: CalmannLévy, 1879), 437-441, and Georges Guenot-Lecointe, Physiologie du Gant (Paris: Desloges, 1841). As with cravat literature, these texts are decidedly satirical. 17 Le Code de la Cravate, 40. 18 L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate, 14. 19 In the years surrounding Charles X’s ascendency to the throne, discontent was expressed throughout France in demonstrations supporting stage productions of Molière’s famous anticlerical comedy about imposture and hypocrisy Tartuffe, performances that the government tried to suppress. For more on this issue, see Sheryl Kroen, Politics and Theater: The Crisis of Legitimacy in Restoration Franc, 1815-1830 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000). 20 In this respect, it is relevant to note that Balzac himself began to sign his name with the aristocratic ‘de’ during the period, despite the fact that he had no title to nobility. 21 Balzac, ‘La Cravate’, 463. 22 In this respect, some critics and fashion historians associate the black suit with these new values. See, for example, John Harvey, Men in Black (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995) and David Kuchta, The Three-Piece Suit and Modern Masculinity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002). Of course, a number of nineteenth-century commentators (for example, Charles Baudelaire) pejoratively identify a political association with the black suit and bourgeois democracy.

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Bibliography L’Art de Mettre sa Cravate de Toutes les Manières Connues et Usitées, Enseigné en Seize Leçons. Paris: Librairie Universelle, 1827. Ballard, Charles. ‘La Mode à Paris’. In Paris ou le Livres des Cent-et-un. Volume 14, 177–198. Paris: Lavocat, 1834. Bourke, Johanna. ‘The Great Male Renunciation: Men’s Dress Reform in InterWar Britain’. Journal of Design History 9 (1996): 23–33. Cravatiana ou Traité Général des Cravates Considérées Dans leur Origine, leur Influence Politique, Physique et Morale, leur Formes, leurs Espèces. Paris: Dalibon, 1823. De Balzac, Honoré. ‘La Cravate, Considérée en Elle-Même et Dans ses Rapports avec la Société et les Individus’. In Oeuvres Complètes. Volume 20, 462–464. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1879. —––. ‘Etudes de Moeurs par les Gants’. In Oeuvres Complètes. Volume 20, 437– 441. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1879. —––. Le Père Goriot. Paris: Gallimard, 1971. Flugel, John Carl. The Psychology of Clothes. London: Hogarth, 1930. G. de M. Histoire Philosophique, Anecdotique et Critique de la Cravate et du Col. Paris: Michel Lévy, 1854. Guenot-Lecointe, Georges. Physiologie du Gant. Paris: Desloges, 1841. Harvey, John. Men in Black. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995. Kroen, Sheryl. Politics and Theater: The Crisis of Legitimacy in Restoration France, 1815-1830. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. Kuchta, David. The Three-Piece Suit and Modern Masculinity. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002.

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__________________________________________________________________ Lajer-Burcharth, Ewa. ‘The “Muscadins” and the “Merveilleuses”: Body and Fashion in Public Space under the Directory, 1795-1799’. In Repression and Expression: Literary and Social Coding in Nineteenth-Century France, edited by Carrol F. Coates, 133–144. New York: Peter Lang, 1996. Le Blanc, H. The Art of Tying the Cravat. London: Effingham Wilson, 1828. Le Code de la Cravate, Traité Complet des Formes, de la Mise, des Couleurs de la Cravate. Paris: Audin, 1828. Martin, A. Manuel de L’homme du Monde, Guide Complet de la Toilette et du Bon Ton. Paris: Audin, 1828. Neckclothitania or Tietania, Being an Essay on Starchers, by One of the Cloth. London: J. J. Stockdale, 1818. L’Omnibus de la Toilette, Contenant 125 Préceptes D’hygiène, de Bon Ton et de Bon Goût, Relatifs à la Toilette, et Enseignant les Quarante et une Manières de Mettre la Cravate. Paris: Imprimerie de Demonville, 1828. Silverman, Kaja. ‘Fragments of a Fashionable Discourse’. In Studies in Entertainment: Critical Approaches to Mass Culture, edited by Tori Modeleski, 108–129. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986. Leonard R. Koos is an Associate Professor of French and Chair of the Department of Modern Foreign Languages at the University of Mary Washington in the United States. He is currently completing a book-length study of French colonial culture in nineteenth-century North Africa.

Enid Collins Handbags: Branding, Nostalgia and the Power of the Purse Jacque Lynn Foltyn Abstract Decades before the purse became an ‘it’ item, the bags of Texas purse maker Enid Collins were making their cultural mark, in the 1950s and 1960s. Handcrafted, named, signed, painted, and often dated and embellished with candy coloured crystals, Collins of Texas limited edition bags are an example of an early ‘branded’ fashion that anticipated by decades designer bags that run in series, use a logo, and commission artists. The visual aspects of these wood box or linen bucket bags can be read as historical, gendered, national cultural texts. Using the semiotics of fashion, one notes that early versions commemorate whimsical, often kitsch scenes of domesticity and small town American life. American values, and flora and fauna are celebrated in themed series, but by the mid-1960s, ‘ec’ handbags had expanded thematically to larger popular culture arenas, with themed bags celebrating politics, and the pop, mod, and hippie youth-oriented social movements, serving as consumer codes attracting new buyers to the brand. The changing role of women figures in this transformation. In the 21st century, Collins bags are nostalgic fashion objects for vintage collectors dedicated to the Baudrillardian principle of ‘the series,’ whereby a branded object has numerous, but recognisable iterations. 1 As in the 1960s, collecting the bags can be viewed as an extension of personal identity and means to proclaim various moods and social roles, as well as a form of conspicuous display (Veblen). Websites and books are devoted to these midcentury bags, and collectors compete to buy them in a thriving resale market. That the bags themselves are carried on the arms of some stars of film and fashion and appear in 1960s inspired TV programs adds to their allure. Key Words: Enid Collins, handbags, mid-century modern, pop, mod, kawaii aesthetic, American values, Jean Baudrillard, consumer series, vintage, identity. ***** 1. Introduction Decades before the purse became an ‘it’ item and in the same decade that the Kelly and the Chanel 2.55 bags were made famous, the handcrafted bags of Enid Collins were making their cultural mark. Part of the mid-century modern aesthetic, Collins of Texas bags were among the most recognised and desired of American handbag brands. With an international as well as national followings, they were embraced by women of different economic levels. On the Enid Collins Collection web, Facebook, and Twitter sites, the reader can take a visual tour of the hundreds of bag styles that Enid Collins crafted from the late 1950s through the late 1960s. 2

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__________________________________________________________________ I acquired my first ‘Enid’ through family. In the early 2000s, as the handbag trend reached new heights, I began to read about the marketing and manufacturing of contemporary designer bag brands as well as ones of the past. My sister Christine, an avid collector of purses from the 30s, 40s, and 50s, noticed interestingly shaped and artfully decorated bags by a designer named Enid Collins in thrift and vintage stores, and eCommerce websites. She shared her enthusiasm with me, and I took notice, recognising them in 1950s and 1960s films and television programmes and in 21st century retro programming celebrating life in the 1960s. In this exploratory chapter, I will discuss Enid Collins and her handcrafted mahogany box and canvas linen bags, and show how the creator of these once and currently - highly collectible bags was an agent of consumer culture change and innovative marketing, i.e., a designer, way ahead of her time. I am interested in the emotion involved in the collecting Enid Collins bags. Whether purchased new or vintage, there are ways in which the bags can be viewed as extensions of personal identity. For many women handbags are their most essential accessory, a status symbol and personal fashion statement that speaks to their sense of style, 3 telling others ‘who they are.’ As an artist entrepreneur who became an extremely successful business woman in an era when middle class women seldom worked, especially if they were married and had children, Enid Collins is an example of the changing narrative of the American woman. The fact that her contributions are largely uncelebrated, even while they have been widely copied, even until this day, and that her brand is given passing attention in vintage books for collectors, often grouped with cheaply made imitations of her bags, when Enid’s use of unusual materials, logos, thematic series, commissioned artists, and celebration of the ‘cute’ (which anticipates the kawaii and Asian Cool style) were decades ahead of similar efforts by design houses led by males, is problematic. When I talked with one of the most famous fashion historians of our time, about the bags, she confessed that she had never heard of them! 4 Finally, I view the bags as historical, gendered, and political cultural texts of the late 1950s and the 1960s, the archaeology of which, in the Foucauldian sense, 5 unearths important themes. 2. Enid Collins and the Marketing of the Collins of Texas Brand Enid Roessler grew up in San Antonio, Texas, and attended Texas Women’s University in the 1940’s, where she majored in fashion and costume design. After WW II, she married the sculptor and engineer Frederic Collins; they settled in Medina, Texas, intending to become ranchers. 6 When their ranching effort proved unsuccessful, the Collins used their artistic inclinations and training, and began producing luxury leather handbags with hand sculpted brass ornaments. 7 In the mid-1940s, Enid designed the first bags for herself and then for speciality shops in her area. Her first big client was the Texas based Neiman Marcus, a high end department store, and the Collins named their handbag line ‘Collins of Texas.’ 8

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__________________________________________________________________ The first bags were for the luxury market, and made of fine leathers and Belgian linen and were sold for $100 or more - $759 in 2011 money. 9 Looking for a way to bring the cost down and enter the popular bag market, Enid developed the bag for which she is best known: a simple box bag made of mahogany wood with brass hinges and latches; she painted and silk screened these elegantly structured bags and often decorated them with colourful crystals and other metal details. In 1959, the Collins opened a small factory in Medina, Texas. At the shop, Enid designed the handbags and trained the workers, sometimes employing neighbourhood housewives. Frederic’s engineering training enabled him to find better and faster methods of production. He handled business details, while Enid worked on advertising brochures and sales promotion. It was an effective working partnership which continued, even after they divorced. The bags sold for $10 - $35 dollars or so in 1963, roughly $72 - $252 in 2011 money, in a time when the typical woman did not spend a lot of money on purses. 10 The bags developed an international following and were marketed with brochures as ‘America’s Most Distinctive Bag.’ The Collins of Texas bags became hugely popular, and during the 1960s, over 2,000 stores worldwide carried the Collins of Texas brand. 11 There was a flagship shop in New York City, on the street with the most fashion cache in the United States at the time: Fifth Avenue. Not only were the bags innovative stylistically, they are an early instance of a ‘branded’ fashion, complete with a copyright logo, a discreet ‘ec,’ painted in the right hand lower corner of the bag, decades before logos became a worldwide cultural phenomenon. Frequently, the box bags were dated and signed by Enid herself, with her complete signature, at advertised ‘signing’ events. Because Collins designed hundreds of different motifs and created limited themed series bags, her brand became highly collectible. The bags were so distinctive and popular that they inspired opportunities for rival handbag manufacturers, who made ‘knock-offs’ of varying quality that today are sold in vintage stores and eCommerce sites as “Enid Collins Style.’ Enid Collins bags are credited for their influence on the rage of do-it-yourself ‘kit’ purses’ and the advent of ‘magazine’ purses, with their laminated covers of periodicals such as Vogue, and the popularity of straw tourist bags, embellished with straw flowers. 12 In 1970, the Collins sold the company to Tandy Leather Company, and Enid was ‘forced into retirement.’ 13 The ‘ec’ signature disappears from the bags and is replaced in the lower right corner with the name Collins of Texas. Mass produced and cheapened in design and materials into the 1970s, the handcraft and exclusivity elements of the bags disappeared. In my opinion, the bags lost their artistry and Enid ‘magic,’ and soon Tandy stopped making them.

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__________________________________________________________________ 3. Enid Collins Aesthetics Collins of Texas bags are noteworthy for their post WW II mid-century crafts use of new materials - like wood, linen, paints, crystals, and sometimes even sequins and embroidery. They come in four recognisable shapes and materials: the mahogany, box bag, complete with interior mirror, Lucite handles, leather straps, and brass fasteners; the linen ‘bucket’ bag, with a mahogany bottom, leather straps, and brass fasteners; and the lesser known, rare, paper mache bags and leather saddlebags. The box bags come in a cigar box and lunch pail shapes, while the bucket bags were made in three sizes, small, medium, and large. Whether box or bucket, the bags shapes are noteworthy for their break with old notions of classical forms and tradition of the streamlined, single color or material, unadorned, structured bags the preceded them.

Image 1: Box Bag: Money Tree VII 14

Image 2: Bucket Bag: Fiesta del Sol 15

As part of the post WW II reaction to the streamlined elegance of the Deco bags that preceded them, Enid Collins’ bags are located by fashion historians in the mid-century modern crafts movement that produced woven straw basket, wooden, beaded, tooled leather, textured metal, alligator and other skin, and plastic bags. 16 Critical to the creative and consumptive processes of Enid Collins’ bags are the incorporation of design aesthetics that are naïve, primitive, and sometimes, Scandinavian, Southwestern, and ancient Greek in influence. In style, they range from the prim and proper Jacqueline Kennedy and retro Mad Men look, to the whimsical, sometimes kitsch, style that anticipates the ‘kawaii’ or ‘Asian cool’ ‘cuteness’ or ‘adorableness’ aesthetic, a prominent feature of Japanese popular culture since the 1970s. Not only were the bags signed, handcrafted folk art, they were given cute names, like Gone Fishin’, Birds of a Feather, and Pick a Berry. The purses came with a hand signed note from the ‘bag,’ begging its new owner to take care of it. Enid breathed ‘life’ into the bags, acting as if they were pets, of sorts; she also signed and named them, in the way that artists sign and name their works of art.

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__________________________________________________________________ Another reason the bags became so popular is because there were so many iterations available of the box and bucket bags to collect; many of Enid’s bags run in what Baudrillard would refer to as ‘consumer series’ 17 - an evolving narrative of a consumer product, from cars to sunglasses, cell phones, and Barbie Dolls. Long before the famed Fendi Baguette series, which debuted in 1997, Enid Collins was making series and sub-series bags. Among the more popular series bags are Glitter Bugs, Pavan, and Flower Basket. Very desirable among collectors are numbered bags in the cat series (Copy Cats, Glamor Puss, Knit Kit, Owl and Pussy Cat, Bird Watcher, and Hapi Cat), the realistically painted (and usually unadorned) horse series (Horses, Gift Horse, Champion, Horseplay), and the money series (It Grows on Trees, Money Tree, Money Trees, Money to Burn). Decades before Marc Jacobs for Louis Vuitton commissioned artists to design special limited edition bags, Enid Collins was commissioning artists to paint realistic images of birds, which were signed by the artist (and neither ‘cute’ nor ornamented).

Image 3: Glamor Puss

Image 4: Gift Horse 18

The series bags lend themselves to collectors who appreciate particular motifs for their aesthetic and thematic values. For example, there are avid ‘cat people ‘ec’ collectors, for whom cat bags become extensions of their personal identity. Carrying and/or collecting a whimsical head-turning bag designed by Enid is also a way to attract attention, proclaim various moods and social roles, and to display conspicuous child-like femininity and enthusiasm for the workmanship of an artisan crafted mid-century modern handbag. Enid Collins series can become ‘fads in collectors’ circles - at any given time one particular theme might be hot, and then its desirability wanes.’ 19 4. The Vintage Market: Emotion and Identity I am interested in the emotion involved in collecting Enid Collins bags among vintage enthusiasts. As noted, there are ways in which the bags have extended meanings, signaling one’s status as a conspicuous consumer 20 collector of vintage items and passion for 1950s and 1960s aesthetics; one can further differentiate

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__________________________________________________________________ oneself as a vintage collector of early 1960s, 1960s iconic pop, mod and hippie era style and motifs. The bags have a significant vintage value. The original Collins of Texas ‘ec’ bags, designed and made by Enid herself, have devoted international collectors; not surprisingly are more highly valued and priced than those created by the Tandy Leather Company. The most prized bags are the rare ones that are like new, and that still have their tags and the box in which they were packaged. American celebrities like Katy Perry, and Phoebe Cates have carried the bags themselves - or Enid Collins style bags; for example, Sarah Jessica Parker has collected bags from the Once in a Blue Moon retro line, whose creators give full credit to Enid Collins’ ‘influence.’ 21 Enid’s grandson Christian Collins runs the Enid Collins Collection web, Facebook, and Twitter sites, which are veritable museums of Enid Collins bags. Through social media, fans from around the world post images of their bag collections and themselves posed with their bags, often in period appropriate clothing; they post enthusiastic passages about their love for and/or obsession with the bags. The bags are offered for a fixed price or are auctioned on eCommerce sites such as eBay and Etsy, I have watched eBay auctions where the bags are feverishly bid upon, selling for 60 - $ 120 for bags in not great condition, to hundreds of dollars or more for bags that are in excellent vintage condition and that have a highly prized theme. Even ruined bags that are heavily stained and missing crystals, etc. can sell for quite a bit of money, depending upon the motif. Some bags in poor condition are bought and dismantled, and sold for their hardware and jewels. Among the collectors, there is a culture of ‘connoisseurship,’ with discussion of their provenance, condition, authenticity, and ‘finds.’ I find it interesting that young women inspired by Enid Collins are creating their own Enid inspired designs and displaying them online with their precursors. On the web, one finds Enid Collins toy bags, eBooks and CD, and bookmarks. There are sites where Enid Collins bags are carried by Blythe dolls, a marriage of the ‘cute’ and the glamorous, 22 that the Enid Collins bags also manage to combine, with their combination of simple bag design and ornamentation. I associate the bags with my parents in their youth; with ‘vintage’ television shows like Leave It to Beaver and Ozzie and Harriet; and with 60s retro shows that celebrate seemingly more simple, safe times, even in a period when people were building nuclear bomb shelters in their basements. With their colours and happy themes, Enid Collins bags evoke what Baudrillard referred to as the ‘hyperreality’ of places like Disneyland, where fantasy and reality blend and can seem indistinguishable. 23

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__________________________________________________________________ 5. Thematic Content and Cultural Context The motif and series visual aspects of Enid Collins bags can be read as gendered, geographical, political, and national historical texts of the post-war period, moving from a mid-century modern aesthetic to pop, mod, and hippie themes and styles; albeit these texts are ‘sanitised’ for the consumer. The evolving cultural content and contexts of the bags demonstrate the marketing savvy of Enid Collins, who was determined to keep her brand relevant and make them desirable consumer products for the growing ‘open’ rather than ‘closed’ fashion market, which exploded in the 1960s, when ready-to-where came into its own, ‘creating clothes in a spirit more oriented toward daring, youthfulness, and novelty than toward “class” perfection.’ 24 In this historical shift, Enid Collins can be seen as a new breed of popular designer who was not part of haute couture. Using the semiotics of fashion, one notes that early Collins of Texas designs and series commemorate the 1950s and early 1960s American Dream, American values like optimism, and American national identity, in whimsical, often kitsch scenes of idyllic domesticity and small town American life, in which gardens, garden insects, pets, baby animals, and leisure activities figure. The American cult of money, as described in section 3, is honoured in series that mix commerce, coins, and the natural world. In Enid’s 1950s and 1960s economic boom worlds, as her collectors are fond of saying, money does grow on trees. The local colour and scenery of the American West are celebrated in scenes of flora and fauna, carriages, riverboats, and trains that emerge out of Collins’ geographic roots, and American history and mythology. Enid’s bags are decorated with abundant evidence of ‘critter life’ of the American Southwest - roadrunners, ladybugs, skunks, owls, horses, fireflies, and peacocks (raised on farms nearby the Collins’ ranch). Collins’ love of Texas and ranch life is apparent in a unique bag called Texicana, with its map of Texas, oil wells, sunshine, horse, and boot and saddle imagery. By the mid-1960s,’ec’ handbags - and Enid herself - had expanded thematically beyond the domestic and Southwestern spheres to larger cultural, political, and pop cultural arenas. The changing role of women figures in this transformation as the themes move from the household to the larger world of politics, social movements, popular culture, and ideas, with themed bags celebrating pop art, flower power, the peace movement, hippie, and even state and national politics. Enid paints the Republican Party elephant and the Democratic Party donkey symbols on her politically oriented bags. Among the more famous bags of this era are the ‘Love’ and ‘Pax’ peace dove bags. These themes, of course, served as popular culture consumer codes designed to attract young buyers - or those with a desire to appear ‘hip.’ It is the Dawning of the Age of Aquarius, as sung by the cast of the rock musical Hair, and Enid created a popular zodiac and sun series of bags that tap into one of the era’s most prominent counter-cultural markers. And then there are ‘ec’

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__________________________________________________________________ kits, called ‘Sophistikits,’ which allow mid-1960s buyers to ‘do your own thing,’ i.e., customise one’s bag as a form of artistic and individual expression. 6. Conclusion The fanciful world of Enid Collins was all but forgotten, until the vintage market rediscovered this talented artist designer who did so much to change handbag aesthetics and marketing. In the 21st century ‘ec’ bags are nostalgic fashion objects for vintage collectors dedicated not only to the brand but to midcentury modern aesthetics. A woman of her time, both in her personal and professional lives, Enid Collins was an American folk artist and early celebrity handbag designer, and a female one at that, who struggled with work, family, marriage, and divorce - not a common event in the 1950s and 1960s. For all of these reasons, her work and personal journeys are a good example of the changing narrative of the modern American woman. As her life expanded as a woman and as a business person, as American culture changed and so did the lives of women, so too did the themes of her bags.

Notes 1

Jean Baudrillard, The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998). 2 Internet and social media sites: Web: http://www.facebook.com/enidcollins); Facebook: http://enidcollins.com; Twitter: http://twitter.com/#!/enidcollins. 3 Valerie Steele and Laird Borrelli, Handbags: A Lexicon of Style (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., 2000). 4 I will be developing these contributions in another research project. 5 Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge and Discourse on Language (New York: Vintage, 1982). 6 ‘Enid Collins Cool Vintage Purses’, Retro Vintage Collectibles, accessed September 10, 2011, http://www.retrovintagecollectibles.com/Vintage-RetroPurses.html. 7 Christian Collins, ‘About Enid,’ EnidCollinsCollection.com, accessed October 26, 2011, http://enidcollins.com/about/. 8 Ibid. 9 ‘Enid Collins Cool Vintage Purses’. 10 ‘Enid Collins Cool Vintage Purses’. Conversions through http://www.dollartimes.com/calculators/inflation.htm. 11 Leslie Piña and Donald-Brian Johnson, Popular Purses: It’s in the Bag! (Atglen, PA: Schiffer Publishing Ltd., 2001), 110. 12 Ibid., 111. 13 Ibid., 111.

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Permission for use from Christine Foltyn-Smith. © Jacque Lynn Foltyn. Permission for use granted. 16 Ibid., 6. 17 Baudrillard, The Consumer Society. 18 Image 3 and 4: Permission for use from Christine Foltyn-Smith. 19 Consider: Ward, Glynis, ‘Enid Collins Handbags,’ CoolOldStuff, accessed August 12, 2011, http://coololdstuff.com/EnidCollins.html. 20 Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Penguin Books, 1994). 21 Sarah Jessica Parker, Once in a Blue Moon, the Story...., accessed September 29, 2011, http://www.boxbags.com/the%20story%20page.htm. 22 Virginia Postrel, ‘Cuteness and Glamour: Can They Coexist? Deepglamour, 8 March 2010, accessed September 29, 2011, http://www.deepglamour.net/deep_glamour/2010/03/cuteness-and-glamour-canthey-coexist-blythe-dolls-gina-garan.html. 23 Jean Baudrillard, ‘Simulacra and Simulations’, in Selected Writings, ed. Mark Poster (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), 166-184. 24 Gilles Lipovetsky, The Empire of Fashion: Dressing Modern Democracy, trans., Catherine Porter (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1994), 91. 15

Bibliography Baudrillard, Jean. The Consumer Society: Myths and Structures. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998. Christian Collins, ‘About Enid’. EnidCollinsCollection.com. Accessed October 26, 2011. http://enidcollins.com/about/. ‘Enid Collins Cool Vintage Purses’. Retro Vintage Collectibles. Accessed September 10, 2011. http://www.retrovintagecollectibles.com/Vintage-RetroPurses.html. Foucault, Michel. The Archaeology of Knowledge and Discourse on Language. New York: Vintage, 1982 [1969]. Lipovetsky, Gilles. The Empire of Fashion: Dressing Modern Democracy. Translated by Catherine Porter. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1994.

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__________________________________________________________________ Piña, Leslie, and Donald-Brian Johnson. Popular Purses: It’s in the Bag! Atglen, PA: Schiffer Publishing Ltd., 2001. Postrel, Virginia. ‘Cuteness and Glamour: Can They Coexist? Deepglamour, 8 March 2010. Accessed September 29, 2011. http://www.deepglamour.net/deep_glamour/2010/03/cuteness-and-glamour-canthey-coexist-blythe-dolls-gina-garan.html. Sarah Jessica Parker. Once in a Blue Moon, the Story... . Accessed September 29, 2011. http://www.boxbags.com/the%20story%20page.htm. Steele, Valerie, and Laird Borrelli. Handbags: A Lexicon of Style. New York: Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., 2000. Veblen, Thorstein. The Theory of the Leisure Class. New York: Penguin Books, 1994 [1899]. Jacque Lynn Foltyn, PhD, is Professor of Sociology, National University, La Jolla, California. Her studies focus on human beauty, fashion, and representations of dying and death in art and popular culture. Chief Editor of Catwalk: The Journal of Fashion, Beauty, and Style, Foltyn’s cultural critiques have appeared in The New York Times, and Allure and More magazines; she has appeared on CBS 48 Hours, BBC, and Slovenia Television as a scholar expert.

Footwear: Transcending the Mind-Body Dualism in Fashion Theory Alexandra Sherlock Abstract The place of footwear in relation to identity has not yet been effectively examined in fashion theory or the contributing fields of sociology, anthropology and psychology. Existing fashion theory can be applied to footwear, however shoes as an aspect of clothing present additional qualities that deserve independent study. 1 Among the few academics who have focussed on shoes, most have been unable to provide convincing explanations as to what these additional qualities are and why shoes continue to hold such a special place in the imagination of the consumer. This chapter suggests that this inability reveals inadequacies in fashion theory methodology. Historical, semiotic and postmodern approaches are characteristic of the discipline and translate to studies that use the shoe as metaphor or as a vehicle for intellectual illumination rather than focussing on the shoe and wearer themselves in a contemporary sociological context. Fashion theory tends to be a ‘mind’ centred discipline that could be seen to fortify binary oppositions of mind and body; structure and agency and this can be seen to constrain analysis of actual experience - this is a central criticism of the discipline. Fashion theory does, however, have the exciting capacity to connect mind and body. What is needed to transcend these unproductive dualisms are metaphors and models that link image and embodiment, that ‘implicate the subject in the object and lend insight into the constitutive articulation between the inside and the outside of the body.’ 2 I propose that footwear is an ideal model to fulfil this requirement. In addition footwear, often referred to as the Cinderella of fashion theory (frequently overlooked and underestimated), could be the key to unlock the door between image and experience, mind and body and used as a model by which to advance fashion theory beyond abstract notions of image and representation into a study of how representation is involved in actual experience. Key Words: Shoes, footwear, Cartesian, mind, body, dualism, identity, representation, embodiment. ***** 1. Introduction This month will mark the beginning of the second of three years, studying the sociological significance of footwear in relation to identity and transition. The project If the Shoe Fits - of which my own PhD is a component - is being carried out in the Department of Sociological Studies at the University of Sheffield - a department primarily concerned with social work and social policy. Maintaining

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__________________________________________________________________ the justification for any academic study is of course always a struggle, especially in a recession and especially when the topic is fashion. Shoes in particular, however, seem to have arrived laden with baggage; the project, as one might imagine, caused quite a stir. Reactions ranged from interest, curiosity and envy, to amusement, incredulity and, on rare occasions, disgust that funding had been granted for such a ‘trivial’ subject. The question is this: why do so many people regard a study of shoes so amusing and pointless, despite the fact that most of us wear them and would find it difficult to function without them? Moreover, how can this happen in a discipline that considers itself to be unbiased and inclusive, and that has already made advances in putting clothing on the sociological map? More importantly what can these reactions tell us about dominant cultural and academic discourses, and how can I go about addressing these issues in my own research methodology? 2. Methodological Inadequacies in Fashion Studies Shoes are clearly a potent and emotive subject, laden with cultural meanings, associations and stereotypes. Despite many deconstructive attempts, thanks largely to feminist, postmodern and post-structuralist literature, binaries such as the Cartesian prioritisation of the mind over the body, the masculine over the feminine and the rational over the irrational or emotional, still exist, causing some topics of study to be considered more important than others. The head and the mind are placed at the opposite extreme to the feet, one might say they are the antipode (literally meaning with feet opposite). Using this logic, if some academics prioritise the mind over the body, as is still so often the case, then the feet - the very lowest part of the body and therefore the shoes - would epitomise the extreme of the dualism. In her essay Sensible Shoes, Brydon uses academic choices of shoes to illustrate the mind-body dualism: To draw attention to the body by means of stylish or somehow “extravagant” clothing would be to suggest a diminished intellectual capacity. The great mind of the genius, so this logic goes, is indifferent, indeed oblivious to the body and its ornament. Scholarly authenticity, then, is coded in footwear notable for its unnoteworthiness. 3 She argues that although there are no clothing rules for female academics, they will often opt for uniform, bland styles. She proposes that the striving for blandness is an extension of the Cartesian mind-body split, mimicking rational male dress to avoid the appearance of femininity which would suggest emotion and irrationality. 4 Niessen and Brydon suggest that it is the ‘academic denial of the body [that] has marginalised the topic of clothing and fashion within mainstream social science, driven there by strongly-rooted assumptions inherent to the

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__________________________________________________________________ Enlightenment’s rationalising project.’ 5 Perhaps it is the immeasurable power of the uncontrolled, undisciplined, emotional, irrational, expressive and sensing body that jars with rational academic methodologies - many qualities that shoes certainly embody. Or perhaps one might describe shoes as the epitome of commodity fetishism, and it is their association with irrational consumption and popular culture that has caused footwear to escape serious analysis. One thing is for certain; the neglect of footwear is symptomatic of serious methodological inadequacies particularly in sociology - inadequacies that ultimately restrict our understanding of everyday lived experience. 3. Historical and Postmodern Preoccupations It would be misleading to suggest that shoes have been entirely excluded from academic research. Much of the existing literature however seems to approach the topic with the mind rather than the body. This is not to say that the body is ignored. On the contrary the body often plays a central role. Nevertheless, studies opt for a disembodied and mindful analysis. Indeed this has also been a criticism of much of the body theory that has emerged in sociology over the last three decades 6 which often takes the body as a focus of analysis, as an object, looking at what is done to it rather than what it does. 7 Fashion studies, as one might expect, is responsible for most of the existing literature on footwear. As a discipline, however, it has been criticised for its tendency to rely on historical and sensational approaches. 8 This is certainly true of most of the existing literature on shoes which is either historical, as with much of Riello and McNeil’s work, or interested in the sexual properties of footwear as fetish, with numerous references to Chinese foot binding, misogynistic oppression or sexual liberation. Similarly the structural and semiotic view of clothing as language, communication and sign system (deriving from Saussure’s early semiotic model) to be adopted or subverted is a main thread throughout the literature particularly in postmodern analysis. 9 The postmodern tendency to fetishise the shoe, both in the Marxian (commodity fetish) and Freudian (psycho-sexual) sense, for what it ‘stands’ for rather than what it is, is another main criticism of existing shoe literature. While Benstock and Ferriss’s book Footnotes - one of the few dedicated volumes to the subject of footwear - has been commended for its successful situation of shoes as much more than simple fashion accessories and ‘an integral part of the lives of billions of people,’ 10 it has also been criticised for using shoes as exemplar, metaphor or illustration of wider issues - ‘writing lovingly about particular items of clothing while detaching clothes from the [people] that must wear them.’ 11 Explicit and frequent references to postmodernism are made throughout the book but rather than maintaining a critical distance, the volume actually embodies a postmodern perspective.

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__________________________________________________________________ The disembodied nature of existing studies of shoes seems not only to separate them from the bodies that wear them, but also from the lives that animate them. As Elizabeth Wilson explains, ‘clothes are so much a part of our living, moving selves that, frozen on display in the mausoleums of culture,’ as they are in the historical, sensational and semiotic analyses, ‘they hint at something only half understood… .’ 12 One of the consequences of these types of disembodied approaches is that they tend to lead to a very one-sided Foucauldian perspective where consumer culture is seen as a dominant and tyrannical structure, and the consumer body is studied in terms of its production and commercialisation - a process in which it is proposed that ‘doubt is created about the self in order to sell grace, spontaneity, vivaciousness and confidence.’ 13 The media, advertising and film industries, for example, have been criticised for having a considerable influence over the way we perceive our bodies and selves, implying a passive acceptance of dominant discourses and a lack of agency. It is, however, critically important to acknowledge the value the existing work on footwear. Historical analysis, for example, is essential for understanding contemporary contexts. Moreover, historical representation, along with postmodern, semiotic and psychosexual analysis have all contributed to a shoe discourse within which we all develop our understandings and experiences of what shoes are and how we use them. Existing studies do however leave considerable opportunity for complementary studies to expand our understanding in a more empirically grounded way, looking at shoes through a contemporary cultural, anthropological or sociological lens. Interestingly, Riello and McNeil suggest that the fact shoes have started to gain interest in their own right is actually because of the postmodern turn, which encouraged a view of fashion and the body as fragmentary rather than unified. 14 While postmodernism may have brought shoes to our attention by drawing them away from the bodies that wear them, in order to gain a better understanding of identity it is now time to break this cycle and return the shoe to its lived context. 4. New Methodologies As I have discussed, most existing literature on shoes is either about their representation or contributes to a discourse of representation. So how do we link representation with actual lived experience in order that we can transcend this unproductive separation? Budgeon suggests that what is needed are metaphors and models that link image and embodiment, that ‘implicate the subject in the object and lend insight into the constitutive articulation between the inside and the outside of the body.’ 15 If shoes are the example to use - and I believe they are a very good example due to their extensive cultural representations and the very personal connection they have with the wearer - then the following question would

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__________________________________________________________________ hopefully guide us onto the right track: how do we personally experience shoes in the face of powerful and established discourses of representation? Crossley’s interpretation of the work of phenomenologist Merleau-Ponty is helpful here. To Merleau-Ponty perception is not just an inner representation of an outer world, subject and object are not separate entities, and his term ‘embodiment’ situates the body at the centre of all perception - no one ever perceives from nowhere, one always perceives from somewhere, and that somewhere is always the body. 16 Therefore any perception of anything is always a subjective embodied perception, even when generated by the mass media. At its very simplest, one would not know how to interpret an image of a shoe unless one had some sort of experience of shoes or something like them, and that interpretation depends heavily on that particular subjective experience - therefore an interpretation of an image of a shoe involves an imagined embodiment. Potentially then, the concept of embodiment could offer a way out of the frequent nihilistic and self-replicating approaches to consumer culture as dictatorial, oppressive and manipulating. Crossley proposes a ‘carnal sociology’ using the structuralist approach of Foucault in conjunction with the phenomenological approach of Merleau-Ponty to show that structure and agency, rather than being mutually exclusive, are actually in constant interplay. Entwistle elaborates on this by explaining that dress ‘is so closely linked to identity that these three - dress, body and the self - are not perceived separately but simultaneously, as a totality.’ 17 She proposes the idea of ‘situated bodily practice as a theoretical and methodological framework for understanding the complex dynamic relationship between the body, dress and culture.’ 18 Since then, her promising framework appears to have been largely ignored in studies of clothing and certainly in studies of shoes. Perhaps this reluctance is due to a long tradition of structural and semiotic analysis and a resulting difficulty in ‘getting one’s head around embodied experience.’ So how can we change this ‘mentality’? 5. Linking Fashion and Embodied Experience Interestingly there has been at least one empirical study of shoes that has, in my opinion, successfully attempted to transcend the boundaries of structure and agency, mind and body by linking representation, in this case myth, with embodied experience. Webster’s article Red Shoes: Linking Fashion and Myth aims to ‘connect literature, fashion, and dress through meanings that are uniquely personal yet resonant across wider cultural and social groups.’ 19 She explains that red shoes are familiar to many of us through the childhood transformational tales of Hans Christian Anderson’s The Red Shoes and the classic feature film The Wizard of Oz released in 1939, based on the book by L. Frank Baum. When she asked red shoe wearers what had prompted them to choose their shoes many would refer to the fictional examples and to the colour: often clearly influenced by these popular representations. 20 Alternatively some participants would not wear them because of

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__________________________________________________________________ negative mythical connotations, for example one woman’s father had always told her that prostitutes wore red shoes and another was familiar with the adage ‘red shoes, no knickers.’ Webster explains that fashion as an industry uses and recycles myth to sell goods, however she quotes McDowell and Kaiser by explaining that style is different to fashion ‘style is fashion made personal. Style is part of who I am and who I could be.’21 Returning to Entwistle she explains that ‘Style is part of dress, which is always an embodied, situated practice.’ 22 Fashion provides us with ‘agency’s wardrobe’ and it is through the ritual of wear that wearers activate their symbolic value and source of vitality ‘It is our participation in myth rather than fashion that invigorates us. We access myth through the ritual, not of fashion, but of style.’ 23 6. Applying ‘Situated Bodily Practice’ in Empirical Research Keeping in mind Webster’s observation, that the symbolic value and the source of vitality of the shoes is activated through the ritual of wear, I would now like to briefly address some of the empirical data that has been collected through an early pilot focus group for the research project If the Shoe Fits: Footwear Identity and Transition at the University of Sheffield, of which I am a part. 24 The focus group comprised a mixture of participants of varying ages, both male and female. The observations and hypotheses I will now raise are by no means representative of the wider body of research, nor of the other members of the research team. They are samples, chosen by me, to show the potential that empirical data might lend to the development of situated bodily practice. Here I will be looking at the data within a wider context that can be defined as myth and fairytale. When considering popular culture, it seems striking that in much of the folklore, fairytales and popular stories about shoes they are attributed an agency, magic or special capacity of their own - Karen’s dancing red shoes in the Hans Christian Anderson story or Dorothy’s magic slippers in The Wizard of Oz. Other, more recent examples are Billy Dane’s magic football boots which endowed him with the talent of their previous owner; The Shoe People, in which the shoes were attributed personalities and lives of their own; and William’s Wish Wellingtons that granted William any wish. These representations would not appeal if they did not in some way resonate with human experiences of shoes. I suggest that some of the comments made in our focus groups indicate a perception of shoes as holding some type of potency, agency or power. This agency can take many forms but it seems particularly evident when participants spoke of their shoes being alive or dead in some way - for example describing them as coming to the end of their life. Many made attempts to prolong the life of their shoes by re-soling them or passing to family members. Many would mention shoes they had thrown away, but when quizzed it would often be revealed that they actually meant they had recycled them, given them to a charity shop or just put them in a box at the back of a wardrobe. One woman had kept her childhood ballet shoes at the back of her wardrobe to be

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__________________________________________________________________ looked at occasionally. Another explained that she just could not throw her wedding shoes away. So this inability or reluctance to permanently dispose of or kill certain pairs of shoes might suggest a connection with shoes that goes beyond their functionality or look, and perhaps even feeling they are in some way alive or connected with the wearer - animated through the ritual of wear and social processes of interaction. According to Riello and McNeil ‘[shoes] take control over the physical and human space in which we live. They are the principle intersection between body and physical space … [t]hey are tools that amplify our bodies’ capacities.’ 25 Perhaps similarly to Billy Dane’s football boots, many of the participants spoke of particular shoes that gave them the ability to perform particular activities. One woman was unable to go on a night out or to dance without her heels, another spoke of the inability to drive without a certain pair of shoes and a skateboarder made a similar comment: If I wasn’t wearing skate shoes then it would have … made me feel a lot less confident about, sort of, what I was doing and also it would have definitely adversely affected other people’s views of how good I am as a skateboarder … The same participant had chosen his shoes because a famous skateboarder, with whom he wanted to associate himself, had promoted them. The transformation of these shoes depended on the socially reflexive process by which other skaters positively recognised the shoes and their famous allegiance, leading him to consequently internalise their approval. Once worn-in, these shoes gave him confidence and a belief in his own ability. His shoes molded to his feet and his particular style of skating. In a way it might be said that through the process of wear he became his shoes and his shoes became him. In this case throwing away a pair of shoes that have gone through this transformation might feel like throwing away a part of oneself. 7. Conclusion In summary, early analysis of empirical evidence would seem to suggest that it may be possible to overcome the mind-body, structure-agency dualisms by showing that external influences, representation and ideologies can be embodied by using the symbolic capital of the shoe and activating it through a process of wear and transformation - both of the shoe to fit the wearer and the wearer to fit the shoe. To return to Brydon’s masculine-shoe-wearing female academic, by wearing her shoes, rather than extricating herself from fashion, she uses fashion to embody the Cartesian mind-body ‘ontology.’ If the mind-body dualism can be embodied, then logically it is no longer a dualism.

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__________________________________________________________________ Shoes have been described as the Cinderella of fashion theory, frequently overlooked and underestimated. 26 They do however have the potential to broaden sociological perspectives and ground a discipline - fashion theory - that has been criticised for struggling to find its academic footing. I suggest that perhaps it is possible to walk the mind-body divide - all that is needed are the right pair of shoes.

Notes 1

Giorgio Riello and Peter McNeil, ‘A Long Walk: Shoes, People and Places’, in Shoes: A History from Sandals to Sneakers, eds. Giorgio Riello and Peter McNeil (Oxford: Berg, 2006). 2 Shelly Budgeon, ‘Identity as an Embodied Event’. Body & Society 9, No. 1 (2003). 3 Anne Brydon, ‘Sensible Shoes’, in Consuming Fashion, eds. Anne Brydon and Sandra Niessen (Oxford: Berg, 1998), 6. 4 Ibid. 5 Anne Brydon and Sandra Niessen, eds., Consuming Fashion: Adorning the Transnational Body (Oxford: Berg,1998), ix. 6 Chris Shilling, The Body and Social Theory (London: Sage, 2003 [1993]). 7 Nick Crossley, ‘Merleau-Ponty, the Elusive Body and Carnal Sociology’, Body & Society 1, No. 1 (1995): 1. See also: Bryan S. Turner, ‘Recent Developments in the Theory of the Body’, in The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory, eds. Mike Featherstone, Mike Hepworth, and Bryan S. Turner (London: Sage, 1991); Mike Featherstone and Bryan S. Turner, ‘Body & Society: An Introduction’, Body & Society 1, No. 1 (1995); Dennis D. Waskul and Phillip Vannini, ‘Introduction: The Body in Symbolic Interaction’, in Body/Embodiment, eds. Dennis D. Waskul and Phillip Vannini (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing ltd., 2006). 8 Efrat Tseëlon, ‘Fashion Research and Its Discontents’, Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture 5, No. 4 (2001); Elizabeth Wilson, Adorned in Dreams (London: Virago, 1985). 9 For example: Malcolm Barnard, Fashion as Communication, 2nd edition (London: Routledge, 2001); Roland Barthes, The Fashion System, trans. Matthew Ward and Richard Howard (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983); Fred Davis, Fashion, Culture and Identity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Jean Baudrillard, For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign, trans. Charles Levin (St. Louis, MO.: Telos Press, 1981); Umberto Eco, ‘Social Life as a Sign System’, in Structuralism: An Introduction - Wolfson College Lectures, ed. D. Robey (Oxford: Oxford UNiversity Press, 1973).

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__________________________________________________________________ 10

Peter McNeil and Giorgio Riello, ‘The Male Cinderella: Shoes, Genius and Fantasy’, in Shoes: A History from Sandals to Sneakers, eds. Giorgio Riello and Peter McNeil (Oxford: Berg, 2006). 11 Nina Auerbach, ‘In the Toe Zone’, review of Footnotes, The Women’s Review of Books 18, No. 9 (2001). 12 Wilson, Adorned in Dreams. 13 Thomas J. Csordas, ed. Embodiment and Experience: The Existential Ground of Culture and Self (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 6. 14 McNeil and Riello, ‘The Male Cinderella: Shoes, Genius and Fantasy’. 15 Budgeon, ‘Identity as an Embodied Event’. 16 Crossley, ‘Merleau-Ponty, the Elusive Body and Carnal Sociology’, 47. 17 Joanne Entwistle, The Fashioned Body. Fashion, Dress and Modern Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000). 18 Ibid., 11. 19 Elaine Webster, ‘Red Shoes: Linking Fashion and Myth’, The Journal of Cloth and Culture 7, No. 2 (2009): 165. 20 Ibid., 167. 21 Ibid., 173. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid., 173-176. 24 Unpublished data from ‘Pilot Focus Group,’ 3rd March 2011, conducted by Dr Rachel Dilley for the ESRC funded research project ‘If the Shoe Fits: Footwear, Identity and Transition’. 25 Riello and McNeil, ‘A Long Walk: Shoes, People and Places’, 3. 26 McNeil and Riello, ‘The Male Cinderella: Shoes, Genius and Fantasy’.

Bibliography Auerbach, Nina. ‘In the Toe Zone’. Review of Footnotes. The Women’s Review of Books 18, No. 9 (2001): 14–15. Barnard, Malcolm. Fashion as Communication. 2nd Edition. London: Routledge, 2001. Barthes, Roland. The Fashion System. Translated by Matthew Ward, and Richard Howard. New York: Hill and Wang, 1983. Baudrillard, Jean. For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign. Translated by Charles Levin. St. Louis, MO.: Telos Press, 1981.

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__________________________________________________________________ Benstock, Shari, and Suzanne Ferriss, eds. Footnotes: On Shoes. New Brunswick, NJ.: Rutgers University Press, 2001. Brydon, Anne. ‘Sensible Shoes’. In Consuming Fashion, edited by Anne Brydon, and Sandra Niessen, 1–20. Oxford: Berg, 1998. Brydon, Anne, and Sandra Niessen, eds. Consuming Fashion: Adorning the Transnational Body. Oxford: Berg, 1998. Budgeon, Shelly. ‘Identity as an Embodied Event’. Body & Society 9, No. 1 (2003): 35–55. Crossley, Nick. ‘Merleau-Ponty, the Elusive Body and Carnal Sociology’. Body & Society 1, No. 1 (1995): 43–63. Csordas, Thomas J., ed. Embodiment and Experience: The Existential Ground of Culture and Self. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Davis, Fred. Fashion, Culture and Identity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994. Eco, Umberto. ‘Social Life as a Sign System’. In Structuralism: An Introduction Wolfson College Lectures, edited by D. Robey. Oxford: Oxford UNiversity Press, 1973. Entwistle, Joanne. The Fashioned Body. Fashion, Dress and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000. Featherstone, Mike, and Bryan S. Turner. ‘Body & Society: An Introduction’. Body & Society 1, No. 1 (1995): 1–12. McNeil, Peter, and Giorgio Riello. ‘The Male Cinderella: Shoes, Genius and Fantasy’. In Shoes: A History from Sandals to Sneakers, edited by Giorgio Riello, and Peter McNeil, 386–409. Oxford: Berg, 2006. Riello, Giorgio. ‘Review: Footnotes on Shoes’. Journal of Design History 14, No. 4 (2001): 367–370.

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__________________________________________________________________ Riello, Giorgio, and Peter McNeil. ‘A Long Walk: Shoes, People and Places’. In Shoes: A History from Sandals to Sneakers, edited by Giorgio Riello, and Peter McNeil, 1–29. Oxford: Berg, 2006. Rossi, William A. The Sex Life of the Foot and Shoe. London: Routledge and K. Paul, 1977. Shilling, Chris. The Body and Social Theory. London: Sage, 2003 [1993]. Steele, Valerie. Fetish: Fashion, Sex and Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. —––. Shoes. A Lexicon of Style. London: Scriptum Editions, 1998. —––. ‘Shoes and the Erotic Imagination’. In Shoes: A History from Sandals to Sneakers, edited by Giorgio Riello, and Peter McNeil, 250–271. Oxford: Berg, 2006. Tseëlon, Efrat. ‘Fashion Research and Its Discontents’. Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture 5, No. 4 (2001): 435–451. Turner, Bryan S. ‘Recent Developments in the Theory of the Body’. In The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory, edited by Mike Featherstone, Mike Hepworth, and Bryan S. Turner. London: Sage, 1991. Waskul, Dennis D., and Phillip Vannini. ‘Introduction: The Body in Symbolic Interaction’. In Body/Embodiment, edited by Dennis D. Waskul, and Phillip Vannini, 1–18. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing ltd., 2006. Webster, Elaine. ‘Red Shoes: Linking Fashion and Myth’. The Journal of Cloth and Culture 7, No. 2 (2009): 164–177. Wilson, Elizabeth. Adorned in Dreams. London: Virago, 1985. Alexandra Sherlock is currently studying for a PhD in the Department of Sociological Studies at the University of Sheffield and lectures at Nottingham Trent University. Thanks are given to Prof. Jenny Hockey and Dr. Victoria Robinson for their help and advice prior to publication.

Fashion as System or Action Net in ‘Fashion in All Things’: A Case in Colour Design of Mobile Phones Yanqing Zhang and Oskar Juhlin Abstract Contemporary fashion has permeated into all things in life beyond clothes. Recently, fashion theories take on interests in organisation and system. Kawamura proposes a fashion system through which clothing is transformed into the idea of fashion. Can this fashion system be used to analyse other things in fashion? We present a study using mobile phones, one of the most intimate gadgets to people, as a way to approach ‘fashion in all things.’ We chose colour as a way to study the fashion aspect of mobile design. Through empirical study, we find that the decision making of colour in the mobile industry is a collective process. It is greatly influenced by technology, materials, consumer lifestyle and trend. The trendy colours in mobile design are not defined by certain cultural or social institutions, but formulated by actions conducted by various actors in certain social context. Our study shows that fashion can embrace more than Kawamura’s system, e.g. the action net of colour design in mobile technology. Although mobile design shares some similarities with clothing fashion, the concept of fashion-ology is very Parisian and deals with only clothing. It is not fully applicable to mobile industry. If we want to use a fashion system that can apply to fashion in all things, we should revisit the theory to reveal the general characteristics of the fashion world or build a smaller theory for each category. Key Words: Fashion system, fashion in all things, action net theory, mobile phone design, color. ***** 1. ‘Fashion in All Things’ In fashion theory, little has been done on ‘fashion in all things.’ In 1993, Estelle Ellis delivered a speech titled ‘What is Fashion?’ at the Fashion Institute of Technology in New York, drawing public attention to a new concept of fashion for the contemporary era. She perceived fashion in anthropological terms, that is, as a cultural force that drew sustenance from social customs, group psychology, material life, economic institution, and other types of human interaction and in turn, influence them. Fashion is seen as a causal agent that has constantly reshaped all material things, from the fabric which surrounds our bodies to the nature of design to architecture. It is always moving, and recontouring ‘daily living, whether in the home, office, institution, or community.’ For her, fashion reached beyond apparel. She generalises the notion to a wider level which includes more things in

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__________________________________________________________________ lifestyle. Her speech can be seen as a first attempt to theorise ‘fashion in all things.’ 1 2. Fashion in Organisational Theory Recently, there has been an increasing interest in applying organisational theory to fashion study. Kawamura suggests a fashion-ology and argues that fashion is a kind of institutional subculture with specific functions and creates stratification within the system among insider designers. 2 She suggests that there is a ‘fashion system,’ which means institutional and cultural arrangements that cause particular cultural objects to be adorned in a specific way. This is the modern system that began in the year 1868 with the institutionalisation of fashion. 3 She attempts to uncover the social context of the institutional development of fashion. The fashion system according to Kawamura has the following features: First, she has employed the structural functional perspective which leads to three aspects of fashion-ology: production, diffusion and consumption. Second, different institutions and organisations have specific functions. She argues that a system is composed of subsystems or institutions. 4 She thinks this method can be applicable to the institutions of fashion that are found in cities where fashion culture is found, such as fashion shows. Third, the individual designer needs legitimisation to enter the fashion world; this is also Parisian system as the legitimisation is completed through recognition by Paris authority. For the designers, ‘they need to come to one of the fashion cities where the system is in place.’ 5 This means the institutions are preexisted with specific functions. The designers only need to go into the system. The collective actions by individuals are conducted according to the conventions and rules of the institutional arrangement within the social structure. It is much influenced by Functionalism which has a special emphasis on function, interdependence, and consensus. Institutions and structures exist in the society as a whole. The parts in a system usually work together in an orderly manner without great conflict. Inequality is necessary to maintain order. Structures, interconnections exist within and among these structures, and individuals and groups are constrained by the structures. 3. Action Net Theory There is another view in organisational theory. Barbara Czamiawska suggests an action net to establish a constructionist perspective in organising theory. Action net aims to discover how collective actions are tested, repeated or dropped, connected with connections dissolving or stabilized and actors forming as a result. 6 Czamiawska is very much influenced by Bruno Latour’s Actor-network theory which highlights that the connections create actors. 7 He argues that actors are defining each other and existing in the interrelations. 8 Traditionally, actors are seen to forge connections, and in this way, build a network. However, action net

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__________________________________________________________________ challenges and reverts the assumption, suggesting that ‘connections between and among actions, when stabilized, are used to construct identities of actors.’ 9 4. Colour Design: A Case on Mobile Fashion We have already reviewed the relationship between mobile phones and fashion in our previous study. 10 The relationship between mobile phones and fashion is obvious in both sociology and industry. On the one hand, the mobile phone is seen as a fashionable item as it can represent people’s personality and taste; on the other hand, fashion has become an important marketing strategy to offer more choices and accesses to different people. Thus we see that mobile phones are a practical and proper example to analyse ‘fashion in all things.’ We choose color as a way to approach the fashion system in mobile design. On the one hand, color is a universal feature for any consumer goods. Colour plays a major role in positioning apparel products by attracting attention, establishing the image of the product and the brand, and evoking symbolic associations. 11 It exists in other product categories besides clothing. Therefore, color is representative to study ‘fashion in all things.’ On the other hand, color is a significant aspect of fashion. In fashion production, colour forecasting is usually the initial point even before the first step of practice. Colour forecasters provide information for designers, textile manufacturers etc., who need this service as ‘a gauge of mass taste.’ 12 The study includes eight qualitative interviews 13 with both designers from international mobile companies and trend analysts from fashion houses. The interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed. Each interview typically lasted about one hour. The interviews were informed by introduction of the project and some questions that were sent to the interviewees in advance. We have studied the interview transcripts and got some interesting points to discuss. The transcripts discuss how the colour is decided or designed in trend agencies as well as mobile companies, the relationship between colour and material, and the impact of consumer segmentation. We try to make sense of the quotations and figure out the inner logic of colour decision and implications to the fashion system. 5. Fashion as Action Net Drawing upon the theoretical background and through analysing the empirical materials, we have come to two arguments here. First, if we say organisation or mechanism in formulation of fashion, it is actually more complex than a role functional system. On the first level, it is a collective activity that involves many people. For example, Maryelle from Carlin trend agency in Paris talked about how the analysts study trends:

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__________________________________________________________________ We have brainstorming in all the departments, with all the creative persons. They are all exchanging their ideas about what they saw in their professional life and personal life… It’s very astonishing, because each season they do have the same feeling about revolution for fashion for colors. When we have some common points, we know there is a big inclusion with trends. When the well-trained specialists find out something, which is inspired by daily life, in common, it means that they have found the emerging trends. This is not one person’s decision, not a role or a mechanism that makes the decision, but a collective work with different insiders involved. This brainstorming activity tells that it is through the actions (ideas from life, finding something in common etc.) that trends are formulated. On the second level, colour is decided by many factors, economy, trends, lifestyle, materials, and target consumers. For example: Grace Boicel, senior design manager from Nokia, talked about how the mobile industry adopts fashion trends: I think with amount of research we do globally. So we need to check fashion trends that we are on the same direction…All of these materials that I was talking about going out to people, check people’s life, understand how they live, what they like, all bigger trends, economy, all these inferences similar to what they do as well, in trend books. We also check with trend agencies as well. We would have research team that does even bigger research than trend agencies because they look at more catwalks and these things, we would have agencies that go out and ask influential leaders in the world what they believe. It’s different kind of research we do. And also we look at what kind of material is coming what kind of technology on the go. That’s also trends. So, all of these things are influencing us to make a decision. We could see that mobile design is a complex process. She did admit that mobile design was influenced by fashion trends, but also by economy, technology and what happens in the world. Another point has been frequently mentioned by the interviewees, that is, the dependence on materials in colour design. Meri Laine, Senior Design Manager from Nokia, said: …it’s the matter of materials. Cloth and fabric are changing continuously like how you use it and so on. But then plastic or

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__________________________________________________________________ metal this kind of hard material, they have similar prints or outlines all the time, so maybe comparing into something like architecture for example, so you can get some profile when you look at it from certain angles. She pointed out the difference of the materials used in clothes making and in phone manufacturing. She has distinguished soft material and hard material between fashion and mobile phone. The materials used in the phones differ from the materials used in clothing production, that is, fabrics, which should be softer. It is usually the material that decides which colours can be used to the phone, since certain materials can only have certain colours. Second, we argue that it is the action that matters and defines what fashion is. The mobile design case suggests that firstly, there is no star designer system which should be legitimised by Parisian authority. Designers in the mobile industry are often less known by the public than fashion designers. Secondly, there is no Parisian authority which sits high above in a pyramid of hierarchy. Fashion is undoubtedly originated in Paris and the Parisian style is still of great importance nowadays. The earliest and biggest mobile phone company Nokia is from Finland. The current mobile business giants are from the US, Germany, South Korea, etc., The mobile phone business has a worldwide market and the consumption of mobile phones is related to various cultural backgrounds. Mobile fashion production suggests that the formulation of the fashion ideal is not structural-functional. It is not defined by the functions of certain institutions, but more by actions in the process. For instance, Jeanna Kimbré, who was the Head of Color and Material Design at Sony Ericsson provided us with a description of a meeting in which she tried to present a new product to a specific phone operator. If you come to a customer [customer here means a phone operators such as TeliaSonera or Vodafone], you can count on there being fifteen men in their 40’s dressed in suits, all dark blue. Or you know, they have a specific style. If you cannot describe the customers’ lifestyles, or what does trigger them, everything from how they live to products, then you cannot validate why we have selected specific colors and specific materials. When we enter, we have to start a bit from the beginning, that is to put facts how it changes ways in which people buy etc… Because I, who can be really tired about this think like this: I don’t care about your own feeling, because you are not the end consumer! And if you tell that, and support it and tell them why you say so, “You know I have been in this game too long to be polite.” You can do it in a funny way and try to tell

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__________________________________________________________________ them as well that I am not either the end consumer. I am also fifteen years older than them. But my job is to try to understand them. And that is what decides if I am a professional or not. And that is the difference. But that is what we describe to them, to get through the filter so to say. This is a very detailed description of how she sold the product to the ‘filter’ persons who were in between mobile producers and consumers, playing an important role in making the products more accessible to public. The process was performative and active. This example could be interpreted in two ways: on the one hand, the quote reveals different roles in the system. There are phone manufacturers, people who control phone networks, and end users. The meeting is set up to introduce the product to people who control the phone networks and sell the phones to endconsumers. On the other hand, the meeting can be seen as part of an action network. The colours come to the fore as part of Kimbré’s attempt to convince or persuade the other participants that she is the best to understand the end consumers. How does she do it? She does it by distancing them further away from the end customer than she is. She does it through providing concrete details of their lives. She does it by aligning the design object with the detailed. She does it through distancing herself from the customers, and rejoining the group at the meeting. Of course the people she refers to in the quote are more powerful than others in the business, and we need to account for their roles, their functions, in the organisational setting. But their power is derived from the ways in which they pursue that power. ‘Fashion in all things’ therefore implies not only to look at various artefacts, but in doing so we need to ask ourselves for the practical details in which that is done, such as the ways in which a meeting decides on the colour for a particular market. 6. Conclusion This chapter studied the fashion system rhetoric in the circumstance of ‘fashion in all things,’ through empirical study of interviews in mobile and fashion industries. Kawamura’s fashion-ology investigates the social context of institutionalised fashion development, including the collective work of all people involved in the process; as well as star designer systems in which the legitimisation of designers by Parisian authority is of great importance. It can be problematic to analyze ‘fashion in all things’ in general by applying the theory directly, since the clothing system is not adaptable to other fashion items. It requires modification and adaptation to analyse other forms of fashion. Otherwise it should build a smaller theory for each category. We argue that fashion as action net will make more sense in studying ‘fashion in all things.’ The empirical study shows that color design is a collective network and moving process rather than a functional institution. The

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__________________________________________________________________ decision making of colour contains defining actions in corporation with many branches or agencies.

Notes 1

Regina Lee Blaszczyk, ed., Producing Fashion: Commerce, Culture, and Consumers, Philadelphia (Penn: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 1-2. 2 Yuniya Kawamura, The Japanese Revolution in Paris Fashion (Oxford: Berg, 2004), 12. 3 Yuniya Kawamura, Fashionology, an Introduction to Fashion Studies (Oxford: Berg, 2005), 50. 4 Kawamura, The Japanese Revolution, 3. 5 Kawamura, Fashionology, 72. 6 Barbara Czarniawska, A Theory of Organizing (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2008). 7 Bruno Latour, Aramis, or the Love of Technology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996), 20-21. 8 Ibid., 175, 163. 9 Ibid., 19. 10 Oskar Juhlin and Yanqing Zhang, ‘Unpacking Social Interaction That Make Us Adore - On the Aesthetics of Mobile Phones as Fashion Items’, in Proceedings of ACM Mobile HCI 2011, Stockholm, Sweden. 2011. 11 Evelyn L. Brannon, Fashion Forecasting, 2nd edition (New York: Fairchild Publications, 2005), 158. 12 Ibid., 157. 13 The interviewees include: Erik Ahlgen SonyEricsson Manager, Industrial design, Niilo Alfthan, Portfolio Designer from Nokia Design research; Grace Boicel, Senior design manager from Nokia; Jeanna Kimbre, Manager in Colour and Material from Sony Ericsson; Louise Klarsten, fashion consultant and Color House CEO; Meri Laine, Senior Design Manager from Nokia; Andrea Rosengren, Interaction Designer from Oceans Observations; Maryelle, Senior Marketing project manager from Carlin trend agency.

Bibliography Blaszczyk, Regina Lee, ed. Producing Fashion: Commerce, Culture, and Consumers. Philadelphia, Penn: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007. Brannon, Evelyn L. Fashion Forecasting. 2nd Edition. New York: Fairchild Publications, 2005.

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__________________________________________________________________ Czarniawska, Barbara. A Theory of Organizing. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2008. Juhlin, Oskar, and Yanqing Zhang. ‘Unpacking Social Interaction That Make Us Adore - On the Aesthetics of Mobile Phones as Fashion Items’. In Proceedings of ACM Mobile HCI 2011, Stockholm, Sweden, 2011. Kawamura, Yuniya. The Japanese Revolution in Paris Fashion. Oxford: Berg, 2004. —––. Fashionology, an Introduction to Fashion Studies. Oxford: Berg, 2005. Latour, Bruno. Aramis, or the Love of Technology. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996. Yanqing Zhang is a PhD candidate at Department of Computer and System Science at Stockholm University, currently working on Fashion project which deals with fashion and mobile design at Mobile Life Centre. She graduated from the Center for Fashion Studies at Stockholm University. Oskar Juhlin is Director at the Mobile Life VinnExcellence Centre and Professor at the Department of Computer and System Sciences at Stockholm University. He has worked in many fields related to the sociology of technology, and his current approach draws on ethnographic fieldwork of mobile user practices to influence the design of various applications.

Part 6 Experiencing Fashion

Fitting in When You Are Different: Work-Based Dress and Asperger Syndrome Linda Shearer Abstract The significance of dress and work, as foundations for the formation, maintenance and enhancement of self-identity is compounded by their relationship in workbased dress. This case study examines the lived experience of a male professional with Asperger Syndrome (AS); a mild and higher functioning form of Autism thought to affect 1 in 250 people, and typified, amongst others, by social impairment, repetitive routines or rituals and non-verbal communication problems. 1 In a workplace environment without a formal dress code, there is an implicit expectation relating to appropriate attire, thus creating the potential for ambiguity and confusion. Dress codes are developed through social experiences leading to a shared understanding. As a result of having AS the case subject does not have an intuitive sense of social cues and is able to behave in a ‘normal’ way at work, only through meticulous research and observation of the habits of other, ‘neuro-typical’ people. The resultant suppression of self-identity and individuality in creating this standardised work role image presents a challenge for this individual who, as a result of AS, cannot adapt easily to different forms of dress; or to change in general. The qualitative study uses diary, in-depth interview, vignette and photographic data to illustrate the personal constructs of the subject and to probe aspects of tension and dissonance relating to dress choice in the workplace. The findings provide insight into the conflicts between self identify and perceived work dress requirements, and examine the resultant strategies such as body modification and appropriations of dress, that are harnessed to enable social interaction and acceptance within an organisational context. The study offers an adjunct to dress research by exploring lived experience and personal constructs out with the socially ‘normative’ spectrum. Key Words: Dress, identity, work, Asperger Syndrome, suit. ***** 1. Introduction The many roles of dress and resultant frames of reference offer a complex range of possible relationships and interrelationships with embodied self-identity. 2 A crucial element of identity and image formation, dress is an important aspect of daily existence within our socio-cultural context, and in this capacity is central to personal agency. 3 However it is necessary to understand dress within its particular situational context. 4 In its broadest sense dress encompasses all aspects relating to the clothed and unclothed body; its appearance, adornment, transformations and

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__________________________________________________________________ sensory elements. It is a multi-faceted phenomenon that has been identified as fundamental to our functioning as social human beings, 5 and the basis on which we variously form, express and communicate our identity. 6 As such, dress is a powerful and necessary means of human self-identity formation. 7 Work-place role also has a significant bearing on the self-identity concept. 8 The significance therefore, of both dress and work, as foundations for the formation, maintenance and enhancement of self-identity is compounded by their relationship in workbased dress. Dress can be a pivotal factor in maintaining a sense of self-identity within the workplace, where, as a result of professional constraints and pressures, individuals appear to be particularly vulnerable. 9 Elements of individual self-identity may have to be concealed or constrained in order to conform to the expected work-place norms, and the manipulation of identity in order to succeed and proceed in a career path may conflict with personal identity and expression. 10 This case study examines the tensions arising from the interrelationship of work, dress and identity for an individual, ‘Mark,’ a University Lecturer who has Asperger Syndrome (AS). A higher functioning form of Autism, AS is a developmental disorder that affects two-way social interaction, verbal and nonverbal communication and is typified by a reluctance to accept change, inflexibility of thought and obsessive, narrow areas of interest. The chapter outlines how Mark experiences his self-identity within the constraints of a perceived dress code. As a result of AS, he uses his body and dress as a means of maintaining control in his daily life and in particular in creating sufficient levels of confidence to enable him to successfully undertake his work role. Qualitative data of the case subject, collected through an in-depth interview, self-completed diary and visual references have been incorporated into a vignette to provide an insight into Mark’s lived experience of dressing for work (the visuals are omitted for reasons of confidentiality but an analysis of these have been subsumed within the vignette). This chapter discusses extracts from the vignette with particular focus on the suit and with quotations from the case subject throughout. 2. Workplace Dress In the absence of a formal dress code, occupational dress comprises standardised clothing, developed into an informal code among members of an occupation. 11 This knowledge is based not only on personal experience but on social perception gained through dialogue and interaction. 12 Within the workplace, the social experiences are likely to shape the processes by which information is interpreted, thus creating shared understanding of the institutional or corporate dress codes. This unstructured form of occupational clothing encompasses codes of dress that set the parameters of the styles and types of ordinary or conventional dress that is considered to be appropriate in the workplace. 13 A difficulty of having Asperger Syndrome is that the normal societal conventions that we take for

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__________________________________________________________________ granted, such as gauging appropriate personal space, are not developed instinctively, and have instead, to be learned through a process of ‘scientific’ research and observation. 14 The ability to interpret dress codes, whether formal or not, presents a potential problem; while the rules or codes of dress can be consciously studied and recreated in a ‘rote’ manner, the subtle nuances of style and assemblage itself can remain elusive. AS therefore amplifies the appropriation of dress as a means of communication; as a way of fitting in, belonging and creating suitable impressions. Aspergers strongly influences Mark’s approach to dress. In choosing a form of dress he takes great care to find out what is appropriate for particular situations and once comfortable rarely changes it, as this is very difficult and stressful for him to do. As such he wears very similar clothes on a daily basis. I have looked at ...as a teenager and possibly before...at dress and how it is done...and it would have been then with a view to establishing how I should dress and to appear as normal as possible. It was a largely futile effort because without sufficient contextual information, I’m probably going to draw the wrong inferences from what I observe and fashion...I hate fashion with a vengeance because em, it just means somebody else keeps changing the rules I’ve struggled to learn. When taking up his lecturing post he researched into dress codes and concluded that when wearing casual dress he would be perceived by students as approachable but unprofessional, whereas in a suit he would be considered professional but unapproachable. Giving priority to his availability and support for students and believing he could demonstrate professional conduct more easily than altering people’s perception of his approachability, he opted to dress casually at work. However he does care about external perceptions of the university and will wear a suit for graduation events, when visiting students on placements or participating in other off-campus activities. 3. The Suit The suit is widely identified as the traditional and recognisable symbol of male corporate status roles and can imbue the wearer with an image of ability, authority and professionalism. For Mark the wearing of a suit creates a paradox: in performing specific work roles it can provide him with a sense of anonymity and conformity to blend in but it also creates a tension of identity as the suit does not concur with his sense of self. The AS means that I am very uncomfortable with wearing anything significantly different from day to day, and am

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__________________________________________________________________ uncomfortable to the point of panic with the idea of being seen to be different. Work role is a strong factor in creating a sense of identity and individuals dress for various work roles; some creating a persona for each role. For Mark a change of dress is significant as it is an intrinsic part of his fundamental need to remain in the same daily routine, dictated by his self-set rules. By adhering to these rules he can function within ‘normal’ society while being true to himself as a person with AS. He chooses to appear approachable to students rather than to conform to the stereotypical dress that he feels would signal professionalism to Management. In making this conscious choice of dress he is risking rejection by one audience (Management) but relating to another (students) in a manner that enables him to retain his own sense of self and confidence while ensuring the comfort of both parties. His usual dress is therefore casual and remains the same whether in or away from work. An exception to this is a particular bright green shirt that is worn to work for certain situations (such as formal meetings) to make a statement to others that he is feeling confident. It is only at work that he feels the need to project confidence and therefore does not wear the green shirt out-with the work environment. It is only since working in his post that he has been able to come to terms with his individuality by adopting a series of coping strategies that make him reasonably comfortable. These strategies primarily involve variable levels of self-harming (‘stimming’ 15 ), and they have enabled him to minimise his dissimilarity to others while still retaining his sense of identity. His daily dress routine includes ‘minor’ self-harming 16 every morning before attending work because this gives him a sense of control over his own body and appearance, and therefore gives him the confidence to attend, and function in, the workplace. In his leisure time he feels in control without self-harming. The self-harm is therefore an important part of being able to perform his work role and by so doing, he feels equally confident in or out of work (by self harming or not, respectively). He does not choose dress to be comfortable in himself but he does experience discomfort if his dress is changed, therefore dress is an effect of these coping mechanisms rather than the motivation. However, dress does become the motivating factor if a change of dress code is required or imposed upon him. This change of dress causes him to feel like a different person and necessitates the use of more intense levels of self-harming. At times when the work role requires more formal dress, he harnesses the suit (reluctantly) as a tool of social integration and acceptance by dressing to meet the expectations of others and to fit his ‘studied’ perception of someone in his role. However, as the suit is a deviation from his normal, ‘comfortable’ and routine form of dress, and alien to his concept of self, the ensuing stress levels require specific attention. In coping with the extra

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__________________________________________________________________ pressure of wearing a suit, he has to have a suitably relaxed and comfortable start to the day. …if I put a suit on then yes, it’s so far removed from my intimate image of myself that it isn’t even trying to be em, while I don’t…I don’t like it, it’s wrong in a different sense from the subtle wrongness of a new coat. To achieve the level of confidence necessary to wear the suit, to perform the associated work role and in essence ‘not be himself’ the self-harming escalates to the removal of his little toe nails. The suit itself is not the main issue; it is the changes it necessitates to other elements of habitually worn dress that causes greater tension. For example it is anathema to him to combine his habitually worn boots with a suit, because that would be breaking his self-set, researched rules to an inconceivable extent. In a physical sense he could wear the boots with a suit but cannot take the decision to do so. As a result, he opts to wear plain black shoes that are as similar to the boots as possible, when wearing a suit. I don’t always feel uncomfortable in a suit but I would feel hugely uncomfortable wearing the suits and the boots. It would just be wrong. Em, I’m not quite sure anybody would even notice but I’d know. A further challenge of the suit relates to his hair. His dislike of being touched 17 results in avoidance of hairdressers. He feels more comfortable and confident when both hair and beard are longer and more ‘scruffy,’ as this is in accord with appearing more approachable to the students. However, as his rules dictate that long hair is not appropriate with a suit this creates a further tension with respect to his sense of self at work. He also has to shave in preparation for wearing a suit as he considers this appearance to be ‘part of the suit.’ A tidy beard would also be acceptable but not any degree of stubble. 4. Adapting to Change Personal, social constructs and history provide the contextual background for individual dress experience. A consistency of self-identity, and differentiation from others, can be achieved through aspects of bodily features or by certain items of dress, often with symbolic associations. The symbolic associations of items of dress that have sentimental value provide a grounded sense of self that transcends work or non-work roles. Mark has strong emotional ties to several items of dress which are habitually worn. Certain bodily aspects also give him a strong and necessary sense of self, without which he has a negative self-image, resulting in psychological discomfort and lack of self confidence. Familiarity is very important

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__________________________________________________________________ to his sense of confidence with a change of the important items causing a (temporary) loss of identity and therefore of confidence. Mark has, for the last twenty years, habitually worn the same style of coat which needs to be replaced by a similar item when worn out; the change of coat does not require any preparation by means of self-harming. The original coat has historical associations for him, 18 and each replacement has to meet a significant number of similar style requirements, 19 without which the coat would be deemed unsuitable. He does not feel the need to wear the coat while at work but it must be worn to travel there, regardless of the ambient temperature. When recognising the need to replace the coat, Mark experiences a short period similar to grieving. Then, during the few days of adapting to the ‘new’ coat 20 before it ‘becomes’ the ‘old’ one, he loses his sense of confidence and does not feel comfortable in himself or with regards to his appearance. Consequently, he strives to replace the coat only in the summer as a result of not being at work during this time, as this helps to minimise the stress he experiences. In contrast to the causal effect of wearing a suit, changes of other habitual dress, in particular his coat, do not result in escalated self-harming, therefore it would appear that his sense of self is significant to his work role identity. The suit requires him to feel confident and in control but it is not an aspect of his selfidentity formation; he does not aspire to dress in a suit and it feels alien to his sense of self. The coat however is an important aspect of his self-identity and the concern in replacing it is to maintain that self-image. 5. Conclusion Individuals form real and false selves; that is, they create a persona that is a crucial part of social interaction, but which may not be ‘true’ to themselves. Mark’s sense of identity is as someone with AS and he has a crucial need to be individual. It could be argued that, if he is not able to remain true to himself, he could not remain in the job as it would involve too great a compromise and impact on his self identity. Mark’s lived experience provides some insight into the daily machinations of dressing for work for those outwith the normative spectrum. Previous studies of dress have not addressed the possibilities of Asperger Syndrome or other mental health ‘disorders’ as mediators of dress choice decision making. This case study indicates that beyond the scope of dress as a conduit for self-expression, modesty and display, it may actually be a crucially fundamental part of maintaining the ability to function within society and in particular within the work place.

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Stephen Bauer, ‘Asperger’s Syndrome’, Online Asperger Syndrome Information & Support, accessed July 12, 2011, http://www.aspergersyndrome.org/Articles/Asperger-syndrome.aspx. 2 Thomas F. Cash and Thomas Pruzinsky, Body Images; Development, Deviance and Change (New York and London: The Guilford Press, 1990), 13-15. 3 Melanie Klein, ‘The Psychoanalytic Heritage: Object Relations Theory’, in Beneath the Mask; An Introduction to Theories of Personality, 6th Edition, C. M. Monte (Orlando: Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1999), 338-341. 4 Ali Guy, Eileen Green and Maura Banim, eds., Through the Wardrobe; Women’s Relationships with Their Clothes (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2001), 1. 5 Ernest Dichter, 1960, ‘Textiles the Fabric of Life’, in The Consumer Society Reader, ed. M. Lee (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), 228-229. 6 John C. Flugel, The Psychology of Clothes, Fifth Impression (London: The Hogarth Press, 1971), 16-24. 7 Ibid. 8 Mary Lynn Damhorst, Kimberley A. Miller and Susan O. Michelman, The Meanings of Dress (New York: Fairchild, 1999), 239. 9 Efrat Tseélon, ‘Clarifications in Fashion Research’, in Through the Wardrobe; Women’s Relationships with Their Clothes, eds. Ali Guy, Eileen Green and Maura Banim (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2001), 252. 10 Margaret Rucker, Elizabeth Anderson and April Kangas, ‘Clothing, Power and the Workplace’, in Appearance and Power, eds. Kim K. P. Johnson and Sharron J. Lennon (Oxford and New York: Berg, 1999), 62. 11 N. Joseph, Uniforms and Nonuniforms: Communication through Clothing (New York, Connecticut and London: Greenwood Press, 1986), 144. 12 George Mead ‘Sex, Dress and Power in the Workplace’, in Appearance and Power, eds. Kim K. P. Johnson and Sharron J. Lennon (Oxford and New York: Berg, 1999), 105. 13 Joseph, Uniforms and Nonuniforms, 144. 14 Bauer, ‘Asperger’s Syndrome’. 15 Stimming (self-stimulation) is common practice in AS and takes many sensory forms such as making repetitive movements (rocking, tapping fingers) or sounds, or staring at an object for long periods of time. 16 ‘Minor acts of self-harm to legs, arms and torso (ie. reopening of any existing small cuts and creation of one new one),’ cited by case subject. 17 The heightened effect of AS on the sense of touch can determine dress choice with respect to fit and the surface of the fabrics. There may be a dislike of being restrained in tight clothing or the feel of certain fibres/fabrics against the skin.

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It was worn by the last driver of the last steam train run by British Rail - the rail track ran past the bottom of his garden as a child. 19 It must be black, single breasted, just below knee length with two outer and two inner pockets. It does not need to have buttons but if it does, three is the preferred number. It should ideally have buttons on each cuff, preferably three. 20 The coats are generally found in second hand shops as they are not a fashionable item.

Bibliography Bauer, Stephen. ‘Asperger’s Syndrome’. Online Asperger Syndrome Information and Support, 1996. Accessed July 1, 2011. http://www.aspergersyndrome.org/Articles/Asperger-Syndrome.aspx. Cash, Thomas F., and Thomas Pruzinsky. Body Images; Development, Deviance and Change. New York and London: The Guilford Press, 1990. Damhorst, Mary Lynn, Kimberley A. Miller, and Susan O. Michelman. The Meanings of Dress. New York: Fairchild, 1999. Dichter, Ernest. ‘Textiles the Fabric of Life’ (1960). In The Consumer Society Reader, edited by M. Lee. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000. Featherstone, Mike, ed. Body Modification. London, California and New Delhi: Sage, 2000. Flugel, John C. 1930. The Psychology of Clothes. Fifth Impression. London: The Hogarth Press, 1971. Guy, Ali, Eileen Green, and Maura Banim, eds. Through the Wardrobe; Women’s Relationships with Their Clothes. Oxford and New York: Berg, 2001. Haddon, Mark. The Curious Incident of the Dog in the Night Time. Oxford and New York: David Fickling Books, 2003. Johnson, Kim, K. P., and Sharron J. Lennon. Appearance and Power. Oxford and New York: Berg, 1999. Joseph, N. Uniforms and Nonuniforms: Communication through Clothing. New York, Connecticut and London: Greenwood Press, 1986.

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__________________________________________________________________ Kelly, George. ‘Personal Construct Theory’. In Beneath the Mask; An Introduction to Theories of Personality, 6th Edition, edited by C. M. Monte. Orlando: Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1999. Klein, Melanie. ‘The Psychoanalytic Heritage: Object Relations Theory’. In Beneath the Mask; An Introduction to Theories of Personality, 6th Edition, edited by C. M. Monte. Orlando: Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1999. Mead, George. ‘Sex, Dress and Power in the Workplace’ (1934). In Appearance and Power, Kim K. P. Johnson, and Sharron J. Lennon. Oxford and New York: Berg, 1999. Roach, M. E., and Joanne B. Eicher, eds. Dress and the Social Order. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1965. Rucker, Margaret, Elizabeth Anderson, and April Kangas. ‘Clothing, Power and the Workplace’. In Appearance and Power, Kim K. P. Johnson, and Sharron J. Lennon. Oxford and New York: Berg, 1999. Stevens, Richard, ed. Understanding the Self. London, California and New Delhi: Sage, 2002. Tseélon, Efrat. ‘Clarifications in Fashion Research’. In Through the Wardrobe; Women’s Relationships with Their Clothes, edited by Ali Guy, Eileen Green, and Maura Banim. Oxford and New York: Berg, 2001. Linda Shearer is Programme Leader of Fashion Business at Glasgow Caledonian University, Scotland, UK. Her research interests are in the areas of Dress and Identity and Emotional Engagement.

Sellers of Experience: The New Face of Fashion Retail Marco Pedroni Abstract Most scholars agree in affirming that fashion is about two main phenomena: changing and creating. Both actions concern the production or renovation of products, but also new ways to sell them. In recent times, the categories of periodicity and obsolescence have spread from fashion production to fashion distribution, turning retail spaces into something that requires a continuous rethinking in order to fulfill the desires of the consumers. Fashion retail is nowadays not just a mechanism through which the clothes reach the customers, but a key tool for creating the brand image. This need has been translated into a wide range of distribution options. The main fashion retail formats could be described by positioning them in a two-axis map that considers the nature of the store (multibrand vs. single-brand) and its ability to offer an exciting experience to the customer (high experience/symbolic power vs. low power). This chapter will focus on variety of fashion retail formats, with particular attention to the most innovative ones (e.g., concept and flagship stores, temporary shops, e-commerce), by discussing trends impact on fashion retails. Finally, the evolution of fashion retail will be examined by proposing a three-stage timeline: (a) the shop as a point of sale (in a Fordist and product-driven market); (b) the shop as a point of purchase (in a Postfordist and consumer-driven market); (c) the shop as a point of experience (in the contemporary market driven by experience and consumption as part of citizens’ lifestyles). Through this examination, fashion retail in a sociological and anthropological perspective is reconsidered, by exploring stores as places where people have meaningful experiences in their everyday life. Key Words: Fashion retail, fashion distribution, Factory outlet centres, fashion stores, ethical fashion, travel retail, experience economy, temporary shops, flagship stores, Concept stores. ***** 1. Retail, Fashion, and Modernity Retailing, in French ‘retailler’ (to recut, to sell small pieces of something), indicates the activity of selling to the end consumer a product finished within a fixed structure. The evolution of retail is strongly linked to modernity through a way that began in the 1500s with the achievement of the cities, the theaters of workshop proliferation, showcases and retail stands up through the birth of the large department stores of the 1990s, the emblem of a consumer society characterised by the industrial production of goods and by the free selling of multiple products in the same place 1 through the organisation of public space that

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__________________________________________________________________ as highlighted by Sennett, 2 the modern city cleverly reserved and organised around consumption. The relationship between fashion and modernity is just as strong, a connection that is even etymological (fashion translates the French mode and the Italian moda), 3 beyond that of historic, like many fashion scholars and historians have practically unanimously recognised and accepted. 4 According to Lipovetsky, 5 fashion was born at the end of medieval times when the change in clothing became one of the pleasures of the aristocracy; in this context, the short turnaround time of fashion means the abandonment of the model of collective cohesion that had insured stable customs; fashion is modern because it establishes a social system free from the influence of the past. The birth of fashion and the evolution of retail, therefore, present a common matrix, connected to the affirmation of merchant capitalism and consequently the enriching of the bourgeoisie and the nobility. Further evidence of the link among fashion, retail, and modernity are the Parisian passages, covered spaces dedicated to the selling of luxury articles that, before the grand department stores, recreated miniature worlds on the inside of the widest panoramic urban area through the innovative architecture of marble, iron, and glass. It is in these spaces, which grab the attention of the most attentive of testimonials of modernity like Walter Benjamin, 6 where the flâneur loves to lose himself. 7 The fact that the stores are not simple distributors of goods, but instead protagonists of the creation of immaterial value of the products 8 and enactors of consumption worlds 9 is not related, obviously, only to the fashion, but in this sector, the phenomenon assumes peculiar nuances, connected above all to the nature of fashion that, as brought out by Easey, 10 is about changing and creating. In an ever-more evident way, the creative process does not involve only the birth of new products, but also the identification of new ways to sell products: the seasonal categories and obsolescence are extending even to fashion retail. Retail is ‘the face of fashion,’ 11 a place for the expression of brand identity, and it serves as the mechanism through which the clothes reach the consumer. In serving this purpose, retail also represents a way to get detailed feedback what consumers are buying; a tool for the economic stability of manufacturers and designers (through their own stores) and for the creation of the brand image, through promoting the design awareness to the shopping public. 12 The sophisticated consumer of fashion is well trained not only in facing the semiotic saturation of fashion, 13 choosing among the many current modern brands according to the consumer’s lifestyle, but she turns a growing attention also to the place of the purchase, thereby transforming shopping into an experience of constructing meaning that becomes an integral part of the piece of clothing.

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__________________________________________________________________ 2. The Distribution Channels of Fashion between Brand and Experience Marketing is always attentive to the theme of distribution indicated by the term Place 14 that underlines the significance of the consumer experience in buying a product or a service through different channels. The distribution of fashion products can happen through multiple channels. A simple way to identify them consists of distinguishing the physical places (stores) from the virtual ones (websites and e-commerce) with the addition of catalogues. 15 A more technical and less evident criterion of distinction for the final consumer is the classification of channel options that includes wholesaling, franchising, licensing and retailing. The emphasis on fashion retail hides the fact that having actual stores is only one of the ways of distributing fashion collections. Clothing may reach the consumer through the intermediation of wholesalers, definable as organisations that buy in bulk and sell directly to smaller fashion businesses, 16 or through franchising or licensing. From a sociological point of view, taking the consumer experience as a point of reference, it seems more useful to introduce a third classification (see table no. 1). The main fashion retail formats could be described by positioning them in a twoaxis map that considers the nature of the store (multi-brand vs. single-brand) and its ability to offer exciting experiences to the customer (high experience/symbolic power vs. low power). Multi-brand stores 17 are environments with large surface areas in which the consumer can choose from a variety of fashion labels. From the point of view between price and services, we may distinguish department stores like Harrods located in London or the Italian La Rinascente, large-space retailers organised across several floors, offering a variety of upscale market goods (including clothes), from general stores like Marks&Spencer, just as large and varied in what they offer, however, characterised by mid-market prices and low service, until we get to the value stores, of which TK Maxx is an example with cheap prices and service. To this selection, we can add multiple retailers with targeted fashion offerings (directed at a certain age bracket or the female public for example), that present a wide range of brands with all that is necessary to dress in the target reference (outfits, shoes, accessories). An even more specialised channel is that of the sport shops, like JD or Footlocker, dedicated to sportswear. Instead, the sale of clothing in supermarkets is a relatively new phenomenon, primarily offering lowproceed collections and basics. In the end, the multi-brand channels are named in the catalogues, evolved by mail order to the web catalogue, such as La Redoute, or born directly online like Yoox.

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__________________________________________________________________ Table 1 - The Space of Fashion Retail

The nature of the single-brand stores is diametrically opposed in that it constructs a uniform story around one brand name. It is here that the most innovative forms of retailing can be found. In addition to the classic solution of the regular store, single-brand sale channels provide a selection of the brand offer, conditioned on by the dimension of sales and location of the point of sale; the brands have developed extreme solutions that space out the large square metric stores and larger visibility through gap or temporary spaces. Among the first are the flagship stores, highly symbolic POSs, designed by well-known ‘archistars’ and situated in key-cities, fashion capitals; entire buildings that mark symbolically the presence of the brand in the urban landscape through a wide sales surface in which the whole collection may be sold. The economic investment and the exclusivity message transmitted by these ‘architecture of seduction’ 18 renders these spaces a solution within reach of the international luxury brands. 19 These spaces, like other surfaces of less dimension, however just as exclusive, can act as concept stores, offering the visitor non-commercial services, pampering him with catering services, hosting exhibits, artistic or cultural events with the objective to strengthen the image of the brand like a plug for culture and the contemporary imaginary. However, even the most successful brands are supported by a chain of stores, properties or in franchising in much reduced dimensions whose spatial type ranges from the regular store to the shop-in-shop (or concession), a single-brand space operating within larger stores, with low running costs and high profitability; even

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__________________________________________________________________ more reduced are the dimensions of the corner, open space on three sides without walls found internally in shopping malls. One of the most original solutions adopted by fashion brands are the temporary shops, sales channel noted with various names (pop-up, vacant, provisional shop) and that plays on the time factor proposing products and specific services in a highly sought out location for a limited period of time once elapsed the store disappears rapidly. Limited availability becomes synonymous with exclusive experience that should be grabbed in the short space of its reality; a strategy of guerrilla marketing 20 with which brands try to create a dynamic brand image involving the consumer in an event having a set termination. The temporary stores represent an innovative sales channel (effective in so far that the ‘expiration date’ sparks impulse purchasing), but also the modality to test the new concepts in stores and receive immediate feedback on the reactions of the consumers in front of a collection presented through a preview or in a new foreign market. Finally, not because of its importance, we cite the mono-brand channel of e-commerce that will be delved into in the course of the next paragraph. 3. Trends Impacting Fashion Retail The view of fashion retailing, with its multiple solutions, shows some evolutionary trends. In the first place, highly recognisable stores are establishing themselves with great strength. These stores through their own various types (flagship, concept, pop-up) propose the idea of boutique as a monument and an event to the point of denying the sales function altogether and putting itself out there as a place of entertainment (which could be defined as anti-boutique). The ‘experiential mono-brand’ strives to make itself a theater and a place of performance, contrasting the staticity of the traditional stores to the dynamic reality shop, expression which we do not intend to reductively refer to a reality show hosted within the store, 21 but to an offer of live experience to the consumer from massages before the purchase to the consultancy of personal shoppers. 22 The keywords of this retail strategy are ‘identity,’ ‘storytelling,’ and ‘emotion’: all recounted through the material space of the point of sale, the immaterial world of the label. A second tendency regards the travel retailing, detailed commercial activity in places of transit that have as a target consumers (primarily foreign) who travel medium/long distances. 23 The travel retail plays on the ‘memory’ and the ‘experience of the non-daily activity,’ characterised by places of transit, places of fun, and tourist destinations. They first began making their fortunes in 1947 with the birth of the duty free shops, ‘unregulated areas’ situated in ports and airports offering the consumer lower prices thanks to the tax fiscal advantages that such transit zones enjoy. While the presence of shops and sales points has been maintained in the hotels, the huge cruise ships, in the casinos, etc., retailing has become a structured business qualifying theme parks, like Disneyland,

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__________________________________________________________________ emphasising the souvenir as an object able to immortalise the memory of a nice day, and even more in the tourist destinations expressly projected to offer a total and complete shopping experience. The category most interesting in the area of travel retail is that of the Factory Outlet Centers (FOCs), a recent evolution of a distribution channel born in the ‘70s like ‘company sell off’ able to offer warehouse stock at very favourable prices, 24 with a limited attractive ability in the surrounding area and single-brand nature. The company sell off evolved, in the 90s, in the small multi-brand cities, characterised by tens of mono-label stores with high aspirational value inside these enormous spaces (10-40 sq. meters) located outside the city but in close proximity to highways and airports. From the last, third step in the evolution of FOCs over the most recent years, we have seen the transformation of FOCs into alternative retail channels to traditional retail with products and collections distributed ad hoc in addition to the warehouse stock that by virtue of its up to 70% discount, have until now been the features characterised by the outlets. The FOCs of the new generation, simulating the urban space by way of roads, squares, fountains, buildings inspired by the architectural style of the territory, aspire to be a complete and total space, a miniature city, like Jameson observed in the middle 80s 25 regarding the shopping centres. This new distribution channel, the adult version for theme parks, has established with fashion a strong link, insomuch as the FOCs are often perceived and presented like little luxury cities, places of ideal shopping for target groups that must include the savings requirements and the desires for aspirational shopping. A third tendency is the multi-channel retailing, a differentiation strategy of sales channels that integrate both off- and on-line solutions. The digital technology has revolutionised the traditional commercial selling from retail-oriented to at a distance selling, born at the end of the 1800s. 26 The paper order gives way to ecommerce or e-tailing, the catalogues adapt to the architecture of websites and apps for mobile devices, surpassing the physical limits of paper (a site of ecommerce has no limits to extent or size) and increasing the facility in doing research. The purchase becomes more rapid and the consumer can use greater and more information, all in a more personalised offer, interactive and available 24 hours a day, 27 while the target group changes from that of low status catalogue using public to that of the higher and cooler online purchasers, requiring a minimum level of computer literacy. 28 E-commerce represents the most innovative front in the multi-channel strategy of many groups, that have moved along even to the site of the e-tailing, a mixed grouping of various types of stores. 29 4. Point of What? Evolution of Fashion Retail Contemporary fashion retailing has made its own philosophy of the ‘experience economy,’ 30 transforming the sales points into ‘experience providers,’ 31 theaters of the representation of the brand and reinforcing channels of the link between brand

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__________________________________________________________________ and consumer. Even though it is in continuity with other forms of communication, store offers the possibility of a complete immersion, above all if the design is able to create a perceived atmosphere as authentic from the consumer; a result that is possible to achieve only through the development of a theme able to fascinate the clients, the showing of events, the involvement in every sense and the offer of souvenir or stimuli that prolong the experience lived. In retail, the ‘aesthetic of sensation’ as called by Featherstone 32 manifests itself very evidently. This is an aesthetic that stimulates the body by playing on the immediacy and the unreflexiveness of the social protagonist and that transforms the display of the merchandise into an involving and multi-sensory show. George Ritzer, 33 in order to photograph the evolution of retail towards the lucid dimension of entertainment, has incorporated the term ‘retailtainment,’ indicating ‘the use of ambience, emotion, sound and activity to get customers interested in the merchandise and in a mood to buy.’ 34 The exaltation of the symbolic dimension of the offer and the concealment of the commercial component are today the common traits of the most innovative forms of retailing and constitute the ending point of a long evolutionary process of the store that can be summarised in three main phases. The classic (a) ‘point of sale,’ a Fordist mentality expression that puts at the center the offer and was progressively transformed into a (b) ‘point of purchase’ that privileges the consumer, his competence and his ability to choose within a cultural and product field, which is fashion, rich in proposals; however, the most recent in fashion retailing experiences point toward the (c) ‘point of experience,’ which means the store like a creator of experience in which the consumer may exercise not only the mere action of purchasing, but experiment an immersion in the values and the performances that make up the symbolic universe of the brand. Malls and outlets conceived like small cities, concept stores designed around a single theme, ecommerce sites in which to dress in clothing at your disposal all where the avatars design, together with the numerous channels herein already analysed, a symbolic panorama that makes the store a destination in which to live a pleasurable experience, separate from the everyday flow of daily life. In this ‘enclave,’ the brand makes a speech to the consumers, 35 constructing a narrative space whose principle theme - the conceptual nucleus of the brand - it is not entrusted to a single-directional communication that starts from the producer and finishes with the client: the latter, on the contrary, centers into play in the construction of the discourse through its receptive activity and becomes a ‘reader’ that cooperates with the ‘author’ of the interpretative texts of the narrative programs and in the construction of the meanings. In this framework, the transformation of the stores in ‘points of experience’ does not represent only an innovative marketing strategy, but it reflects an evolution of relationships between production and consumption, where the protagonists of the latter are called on to complete the symbolic construction

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__________________________________________________________________ process of the brands, reading the stores like texts and filtering out in light of their own interpretative codes. The reflection on fashion retail, still today widely monopolised by the marketing, risks to mythologise the concept of ‘experience’ and consider the consumer as a simple terminal of a decided process ‘from the top.’ That which I am promoting, as a starting point for further research, is the necessity of problematising the idea of ‘experience consumption,’ exploring the strategy through which the consumer decodes the text/store. The experience offer on the part of the brands represents the attempt to construct a hegemonic narration which partially conceals the real and legitimate objective of the fashion companies (sales), and transforms the retail into entertainment. The consumer can support the code of retailtainment completely, in part or not at all, 36 accepting or calling into question the hybrid between culture and commerce, moved forward through ‘points of experience’ - evolution of the stores - that presents themselves as a ‘natural’ element of the urban, beyond urban, and online.

Notes 1

Emanuele Sacerdote, Travel Retailing: Analisi, Strategie, Best Practices (Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2009). 2 Richard Sennett, The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities (New York: Norton & Co., 1992). 3 Eugenia Paulicelli, ed., Moda e Moderno: Dal Medioevo al Rinascimento (Rome: Meltemi, 2006). 4 John Carl Flügel, Psychology of Clothes (London: The Hogarth Press, 1930). Elizabeth Wilson, Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity (London: Virago, 1985). Aileen Ribeiro, Dress and Morality (New York: Holnes & Meier, 1986). Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (New York: The Modern Library, 2002). 5 Gilles Lipovetsky, The Empire of Fashion: Dressing Modern Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994). 6 Pierre Missac, Walter Benjamin’s Passages (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1995). 7 This is the figure of the young independent man who loves to get lost in the big cities searching for the new, in places like the passages where he could at the same time look and avoid the looks of the others. 8 Louise Crewe, ‘Geographies of Retailing and Consumption: Markets in Motion’, Progress in Human Geography 27, No. 3 (2003), 352-362. 9 Alan Warde ‘Consumption and the Theory of Practice’, Journal of Consumer Culture 5, No. 2 (2005): 131-154.

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Mike Easey, Fashion Marketing (Oxford, England and Malden, MA: Blackwell Science, 2002). 11 Ibid. 12 Tim Jackson and David Shaw, Mastering Fashion Marketing (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 13 Emanuela Mora, Fare Moda (Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2010). 14 One of 4P in the Philip Kotler’s marketing model, along with Price, Product and Promotion. 15 Catalogues have almost definitively surpassed their original intention of paper instruments to order through postal correspondence by becoming in all effects online channels accessible through the computer or cellular devices. 16 Jackson and Shaw, Mastering Fashion Marketing, 207. 17 Michele Trevisan and Massimo Pegoraro, Retail Design: Progettare la Shopping Experience (Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2007). 18 David Vernet and Leontine de Wit, Boutiques and Other Retail Spaces: The Architecture of Seduction (New York and London: Routledge, 2007). 19 E.g. Tod’s (with its 27 meter high store in Tokyo signed by Toyo Ito), Hermès (a store 14 floors above ground realised by Renzo Piano in Tokyo) and Prada (which has entrusted the projects of its Epicenters to Rem Koolhas). 20 Jay Conrad Levinson and Paul R. J. Hanley, The Guerrilla Marketing Revolution: Precision Persuasion of the Unconscious Mind (London: Judy Piatkus Publishers, 2005). 21 As in the case of the Bikkembergs shop which opened in Milan in 2009: inside, a player had been living in a flat over several months, training, eating and sleeping under the watchful eyes of customers. 22 In this direction, an interesting non-mainstream case is the independent shop known as The Hub (Milan) born in 2009 as a creative laboratory that accompanies consumers in the early stages of creating, sewing and the dyeing of garments. 23 Sacerdote, Travel Retailing. 24 The first FOC as a planned shopping centre with different brands located in a single structure dates back to 1980, but the explosion of the phenomenon occurs in the 90s when McArthur Glen, then allied with Baa, develops its FOCs in the UK. 25 Fredric Jameson, ‘Postmodernism and the Consumer Society’, in Postmodern Culture, ed. Hal Foster (London: Pluto Press, 1984), 81. 26 Among the early catalogs, The Wish Book, 770 pages with 6,000 illustrations and 200,000 products, published in Chicago by Sears & Roebuck. 27 Antonio Foglio, L’arte dello Shopping: Allarte del Vendere si Risponde con L’arte del Comprare (Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2008), 230-232. 28 Sacerdote, Travel Retailing.

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Among the most dynamic examples, see Mandarina Duck, which has been selling online through its website since 2006 and offline through a network brand and the presence of corners in the multi-brand retail spaces. 30 B. Joseph Pine and James H. Gilmore, The Experience Economy: Work is Theatre & Every Business a Stage (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1999). 31 Bernd H. Schmitt, Experiential Marketing: How to Get Customers to Sense, Feel, Think, Act, and Relate to Your Company and Your Brand (New York: The Free Press, 1999). 32 Mike Featherstone, Consumer Culture and Postmodernism (London: Sage, 2007), 122. 33 George Ritzer, Enchanting a Disenchanted World: Revolutionizing the Means of Consumption (London: Sage, 2005). 34 Doris Hajewski, ‘Gurnee Mills Aiming to Give Shoppers Fun Time’, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Business (March 12, 1997): 1. 35 Gianfranco Marrone, Il Discorso di Marca: Modelli Semiotici per il Branding (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 2007). 36 These categories have been coined by Stuart Hall with reference to the television discourse. Stuart Hall, ‘Encoding/Decoding’, in Culture, Media, Language, ed. Stuart Hall et al. (London: Hutchinson, 1980).

Bibliography Burckhardt, Jacob. The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy. New York: The Modern Library, 2002. Crewe, Louise. ‘Geographies of Retailing and Consumption: Markets in Motion’. Progress in Human Geography 27, No. 3 (2003): 352–362. Easey, Mike. Fashion Marketing. Oxford, England and Malden, MA: Blackwell Science, 2002. Featherstone, Mike. Consumer Culture and Postmodernism. London: Sage, 2007. Flügel, John Carl. Psychology of Clothes. London: The Hogarth Press, 1930. Foglio, Antonio. L’arte dello Shopping: All’arte del Vendere si Risponde con L’arte del Comprare. Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2008. Hajewski, Doris. ‘Gurnee Mills Aiming to Give Shoppers Fun Time’. Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Business (March 12, 1997).

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__________________________________________________________________ Stuart Hall, ‘Encoding/Decoding’. In Culture, Media, Language, edited by Stuart Hall et al. London: Hutchinson, 1980. Jackson, Tim, and David Shaw. Mastering Fashion Marketing. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. Jameson, Fredric. ‘Postmodernism and the Consumer Society’. In Postmodern Culture, edited by Hal Foster. London: Pluto Press, 1984. Jil-Juárez, Adriana. ‘Consumption as an Emotional Social Control Device’. Theory & Psychology 19, No. 6 (2009), 837–857. Levinson, Jay Conrad, and Paul R. J. Hanley. The Guerrilla Marketing Revolution: Precision Persuasion of the Unconscious Mind. London: Judy Piatkus Publishers, 2005. Lipovetsky, Gilles. The Empire of Fashion: Dressing Modern Democracy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994. Marrone, Gianfranco. Il Discorso di Marca: Modelli Semiotici per il Branding. Rome-Bari: Laterza, 2007. Missac, Pierre. Walter Benjamin’s Passages. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1995. Mora, Emanuela. Fare Moda. Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2010. Morone, Alfonso. Fashion Store: Moda e Design Attraverso gli Spazi di Vendita. Milan: PoliDesign, 2008. Paulicelli, Eugenia, ed. Moda e mModerno: Dal Medioevo al Rinascimento. Rome: Meltemi, 2006. Pine, B. Joseph, and James H. Gilmore. The Experience Economy: Work is Theatre & Every Business a Stage. Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1999. Ribeiro, Aileen. Dress and Morality. New York: Holnes & Meier, 1986. Ritzer, George. Enchanting a Disenchanted World: Revolutionizing the Means of Consumption. London: Sage, 2005.

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__________________________________________________________________ Sacerdote, Emanuele. Travel Retailing: Analisi, Strategie, Best Practices. Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2009. Schmitt, Bernd H. Experiential Marketing: How to Get Customers to Sense, Feel, Think, Act, and Relate to Your Company and Your Brand. New York: The Free Press, 1999. Sennett, Richard. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. New York: Norton & Co., 1992. Trevisan Michele, and Massimo Pegoraro. Retail Design: Progettare la Shopping Experience. Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2007. Vernet, David, and Leontine de Wit. Boutiques and Other Retail Spaces: The Architecture of Seduction. New York and London: Routledge, 2007. Warde, Alan. ‘Consumption and the Theory of Practice’. Journal of Consumer Culture 5, No. 2 (2005): 131–154. Wilson, Elizabeth. Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity. London: Virago, 1985. Marco Pedroni has a PhD in Sociology and Social Research Methodology from the Università Cattolica of Milan, Italy, where he collaborates with the Centre for the Study of Fashion and Cultural Production (Department of Sociology). He is a lecturer of Sociology of Fashion and Research Methods at the Milano Fashion Institute, and has published articles and books on fashion and creative professions. Scholar on the works of Georg Simmel and Pierre Bourdieu, currently his research and writing are devoted to explore coolhunting, its role in the cultural production, and new forms of communication in the fashion industry, from retail channels to fashion blogs. His last work is ‘From Fashion Forecasting to Coolhunting. Previsional Models in Fashion and in Cultural Production’, in Fashion Capital: Style Economies, Sites and Cultures, ed. J. Berry (Oxford: Inter-Disciplinary Press, 2012).

The Evolution of the Retail Space: From Luxury Malls to Guerilla Stores: Tracing the Change of Fashion Cecilia Winterhalter Abstract Society’s postmodern evolution which leads her towards globalisation and the fusion of single ideas into global concepts, can be traced in fashion as well. Through innovative change, fashion has assumed a new shape and new ways of integrating into society. It has shifted from being material to being immaterial, from being an object to being a concept. Its distinctive traits are multiplicity and creative liberty in the dressing style, a new way of living the cosmopolitan identity and ethical innovations which advantage the community. These innovations express the new identity of the empowered consumer and his relations to the world. By modifying the concepts of fashion and sale and by moving the focus from the articles to the customer, postmodernity has caused the evolution of the retail space. Successful stores respond today to the new demand, multiply the choices and favour communication. Modern commercial spaces, such as luxury malls, luxury brand website stores, designer stores, concept stores and guerrilla stores (also called pop-up stores) are confronted in this contribution, to elucidate the difference between the sale of traditional and of conceptual fashion. In the assumption that the luxury malls and the numerous luxury brand website stores represent the tail-end of a way of selling fit for an ‘old’ fashion made of objects. Whereas the spaces to sell a new fashion made of concepts are empty designer stores recreating an art gallery milieu, concept stores providing a discovery experience of the products without distinct article typology, temporary guerrilla (or pop-up) stores which freed the retail space from its original ties with the temporal and geographical location and the Market store concept which transformed the store into a communicational and relational tool. Key Words: Postmodernity, postmodern consumption, postmodern society, identity construction, retail space evolution, luxury mall, star-architect designer or flagship store, concept store, guerrilla or pop-up store, market concept store. ***** 1. Introduction This contribution speaks of retail spaces, but its true objects are the modifications of fashion as revealing symptoms for rise of postmodernity 1 and the innovative change of society. The planetary transition to the network society means new behaviours, 2 real-time events, 3 new forms of non-territorial socialisation and the creation of new identities. Traditional hierarchies are substituted by a net of horizontally connected individuals, which are the authors of their life and

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__________________________________________________________________ consumption. 4 While institutions and industries loose centrality, the pulverised market shifts from a make and sell strategy to a sense and response approach, able to satisfy personalised needs. 5 The intent of this text is to show how retail spaces and their new consumption express these innovations, which create postmodern identities. 2. Changes in Society Society’s general drive towards globalisation and towards the fusion of single ideas into global concepts can be traced in fashion as well. Through innovative change, 6 high fashion has assumed a new shape and has progressively lost its capacity to dictate the way people have to dress. Losing gradually its functions as tool to conform to social groups, 7 as parade of distinctive status symbols, 8 as response to the need for social inclusion, 9 fashion no longer boosts an inexhaustible mass consumption. ‘Traditional’ fashion, prescribed by tradition, charismatic designers 10 or by marketing strategies, 11 has been substituted by personal styles. Under the action of postmodernity, fashion has shifted from being material to being immaterial, from being an object to being a concept. These innovations have grown, in Street style from the liberty to ‘style surf,’ 12 and, selecting from the existing repertorie, to invent a personal way of dressing. 13 They are the expression of a cosmopolitan identity, born from fashion city making and its valorisation of intangible cultural assets, 14 which evolved into the citizens’ cultural productions. 15 They grow finally from a strong demand for novelties, which advantage the community, 16 such as eco fashion, 17 fair trade 18 and social business. 19 According to these changes, the postmodern fashion purchases are marked by a personalised consumption, customised productions, and the re-invention of retail spaces. The new way of buying produces the postmodern individuality freed from old belongings (of class, nationality, gender, race, religion or subculture) which allows to construct new global identities, 20 based on occupation, affinity or transnationalism. 21 Empowering and distinguishing individuals from the masses, all these novelties, transform fashion into the main postmodern cultural production. 22 3. Fashion Industry and Its Change Society’s innovation forces fashion to rethink its articles, its productions, its sales practices, but mainly its retail spaces. 23 Recognising the changes of society should enable the system to preview the peoples’ needs, so ‘that the product or service fits…and sells itself … . The aim of postmodern marketing [should be] to make selling unnecessary.’ 24 Unfortunately, the sales strategies for luxury fashion reveal the incapacity of the system to offer an adequate response to the changed fashion concept and to the different recipient’s new immaterial needs. However, while the stereotype of society as a inexhaustible mass market shows its

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__________________________________________________________________ inconsistency, the new consumer values grow increasingly effective in today’s global and interconnected world. 25 The system’s incapacity to react, does not stop the innovation of society and while the industry persists in producing total look collections for just one season and in fuelling the creation of innumerable new brands, on the global market the personal styles, the re-invention of fashion and the exchange of ideas take the upper hand. The failure of traditional sales practices and the rise of new retail spaces are not the end of consumerism, but rather the sign of the strong demand for a new consumption. 4. The Retail Space The retail space is an ideal place to outline society’s new needs, because the exchange of goods and services, defines the relationships between sellers and buyers, between the individual and society. By modifying the concepts of fashion and sale and by moving the focus from the articles to the customer, postmodernity has caused the evolution of the retail space. 26 Successful stores respond today to the new demand, multiply the choices and favour communication. 27 They express the new identity of the empowered consumer, his relations to other individuals and to his real and imagined world. 28 Luxury malls, designer, concept, guerrilla or pop-up and market stores, represent different stages in the evolution from modern to postmodern retailing. The postmodern store is a no - or a multi-brand space, 29 with multiple uses. It links items, services, emotions and new consumptions, 30 in order to sell styles, concepts, ideas and lastly culture. 5. The Luxury Mall, an Example for an Old Shop The resilience of the old retail concept of the luxury companies is visible in luxury malls, as well as in luxury brand website stores. They answer to a ‘traditional’ fashion demand made of redundant products and represent the tail-end of an outdated way of selling. Hoping to increase their revenues, the luxury companies invade the urban centres with immense luxury shopping malls, which ideally propose all the famous high-end brands in the same retail complex. Ventures for thousands of shoppers, such as London’s Westfield Mall, which with its 265 shops, 14 cinemas, 50 restaurants and 4500 parking spaces, is the largest luxury mall of Europe. 31 These lavish luxury centres consist of a huge number of local and international luxury brand boutiques, Michelin-worthy restaurants, bars, hotels, food galleries, jet-set services, but also of all kinds of entertainments, such as indoor ski resorts, theatre and cinema complexes, amusement parks, spas, exclusive events and snooty private clubs. 32 Most of these complexes, for example the Mall of The Emirates in Dubai, the Landmark in Hong Kong or the Emporio in New Delhi, 33

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__________________________________________________________________ are located in emerging countries, where showy shoppers, new rich and immigrants are expected to spend on distinctive status symbols. 34 Many of these malls are intended for rich international travellers or expatcommunities, to whom they offer hyper-luxury supplies, tax-free shopping and vast international food galleries. That all these glass and steel monstrosities are obviously meant, more for leisure, than for shopping, becomes apparent in those malls, which are tied to holiday or entertainment structures, for example the Bal Harbour Shops in Miami meant for trendy holiday stock up on big-name brands, the Grand Canal Shoppes of Las Vegas located inside the exclusive Venetian hotel, 35 the airport commercial spaces of Frankfurt, Heathrow or Singapore or the immense luxury mall in the lower levels of the Norman Foster Chek Lap Kok Airport in Hong Kong. The luxury malls stand as a gleaming tribute to the democratisation of luxe, which makes buyers erroneously believe that they are spending their way up the social ladder. 36 This misjudgement, which clashes with the very concept of luxury, especially in the West, finds its transposition in the accesses leading from these would-be ‘exclusive’ centres to the public transports. This feature has stunningly also been recently adopted by luxury designer mega-stores, such as Renzo Piano’s Hermès Flagship store in Tokyo, which is directly linked to the Ginza tube station. It is a feature which is unimaginable for our Western exclusive luxury concept. 37 Even though the world’s biggest luxury market, Asia, is still growing 38 (China alone is previewed to grow its share of the world’s luxury market up to 60 % 39 and the fast developing India is also called the new China 40 ) according to market surveys its disproportionate expansion will not continue for ever. The awaited failure of luxury sales is visible in cities like Rome, where the category luxury mall is unusual and not well represented. The White Gallery, 41 an interesting luxury mall-imitation attempt, offers for example a wide range of high fashion brands, accessories, perfumery and custommade tailoring, which are intended to attract a national and international clientele. Although the owner group claims it to be the first lifestyle store of Rome, all the glitter cannot hide its overwhelming absence of buyers. 42 As I could discover reaching the third floor, during my wandering around the deserted showrooms, the third floor with its library, food gallery, restaurant, bar and spa, has remained unfinished. Because of its obsolete luxe offer, the White Gallery, will probably soon shut down. Even if today there are still places, like Asia, where traditional goods and sales practices still work, soon - and in a globalised world this will happen very rapidly - everybody, having got tired of luxury products, will stop buying them, 43 giving conclusive importance to postmodern consumption.

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__________________________________________________________________ 6. The New Retailing: Guerrilla or Pop-Up Shops and Market Stores In order to sell a fashion made of concepts, individuality and services, space design changed radically. Postmodern commercial spaces sell images, not products, and the propulsive force of consumption are requests for immaterial, multidimensional goods and services, which do not occupy a share of market, but a share of mind. 44 Postmodern consumption feeds on shared feelings, 45 variety, individual differences and belongings, which compose new elective tribes with a shared ethos. The Frankenstein chair designed by Tom Strala in 2007 captures perfectly the spirit of postmodern consumption. Composed of many pieces of different chairs, it expresses diversity but at the same time the graceful union of these different fragments, in a new and unique manner. This evolution frees the retail space in succession from its original ties with the products, with a distinct article typology, with the temporal and geographical location and finally transforms the store into a communicational and relational tool. Let us see how these four stages of evolution affect the retail space. A. The Star-Architect Designer Store The first stage of the development began, since the 1980s, with the designer’s construction of prohibitively expensive, monastically empty star-architect megastores, which were not centred on the merchandise. The product’s disappearance and the ensuing growth of imagination, created in those years an art gallery milieu. 46 The monochromatic empty space is a neutral screen, which conveys to luxury fashion its importance and its aura. These gigantic, empty product boxes, 47 contributed to construct exclusive and recognisable designer images. 48 The ‘perfect background’ of a minimal, golden architectural retail space defined for example the brand Armani. 49 The experimentation continued in the late 1980s and 1990s, in Paris with the Japanese avant-garde composed of Rei Kawakubo, Yohji Yamamoto and Issey Miyake. This resulted even in the complete disappearance of the items on sale. 50 The search for the essence of the brand continued in more recent times for example with Jun Aoki’s Louis Vuitton 51 and Toyo Ito’s Tod’s Stores, in Tokyo 52 or the R. Koolhaas’s Epicenters in New York, Los Angeles and Tokyo, 53 and many more. However, the immense flood of these spaces, with their strong advertising messages, with masses of ‘unique’ goods, which all try to attract buyers, by saturation, drowned this kind of retailing. 54 B. The Concept Store The retail space renounced successively distinct product typologies, evolving into the more recent concept store at the end of the 1990s. Examples for this store typology are Colette and Merci in Paris, Darkroom in London, TAD in Rome or 10

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__________________________________________________________________ Corso Como in Milan. 55 These ‘lifestyle emporiums’ cross-sells a great variety of articles, which are not separated into different departments. The multifunctional and strongly meaningful commercial space, in which items, services and communicational and ecological demands converge 56 is dedicated to fashion, but also to art, design, music, cuisine and culture. Its museum-like approach is not of the ‘sacred gallery type,’ but rather reproduces the multifunctional, multimedia and interactive qualities of very recent museum spaces. The store’s combination of material and immaterial goods, the non-conventional and stylish environment provide a discovery experience of the wide range of different item typologies and lifestyle proposals, which are exposed to be viewed by the visitor like an art exhibition. C. The Guerrilla or Pop-Up Stores The two most innovative retail space forms, which will be dealt with in this text, freed the retail space from its temporal and/or geographical location and transformed it into a relational and communicational tool. The pop-up or guerilla retailing and the market based store concept, adopted by the Dover Street Market in Mayfair, have both been invented, since 2004 by Rei Kawakubo, head of the Japanese fashion label Comme des Garçon. These postmodern stores have a non-determined function and are used to shop, eat, entertain or transmit socially significant contents. 57 Their bazaar-like nature, renounces a distinct product typology, to offer to the local buyers a diffused array of interesting and creative items, 58 services and activities, 59 which focus only on the interesting choice, the spirit and the energy of the goods. 60 The guerilla or pop-up stores are a radical revolution of the retail location and of the commercial time, which, started in East Berlin in 2004. A long sequel of stores, which only one is open at the same time and of which the most recent, can be spotted on the web, 61 followed one another in Reykjavik, Helsinki, Singapore, Athens, Barcelona, Ljubljana, Sao Paulo, Istanbul and many other places. 62 According to the Comme des Garçon ‘Guerrilla Rules’ 63 the guerrilla store does not ‘last … more than one year,’ its ‘concept for interior design is largely equal to the existing space’ and its location is chosen ‘away from established commercial areas.’ It showcases a ‘mix of all Comme des Garçon seasons, new and old, clothing and accessories, existing and specially created, from Comme des Garçons brands and … other brands.’ 64 The guerrilla store is not linked to place, time or style. 65 It refuses the basic rules of retailing, such as advertising or price tags 66 and showcases products that can’t be purchased, ‘season-less’ merchandise, 67 hard to find or limited edition items, music and creative projects of young artists. 68 The guerrilla project has been wildly successful. The Warsaw store met for example ‘300 % of its projected monthly sales in the first week.’ 69 The guerilla marketing strategy has largely been imitated by great fashion brands, such as Isaac Mizrahi 70 and Prada. 71 Even the

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__________________________________________________________________ London College of Fashion opened, on September 8th 2011, for a short while, its first ever alumni pop-up shop. 72 D. The Market Based Store Concept The postmodern evolution leads finally to its most innovative form: the Dover Street Market concept, 73 a market-based department store, with the characteristics of an artists’ collective. 74 The 1200 square metre indoor fashion bazaar on 6 floors is articulated by Comme Des Garçons and other designers, which are given sections of the store to sell their merchandise and pieces made especially for Dover Street Market. 75 On a financial level Comme des Garçons takes like a mall operator, a sales percentage from each stall to cover the costs of the 15-year lease, 76 but this is the only similarity with the mall concept. The store showcases present and past Comme des Garçons ranges, vintage items and a wide range of international, famous or emerging designers, 77 of which several are new to Europe. 78 The ‘stall holders’ are leading lights of fashion, but also vintage dealers, photographers, jewellery and furniture designers. The attention is on the uniqueness of the articles and on the buying experience. 79 The boundaries between commerce and art, culture and new retail purposes are intentionally blurred 80 and the creators, meeting in an atmosphere of creative chaos, 81 produce relational bonds among themselves and also to the buyers. E. Other Stores with Relational and Communicational Qualities This ‘new way’ in retailing, which develops services and contacts, can be traced in many innovative and successful shops all over the world. Communicational qualities are today essential to a store’s success, even in traditional cities like Rome. Of the many examples that can be collected ‘on the road,’ three stores with these postmodern qualities are dealt with in this text. Stefano e Andrea De Sancti’s 40°C 82 is a store selling postmodern Japanese (such as Juri Takehashi’s undercover, 0044, Silent, Ishii) and Scandinavian (Acne, Kai-aakmann) fashion and international flea market merchandise, exposed on an elevated DJ Vintage corner. It is also a neighbourhood living room where to meet friends, drink an aperitif and comment on the emotionally charged merchandise. Kiersten Pilar Miller’s and Luca Fortunato Asquini’s nursing mothers’ stores Milk bar in Rome and Milan, sell not only eco sustainable baby articles, but concentrate mainly on sexy nursing dresses and bras. They offer yoga lessons, information on the Leche League, on hospitals and babysitting agencies and sells some of its client’s creations. The store’s relational qualities are favoured by a very large, common dressing room, where the mothers talking as ‘girl-friends,’ try on garments and nurse their babies on a comfortable couch: the Milk bar which gives the store its name. 83

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__________________________________________________________________ 7. Conclusion Future comes one day at a time, 84 but without doubt something must end to allow something new to grow. The unnoticed changes of society, marked by the claim of personal fulfilment, individual consent and personalisation of consumption, which are today surprisingly similar in all the cultural fields, reflect the rise of a postmodern individuality, freed from traditional belonging, which is constructing new identities. To keep up with this innovation, the fashion system is forced to rethink its communicational and relational strategies. 85 Successful productions now express the new identity of the empowered consumer, 86 respond to his new demand and favour his communication. 87 A successful industry must have the capacity to look at its past and, re-formulating the offer, be able to adapt to the new values. Remembering the consequences that a merely formal renewal of style, such as Dior’s New Look, 88 has had, it is impossible to underestimate the enormous impact that the conceptual revolution of the retail space has and will have. The traits of postmodern fashion consumption and of the postmodern retail spaces confirm the rise of a new creative individuality, which helps to assert own ideas and to imagine contents in a different way. It highlights a new concept of fashion and the innovative change of postmodern society. 89

Notes 1

Cf. Alun Munslow, The Routledge Companion to Historical Studies (LondonNew York: Routlegde, 2000) s.v. ‘postmodernism’, 188-191. 2 Giampaolo Fabris, Societing. Il Marketing nella Società Postmoderna (Milano: Egea, 2008), 21. 3 Fabris, Societing, 27. 4 Ibid., 22-24. 5 Ibid., 45. 6 Cf. La Piccola Treccani, volume V (Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana, 1995) s.v. ‘innovazione’, 985. 7 Radha Chadha and Paul Husband, The Cult of the Luxury Brand: Inside Asia’s Love Affair with Luxury (London and Boston: N. Brealy International, 2006), 80. 8 Emanuela Mora, Fare Moda. Esperienze di Produzione e Consumo (Milano: Bruno Mondadori, 2009), 24. 9 Alessandro Casiccia, Lusso e Potere. I Segni Dell’ineguaglianza e Dell’eccesso, (Milano: Bruno Mondadori, 2008), 14; Mora, Fare Moda, 24. 10 Ted Polhemus, ‘Style Surfing’, in Enciclopedia della Moda, volume III (Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana, 2005), 359.

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Ugo Volli, ‘Moda’, in Enciclopedia della Moda, volume III (Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana, 2005), 6. 12 Polhemus, ‘Style Surfing’, 361. 13 Charles Landry, City Making. L’arte di Fare la Città (Torino: Codice Edizioni, 2009), 136. 14 Wessie Ling, ‘“Fashionalisation:” Urban Development and the New 0-Rise Fashion Weeks’, 2nd Global Fashion Conference, Oxford, 25th September 2010, accessed Novemebr 28, 2010, http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/criticalissues/ethos/fashion/conference-programme-abstracts-and-papers/session-7b-styleeconomies-catwalks-fashion-cities-and-coolhunting/. 15 Ling, ‘“Fashionalisation:” Urban Development and the New 0-Rise Fashion Weeks’. 16 Marco Rainò, ‘Dalla Città Generica alla Città Specifica’, in Landry, City Making, XXVII. 17 Cf. Sass Brown, Eco Moda (Modena: Logos, 2010). 18 Ray A. Smith, ‘Shades of Green: Decoding Eco Fashion’s Claims’, in The Wall Street Journal, May 24, 2008, accessed December 5, 2010, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB121158336716218711.html. 19 This business, conceived by Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Peace Prize in 2006 for his ‘microcredit’ bank, responds to the poors’ consumer demands with the intent to end poverty. 20 Stanislas Dupré, ‘Talk the Walk. Advancing Sustainable Lifestyles through Marketing and Communications’. For the United Nations Environment Progamme, the UN Global Compact Office and Utopies, 2005. ISBN: 92-807-2658-7, accessed December 4, 2010. http://www.unglobalcompact.org/docs/news_events/8.1/ttw_fin.pdf 4.12. 21 Cf. La Piccola Treccani, volume XII (Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana, 1997), s.v. ‘transnazionale’, 263. 22 Codeluppi, Dalla Corte alla Strada, 10. 23 Brown, Eco Moda, 141; Codeluppi, Dalla Corte alla Strada, 24. 24 Philip Kotler, Gary Armstrong, Veronica Wong and John Saunders, Principles of Marketing (Edinburgh: Pearson Education Limited, 2008), 7. 25 Arjun Appadurai, Modernità in Polvere. Dimensioni Culturali della Globalizzazione (Roma: Meltemi, 2001), 21. 26 Sara Manuelli, Negozi di Tendenza. Nuovi Interni per gli Spazi di Vendita (Modena: Logos, 2006), 6. 27 Brown, Eco Moda, 141, Codeluppi, Dalla Corte alla Strada, 24. 28 Daniel Miller, Teoria dello Shopping (Roma: Editori Riuniti, 1998), 26. 29 Paola Veronica Dell’Aria, Architetture per il Commercio (Roma: Edilstampa srl, 2005), 36.

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Dell’Aria, Architetture per il Commercio, 36 and 40. Dhiram, ‘New Westfield Shopping Mall in London: The Largest in Europe’, 29 October 2008, accessed June 2, 2011, http://www.luxurylaunches.com/travel/new_westfield_shopping_mall_in_london_t he_largest_in_europe.php. 32 Nick Clarke, ‘Fine Living Top 10: Luxury Malls’, n.d., accessed June 5, 2011, http://uk.askmen.com/fine_living/top_10/17_top_10.html. 33 Clarke, ‘Fine Living Top 10: Luxury Malls’. 34 Mora, Fare Moda, 24. 35 Ibid. 36 Chadha and Husband, The Cult of the Luxury Brand, 2. 37 Claudio Marenco Mores, Da Fiorucci ai Guerrilla Stores. Moda, Architetture, Marketing e Comunicazione (Venezia: Marsilio, 2006), 110. 38 In 2006 this 62 billion € market produced alone more than half of the revenues for Cartier, Gucci, Hermès and Louis Vuitton, cf. Chadha and Husband, The Cult of the Luxury Brand, 22-23. 39 N. a., Stories of Oriental Luxury Malls, 8 August 2008, accessed June 5, 2011, http://www.netcatalogue.org/shoppingnews/stories-of-oriental-luxury-malls/. 40 Chadha and Husband, The Cult of the Luxury Brand, 220. 41 The shop White Gallery is in Piazza Guglielmo Marconi 18/19, 00144 Roma, cf. http://www.whitegallery.it. 42 Information collected by the author during a visit at White Galleries in May 2011. 43 N. a., Stories of Oriental Luxury Malls. 44 Fabris, Societing, 92. 45 Ibid., 110. 46 Mores, Da Fiorucci ai Guerrilla Stores, 10. 47 Ibid., 47. 48 Ibid., 28. 49 Ibid., 83. 50 Ibid., 11. 51 Ibid., 96. 52 Marenco Mores, Da Fiorucci ai Guerrilla Stores, 104-105. 53 Dell’Aria, Architetture per il Commercio, 92. 54 Dell’Aria, Architetture per il Commercio, 36-37. 55 Manuelli, Negozi di Tendenza, 7. 56 Dell’Aria, Architetture per il Commercio, 37. 57 Fabris, Societing, 89. 58 Marenco Mores, Da Fiorucci ai Guerrilla Stores, 147. 59 Fabris, Societing, 88. 31

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Marenco Mores, Da Fiorucci ai Guerrilla Stores, 147. From the Comme des Garçon website, cf. http://www.guerrilla-store.com. 62 Amanda Fortini, ‘The Anti-Concept Concept Store’, The New York Times, 12 December 2004, accessed June 5, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/12/magazine/12ANTI.html. 63 Quotes form the ‘Guerrilla Rules’, cf. Marenco Mores, Da Fiorucci ai Guerrilla Stores, 147. 64 Ibid., 147. 65 Ibid., 147. 66 Marenco Mores, Da Fiorucci ai Guerrilla Stores, 149-150. 67 Fortini, ‘The Anti-Concept Concept Store’. 68 Manuelli, Negozi di Tendenza, 174. 69 Fortini, ‘The Anti-Concept Concept Store’. 70 The pop-up shop lasted from 28.5-4.7.2004, cf. Marenco Mores, Da Fiorucci ai Guerrilla Stores, 154. 71 Ibid., 157. 72 Ella Alexander, ‘Back To College’, 15 August 2011, accessed August 18, 2011, http://www.vogue.co.uk/news/2011/08/15/london-college-of-fashion-opens-popup-store. 73 Cf. the Dover Street Market website, cf. http://www.doverstreetmarket.com/. 74 Manuelli, Negozi di Tendenza, 166. 75 Lauren Goldstein Crowe, ‘Dover Street Market’, ICON 017, November 2004, accessed June 5, 2011, http://www.iconeye.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2685: dover-street-market--icon-017--november-2004. 76 Ibid. 77 Tamsin Blanchard, ‘Shabby Chic’. The Observer, 3 October 2004, accessed June 5, 2011, http://www.guardian.co.uk/theobserver/2004/oct/03/features.magazine67. 78 Goldstein Crowe, ‘Dover Street Market?. 79 Ibid., 176-177. 80 Ibid., 168. 81 Manuelli, Negozi di Tendenza, 176-177. 82 40° C is a Roman shop owned by Stefano and Andrea De Sancti, visited by the author 30 May 2011. 83 Milk bar is a shop in Rome and Milan owned by Kiersten Pilar Miller and Luca Fortunato Asquini, visited by the author 23 May 2011. 84 Quote by Dean Acheson, American democratic statesman and lawyer (18931971). 85 Fabris, Societing, 3. 86 Miller, Teoria dello Shopping, 26. 61

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Brown, Eco Moda, 141; Codeluppi, Dalla Corte alla Strada, 24. The New Look is a very feminine style accentuating forms, proposed by the first revolutionary Christian Dior collection in 1947, cf. Dizionario della Moda, ed. Guido Vergani (Milano: Baldini Castoldi Dalai editore, 2003), s.v. ‘New Look,’ 881. 88

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__________________________________________________________________ Dell’Aria, Paola Veronica. Architetture per il Commercio. Roma: Edilstampa srl, 2005. Dhiram. ‘New Westfield Shopping Mall in London: The Largest in Europe’. 29 October 2008. Accessed June 2, 2011. http://www.luxurylaunches.com/travel/new_westfield_shopping_mall_in_london_t he_largest_in_europe.php. Douglas, Mary, and Baron Isherwood. Il Mondo delle Cose. Bologna: Il mulino, 1984. Dupré, Stanislas. ‘Talk the Walk. Advancing Sustainable Lifestyles through Marketing and Communications’. For the United Nations Environment Progamme, the UN Global Compact Office and Utopies, 2005. ISBN: 92-807-2658-7. Accessed December 4, 2010. http://www.unglobalcompact.org/docs/news_events/8.1/ttw_fin.pdf 4.12. Fabris, Giampaolo. Societing. Il Marketing nella Società Postmoderna. Milano: Egea, 2008. Fortini, Amanda. ‘The Anti-Concept Concept Store’. The New York Times, 12 December 2004. Accessed June 5, 2011. http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/12/magazine/12ANTI.html. Goldstein Crowe, Lauren. ‘Dover Street Market’. ICON 017, November 2004. Accessed June 5, 2011. http://www.iconeye.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2685: dover-street-market--icon-017--november-2004. ‘Innovazione’. In La Piccola Treccani. Volume V, 985. Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana 1995. Kotler, Philip, Gary Armstrong, Veronica Wong, and John Saunders. Principles of Marketing. Edinburgh: Pearson Education Limited, 2008. ‘Lampadario’. In La Piccola Treccani. Volume VI, 499. Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana 1995. Landry, Charles. City Making. L’arte di Fare la Città. Torino: Codice Edizioni, 2009.

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__________________________________________________________________ Ling, Wessie. ‘“Fashionalisation:” Urban Development and the New 0-Rise Fashion Weeks’. 2nd Global Fashion Conference. Oxford. 25th September 2010. Accessed November 28, 2010. http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/criticalissues/ethos/fashion/conference-programme-abstracts-and-papers/session-7b-styleeconomies-catwalks-fashion-cities-and-coolhunting/. Manuelli, Sara. Negozi di Tendenza. Nuovi Interni per gli Spazi di Vendita. Modena: Logos, 2006. Marenco Mores, Claudio. Da Fiorucci ai Guerrilla Stores. Moda, Architetture, Marketing e Comunicazione. Venezia: Marsilio, 2006. McCarter, Robert. Frank Lloyd Wright. Architect. London: Phaidon Press, 1997. Miller, Daniel. Teoria dello Shopping. Roma: Editori Riuniti, 1998. Mora, Emanuela. Fare Moda. Esperienze di Produzione e Consumo. Milano: Bruno Mondadori, 2009. Munslow, Alun. The Routledge Companion to Historical Studies. London and New York: Routledge, 2000. N. a. ‘Stories of Oriental Luxury Malls’. 8 August 2008. Accessed 5 June 5, 2011. http://www.netcatalogue.org/shoppingnews/stories-of-oriental-luxury-malls/. ‘New Look’. In Dizionario della Moda, Guido Vergani, 881. Milano: Baldini Castoldi Dalai editore, 2003. Polhemus, Ted. ‘Style Surfing’. In Enciclopedia della Moda, 359. Volume III. Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana, 2005. Rainò, Marco. ‘Dalla Città Generica alla Città Specifica’. In City Making. L’arte di Fare la Città, ed. Charles Landry, XXVII. Torino: Codice Edizioni, 2009. Smith, Ray A. ‘Shades of Green: Decoding Eco Fashion’s Claims’. In The Wall Street Journal, May 24, 2008. Accessed December 5, 2010. http://online.wsj.com/article/SB121158336716218711.html. ‘Transnazionale’. In La Piccola Treccani. Volume XII, 263. Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana, 1997.

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__________________________________________________________________ Volli, Ugo. ‘Moda’. In Enciclopedia della Moda. Volume III, 6. Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana, 2005. —––. ‘Gusto e Cattivo Gusto’. In Enciclopedia della Moda. Volume III, 431.. Roma: Enciclopedia Italiana, 2005. —––. ‘Stile’. In Enciclopedia della Moda. Volume III, 353–358. Enciclopedia Italiana, Roma, 2005. Ward, David, and Claudia Chiari. ‘Keeping Luxury Inaccessible’. 4 November 2008. Accessed October 28, 2008. http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/11373/. Cecilia Winterhalter is a contemporary historian, interested in social history and in the history of mentalities. Her main researches are on the construction of transnational identities through fashion, luxury and food, on the construction of gendered identities through religion and on the construction of national identities through the selectivity of memory (Second World War). Born in Seattle, she is currently living in Rome. After her studies, she left Switzerland and an employment at the Swiss Ministry of culture, to write her PhD in History and Civilization at the European University Institute in Florence. Later she left an employment at Christie’s Int. to write her essay: Raccontare e Inventare. Storia, Memoria e Trasmissione Storica della Resistenza Armata in Italia 2010, Peter Lang Publishing Group, Bern ISBN 978-3-0343-0091-9. She is an independent scholar and teaches at the Fashion Institute of Technology, Florence campus, the University of Pisa and, as an Associate Lecturer, at the London College of Fashion. She also works as a consultant for Bulgari and as a translator for the Patent office. She has been elected into the Steering Committee of the Global Fashion Conference, held annually at the University of Oxford and is a Member of the Advisory Board of the new review Catwalk: The Journal of Fashion, Beauty and Style (ISSN: 2045-2349). She is fluent in four languages and devotes her free time to agonistic sailing.

Going beyond the Obvious: Engaging Fashion Design and Fashion Communication Students in Reflection and Self-Motivated Investigation Claire Allen and Claire Evans Abstract This chapter presents an exploration of the interactive possibilities for engaging students in their fashion studies, encouraging them to go beyond the Google culture of information skimming. The future digital savvy learner (digital native) is expected to have a heightened visual spatial intelligence and capacity to respond to rapid changing signals. These students are likely to be easily distracted, a phenomenon described by Linda Stone as ‘continuous partial attention’ 1 which is the desire of an individual to be attentive to the continuous stream of information; however, they act as a ‘live node’ in networks, connecting, engaging with and transmitting information. This behavioural and cultural shift requires a radical reconsideration of how we present information and stimulate engagement. We have considered the future learning environment where it is expected students will have their own digital device (eg: iPhone/iPads/Slate and 3D devices) with them at all times and this will be linking them to information that complements their studies. The study looks at comparisons between tutor expectations and student learning experience within the fashion study field. It will investigate ways to engage the fashion student to move beyond the ‘attentional’ gate of surface learning, considering such methods as embed spaces for thinking and reflecting, contributing information, socialising and learning. The chapter tracks the research process of fashion students and investigates teaching methods to guide them in their navigation through infinite, unedited, fashion related information. Key Words: Emergent learning, ‘Google’ generation, pedagogy, fashion studies. ***** In a beautiful and remote location in North Yorkshire at 15.45 on the 23rd of May 2011, a year one undergraduate student exclaims, ‘I just want signal, I haven’t had signal since 10am this morning!’ Without access to the digital environment, the world for this student is small and restricted; they are, in effect, socially disabled. This is the behavioural trait of the ‘Google generation,’ according to David Nicholas et al., referring to those born after 1993 (otherwise known as generation Z). 2 1. Introduction: Defining the Problem This chapter considers some of the problems that are being faced in higher education teaching and learning in the digital age. The ‘Google generation’ are

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__________________________________________________________________ about to enter higher education; they have been born into the digital revolution and have grown up immersed in it. This generation is often criticised for bouncing and skittering their way through continuous streams of information, constantly multitasking and never focusing in on any one thing for long. Their learning is therefore very much as a result of this behaviour and surface orientated. It has even been suggested that their brains are hard wired differently as a consequence. Nicolas Carr argues that whilst research has demonstrated engagement with online media enhances our visually stimulated behaviour, the counter to this gain is the loss of the ability to pay attention to one thing for any length of time. Paying attention is important as it is part of the process of transferring information from the short term to long term memory, critical to learning and the acquisition of knowledge. We need to find methods to encourage engagement and opportunity and motivation to retreat from the endless skimming and scanning behaviour the web promotes. 3 2. Generation Disconnect Tutors will have studied and developed their own knowledge in a very different way from the Google generation. Tutors often work intuitively but are very much influenced by their own learning experiences. 4 It is likely that the tutors’ learning experiences have been dominated by a ‘top down’ model of teaching that focuses on the tutor knowing and delivering content. Roy Williams et al. consider this to be a mode of learning that is based on prescriptive learning systems and argue for the need to be more adaptable and flexible in order to meet the challenges that Web 2.0 technology is presenting. 5 The Google generation demands that we rethink the traditional top down teaching model and adapt teaching to meet this different learning behaviour. The internet has given us infinite access to information democratising knowledge. The tutor is no longer the key to the knowledge the student can reach and access. 3. Socialising Behaviour Impact on Learning The student is conductive in a continuous stream of information; they are a ‘live node.’ This does not imply they necessarily consume the information; they merely pass it on. The ‘Google Generation II’ study conducted by CIBER and the BBC found that of all the web users who took part in their study, it was ‘the “Google” generation that rated social media most highly.’ 6 Nicholas et al. note that the Google generation have... the propensity to rush, rely on point-and-click, first-up-Google answers, along with growing unwillingness to wrestle with nuances or certainties or ability to evaluate information, [which]

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__________________________________________________________________ keeps the young especially stuck on the surface of the “information” age, too often sacrificing depth for breadth. 7 In addition to this, open access search engines are becoming smarter; in December 2009, Google began customising its search results based on an individuals’ past search history. 8 This may well have real commercial benefits for search engines but for the inexperienced researcher this creates a situation of ever decreasing circles and inhibits self organised enquiry. Based on the research findings from a global survey by OCLC (2006), ‘89% of college students use search engines to begin an information search (while only 2% started from a library website).’ 9 This raises the importance of intervention by the educator to guide the investigation process of students and scaffold the learning. Only when there is a degree of feedback on the information does it have an opportunity to contribute to the individual’s knowledge; only when they stop and digest the information do they have an opportunity to learn from it. Again this is where intervention is needed, as the embedded social behaviour of the Google generation is to bounce and skitter and not spend time meaningfully engaging with the information found. Nicholas argues we are only at the beginning of the global digital transition. 10 The argument is growing for a paradigm shift in the learning model to meet the needs of the Google generation. Nicholas stresses that the rate of technological development and the affect this advancement has on behaviour means we cannot ignore the impact this has on students’ learning style. Allan Collins and Richard Halverson call for an urgent reconsideration in the face of rapid digital innovation, stating, ‘that our technology leaders need to work together with educators not as missionaries bearing magical gifts, but as collaborators in creating opportunities to learn.’ 11 Williams et al. argues that there needs to be a relationship between prescriptive and emergent learning noting that, Emergent and prescriptive learning have both always been with us. What has changed is a radical transformation of the modes of production of interaction, communication, and dissemination, collectively referred to as Web 2.0 which makes emergent behaviour possible at an unprecedented scale, pace, and breadth of participation. 12 4. Emergent Learning: Art and Design Pedagogy Emergent learning is far from a new concept. There has been limited discussion about the pedagogy in art and design and yet it is based on emergent theory centring on the collective enterprise of learning where dialogue and interaction

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__________________________________________________________________ between student, tutor and support staff allows for the emergence of concepts, ideas and design solutions. 13 In order to produce creative individuals willing to take risks and experiment, art and design practice has to allow for an exploratory and flexible approach to learning. Assessment strategies have been devised that do not focus on outcome alone but give greater credit to the emergent learning journey that has taken place. This acknowledges that the learning takes place through the process of selfdiscovery, where knowledge is the outcome. The research of Alison Shreeve et al. in art and design found that tutors saw themselves as co-learners with students and identify that learning is a social activity; students are actively encouraged to develop social networks and engage with the world beyond the university. These networks facilitate interaction and further discussion. The nature of the disciplinary knowledge is that it is inherently unstable and uncertain, constantly changing, a continuum of changing views. 14 Dialogue and interaction is the process by which feedback on investigation and exploration is gained. Students must learn to negotiate the ambiguity of their learning environment. Emergent theory is used to help explain the new dynamic that is occurring in the learning behaviour of students since the birth of the internet and the resulting outcome: democratised knowledge. Jeffrey Goldstein states, ‘Emergence...refers to the arising of novel coherent structures, patterns, and properties during the process of self organisation in complex systems.’ 15 Williams et al. use emergent theory to establish a learning framework that draws together two modes of learning: prescriptive learning systems and emergent learning networks. 16 By pulling these modes together, a scaffolding approach can be applied, where the emergence learning constraints may be provided in the form of touch points for collective dialogue and opportunities for tutor interventions, resulting in a new learning ecology. There are parallels here with the creative art and design student and the Google generation student. It is too simplistic to consider the pedagogical approaches of art and design as they too are wrestling with the impact of the dramatic change in the teaching and learning environment and the Google generation behaviours. Tutors in art and design have also noted difficulty in engaging their students as they are so easily distracted and have made observations of the students’ bouncing and skittering behaviour and constant need to be engaged in digital communications. 5. The Student Primary Research Project (SPR Project) These summarised findings represent the first stage of a research project, tracking Google generation undergraduate students entering higher education within fashion studies. The intention was to investigate the question: if access to digital search engines is removed, what effect does this have on the student research process.

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__________________________________________________________________ 5.1 Aim The aim of the controlled experiment was to gather qualitative cause and effect evidence of students’ research investigation process. It is considered that the behaviour is likely to be indicative of the new generation of learners. The study also aims to identify clues to sustaining self motivation and engagement of a generation that is so easily distracted. 5.2 Participants Eighty undergraduate students from four courses within the fashion department at the University of Huddersfield took part in the SPR project. 76% were born in 1991/1992 just before the acknowledged start of the Google generation. 5.3 Methodology Following an initial period of exploratory investigative research observing formal teaching and learning sessions, a methodology was established. We worked with Ryedale Folk Museum in North Yorkshire to develop the SPR project. The Museum’s remote location in North Yorkshire was critical to the experiment as it provided a controlled environment without access to wireless internet and mobile signal. We designed an investigation brief for the SPR project aimed at getting student groups to research a set of historical objects which included one garment, one artefact and one textile detail. Ten days after the field experiment a focus group was conducted. The focus group was followed immediately by a controlled research experiment with the same participants. The students were briefed verbally to research the fashion garments present. They were asked to record their findings. They were left with a laptop, drawing and note taking equipment, and no tutor. Evidence was gathered through informal observations, film and questionnaires (50% response rate). The nature of research is exploratory and qualitative and not intended to be conclusive. 6. Findings 6.1 Key Observations on SPR Project at Ryedale Folk Museum  

 

All students came prepared with their own equipment. Students chatting and socialising in their groups; there were no formal discussions about their approach to the study. Limited discussion about study objects. Social chatter increased over study period. Only a small number spoke to the collection expert. Appeared to tackle the study as individuals. Quick to start and eager to put on the handling gloves, there was a sense of urgency; once familiarised with their study

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  

set, the research activity slowed. Comfortable with wearing the handling gloves but reluctant to touch and return to items, especially the garments. Focused in on the smaller items in the study set, rather than the garment. First activity observed taking photos; this continued. Written notes and descriptions of study set item. Read and took notes from information sheets provided.

6.2 Feedback Questionnaire and Focus Group SPR Project Students commented on having really enjoyed getting to know other course groups. 44% noted that they received little information about the brief prior to the day. One commented that they had no time to read the brief so went straight to taking photos. 44% considered the day to be good to excellent. 54% concluded the pre-selected study set part of the day was good to excellent. 6% noted they did not have enough time to study pre-selected study set. The focus group said time was an issue for drawing and making more detailed sketches and it was difficult to draw the items; however, drawing was good for details and they got a lot out of the drawings. The focus group were asked to rate the value they placed on the research they did at and after the museum visit. Table 1-The perceived value placed on research Notional Percentage value students placed on research activities Visual research on the day of the 40% 30% 50% museum visit (primary research) Text based research after the 60% 70% 50% museum visit (secondary research) The 30/70% group rated the ‘on the day research’ lower because the museum information sheet had been taken by the earlier group. All the items were still there; they could ask the museum staff about the items and the expert visited their study room. The 50/50% group said they had got a lot from talking to the expert. The majority of students also acknowledged on the feedback questionnaire that they learnt something new.

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__________________________________________________________________ 6.3 Key Observations from the Focus Group Experiment Based on a five minute interval analysis of the film footage       

Quick to get started by putting on the handling gloves, two of the students focus on logging on to the computer (all put on gloves except those on the computer). The focus of their investigation of the garments is to find text based clues (word references). They first look at the label and the receipt found in the retail bag included. Drawing starts between ten and fifteen minutes into the task. Collective boredom is visible after ten minutes. Expectantly focusing on the computer rather than looking at the garments in detail. Students state that without word references internet researching is difficult. After thirty minutes a discussion about specific design and construction detail is instigated by a student seated the opposite end of the room from the computer.

7. Discussion Points Time is valuable and in short supply. Even when there is plenty of time, the students we have observed perceive it to be in short supply and feel the need to rush at everything they are doing. What may be happening is that there is selfimposed pressure creating the driving motivation to ‘get in and get the job done’ so that ‘I’ can do what ‘I’ want to do. This behaviour is having a direct impact on their understanding; understanding what needs to be done, understanding how it can be done, understanding what they are looking at, understanding ways to move forward. Nicholas et al. identified in the Google generation this need to ‘rush’ at their research and a lack of confidence. Although the students in our research enjoyed the socialising aspect of the SPR project and noted this as a valuable outcome to the project, it was observed they were not collaborating together. They grouped together for the research project but there was no evidence of them developing a methodological strategy. Web 2.0 brings socialising and researching closer together; however, the problem lies in the blurring of these boundaries and the natural motivation to socialise can make it difficult to know if you are socialising or researching. The learning experience can be a very social experience, but it is now more important to clearly define where learning is the focus and the social aspect is supporting the research and learning. The focus group experiment highlighted the ‘computer first’ behaviour. When students have access to a computer or other Internet connection they will instinctively go first to a search engine as the starting point. They then focus their research questions around finding word clues to ‘feed’ the computer search engine.

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__________________________________________________________________ The focus of the primary research is no more than word association investigation and if they cannot find ‘words’ they are quick to give up. In addition they photographed the objects and continued to do so as they studied. There was no observed strategy to how or what they photographed; they seemed ‘snap happy.’ This implies they are quickly converting the object into a flattened digital record. They have not necessarily engaged with the object, studied or researched it; they have merely recorded being there and seen it. 8. Conclusion Engagement is critical to the learning process. This study gives us a snap shot of the research approach and processes utilised by students in the field of fashion studies. With the Google generation about to enter higher education it is important that we understand how integral the internet and digital devices are to their learning behaviour. By having this knowledge and understanding we can seek to find better ways to engage students and embrace the digital environment. We have been through a period of phenomenal digital advancement that has brought us some wonderful digital teaching aides but as Nicholas points out, we are only at the beginning of the digital transition. 17 We now need to make the shift from merely bolting on digital aides to our existing teaching practice to make it more integral to our pedagogical approaches. It is the significant changing learning behaviour observed of the Google generation that has alerted us to the need for change. The changing currency of time is having a radical impact on our students, who need to ‘rush’ because they perceive time is short. Web 2.0 has blurred the boundaries between socialising and researching. Research behaviour centres round feeding the computer’s search engines and not engaging with primary research. Understanding these key areas that are significantly impacting our students can now help us to reconsider when and where our tutor interventions should be. This will enable us to scaffold the learning, engaging the student and helping them to develop strategies for greater depth of research in their fashion studies.

Notes 1

Linda Stone, Continous Partial Attention, accessed September 1, 2009, http://lindastone.net/qa/. 2 David Nicolas, et al., ‘Google Generation II: Web Behaviour Experiments with the BBC’, Aslib Proceeding: New Information Perspective 63 (2010): 28-45. 3 Nicolas G. Carr, ‘Big Think Interview with Nicolas Carr’, Nicolas G. Carr, accessed January 19, 2011, http://www.nicholasgcarr.com/.

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Noel Entwistle, et al., ‘Conceptions and Beliefs about “Good Teaching”: An Integration of Contrasting Research Areas’, Higher Education Research and Development 19, No. 1 (2000): 14-18. 5 Roy Williams, Regina Karousou and Jenny Mackness, ‘Emergent Learning and Learning Ecologies in Web 2.0’, The International Review of Research in Open and Distance Learning 12 (2011): unpaginated. 6 Nicholas, et al., ‘Google Generation II: Web Behaviour Experiments’, 44. 7 Ibid., 44. 8 Eli Pariser, The Big Filter Bubble (London: Penguin Viking, 2011), 1-10. 9 Ian Rowland, et al., ‘The Google Generation: The Information Behaviour of the Researcher of the Future’, Aslibs Proceedings 60 (2008): 292. 10 See CIBER research. David Nicholas, Implications of the Digital Transition for Libraries, Film proceedings of keynote speaker, Biblioteksdagarna 2011. Visby, Sweden: Svensk Biblioteksförening on Vimeo, 11-13 May 2011. Pod case. Accessed June 29, 2011, http://ciber-research.eu/CIBER_news.html. 11 Allan Collins and Richard Halverson, ‘The Second Educational Revolution: Rethinking Education in the Age of Technology’, Journal of Computer Assisted Learning 26 (2010): 26. 12 Williams, Karousou and Mackness, ‘Emergent Learning and Learning Ecologies in Web 2.0’. 13 John Danvers, ‘Towards a Radical Pedagogy: Provisional Notes on Learning and Teaching in Art & Design’, JADE 22 (2003): 47-57. Alison Shreeve, Ellen Sims and Paul Trowler, ‘A Kind of Exchange@:Learning from Art and Design Teaching’, Higher Education Research & Development 29 (2010): 125-138. 14 Danvers, Towards a Radical Pedagogy, 47-57. Shreeve, Sims and Trowler, ‘A Kind of Exchange’, 125-138. 15 Jeffrey Goldstein, ‘Emergence as a Construct: History and Issues’, Emergence 1 (1999): 49. 16 Williams, Karousou and Mackness, ‘Emergent Learning and Learning Ecologies in Web 2.0’. 17 See CIBER research. David Nicholas, Implications of the Digital Transition. ‘Free access’ was the theme of the Swedish Library Association’s three-day conference.

Bibliography Brabazon, Tara. The University of Google: Education in the (Post) Information Age. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2007.

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__________________________________________________________________ Carr, Nicolas G. The Shallow: What the Internet Is Doing to Our Brains. New York: Norton, 2010. —––. ‘Big Think Interview’. January 19, 2011. Accessed June 28, 2011. http://www.nicholasgcarr.com/. CIBER Research. ‘David Nicholas: Implications of the Digital Transition for Libraries’. Accessed June 29, 2011. http://ciber-research.eu/CIBER_news.html. Collis, Allan, and Richard Halverson. ‘The Second Educational Revolution: Rethinking Education in the Age of Technology’. Journal of Computer Assisted Learning 26 (2010): 18–27. Collis, Betty, and Jef Moonen. Flexible Learning in a Digital World. London: Kogan Page Ltd., 2001. Danvers, John. ‘Towards a Radical Pedagogy: Provisional Notes on Learning and Teaching in Art & Design’. JADE 22, No. 1 (2003): 47–57. Entwistle, Noel, Don Skinner, Dorothy Entwistle, and Sandra Orr. ‘Conceptions and Beliefs about “Good Teaching”: An Integration of Contrasting Research Areas’. Higher Education Research and Development 19, No. 1 (2000): 5–26. Goldstein, Jeffrey. ‘Emergence as a Construct: History and Issues’. Emergence 1, No. 1 (1999): 49–62. Stone, Linda. ‘Continous Partial Attention’. Accessed September 1, 2009. http://lindastone.net/qa. Mason, Robin, and Frank Rennie. E-Learning and Social Networking Handbook. New York and London: Routledge, 2008. Mitra, Sugata, and Payal Arora. ‘Afterthoughts’. British Journal of Education 41, No. 5 (2010): 703–705. Mitra, Sugata, and Ritu Dangwal. ‘Limits to Self-Organising Systems of LearningThe Kalikuppam Experiment’. British Journal of Education Technology 41, No. 5 (2010): 672–688.

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__________________________________________________________________ Nicolas, David, Ian Rowland, David Clark, and Peter Williams. ‘Google Generation II: Web Behaviour Experiments with the BBC’. Aslib Proceeding: New Information Perspective 63, No. 11 (2010): 28–45. Pariser, Eli. The Big Filter Bubble. London: Penguin Viking, 2011. Rowland, Ian, David Nicholas, Peter Williams, P. Huntington, Maggie Fieldhouse, Barrie Gunter, Richard Withey, Hamid Jamali, Tom Dobrowolski, and Carol Tenopir. ‘The Google Generation: The Information Behaviour of the Researcher of the Future’. Aslibs Proceedings 60, No. 4 (2008): 290–310. Shreeve, Alison, Ellen Sims, and Paul Trowler. ‘A Kind of Exchange@: Learning from Art and Design Teaching’. Higher Education Research & Development 29, No. 2 (2010): 125–138. Williams, Roy, Regina Karousou, and Jenny Mackness. ‘Emergent Learning and Learning Ecologies in Web 2.0.’. The International Review of Research in Open and Distance Learning 12, No. 3 (2011): unpaginated. Claire Allen is Senior Lecturer and Course Leader at University of Huddersfield, where she lectures in Fashion Communication. Allen’s current research interests are in engaging students with fashion products and integrated digital technologies. Claire Evans is Senior Lecturer and Course Leader at University of Huddersfield, where she lectures in Fashion Design. Evans’ research interests tackle the use of digital technology within the pedagogy of teaching practical fashion studies.