World archaeoastronomy: selected papers from the 2nd Oxford International Conference on Archaeoastronomy, held at Merida, Yucatan, Mexico, 13-17 January 1986 9780521341806

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World archaeoastronomy

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Selected papers from the 2nd Oxford International Conference on Archaeoastronomy Held at Merida, Yucatan, Mexico 13-17 January 1986 Edited by A. fF. Avent Colgate University, Hamilton, USA

| 2h

Shee nate Cambridge University Press Cambridge

New York New Rochelle Melbourne Sydney

Published by the Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge

The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 IRP 32 East 57th Street, New York, NY 10022, USA 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia © Cambridge University Press 1989 First published 1989 Printed in Great Britain at The Bath Press, Avon British Library cataloguing in publication data

Oxford International Conference of Archaeoastronomy (2nd: 1986: Merida) World archaeoastronomy. ]. Astronomy, Prehistoric I. Title II. Aveni, Anthony F.

930.1 GN799.A8 Library of Congress cataloguing in publication data

Oxford International Conference on Archaeoastronomy (2nd: 1986: Merida, Mexico) World archaeoastronomy : selected papers from the 2nd Oxford International Conference of Archaeoastronomy, held at Merida, Yucatan, Mexico, 13-17 January 1986/edited by A. F. Aveni.

p. cm.

ISBN 0 521 34180 9 1. Astronomy, Prehistoric-Congresses. 2. Astronomy, AncientCongresses. 3. Indians~Astronomy—Congresses. I. Aveni, Anthony FLU. Pitle. -GN799.A8094 1989

520'.97-dcel9 87-35400 CIP ISBN 0 521 341809

BS

Contents

Preface xl

List of contributors vii PART] “THE BOUNDARIES OF ARCHAEOASTRONOMY: OVERVIEWS AND SYNTHESES

1 Introduction: Whither archaeoastronomy: A. F. Avent 3

2 Recent developments in megalithic astronomy C. L. N. Ruggles 13 3. Exploring some anthropological theoretical foundations for archaeoastronomy Stanislaw Iwaniszewski 2/7

4 Reflections on the role of archaeoastronomy in the history of astronomy Owen Gingerich 38 5 The king, the capital and the stars: the symbolism of authority in Aztec religion David Carrasco 45

6 Chinese archaeoastronomy: between two worlds N. Sivin 55

7 The cosmic temples of old Beijing FE. C. Krupp 65 8 Ancient Maya ethnoastronomy: an overview of hieroglyphic sources John S. Justeson 76

9 Cosmological, symbolic and cultural complexity among the contemporary Maya of Yucatan John R. Sosa 130 10 Keeping the sacred and planting calendar: archaeoastronomy in the Pueblo Southwest Michael Zeilik — 143

M. Jane Young 167

11 The Southwest connection: similarities between Western Puebloan and Mesoamerican cosmology

ParT2 ARCHAEOASTRONOMY: THE TEXTUAL BASIS

12 Antares year in ancient China /. Eesedy, K. Barlai, R. Dvorak and R. Schult 183

13 Comets and meteors in the last Assyrian Empire Robert Chadwick 186 14 The ancient Vedic dice game and the names of the four world ages in Hinduism Luis Gonzalez-Reimann 195

15 The origin of the Chinese lunar lodge system David S. Nivison 203

16 A reflection of the ancient Mesoamerican ethos Miguel Leon-Portilla 219

17 ‘The Mexica leap year once again Carmen Aguilera 227

Harvey M. Bricker 232

18 Astronomical references in the table on pages 61 to 69 of the Dresden Codex Victoria R. Bricker and

19 A Palenque king and the planet Jupiter Floyd G. Lounsbury 246

20 Anew Sunat Chichen Itza Clemency Chase Coggins 260 21 Zodiac signs, number sets, and astronomical cycles in Mesoamerica Gordon Brotherston 2/6

22 Comets and falling stars in the perception of Mesoamerican Indians Ulrich Kohler 289 23 Cosmic ideograms on petroglyphs of the Mesoamerican cultures of ‘E] Zape’ region in Durango,

Mexico Alejandro Peschard Fernandez, Jaime Ganot Rodriquez and Jesus F. Lazalde Montoya 300 Vv

Contents

24 North American Indian calendar sticks: the evidence for a widely distributed tradition Alexander Marshack 308

25 A re-examination of the Winnebago calendar stick William Breen Murray 325

26 Navajo Indian star ceilings Von Del Chamberlain 331 27 A quipu calendar from Ica, Peru, with a comparison to the ceque calendar from Cuzco R. Tom Zuidema 34] PartT3 ARCHAEOASTRONOMY: AN INTERDISCIPLINE IN PRACTICE

28 Lunar astronomies of the western pueblos Stephen C. McCluskey 355 29 The Great North Road: a cosmographic expression of the Chaco culture of New Mexico Anna Sofaer,

Michael P. Marshall and Rolf M. Sinclair 365

30 The rise and fall of the Sun Temple of Konarak: the temple versus the solar orb 7. McKim Matville 377

31 Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory Michael P. Closs 389

Christian Koberl 430

32 The use of astronomy in political statements at Yaxchilan, Mexico Carolyn Tate 416 33 Further studies on the astronomical orientation of medieval churches in Austria Maria G. Firnets and

34 Some archaeoastronomical problems in East—Central Europe A. Barlat 436

A. F. Aveni and H. Hartung 441

35 Uaxactun, Guatemala, Group E and similar assemblages: an archaeoastronomical reconsideration

Index 501 36 Inca observatories: their relation to the calendar and ritual D. S. P. Dearborn and R. E. White 462

37 The year at Drombeg Ronald Hicks 470 38 Star walking — the preliminary report Claire Farrer 483 PART4 ADDITIONAL ABSTRACTS SUBMITTED 491

V1

Contributors

Carmen Aguilera Johanna Broda Michael P. Closs

Biblioteca del Instituto Nacional de Instituto de Investigaciénes Department of Mathematics

Antropologia e Historia Historicas, UNAM University of Ottawa

Museo Nacional de Antropologia Torre | de Humanidades, 8°piso Ottawa K1N 9B4, Canada

Reforma y Gandhi Ciudad Universitaria Mexico 5, D.F., Mexico Delegacion Coyoacan Clemency Chase Coggins 04510 Mexico, D.F., Mexico Peabody Museum

University Anthony F. Aveni Cambridge, MAHarvard 02138, USA

epartmen iteratu . Coenen University of Essex David D earborn gate University Lawrence Livermore National Department of Physics and Gordon br one rston ure

Hamilton, NY 13346, USA Colchester CO4Laborato 3SQ, UK ry Wivenhoe Park

P.O. Box 808, L-23

Katalin Barlaj Edward F. Calnek Livermore, CA 94550, USA Konkoly Observatory Department of Anthropology R. David Druck

H-1525 University of Rochester TUR Budapest XI] Rochester, NY 14627, USA c/o Krueger Enterprises Inc.

P.O. 67, Hungary Geochron Lab Division 24 Blackstone Street

David Carrasco Cambridge, MA 02139, USA Harvey Bricker Religious Studies Department, CB

Department of Anthropology 292 R. Dvorak

Tulane University University of Colorado Universitats — Sternwarte

New Orleans, LA 70118, USA Boulder, CO 80303, USA Turkenschanzstrasse 17

oe, Robert Chadwick

Vienna, Austria

Victoria Onicker John Abbott College I. Ecsedy

Tolan Universit Shed Bell oem rszaghaz Research Centre t. Anne de bellevue u. 30 Budapest New Orleans, LA 70118, USA Quebec, Canada Hungary P

William Brito Sansores Von Del Chamberlain Munro S. Edmonson Department of Literature Hansen Planetarium Department of Anthropology

University of Yucatan 15 S. State Street Tulane University

Merida, Yucatan, Mexico Salt Lake City, UT 84111, USA New Orleans, LA 70118, USA Vll

Contributors

Claire Farrer Ronald Hicks lloyd G. Lounsbury

Anthropology Department Department of Anthropology Department of Anthropology California State University at Chico Ball State University Yale University

Chico, CA 95929, USA Muncie, IN 47306, USA New Haven, Cl 06520, USA

Maria Firneis Michael Hoskin Stephen C. McCluskey

Department of Astronomy Churchill College Department of History University of Vienna Cambridge CB3 0DS, UK West Virginia University .

‘Turkenschanzstrasse 17 Morgantown, WV 26506, USA A-1180 Vienna, Austria Tom Hoskinson J. McKim Malille 815 Old Farm Road University of Colorado James A. Fox 1000 Oaks, CA 91360, USA Campus Box 391

Department of Anthropology eps ox . Stanford University Boulder, CO 80309, USA : . ; Stanistaw Iwaniszewski Stanford, CA 94305, USA State Archeological Museum Alexander Marshack . : 52 Dtuge St Peabody Museum—Harvard Jaime Ganot R. 00950 Warsaw, Poland University

Universidad Juarez de Durango 4 Washin gton Square Village

AY. monersidad y Panny John S. Justeson New York, NY 10012, USA

CP 3 4000 M 2 Computer Studies y EMCO Stanford University Michael P. Marshall

oo Stanford, CA 94305, USA Cibola Research Consultants Owen Gingerich Corrales Harvard-Smithsonian Center for ao. . New Mexico, USA

Astrophysics Christian Kober!

Cambridge, MA 02138, USA csatute for Geochemistry William Breen Murray hiversity of Vienna Faculty of Humanities and Social

Let . Wahringerstrasse 38 wo

Luis Gonzalez-Reimann A-1090 Vj Austr; Sciences El Colegio de Mexico lenna, usiria University of Monterrey

C.E.A.A. Camino al Ajusco 20 Monterrey, Mexico

01000 D.F., Mexico Ulrich Kohler

Institut fur Volkerkunde David S. Nivison

Nomi Grebe der Universitat Department of Philosophy, Building

level aM, r eN , Werderring 10 90 Hi ang Muscum of (Natura 7800 Freiburg/Br., FRG Stanford University

Wa teOn | Stanford, CA 94305 USA Cleveland, OH 44106, USA Ed Krupp , hard Griffith Observatory Alejandro Peschard F. | Vv

Phillip C. Green 2800 East Observatory Road a mversidad ; wares a Durango

) Los Angeles, CA 90027, USA v. Universidad y l'anny Department of Anthropology B Anitua, Durango

Oregon State University CP 34000, Mexico Corvallis, OR 97331, USA Jesus I’. Lazalde M.

Universidad Juarez de Durango Arturo Ponce de Leon

Roberta L. Hall Ay. Universidad y I’anny Football 118-2

Department of Anthropology Anitua, Dur ango Col. Country Club Oregon State University CP 3400, Mexico CP 04220 Mexico D.I., Mexico Corvallis, OR 97331, USA

Miguel Leén-Portilla Allen I*. Roberts Horst Hartung Instituto de Investigaciénes Albion College and University of University of Guadalajara Antropologicas de la UNAM Michigan Calle Caballo Arete #3065 Ciudad Universitaria/Delegacion Center for Afroamerican and African

Club Hipico ‘Tapatio Coyoacan Studies

C.P. 44570 Guadalajara, Mexico 04510 Mexico D.F., Mexico Ann Arbor, MI 48103, USA VILL

Contributors

Jack H. Robinson Nathan Sivin Raymond White

Astronomy Program University of Pennsylvania Steward Observatory University of South Florida 8125 Roanoke Street University of Arizona 3507 Nakora Drive Philadelphia, PA 19118, USA Tucson, AZ 85721, USA

‘Tampa, FL 33618, USA Anna Sofaer

Curt Roslund voonce et Ray A. Williamson Section of Astronomy DOX ; Office of Technology Assessment

. i, _ Washington, DC 20016, USA US Coneress Chalmers University of ‘echnology ongrUSA ;; Gothenburg, Sweden Washington, DC 20510, John Sosa Department of Anthropology

Clive L. N. Ruggles State University of New York at M. Jane Young

Computing Studies Department Cortland | Department of American Studies University of Leicester Cortland, NY 13045, USA 307 Ortega Hall

Leicester LE] 7RH, UK - University of New Mexico

Carolyn Tate Albuquerque, NM 87106, USA University of ‘Texas

Brad Schaefer 5007 Placid Place NASA/GSFC Austin, TX 78731, USA Michael Zeilik

Code 661 Department of Physics and

R. Schult ,

Greenbelt, MD 20771, USA Barbara Tedlock Astronomy

of Anthropology University of New Mexico , SUNY Buffalo Department Albuquerque, NM 87131, USA

Zentralinstitut fur Astrophysik Buffalo, NY 14260, USA

60 Sonnenberg, GDR Dennis ‘Tedlock R. Tom Zuidema Program in Folklore, Mythology Department of Anthropology

Rolf M. Sinclair and Film University of Illinois

Physics Division Department of English 109 Davenport Hall National Science Foundation SUNY Buffalo 607 S. Mathews

Washington, DC 20550, USA Buffalo 14260, USA Urbana, IL 61801, USA

1X

Preface

What place could have been more suitable than conference on ‘The Place of Astronomy in the Yucatan to hold the 2nd Oxford International Con- Ancient World’, held in London (under the ausference on Archaeoastronomy: There, inthe Maya __ pices of the British Academy and the Royal Society

heartland, more than a millennium ago, people — of London) some seven years before, which was developed one of the most orderly, complex and scientifically more specialized, the ‘Oxford’ conferprecise means of time reckoning — a scheme tied — ence aimed at a genuine interdisciplinary focus on directly to the observation of celestial bodies and — questions and problems in ancient astronomy, one the incorporation of that information into agricul- _ that would transcend both culture and method. The ture, religion, political ideology, ‘cosmovisién’ — two volumes representing the written output of that indeed, every aspect of life. Little wonder then that | conference (Aveni, 1982; Heggie, 1982)* remain we see the workings of the firmament mirrored in _as evidence by which to judge the success of that the inscriptions, the ethnohistoric documents, the —_ meeting. architecture, the sculpture — every segment of the Using C. P. Snow’s old ‘island metaphor’ as a

material world. vehicle for commenting on the compartmentalized This is the business of archaeoastronomy: to nature of the London symposium, D. G. King-Hele comprehend the meaning of astronomy to ancient __ stated, *...divisive insularity is still quite strong, peoples through a study of their texts, both written not because anyone is being wicked but because and unwritten, and the purpose of our meeting was _it is so tidy and self-perpetuating, both administrato ask participants from many fields (astronomy, __ tively and intellectually to have islands and avoid

history, anthropology, archaeology, art history) to the traumatic experience of emigration’ (Kingshare openly and constructively their findings, sup- _—- Hele, 1974, p. 273). As anyone will see who browses

positions, hunches, and reactions to one anothers’ through the ‘Oxford [ volumes, a number of

ideas on this broad subject. bridges have now been built between the island This conference is a continuation of the dialogue, —__ disciplines that each have an interest and investment or more appropriately, ‘polylogue’ that was begun __ in matters astronomical.

in 1981 at Oxford when Professor Michael Hoskin The Oxford conclave, replete with all of its good (with the sponsorship of the International Astrono- __ fellowship and the revelation of common interest mical Union and the International Union for the |= among many in places where one might least expect History and Philosophy of Science) organized the to find it, produced exactly what one might have first conference on an international basis that anticipated — the promise of another conference to brought together scholars from a wide variety of be held about five years later to assess the progress disciplines who focused on the common question __ or regress in our common, broadly based studies. of the role of astronomy in ancient cultures, both = Thus, ‘Oxford IP’. western and non-western. Quite different from the _* References to this Preface are listed at the end of Chapter 1. x1

Preface

While many of the papers in the present volume _ based astronomical arguments will encounter a wide often appear to talk past one another, some commu- __variety of material that might not ordinarily be connication is beginning to become evident. We base ___ fined to the category of ‘written text’, such as quipus this judgment most directly on the quality and liveli- and picture writing. Hopefully, these types of evi-

ness of the discussions that followed practically | dence will come to be viewed as part of a literary

every paper that was presented and indirectly on continuum. These examples and the present the increased number of papers that deal with data’ arrangement of the Oxford II presentations are

of more than one kind. intended to stress the fundamental principle that No volume can relate fully the amount of activity | archaeoastronomy is an ‘interdiscipline-in-pracand the degree of exchange of information andideas __ tice’ and not simply a multidiscipline, or collection that took place at the 2nd Oxford Conference in of unrelated investigations, each emanating from the Yucatan, but we trust the text of selected works different disciplines.

adequately spans all concerns. In Part I (“The boundaries of archaeoastronomy: It has been traditional in archaeoastronomy _ overviews and syntheses’), we present a collection volumes to group the papers by cultural area. — of papers, most of which had been invited as review Indeed, the collected works from the lst Oxford presentations at the Merida meeting. These range International Symposium were divided into two from areal overviews such as Justeson’s paper on volumes: the Old World and the New World, with = the Maya, Zeilik’s on the US southwest, Sivin’s contrasting colors applied to their respective covers. | on the Chinese, and Ruggles’ on British megalithic In the introductory chapter of this volume I com- _ astronomy to disciplinary overviews and syntheses ment on the hidden symbolism of these colors and __ that attempt to show the status and contributions I criticize this approach to organizing the material. | of archaeoastronomy as seen from the perspective I suggest that archaeoastronomy has progressed in _ of the history of religions (Carrasco), the history

the past five years to the degree that we now might = of science (Gingerich), social theory (Iwanisdare to consider arranging the presentations | zewski), and current ethnology (Sosa). While some according to the methods and processes employed __ of these latter papers (e.g. that of Sosa) are confined in the various studies and the common themes they __ to a single cultural area, they exemplify the value

appear to share. Such an unorthodox approach is of the data and forms of inquiry emanating from a far more difficult matter than the rote task of — the established disciplines to the interdisciplinary assigning papers by continent, country, or culture =‘ form of inquiry that makes up archaeoastronomy. ~—and yet it must be done because sucharealignment Thus, they inform both with regard to content and

of scholarship forces us to face several important process in areas where the true interdisciplinary

issues and questions more directly: investigator, who works cooperatively with other (1) What is the source of archaeoastronomical scholars, needs to be informed. hypotheses, and how can evidence drawn from We entitle Part II ‘Archaeoastronomy: the textual the allied disciplines be brought to bear on basis’. The first of these papers deal with astronomi-

testing these hypotheses? cal practice among diverse cultures as it is revealed (2) What kinds of evidence are admissable in a in the traditional (historic and ethnohistoric) writ-

given argument? ten record. We then move to the papers that display

(3) What are the deficiencies in studies conducted astronomy in the Maya hieroglyphic record, a field from the perspective of a single discipline, and that has undergone accelerated development in the

how can such studies be improved? past decade. One hopes that the astronomical reveBy mixing papers from the culture areas within _ lations of such papers, though they emanate from the text, one hopes to attract a cross-disciplinary the fringe of what many western scholars would readership. One may find the author of a paper call ‘literature’, would invite contributions to future on Maya ceremonial building orientations asking | volumes from other culture areas that usually appear the same questions as those of an investigator on _in publications and journals lodged within a more

the alignment of medieval European churches. narrow disciplinary framework. We also include in Moreover, under the arrangement present in this _ this section papers that deal with data from even volume, a reader who is interested in purely text- | more remote ‘written’ forms, such as picture writ-

xl

Preface

ing, quipus and other symbolic representational — ing. In order to give the reader at least a taste of devices. We include petroglyphs and pictographs, the wide variety of cultures whose astronomies were which usually are placed in an entirely separate | discussed, we have decided to include, at the end category that is totally unrelated to the history of — of the text, abstracts of all the papers that were preastronomy. Thus, we attempt to break the traditional | sented both orally and in the poster sessions and and somewhat confining historic/prehistoric that do not appear in full draft in this text. dichotomy by keeping, under the same umbrella, The editor wishes to express his gratitude most all of the papers that deal with symbolic data on especially to Luis Felipe Rodriguez of UNAM and

ancient astronomy. Owen Gingerich of Harvard-Smithsonian, who coIn Part III, ‘Archaeoastronomy: an interdiscipline | organized the conference and co-authored the ultiin practice’, we bring together those papers that we — mately successful proposal for its financial support

believe best demonstrate the processes by which the to NSF (USA) and CONACYT (Mexico). We traditional text-based studies can be related to the gratefully acknowledge the support of these organ‘unwritten record’ that had made up the sole basis _ izations (Grant Number INT-8514830). We are for archaeoastronomical studies during the early _also indebted to other individuals, including those stages of its development. While many of these at the local level who assisted admirably in various papers dwell on the topic of alignments in ceremo- _ phases of the organization process: Lorraine Aveni,

nial buildings, architecture and the landscape, Johanna Broda, John Carlson, Lisa Jean Cohen, nearly all of them employ some other form of evi- —_ Victor Garlock, Stanistaw [waniszewski, Jack Lain,

dence. The presentations in this part dramatize the | Lucrecia Maupomé, Jeff Santa Ana, Jennifer

nature of the argumentation in those cultures Schaeffer, Julie Somers and Scott Stowell. Our wherein one has little evidence beyond the standing — hosts in Yucatan and in the city of Merida, Joann stones with which to work. Nevertheless, they also § Andrews, Alfredo Barrera Rubio, Teresa Borge show how and under what conditions it is possible | Manzur and the staff of the Hotel Maria del Carmen

to bring the archaeological sciences to bear on an in Merida, Peter Schmidt, Victor Segovia, Alicia

astronomical hypothesis. Villar del Blanco of the Department of Tourism Finally, by offering this deliberately unorthodox of the State of Yucatan and the staff of INAH, Yucaalignment of papers, one hopes to bring out into _ tan, were especially cordial. Many conference partithe open, rather than hiding under the label of ‘exact | cipants remarked that rarely in their professional science’, some of the questions the wider readership careers had they ever been made to feel more wel-

has been asking about our interdiscipline of | come. We also thank Irene Pizzie and Lorraine archaeoastronomy, beginning with that most fre- | Aveni for editorial assistance.

quently asked: What is it? Our volume is affectionately dedicated to the There is not enough space in this volume to memories of Alexander Thom and Travis Hudson,

include all of the papers that were read atthe confer- _ two significant contributors to very different aspects ence; therefore this is not a ‘proceedings volume’ _ of our field, who have recently passed away.

— nor, in fact, were the Oxford I volumes. Rather, A. Aveni

the collection is intended to be a representative sam- Hamilton, New York

pling of papers that were read at the Oxford II meet-

xili

I

The boundaries of archaeoastronomy: overviews and syntheses

Introduction: whither archaeoastronomy? A. F. Aveni Colgate University

The fault, dear Brutus, 1s not in our stars, But in our- the principal inquiry would appear to consist of

selves, that we are underlings. determining whether alignments among standing Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, Act I, Scene II. stones,! collected carefully, precisely, and (usually) with due regard to the archaeological record, might bear any relationship to astronomical events at the

1.1 What are the questions being asked in horizon. Indeed, this is the thrust of the discussion archaeoastronomy? Who is asking them, and commencing at the middle of p.2 and following

why? all the way to the end of Pedersen’s review paper A curious dichotomy exists between the subject mat- ©” The present position of archaeoastronomy’ that 4: appears at the endof of the Old World volume. ter presented in the two volumes proceedings , oo, Statistical discussions of the data abound in this of the Oxford Archacoastronomy Conference of

green-colored text and one of the fundamental 1981. In the Old, World (green colored)issues, volume, 4. . ; methodological recently readdressed and

all 16. contributed articles deal with the possible . so-called ; , . updated by Ruggles (1984), is whether astronomical orientations of alignments at prchis- 5too . much er 7sites green archacoastronomy’ has consisted toric in the British Isles and Central Europe .-, sting of stand; But in the New World of seeking out and over-emphasizing specific examconsisung 0 ey oh stones. ; ut he © th or ples of astronomical orientations without paying

(brown colored) vo uMe, ony three of te nine much attention to whether other (non-astronomi-

papers deal substantially with alignments, two of cal) factors could have played a role in determining them referring directly to historical and/or ethno- site planning and orientation.

historical matcrial as a means of establishing cxpla- Much effort has been expended in green nations. Two-thirds of these papers discuss ime —_archacoastronomy exploring the evolutionary ques-

reckoning in the context of some sort of written tion of defining the level of absolute intelligence or pictographic record. In fact, one-third of the attained by ancient people. For preliterate, lowNew World papers make either no r eference at all technology civilizations, the definition of the level or only an indirect reference to alignments. And of astronomical intelligence is likened to a step on yet, both these books carry the word ‘archacoastro- 4 pyramid. The setting of that level is based upon nomy’ in the title; they appear together on the two fallacious assumptions: (a) that there exists a shelves of libraries and in the offices and studies —_yniversal scale of degrees of difficulty of perception of scholars and laypersons interested in archaeoas- _ of astronomical phenomena. Thus, recognition of the tronomy, and they are believed by readers to define _lunar standstills ranks as a higher achievement than

the domain of this interdisciplinary inquiry. that of the solar extrema, and precession of the equiJudging from the content of the European (mega- __ noxes still higher (see the discussion in Heggie, lithic) work (let us call it “green archacoastronomy’), 1982, pp. 3-4); and (4) that levels of intelligence 3

A. F. AVENI

can be related to the degree of precision withrespect = connection between astronomical pursuits and

to which a given phenomenon is observed. This social behavior is followed by Schele and others becomes at least a part of the issue in the extensive —_ at Palenque and by Tate at Yaxchilan (see Chapter

discussion of and reference to the Kintraw align- = 32). They find that astronomy has meaning only ment in the first Old World volume (Heggie, 1982, — when it is carried along part-and-parcel with certain

pp. 18, 22, 37, 57, 124, 128, 135-6, 159, 183-90). ritual and religious manifestations. Consider the The problem of the ways in which astronomy — example of Palenque’s Group of the Cross, where might have influenced architectural orientations — we find a triad of buildings, cach housing in its also seems to be implicit in many of the Native — inner chamber a bifurcated hieroglyphic text that American investigations, though these deal more __ reflects historical events (on the right half) that are often with ceremonial centers, pyramids, doorways — supposed to be re-enactments of the supernatural of temples, and an assortment of oddly shaped or — happenings found on the left side of each text. ‘In

oriented structures rather than standing stones. — cach text a carefully designed bridge carries the (One wonders what Mesoamerican archaeoastro- reader from mythological to historical time and nomers might have concluded if only the stelae space.’ (Schele, n.d., p. 5.) The subject matter deals remained standing at the Mayan sites.) But the — with the transfer of power of rulership from a nature of the evidence and the method of investi- — deceased father to his young son with various gods

gation employed in ‘brown archacoastronomy’ of the Palenque triad, each of whom may be papers such as those of Brotherston, Lounsburyand __ represented by a planet, being named as agents or Zuidema, to name only three in the New World __ instigators of the events relating to this process. proceedings volume, resemble rather closely what ‘There is some evidence that the events depicted

Old World scholars would term the history of — in the mythical part of the record may have been astronomy. In fact, can it be, asks Pedersen (1982, | enacted metaphorically on the celestial sphere in p. 266), that scholars working on the calendric and _ real time, e.g. by the planets Jupiter and Saturn, astronomical decipherment of New World docu- — whose stationary points, Lounsbury argues, bear a ments and inscriptions are engaged ina task similar —_ significant level of correlation to event dates appear-

to that tackled by Strassmaicr, Kugler and Epping __ ing on the tablet inscriptions. Indeed, there is no with respect to the Mesopotamian written materials room for ancient astronauts on this informative

over a century ago? tablet!

While there is some overlap in the methodologies At Palenque, history and astronomy appear

employed by Old World historians of astronomy — welded together, and the alignments found in the and brown archacoastronomers, there are neverthe- — skewed, disoriented Group of the Cross become less some significant differences. Let me clarify the the logical end point in a causal process resulting distinctions by discussing a few examples from the from supernatural actions recorded in the texts. As first Oxford volume on New World Archaeoastro- if to enframe time itself, the tablets in question are nomy. Lounsbury, a linguist and an anthropologist, — so designed and oriented to be illuminated by the asks: How was astronomical knowledge employed — sun on symbolically important dates of the year.

by the ruling class at the Classic Maya site of | Why? “To make the site itself or perhaps the Bonampak? Answer: ‘To make war. In seeking to —_s universe reproduce, for all to see and understand, comprehend the relationship between war-ritual — the cosmological foundation of rulership.’ (Schele, and astronomy (Maya Star Wars!) he supplies us 1977, p. 50.) The event portrayed symbolically on with valuable inscriptional material which he inter- __ the lid of Pacal’s sarcophagus — his passage into prets as a series of precisely determined time — the underworld — is re-enacted literally on each markers associated with aspects of the planet Venus, — winter solstice as the sun itself descends into the and he offers us a rationale for why the Maya rulers, = underworld directly over his tomb as viewed from during the stage of social and political development — the Palace. Next day, the rising sun illuminates the one finds in the Yucatan peninsula in the cighth ‘Temple of the Sun, in the inner chamber of which century, fostered astronomy as an instrument of — one finds a plaque commemorating the transfer of

power. rulership from Pacal to his son Chan Bahlum. This same anthropological line of inquiry on the — ‘Thus, the dying sun enters the underworld through 4

Introduction: whither archaeoastronomy?

the tomb of the ruler Pacal beyond the west end _ alignments with astronomical phenomena of conof the complex only to reappear anew as his son __ ceivable significance at the horizon,’ we would not

in the east. have the slightest chance of arriving at the concluArchaeoastronomical studies at Palenque seem _ sions that, in fact, turn out to be consistent with to focus more on the issue of why people oriented __ the historical record (see Aveni, 1981a, for a summbuildings rather than whether they could orient — ary). The valuable Incaic historic material, though them accurately. While the Group of the Cross does __ offered to us in the garbled tones of a thoroughly not contain the precise sort of alignments suggested confused group of chroniclers, under-educated at the Caracol or at Stonehenge, which seem to _ with respect to indigenous ways of thinking, clearly fascinate both astronomers and green archaeoastro- _ indicates that only a few ceque lines also functioned nomers, it may well possess greater significance for as astronomical sight lines. Using alignment data it yields information not only about the meaning _ alone, no fieldworker could possibly have deduced of the act of orienting buildings but also about parti- —‘ that other astronomical sight lines, including the cular behavioral characteristics of the ancient Maya = most fundamental one in Cuzco (that concerning

people. the zenith sunrise/anti-zenith sunset positions) To stress further differing motives of archaeoas- —_ were generated by connecting a part of one ceque tronomers, let us review the content and process __ line toa part of another, these parts being the huacas exhibited in another of the 1981 New World papers. — or sacred places in the local environment which

Zuidema’s approach to the problems of the nature — served to delineate the ceques. In Andean of the Inca sidereal lunar calendar is given away = archaeoastronomy, ethnohistory does not confirm in his opening paragraph, and it differs little from —_ orientations — it generates the hypotheses and ratiothat of Lounsbury or Schele. He states quite clearly _nale for conceiving of them in the first place.

his desire ‘to study characteristics of precision [of Astronomy aside, the more we look into Inca the calendar] needed in a state bureaucracy highly — planning and their way of thinking, the more we concerned with recording and correlating cycles of | are impressed with the degree to which linearity irrigation, agriculture, husbandry, trade, and war- _and in particular radiality insist upon being present. fare’ — all operated ‘within an intricate system of | The concept of splitting and bifurcating, the ‘comkinship, age, classes, and sociopolitical organiza- —_ ing together’ or ‘joining at a point’, is evident in

tion’ (Zuidema, 1982, p. 59). Andean culture linguistically and grammatically, In the ancient Inca capital the integrative mecha- _ literally and architecturally. This concept is so nism that bound astronomy to ritual kinship and _ prevalent in pan-Andean cultures that we have been kingship in a system of hierarchical order was the forced lately to employ it as a way of generating radial cosmo-political map centered onthe ‘Temple — hypotheses about the meaning and function of one

of the Sun’ (Coricancha) that overlies the valley | morphological class of lines or geoglyphs found of Cuzco — the ceque system (Zuidema, 1964, 1977, | etched upon the pampa (elevated desert bordering 1982). At the same time, the ceque system also __ the valley of the Nazca River in south coastal Peru) served as a calendar in which the ceque lines and _— (Aveni, 1987). Without digressing too long, our their huacas, or sacred places of worship, func- —_ analogical approach to the Nazca line problem has tioned like the cords and knots of a quipu by which __ proceeded as follows:

one could tally the days of the agricultural year. (1) We became interested in the Nazca lines when

The study of astronomical alignments in the we recognized from earlier work that many of ceque system offers an object lesson in the danger them exhibited ray patterns that reminded us of attempting to draw firm conclusions on the basis of ceque lines. of employing statistical methods alone, a habit one —_ (2) _ Having measured and analyzed the properties

often encounters in green archaeoastronomical stu- of nearly 800 straight lines on the Nazca dies. If we disregarded the written record provided pampa, we discovered a pattern of by the Spanish chroniclers, and if we set out to organization: with rare exceptions, the lines measure the alignments of the 41 directions to the appeared to radiate from more than 60 wellhorizon indicated by the ceque lines, fed the data defined positions surrounding the pampa. into a computer and then attempted to correlate the (3) These focal points turned out to be situated 5

A. F. AVENI

upon natural hills that flank tributaries or that empirically based, ordered events in the sky— lie at the intersection of waterways with the earth environment makes special sense because principal drainage system (the Nazca River). the water that comes to Nazca rarely falls from Many of these centers lie at the lowermost of the sky. It appears in the rivers only after dark a series of hills that jut out like a protruding clouds form over the distant mountains at a finger onto the pampa as they descend from certain time of the year, and once it arrives it

the high Andes. is gone in a flash as it concludes its dramatic,

Thus, we discovered that all the lines precipitous descent from the high Andes to the appeared to connect points in the landscape Pacific. related to the descent of water from the In summary, our explanation of the cultural phemountains to the sea via the pampa. Our study nomenon of but one category of Nazca lines is a also disclosed that the major figures (the huge complicated one which has yet to be worked out trapezoids and triangles) are preferentially in detail: the straight lines and the line centers did oriented relative to the direction of the flow of indeed constitute a system; almost surely that system

water across the pampa. was associated with water; some of the lines may (4) But we also found, from a careful examination have been associated with calendar and astronomy; of remains on the surface of the pampa, that and finally, people walked on them. Ultimately, we the lines were intended to have been walked believe all of these characteristics must be brought upon. Perhaps the act of walking was related together through the pan-Andean concept of radial to a concept of order. The builders may have hierarchical structure derived from the Cuzco ana-

intended to associate the irrigation process log. with other concepts of the Nazca world view. Methodologically, the study of Nazca line and

Urton’s (n.d.) study of post-Conquest ceque line orientations stands in marked contrast documents from Nazca suggests that the to the published results on the megalithic sites, assignment of water rights among the coastal where astronomical questions provide the driving peoples, at least at the time of the Conquest, force and other factors are given little regard. Havwas rather complex, having been based upon ing thoroughly reviewed the contents of the 1981 principles of kinship. Thus people would have Old World volume on archaeostronomy, [| failed had good reason to walk across the pampa from to turn up a single discussion of water, mountains,

one valley to another in accordance with or, for that matter, any environmental parameters

prescribed social rules. or phenomena other than celestial that might have (5) Was astronomy involved? One astronomical influenced the placement of the standing stones. hypothesis that can be formulated from the However, Ruggles (1984, pp. 271-2) has pointed association of the lines with water is that there out that such broadly based investigations do exist might be a significant correlation between line in megalithic studies. These are confined to the orientation and the position of sunrise on the archaeological literature, to which many archaeoday of the late October solar passage across the astronomers pay little attention. The isolation of zenith, a date which can be correlated both culturally based evidence from astronomical arguastronomically and ethnohistorically in other mentation, coupled with the background or corrosegments of Andean culture with the time of borative role given such evidence, is viewed as an appearance of the spring rains that precede obstacle in the way of progress toward understand-

planting. The statistical data do not ing why ancient people built these sites in the first conclusively bear out this assertion of a place. relationship between ‘water and zenith sun What, then, do these examples of brown appearing’, but they do offer more than a subtle archaeoastronomy from Meso- and South America hint that such an association is possible. In the have in common? Less concerned with the question

narrow ecological niche between coastal and of astronomical cultural universals, native precimontane environments occupied by the Nazca sion, and purely quantitative matters, they seem to culture, the recognition of a relationship be inquiring: What is the nature of the relationship between sun and water expressible through between astronomical phenomena and _ cultural 6

Introduction: whither archaeoastronomy ?

behavior? What did astronomical phenomenon X __ of a ‘gifted race bequeathed to posterity’ (p. 6) and mean to the people who practiced it? Why were they _ Price of a ‘spectacular accident of history’ (pp. 14—

interested in phenomenon X instead of Y? How 15): did they conceive of that phenomenon in their Is it not a mystery that, having both essential ritual, myth, calendar, religion, architecture and components of Hellenistic astronomy, they [the historical chronology (to name a few manifestations Chinese] came nowhere near developing a of astronomy in Central Mexico (Broda, 1982, pp. mathematical synthesis, like the A/magest, that 101-—2))? What role did it play in shaping their ideol- would have produced in the fullness of time, a ogy? By what means did people employ phenomenon Chinese Kepler, Chinese Newton, and Chinese

X as a way of creating order in their cultural refer- Einstein? ence frame? To turn a phrase of Levi-Strauss (1969, The generative source of this question, it seems

p. 9): to me, is quite clear. It consists in placing one’s The real question is not whether [Halley’s own cultural traits at the center of the universe of Comet] caused [the Norman Conquest]. It is inquiry and then systematically employing them as rather whether there is a point of view from a value-base for comparison. Of course, it is inevi-

which [the apparition of Halley’s Comet] and table that if we adopt the assumptions of our culture

[the fall of a kingdom] can be seen as going and reject those of the cultures we are studying, together and whether some order can be we cannot compare those other cultures with our introduced into the universe by means of that own without finding them wanting. Applied to Maya

pairing. astronomy, this ethnocentric posture leads to the rejection of astrology and ritual as materials relevant

1.2 Is it science? for such studies and this, in turn, results in the Thus far, we have reflected upon the domains of — characterization, by one historian of Western inquiry of Old and New World archaeoastronomy — astronomy, of the Maya calendar as: ‘a maze of by concentrating mainly on the contents of the New _ arithmetical juggling which permeated an entire World 1981 conference proceedings volume. But — culture without making it scientific’ (Price, 1975, where does traditional history of astronomy fit in? p. 6). As we have seen, the foregoing examples of brown Curiously, this quality of being scientific is rarely archaeoastronomy differ significantly from the work —_ defined in discussions regarding cultural contrast,

of both the 19th and 20th century historians of | though Aaboe (1974, p. 23) does take the trouble astronomy who confine themselves largely to text to lay out a number of achievement levels on the decipherment and philology. In the New World, — road of progress from prescientific to scientific we seem to be collectively developing an anthropo- —s astronomy. The top of the pyramid is crowned by logy of astronomy rather than a history of astron- _— pure scientific astronomy, which: ‘gives us control omy. The content and method of the papers [have __ over the irregularities within each period and frees

cited reveal the complex relationship between — us from constant consultation of observational astronomy and politics, economics, and culture his- —_ records’. These statements, while admittedly taken tory. Therefore, we seem to be engaged in an endea- out of context, reflect the ethnocentric, evolutionist

vor that encompasses traditional history of — underpinnings of traditional western history of

astronomy. astronomy.

By contrast, in the Classical Old World astron- In a more liberal discussion of the question: Are

omy has remained at the level of history, ever the __ they like us? (i.e. Is it science’), McCluskey (1987) queen of disciplines in the European scholarly com- _has recently singled out some of the criteria that munity. At a very early stage in the development __ investigators have usually employed to separate

of these highly specialized studies, historians of scientific from ‘primitive’ astronomy. Among the astronomy were careful to cull out scientific astron- _ traditional reasons given are the static or unchangomy in the Greco—Babylonian tradition from other _ing nature of primitive astronomy, its lack of opentypes of astronomical endeavor (e.g. Nilsson, 1920; ness to theoretical alternatives, the absence of any

Dicks, 1970; Aaboe, 1974; Price, 1975). Thus, notion of progress, the absence of a separation of Dicks speaks of Greek astronomy as the product _ primitive astronomy from its social context and the 7

A. F. AVENI

failure of a given culture to pursue knowledge for (i) ‘The evolution of Old World astronomy often its own sake (McCluskey, 1987, p. 206). Such defi- is treated by some historians of science as if ciency-oriented, value-based criteria suggest to him it had been totally removed from its social that too often we tend to hold up our own way of context. Reading Dicks’ (1970) masterful thinking as the judgmental yardstick by which to treatise on Early Greek Astronomy to Anstotle,

measure up all foreign modes of inquiry, which, one has the impression that all of the of course, only in the most perfect of systems could developments in the pre-Socratic, Socratic, ever be expected to score 100%. Little wonder then Platonic and Aristotelian worlds took place in that most western-trained scientists would hold that the total absence of historical events. Indeed, we, and only we, see nature objectively, i.e. ‘as it despite the recent attempts to reintegrate really is’, and that we are unaffected by any systems history of science into the history of western of belief to which we might adhere. For example, culture, some of us may still imagine that pure how many of us believe the solar system is really, scientific thought in the 16th, 18th, or for that in fact, heliocentric and not geocentric? On the other matter, 20th century has gone unaffected by

hand, could it be that heliocentricity only seems events in the world outside scientific

a preferable alternative to us simply because our institutions. scientific culture, at least since the Greeks, has been (ii) The approach that stresses the separation of deeply imbued with concepts of spatiality, orbits, the study of western scientific thinking from and centricity in general. If queried about his opi- its cultural context is static for it lacks any nion as to the center of things, a hypothetical Mayan notion of process or change of culture. It

Laplace might well have responded, ‘we have no enhances the ethnocentrism already inherent

need of that idea’. in any trained scientist or historian of science Following the example of Geertz in anthropology, who, whether in an active or passive way,

McCluskey argues that the ultimate goal of inquires into the astronomy of other cultures. archaeostronomy should be the ‘deepening of our As Ruggles (1984, pp. 284-5) has stated, such understanding of culture’, a goal which can be individuals usually are interested only in achieved only when we understand astronomy as questions of precision and in the age-old ‘an endeavor by which societies seek to make their ‘science vs. ceremonial’ debate (which seems observations of the heavens intelligible’ — in terms to be very important in green and can claim ‘that are meaningful in that society’. He admirably a just importance in certain brown attempts to describe how to achieve that goal in the archaeoastronomical studies); normally, high study of Hopi astronomy by comparing criticisms precision is equated with scientific and low of tradition based on direct observation in the Hopi precision with ritualistic behavior. ‘Thus, realm with criticisms of theory in western astron- when the western scientist studies the omy. Still, it seems to me that like those whom he astronomy of other cultures, whether literate criticizes, McCluskey ultimately is concerned with or not, he often may seem to be engaged in ‘questions of fact’, observations of a ‘respectable’ the narcissistic act of searching for his own level of naked eye precision and other concepts that history. This predetermined goal of seeking serve as the defining parameters in the conduct of ourselves out in the tattered pages and western science. Indeed, it may be that ultimately crumbling walls of other peoples’ history is all we can never hope to make objective cross-cultural too evident in many popular works on comparisons and that perhaps we ought not to con- archaeoastronomy. sider that task to be one of our scholarly goals. (iii) Finally, this separation of the ways of knowing I believe the separation of Ptolemaic astronomy astronomy has had a third effect. The from peasant astronomy (e.g. as reflected in Hesiod) relatively text-rich civilizations of the Greco— in ancient Greece has served to narrow and sharpen Romans, Babylonians and Egyptians have the probing of the evolution of scientific astronomy offered 19th and 20th century scholars a

in western civilization; this separation also has blinding stream of astronomical information, resulted in an ‘isolationist’ way of thinking and clas- and yet the number of studies on the possible sifying that has had at least three detrimental effects: presence of astronomical phenomena and 8

Introduction: whither archaeoastronomy?

concepts in the art, iconography, and to be available to back up an astronomical hypothearchitecture is exceedingly scant. Are /iterary sis. Rather, this human record, like literature, offers texts conceived as the only mode in which us the clay out of which to mold ideas and supposi-

astronomical information was stored and tions that can be tested empirically. conveyed? We already know this was not the While I have implied that in megalithic studies case in the New World when, given relatively too much emphasis has been accorded astronomy, few manuscripts to work with, investigators I suggest that in other cultures astronomical ques-

chose to expand their investigations to tions pursued under the banner of the revised defiinterpret the term ‘text’ to include the nition of ‘text’ are worthy of far more attention. archaeological record as well as other forms I believe Greek and Egyptian architecture ought

of evidence. to be submitted to the same organized and systemaThe redefinition of what constitutes a ‘text’ has _ tic interdisciplinary study that has been undertaken

been one of the cardinal contributions of 20th cen- in Mesoamerica. That more energy has been tury American anthropology. The Old World — expended in the search for astronomical meaning humanistic tradition to which classical history of | among carved rocks in the south-western USA than astronomy belongs apparently has not taken this in all of the buildings of Classical Greece seems redefinition to heart, a development that is not sur- —‘ to me a serious imbalance of effort ip the field of prising when we consider how difficult it is for a | archaeoastronomy. I believe this imbalance results culture based largely upon written words to accept _ from two attitudinal preconceptions. First, we consuch a transition. Shortly after the turn of the cen- _ tinue to perceive astronomical studies of the Old tury, Franz Boas, one of the founders of American World literate cultures as belonging solely to the anthropology, attempted to create an analagous § domain of the historians of astronomy; and, second, body of written texts for New World peoplesinorder — we harbor the collective psychological attitude that that their cultures might be studied on the model —_archaeoastronomical studies are unworthy of being

of the Greeks and Romans (Stocking, 1977, p. 5): conducted beyond the confines of one’s own neigh-

The result of anthropological fieldwork carried borhood. Finally, I believe the local working out in this mode would be a body of material environment is thought to be more convenient and similar to that through which traditional far less threatening to the researcher who elects European humanistic scholars studied earlier to do work in archaeoastronomy, which is still conphases in the cultural history of literate peoples: sidered to be one of the offbeat interdisciplinary

physical remains of their art and industry; branches of academia. literary materials in which their history and

cultural life were described in their own words; 1.3 Changing course and grammatical material derived from the latter This critical essay on the course of archaeoastro— all of them more or less direct expressions of nomy has been based on a personal examination the ‘genius’ of the people, as free as possible of the way in which the interdiscipline has been from the ‘alternating sounds’ imposed by the practiced in recent times, and it has precipitated cultural categories of an outside observer. a number of conclusions. First, we adopt the only Like written texts, architecture and iconography _ sensible definition of what it is we are all doing also are capable of yielding information about cul- — (in green and brown archaeoastronomy together), tural behavior. And in archaeoastronomy one needs __ i.e. archaecoastronomy is the study of the practice to comprehend the full cultural contexts of align- = and use of astronomy among the ancient cultures ments and carvings as well as words, for all are of the world based upon all forms of evidence, writ-

subject to interpretation in the light of evidence. ten and unwritten.’ Perhaps we have become so acculturated to written Employing this definition, green archaeoastrowords that we tend to assign them a more exalted nomy, epitomized by the work on the megaliths, level of meaning than other categories of evidence. — was found to utilize what was considered to be the I suggest that archaeology, like ethnohistory, is not. — only evidence available: the standing stones, and simply a body of knowledge to be turned to, as a —~what was believed to be the only methodological

lesser alternative, when written texts do not happen recourse for dealing with that body of data: the 9

A. F. AVENI

Statistical approach. Ruggles (1984) has capably — archacoastronomical studies, whether based upon described the evolution, levels, insights and pitfalls the study of historical matters or not, are classified of green archaeoastronomy (see also Chapter 2). as archaeoastronomy. The same sort of division, My discussion of the ceque system suggested that though more subtle, is nevertheless still apparent the hypothetical application of ‘green’ techniques __ in the programs of the Historical Astronomy Divto New World material without looking at allied —_ision of the American Astronomical Society. evidence only magnifies how misleading the results All studies of ancient astronomy should have at can be even though they are conducted with extreme __least one thing in common: ultimately they should

rigor. We have seen that archaeoastronomy of a be concerned with people and how they behave. shghtly more ‘brown’ hue, but nevertheless with Of course, we need to continue with work in our greenish overtones, also exists. The study of the specialties, but at the same time we also must pay role of astronomy in the design of the Nazca lines —— more attention to the questions our other colleais a suitable example. But, still, our knowledge of — gues, those on the other side of the disciplinary the enduring concepts of the Andean world at the __ gap, are asking. If we intend to make lasting contritime of the Conquest as well as after the Conquest __ butions to knowledge, then we must be even more (e.g. the coastal Peruvian ethnoastronomical work daring in our ventures into these related disciplines

by Urton, 1982), enables us to argue by analogy §- we must /earn them. Serious archaeoastronomy with greater conviction than is possible in the case __is not a part-time occupation intended for weekend

of the megalithic studies.> reflection or relaxation from one’s normal travail.

We also reach the conclusion that New World — Given the breadth and depth of inquiry it spans, archaeoastronomy as reflected in the brown pro- —_—sarchaeoastronomy requires even more attention and

ceedings volume of the first Oxford conference is focus than the traditional disciplines whose domnot equal to traditional history of astronomy. ains of inquiry are well explicated. Rather, it has become an anthropology of astronomy We find ourselves in the archaeoastronomy of which encompasses the highly focused, well-estab- — the mid-1980s in a curious quandary. The queslished discipline of history of astronomy while also _ tions asked by those trained in the quantitative sciembracing a number of other disciplines. Lest the | ences do not seem to elicit all that much interest historians of astronomy feel degraded by being in anthropological circles, and those astronomical forced taxonomically to occupy the same bed (a _ matters that impress people engaged in the study king-sized one!) as those whom they might tend __ of culture are given too little attention by the astroto view as shabby brethren, let it be clear that the —_ nomeers. It is as if we all pursue that which we find questions we all ask and the methods by which we __ interesting rather than that which was important seek to answer them do exhibit some overlap. Stu- __ to the people whose astronomies we are studying. dents of the Mesoamerican inscriptions who would _— After all, ancient astronomy was what it was and

aspire to the quality and rigor of the work of a it may have meant something entirely different to Kugler or a Neugebauer would indeed set formi- _its practitioners than either scientist or social sciendable goals for themselves. And there have been __ tist can conceive. But the problem with archaeoassuch scholars in the New World: Proskouriakoff, — tronomy lies not only in the different ways it is

Teeple and Thompson to name but three. practiced, but also in how it is perceived. I believe We must cease carving up the scholarly world — the term ‘archaeoastronomy’ has become a curse and the disciplines into specialties that we persist for some of us, for literature carrying that label in believing are unrelated. A review of the content too often is taken as either simply entertaining or of the articles in the British Journal for the History _ slightly crackpot by large segments of the estabof Astronomy and its Archaeoastronomy: Supplement lished disciplines that go into making up its name. to the Journal for the History of Astronomy only — Too often it is simply not taken seriously, perhaps

enhances the differences between the two _ rightly so, given the unusual dose of sensationalism archaeoastronomical courses of a different color — that goes with it. Frequently, we employ this term

that I have traced. Thus, the green version of to validate what we are doing as science, when, in archaeoastronomy has become isolated from the fact, archaeoastronomy — though it may employ history of astronomy, while all the brown-type — some of the methods of science — is really a part 10

Introduction: whither archaeoastronomy?

of culture history rather than an endeavor to be collectively refocus on the central question that conisolated from the domain of the social sciences and __ cerns us all: What were they up to and why?

moulded artificially into a branch of science. And so, whither archaeoastronomy? We have not Astronomy seems to have been a multi-faceted — simply lapsed into the Kuhnian phase of normal form of inquiry in the ancient mind. And so must science wherein everyone simply carries on with we, too, approach it. Unless we change course and _ the articulation of the archaecoastronomical parainstitute more interactive, interdisciplinary ways of — digm laid down in the revolutionary sixties. On the proceeding, we run the risk of failing to solve some ___ contrary, I believe our most serious problems still

of the really important problems that confront us. li¢ ahead of us and, if they are resolved, we could And that brings us to the present world congress —s make some of our most significant discoveries. — a rare forum in which we can openly and critically

discuss ideas and procedures, drawn from a wide

spectrum of individuals with varied background Acknowledgments and training — from all over the world — a union _ I am indebted to Gary Urton and Curtis Hinsley in which the ethnocentrism and disciplinary biases for their critical commentary on an earlier draft inherent in all of us hopefully will dissolve and of this paper.

Notes cally non-existent. Perhaps one assumes Europe has 1 The rationale for the types of alignments sought is evolved in lar beyond the preliterate world of Homer no less bizarre than that for the astronomical pheno- ane Hesiod that peasant astronomy 1s non-existent. mena searched out to fit alignments. The history of ch the planting seasons) general ecology, and certhe curious quest for the anticipated lunar horizon tainly the skies of the remoter regions have not changed extrema in non-literate cultures of the Old and New al that much, Ona recent NIST to Askra, Greece, where Worlds is an excellent example, which | have recently oon lived and wrote his Works and days (see West,

traced (Aveni, 1987). we were surprised ° ie the Beneral environ:

2 I argue that the determination of ‘conceivable signifi- Whecin d and ater Panecnins Jones, 1978) described

cance’ must be not only a cultural derivative, but also them. an environmentally dependent one (Aveni, 1981b).

3 Yet ethnohistory remains weak evidence in the minds References

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Gleerup. Zuidema, R. T. (1964). The Ceque System of Cuzco. Lei-

Pedersen, O. (1982). The present position of archaeoas- den: Brill. tronomy. In Archaeoastronomy in the Old World, ed. D. Zuidema, R. T. (1977). The Inca calendar. In Natrve Heggie, pp. 265-74. Cambridge University Press. American Astronomy, ed. A. Aveni. University of Texas Price, D. (1975). Science Since Babylon. Yale University Press.

Press. Zuidema, R. T. (1982). The sidereal lunar calendar of

Rowe, J. (1979). Archaeoastronomy in Mesoamerica and the Incas. In Archaeoastronomy in the New World, ed.

Peru. Latin Am. Res. Rev. 14, 227-33. A. Aveni, pp. 59-108. Cambridge University Press.

12

Recent developments in megalithic astronomy C.L.N. Ruggles University of Leicester

2.1 Introduction I feel British archaeoastronomy is proceeding, | It was undoubtedly British ‘megalithic astronomy’, shall hnish by discussing briefly the developing and especially the intense astronomical interest in relationship between archaeoastronomical studies

Stonehenge during the 1960s, that sparked off ™ prehistoric Sntain and “sewer archaeoastronomy as a field of interest in its own , wi " dicene 4 a thi is still acre ‘hi dam, of right. Much of the first Oxford conference in 1981 t in, ISCUSSE he 1s paper. vt th un tivcle

was devoted to discussions of the astronomical sig- _“" @1Sa8recments still remain amongst those actively

; ye - involved in British archaeoastronomy. While I shall nificance of megalithic sites in the British Isles, ; , ; “aeversions make clear my own overall views interprewritten of papers on this topic almostand filling - and ; tations, I shall try to represent alternative views an entire one of the two volumes conference pro- . , ; ; controversies asoffairly as possible. ceedings (Heggie, 1982). To summarise all that has happened since, 2.2 Lines and alignments: the continuing saga

especially for an audience who generally have aastronomy’ Tradit has aeconsisted ;; raditionally, ‘megalithic much wider and more general interest in archaeoas- f ; , f dj d many of whom may have very little © measuring a ignments of standing stones in

Leet an th . stich y 7 iff , search of cases of astronomical significance. Ever nowleese 9 The ris onifcaue Is a duincult since the earliest antiquarians roamed the British undertaking. € most signi nh mae weath countryside recording ancient remains, people have

however, is not hard to recognise: this was the death, gccasionally become fascinated by the idea that in November 1985, of Alexander Thom. Although there might be an astronomical significance in many most eyes were elsewhere in the 1960s, when mega- prehistoric monuments, and they have dedicated lithic astronomy first caught the public imagination, large amounts of time and energy in pursuit of this it is without a doubt Thom’s very extensive work, idea. Astronomer Norman Lockyer was perhaps the starting in the 1930s and continuing until only a ss firct_ to back up astronomical speculations with year or so before his death, which has inspired and accurate measurements (Lockyer, 1909); and by far

motivated much of the current work in megalithic the most influential name of recent decades was astronomy — and, indirectly, in archacoastronomy _that of engineer Alexander Thom, who published

as a whole. three books (Thom, 1967, 1971; Thom and Thom, In this chapter I shall attempt firstly to describe 1978a) and a great many papers in a diverse collecsome recent twists in ‘classical’-style debates about _ tion of journals.

individual megalithic sites and groups of sites. I That free-standing megalithic sites — stone cirshall then proceed to discuss some more recent, cles (more correctly termed stone rings, since many and rather different, approaches to particular prob- are nowhere near circular), rows of three or more lems. Having summarised the directions in which standing stones, stone pairs and single standing 13

C. L. N. RUGGLES

menhirs — should have been the focus of almost __ there is still considerable debate about a few indiviall of this work is perhaps duc to two factors. Firstly, | dual sites, but the emphasis tends to be upon megalithic sites have survived the passage of time — archaeological verification of alignments (some peculiarly well: thus investigators particularly inter- | would prefer to use the word ‘orientations’) of possested in astronomy — hardly ever with anv formal ible astronomical significance. On the other level, training in archaeology — have tended toconcentrate — there have been fresh investigations of groups of their attention upon these relatively conspicuous, sites with a strong emphasis upon statistical verifica-

and consequently well-known, monuments. _ tion. The idea is that, since any alignment of apparSecondly, alignments along and between standing — ent astronomical significance may have arisen stones are easily picked out, and can easily be — through a combination of factors quite unrelated imagined to be ‘indicating’ something: the idea that —_ to astronomy, one must seek a sample of alignments

such alignments indicated horizon astronomical from several sites taken together, and look to see events has dominated investigations of prehistoric | whether any orientation trends emerge which astronomy, almost to the exclusion of any others. necessitate an astronomical explanation. Thus, over many years, the concept of megalithic astronomy was born, whereupon it rose to become —-45tronomical alignments at indtvidual sites

a vigorous field of enquiry as well as one attracting | Newgrange and Maes Howe ‘The passage grave at considerable popular interest. There hasbeenmuch — Newgrange in Ireland is perhaps the least contentalk of a ‘megalithic culture’ harbouring astronomi- __ tious example of a monument widely quoted as cal (and geometrical) expertise far in advance of — incorporating an astronomical alignment. Built its time and hitherto totally unexpected: ‘Megalithic | somewhat before 3000Bc, it is the largest of the Man’, according to Thom (1971, ch. 1), wasacom- vast Boyne Valley passage graves. A 19 m long paspetent engineer, had an extensive knowledge of — sage, with ample headroom for the visitor, leads practical geometry, and studied the movements of — from the entrance to a large central chamber with

the sun and moon in greal detail. a corbelled ceiling up to 6m high. Three side In fact, the archacological perspective on the — chambers open out from the central one, each housmegalithic tradition is rather different. Our current —_ ing a stone basin which probably held the cremated

vision of prehistoric societies in Britain depends remains of the people for whom the tomb was built. not only on the evidence of spectacular burial and The entire passage grave is surrounded by a circle ritual monuments, into which category the mega- _ of standing stoncs.

lithic monuments fall, but also on that from settle- Newgrange was excavated and restored by ment sites, artefacts and environmental data. It is O’Kelly (1971). Over the entrance to the passage clear that there was no ‘megalithic culture’ as such, he discovered a mysterious ‘roof-box’ which would and no ‘Megalithic Man’: instead megalithic monu- _ have continued to admit light into the interior after ments of various types span a period of about four the entrance was sealed. His own observations, folmillennia, being built at various stages in a long —_ lowed _ up by a survey by Patrick (1974), established and complex period of social change, andarerelated that the sun’s rays will enter the roof-box, penctrate

to many independent traditions throughout the the entire length of the passage and illuminate the northern and western parts of the British Isles. The | central chamber just after sunrise if the sun’s decli-

very term ‘megalithic astronomy’ is a misleading nation lies between about —23°.0 and —25°.9. one, for we should really refer to studies of astrono- = Thus, direct sunlight reached the centre of the tomb

mical practice in prehistoric Britain, ‘prehistoric | every morning for about a week on either side of British archacoastronomy’ perhaps; nonetheless the the winter solstice. traditional term ‘megalithic astronomy’ is retained Given that south-easterly orientations are quite

in this chapter. common amongst passage graves, and may be Despite the diversity of prehistoric culture in Bri- favoured for other reasons, the probability of a tain, archacoastronomical enquiries in what one — chance solstitial alignment is appreciably high; might term the ‘classic’ mould (that is with studies — however, the presence of the roof-box (not readily of alignments at megalithic sites as their principal — explicable otherwise) in just the right position for aim) have continued on two levels. On one level, — the shaft of light to penetrate the entire passage 14

Recent developments in megalithic astronomy

has made its intentionality almost universally in a distant horizon notch. The excavation sadly accepted amongst archaeologists and astronomers __ proved inconclusive (MacKie, Gladwin and Roy,

alike. 1985). Of all the points that have been raised in Maes Howe was built around 2500 Bc and isthe — debate about the site (McGreery, 1980a; MacKie,

greatest of the tombs in the Scottish Orkney islands. 1981; Patrick, 1981; McGreery, Hastie and Its entrance is oriented south west, and here the Moulds, 1982) perhaps the most telling, although setting sun’s rays around the midwinter solstice it is one only mentioned in passing by McGreery illuminate the rear wall of the central chamber _ eft al., is that an observer along the ridge to the (Moir, 1981). The stone that blocked the passage south east of the platform certainly would not have was not quite tall enough to fit to the top of the been able to view the notch. Yet such observations entrance, and it has been suggested (Burl, 198la) | would have been crucial to setting up the sightline that the shortfall was to allow, as at Newgrange, _ in the first place, i.e. in determining the position the sun’s light to enter the tomb after it had been __ of the platform, by making observations of sunsets

sealed. before and after the solstice (see Thom, 1971, pp. There are some problems remaining at Maes 13-14). This creates severe difficulties for the theHowe, and certain pitfalls in placing too much _ ory that Kintraw represented a high-precision sol-

emphasis on apparent similarities between the two - stitial sightline. sites (see Moir, 1981); however, Newgrange and Maes Howe do seem to provide evidence of (low- =Miunard (Brainport Bay), Argyll The site at Brainprecision) astronomical alignments being incorpor- _ port Bay in Argyll, again in western Scotland, which ated into monumental architecture as early as about _has been uncovered in recent years, is an important 3000 Bc. At the same time the sites were innosense — one in the context of the megalithic astronomy ‘observatories’: rather, the light of the midwinter — debate. It is a complex involving an alignment of sun was meant, for whatever reason, to fall upon _‘ features — a natural outcrop, which has been paved

the bones of the dead. and terraced, two large boulders and a ‘back platform’, which has also been artificially modified. The The classic Thom solstitial observatories: Ballochroy and _ alignment is oriented to the north east towards the

Kintraw Ballochroy, a 5m long three-stone row __ only distant horizon visible from the site — at the situated on the coast of Kintyre, western Scotland, far end of Loch Fyne. A notch on this distant horizon has been a source of debate ever since Thom first | would mark the upper limb of the rising sun at about mentioned it in an early paper (Thom, 1954; see _a fortnight either side of midsummer solstice. also Thom, 1967, 1971; MacKie, 1974; Bailey et Excavations by Gladwin, described by MacKie al., 1975; Burl, 1979). Two indications at the site, (1981), uncovered two sockets in the main outcrop along the alignment and across it, appear to provide —_ and, nearby, two small stone slabs into which they

solstitial indications using distant natural foresights fitted well. As viewed from the boulders, dubbed accurate to one or two minutes of arc. A recent = ‘observation boulders’ by MacKie, the shape of the twist in the debate has been the discovery by Burl —_ outcrop frames the distant notch, and the slabs, if of a sketch of the site made in 1700. This indicates —_ erect, would have resembled ‘the sights of a huge that one of the two high-precision foresights was __ rifle’ pointing at the notch. originally obscured, and implies that this alignment Subsequent excavation (MacKie et al., 1985) is fortuitous. It does not however necessarily mean _ established carbon 14 dates around 1400 Bc, and that the site itself was not aligned upon the solstitial |§ uncovered more specific evidence of human occusetting sun, but just that this was not set up to a _ pation such as scatters of flint flakes. At the same

high precision (Burl, 1983). time the site was not, it seems, primarily intended The story of Kintraw, some 50km north of Bal- —_— for domestic, defensive, industrial or funerary use.

lochroy, is one of the best known in megalithic |§ The ‘observation boulders’ have, however, been in astronomy (Thom, 1969; MacKie, 1974). An place since well before Neolithic times. Their presarchaeological excavation was carried out in order — ence might be explained by the chance discovery to verify a postulated observing platform perfectly in Neolithic times of a site suitable for rough orienpositioned for high-precision solstitial observations —_ tation towards midsummer solstice. MacKie’s sub15

C. L. N. RUGGLES

sequent work uncovered evidence of a further, still unexplored, and so on. These dangers have equinoctial, alignment at the site, again involving been amply expounded by Pitts (1981la, b) in the

man-made features and a horizon notch. context of the discovery of a possible companion The site is important because there exist archaeo- _ to the Heel Stone. logical data which appear to corroborate the hypoth- Some of the most famous astronomical theories

esis of constructions oriented upon solar at Stonehenge (Hawkins, 1963; Hawkins and phenomena. MacKie himself sees his work asasuc- | White, 1966) depend upon statistical arguments cessful archaeological test of the hypothesis of high- = about the number of astronomical alignments precision observations using natural foresights. He — between pairs of points chosen as possibly signifiinsists that the idea of high-precision solar obser- _ cant. These arguments fall down on many different vation (and hence Thom’s solar calendar) is sup- —_— grounds: lack of a priori justification for the points ported. However, this interpretation rests upon the chosen in the first place, and archaeological doubts

efhcacy of the horizon notches, which are not about some of those that were (Atkinson, 1966); located exactly at the solstice or at the ‘calendrical’ | numerical flaws in the probability calculation (see, equinox (Thom, 1967, ch. 9) and might easily have —_e.g., Ruggles, 198la); and, perhaps most impor-

arisen by chance. The debate continues. tantly, the non-independence of data (e.g. when the precision of alignment being considered is only

Stonehenge Stonehenge has to be mentioned. Being about one degree and the horizon is flat, a line such a well-known monument, it has attracted a _ between a pair of points indicating midsummer sungrossly disproportionate amount of astronomical rise in one direction will inevitably indicate midattention, especially during the 1960s. A detailed winter sunset in the other). It is truly unfortunate and balanced appraisal of many of these theories _ that the topic of megalithic astronomy is so coloured has been given by Heggie (1981) and there is no _ by the excessive attention that this one site, and need to repeat the various arguments here. Thank- — some highly speculative interpretations of it, have fully it seems that the tide of unwarranted specula- _ received over the years. tion has abated quite markedly in recent years.

The only reasonably uncontentious statement /4tistically based projects and reappraisal

that can be made about Stonehenge is that the Reassessments of Thom’s analyses In contrast to general orientation of the axis of the monument __ these discussions of individual sites, arguably the at various stages in its development is towards mid- — most important evidence presented over the years summer sunrise and midwinter sunset, and that this by A. Thom (and later by A. Thom and A. S. Thom) may well have been deliberate. A precision in azi- —s arises from analyses of groups of sites taken muth of at best a degree or two of arc is involved; —_ together. The evidence is cumulative in nature. At the popular notion that the Heel Stone defined the __ each stage in the work it consists essentially of one direction of solstitial sunrise more precisely is quite | or more analyses of many putative indications from unsupportable, because the supposed observing a number of megalithic sites, and at each stage the

position (the centre of the monument) cannot be level of precision of indication being tested is defined precisely enough on the archaeological evi- _ greater than at previous stages. The later work con-

dence, and, even it if could be, the Heel Stone is centrates on lunar sightlines. Four distinct stages too near to provide an accurate foresight and the _ have been identified by the current author (Ruggles,

horizon behind it is featureless. 1981b) as follows.

The practice most common at Stonehenge has — Level] _—_Inhis earliest work ‘Thom measured the

been to identify certain features at the site and to declinations indicated by 72 structures at 39 fit a theory to ‘explain’ them. Even when this is megalithic sites, plotting the results in the form done impartially there are grave dangers in attribut- of a probability histogram, or ‘curvigram’ ing astronomical (and geometrical) frameworks to (Thom, 1955, Fig. 8). This evidence was later what is a very limited sample of the original features extended to 262 structure indications at 145 sites at the site, namely those which in aD 2000 are (Thom, 1967, Fig. 8.1). On the basis of these superficially obvious, those which happen to have curvigrams and associated statistical tests, Thom been excavated when large areas of the site are suggested the existence of deliberate solar, lunar 16

Recent developments in megalithic astronomy

and stellar alignments set up to a precision of was reformulated in a more rigorous way as about half a degree. ‘The solar targets concerned suggested by Morrison (1980), the sightlines

were the solar solstices, equinoxes and seemed so accurate (to better than a minute of intermediate declinations representing equal arc) that it seemed they could only have been division of the year into eight and maybe 16 set up at the end of an averaging process lasting

parts. The lunar targets were the four some 180 years (A. S. Thom, 198], p. 38). declinations which represent the extremes of the There have been a number of critical assessments

moon’s limiting monthly motions in its 18.6 year of the data at different levels (Heggie, 1972; cycle — declinations referred to by Thom as the McGreery, 1979, 1980b; Moir, 1980, 1981; Elle-

lunar ‘standstills’. gard, 1981). Many authors have pointed out that

Level2 In 1967 Thom analysed further those selection decisions as to which data to analyse in Level | indications which fell near the solar the first place — which sites, which potential indicatsolstitial declinations, about 30 of them (Thom, ing devices at each site, and which horizon features 1967, ch. 9), and found evidence that the upper taken to be indicated — are subjective and that the and lower limbs were preferentially observed; particular selection decisions made by Thom may the further analysis of the lunar lines (ch. 10), not be justifiable on a priori grounds. Others have of which there are about 40, suggests the same pointed out that lunar observations of the precision thing. This increased the inferred precision to claimed at Levels 3 and 4 simply may not be feasible

about ten minutes of arc. in practice.

Level 3 Inhis later work Thom considered an Thorough reassessments of the evidence at each effectively distinct hypothesis, namely that of the four levels have been attempted in recent distant horizon features such as notches years by the present author, based upon first-hand provided natural foresights, and that structures examination of each of the sites in question and at the sites themselves merely served to identify upon resurveys where appropriate. The reassessthe observing position and which foresight was ments at Levels 2 and 3 (Ruggles, 1981b) were des-

to be used. Because of the accuracy of any cribed in the proceedings of the first Oxford individual foresight, declinations could now be conference (Ruggles, 1982a). Those at Level 4 were quoted to a minute or two of arc, and the idea the subject of two further papers (Ruggles, 1982b, of sightlines of much higher precision could be 1983). It was concluded that the argument for very

tested. The analysis of 40 distant horizon high-precision lunar indications can be convincfeatures at 23 sites (Thom, 1971, ch. 7) suggests ingly challenged on any one of four different the use of distant foresights for observations grounds, namely accurate to three minutes of arc or better, and (i) the archaeological status of the sites involved; to record the 173 day, nine minutes of arc (ii) theoretical (astronomical) considerations, i.e. perturbation in the moon’s motion (Thom, 1971, what is actually possible;

ch. 2; see also Morrison, 1980). (iii) by examining the selection of data (i.e. Level 4 The analysis at Level 3 took no account whether data particularly favourable to the of small variable corrections to the declinations, astronomical hypothesis have been such as variable parallax. At Level 4, represented preferentially selected and other data

in three papers by Thom and his son A. S. preferentially ignored; and Thom after 1978 (Thom and Thom, 1978b, (iv) by reassessing the methods of statistical

1980; A. S. Thom, 1981), each sightline was analysis. considered on its own merits, taking into When all four factors are taken together the eviaccount the time of year and time of day of dence is overwhelmingly against deliberate lunar presumed use, various small corrections being indications of very high precision. made accordingly. In addition, the data set was

restricted to those few lines the Thoms A new study of 300 western Scottish sites At Level considered to be most convincing on the ground. 1, the principal questions to be answered in order The resulting curvigram peaks were more clear- to reassess Thom’s data are to do with the selection cut than at previous levels, and when the analysis of data for consideration, and these questions can17

C. L, N. RUGGLES

not be adequately answered by simply revisiting featured predominantly amongst the indications those sites considered by Thom. For this reason falling in the ‘preferred’ declination interval a surveying programme in western Scotland was between —31° and — 19°; the three-, four- and fivebegun in 1975; it was finally completed in 1981, — stone rows of mainland Argyll and the inner Hebri-

after more than 300 sites had been investigated, dean island of Mull. These small sites, linear in and the results were published in 1984 (Ruggles, | form, are found here in marked preference to the 1984a). A code of practice was laid down both for _ stone rings prevalent in so many other parts of the selecting sites for consideration in the first place, | country. The project motivated the more detailed and for selecting potential indications at each site _ study of this particular group of sites. encountered. This code of practice was then strictly adhered to during ficldwork, in order to avoid any —— Cmclustons reached accusation of selective bias inthe data. Asthe project = The overall picture that emerges from recent studies

progressed, a reassessment of Thom’s work was no _ of lines and alignments is one of low-precision longer seen as the principal aim of the project; it | astronomical alignments incorporated in the design was more an attempt to lay a new methodological — of a range of burial and ritual sites. The evidence framework for assessing alignments of possible — for high-precision alignments is generally much

astronomical significance at ancient sites. more shaky. The results manifested trends at three levels of Early communal tombs like Newgrange and Maes precision. At the lowest level, declinations between — Howe seem to have been orientated so that the rays about —15° and +15° were strongly avoided, sug- _ of the rising or setting sun around the winter solstice

gesting a general preference for structures to be could fall upon the bones of the dead. The general oriented N-S, NW-SE or NE-SW rather than E- _ orientation of Stonehenge, set up early in the evoluW. At the second level, there was a marked prefer- _ tion of the site, may also represent an alignment ence for southern declinations between —31° and __ upon the setting midwinter sun in the south-west —19°, a range which very closely matches (i.e. rather than, as is commonly supposed, one upon matches to within about a degree at cither end) the the rising midsummer sun in the north-east. range of declinations between the two lunar stand- The small megalithic sites of western Scotland stills (i.e. the range of declinations which the moon —— mainly individual standing stones and linear set-

can reach at the southern limit of its monthly — tings — are the product of a very different social motions). At the most precise level, there was mar- __ structure in a particular geographical area at a ginal evidence of a preference for six particular dec- |= somewhat later period of British prehistory. The lination values to within a precision of one or two _ statistical study described above seems to indicate degrees. Three of the declinations (—30°, +18° and __ that these sites are preferentially oriented upon the +27°) may indicate a specific interest in the lunar — southern moon; but there is no evidence for highstandstills, and would imply that organised obser- _ precision lunar observations or for a precise solar vations were undertaken over periods of at least — calendar. At individual sites such as Ballochroy the 20 years. There is no coherent astronomical expla-_ _ idea that the site, linear in form, is oriented upon nation for the other three values (— 25°, —22°.5 and the sun or moon setting in the south may be far + 33°), but the first of these might indicate an inter- —_ nearer the truth than the idea that it marks solstitial

est in the winter solstice. sunsets to high precision using distant notches. A Although there was clear evidence of lunar orien- — low-precision interest in the rising sun may also tation, and marginal evidence of orientation upon —s account for the orientation of the linear site at

the winter solstice, no evidence whatsoever was Minard. found for an interest in the summer solstice or equi-

noxes (indeed, declinations in the vicinity of the 2-3 Some new approaches to studying equinoxes were strongly avoided). This was in dis- @Stronomy in prehistoric Britain tinct contrast to the earlier conclusions of Thom The overriding flavour of the megalithic astronomy

(1967). debate, even in recent years, has been a great deal Perhaps the most interesting result to emerge __ of talk about the precision of alignments and statisti-

from the project was that a certain group of sites cal rigour, and very little about the nature of the 18

Recent developments in megalithic astronomy

sites themselves and the people who builtthem. The —_ attempt has been made by the present author (Rugultimate quest remains, for many investigators, to —_ gles, 1985) in looking more closely at the Argyll

examine the nature of astronomical observations and Mull linear sites singled out by the statistical made in prehistoric times: other archaeological evi-_ —_—s study described above. dence merely serves as an arbiter in the astronomical

debate, or else to provide background evidence. Astronomy as a factor in site placement and orientation: From the point of view of the great majority of the chambered catrns of Orkney archaeologists this whole approach has always been _—_—s There are at least 76 chambered cairns in the Ork-

questionable. Why concentrate upon astronomy ney islands, of which the spectacular Maes Howe, when so many other factors might also have moti- |= mentioned earlier in this paper, is perhaps the best vated the construction, design and use of sitesabout known. Other monuments of the same age in Orkwhich we know so little? The answer is that this __ ney include four settlement sites, two henges and

is the approach of the astronomer or the historian a number of individual standing stones. On the of science, and that it is a clear reflection of the __ basis of the artefactual evidence Fraser (1983) conbackgrounds of the majority of workers in this topic. cludes, in contrast to others (e.g. MacKie, 1977), The archaeologists’s approach is inevitably more — that chambered cairns were places where the ordin-

broad-based, and in recent years a number of ary activities of life were carried out, rather than archaeological investigations have been undertaken places where activities of special significance, in which astronomy is considered as merely one __ requiring the manufacture and use of special objects of a number of possible factors influencing site | (such as ritual objects), took place.

placement and orientation. These studies have pro- Fraser undertook a locational analysis in an ceeded largely in isolation from those described so — attempt to explore the relationships between the

far. They have started to uncover evidence that chambered cairns and the landscape of Orkney. astronomical considerations were a factor influenc- | Various aspects of the landscape were identified, ing the siting and design of a variety of different | namely geology, soils, land use capability, topogratypes of monument at different times in British pre- —_ phy, vegetation, altitude, visibility from a location, history, and have started to give ussome clues about —‘ drainage, ease of approach to a location and the

the role played by astronomy in the lives of the nature of the nearest coast. The distribution pattern

people concerned. of the chambered cairns was examined in relation An example is the work, described below, of — to each of these aspects in turn, and then to all Fraser (1983) on the chambered cairns of Orkney. __ the factors taken together.

He has attempted to draw together many lines of Some of the conclusions were as follows: evidence relating to the people who inhabited Ork- (i) The accessibility of building stone may have

ney during the third and second millennia BC and constrained the cairn-builders to prefer land the land on which they lived. His main source of with no superficial deposits (such as a mantle data is the Orkney chambered cairns: their architec- of peat) over land with such deposits. tural form, their relationship to other material evi- (ii) The chambered cairns seem preferentially to dence (other monuments, artefacts and_ burial be located near to soils which were easy to

evidence), and their spatial relationships. work and freely drained, i.e. on or near the At the same time, the archaeoastronomers have farming land of the builders. become more aware of the need to combine their (iii) ‘They were located in a variety of topographic

statistical analyses of azimuths and declinations positions (i.e. valley bottoms, coastal plains, with archaeological evidence which is less tangible: hill slopes, hill tops, etc.) in short to combine numerical skills with more (iv) The distribution of present-day vegetation interpretative discussions of more subjective evi- does not appear to be correlated with the dence. Some joint enterprises, such as that between distribution of chambered cairns. the present author and Burl on the eastern Scottish (v) The cairns were not located in places with recumbent stone circles (RSCs) (Ruggles, 1984b; extensive sectors of restricted visibility. Ruggles and Burl, 1985), again discussed below, (vi) They were generally located in positions have attempted to move in this direction. A further which are easy to approach. 19

C. L. N. RUGGLES

(vii) They show a pronounced tendency to be significant times in the agricultural year. He also located close to the coast: high cliffs were suggests that the chambered cairn, situated in the preferred over major beach systems as the physical centre and social heart of the community,

nearest coastal type. would have been the obvious meeting place to

Fraser proceeded to examine various relationships __ rejoice and celebrate the changing of the seasons.

and artefacts ‘most readily open to interpretation Fraser’s work gives a feel for the difference in as symbolic’. One of these was symbolism connected = approach between an archaeologist concerned only

with the sky, such as the orientation of cairns with in passing with astronomical symbolism and an respect to the surrounding land and the visible sky; | astronomer or engineer particularly seeking eviothers were the intervisibility of cairns, the demar- —_ dence of astronomical achievement.

cation of space within and around cairns, animal

and bird bones found within cairns, and deco- , rations (such as spirals) found on sculpted stones. A more interpretative approach: the recumbent stone Conclusions from studies of the cairn orien- —_“*7¢/es of eastern Scotland

tations were as follows. Situated in and around Aberdeenshire, in eastern (i) Those cairns which are elongated seem Scotland, are about 100 RSCs, about half of which preferentially to be oriented in the NW-SE are in a reasonable state of preservation. They are

quadrants. stone rings distinguished by the presence of a heavy

(ii) Amongst those cairns with elongated recumbent slab flanked by two upright pillars, which chambers, there is no pattern of orientation seem to be of central importance to the function

amongst the chambers. of the sites. The heavy recumbent was carefully

(iii) As a group, the known chambered cairns of chosen, often transported from some distance and Orkney have passages which are preferentially placed in position with great care. The circle stones,

oriented outwards from the chamber to the in contrast, seem to have been added rather more

south and east. casually later, and in some cases may never have The azimuth distribution of distant visibility was | been added at all. The RSCs seem to be the elegant

found to be bimodal, with a major peak around — but simple ritual centres for small, egalitarian 140° and a minor one around 270°. One major groups of subsistence farmers living in Aberdeentrough is apparent around 0°. The pattern was more shire in the late third and early second millennium pronounced than those for either intermediate or — BC. Various general features in their placement and restricted visibility, suggesting that the distant visi- | design seem to reflect a ritual tradition that was bility in certain directions, if anything, was the adhered to over a wide area — some 80 X 50 km.

important factor. At each site the line joining the centre of the

The question now is what is special about these __ ring and the centre of the recumbent stone provides particular points of the compass that requires distant | an obvious principal axis. The orientations of the

visibility. The possibility of local topography principal axes are highly clustered in azimuth influencing orientation of visibility can be dis- (between SSE and WSW), a highly significant counted since the cairns are widely dispersed over _ general trend which cannot be explained either by 20 islands. Although astronomical design cannot _ orientations upon a particular terrestrial feature or be tied down very precisely with measurements of _ by the local topography.

this accuracy, it is interesting to note that, at the A new study of the Aberdeenshire RSCs was latitude of Orkney when the cairns were erected, | undertaken in 1981 by the author in association midwinter sunrise occurred at an azimuth of around — with H. A. W. Burl (Ruggles, 1984b; Ruggles and 140°. Azimuth 270° is, of course, that of the equi- — Burl, 1985). Sixty-four sites were visited and exa-

noctial setting sun. mined. Many were surveyed or resurveyed. While

Fraser concludes that the neolithic inhabitants _ great attention was paid to the fair selection of data, of Orkney situated their chambered cairns in places _no rigorous statistical tests were presented. We tried which were chosen so as to make certain solar obser- — instead to present the new data and to give some vations possible. These observations could have _ initial, general interpretations which integrated the been of importance to a farming people in signalling = astronomical and archaeological evidence rather 20

Recent developments in megalithic astronomy

than concentrating upon the astronomy alone. The tively conspicuous hilltops occurring within the idea was that further fieldwork and more rigorous _ indicated horizon. Such data might be augmented statistical analyses could then begin to investigate | from sites in a poorer state of repair than those

our initial ideas further. considered in 1981. Secondly excavation, should We concluded that astronomy was undoubtedly adequate resources become available, may be able a factor, perhaps an important one, in the function __ to clarify many of the apparent overall trends and of the sites. At the same time, their relatively small regional variations deduced from the surface evidiameters and wide recumbentsimplythattheywere — dence. Finally, studies of related groups of sites not sites of great astronomical precision. From the such as the Clava cairns of neighbouring Invernessarchaeological evidence it seems likely that the sites — shire, which show a similar overall orientation trend

had a simple ritual significance. to the RSCs, or the other group of RSCs, found Although the top of the recumbent always lay — in south-west Ireland, would be of the greatest below the natural horizon, as viewed from within _ interest. or across the ring, the flankers usually projected above it — an attempt, perhaps, to reproduce an Combining a statistical with an interpretative approach: astronomical ‘letterbox’ rather like those at New- _“#e finear stone settings of Argyll and Mull grange and Maes Howe. In no case is the horizon _ Following the results of the statistical survey of 300

above the recumbent nearer than 1 km distant, western Scottish sites, described above, fieldwork implying that there was an interest in celestial | was undertaken in 1985 in order to examine more phenomena near to the horizon occurring behind __ closely the southern indications at the linear stone

the recumbent. settings of Argyll and Mull — that is, the three-, There seems, however, to be no simple, direct —four- and five-stone rows, aligned pairs of stones interpretation of the pattern of indicated declina- _and single, flat slabs (Ruggles, 1985). tions in terms of observations of the sun or moon. Stone rows and aligned pairs with local horizons Burl’s earlier suggestion (Burl, 1980) that the sites to the south, excluded from the earlier analysis but might have been oriented so that the major standstill | surveyed during 1985, were found to fit the general moon would pass above the axial line (i.e. the centre = pattern of indicated declinations between about of the recumbent stone was viewed from the centre —31° and —19°. However, the distribution of indiof the site) was ruled out by the large number of — cated declinations within this range was far from declinations found to be somewhat above —30°.0. that to be expected if sites were merely oriented

There are, however, definite indications of aninter- —_ upon the limiting monthly moon at arbitrary points est in the rising or setting major standstill moon __ in the 18.6 year cycle. Instead, a grouping of indica(and occasionally the minor standstill moon) gener- _‘ tions was found within a degree or two of —30° ally over the recumbent stone. This idea seems to —_and a second, rather wider, grouping centred upon

be corroborated by the azimuths of cupmarked —23°. In the two main concentrations of stone rows

stones at the sites. and aligned pairs of stones — northern Mull and However, there is no simple explanation of all the Kilmartin area of Argyll — a structure yielding

the data, astronomical or otherwise. Instead we find _—_an indication in the second group was invariably evidence of conflicting concerns: orientation upon __ situated close to another yielding a declination of

the major or minor standstill moon; the presence around —30°. Outside the main geographical conof conspicuous hilltops within the horizon above _ centrations, the rows and aligned pairs of Argyll the recumbent; a recumbent stone facing due south. — and Mull seem to fita more general pattern of orien-

These separate goals would rarely have been tation between —30° and —19°. achievable simultaneously, and we surmise that The southern declinations obtained from single compromises were often reached. It is very unlikely — slabs and menhirs with an obvious longer axis were

that the positioning of the recumbent stone was much more scattered — a fact perhaps hardly sur-

exclusively astronomical. prising in view of the uncertainties inherent in Several directions emerged for future work. determining an indication from the current disposiFirstly, at the RSCs themselves it would be of great _ tion of such stones, together with the range of posinterest to investigate more thoroughly and objec- __ sible purposes for which such stones might have 21

C. L. N. RUGGLES

been erected. However, there was some evidence ideas of Thom about Ballochroy and Temple that the orientation pattern observed amongst the Wood. rows and aligned pairs extends to certain single

standing stones. Conclusions reached It was found that, while the orientations of several © The recent work described above points to both sites do reflect the local topography, several others — solar and lunar significance amongst prehistoric clearly do not. Thus it is eminently possible that —_ British burial and ritual monuments of different the lie of the land was taken into account in choosing _ periods.

a convenient situation for a ceremonial site within Some of the early, large megalithic tombs seem the territory available to a particular set of builders, to incorporate solar orientations: there are some and also when deciding between a rising or setting | well-known individual cases of winter solstitial indication; however, geographical factors such as _ alignments in megalithic tombs, such as those at the lie of the land cannot on their own explain the | Newgrange and Maes Howe, and some indication

declination trends. from a group study of the Orkney tombs of solstitial Thus it was concluded that the orientation of | and equinoctial orientation. It is extremely interestmany of the stone rows and aligned pairs of stones __ ing to note that it appears always to be the winter in Mull and mainland Argyll was of importance solstice that is involved — a fact which may come to the builders, and that astronomical, and particu- as no surprise from the ethnographic record, where larly lunar, alignment was an important factor in winter solstice ceremonies are often of great import-

determining this orientation. In two areas where ance, the sun needing to be turned back from its particular concentrations of such sites are found — southward movement (Thorpe, 1981; Chamberlain,

— northern Mull and the Kilmartin area of Argyll 1988). — it seems that a primary target for orientation was The evidence both from the RSCs in the east the major standstill moon in the south. There is — of Scotland and the linear stone settings in the west also some evidence pointing to a habit of secondary _ lends considerable support to the idea of low-preciorientation, achieved perhaps by the contrary orien- _ sion lunar observation, at least of the full moon tation of individual slabs in a longer alignment (as _nearest to the summer solstice. More tentative eviat Kilmartin), or else by setting up a second struc- —_ dence from the linear settings seems to indicate a

ture close by and roughly parallel to the first (as = ‘primary’ orientation upon the most southerly at Duncracaig) or else again by setting up asecond = (major standstill) moon, a practice which would

structure at a short distance from the first (as have required organised lunar observations over a at Dervaig and Dunamuck). These secondary period of at least 20 years.

structures may have been oriented upon the Burl has drawn attention to independent southern limiting moon at another point in the 18.6 — archaeological evidence supporting the idea of an year cycle, but then it is perhaps somewhat surpris- _—interest in the moon (Burl, 1980, 1981b, 1983). ing that no declinations higher than —21° are Nonetheless it is pertinent to ask to what extent even observed. It is also possible that they were oriented —_ those who do not accept Thom’s idea of high-preciupon the midwinter sun. The northern declinations _ sion lunar alignments have unwittingly been guided

indicated by these secondary structures seem to __ by this earlier idea in finding evidence of lunar manifest less of a consistent pattern. Surveys of _ orientation, albeit at a lower precision. the southern profiles indicated by the two wide That observations of the moon might have been slabs at Ballochroy, which are oriented across the important to people in prehistoric Britain comes as alignment, may throw further light on the matter. _little surprise in view of the ethnographic record. The design of the Kilmartin (Temple Wood) site = The cycle of lunar phases is the most obvious cycle

may even represent the culmination of a local _ in the sky after the daily one; it demarcates time practice, managing to incorporate two different periods of a convenient length; and it closely orientations of significance into a single, more matches natural cycles such as the human menstrual complex arrangement of stones. It is interesting to cycle. Knowledge of the lunar month is almost contrast this picture, built up by examining all the — universal, and many seasonal calendars are lunarsites of similar form in a particular area, with the — based (Baity, 1973; Thorpe, 1981; Chamberlain, 22

Recent developments in megalithic astronomy

1988). On the other hand — and this is per- 2.4 Discussion

P’ © ying — Brap Lessons learned

haps more worrying — ethnographic instances of horizon lunar observations are unknown, at least

to the present author. One possible explanation British archacoastronomers have learned the hard for their importance in prehistoric Scotland would way about the dangers of protracted discussion be the particular latitude, whereby the major stand- about individual sites. Burl (1981b) has pointed out still moon is seen to scrape along the northern or = Some poignant examples where convincing astronosouthern horizon — a rare and spectacular event mical alignments are present at individual sites, but which could well have assumed great importance. | when these sites are seen as part of an archaeological

Clearly it would greatly support the case for the group the trend is not repeated and the alignment reality of the horizon lunar observations in pre- then appears to have come about by chance. The historic Britain if evidence were uncovered of | Present author was disillusioned about the solstitial similar practices from communities in similar lati- — Nterpretation of Ballochroy when he first visited

tudes a similar three-stone row at Duachy, which was Regarding the interpretation of astronomical 0 solstitially oriented. | practice in prehistoric Britain in its social context, Hence, studies of groups of hf have recently the ‘science vs. ceremonial’ debate smoulders on, oie into roral evans , IS Surely ne th me tue fuelled by those who insist that evidence in favour RSCo hat ch a! groups OI sites, suc ‘de ine s kel

of high-precision observations becomes evidence , s, tat , © ne noes of at he cnee Is ical

in favour of ‘scientific’ astronomy, while refutation © come in the carly stages of archacoastronomica

; ae , ; research. indications There is, however, a considerable probof high-precision and evidence in enna a . lem in marrying together the ‘statistical’ approach favour; -of low-precision ones becomes evidence in i 7 iy ay of the numerate scientist and the ‘interpretative favour of ‘ceremonial’ astronomy. Stronglyoronethnographer. the ,side(tpg approach of the archaeologist of ‘scientific’ astronomy is, for example, The advantage of the statistical approach is to MacKie (1981; MacKie et al., 1985); in the other B aren pick out trends amongst large quantities of diverse camp are authors such as Burl (1980, 1981b, 1983), ; ; ; data and focus one’s attention upon interesting subBarnatt and Pierpoint (1983) and Fraser (1984). . In fa; II th hors der; + for the; sets of the data. It also serves, importantly, to coun-

n ae ; ese oer Ors hank sup ve 4 “'T ter unwarranted speculation on the purpose of

Thu MacKic 1977 ae are hat oBita aie ial structure orientations, and to prevent the accumuUs tvnac ie ( ) eneves that a wht, din: lation of evidence arrived at merely by preferentially system was in aoe by mn se clte of 4 “purems —_ selecting oriented structures which appear to supSOCICLes, the top ner cing an ¢ Ite 0 astronomer port a favoured idea and excluding others which priests undertaking intricate astronomical obser- qu not vations. Burl, on the other hand, cites the funerary The more interpretative approach, however, is association of much ancient astronomy in support also necessary in order to take account of cultural of the idea that it was a ritual, not a scientific, prac- diversity and human perversity. It would be wholly

fice. . unreasonable to expect the design and function of In fact, the rigid dichotomy between science and = a complete group of superficially similar sites to ceremonial is undoubtedly misleading; we need _ have conformed exactly to any overriding ‘master

to consider first the existence and precision of plan’ or purpose. intentional orientations, astronomical and other- How, then, do we merge the two approaches? wise, and then to interpret them using far more _[n the present author’s view statistical rigour must than two crude (and actually very vaguely defined) —_ precede interpretative reasoning. The former serves categories. As Renfrew (1981) has pointed out, to _ to isolate any general trends which show up above

insist on such a rigid and ultimately subjective the background ‘random noise’ in the data and to dichotomy between science and non-science serves —_ focus one’s attention upon interesting subsets of only to obscure the nature of what surely ranks as __ the data. The latter then enables one to examine an interesting development in the evolution of this part of the data and these trends in more detail

scientific thought. and in their full archaeological and cultural context. 23

C. L. N. RUGGLES

In the work on the western Scottish linear stone __ relating to these sites, and of course no evidence settings (Ruggles, 1985) the present author has — to compare with the ethnohistorical and written eviattempted to make explicit the transition from the — dence available to many workers in the Americas.

original analysis with its rigid selection criteria, The paucity of our prehistoric cultural record through the further investigation of apparent trends —_ does, however, force us to face up to certain prob-

using predetermined (though rather more subjec- lems. In particular it necessitates a rigorous tive) criteria, to a more interpretative presentation approach to the unbiased selection and statistical of the data which is based upon a reappraisal of —_ analysis of alignment data, in order to avoid a situathe archaeological status and current state of repair tion in which almost anything can be ‘proved’ by of the sites, but which also takes into account retros- —_ simply selecting the right data in a certain way and

pectively the indicated declinations that were ignoring the rest (the plethora of spectacular theor-

obtained. ies about Stonehenge makes this point only too A futher way to view the study of lines and align- _ clearly). This in turn forces us to try to marry a ments at prehistoric sites is as one in which the rigorous statistical approach together with the intersurface record can give us valuable information in __ pretative approach needed in order to consider the advance of excavation. In archaeology as a whole, _ data in their full cultural context. it is possible to design investigations (for example While such problems may seem very distant to an excavation strategy) in order to test particular |§ archaeoastronomers blessed with a far richer culhypotheses rather than merely to collect data. This __ tural record, they are none the less crucial. There becomes increasingly important for the overall pro- —_ appears to be a distinct danger that in such situations gress of archaeology as resources become increas- — workers: may indulge in collecting alignment data, ingly scarce. If we can use the surface data to set —_and arriving at conclusions with little or no rigorous

up viable hypotheses in areas of importance, then _justification, but which are supported by rather weak we have both a working hypothesis in advance of | data from other sources such as the ethnohistoric any excavation, and also a strategy which should _— (for example after having scanned the codices somesave resources if ever we are in a position to under- —_— what uncritically for scraps of evidence which seem

take one. If corroborative evidence on prehistoric — to support the conclusions). If one is not careful astronomy is sought from excavation, then survey __ the result may be little better than many of the totally work can isolate groups of sites where excavation — unsupportable theories about Stonehenge.

might preferentially be undertaken, together with British archaeoastronomers have often been hypotheses (solar and lunar association) which accused by their American colleagues of lavishing might be tested. The stone rows of Mull and main- —_ too much attention on statistical rigour at the land Argyll, and their possible lunar association, — expense of cultural context; it may soon be the turn are in the author’s view a particularly exciting exam- _ of the British to persuade their colleagues that sta-

ple which has cropped up in recent years, and it _ tistical rigour has a crucial réle for a great many is hoped that the excavation of one of these sites | archaeoastronomers, and to teach them how it can

will proceed soon. be integrated into an approach which quite properly considers the great diversity of cultural evidence

Prehistoric Britain in the context of world which may be available. archaeoastronomy

The basic problem in studying prehistoric British archaeoastronomy is that our material record is very | Acknowledgments thin compared, say, with that encountered when [am grateful to Pergamon Press Ltd. for permission

dealing with later pre-Columbian cultures in to reproduce passages from a review paper entitled Mesoamerica. There is precious little independent ‘Megalithic astronomy: the last five years’, which archaeological evidence (such as radiocarbon dat- — appeared in the journal Vistas in Astronomy in 1984

ing, relative chronology and excavated artefacts) (Ruggles, 1984c).

24

Recent developments in megalithic astronomy

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Antiquity 40, 212-16. University Pr ess » ENCEBICS PP. aE

Bailey, M. E., Cooke, J. A. Few, R. W., Morgan, J. Mackie, E. W. (1974). Archaeological tests on supposed G. and Ruggles, C. L. N - (1975). Survey of three astronomical sites in Scotland. Philosophical Transacmegalithic sites in Argyllshire. Nature 253, 431-3. tions of the Royal Society of London A 276, 169-94. Baity, E. C. (1973). Archaeoastronomy and ethnoastro- MacKie, E. W. (1977). Science and Society in Prehistoric

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Barnatt, J . and P lerpoint, S. (1983). Stone circles: obser - MacKie, E. W. (1981). Wise men in antiquity? In Astronvatories or ceremonial centres? Scottish Archaeological omy and Society in Britain During the Period 4000-1500

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Burl, H. A. W. (1979). Rings of Stone. London: Frances 111-52. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 88.

Lincoln. | | MacKie, E. W., Gladwin, P. F. and Roy, A. E. (1985).

Burl, H. A. W. (1980). Science or symbolism: problems A prehistoric calendrical site in Argyll. Nature 314,

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Burl, H. A. W. (1981a). Rites of the Gods. London: Dent. Moir, G. (1980). Megalithic science and some Scottish Burl, H. A. W. (1981b). ‘By the light of the cinerary site plans: Part 1. Antiquity 54, 37-40. moon’: chambered tombs and the astronomy of death. Moir, G. (1981). Some archaeological and astronomical In Astronomy and Society in Britain During the Period objections to scientific astronomy in British prehistory. 4000-1500 Bc, eds. C. L. N. Ruggles and A. W. R. In Astronomy and Society in Britain During the Period Whittle, pp. 243-74. Oxford: British Archaeological 4000-1500 Bc, eds. C. L. N. Ruggles and A. W. R.

Reports 88. Whittle, pp. 221-41. Oxford: British Archaeological

Burl, H. A. W. (1983). Prehistoric Astronomy and Ritual. Reports 88.

Aylesbury: Shire. Morrison, L. V. (1980). On the analysis of megalithic

Chamberlain, von Del, ed. (1988). Proceedings of the First lunar sightlines in Scotland. Archaeoastronomy 2, S65~ International Ethnoastronomy Conference, Washington, S77.

DC (in press). O’Kelly, M. J. (1971). An Illustrated Guide to Newgrange, Ellegard, A. (1981). Stone age science in Britain? Curr. 2nd edn. Wexford: John English.

Anthrop. 22, 99-125. Patrick, J. D. (1974). Midwinter sunrise at Newgrange.

Fraser, D. (1983). Land and Society in Neolithic Orkney, Nature 249, 517-19. 2 vols. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports !17. Patrick, J. D. (1981). A reassessment of the solstitial Fraser, D. (1984). In support of festive astronomy. Scottish observatories at Kintraw and Ballochroy. In Astronomy

Archaeological Review 3, 16-18. and Society in Britain During the Period 4000-1500 Bc, Hawkins, G. S. (1963). Stonehenge decoded. Nature 200, eds. C. L. N. Ruggles and A. W. R. Whittle, pp. 211-

306-8. 19. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 88.

Hawkins, G. S. and White, J. B. (1966). Stonehenge Pitts, M. W. (1981a). Stones, pits and Stonehenge. Nature

Decoded. London: Souvenir Press. 290. 46~-7.

Heggie, D. C. (1972). Megalithic lunar observatories: Pitts, M. W. (1981b). The discovery of a new stone at

an astronomer’s view. Antiquity 46, 43-8. Stonehenge. Archacoastronomy Bulletin 4, (2), 16-21. Heggie, D. C. (1981). Megalithic Sctence. London: Renfrew, A. C. (1981). Comment on Ellegard (1981).

Thames and Hudson. Curr. Anthrop. 22, 120-1.

Heggie, D. C., ed. (1982). Archaeoastronomy in the Old Ruggles, C. L. N. (1981a). Archaeoastronomical anoma-

World. Cambridge University Press. lies. Nature 294, 485-6.

Lockyer, N. (1909). Stonehenge and Other British Stone Ruggles, C. L. N. (1981b). A critical examination of the Monuments Astronomically Considered, 2nd_ edn. megalithic lunar observatories. In Astronomy and Society

London: Macmillan. in Britain During the period 4000-1500 Bc, eds.

McGreery, T. (1979). Megalithic lunar observatories — C. L. N. Ruggles and A. W. R. Whittle, pp. 153~209.

a critique, Part 1. Kronos 5, (1), 47-63. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 88. McGreery, T. (1980a). The Kintraw stone platform. Ruggles, C. L. N. (1982a). Megalithic astronomical

Kronos 5, (3). 71-9. sightlines: current reassessment and future directions.

McGreery, T. (1980b). Megalithic lunar observatories In Archaeoastronomy in the Old World, ed. D. C. Heggie,

—a critique, Part 2. Kronos 5, (2), 6-26. pp. 83-105. Cambridge University Press. 25

C. L. N. RUGGLES Ruggles, C. L. N. (1982b). A reassessment of the high Thom, A. (1955). A statistical examination of the megaprecision megalithic lunar sightlines, 1: Backsights, lithic sites in Britain. Journal of the Royal Statistical indicators and the archaeological status of the sight- Soctety A 118, 275-95.

lines. Archaeoastronomy 4, S21-S40. Thom, A. (1967). Megalithic Sites in Britain. Oxford Ruggles, C. L. N. (1983). A reassessment of the high University Press. precision megalithic lunar sightlines, 2: Foresights and Thom, A. (1969). ‘The lunar observatories of Megalithic the problem of selection. Archaevastronomy 5, S1-S36. Man. Vistas in Astronomy, 11, 1-29. Ruggles, C. L. N. (1984a) (principal author: contribu- Thom, A. (1971). Megalithic Lunar Observatories. Oxford

tions by P. N. Appleton, S. F. Burch, J. A. Cooke, University Press. R. W. Few, J. G. Morgan and R. P. Norris). Megalithic Thom, A. and Thom, A. S. (1978a). Megalithic Remains Astronomy: A New Archaeological and Statistical Study in Britain and Bnittany. Oxford University Press. of 300 Western Scottish Sites. Oxford: British Archaeo- Thom, A. and Thom, A. S. (1978b). A reconsideration

logical Reports 123. of the lunar sites in Britain. Journal for the History of

Ruggles, C. L. N. (1984b). A new study of the Aberdeen- Astronomy 9, 170-9. shire recumbent stone circles, 1: Site data. Archaeo- Thom, A. and Thom, A. S. (1980). A new study of all

astronomy 6, S55-S79. megalithic lunar lines. Archaeoastronomy 2, S78-89.

Ruggles, C. L. N. (1984c). Megalithic astronomy: the Thom, A. S. (1981). Megalithic lunar observatories: an last five years. Vistas in Astronomy 27, 231-89. assessment of 42 lunar alignments. In Astronomy and Ruggles, C. L. N. (1985). The linear settings of Argyll Society in Britain During the Period 4000-1500 Bc, eds.

and Mull. Archaeoastronomy 9, S105-S132. C. L. N. Ruggles and A. W. R. Whittle, pp. 13-61. Ruggles, C. L. N. and Burl, H. A. W. (1985). A new Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 88. study of the Aberdeenshire recumbent stone circles, Thorpe, I. J. (1981). Ethnoastronomy: its patterns and 2: Interpretation. Archaevastronomy 8, S25-S60. archaeological implications. In Astronomy and Society Thom, A. (1954). The solar observatories of Megalithic in Britain During the Period 4000-1500 sc, eds. Man. Journal of the British Astronomical Association 64, C. L. N. Ruggles and A. W. R. Whittle, pp. 275-88.

396-404. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 88.

26

3

Exploring some anthropological theoretical foundations for archaeoastronomy Stanistaw Iwaniszewski State Archaeological Museum, Warsaw, and Instituto de Investigaciones Antropologicas de la UNAM

3.1 Introduction mical and calendrical activities that need to be About two decades ago a new paradigm (Kuhn, __ tested. 1970) emerged that proposed that both literate and illiterate peoples had developed relatively elaborate

calendrical and astronomical systems. This para- 3.2 Theoretical orientation digm became the base of the archaeoastronomical _—The intellectual core of anthropology is the study approach that has attracted many scholars. Starting _of culture. Recently, Keesing (1974) observed two

in “emi hen cease al ereath (8 Te have distinct concepts of culture: behavioral—ecological

tended to show an exponential growth (3. !wanis- — and_ ideational-symbolic. The former approach zewski (n.d.)). However, it was not until the 1970s Views a culture as a system that relates human poputhat Invisible Colleges (Price, 1961; Crane, 1972), lations to their environments, The latter describes international! symposia, and specialized periodicals a culture as a cognitive (e.g. Goodenough), struc-

mal science (Price, , , ;

appeared «Price. 1961. 1963) step toward nor- tural (e.g. Levi-Strauss), or symbolic (e.g. Dumont,

Nevertheless, it is difficult to say that archaeoas- ween Schneider) system. Clarke. 1968. p. 88 tronomy has achieved the status of a discipline (Zei- “uiture as an open system ( wares 17009 P ) lik, 1983). As Aveni (1981, p. 32) points out: maintains feedback relations with somatic-genetic

While it is easy to outline a general and environmental systems and is basic to man’s methodology for fieldwork, tangible results adaptation. Cultural adaptation is the process that occur only with the understanding of a true a cultural system undertakes in order to establish interdisciplinary study of an ancient culture’s and maintain a relationship with both other systems

astronomy and with the perception of (Kirch, 1978, p. 105). The term ‘adaptation’ astronomical activity within the context of that implies, in anthropology, the existence of the inter-

civilization. relationship of the following factors: variability This chapter presents a reconsideration of the (cultural memory + innovations — loss); selective anthropological theoretical foundations of | Mechanisms; and transmission (retention or propaarchaeoastronomy. It is divided into three parts: in gation; Kirch, 1980, pp. 108-9). Some authors the first (Sections 3.2 and 3.3), consider theoretical | (Brykczyriski, 1979; Wiercinski, 1979, 1983) add concepts useful to archaeoastronomy; the second rhythmicity to these.

part (Sections 3.4 and 3.5) presents preliminary However, culture is rather an abstract entity. results of some archaeological applications of the | Anthropologists study culture through socioculreconsidered concepts; and the third part (Section __ tural systems. According to Keesing (1974, p. 82): 3.6) presents a list of possible functions of astrono- — ‘sociocultural systems represent the social realiza27

STANISLAW IWANISZEWSKI

tions or enactments of ideational designs-for-living facts. The selective mechanism operates on three

in particular environments’. levels (Alland, 1975, p. 69):

A sociocultural system may be viewed asacyber- — (a) new adaptive information is limited by

netic system which consists of the three compon- cognitive and decision-making centers from

ents: matter, energy, information. the human brain (somatic—genetic system) and Matter and energy are not destructible according by brain-based ‘culturally realized cognitive

to the law of conservation. Humans can only trans- structures ; form one into another, changing the relations (6) the second level tests a new trait against the between them, or in other words, their structure. system’s structure; I define structure as the temporal—spatial placement —_(c)_ on the third level the selective mechanism tests

of matter and energy. new information against environmental

Contrasting with matter and energy, information pressure. Resulting behavior interrelated with

may be created, stored, or destroyed. Cultural somatic—genetic, sociocultural and transmission of new adaptive information is sup- environmental systems is perceived again in a posed to be significant for human evolution (Dun- continuing dialectic (Kirch, 1980, p. 112). nell, 1978, p. 198); in view of the three entities Within the view presented, archaeoastronomy is mentioned, it is the only one that can be responsible _a perfect field in which the ideational-symbolic and

for the patterning of human behavior (Fritz, 1978, | behavioral-ecological approaches can be used in pp. 38-9; van der Leeuw, 1981, p. 234). All living — conjunction with one another. systems process information (Flannery, 1972, p. 400) but cultural systems are information systems

(Clarke, 1968, p. 660). In anthropology, this pos- 3-3 Foundations of archaeoastronomy ition has focused attention on the organizational § Astronomy, if isolated from the society, cannot be aspects of sociocultural systems. As Hole and — understood totally. Forming a subsystem within the Heizer (1973, p. 315) state: ‘It is becoming more — culture system of ideology, astronomy should be and more apparent that the principles of organiza- —_— studied as another cultural subsystem. When dealtion are the basic keys in our understanding of any —_ ing with astronomical traits, we describe and recon-

class of phenomena, including people’. struct patterns of astronomical behavior which are The following strategy for the study of organiza- = elements of cultural cognitive systems. Even a tion has been recently adopted. All cultural products _ scientific cognitive system may be treated as a culsuch as artifacts, rules of social interactions, native tural subsystem (Latour and Woolgar, 1979, pp. 19cognitive systems, and so on are viewed in the light 37).

of the behavior that created them. This behavior Archaeoastronomy should deal then with both is carried out and determined by the context of a —_ behavioral and cognitive aspects of astronomy. given sociocultural system. Cultural products can _ Briefly it may be defined as: the study of astronomy be considered as the results of culturally patterned —_ in tts sociocultural context.

behavior. Patterning is present in cultural products In this vein, I propose the following definition because the behavior that produces them is pat- of astronomical artifact, following Wiercirnski’s terned. Through the careful examination and (1983, p. 28) definition of cultural product: an astroobservation of the assemblages of cultural products, — nomical product or artifact 1s any element of the environanthropologists can make inferences about cultur- ment related to astronomical phenomena which has been

ally patterned behavior. transformed through the conscious work by man in order Both behavioral and cognitive aspects are present _— to utilize its adaptive value.

in cultural adaptation (Keesing, 1974; Alland, 1975; I also define astronomical phenomenon in the Dunnell, 1978; Kirch, 1980); however, concrete — following way: every kind of natural phenomenon that patterned behavior derives ultimately from the cog- — occurs outside of the Earth or occurring in the earthly nitive processes. New adaptive information is de- —_ atmosphere ts of extraterrestrial origin.

rived from the interrelation between the human Although the adaptive value of astronomy has brain and the perception and organization of envir- —_ long been recognized (e.g. Pannekoek, 1951), few onmental (natural, sociocultural and psychological) — studies have actually explored that side of astron28

Anthropological foundations for archaeoastronomy

omy; in fact, the study of astronomy was dominated Since not all observable astronomical phenomena by the history of the discipline which emphasized — are equally important, their importance will be the intellectual achievements over the sociocultural | determined by cultural preference. It may be

ones. deduced from the above that the somatic—genetic This adaptive aspect was superficially investi- | system, the sociocultural patterns and the nature

gated in the social sciences. Adopting a passage ~— of the environment will play a decisive role in the from Cuvier which related the Egyptians’ need of cultural selection and transmission of certain astroastronomy to the annual rises of the Nile and = nomical phenomena. 7hen, in order to understand the seasonal agriculture, Marx (1973, Vol. 1) states that = cultural significance of astronomy, it must be matched astronomy served as a base foreconomic dominance — against the set of other cultural variables. These may in the sense that astronomical knowledge offers a _ be language affinities, the type of environment, the

way to control the means of production. basic subsistence economy, the kind of social strucEven today this statement has a great impact in __ ture, the changes in stylistic variability of cultural the social sciences. For example, Wittfogel (1957, products, the patterns of attitudes of man’s efforts pp. 29-30, 382) follows Marx stating that calendar _at self interpretation, and so on. We also must keep making and astronomy used in water scheduling — in mind the /ustory of a given sociocultural system were instrumental in the development of differen- | because of the importance of cultural memory. tiated leadership. However, this simplified point of view cannot be further sustained.

Also, astronomy was taken into account in the 3.4 Astronomy at Teotihuacan field of ethnology and the history of religions. How- —_—sIn my previous work on astronomy at Teotihuacan

ever, this produced some scientific deviations (Iwaniszewski, 1984) | investigated the importance known as ‘astralistics’, ‘solar mythology’, ‘pan- of astronomical and calendrical activities through Egyptianism’ or ‘pan-Babylonianism’. On the other —_ ecological-behavioral and __ ideational—symbolic hand, Berthelot’s theory of so-called ‘astrobiology’ | approaches. It was possible to relate some solar dates

remains almost totally forgotten. pointed out by the city’s general orientation, with Within the birth of archaeoastronomy, several — meteorological and biological cycles being of vital studies (Renfrew, 1973a; Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1976; importance for the success of a basic subsistence

Reyman, 1976, 1979; MacKie, 1977a,b; Wood, economy (see Figure 3.1). The possibility that 1978) offered new approaches to the study of astro- = ‘pecked cross’ designs also served to encode some nomical activities and/or systems of knowledge. astronomical rhythms has also been considered. But The fact that a lot of astronomical information — the most striking feature of astronomical activities

is embodied in magico-religious systems of the — was that the production of astronomical artifacts world and that the art of making and/or using cal- | showed similar trends to other cultural variables, endars is present commonly in human cultures,no — such as population growth, changes in the city’s matter how advanced, suggests naturally that area and rhythms in obsidian and pottery producastronomy possesses a certain adaptive valuc. If it tion (see Figure 3.2). All these variables showed is found so frequently in different sociocultural sys- —a_relatively rapid growth until the Tlamimilolpa tems, it must possess a special adaptive value for Phase (AD 200-450). After reaching peaks, stagnaman. Nevertheless, saying that astronomy is present tion during the rest of Teotihuacan existence was in a given sociocultural system because it has an observed (Cowgill, 1977). Also, a low precision in adaptive value (Reyman, 1979) leads to the same _ the elaboration of pecked cross figures (e.g. TEO kind of tautology that Alland (1975, pp. 75-6) 19 and TEO 22) is observed in the Tlamimilolpa observes. /nstead of asking why astronomy is present —‘Tardio (Late) Phase (AD 300—450). With these data,

in the cultures of the whole world (the answer will several preliminary suggestions may be offered.

be, because of its common adaptive value for man), The phase of rapid growth probably refers to we should ask what different functions it may play in the emergence of the Early State at Teotihuacan. particular sociocultural systems. Based on case histor- _ Pacific, nonviolent displacement of population from ies we will be able to deduce the place of astronomy — small settlements in the Valley of Mexico to the

in kinds of sociocultural systems. growing city in the Valley of Teotihuacan suggests 29

STANISLAW IWANISZEWSKI

a a L hy Terracing ==: DOB

sights, that useful observations in any modern cel- ho my min’ fo suppose that the Newrons among estial mechanical sense could have been made with |)” people laid out stones to interpolate lunar Posthese marble instruments. They were splendid demon- itions to an accuracy where nutation becomes a sig-

stration devices, perhapscomparable toa Zeiss plane- nificant consideration. . tarium projector in our contemporary culture, a way By the same token, have never been convinced to capture the cosmos. Cosmology, yes, but stepping by any of the claims for alignments related to the

stones to the origins of modern science, no. minor lunar standstill, whether they are in Britain, By the same sort of argument, I would likewise Brittany, or on Fajada Butte. Perhaps | am making say that the Chinese, for all their long series of 4" impossible request in demanding some ethnoominal observations, and despite their occasional 8Taphic or anthropological context. And the other specifically quantitative measurements, were not side of the coin is that, since I cannot rule out the demonstratively on the road to modern science. possibility that the alignments were deliberately set Accurate calendars, yes, but there is no evidence OF the lunar minor standstill, | might be wholly that they were prepared on their own to abandon mistaken in my prejudice. A case in point could

their holistic view of nature for the reductionist, involve the Great North Road north of Pueblo mathematical approach of post-Renaissance West- _ Bonito and reported in Chapter 29 of this volume. ern science. But Nathan Sivin, who has stressed | Within this Chaco Canyon area stands the magnifithis viewpoint, has also urged me to consider how cent Fajada Butte, and on it are found a remarkable

little evidence exists that the West in pre-Galilean series of petroglyphs. No small number of these Europe was about to take on the awesome mental —_—s markings are oriented so that the noon-day sunlight

reorientation leading to Western science and the __ creates a distinctive play of light and shadow across strong cleavage between the scientific and religious | them. Were these deliberate time-keeping markers?

ways of looking at nature. From what little we know about the ancient peoples in this area, or what we can deduce from the customs

4.5 Precautions and scepticisms of the more recent inhabitants, it would seem a prion These arguments do not deny the possibility of pre-_ —s unlikely that the makers of the petroglyphs would

cision observations in prehistoric or ancient cul- wish to establish noon so precisely. On the other 42

Role of archaeoastronomy in the history of astronomy

hand, if the Great North Road really did run accu- In any event, the role of archaeoastronomy in rately straight and due north out of that site, it would — the history of science is clear: archaeoastronomy offer striking evidence that the north-south cardinal _ gives us still another tool for probing the past, with direction had some as-yet-unexplained significance the unusual primary use of monuments and artifacts

in that culture. Thus, even in the absence of ethno- rather than the texts familiar to historians. But in graphic data, mute archaeological evidence could another sense archaecoastronomy transcends the make it reasonable to suppose that noon markers _history of science, because it studies not only the (de facto, south markers) had relevance to the Ana- __ roots of science but also how pcople have coped sazi peoples, even though it might have seemed pre- __ with the natural world in ways that do not necessar-

viously implausible. At first I found the new __ ily lead to science. To the extent that archaeoastroevidence presented by Sofaer et a/. tantalizing and —nomy also studies the non-origin of science, it is highly suggestive but, after | had the opportunity —_ not so much history of science as part of something

to examine aerial views of the meandering road, _ far broader, the history of culture itself. It studies

I lapsed into my earlier scepticism. what are literally the roots of civilization (to borrow Alexander Marshack’s evocative title). Nathan Sivin,

4.6 Where is the place of archaeoastronomy’ in responding to my conclusion, has remarked that It was with some trepidaiion that I accepted the task | archaeoastronomers might consider their field a of making some remarks on the role of archaeoas- _ subset of an as-yet-uninvented discipline that could tronomy in the history of science in pre-Galilean _ be called uranology or ‘sky studies’, a field as interEurope. My own arena has been modern astronomy __ ested in literature and ritual as in eclipse prediction.

and its historical precedents in that uniquely West- Archaeoastronomy is by its nature interdisciplinern phenomenon we call the scientific revolution. ary, and archaeoastronomers armed with a vision As a historian of astronomy, I am more interested — of the broad canvas of intellectual history should in helping to explain the reasons for scientific not hesitate to appropriate tools where they can find change than the change itself. The more cultural — them, whether in linquistics or mathematics, laser units we can examine, the more grist for the mill, theodolites or radioactive dating, astronomy or because the differences and even the lack of change —_ archaeology. And, in the process, we might just gain may help clarify why changes happened in far dif- _—_— insights into that difficult question: Is modern

ferent contexts. Western science inevitable?

Notes References

1 For fuller details see Cohen (1967). Aaboe, A. (1980). Observation and theory in Babylonian

2 1 have explored this metaphor in greater depth in astronomy. Centaurus 24, 14-35.

Gingerich (1983). Bronowski, J. (1978). The Origins of Knowledge and Imagi-

3 Thus it has been argued that the combination of the nation, p. 6. New Haven: Yale University Press. Judeo—Christian tradition and Greek philosophy pro- Cohen, I. B. (1967). Newton’s second law and the concept vided a particularly felicitous if not indispensible set- of force in the Principia. The Texas Quarterly 10 (3),

ting for modern science; perhaps the strongest case 127-57. is made by Hooykaas (1972) in his Religion and the Gingerich, O. (1978). Circumventing Newton: a study

Rise of Modern Science. in scientific creativity. American Journal of Physics 46, 4 See the thought-provoking discussion by Nathan Sivin 202-6. on whether the Chinese had a scientific revolution Gingerich, O. (1981). Ptolemy revisited: a reply to R.

(Sivin, 1984). R. Newton. Quarterly Journal of the Royal Astronomical

5 An anachronistic attack on Ptolemy was launched by Society, 22, 40-4. Robert R. Newton and embellished in his The Crime Gingerich, O. (1983). Let there be light: modern cosof Claudius Ptolemy (Newton, 1977); for what we con- mogony and biblical creation. In Js God a Creationist?, sider to be better balanced views, see Gingerich (1981) ed. R. M. Frye, pp. 119-37. New York: Scribners.

and Wilson (1984). Hooykaas, R. (1972). Religion and the Rise of Modern

43

OWEN GINGERICH

Science. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press. Sivin, N. (1984). Why the Scientific Revolution did not Jeffers, R. (1963). The great wound. In The Beginning take place in China — or didn’t it? In Transformation and the End and Other Poems, p.11. New York: Random and Tradition in the Sciences, ed. EL. Mendelsohn,

House. pp. 531-54. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Kelley, D. H. (1978). Astronomical identities of Meso- Toulmin, S. (1961). Foresight and Understanding: An american gods. Archacoastronomy, Supplement to Jour- Enquiry into the Aims of Science. New York: Harper nal for the History of Astronomy. Suppl. to vol. 11, no. and Row.

2, pp. S1-S54. Turton, D. and Ruggles, C. (1978). Agreeing to disagree:

Leach, E. R. (1950). Primitive calendars. Oceania 20, the measurement of duration in a southwestern

245-62. Ethiopian community. Current Anthropology 19,

Leach, E. R. (1954). Primitive time-reckoning. In.4 H1s- 585-93.

tory of Technology, eds. C. Singer, E. J. Holmyard and Van Helden, A. (1974). ‘Annulo Cingitur’: the solution

A. R. Hall, vol. 1, p. 120. Oxford University Press. of the problem of Saturn. Journal for the History of Mackie, E. (1977). Science and Society in Prehistoric Bn- Astronomy 5, 155-74.

tain. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Wilson, C. (1984). The sources of Ptolemy’s parameters Newton, R. R. (1977). The Crime of Claudius Ptolemy. (essay review). Journal for the History of Astronomy 15,

Baltimore: Johns Hopkins. 37-47.

44

The king, the capital and the stars: the symbolism of authority in Aztec religion David Carrasco University of Colorado

5.1 Background my pleasure and amazement, a variegated In James Thurber’s autobiographical work My Life constellation of flecks, specks and dots. These and Hard Times, the author describes in his chapter I hastily drew. The instructor noting my activity ‘University days’ a struggle he underwent while came back from an adjoining desk, a smile on

attempting to pass his undergraduate course in ns ps and his eyebrows high n nope: me

botany. Thurber tells that he never succeeded in ie . ded, “ih hint of, vt; hic ©

passing botany because, in spite of his instructor’s cman ce, win a unt 0 asquea on . 18 VOICE.

_—insistence, . That’s what I saw,’ I said. “You didn’t, you guidance, and even emotional outbursts a. os ; ,‘never didn’t, he ascreamed, losing control e (Thurber) onceyou saw didn’t,’ a cell through mic- , ; of his temper instantly, and he bent over and roscope’.; Even though all themicroscope. other students did . , .snapped squinted into the His head see the mechanics of flower cells through the mic, , ;fixed 43 ; up.didn’t “That’s your eye!’ he shouted. ‘You've roscope, Thurber and proclaimed, ‘It takes ; ; . the lens so that it reflects! You’ve drawn your

away from the beauty anyway’ — a comment which eye. (Thurber, 1956.)

drove nis teacher into 7 uy pou hae tack, see I begin my chapter on the symbolism and the

to see a vivid restless Cloc wor or siarply ¥ ne symmetry of the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan plant cells, but Thurber didn’t, exclaiming ‘I see story from an American humorist to set out what looks like a lot of milk’. The instructor clamed , problem in the interdisciplinary attempts some of

that this was the result of not having adjusted the. are making to gain a clearer view of how the microscope properly, so the INSUTUCTOF adjusted the practice of astronomy and the sacralized character

microscope. Thurber states, “And I would look of this practice influenced the construction and again and see milk ... a nebulous milky substance experience of sacred space in Mesoamerica. It is ~4 phenomenon of maladjustment. This academic the problem of perspective, or rather perspective crisis of perspective reached a high pitch during in the plural, and how perspectives can be in contact the second year in the laboratory. The teacher —_ with one another (Eliade, 1969).' In a way, seeing claimed grimly, “We'll try it, with every adjustment _js what archaeoastronomy seems to be largely about; of the microscope known to man. As god is my __ seeing stars, seeing how the ancients saw stars, seewitness, I'll arrange this glass so that you see cells _ing alignments between human order and celestial

or I’}l give up teaching.’ patterns, and seeing to it — in the case of kings Then one day, Thurber thought he saw what = - that alignments between celestial events and the teacher so much wanted him to see. He writes, human society were created and maintained. In our With only one microscopic adjustment known to different attempts to see with a native eye, or see man did I see anything but blackness or the how the natives saw things, or, in the case of ideolofamiliar lacteal opacity, and that time I saw, to gical arguments, seeing how some natives wanted 45

DAVID CARRASCO

other natives to see things their way, we are often —_ contain a theoretical framework which enriches our in the position of either Thurber or his teacher. — understanding about the relationship of astronomy

We work hard trying to get others to see things to religious creativity? This question was recently according to the received ideas of how things ought — discussed in Lawrence Sullivan’s article ‘Astral to be done or we ‘fix the lens of our discipline’ —_—s myths rise again: interpreting religious astronomy’. so that we end up seeing our own eye, our eye and) =Summarizing two previous periods in Western

mistaking it for their visions. scholarship when the tie between astronomy and In the teacher’s case, in some teacher’s cases, religion was in vogue, Sullivan noted a single tendthe gesture of persuasion becomes the gesture of | ency which hindered the construction of a sound coercion to have younger, or North American, or _ theoretical framework for understanding the relaMexican, or European scholars see what they are —_ tionship between religious symbolism and astronsupposed to see — the mechanics of flowers or, in’ omy. This was the tendency to ‘impose upon the the case of astronomy, the mechanics of stars, of | data an assumption of mutual incompatibility mathematics, or symbolism. At the other extreme, — between religious and scientific purposes which we act like Thurber (who, by the way, lost an eye — appear to be built into the data’ (Sullivan, 1983).

when he was ten after his brother shot him with The problems caused by this assumption were an arrow while they were playing William Tell) and evident in the 1798 publication of Charles Francois only see, in fact insist on seeing, reflections of our =Dupuis’ 12-volume The Origin of All Religious Worown eye, perspective, or discipline. In this case ‘we — ship: Universal Religion. Dupuis argued that all reduce the difficult richness of the necessities before _ religious ideas and practices originated in fantastic

us’ (Geertz, 1983a,b). distortions of one process of nature, the regular A simple example in the history of archaeoastro- = movement of the stars. Sullivan writes,

nomy will illustrate part of the problem. In the fall Examining evidence of religious belief and of 1984 I had the valuable opportunity to study with practice in Chinese, Siamese, Greek, the archaeoastronomer Anthony Aveni while he was Molluccan, Persian, Philippino, Norse, working in the Mesoamerican Archive in Boulder, Madagascan, Formosan, and Japanese traditions Colorado. During our eight-week jointly taught he attributed the origin and order of all myth seminar on the history of religions and archaeo- ... to nothing more than the unnecessary veil astronomy, Aveni (who is not like Thurber’s of allegory drawn across the visible events of ... teacher) made several presentations on the history the equinox, solstices, seven planets, and 12 of scholarship about Stonehenge. He pointed out signs of the Zodiac.

the parallel between cultural fashions and the Dupuis’ point was that religion obstructed the Stonehenge fashion — how popular intellectual fads —_ acquisition of true knowledge about the stars. True

determined the way people understood Stonehenge knowledge of the heavens would be achieved for certain decades. He noted that when the fashion — through reasonable and precise astronomic data. was observatories, or computers, or eclipses, then __It is interesting to note, as an aside about cultural Stonehenge became an observatory, a computer, an fashions and astronomy, that Dupuis’ book was eclipse marker. The point was, in Aveni’s words — dedicated to the French Revolutionary Assembly (quoting Jacquetta Hawkes), ‘Each generation gets — of 1795, and that in the intervening 25 years accordthe Stonehenge it deserves’. The best illustration _ ing to Sullivan (1983) was the day Aveni brought to class that Thurberes- this last significant mythography of the que advertisement about the Stonehenge watch you Enlightenment had sold out of every edition of could purchase through the mail made up of little its three, eight, twelve and single volume formats

stones on the dial which cast shadows according and had been the center of a raging controversy.

to the time of day. Joseph Priestley, the one time Unitarian minister It led me to ask, ‘Does each generation get the and scientist, refuted it at length and, in exile

Templo Mayor it deserves, the Jerusalem it from England, discussed it vehemently with his deserves, the Benares it deserves, or the Palenque new found American friends, John Adams and it deserves?’ Further, my work with Aveni led me Thomas Jefferson. to ponder, to what extent does archaeoastronomy A second interest in astromythology appeared in 46

The king, the capital and the stars

the early 20th century among the Pan Babylonia- _guess. As the poet Ovid noted, there are many heanists whose researches in Babylonian, Assyrian, vens, the heaven of the astronomer, the heaven of Summerian and Semitic civilizations argued that the historian, the heaven of the priest, the heaven nearly all myths were literal statements about the — of the lover, and the heaven of the myth-maker. movement of heavenly bodies, especially the ‘multi- _—sIf interdisciplinary work is to take place, a recogni-

form synodical phases of the moon’ (Sullivan, tion of the abundance of the phenomena and the 1983). Again the position argued that religion had _interrelatedness of the components is necessary.

a narrow origin in human history and that it was, One of the cases which has enjoyed sustained in part, a distortion of observable nature. scholarly focus in recent years has been the Templo It appears that one of the characteristics of con- |= Mayor of Tenochtitlan. Recently there has been temporary archacoastronomy is the interest in dis- serious speculation concerning the influence of covering intersections, crossroads and conjunctions — astronomy on its spatial orientation and symbolism

between the multiple aspects of ecology, the patterns (Townsend, 1982; Broda, Carrasco and Matos of astronomy, and the complex aspects of the |= Moctezuma, 1987; Aveni, Calnek and Hartung,

religious imagination. This development in 1988).? This chapter is an attempt to enlarge our archaeoastronomy finds a conversation partner in —_ understanding of religious symbolism in Tenochthe position expressed by Ninian Smart in his work __titlan by utilizing the discipline of the history of on the future of the history of religions. Professor religions to re-think the category of alignment in Smart persuasively argues that scholars in religious _ relation to myths and ritual. Specifically I will focus studies need intellectual interchanges with scholars = on a comparison between a sacred symmetry within from other disciplines. These interchanges would — the New Fire Ceremony reported in Book VII of result in not only the usual process of ‘imports’ | Bernardino de Sahagun’s Florentine Codex (Sahaof ideas into religious studies but the much needed gun, 1975) and in Motolinia’s Historia de los Indtos process of ‘exporting’ ideas from the history of reli- = de Nueva Espana and a similar arrangement in the gions into other disciplines. Also, Professor Smart description of the equinox sunrise at Templo Mayor urges historians of religions to carry out more _ reported in Motolinia (1569). With respect to these theoretical work which relates what we call religion __ texts I wish to suggest that the ceremonial order to other areas of human experience (Smart, 1985). of Aztec life, what has recently been called ‘The

This attempt at an understanding of how things Aztec Arrangement’, was a vigorous interplay interrelate and how disciplines need to relateseems _—_ between a locative view of the world, in which all

crucial in Mesoamerican studies, especially in the things are sacred if they are in their place, and an light of Kent Flannery’s claim that ‘Mesoamerican — apocalyptic view of the world, in which the sacred archaeology has absolutely no coherent and consis- _ dissolves when things have no place or are out of tent theoretical framework by means of which ritual __ place. Further, I want to suggest that the Aztecs or religious data can be analyzed and interpreted’ _ believed that their power and authority depended (Flannery, 1976). But Flannery, along with ahand- __iupon their capacity to integrate certain major ele-

ful of specialists, has constructed the outlines of | ments of their world including astronomy into a such a framework for the interpretation of formative |= meaningful alignment or symmetry. and classical religious patterns. This framework is

contextual in character and ‘ties religion to social 5.2 Aztec authority organization, politics and subsistence rather than Onan evening in the middle of November in 1507, leaving it on the ephemeral plane of mental activity a procession of fire priests with a captive warrior (Flannery, 1976). Still, according to Flannery, ‘arranged in order and wearing the garb of the gods’ when it comes to religion most of us are ‘guessing’, —_ processed out of the city of Tenochtitlan towards and, as Flannery states, anyone’s guesses are as __ the ceremonial center on the Hill of the Star. Dur-

good as anyone else’s. ing the days prior to this auspicious night, the popuBut the reason for having many guesses is not _ lace of the Aztec world participated together in the just because each is as good as the next, but because _ritual extinction of fires, the casting of statues and there are so many levels, angles, alignments, and _hearth stones into the water, and the clean sweeping points of view to guess about and from which to _ of houses, patios, and walkways. Book VII of The 47

DAVID CARRASCO.

Florentine Codex entitled ‘The sun, the moon, the tive. Morelli, a 19th century art historian, developed

stars, and the binding of the years’ tells us that a successful method for distinguishing original in anticipation of this fearful night women were — masterpieces from copies by focusing his eyes, not closed up in granaries to avoid their transformation — on the most obvious characteristics of a painting into fierce beasts who would eat men, pregnant in order to identify its master, but ‘on minor details, women would put on masks of magucy leaves, and __ especially those considered least significant in the children were punched and nudged awake to avoid __ style typical of the painter’s own school’ (Ginzberg, being turned into mice while asleep (Sahagun, 1983). Instead of looking at the smiles of Leonardo’s 1975). For on this one night in the calendar round —s women or the eyes of Perugino’s characters, which of 18980 nights the Aztec fire priests celebrated — were usually raised to heaven, Morelli studied the ‘when the night was divided in half, the New Fire ear lobes, the fingernails, the shapes of fingers and Ceremony which ensured the rebirth of the sun __ toes. This method, the Morelli method, used minor and the movement of the cosmos for another 52 __ details to gain a picture of the whole.

years. This rebirth was achieved symbolically This passage, which has only a few variants in through the heart sacrifice of a brave warrior speci- loth century accounts, is extraordinarily thick and fically chosen by the king. We are told that when —_ complex. It has the obvious meanings related to the procession arrived ‘in the deep night’ at the —_ astronomy, calendars, ritual theatres, human sacri-

Hill of the Star the populace climbed onto their fice, and even child rearing. But running through roofs and ‘with unwavering attention and necks __itall is a thread, actually two threads, partly hidden, craned toward the hill became filled with dread that — which not only tie the description together but prothe sun would be destroyed forever’. It was thought vide a clue to the underlying social and symbolic that if fire could not be drawn, the demons of dark- —_— purpose of the ritual. These threads are the flow ness would descend to eat men. As the ceremony — of Moctezuma’s authority through all aspects of the

proceeded, the priests watched the sky carefully for ritual, and the presence of the Templo Mayor as the movement of a star group known as Tianquiztli —_ the axis mundi of the New Fire Ceremony.

or Marketplace, the cluster we call the Pleiades. The presence of these threads is more evident As it made a meridian transit signalling that the | when we retrace just the physical actions of the movement of the heavens had not ceased, a small _—_ description. The drama begins with Moctezuma in fire was started on the outstretched chest of awar- = Tenochtitlan, even though in this account he is not

rior. The text reads, “When a little fire fell, then mentioned at the start. But, elsewhere in this speedily the priests slashed open the breast with — volume, we are told that, months before the New a flint knife, seized the heart, and thrust it into Fire Ceremony, Moctezuma ordered a captive be

the fire. In the open chest a new fire was drawn found whose name contained the word ‘xiuitl’ and people could see it from everywhere.’ The = meaning turquoise, grass, or comet — a symbolic populace cut their ears, even the ears of children name connoting precious time. The procession of in cradles, the text tells us, ‘and spattered their blood — deity impersonators move along a prescribed pass-

in the ritual flicking of fingers in the direction of | ageway, presumably seen and heard by masses of the fire on the mountain’. Then the new fire was __ people before arriving at the Hill of the Star. In taken down the mountain, carried to the pyramid Motolinia (1569) we are told that Moctezuma ‘had temple of Huitzilopochtli in the center of the city — special devotion and reverence for the shrine’ and of Tenochtitlan, where it was placed in the fire the deity on the sacred hill. Assembled in the cereholder of the statue of the god. Then messengers, = monial center the group of priests and lords, sharing runners and fire priests who had come from every- _—a_ heightened sense of expectation and fear, seek where took the fire back to the cities where the com- — another procession — the procession of the stars monfolk, after blistering themselves with the fire, through the meridian. Once recognized, the heart

placed it in their homes, and ‘all were quieted in sacrifice is carried out, the new fire is lit amid

their hearts’ (Sahagun, 1975). universal rejoicing and bleeding, and the fire is In reflecting on this famous passage about the _ taken to the Templo Mayor, presumably with MocNew Fire Ceremony, | want to follow the lead of | tezuma on hand to see its blaze. Then, in what I Giovanni Morelli and use an ‘a-centric’ perspec- _ see as the most meaningful social and symbolic ges48

The king, the capital and the stars

ture, messengers, priests and runners who have (3) the structure and dynamics of this society can ‘come from all directions’ to Templo Mayor take be discerned in the movement and patterned juxtathe fire back to the towns and cities of the periphery. _ position of the heavenly bodies; (4) human society In Motolinia (1569) we are told that the fire was — should be a microcosm of the divine society; and

taken back to the temples only ‘after asking per- = (5) the chief responsibility of priests and kings is mission from the great chief of Mexico’ (Broda, to attune human order to the divine order. In the

1970). New Fire Ceremony — at least in 1507 in Tenochtit-

By focusing our eyes on the minor details of Moc- — lan — Moctezuma the Second is carrying out his tezuma’s role and the Templo Mayor as the shrine chief responsibility by attuning human order to the to which the New Fire is taken in order to be dis- _ divine order through the discernment of an astropersed to the populace, I see a skillful symmetry —_ nomical event. reflecting the Aztec commitment to the interconnec- Perhaps the single best illustration of the locative tion of their world. By symmetry I mean the orderly | emphasis of Aztec religion appears in the detailed arrangement of symbolic components around an description of the human body chosen to impersonaxis. This symmetry consists of five elements: (1) ate the king’s patron deity Tezcatlipoca, Lord of the cosmic mountain (in this text there are two, the =the Smoking Mirror. Tezcatlipoca, known alterHill of the Star and the Templo Mayor); (2) astro- nately as ‘He Who Created and Brought Down All nomical events; (3) human sacrifice; (4) agricultural | Things’ and “The Enemy from Both Sides’ was renewal; and (5) sacred kingship. I see the center one of the supreme manifestations of the Aztec High of this symmetry to be interplay between the king’s | God. As the patron of Aztec kings, he created, flow of authority and the axis of Aztec society, the inspired, guided and, according to the text, could Templo Mayor. This interplay constitutes what the — turn and kill one of them if they governed badly. University of Chicago scholar of social thought Ed = Most Aztec gods had human impersonators, usually Shils calls a ‘center’ by which he means ‘the point captive warriors or slaves who were ritually cosor points in a society where its leading ideas come _ tumed and processed through the streets, plazas and together with its leading institutions to create an _ temples during the festivals of the Aztec calendar. arena in which events that most vitally affect its | These living, moving cult images symbolized numi-

members’ lives take place’ (Geertz, 1983a).3 What nous impersonal forces, and according to the is taking place in the New Fire Ceremony is the __ figures in the pictorial screenfolds some were so integration of the leading idea— Moctezuma’s auth- _ lavishly dressed that their human forms were often ority, with the leading institutions, symbolized by —_ obscured to the point of being invisible. Consider the Templo Mayor, and with the cosmic renewal __ this description of the physical microcosm hidden

integrated by an astronomical event. beneath Tezcatlipoca’s costume during the festival This symmetry is an example of what Jonathan of Toxcatl (Sahagun, 1975): Z. Smith, in his book Map 1s not Territory: Studies Indeed he who was thus chosen was of fair in the History of Religions, calls a locative view of countenance, of good understanding, quick, of the world consisting of ‘a map of the world that clean body, slender, reed-like, long and thin, guarantees meaning and value through structures like a stout cane, like a stone column all over, of conjunction and conformity’ (Smith, 1978). This not of overfed body, not corpulent, nor very locative view, which has been discerned in the tradi- small, nor exceedingly tall. tional societies of Mesopotamia and Egypt, in which Indeed it became his defect if someone were everything has value and even sacrality when it ts exceedingly tall. The women said to him “Tall in its place, is an imperial view of the world designed fellow; tree-shaker; star-gatherer.’ to ensure social and symbolic control on the part He who was chosen as impersonator was of the king and the capital. It is informed by a cos- without defects. He was like something mological conviction consisting of five facets which smoothed, like a tomato, like a pebble, as if dominated human society for over 2000 years in sculptured in wood, he was not curly haired, the Near Eastern world including (1) there is a cos- curly headed; his hair was indeed straight, his mic order that permeates every level of reality; (2) hair was long. He was not rough of forehead; this cosmic order is the divine society of the gods; he had not pimples on his forehead; he did not 49

DAVID CARRASCO

have a forehead like a tomato; he did not have things placed on him, for verily he took him to be a baglike forehead. He was not long-headed; the his beloved god’ (Sahagun, 1975). In this festival, back of his head was not pointed; his head was the king adorns the image of perfect order in order not like a carrying net; his head was not bumpy, to renew his own legitimate authority. he was not broad-headed; he was not

rectangular-headed; he was not bald; he was not 5.3 A context for archaeoastronomy of swollen eyelids; ... he was not swollen In my own embryonic study of archaeoastronomy cheeked; he was not of injured eyes; ... he was and in particular with Johanna Broda, Edward Calnot cloven-chinned; he was not of downcast nek and Anthony Aveni, I discovered that an extreface; he was not flat-nosed, not crooked nosed, mely valuable framework for the understanding of but his nose was averagely placed, he was how astronomy, kingship, ecology, religion and city straight nosed. He was not thick lipped, he was interrelate was provided by the urban ecologist Paul not big lipped, he was not bowl lipped; he was Wheatley (1971) in his swollen seed of comparative not a Stutterer, not ring-tongued, he did not urban studies 7he Prvot of the Four Quarters: A Prespeak a barbarous language, he did not lisp, ... liminary Enquiry Into the Nature and Character of the

He was not buck-toothed, he was not fang- Ancient Chinese City. Here, and in other works, toothed, he was not yellow toothed, he was not Wheatley has shown how religious symbolism ugly toothed, he was not rotten toothed, his teeth played a major role in the spatial organization and were like sea shells; they lay well, they lay in the integration of ecological complexes of cities in order, he was not bowl toothed, ... he was not the seven areas of primary urban generation includ-

little eyed, he was not tiny eyed, he was not ing northern China, Mesopotamia, Egypt, southyellow eyed, he was not hollow eyed, not sunken western Nigeria, the Indus Valley, Mesoamerica,

eyed, he was not cup-eyed, he was not round and the highlands of Peru. Two sentences from eyed, he was not tomato eyed, he was not of Wheatley’s work indicate how a mode of thinking pierced eye, he was not of perforated eye ... nor called ‘cosmo-magical thought’ was utilized by was he large eared, nor long eared, ... he was kings and priests to organize the ecological comnot long-handed, he was not fat fingered ... he plexes of these cultures. Wheatley (1971) notes, was not fat, he was not big bellied, he was not Underpinning urban form not only in traditional

of protruding navel, he was not of hatchet China but also throughout most of the rest of shaped navel, he was not of wrinkled stomach, Asia, and with somewhat modified aspect in the he was not of hatchet shaped buttocks, he was New World, was a complex of ideas to which not of flabby buttocks, he was not of flabby Rene Berthelot has given the name astro-biology

thighs. ... [his mode of thought presupposes an

For him who was thus, who had no flaw, who intimate parallelism between the mathematically had no bodily defects, who had no blemish, who expressible regimes of the heavens, and the had no mark, who had on him no wart, no such biologically determined rhythms of life on earth, small tumor, there was taken the greatest care (as manifested conjointly in the succession of the that he be taught to blow the flute, that he be seasons and the annual cycles of plant able to play his whistle, and that at the same time regeneration) ....

he hold all his flowers and his smoking tube. This passage is one of the inspirations for the At the same time he would go playing the flute, research carried out in the Mesoamerican Archive he would go sucking the smoking tube, he would and Research Project because it asks us to consider

go smelling the flowers. two problems. First, it leads us to ask ‘what kinds This paragon of physical human order lived in — of parallelisms existed between myth, ecology, honor, luxury and ritual esteem for one year prior astronomy, social order, and architecture in specific to his sacrifice during the festival of Toxcatl. At locations in Mesoamerica?’ Second, it notes that the appropriate time during his tenure of office the —_in the New World (that is Mesoamerica and Peru),

king Moctezuma came forward and ‘repeatedly the pattern of interaction between earth, society and adorned him, he gave him gifts, he arrayed him, _ the heavens was distinct and slightly different than he arrayed him with great pomp. He had all costly = in the Old World. We are led to ask, in the present 50

The king, the capital and the stars

contexi, ‘what is the distinctiveness of Mesoameri- fear that the cosmic order was periodically filled can archaeoastronomy, of New World parallelisms = with so much tension, threat and instability that embedded in myth, ethnographic data, andinarchi- __ it could not be rejuvenated. Other evidence in the

tecture?’ ethnographic record suggests this as well. Besides

By combining the framework of Wheatley with — the repeated reference to the fear of the populace the research of archaeoastronomy, I discovered a _and their anxiety concerning cosmic renewal in the number of new ideas which enlarged my perspective | New Fire Ceremony, we read in Book II of Sahagun

on Mesoamerican religions. The first had to do — (1975) that each day when the sun rose there ‘was with the impact which astronomical events on the — uncertainty about his movement’, and the people horizon had on the ceremonial order of Tenochtit- —_— felt danger. Comets were omens announcing the lan. Celestial archetypes and the Aztec sky manifest death of rulers, the onset of war or famine. The their order largely through horizontality — or hori- —_ recent research of Ulrich Kohler (see Chapter 22, zon astronomy. While the Aztec conception of the this volume) on comets and falling stars in the persky includes the apprehension of the sky as ‘up — ception of Mesoamerican Indians reveals that the there’, ‘on high’ and ‘everywhere’, in fact it is the — prognostic significance of many astronomical events celestial events on or near the horizon which play — was decisively negative. Whether falling stars and the fundamental roles in the spatial organization meteors were considered as cigar butts of certain of capitals and the complex cycles of ritual activity. | gods, or star excrement, or as projectiles sent by I find this point to alter in an important way one ___ stars, they are usually associated with a coming disof the fundamental impressions in the discipline aster. Also the omens associated with the Conquest of the history of religions concerning the signifi- _ indicate the apocalyptic element in Aztec astronomy. cance of the sky. From reviewing, for instance, the — Likewise, comets were associated with the great marvelous chapter on the sacredness of the sky in _ famine of 1545, and even the beginning of the MexiMircea Eliade’s Patterns in Comparative Religions can Revolution of 1910. In my view, the most pro(Eliade, 1963), and from an initial study of 24 arti- | found example of the instability factor relating myth cles published in the History of Religions Journal since _ to astronomy, and horizon astronomy at that, is the 1961 on the organization of sacred space incompar- —_— account of the Creation of the Fifth Sun.

ative religions, one gets the impression that (1) We remember that, following the collapse of the astronomy had almost no significant role inthe con- _ fourth cosmic era, the gods gathered in the primor-

struction of celestial archetypes and ceremonial _ dial darkness in Teotihuacan to discover ‘who cities, and (2) when it does, it is through the — would take it upon himself to be the sun, to bring influence of a static vertical sky. Almost everywhere the dawn’. Following a 52-year period of darkness,

we have the dominant view that mountains are Nanahuatzin, the Pimply Faced One, musters his sacred because they are up high and therefore are courage and throws himself into the sacred fire. the meeting of earth and sky. But in Mesoamerica _ And then the text reads,

hills, mountains and temple pyramids also are Then the gods sat waiting to see where sacred because they have been aligned with the Nanahuatzin would come to rise, he who fell appearances of stars along the horizon. They are first into the fire, in order that he might shine observation points of horizon celestial events. | call as the sun in order that dawn might break. When

these events horizon archetypes because they the gods had sat and had been waiting for a long become paradigmatic for the ritual orientation of time, thereupon began the reddening of the buildings, highways, calendars, even entire cities, dawn in all directions, all around, the dawn and as well as the ritual activity of thousands of people. light extended. Thereupon the gods fell upon The second idea which emerges from placing their knees in order to await where he who had archaeoastronomy in contact with urban ecology become the sun would come to rise. In all runs counter to the impression that a locative view directions they looked. Everywhere they peered of the world dominated Aztec religion. My reading and kept turning about. Uncertain were those of the New Fire Ceremony suggests that a sixth whom they asked. Some thought that it would

facet informed the cosmological conviction of rise in the north. Some thought that it would Mesoamerica. The sixth facet was the apocalyptic rise in the south. Some thought that it would 51

DAVID CARRASCO

rise in the west. They expected that he might ing of the temple revealed (Aveni, Calnek and Har-

rise in all directions because the light was tung, 1988)

everywhere. a remarkable similarity of alignment in the seven Quetzalcoatl oriented himself to the eastern horizon rebuildings pervading all the structural stages and the sun appeared. Then, following this ponder- that make up the Templo Mayor. Scarcely a full ous wait, the striking passage (Sahagun, 1975): angular degree of extreme separation in azimuth

‘When the sun came to rise, he looked very red. could be found ... At first the results appeared He appeared to wobble from side to side.’ This to contradict Motolinia’s historical statement is part of the cosmic condition facing mankind in about the use of the building to register the sun the Aztec world. The primordial sun is swaying and equinox. But upon further reflection, we from side to side, unable to achieve stability, or realized that if the sun had been observed from find its place, or initiate a creative movement. Even ground-level over an elevated horizon one at the mythic level, the level at which cosmological should anticipate an alignment to the south of order was achieved, the sun has a profound difh- east because as the sun rises it also drifts slightly

culty finding its place and orienting the world. southwards, that is to the right as the observer Perhaps the quest for a locative, even imperial, faces east upon ascending into the sky ... In fact, cosmology is succinctly stated in the important pas- using the supposed location of the Temple of sage from Motolinia (1569) about the equinox sun- Quetzalcoatl as a hypothetical observing point rise at Templo Mayor. My reading of the passage along with estimates of the dimension of the suggests another example of the fivefold symmetry temple from a number of sources, we discovered

discerned in the New Fire Ceremony. that the equinox sun observation could be We are told that the fiesta of Tlacaxipeualizth, fulfilled by Motolinia’s statement on/y if the the Feast of the Flaying of Men, at which men were Templo Mayor were skewed about seven degrees

flayed (first the boys, and then the great men) and south of east.’ their flesh was eaten, took place ‘when the sun was ___ This indicates a self-conscious attempt by Mocte-

in the middle of Uchilobos, which was at the equi- zuma and other Tlatoanis to align the Templo nox, and because it was a little wrong, Moctezuma Mayor with the equinox sunrise.

wished to pull it down and set it straight’ (Aveni, Another component in this search for the symCalnek and Hartung, 1988). The inference here — metry of Aztec religion has been illuminated by the is that Moctezuma was looking east toward the detailed work of Johanna Broda on the ethnohistorTemplo Mayor as the equinox sun rose over Huitzi- —_ical record concerning the Festival of the Flaying lopochtli’s temple. From this perspective, a king’s of Men (Broda, 1970). Her work shows that the eye view, a symmetry is sought between the horizon _ greatest number of victims and the most important equinox sun, the orientation of Templo Mayor, the _ prisoners of war were slain at the Festival of Xipe,

sacrificial festival, and the king’s own authority. also that the festival was both an agricultural There are three aspects of this rare passage which — renewal ceremony and an initiation of warriors I want to highlight: (1) the actual astronomical § demonstrating the connection between agriculture, alignment of the Templo Mayor, (2) the role of | warfare and astronomy. And, as before, the core the king in the Festival of the Flaying of Men, and __ of the event consists of the relationship of Mocte(3) the fact that Moctezuma wanted totearthe tem- = zuma to his temple. The hierarchical element is

ple down and realign it. suggested when we read elsewhere in Motolinia that When the excavation of the Templo Mayor unco- __ on the third day of the festival the ceremony of

vered seven rebuildings of the basic structure of ‘the Bringing Out of the Skins’ took place at the the temple over a hundred-year period, Anthony __ great palace where the nobles of the major cities Aveni and Sharon Gibbs measured with a sur- danced. For this festival ‘a prestigious personage, veyor’s transit and astronomical fix the alignments _a lord’ from an enemy city was flayed ‘so that his of the rebuildings. Their first measurement found skin might be worn by Moctezuma, the great Lord the alignment of the building deviating seven of Mexico, who danced with great gravity’ (Broda, degrees and six minutes to the south of atrue east- =: 1970). In this case, it is Moctezuma who has become west line. Subsequent measurements ofthe rebuild- _—_a deity impersonator. The hierarchical emphasis of 52

The king, the capital and the stars

the ritual is repeated when we see that ‘many people __yards from a carriage’ (Geertz, 1983a), Moctezuma

went to see’ the king dancing — “a most marvellous is not a king if the temple is out of line. So, in thing’ because, in other towns, it was not the lords —_an act of immense responsibility, Moctezuma orders but other leading men who put on skins of the flayed —_ the temple re-oriented between the equinox sun and

victims. And all this, the numbers, the prized war- _ his own perspective.

riors, the king dancing with skins of sacrificed vic- In this tentative interpretation of a sacred symums impersonating Totes, cnactct e eyes of foreign “ie rulers andwas nobles whobefore were metry in the New Fire Ceremony and the orientation

forced to watch from clandestine and_ public “ Femplo Mayor I nave explore’ ° “hhci “BY er locations. The text reads, ‘and also from cities me construction ° an approac [0 re 1BIOn an hich were his enemies, from beyond the moun- astronomy that will enable us 0 discover “onyanes tains. those with which they were at war, Moctezuma Ons, comes ondences and entity involvements, My secretly summoned, secretly admitted as his guests’ BuESS at this stage is that the Aztec dynasty believed (Broda, 1970). But the most vivid example of imper- that their power and authority depended on their ial authority and kingly worry appears in the state- ©4Pacity to integrate major elements of their world ment that there was a misalignment, like Thurber’s 12" 4 cohesive symmetry, and that astronomy was microscope, between the king’s vision and the tem- the most efficient cosmo-magical system enabling ple’s orientation. As in the myth of creation, align- them to establish this alignment.

ment is difficult to achieve; and, if it can’t be Perhaps, like Thurber, | am seeing more of my achieved, the king’s authority comes into question own eye than their symmetry, but I’m working, and the cosmos is in danger. As inthe case of Euro- _—_ along with an interdisciplinary group of scholars, pean royalty where ‘a woman is not a duchess 100 _at adjusting the lens.

Notes the efforts of scholars seem to be orienting them1 My own concern with interdisciplinary work stems vcspond invsome dew. nese oan ilosophiea from the creative hermeneutics of Mircea Eliade whose temperaments. And it would be naive to suppose that

quest for a ‘new humanism’ involves an intellectual the tension between those who try to understand orientation designed to transcend cultural and disci- the essence and the structures and those whose only plinary provincialism. Consider this statement by concern is the Aistory of religious phenomena will

Eliade that it is one day be completely done away with. But such useful to repeat that Homo religiosus represents the a tension is creative. It is by virtue of it that the ‘total man’; hence, the science of religions must science of religions will escape dogmatism and stag-

become a total discipline in the sense that it must nation. use, integrate, and articulate the results obtained by Among many important statements about new directhe various methods of approaching a religious phe- tions in the history of religions, see especially the essays nomenon. It is not enough to grasp the meaning of Eliade (1985) and Smart (1985). Also consider the of a religious phenomenon in a certain culture and, final essay in Smith (1978) for a different view of proconsequently, to decipher its ‘message’ (for every spects in the history of religions; also see Penner and religious phenomenon constitutes a ‘cipher’); it is Yonan (1972). Finally, for a recent examp le of interdis-

also necessary to study and understand its ‘history’, cipinary rontact on the Seater il 83) Eliade's that is, to unravel its changes and modifications and, 9 My ee work on Templo Mayor has benef; ted by the

ultimately, to elucidate its contribution to the entire scholarly activity of Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, culture. In past few years a number of scholars have Edward Calnek, Johanna Broda and Anthony Aveni,

felt the need to transcend the alternative religious whose writing and research have transformed our phenomenology or history of religions and to reach a understanding of the axis mundi of Tenochtitlan. See broader perspective in which these two intellectual especially Broda’s ‘The Templo Mayor as ritual space’ operations can be applied together. It is toward the in Broda, Carrasco and Matos Moctezuma (1987). Also integral conception of the science of religions that see ‘Myth, environment, and orientation of the Templo 53

DAVID CARRASCO

Mayor of Tenochtitlan’ by A. Aveni, E. Calnek and lics of power. In Local Knowledge: Further Essays in H. Hartung (1988) (and see page 493 of this volume Interpretrve Anthropology. New York: Basic Books, Inc.

for abstract), etc. Ginzberg, C. (1983). Morelli, Freud and Sherlock 3 This quote is actually Clifford Geertz’s gloss on Shils’ Holmes: clues and the scientific method. In The Sign

work in Geertz (1983b, p. 122). of Three, Dupin, Holmes, Pterce. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

References Motolinia, Fray Toribio de Benavente o (1569). Historia Aveni, A. F., Calnek, E. and Hartung, H. (1988). On de los Indios de la Nueva Espana. Mexico: Editorial the orientation of the ‘Templo Mayor of ‘Tenochtitlan. Porrua (published in 1973). American Antiquity 53, 287-309; abstract in the present Penner, H. H. and Yonan, E. A. (1972). Is a science

volume, p. 493. of religion possible’? Journal of Religion 52, (2), 107-33.

Broda, J. (1970). Tlacaxipehualiztli: a reconstruction of | Sahagun, B. de (1975). The Florentine Codex. Santa Fe, an Aztec calendar festival from 16th century sources. New Mexico: The School of American Research and In Revista Espanola de Anthropologia Americana, vol. 5, the University of Utah, Monographs of ‘The School

pp. 197-274. Madrid. of American Research.

Broda, J., Carrasco, D. and Matos Moctezuma, E. (1987). Smart, N. (1985). The history of religions and its converThe Great Temple of Tenochtitlan, Center and Periphery sation partners. In The History of Religions: Retrospect in the Aztec World. University of California Press. and Prospect, ed. J. M. Kitagawa, pp. 73-87. New York:

Carrasco, D. and Swanberg, J. M. (1985). Waiting for Macmillan Publishing Co. the Dawn: Mircea Eliade in Perspective. Boulder: West- Smith, J. Z. (1978). Map is not Territory: Studtes in the

view Press. History of Religions. Leiden: Brill.

Eliade, M. (1963). Patterns in Comparattve Religtons. Cle- Sullivan, L. E. (1983). Astral myths rise again: interpret-

veland: World Publishing. ing religious astronomy. Criterton 22, (1), 12-17. Eliade, M. (1969). The Quest, pp. 1-13. University of | ‘Thurber, J. (1956). My Life and Hard Times, quoted in

Chicago Press. The Art of Interpretive Speech, eds. C. H. Woolbert and

Eliade, M. (1985). Homo Faber and Homo Religiosus. S. E. Nelson. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts In The History of Religions: Retrospect and Prospect, ed. Inc. J. M. Kitagawa. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co. Townsend, R. I. (1982). Pyramid and sacred mountain. Flannery, K. (1976). The Early Mesoamerican Village. New In Ethnoastronomy and Archaeoastronomy in the American

York: Academic Press. Tropics, eds. A. Aveni and G. Urton, Annals of the New

Geertz, C. (1983a). Blurred genres: the refiguration of York Academy of Scaence, vol. 385. NY Academy of Scisocial thought. In Local Knowledge: Further Essays in ence. Interprettve Anthropology. New York: Basic Books, Inc. Wheatley, P. (1971). Prvot of the Four Quarters. Chicago: Geertz, C. (1983b). Centers, kings, and charisma: symbo- Aldine Press.

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6

Chinese archaeoastronomy: between two worlds N. Sivin University of Pennsylvania

Well over a decade ago I attended a conference — on which we build. What we know about Mesopota-

on archaeoastronomy at MIT. The participants §mian, Egyptian and European star-knowledge has spoke of ancient astronomy in the ‘Old World’, by —_— accreted over centuries of scholarship. Astronomiwhich they evidently meant Europe and the Middle __cal surveying of remains and interpretation of arti-

East, and the ‘New World’, which included the _ facts began in the Old World.

southwestern USA, Mexico and parts of Central Sir Norman Lockyer, writing at the beginning America. The larger part of the Eurasianland mass, — of this century on the alignments of Stonehenge, including India and China, was never mentioned, acknowledged that it had been studied as an astroleaving it presumably on another planet. In 1977, | nomical observatory as early as 1771 (Lockyer, when I was part of an American delegation assessing 1906, pp. 52-3). Willy Hartner’s remarkable investhe state of astronomy in the People’s Republic of tigations of constellation images on early Middle China, I spent several days in the company of Xia —_—_ Eastern clay seals and Old Norse drinking horns Nai. It was Xia who had kept archaeology going — showed how erudition and analytical power can be during the Cultural Revolution, had for the first | combined in the study of artifacts (Hartner, 1965, time engaged historians of astronomy systematically | 1969, 1973). Work of this kind was stoutly ignored in the study of sites and artifacts, and had published until a decade or so ago by most scholars of early some of the most important papers on early astron- = astronomy, for whom records, above all records omy of the 1970s. He had been approached for per-_ —s containing numbers, defined the significant probmission to survey Chinese tombs. Xia was curious lems. The large picture of archaic astronomy in about these novel proposals, but perplexed. ‘What,’ the Old World remains based almost entirely on

he asked me, ‘is archaeoastronomy?’ books.

That mutual inattention is a thing of the past. In the New World, on the other hand, what spans In 1981 Xi Zezong, the dean of Chinese historians __ the great diversity of dead or dying cultures is the of science, concluded a survey of research in that —_ astronomy of site alignments and symbolic images. country by remarking that archaeoastronomy is an We have some written records of the most evolved empty slate ‘that can be filled only by organized _ peoples, but their significance is largely contentious, effort’. I mention the formerly unworldly status of | and the scope of the practices they record is uncerChina in archaeoastronomy because it points to a _ tain. Some specialists who work with uncompromis-

central problem in how we go about our work. ingly rigorous quantitative methodologies have not yet admitted that there is anything on the Western

6.1 China between two worlds side of the Atlantic worth including in the history The outworn distinction between Old World and _ of astronomy.! New World astronomy did reflect a real difference The result of these differences in sources was

in the character of our knowledge and the sources a great difference in investigatorial style. The 55

N. SIVIN

breakthroughs with respect to the Western hemis- —_—astronomy who has followed publications on China phere depended largely on prospecting, on serendi- —_in the 35 years since Needham’s book appeared.” pity, on (to use an anthropologist’s cliché) bricolage. —_ Rarer still, to the sorrow of us all, is the historian

In the Old World that was also true of occasional — of astronomy willing to master classical Chinese, bold new departures, for instance Lockyer’s gener- __ or the sinologist ready to learn the esoteric rudialization from Stonehenge to a flock of megalithic |= ments of computational astronomy and error analy-

circles that revealed how common astronomical _ sis, in order to go hunting in the sources without orientations were within their narrow band of lati- —_— being forced to shoot in the dark.

tudes (Lockyer, 1906). But there was a great deal There we have ancient Chinese astronomy: a less leeway in studying the old civilizations for | most inconveniently large part of the world picture, hunches that might or might not pan out. Ifspecula- —_ almost impossible to place in it.

tions were not backed by considerable expertise,

both cultural and technical, chances are that their 6.2 China in world astronomy weaknesses would be revealed very quickly. Inno- —_ But placing China in the world picture is hardly cent astronomers hoping to make a neat little repu- — optional. Seen from the broadest perspective of tation on the side found themselves mauled by — world ethnoastronomy, what makes Chinese astronhistorical facts; archaeologists and philologists with |= omy inconvenient is precisely what makes it valuidées fixes about mythology sooner or later had to —_ able. Its continuity is unbroken, from the crude

face the numbers. knowledge reflected in the oracle records of 1450

With these differences in mind, some students _ BC to the 20th century. Another salient characterisof early astronomy remember with nostalgia a time _ tic of Chinese astronomy is its elaborate technical when China was not complicating the picture. Its resources. That point is so well known that I need

astronomical culture is undeniably inconvenient. not spin it out. Many of the old bromides about Westerners have been told incessantly for nearly | Chinese reluctance to approach astronomy theoreti400 years that the Chinese were extremely sophisti- _cally and inability to apply spatial reasoning have cated observational and mathematical astronomers. __ been retired by the last generation’s scholarship. We have been assured, at least until recently, that Despite a continual passage of scientific ideas and the Chinese were systematically recording the pre- —_ techniques back and forth since the Neolithic, Chicise times of solar eclipses since the beginning of — nese astronomy evolved with little influence from the second millennium Bc. But that does not leave — the Old World. The crude observational records us badly off. Historians today, more skeptical about of the mid-second millennium BC, and the rudidatings, would make this claim only for the past | mentary ephemerides of the late first millennium, couple of thousand years, with occasional useful do not leave much of a formative role for Mesopotarecords as early as c 1450 Bc. No matter whether _—mian influence. We see an evolution practically we are concerned with supernovas, long-term varia- without gaps from these simple beginnings to the

tions in the period of Halley’s comet, time series zenith of sophistication in the 13th century ap. of visible sunspots, auroras, or earthquakes, we have _—_— Indian astronomers held important technical posts

learned to turn first to East Asian records, usually in China from the eighth century on; Muslims from detailed and always meticulously dated. We hear the 13th century on; Europeans from shortly after that work on the history of astronomy is proceeding 1600. All left writings in Chinese that we can read on a practically industrial scale in China and Japan. today. What strikes us is, once their computational How does one come to grips with such a massive __ tasks were done, how little they displaced the main slice of the pie of the universal history of mankind, —_astronomical tradition.

bursting with indecipherable plums of information In addition to being elaborate, continuous and under an impenetrable crust of exoticism? Most independent, Chinese astronomy is verbose. If we archaeo—astrophiles have made an honest stab at are tempted to assume that the lunar conjunction volume 3 of Science and Civilisation in China, and the first day of the lunar month coincided since applauded the questions it raised and the depths time immemorial, a glance at the registers of astroit hinted at but did not reveal, and threw up their _ logical portents shows us that Hipparchus’ Chinese hands.* Rare is the student of Old or New World = contemporaries (mid-second century BC) con56

Chinese archaeoastronomy: between two worlds

sidered a conjunction on the last day of the month simpler program than that of the Al/magest. It was to be as normal as one on the first. That was no —_ also committed to much less subtle assumptions, longer true a century later. We do not have to — numerical rather than geometric, about what sorts wonder why astronomers in 100 Bc or aD 1280 __ of celestial motions could be eternal. moved off in new directions. We have detailed con- To look at another aspect, astronomy and astrotemporary prospectuses and committee reports that —_ logy were locked in an interesting tension. Astroexplain the relation between observation and com- __logy, like that of Babylonia, was judicial, concerned

putation and test the reasoning of the innovators. with unpredictable phenomena that warned of Verbosity has its advantages in astronomical tra- —_ danger to the ruling dynasty. Phenomena that were

ditions. What we know of living cultures indicates — regular and could be computed were not omens.

that their knowledge of the sky is never merely |The astronomical official looked for unforeseen empirical. Behind patterns of data lie metaphysical — events in the sky and interpreted their significance. abstractions that point to a coherent physical reality, | At the same time he tried to incorporate as many or concrete metaphors that tie sky-order to social | phenomena as possible in a correct ephemeris. The order.* But for most dead cultures we have nothing = most creative astronomers constantly strove in that

but columns of numbers, circles of stones, axes of | way to reduce the range of ominous events, to ruined buildings, or stark, cryptic images. It is easy replace the uncertainty of the sky with a set of comenough to imagine what they may have meant, but _ putational cycles that would make future stargazing very hard to be sure whether we are right or wrong. unnecessary as a bureaucratized cosmos no longer

China offers us a trove of cases in which the challenged the political status quo. abstractions are spelled out and the metaphors Divination on behalf of individuals showed the explained, explained again, and explained yet again. | same abstracting impulse. By the time fully fledged We can explore them for clues that may be pertinent — systems of divination were well described, the typi-

elsewhere. For instance, I showed some years ago cal method was based, not on computing the relathat we can dissect out of early techniques forcom- __ tions of planets at the time of conception or birth, puting eclipses, and contemporary reflections on but on counting off the year, month, day and hour them, changing assumptions about the character of of birth within purely numerical cycles of 60. Since the underlying reality. By tracing changes in these __ these cycles are constructed by pairing much older

assumptions it was possible to reconstruct a scien- cycles of ten days and 12 hours, we have reason tific revolution in a culture that is not supposed _ to suspect astral origins, although we do not yet

to have had scientific revolutions.” have clear evidence for the connection.® But even We can use all the verbose cultures we can find. __ if individual fates were originally rooted in the sky,

Rationales and astral speculations are sparse for the point is that those roots were pulled up. Mespotamia and Egypt, and we know remarkably Hellenistic horoscopes entered China in the third little about those that underlay Greek astronomy century AD and had a brief vogue there in the eighth before the time of Plato. The antiquity and conti- —_ and ninth centuries. But horoscopic astrology failed nuity of the Chinese tradition give it a special role —_ to influence the development of astronomy as it did

to play in this quest for general insights. so decisively in Europe, Islam and India (Nakayama, 1966). At the same time, we have recently

6.3 Characteristic significances in Chinese uncovered a remarkable stratum in popular religion,

astronomy and even in medical therapy, in which ancient men This is not to say that everything we find in China — of knowledge, dancing out in ritual the shapes of

will be true worldwide. The early invention there constellations, launched themselves on_ spiritof true bureaucracy affected astronomy as well as _— journeys through the stars (Schafer, 1977; D. J. philosophy. The first complete system for calculat- | Harper, n.d., unpublished PhD dissertation, ing the ephemerides, in 104 Bc, reduced this task, | University of California at Berkeley, 1982). These including prediction of eclipses and planetary are only acouple of examples of Chinese particularmotions, to a step-by-step program for a human __eities, but they will perhaps make clear my point that computer who was expected only to know basic —_— many of the significances of Chinese astronomy and arithmetic. The Grand Inception system used a _ __ astrology are not at all universal. 57

N. SIVIN

6.4 Research issues but time and again important calendar reforms were initiated by private individuals. These

Given the richness of the Chinese record, we experts were consistently co-opted, given should be able to shed light on almost any official appointments after the fact. Intensive archacoastronomical question. Unfortunately the observation remained centered in the Imperial bulk of research has been devoted to questions of Bureau of Astronomy not because of an what astronomical feats the Chinese performed effective “science policy’, but because there was before anyone else. That is an understandable no other source of funds for large-scale righting of the balance, considering how regularly research projects. Western histories of astronomy have ignored China, —_ (3): The relations between astronomy and cosmology

or devoted a few perfunctory pages to it using puzzle me perhaps even more than they do my sources a generation out of date. ‘This preoccu- colleagues. ‘The conventional discussion of pation with priorities does not help us to answer Chinese cosmology mentions three or more the sorts of questions that students of astronomy ‘schools’, without pausing over what sort of ask today. Let me remark briefly on what light the collectivity that word implies. The oldest of study of China might shed on a few of those issues: these traditions sees the earth and sky as two (1) ‘What are the origins of astronomy? is a question parallel cones or vaults; it is related to an early that I doubt has one answer for all civilizations. attempt to fix the basic dimensions of the

I would go so far as to doubt that Chinese cosmos using no tool but a gnomon. A second, astronomy has a specifiable origin. Putting related to the armillary sphere, views the earth together the archaeological and historic as a disc or flat-topped hemisphere suspended evidence, it seems to me that a number of like the yolk of an egg within a spherical sky. strands — the observational, the computational, The third has the sun, moon and stars moving the metaphysical, the mythological, the ritual freely through boundless space; unfortunately — began to evolve very gradually, each at its the oldest account of it (early fourth century) own pace, and only came together to form the speaks of it as a lost tradition.’ complex that we think of as Chinese astronomy I find it difficult to understand what these

about 100 Bc, with the Grand Inception conceptions have in common, aside from being calendar reform as part of a great cosmological conveniently grouped under a synthesis (Sivin, 1969). It is tempting to read characteristically Western category that had no that complex into earlier times, but, without Chinese counterpart. The first comes from an strong evidence, anachronism is anachronism. exercise in mathematical cosmography; the (2) IT hope I have already made it clear that the aims second seems to represent the cosmic rationale of astronomy reflect the character of Chinese of a new astronomical instrument; and the society, especially its monarchy. The relations third is a fragment of speculation that we have of public and private practice similarly mirror the not succeeded in connecting with any values and structures of the larger society. philosophical or practical trend. It is well to Chinese government from its creation has been leave open the question of whether full-blown totalitarian in principle, convinced that its cosmologies are likely to appear, or are even mandate to provide public order necessitates useful, except in cultures where astronomy is regulating every aspect of private thought and a handmaiden of philosophy.®

behavior. In practice it has lacked the means Astronomy was not a handmaiden of to control more than the actions of officials and philosophy in China. | have already stated my

the education of the elite, and that only very belief that astronomy must be based on imperfectly. Legislation to restrict astronomical assumptions about physical reality. Such

research to specialist officials was seldom beliefs in China originated among zealously, and never successfully, enforced. philosophers, or at least non-astronomers, by We can find a few instances over the last 2000 about 100 Bc. But thereafter these ideas

years in which talented scholars avoided continued their evolution among astronomical astronomy, and private experts were harassed, specialists, who over the past two millennia 58

Chinese archaeoastronomy.: between two worlds

have accepted remarkably little influence from examples indicate, is purely technical or purely

the philosophical mainstream. social. Accurate prediction of celestial phenomena, (4) Were there important oral traditions for instance, was an open sesame to appointment independent of the voluminous written or promotion. archives? It would be difficult to maintain that This list of issues could be prolonged indefinthere were not, in a civilization most of whose itely, but that is enough to suggest how the study population was illiterate until less than 30 years of Chinese astronomy might converge with other

ago. But the issue is how oral traditions explorations now afoot in the history of science. interacted with advanced practice. In the West,

the demise of Greek culture led to a separation 6.5 Current research trends in China of theory and practice that only began to be Work in these relatively new directions will conrepaired in the Renaissance. In China, where tinue to draw on the publications of the 150 or so there was no separation, the record in every full-time historians of astronomy in Chinese sphere of endeavor from poetry to medicine research institutes. Their concerns are much more reflects a continuing infusion of popular ideas old-fashioned, primarily concerned with establish-

that are anything but bookish, but that ing Chinese priorities, finding precursors of presinvigorated the thought of scholars who had ent-day astronomical knowledge. This emphasis is more in mind than annotating the classics. In now beginning to change, as new methodologies, astronomy near its beginnings we find many and new disciplines such as archaeoastronomy, are

allusions to images from song and myth introduced through correspondence and personal (Major, 1978). It is about time that its mature contact. But it takes more than enthusiasm to revo-

phase was studied from this point of view. lutionize a research establishment, and we can But nothing in our general understanding expect most work to continue along well-worn of the relations between oral and written tracks. Let me summarize general characteristics traditions in China justifies occasional of research results seen in recent Chinese publicaassertions in archaeoastronomical writings that tions.!° ‘there must have been an oral tradition’, or a Chinese research tends to be much more philorelentlessly effective suppression of knowledge, logical than historical in approach. That is, its prim-

or mass amnesia, behind some pet idea of the ary thrust is understanding ancient documents and

author for which he cannot find evidence. explaining them in modern terms. Histories of Such arguments admit a distaste for studving astronomy and other sciences tend to be topical in a disciplined way the intellectual habits of summaries of sources in chronological order.

the ancients. Determining patterns of change and the processes (5) How was the astronomers’ reality defined out of that underlie them is a matter of comparatively their collective work? How, in other words, did minor interest, except of course to demonstrate that institutions and techniques interact to form the evolution of astronomy conforms to the laws and maintain conceptions of the sky embodied of historical materialism. in tasks, usually bureaucratic tasks? To throw This positivist approach is not a matter of fixation some light on that question, perhaps the on an outmoded Western model. Chinese philology

biggest of all, we need a much better as applied to scientific documents draws on its own understanding of many complicated problems. sophisticated traditions, which were well developed

Some are technical. Hashimoto Keizo, for long before significant contact with Europe (Elman, instance, is now working on the evolution of 1984). This tradition is now reinforced by the Chinese notions about increasing accuracy.’ expectation of the P.R.C. government, the employer Other are social. Yamada Keiji (1980), to take of first and last resort, that students of early science

the outstanding cxample, has given us a contribute to the national pride of all Chinese. detailed study of a major calendar reform, The logical outcome of philological studies is not relating administrative organization, explanations but compilations, and that is very much observation and mathematical technique. the case for work on Chinese astronomy. Every None of these crucial problems, as_ these astronomer is aware of, and many have used, cata59

N. SIVIN

logues in Western languages based on Chinese sur- _a_ book that will tie these findings together is badly veys of comets, novas and supernovas, sunspots, —_ needed.!* A team of scholars has been systematically auroras, and so on, even detailed earthquake histor- —_ going through the immense collections of the Palace ies for every part of China. Most of these compila- | Museum, studying both traditional instruments and

tions go back 3500 years and are rather full for | those imported from the West. In 1977 I saw two

roughly half that time.!! of their discoveries, English heliocentric orreries These surveys draw mainly on the dynastic his- = made in 1730 that I had described four years earlier tories. They have been made obsolete by a search ina study of Copernicanism in China without susan order of magnitude broader, carried out by a __ pecting that they still existed.'!° Recent studies of team of roughly 100 scholars from 1975 to 1978. — instruments have remained largely descriptive and It resulted in a register of astronomical phenomena _antiquarian. Few have estimated the precision of

and other data roughly four-million characters long __ the instruments they examine, just as the many pub(or the equivalent of perhaps eight-million English — lications on systems of computational astronomy words). China’s very limited publication facilities | have had very little to say about their accuracy. The give low priority to voluminous technical reference same can be said of most writings about early Euroworks of this sort, so the appearance of this book —_ pean and Islamic instruments.

has been repeatedly delayed. A few publications that As for studies of site orientations, one can only draw on it give some impression of its richness. say that it is time they began. What they will yield It is now possible to see the fine detail in such gaps _is impossible to predict. ‘That major Chinese build-

as the Maunder Minimum, a lull in the solar activity ings were directionally oriented is universally cycle previously considered devoid of sunspots.!* known. Their positions have been adjusted for more A most promising new area of exploration is the — than 1000 years — conceivably for more than 2000 ethnoastronomy of the Chinese minority peoples, —_ years — by the peculiarly Chinese science of siting, one area in which mythology and calendar compu- _— or geomancy (Bennett, 1978). Students of archaeotation are looked at together. This topic was almost = astronomy who ignore it will spend a great deal completely neglected before the last decade, but of time reinventing the wheel. We know very little

government emphasis on ethnic minorities has about the sources of this science in star lore. Surdrawn attention to it. We now have, in addition veying is the obvious way to find out. Chinese histo scattered reports, a volume that draws together __ torians who have collaborated with archaeologists astronomical studies of a variety of peoples (Anon., — are prepared to do this work. Such skills were very 1981), and a substantial historical monograph on _— much in evidence, for instance, in the recent survey the astronomy of the Yi people of Yunnan province _and restoration of the great 40-foot gnomon observ(Chen Jiujin, Lu Yang and Liu Yaohan, 1984). —_atory of 1280 at Dengfeng, Henan province (Zhang Such work has already thrown light on less local _Jiatai, 1976). Analysis of aerial photographs and site questions. The authors of the monograph, finding _ plans of tombs from the second and first millennia that the Yi used a solar calendar with ten 36-day — BC by Vance Tiede (n.d.) suggest sorts of alignments months, realized that they could make sense for __ to look for. the first time of a Confucian text more than 2000

years old if it were describing a calendar of the 9-6 The next step

same kind." The challenge in the midst of this roiling activity The Cultural Revolution, which closed the his- _is making it add up to something coherent. It ought torical institutes and left most historians of astron- to be possible to make equally productive use of omy no option for research except to collaborate the professional team working in the research insti-

with archaeologists, accustomed them to studying tute on familiar tasks and the serendipitous images and artifacts. The endless succession of | archaeoastronomer who knows something about the spectacular excavations made this work highly pro- — sky-knowledge of several cultures.

ductive for astronomical studies (Xia, 1979, 1980; The characteristics of Chinese astronomy that

Wagner, 1980; and Xi, 1981). I have enumerated make it unlikely that sound conAstronomical instrumentation has been particu- _ tributions will come from anyone unwilling to study larly well covered in research publications, although __ seriously both astronomy and China. Collaboration 60

Chinese archaeoastronomy: between two worlds

is an obvious way to maximize contributions, mean _ always considered constant) between the lengths of collaboration as Norbert Wiener defined it: two or __ the tropical and sidereal years. That is why the Chinmore people working together who have learned __ ese term for it was ‘annual difference’ (sui cha). each other’s fields. Still it is to everyone’s benefit A great deal of the basic work for such a catalogue

to ease the work of anyone who is willing to get has already been done. Much of the information his computations right and find out what the Chi- _—38 at hand in histories of Chinese astronomy pub-

nese knew and did at a given time. lished in Chinese and Japanese, although the data The simplest way to do that would be to compile need to be reorganized for this purpose and brought

a chronological catalogue of astronomical capabili- an date. f the updating h b

ties. It ought to be possible to set down in one place certain amount of the up ating nas even Deen

; done,types but it tends toobservation be lost in the floodwere of periodical what we know about what of ..; ; ; . literature. To the point is Maeyama Yasukatsu’s

being made at a given time, with what instruments, . - —_o . rilliant error analysis whichbrill; showed that the star and to what precision. We might interweave with

that fwh be; dj h catalogues usually dated to the fourth century BC an account of what was being computed in €ac were based on observations not earlier than 70 BC. period, by what means, based on what data. We Although this essay is a model for critical would want to specify what conceptual tools were archaeoastronomy, it has hardly been cited since guiding the design of Chinese models. It would jt was published.!” not be wise to include only notions familiar in Eur- In the sort of compilation I am proposing there ope. For instance, we have often missed the point —_ will undoubtedly be many gaps to fill. There is that what we call the precession of the equinoxes _ bound to be disagreement about dates and signifiwas for the Chinese not a secular displacement of _cances. It is time these divergences were faced and the vernal point but a numerical difference (not settled. Let the work begin!

Notes of Chinese computational astronomy is that in Nak1969). A useful t h thod

1 In the introductory discussion of ‘Limitations’ in his oan ). Ausetu recene monograph on memoes . underlying early ephemerides is ‘Teboul (1983).

magnum opus, expresses the wish ; ; (1925). , .; . Otto 4 TheNeugebauer first point was made long ago inHrBurtt

for a corpus of medieval Indian, Islamic and Western . 4: , . ae Lae om borate cultures by anthropologists, e.g. in Horton and

sources, but lack of early influence on the West some- The second is being related to simple as well as ela-

how justifies leaving China off this list. The Western FF 1973) and H 1983

hemisphere is summarized in one sentence: ‘No rela- innegan ( ) and Horton ( ). . tion whatsoever exists between our study and Mayan 5 Sivin (1969); for a more general discussion see Sivin

astronomy (Neugebauer, 1975, vol. I, p.2). (1982), Nevertheless the title of the book remains unqualified: 6 Chao Wei-pang (1946) has yet to be superseded as

A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy. a general description, but see also Doebereiner 2 Needham has emphasized repeatedly (e.g., Needham, (1980). lhe best study of the relation between divi1954, vol. I, pp. 5-6) that his magnum opus is a pre- nation and astronomy is Nakayama (1966). On astro-

liminary reconnaissance. The astronomical part is nomical connections of early autochthonous largely based on Chinese publications and is not very divination see Kalinowski (1983). . attentive to the important work published in Japan 7 Needham (1954— __, vol. Ill, pp. 210-27) discusses the

since about 1950. For an assessment see Cullen basic sources. Some additional material has been

(1980a). added to the summary in Needham (1975). Few col-

3 Needham’s remains the only scholarly survey in a leagues familiar with the primary sources will agree Western language. The secondary literature to about with his attempts to relate teachings after the fourth 1971 is surveyed in Ho (1977). There are several century to the third ‘school’. Needham’s account of excellent general studies in Chinese and Japanese. the first, the kat t’ten or ‘sky as a cover’ model, ignores The most detailed is Chen Zungui (1980-84). From two distinct strata; see Nakayama (1969, pp. 24-40). Japan see the many publications of Yabuuchi Kiyoshi The question of whether the earth is spherical, hemi(especially 1969); there is a list of his works in Anon. spherical or discoidal in the second (hun t’ien or ‘ura-

(1982). The best technical analysis of the character nosphere’ theory) remains contentious. In my view 61

N. SIVIN

the only adequately critical discussion is that of T’ang 16 The closest thing to a pattern for such a project is Ju-ch’uan (1962). T’ang concludes that in the Aun the systematic outline of early cosmological capabilitien world picture the earth is not spherical, but that ties in Nakayama (1969). the evidence does not allow a choice between the other 17 Maeyama (1975-76, summarized in 1977). Cullen two possibilities. What ‘hsuan-yeh’ means is not clear; (1982) throws new light on the earliest astronomical E. H. Schafer suggests ‘unrestricted night’ (Schafer, use of trigonometric functions. An equally important

1977, p. 38). contribution that reassesses geometric proof in fifth-

8 For an interesting, flexible approach to the definition century mathematics is Wagner (1978). of ‘cosmology’ see Henderson (1984).

9K. Hashimoto (unpublished PhD dissertation, References University of Cambridge, 1985) briefly takes up the Anon. ed. (1981). Zhongguo tianwenxue shi went (Dierj1).

theme of progress in accuracy. (Collected essays on the history of Chinese astronomy, 2nd 10 Xi Zezong (1981, 1983) has discussed new tenden- collection). Beijing: Kexue chubanshe.

cies. See also Sivin (1981). Anon. ed. (1982). Toyo no kagaku to gyutsu. Yabuuchi 11 Among publications of the last generation see: Imoto Kiyoshi senset shoju kinen rombunshu. (Science and skills and Hasegawa (1958); Needham and Ho (1959); Ho in Asta. A Festschrift for the 77th birthday of Professor (1962); Ho and Ang (1970); Kiang (1972); and the Yabuuchi Kiyoshi.) Kyoto: Dahosha

comprehensive tables in Chen Zungui (1980-84, vol.and B N70. Din. +L: oa. — OO ennett, J. (1978). Patterns of the sky earth. A ChiII). Earlier publications are fairly fully listed in Bib- nese science of applied cosmology. Chinese Science 3

liography B of Needham (1954, vol. III). The most 1-26. ° detailed of three large recent compilations of earth- Burtt, E. A. (1925). The Metaphysical Foundations of Modern

quake records is Xie and Cai (1983). I have had access . ; only to volumes I and V. Physical Science. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co.

Like other ancient observational data, these mater- Chao Wei-pang (1946). The Chinese science of fate,ials oemust . a calculation. Folklore Studies 5, 279-315. be used judiciously. Clark and Stephenson — ca 4.

(1977) exemplifies critical exploitation for astronomi- Chen Jiujin (1982). Lun Ata xiao sheng sh i shi yue

cal purposes. taiyangli. (On the ‘Lesser annuary of the Xia dynasty’

; 1 (4), 305-19.

12 For instance, Luo and Li (1978); Xu Zhentao (1981, as a ten-mouth solar calendar.) Ziram kexueshi yanjiu

unpublished papers jointly offered at the 6th Interna- ~~ oo oo

tional Summer College on Physics and Contemporary Chen Jiujin, Lu Yang and Liu Yaohan (1984). Vis a fanNeeds, Pakistan); and a report on two earlier Chinese wenxue shi. (1 istory of the ast ronemy of the Yi minority

publications in Cullen (1980b). The Records of Phe- people.) Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe. a nomena project has been described in Zhuang Wei- Chen Zungui (1980-84). Zhongguo hanwenxue sit (Hisfeng (1982). Its first fruit has finally appeared: a union tory of Chinese astronomy), 3 vols. Shanghai remnin chu-

catalogue of the more than 8200 local gazetteers from banshe. | 190 collections used to compile the register of pheno- Chung-kuo k’o-hsueh-yuan. K’ao-ku-hsueh yen-chiu-

mena (Zhuang Weifeng ef a/., 1985). so. See Institute of Archeology, Chinese Academy of 13 See also Chen Jiujin (1982). Chen’s hypothesis does Social Sciences (1980). not dispose of the problem, since the book in question Clark, D. H. and Stephenson, F. R. (1977). The Historical

is organized according to a scheme of 12 months. Supernovae. Oxford: Pergamon Press. 14 See, for instance, Pan Nai (1975) and Yi Shitong = Cullen, C. (1980a). Symposium: ‘The work of Joseph (1978). The latter article is concerned with the metro- Needham. Past and Present 87, 17-53. logical standard used in the design of instruments. Cullen, C. (1980b). Was There a Maunder Minimum? A splendid volume of photographs illustrating star Nature 283, 427-8. maps, instruments and artifacts pertinent to early Cullen, C. (1982). An eighth century Chinese table of astronomy has been compiled by the Institute of tangents. Chinese Science 5, 1-33. Archeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Doebereiner, P. (1980). Die chinesische und die aben-

(1980). dlaendische Astrologie: Ein Vergleich zwischen den fer-

15 Sivin (1973), especially pp. 105-7 and plates 10-11, noestlichen und den Europaeischen Tierkreiszeichen.

which reproduce contemporary woodcuts of the Munich: Heyne. instruments. A study published simultaneously in Elman, B. (1984). From Philosophy to Philology. Intellectual China, Hsi Tse-tsung et a/. (1973), contained photo- and Social Aspects of Change in Late Imperial China. Hargraphs. It was not possible in the early 1970s to estab- vard East Asian Monographs, 110. Cambridge, MA:

lish communication with Chinese colleagues. Harvard University Press. 62

Chinese archaevastronomy: between two worlds

Hariner, W. (1965). The earliest history of the constel- Monuments Astronomically Considered. London: Maclations in the Near East and the motif of the Lion-Bull millan. (Second edition, 1909.) Combat. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 24, pp. 1-2 - Luo Baorong and Li Weibao (1978). Cong woguo gudai 1-16, plate 1-16. (See the additional remarks appended jiguang, dizhen jilu de zhougqi fenxi kan taiyangheizi to the reprinted version in Hartner (1968-84, vol. I, zhouqi de wendingxing. (On the stability of sunspot

pp. 227-59).) periods as seen from the analysis of ancient Chinese

Hartner, W. (1968-84). Ontens-Occidens. Ausgewaehlte aurora and earthquake records.) Kexue tongbao 23 (6), Schriften zur Wissenschafts- und Kulturgeschichte, 2 vols. 362-6.

Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagbuchhandslung. Major, J. S. (1978). Myth, cosmology, and the origins Hartner, W. (1969). Die Goldhoerner von Gallehus. Wies- of Chinese science. 7. Chinese Phil. 5, 1-20.

baden: Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH. Maevama Yasukatsu (1975-6). On the astronomical data Hartner, W. (1973). Hellenistic science and ancient of Ancient China (ca. —100 — +200): a numerical oriental tradition on North Germanic soil. Rete 2, 45—- analysis. Archives internationales d’histotre des sctences 25,

62. 247-76 (1975); 26, 27-58 (1976).

Henderson, J. B. (1984). The Development and Decline Maeyama Yasukatsu (1977). The oldest star catalogue of Chinese Cosmology. Neo-Confucian Studies. New of China, Shih Shen’s Hsing ching. In Prsmata. Natur-

York: Columbia University Press. wissenschafigeschichtliche Studien. Festschrift fuer Willy Ho Peng Yoke (1962). Ancient and medieval observations Hartner, eds. Maeyama Yasukatsu and W. G. Salzer, of comets and novae in Chinese sources. Vistas in pp. 211-45. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH.

Astronomy 5, 127-225. Nakayama, S. (1966). Characteristics of Chinese astroHo Peng Yoke (1977). Modern Scholarship on the History logy. Isis 57, 442—54. (Reprinted in Sivin, 1977, pp. 94—

of Chinese Astronomy. Occasional Papers, Faculty of 106.) Asian Studies, The Australian National University, 16. Nakayama, S. (1969). A History of Japanese Astronomy.

Canberra. Chinese Background and Western Impact. Cambridge,

Ho Peng Yoke and Ang Tian-se (1970). Chinese astrono- MA: Harvard University Press. mical records on comets and ‘guest stars’ in the official Needham, J. (1954—). Sctence and Civilisation in China,

histories of Ming and Ch’ing and other supplementary 7 vols. projected, 13 fascicles to date. Cambridge

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Horton, R. (1983). Tradition and modernity revisited. Needham, J. (1975). The cosmology of early China. In In Rationality and Relativism, eds. M. Hollis and S. Ancient Cosmologtes, eds. C. Blacker and M. Loewe,

Lukes, pp. 201-60. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. pp. 87-109. London: George Allen & Unwin. Horton, R. and Finnegan, R., eds. (1973). Modes of | Needham, J. and Ho Ping Yu (Ho Peng Yoke] (1959). Thought. Essays on Thinking in Western and Non-Western Ancient Chinese observations of solar haloes and par-

Societies. London. helia. Weather 14, 124-34.

Hsi Tse-tsung (Xi Zezong), Yen Tun-chieh, Po Shu- Neugebauer, O. (1975)..A History of Ancient Mathematical jen, Wang Chien-ming [Wang Chien-min], Chen Astronomy, 3 vols. Studies in the History of MathematChiu-chin [Ch’en Chiu-chin] and Chen Mei-tung ics and Physical Sciences 1. New York: Springer.

[Ch’en Mein-tung] (1973). Heliocentric theory in Pan Nai (1975). Nanjing de liangtai gudai cetian yiqi China—in commemoration of the quincentenary of the — Ming zhi hunyi he jianyi. (Nanjing’s two ancient birth of Nicolaus Copernicus. Scientia sinica 16, 270-9. instruments for astronomical observation: the Ming Imoto Susumu and Hasegawa Ichiro (1958). Historical armillary sphere and the simplified instrument.) Wenrecords of meteor showers in China, Korea, and Japan. wu 7, 84-9. Smithsonian Contributions to Astrophysics 2 (6), 131-44. Schafer, E. H. (1977). Pacing the Void. T'ang Approaches Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sci- to the Stars. Berkeley: University of California Press. ences (1980). Zhongguo gudat tianwen wenwu tuy1. ([llus- Sivin, N. (1969). Cosmos and Computation in Early Chinese

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Francaise d’Extréme-onent 73, 309-416. Sivin, N. (1981). Some important publications on early Kiang, T. (1972). The past orbit of Halley’s Comet. Chinese astronomy from China and Japan, 1978-1980. Memoirs, Royal Astronomical Society 76, 27-66. Archaeoastronomy 4 (1), 26-31. Lockyer, J. N. (1906). Stonehenge and Other British Stone Sivin, N. (1982). Why the scientific revolution did not 63

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take place in China — or didn’t it? Chinese Sat. 5, 45-66. Chinese Earthquakes.) 5 vols. Beijing: Kexue chu-

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sky is spherical and the earth flat.) Aeruesht jikan chi- and On the Sporer Minimum. Unpublished papers

k'an 4, 47-58. jointly offered at the 6th International Summer College Teboul, M. (1983). Les Prémieres Théories Planetaires Chi- on Physics and Contemporary Needs, Islamabad, Pak-

noises. Paris: Collége de france. istan, June 1981.

Tiede, V. (1988). Astronomical orientations of tombs in Yabuuchi Kivoshi [Yabuuti Kiyosi] (1969). Chugoku no Ancient China. Proceedings of the Third International temmon rekiho. (Observational and Computational Conference on the History of Chinese Science. Beijing, Astronomy in China.) ‘Tokyo: Heibonsha.

August 1984. (In press.) Yamada Keiji. (1980). Jujireki no michi. Chugoku chusei Wagner, D. B. (1978). Liu Hui and Tsu Keng-chih on no kagaku to kokka. (Vhe Road to the Season-Granting

the volume of a sphere. Chinese Sci. 3, 59-79. System. Science and the State in Medieval China.) Wagner, D. B. (1980). Archeological sources for the his- Tokyo: Misuzu Shobo. (Concerned with the calender tory of science, technology, and medicine. Some sup- reform of 1280.) plementary references. Chinese Sa. 4, 53-60. Yi Shitong (1978). Liang tian chi kao. (On the astronomi-

(Published with Xia Nai, 1980.) cal foot.) Wenwu 2, 10-17.

Xi Zezong (1981). Chinese studies in the history of | Zhang Jiatai (1976). Dengfeng guanxingtai he Yuan chu astronomy, 1949-1979. Jsis 72, 456-70; especially tianwen guance de chengjiu. (The Dengfeng observ-

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64

7

The cosmic temples of old Beijing E. C. Krupp Griffith Observatory, Los Angeles

Beijing, the capital of Imperial China in the Ming _ Beijing, established as the capital by the third Ming (AD 1368-1644) and Qing (aD 1644-1911) dynas- Emperor, Yong le, was designed to be a ‘place where ties, was the center of political power, and it was sky and earth meet’ (Wheatley, 1971, p. 462). furnished with a set of symbolically located temples Astronomical connotations emerged in the city

dedicated to cosmic gods. These temples and the _ plan of old Beijing, and astronomy in Imperial ceremonies staged in them spotlight the relationship | China was official business. Heaven presided over between monumental architecture, the emperor’s — earth and harmonized its affairs. The emperor was

authority to rule, and celestial order. the pivot of the world. As heaven’s agent, he ruled Even the fundamental plan of the capital carried — with a celestial mandate. It was the foundation of a celestial connotation. Laid out on a north-south _his authority. His ability to establish and maintain axis that was neither arbitrary nor routine, Beying order originated in the cyclical patterns of night put cardinality on display in its streets and palaces. _ and day, lunar phases, seasons, and planetary moveCardinal directions originate with the recognition = ments, all monitored by his own court astronomers. of the north celestial pole (Krupp, 1982a, pp. 9-10, Among the Chinese, then, there was the sense 1982b, p. 11), the single stable spot in the skies — of an intimate connection between earth and sky. that turned over China. For the Chinese, the sky’s = The sky’s cyclical order governed earth. That’s why north pole was the unmoving hub of the universe. — the high sky god was accorded his exalted status. They called the circumpolar zone the ‘forbidden Order is the sky’s real power, and the emperor was polar palace’ (Needham, 1959, p. 258), andthe pole — the conduit of celestial power (Krupp, 1983, pp. itself was the symbolic face of heaven, or Shang 196-8). Through appropriate ritual activity, he condi, who ordered the world through cycles revealed — veyed celestial power to earth to preserve world

in the motion of celestial objects. order, and the capital was designed to facilitate the Cardinality and celestial order were brought to —_ harmonious convergence of influences.

a focus in the Imperial Palace, where the emperor Although the present government of the People’s resided, held audiences, announced the New Year, Republic of China deliberately broke and blocked and eased the calendar along its way through the __ the old central axis still visible in the historic gates, seasons by making timely appearances in various pavements and palaces of Beijing by building the halls (Dorn, 1970, p. 87). His palace, the ‘polar | Monument to the People’s Heroes and the tomb forbidden city’ (Lin, 1961, p. 34), was the terrestrial © of Mao Ze dong right on the north-south line in counterpart of the circumpolar zone, and the Tiananmen Square, these intrusions on the imperemperor, the terrestrial counterpart of the pole, ial plan participate in the traditional cosmological occupied what the Chinese regarded as the world’s layout and suggest that the old symbols are still center. All of the world revolved about him as all —_— at work on behalf of the contemporary government

of the sky turned about the pole (Yu, 1982, p. 18). (Krupp, 1982a, p. 10). 65

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Fieure 7.5Ane Thealtar altarwalls wallsatat Temple of the Earth are| tiled —_ at the Round in thesuburbs. sou | * (Photograph pee gure /.9 thethe | emple of the farth are ted fice at thefice Round Mound in Mound the southern |

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lineage. He was the theee Son of'Heaven. Heaven.Centuries Centuries later,—_ _ tower, aastorage place musical and lineage. He Son of later, tower, Storage | lacefor for musicalinstruments instruments and| a Sewas oe @ SIOTaGEC Pate iOr ilCue sical instruments anda. Bea8 aee aPie Se1See a. 2ee eeeaaig SEa ge Seoe 3LOWCT, iaPIATRA B gat VE CURES SetPRD baa . git ee = ee earn cee cee, Bsa, waa, SSIs Sagi cee NN eee ies ocyp ene ne ie ee _ es isLo . Bea ee ee ee PISO! rs ee : eee ee ee ee ges Dee gg pai nn the Ming and Qing dynasties, the emperor sti = ceremonial paraphernalia, the room where the spirit cérisolidated “thisIll> status tabletswere were housed, UDSOUGGICOG Sidi at S alaltars ailarsfor [Orheaven nCaven and ana tablets housed, and andadlaughterhouseandiita slaughter house and kit- - a

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Figure 9.5 Map of Yalcoba. Wells are represented by @.

136

Complexities among the contemporary Maya of Yucatan

been performed for a while, this footpath is still also allows them to share the ‘tree’ meaning. Also, referred to on a daily basis for describing one’s virtually all household crucifixes, whether new or

own or someone else’s movements in the com- old, in ‘cross’ or ‘tree’ form, are painted green, munity. What this indicates is that this ‘edge of | and hence are called ya’ as ce’, or ‘green tree’, ‘green Yalcoba’ still has the delimiting meaning that ithas | wood’. Not coincidentally, the ya’ as ce’ is a common

in loh kaah. species of tree, ceiba pentandra (Standley, 1977, p. So, in a number of different contexts, we can 421) or simply ceiba in Spanish. Although beyond see how the quadrilateral structure of a conceived the bounds of our present discussion, this was the Maya world, which is itself defined by annual and great ‘first tree of the world’ of the pre-Columbian daily solar motion, is duplicated and expressed § Maya, and some future analysis would do well to through symbolic expression. In addition to the | compare the many pre-historic and historic refercomplexity of these relationships, and the inextric- _ ences to this tree with contemporary meanings. For able role of cosmological beliefs, we can gainsome now though, we must question what the significance insight into the cultural meanings that the Christian —_ of the green coloring is for these crosses or saantocross has for the Maya, and how it also occupies _—ho'ob’.

a logically ordered position in a cosmological and Exegetically, this is explained by the Maya as

social scheme. depicting the tree or cross as kusa’an, or ‘alive’, For the Maya, a cross can exist in two forms, and is supplemented by the belief that one should with both being called /e sdantoho’ or ‘that saint’, —_ not cut bush during Easter week or semaanah saanbut the most common kind is the standard Christian — tah in March or April, even though this is the time form, while the second version assumes the form _ when felling bush can be taking place, because of

of a tree trunk with two branches tilted upward (see the fear that, by cutting down a tree at this time, Figure 9.6). This is possible because included in one might be cutting the body of Jesus Christ. So the cross symbol is the meaning of the tree, and __ the ‘living cross’ usage of sdantoh combines the the term sdantoh de ce’, ‘cross of wood’, refers to —s meanings of tree, ya'as ce’ and Jesus Christ’s body these crosses, usually about three feet tall, as they —_ in what for the Maya is a completely logical progres-

are located at the ‘holes’, where roads lead out of sion. There are still other meanings though, and Yalcoba, as well as to the standard wooden cruci- to understand these we must return to the large

fixes of Maya households. crosses at the edge of Yalcoba.

These meanings of tree and wood are actually The sdantoh de ce’ located at all the u hol kaah, inseparable in Maya, since the word ée’ is used for _ or ‘the entrances of the community’, are where both. That is not to say that Maya is ‘missing a incoming roads perforate u pdaaé kaah (see Figure word’, but simply that in Maya the distinction is _ 9.5), or ‘the back or the surface of the community’, not necessary. So the crosses being made of wood _—_and where k’ak'as tik’, or ‘bad winds’ are believed to be able to enter and bring illnesses. For this reason, it is deemed necessary for the sdantoh crosses to be placed there as ‘guardians’ to protect the community, and indeed I have been told that every Maya

town or village in Yucatan, whether old or new, has its guardian crosses at its entrances. In fact, a new kaah cannot be thought of as complete until its spatial extent is defined by the hol ¢ ‘ak, or the

path cut through the bush around the kdah and equivalent to u paac¢ kaah, and its guardian sdantoho'ob’.

Additional meanings for crosses are seen then, when we observe that many mestizos, as they leave

Yalcoba and pass them, pick up a small pebble, touch it to their shoe, and place it on the stone

Figure 9.6 Le sdantoho’~- Maya cross. slab ‘altar’ at the foot of the sdantoh de ce’. These 137

JOHN R. SOSA

large stones are called the méesah or ‘table’ of the — the Améeno'ob’ must visit the four corners of Yalcoba cross, and it is almost inconceivable to have across _ during /oh kaah. The performance of this procession without it being on a ‘table’ of some kind. The exe- _ is the culminating event of the festa, or ‘celebration’

getical explanation for this practice is that these — of the Sacred Sacrament, and during this the resicrosses are the position of yum bdalam, the guardian _ dents of Yalcoba make some of their strongest public

deity, and offering such a stone is intended to ask — statements. The focus of this festa is 40 hours of for his protection as one leaves the confines of the — Christ’s suffering before the crucifixion, with the community under his care. Yum bdalam is also des-_ _ host or sacrament being the major symbol, and with

cribed as resting at this location, and the ‘table’ —_ each of the four days of the event corresponding can also be referred to as u k’ dan ce’, or his ‘bench’. to ten hours of adoration, five in the morning and When we examine the components of this symbol’s__five in the afternoon. name, we find additional evidence of the basis for Beginning with the first day, February 27th, or

these symbolic relationships between its many 28th if it is a leap year, the responsibilities of the

meanings. day’s social events and of the veneration to the saan-

Yum translates as ‘father’ or ‘owner’, and today _toh fall on that year’s presidente, or head of one of béaalam is merely the name of this deity, ‘the guar- the four groups, or Gremios. These four groups, dian’. But the Cordemex dictionary (Barrera Va4s- to which one has afhliation by familial or social quez, 1980, p. 32) also offers ‘guardian’, ‘priest’ ties, correspond to their respective days, in the and ‘jaguar’ as definitions, and indeed the Colonial — sequence of fovenes, or ‘young people’, Damas, or reference to Chilam Balam was translated as the ‘jag- ‘women’, Deportistas, or ‘athletes’, and Agricultores,

uar priest’. The significance of all this is that, | or ‘farmers’, and each of these is also expressed although the current term for jaguar is cak mool, —_as equivalent to ten of the 40 hours being celebrated.

or ‘red paw’, it is rather common mestizo knowledge In many Yucatec towns, especially the larger today that the few Yucatec jaguars that remain habi- _cities, Gremios are forms of trade guilds, and their tually rest in the large, shady ya’as ce’ trees and _— number indicate the size and complexity of the comwait for their prey. Moreover, the hméen describes — munity’s economy. Because Yalcoba is small, how-

the ya'as ce’ as u k'dan ce le yum béalamo'obo', or ever, there are only four, and their names reflect ‘the bench of those guardians’, and te’elo' ku he’es _—_ only the broadest categories of social or economic

kubaah, ‘there he rests himself. Apparently then, _ divisions, although they do not segregate memberalthough baalam has lost the meaning of ‘jaguar’, ship on that basis. Rather, here as elsewhere in comparing beliefs of the deity of the same name _— Yucatan, the Gremios have become the social unit with practices of this animal allows us to be able _ for a particular fiesta, and they serve as vehicles

to further interpret the related meanings of tree, for acquiring prestige in the fulfillment of the ya'as ée', Jesus Christ, yum baalam and guardian, —_ group’s duties on such occasions.

all contained at the same time in the cross version These include (1) providing an open house at

of saantoh. the presidente’s residence on the corresponding day, What is perhaps most significant, though, is that —_in which invited as well as non-invited guests can as we have postulated beliefs and practices can be _ partake of the most valued of all Maya meals, relleno related by the unifying qualities of symbolic mean- _ negro, (2) making a procession late in the day to

ings, as social and natural phenomena are inter- _ the church, at which there is mass, and then afterpreted to share certain characteristics. In addition, | wards making another to next year’s presidente's it has been an attention to thick description which residence, and (3) making one of the four arches has enabled us to comprehend some of the many at the four corners of the church, through which meanings of sdantoh, since we have not assumed all four Gremios will walk in procession on the culthat a Christian cross is just a Christian cross, and — minating day of March 3rd. Ail three of these tasks

have probed for Maya cultural significance. are taken quite seriously, and the group’s ability The expression of Maya cosmology at a beha- __ to do them well adds to their social status, and vioral level can also be seen in the procession that __ especially to that of the presidente.

members of special social groups in Yalcoba make The final obligation of each Gremio and its prestto the four external corners of the church, just as | dente merge with the other three groups as all make 138

Complexities among the contemporary Maya of Yucatan

the final procession together. In Figure 9.7, we see how the motion of the Gremios (arrow) around the outside of the church and through the four arches is counterclockwise, as well as how the sequence of arch placement corresponds to the order of the

Gremio in a no’oha'an direction. bail just say days, that the procession is haé k'a’abéet, or

While Yalco- C)

‘very necessary’, and that they only do it out of

|é, Lak | (_ ‘in a habit, our outsider’s perspective and certain symbolic components allow us to offer intérpretations of

some of the significance it is expressing. \7

Agricultores ~~ Deportistas (

No oha an ;

L Church a> Figure 9.8 The sacramento monstrance.

Courtyard \ structure of these practices and Maya cosmological N order, is augmented even further by the ritual altar used by the Ameen in his many rituals which ask for ‘evil’ to be taken away, or ‘good’ to be brought.

Jovenes Damas This altar, table, or ka’an ¢e' as it is called (Figure 9.9), actually serves as a model of the quadrilateral

Figure 9.7 The procession of Gremtos. earth, and is also referred to by the hAméen as u yook' ol kaab’, ‘the world’, in prayer and in conver-

Of particular symbolic importance is the host __ sation. symbol or monstrance, a large golden sunburst form As a dominant symbol, its complexity is multidi(Figure 9.8) which is carried during the procession mensional, but certain major features can be easily by the Catholic priest contracted by the community _isolated. Of these, we can note its four domes, which

for just this purpose. The significant correlations | are made of tree branches and create a matched included in this practice are (1) the priest’s name _ set of arches on the /ak’in and Gk'in sides of the of yum k'iin, or ‘father sun’, which is the exactsame table, and are intended to represent the sky. Of term used to refer to the ‘sun’, (2) the fact that — central importance as well are /uuc gourd vessels the procession moves no'oha'an, ‘to the right’, which — which mark key deity positions on this ‘earth’. But

again is the exact same way the sun is described perhaps more important still are the components to move in its daily path, and (3) the time of day, — of u yti¢ kib' and Speten ka'an. which allows the sacramento’s exit from the church’s U yiie kib’, or ‘the running wax of the candle’,

door to catch rays of the late afternoon sun and eis situated atop a stick piercing the center of the emit a brilliant light. Together, these three corres- _ table and below speten ka’an, ‘the hanging platform pondences hint at a sun/host/Jesus Christ multi- _ of the sky’. Both together are intended by the Améen vocalic set of meanings for this procession, and __ to represent the foremost focus of his ritual attenagain indicate some of the logic of Maya culture tion, u hol gloryah, or the ‘hole in the sky’, which and cosmology as it is expressed in social behavior. he believes to exist at cumuk ka'an, or ‘the middle Our continued appreciation of this logic, which of the sky’. It is to this zenith position, especially joins and makes intelligible the shared quadrilateral | when the sun/Hahal Dios is there, that his prayers 139

JOHN R. SOSA

Stone marker the world, seem to be a function of the Maya belief

= for Kink ‘uh in a flat world, since such a conception requires

wy, ; ;

some sort of ‘hole’ to explain how the sun, moon and stars can seemingly pass through its plane at

\ Fe Speten the horizons. At the center, the realm of humans /\ LN SH Kaan and that of deities at Gumuk lu'um, ‘the As for the horizon, the hméen believes Hahal Dios

C A” provides a hole in the form of ‘daktun, ‘a cave’,

FZ il andand thatone there is one for the earth in fF lak'in in ¢ctk’in, yo'otraversing sal k u meéentik suut, ‘so that he can go around’. He also says this as Dios ¢cdamile’ u suutik u yook'ol kaab’, or ‘God dives

as he is making his circuit around the earth’. The hmeen then explains the same is necessary for maamah luunah, or ‘the mother moon’ and éek’, ‘stars’, which again expresses his assumption that the earth

Figure 9.9 ‘The ka‘an ce’ of ¢'a caak. is the dividing surface between the sky and the subterranean realm.

U hol glorvah The symbolic expression of these cosmological assumptions in the structure of the ritual altar iso-

tax lates some of the basic characteristics of spatial order that are also expressed in public rituals and fiestas. It may also be possible to interpret, however, a similar expression of Maya cosmology in the actual times at which these public functions begin and end, since

the hours chosen seem to be due to more than just

= / coincidence. a These beginning or end points can be either

7 CoN Ete > 3a.m. or 3p.m., and are depicted in Figure 9.11. =e 7 Since the Maya often describe noon as ‘12 o'clock’, a Tao ir wr setting sun or the Western horizon as ‘6 o’clock’, Quadrilateral Lak ‘in Observable and rising sun or the eastern horizon as ‘6 o’clock’,

u yook ol kaab horizon even though most cannot afford to buy watches, we can interpret these two 3 o’clock hours as ‘mid-

Figure 9.10 Uyttcil ka‘an — the cosmological conduit. points’ of motion. Perhaps then, we can see the difference between 3a.m. and 3p.m. as the difare intended to arrive, and from which this same __ ference between the sun’s movement from the earth deity and his assistants are then believed to send __ to the sky for 3a.m., since at this time it is believed the requested assistance. The result is a form of — to be within the earth and moving towards dawn,

‘cosmological conduit’, depicted in Figure 9.10. and its movement from the sky to the earth at The shared qualities of ‘perforation’ at the ‘edge | 3p.m., at which time it is ‘diving to earth’. Signifiof Yalcoba’ as well as at the ‘edge’ or ‘center’ of cantly, [ at no time documented any ritual or fresta 140

Complexities among the contemporary Maya of Yucatan

action that was prescribed to begin or end at 9.0 a.m. The symbolic structure which the various forms or 9.0p.m., which would be the complementary __ of Yalcoba ritual and social expression make mani‘mid-point’ positions between either the ‘top’ at _ fest to us can therefore be interpreted to be a multi-

noon or the ‘bottom’ at midnight, and one of the dimensional set of temporal and __ spatial horizons. Because of the absence of a 9 o’clock — equivalences, organized by cultural interpretations meaning, the 3.0a.m. and 3.0p.m. positions there- — of the visible properties of solar motion through fore seem to express the difference between the sun _—and around a flat earth based cosmos. The very

either moving towards the sky, or coming to the redundancy of the expression of this structure earth, at the in-between ‘moments of motion’ when _ argues forcefully for considering it to be primary

these various activities begin or end. in providing a framework for the Maya symbolic In addition to the other meanings we might inter- system. And, since we have reviewed something of pret as being expressed during these events, we can how the sharing of symbolic structure is so pervasive also consider the way in which this model of tem- for these Maya, it has been necessary to give major poral and spatial equivalents depicted in Figure 9.11 attention to understanding how this is interpreted

; by these same Maya culture bearers, so that we

Cumuk ka an might better comprehend how this society conceives

noon of itself and its existence within the boundaries of a ‘world’. Only with such analytic attention can we

af Mid-point

a transcend ourselves Sf and, in the thiscultural case, theboundary Maya, andbetween begin to understand of who they believe themselves to be. sun moving In the case of the Maya of Yalcoba, the force

Rik in to earth Lak'in With which they repeatedly express this cosmologi-

6 p.m. 6 am. cal structure apparently has everything to do with Mid-point their reliance on corn agriculture, as the kéo/ cornsun ovine field itself is literally hacked out of a wild terrestrial to sky & environment, and can be productive only if uncon5” yy trollable weather conditions are favorable. The Maya expression of their cosmology, then, is continually re-created, shared, maintained, and also

Las dooseh silensioh changed, in the inseparable realm of social interac-

midnight tion, very much in the same way as are the meanings of the cornfield upon which this society so critically Figure 9.1] A spatio-temporal model of solar ritual significance. depends. Indeed, the addition of electricity, a new

road and new external economic attractions has helps us to interpret some of the significance of | brought some surface changes to Yalcoba and has the beginning or end points of a ritual or festa. accelerated its Western acculturation. But the vast For whether ‘good’ is being asked to be brought majority of its mestizo inhabitants still hold to the

by Hahal Dios, or ‘evil’ taken away, the assumed most traditional beliefs and practices, which direction of motion of the intended offering, demonstrates, I believe, the true strength of the requested blessing, purged agent or the deity him- —_ bond between a symbolic system, a cosmology and self can be expressed as ‘sky to earth’ or ‘earth to —_a means of subsistence.

sky’, and the difference between 3.0a.m. and Also in a surface form are the ‘Catholic’ identities 3.0 p.m. may indeed represent this difference in of many of the system’s component symbols, even time and space. And, if this is a valid representation though this is the name by which many mestizos

of what the attention given to a 3.0a.m.or3.0p.m. now refer to themselves and their religion in initiating or concluding point is expressing, then __ response to the regional rise in Protestantism. For both the time and spatial location of the sun are =a _ multifaceted examination, encompassing many the determining factors in the logic of this expres- dimensions of expressive behavior and cultural

sion. information, has shown these forms to be multivo141

JOHN R. SOSA

calic, interlocked sets of significance, which depend As for archaeostronomy, then, the contemporary

on the Maya interpretation of the relationship traditional societies of the world need not only be between the natural and social orders for their logi- —_—‘ treated as the degenerate ‘leftovers’ of ancient gran-

cal coherence, as they are made meaningful in a _ deur, to be used as the testing ground for revealing variety of socially interactive contexts. In the pro- _ insights into the ways of their more ‘complex’ ancescess, the members of Yalcoba society experience _ tors, but should be considered as comparable comsome of their strongest emotions and partake in a _ ponents to any other data set comprising any other

living, breathing cultural tradition that, far from culture, symbols and conceptions of world order. being ‘primitive’, is tremendously complex and __ In fact, the value of seeing how a cosmology pro-

remarkably sophisticated. vides logically ordered, holistic systems which coorGiven the cultural, symbolic and cosmological dinate belief and practice is in the extent to which complexity of the Yucatec Maya people that [have | we might become aware of how its dynamics actually briefly described, and even though I consider my __ resulted in the archaeological or historical remains total effort at description to be ‘thick’, it could always — that concern the archaeoastronomer in the first be ‘thicker’, considerations of ‘primitiveness’ are __ place. It seems apparent, then, that the opportunity exposed for the woefully inadequate and misin- —_ to better understand what these remains tell us about formed judgements that they are. For, whosoever _ being Auman, and having to interact with and exploit

might think of another society as ‘primitive’, or | an environment for survival, is at our disposal, but ‘backwards’, or ‘underdeveloped’, has surely never only if we as Westerners can overcome our learned known any of its members on a profound first-hand _ biases towards much of the rest of our species, and basis, and tried to appreciate the unending com- __ try to appreciate the unique qualities and capabiliplexity of their variant of human existence. A cross- _ ties of conception, and action based on that concepcultural contact, resulting in a degree of cross-cul- _ tion, that we all share.

tural understanding, perhaps above all else forces | us to confront our quite natural and quite essential

ethnocentrism, since human groupings could not Acknowledgements exist without it, and informs us of the equitability | The author wishes to express his gratitude to Gilda with which we should treat humankind at all tech- © Mason and Janet Dauley for the typing of this

nological and social levels. manuscript.

Notes Blair, R. W. and Vermont Salas, R. (1965). Spoken Yucatec

; Maya. Department of Anthropology, University of

1 Yucatec Maya isa spoken language and therefore must Chicago. be represented using a phonemic orthography. The (tC. (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected

system I and many other Maya ethnographers now use

¢=tz Inc.

was first presented by Blair and Vermont Salas (1965) Essays. New York: Basic Books Inc. and includes the following signs for Maya sounds: Redfield, R. and Villa Rojas, A. (1934). Chan Kom. A

' = glottal stop or ‘throat click’ Maya Village. Revised in 1962. New York: Basic Books

¢’ =dz Standley, P. C. (1977). La flora. In Enciclopedia Yucataé =ch nense, vol. 1, pp. 273-523. Merida, Yucatan. é’=chh Turner, V. W. (1967). The Forest of Symbols. Cornell

% =sh University Press. o’ob’ = plural Turner, V. W. (1977). Symbols in African ritual. In Symbolic Anthropology, eds. J. L. Dolgin et al., pp. 183-94.

References Columbia University Press.

Barrera Vasquez, A. (1980). Diccionario Maya Cordemex. Villa Rojas, A. (1945). The Maya of East Central Quintana

Ediciones Cordemex: Merida, Yucatan. Roo. Carnegie Institution of Washington publ. 559. 142

10

Keeping the sacred and planting calendar: archaeoastronomy in the Pueblo Southwest* Michael Zeilik The University of New Mexico

10.1 Introduction prehistoric context (Binford, 1972; Reyman, 1975). The US Southwest defines a cultural area that is _! Will presume that those Puebloan concepts about large in space and deep in time. During the 1000 —_ 4Stronomy that are most frequent within the diveryears before the entrada of the Spanish, the South- _Sity of the historic Pueblos mark cultural traditions west harbored numerous, interacting cultures with that are the deepest in time. Specific cultural dispossible connections to prehistoric Mesoamerica. Continuities certainly did occur between the past and Those cultures included the Patayan, Hohokam, _ the present — but aspects essential to survival and Mogollon, and Anasazi. Archaeoastronomy in the 4daptation to the high desert stayed mostly intact. Southwest aims to infer the content and the impact In particular, the sacred and planting calendars, of astronomy in these prehistoric societies. This kept by observations of the sun and the moon, conregion has a great historical advantage — the people trol the life of the historic Pueblos — an essential now living there have a cultural descent from pre- _—‘ integration of astronomy, agriculture, and ritual. history. That cultural connection runs especially | The same was likely an astronomical practice of the deep with the historic Pueblo people directly from | Anasazi. As Cordell (1984, pp. 271-2) has put it: their immediate protohistoric ancestors and on to Agricultural people throughout the world are their Anasazi (and Mogollon) ancestors who lived concerned with calendrical observations. These throughout the northern Southwest in the broad are crucial to the time of planting and harvesting Anasazi region (now known as the Four Corners outside of equatorial regions and to water

area). management where supplemental watering is

I will focus in this paper on the Anasazi, in part necessary to insure the success of crops. In because of the rich cultural heritage of the present- Chaco Canyon, and in the San Juan as a whole, day Pueblos (revealed in the ethnographic record) short growing seasons and inadequate rainfall and in part because of the rich archaeological tra- are problems for agriculturists, so it is likely that dition of the Anasazi region. Here the past comes accurate astronomical observations were alive when a Turtle Dance takes place at San Juan important to the Chaco Anasazi; [author’s Pueblo — perhaps a displaced winter solstice dance italics]. (A. Ortiz, 1985, private communication). I can easily Overall, I find ethnographic data to be a mindimagine a similar dance — different in detail but | opening, wondrous window on Pueblo life. Ethnowith the same ritual intentions — in the sunny plaza __ graphic analogy, properly used, can flesh out the of a prehistoric pueblo. That image contains the old bones of prehistoric ruins. Ethnographic anaessence of the oft-maligned argument by analogy _logy does not straitjacket our development of testhat I will use in a conservative way: as acculturally — table hypotheses. To the contrary, it illuminates appropriate source of hypotheses for testing in a __ rather than retards our insights to Anasazi life. * © 1986, Michael Zeilik

143

MICHAEL ZEILIK

We shall consider three points about methods _ of the calendar gets lost — in part, because it was for practising archaeoastronomers. First, we so transparent to the Pueblo people. (See Sun Chief must respect the archaeological record and the (Simmons, 1942) and Pueblo Indian Fournal (Parinterpretations derived from it. We should work sons, 1939), for wonderful examples of the ‘right with an archaeological awareness for every site and __ time’ for religious and planting activities.)

culture — and even generate hypotheses that Few attempts have been made to gather this the archaeologists can test for us! While we do material in one place and make sense of the often SO, we must remember that a major problem for — contradicting pieces. Reyman (1971, pp. 114-22) the archaeologist is the control of time ata site; dating |§ made a substantial effort for his pioneering study

information might not be there or it has a large of kiva orientations at Mesa Verde and Chaco in uncertainty. Second, I feel arguments for astro- the context of the influence of Mexican ceremonia-

nomical aspects of Anasazi life for which no lism on the prehistoric southwest. (His work ethnographic analogy exists have an additional bur- _ influenced that of Williamson et a/., 1975, for astroden of proof placed upon them. To demonstrate —_ nomical alignments at Chaco.) Ellis (1975) revealed that a site ‘works’ astronomically is not enough; __ her intimate association with Rio Grande ceremo-

it should ‘work’ culturally, also. This means __ nialism in an attempt by ethnographic analogy to marshalling evidence from different aspects place the hypothetical ‘ap 1054 supernova’ pictoof the archaeological record so that any astro- = graph at Chaco (Brandt et al., 1975; Brandt and nomical proposition makes cultural sense. Third, | Williamson, 1977) in the context of the Pueblo cal-

we need to involve expertise from diverse disci- | endar watch. For Hopi First Mesa, McCluskey plines: art, art history, archaeology, anthropology, (1977, 1981, 1982) broke new ground in a historical astronomy, ethnology, folklore, and history. This | understanding of the synchronization of solar- and strategy requires that we form multiple hypotheses, —_lunar-timed ceremonies. M. Jane Young (1987a)

involve multiple investigators (to avoid observer and Barbara Tedlock (1983) have given insights bias), and following multiple lines of evidence — about Zuni from their own experiences there. (See for we know from the historic Pueblo example that also Young and Williamson, 1981, for information cultural artifacts have multiple uses and meanings. on Zuni constellations.) Feeling the need for coherThis multivariate approach (Young, 1987b), how- —_ ent, comprehensive information, | have gathered ever, must be conducted in the appropriate cultural material from 19 historic Pueblos on sun- and

context. moon-watching for calendrical purposes (Zeilik, Finally, we must ask how valid our conclusions 1983b, 1985a, 1986a) and am continuing work on are, given our methods and ethnographic base from miscellaneous sky watching (planets, stars, comets, the historic Pueblos. Hedges has made some wise _and meteors).

observations in this regard with reference to Cali- The prehistoric observation of and possible rock fornia archaeoastronomy. His points (Hedges, art record (Miller, 1955) about the 1054 supernova 1985, pp. 35-7) also hold true, in my opinion, for | (which formed the supernova remnant now called the Pueblo Southwest, especially his plea that ‘we — the Crab Nebula in the constellation of Taurus the must develop a coherent, logically consistent line Bull) played a key role in sparking interest in Southof reasoning in the interpretation of archaeoastro- —_ western archaeoastronomy — at least among astro-

nomical sites’ (p. 35). nomers. The pictograph in Chaco on the canyon wall below Penasco Blanco (Figure 10.1) is one of

10.2 Astronomy in the historic Pueblos the better known of the rock art sites (Brandt and We owe a dubious debt to ethnographers who visited Williamson, 1979; Koenig, 1979; Mayer, 1979). the Pueblos before the economic encroachment of |= Most of the astronomical objections to this rock art Anglo society in the 1930s. These people — Jesse _ site as representing the 1054 supernova can be eliW. Fewkes, Frank H. Cushing, John G. Bourke, = minated simply by flipping the view (Gaustad, Alexander M. Stephen, Matilda C. Stevenson, Elsie 1980); but the nagging doubt remains that this conC. Parsons, and Edward S. Curtis — left us detailed figuration represents Venus next to the crescent

records of many aspects of Pueblo life. So many moon rather than the supernova (Ellis, 1975, and so detailed are they that the astronomical unity pp. 86—7). Other sites seem to have to be carried 144

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cipate 86a). | ime sot ee oe ee

MICHAEL ZEILIK

ting the date (Frigout, 1979; Sekaquaptewa, 1983; After breakfast, Cushing, Pedro Pino [the Zeilik, 1986a). And the date of a particular lunar Governor of Zuni] and myself went to the upper phase (such as full) may have been established to story of one of the highest houses on the Eastern within a day (or two) of the astronomically correct side of the Pueblo; here in the West wall was

phase (Bunzel, 1932b, pp. 702-3). an old blue china plate fixed there, so the head An emphasis on calendric anticipation switches of the house said, in the time of the Spaniards, our attention from directions to rate of change of to conceal a painting of the Sun, which faced direction (angular speed) of the sun. This mental a small rectangular aperture in the eastern wall.

realignment should not, however, overlook the When the sun shone through the aperture importance of direction to the Pueblo sense of farthest to the North, Spring had come and the sacred space. The special directions are usually the season of planting had arrived; the more four solstitial ones (winter and summer rising and Southerly aperture allowed the rays of the Sun setting), as well as the zenith and nadir, such as to fall upon the center of the plate (in ancient embodied in the placement of corn ears in the Chief times upon the face of the sun picture) about kiva during the Hopi Powamu ceremony (Stephen, the period of the Autumnal equinox — and when 1936, p. 228, fig. 140). Special colors are also linked the light struck a certain point in the wall, it was with each of the sacred directions, often with several the time of the Winter Solstice. animal associations, too (Parsons, 1939). Such This statement reveals the practices of solar calsacred directions may result in buildings with — endars at Zuni at a time before Anglo culture had special orientations in historic and prehistoric | much impact. Sunlight hits the sun face during hartimes. The point here is that cycles such as the __ vesting season; planting and the winter solstice were sun’s seasonal swing along the horizon involve also noted. And we also know that at the same time, motions to achieve the extreme positions. The Pekwin (Figure 10.3), the sun priest (or ‘cacique Pueblos embodied both in their astronomical prac- — of the: Sun’, as Bourke called him) did a horizon tices: the directions tend to be cosmic; the motions, — watch (Bourke, 1881, 19 November) as well as kept

calendrical. a wall calendar in his own house (according to his Finally, we need to consider how the calendrical __ brother). The half of that calendar that marked the

observations were made. For the sun, a horizon _ time from spring planting to the summer solstice calendar was most commonly used, and we have _ consisted of a horizontal line of scratches onto good maps for some of them (Stephen, 1936, maps —_ which sunlight fell through an east-facing window.

4 and 12). Astronomically, such horizons need to The half of the year to the winter solstice was be fairly distant (a few kilometers at least) withsome, = marked by strings of abalone shells, hanging on but not necessarily dramatic, relief. The sun priest the wall. From this information and the argument also goes to a special sunwatching station, which __ by analogy, we can tell archaeologists to look for is typically not marked by rock art (Zeilik, 1985d; = rooms that have windows situated so as to cast sunYoung, 1987a). The ethnographic analogy then light (probably in the morning) against a wall. Any raises a key archaeological problem: What would markers on these walls, however, would probably be the material evidence for a sun-watching station? —_ not have lasted 1000 years.

At Zuni, the historic sunwatching station at the old I find these Zuni examples especially curious village of Matsakya was well marked (Figure 10.2), | because we are told that Pekwin keeps both a hori-

but it no longer exists today. zon watch (Stevenson, 1904, pp. 109, 117-18) and The second calendrical technique involves the also one involving a wall calendar. What was the use of light and shadow cast through windows/por- _— cultural reason for this redundancy? Did Pekwin tals against a wall with markers (Lange, 1959, p.56); use both to anticipate and confirm important times?

this method has more hope for archaeological For instance, one major sequence of the wall calenremains. At Zuni, the famous passage of Cushing —_ dar includes the time of planting, winter solstice (1979, p.117) indicates markers of some kind on —_and summer solstice (Bourke, 1881, 3 September).

the wall. The diaries of John G. Bourke tell us | Pekwin’s horizon calendar involves similar time what was going on (Bourke, 1881, entry for 19 = sequences. Did these two parallel calendars both

November): support the degree of precision that Pekwin was 146

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_L | a~~)—rt—“‘“‘C_iéiCOCCC;!”!UWUCOUOC~C*™W””™UCUCUCO~~C~*~™~Csist—O~OCOC—CtOtisCisissSsSsSsi‘i‘iC;CrtC; 0 Ohl Fee = §—ig.8:/ ; —h—,DC d”:ttt ‘atewdw”ULUC™C paradigm ignored by Nowotny 1961; [] zodiac signs made sub-

21.2 Ritual number sets ject to the tonalamail.

To assess further the significance of this Mesoamerican zodiac, and in particular its link with the _ing to the excesses that the latter path has led to number 11, involves focusing more closely on the _ (e.g. with Seler). Respecting the constants inherent

whole ‘ritual’ corpus in iconographic script, to in the genre and which determine the extent and which Cospi and the other non-hieroglyphic texts —_ internal reading sequence of each chapter or other referred to so far belong, and which relies on certain — subdivision of the text, he concentrates on the 18 highly specific ciphers and number sets to establish 20-day ‘Feasts’ of the 365-day year and, above all,

reading sequence. (In hieroglyphics such ciphers the 260-unit tonalamatl with its constituent sets, are reduced almost always to just the 13 and the — which he calls ‘weeks’ (wochen), of Nine Night 20 of the tonalamatl.) This in turn involves a critique Figures (Yoalitecutin), Thirteen Numbers, and of the one catalogue published so far of the icono- |§ Twenty Signs. Alone, and in combination, these graphic ritual corpus, Nowotny’s 7iacuilolli. This —_ are shown to determine not just reading sequence, work gathers together the nine original texts that _—_ chapter by chapter, but frequency and rhythm, as in are extant, arranging them into subgroups andcom- _a musical score. In other words, by the very formalparing them with other genres like annals, and to _ ity and thoroughness of his analysis, Nowotny vinlater texts on European paper like Rios and Telleriano _dicates an overriding principle of numerology for of Tenochtitlan (Table 21.2), so as tosuggest prove- __ the entire genre, one that relies on the three ciphers

nance and the fact that though mantic they deal of the tonalamatl (9, 13, 20) and the cipher of the in part with material history; and it accounts for __ tropical year (18), the few passages he fails to explain

every page of every text. For all these reasons, in these terms providing our main focus below. because it is exhaustive and has no published rival, In the analysis of the tonalamatl chapters, there this catalogue must be held indispensable for any _ is little to object to, except perhaps a certain neglect thorough enquiry into the problem of possible — of the Nine Night Figures announcing what proves

zodiac and related data in the iconographic script to be a general anti-astronomical bias; he has tradition, and by extension in Mesoamerican texts nothing to say about the origin of these figures in

as a whole. midwifery, as representatives of the nine moons of Throughout, Nowotny makes the principle of his | human gestation, from the Fire of coition (1) to analysis formal rather than thematic, rightly point- _ the full water-bag of the Rain-god (9), and from 280

Zodiac signs, number sets, astronomical cycles

the first missed menses to birth, the exact span of A yet more serious failure of Tlacuilolli is that the tonalamatl as a whole.? Overlooking their pres- _it does not acknowledge even the existence of what ence in Laud (pp. 33-8), Diaz (pp.1-2), and the __ turns out to be the missing paradigm of Mesoameri-

toponyms of Culte rendu map, he comments neither can ritual: the Il. For the only chapters and on the time-shift effected by the Nine between sequences extant that are not governed by the ‘onalanights and moons, the Nine serving to identify both; — mazt/ or, within the domain of the year, by the 18 nor on the sevenfold year-guardian sequence of — Feasts, adhere, without exception, to the cipher 11, the Nine, the midwives’ gods (dioses de las parteras) _ leaving not a single page now unaccounted for anyillustrated in Borbonicus (pp. 21-2). To pick up these —- where in the nine works that constitute the genre.

formal omissions in Nowotny’s catalogue on the It should be recalled that this is so at the most basic

subject of the moon, along with its general lack _level of reading principle, of formal logic of of interest in astronomy, is essential to restoring | sequence and periodicity; and this in turn must to the tonalamatl its link with the sky, one which clearly affect our estimate of the significance and has always been accepted in principle in the case _ identity of the cipher 11.

of the year and its 18 seasonal Feasts. Lumped together by Nowotny with unrecognized When it comes to that other chief domain of ritual — Feast chapters under the all-purpose rubrics “T'em-

organization, the year, the same anti-astronomical __ pelkult’ and ‘Rituale mit Bundeln abgezahlter bias causes Nowotny seriously to underestimate its | Gegenstande’, the cases of the missing 11 are: Cosp: function and complexity, though of course he fully = (reverse pp. 1-11), where the 11-fold total of the endorses the link between the cipher 18 and the _ zodiac signs, already examined, governs the accom-

sun’s annual cycle. Again, at the most basic level = panying row of seated and armed figures, the he overlooks major examples of chapters whose par-_ —s number base of the bar-and-dot numbers, and the adigm is the 18 Feasts: Borgia (pp.29-46), where _ pages in the chapter; Laud (pp. 39-44), which opens these Feasts occupy a dramatic 18-page central sec- —_ with the same sacrifice scene as Cospi and where

tion running from Tecuilhuitl to Etzalcualiztli; © an upper row of 11 figures is introduced by a starFejervary (pp.5-22) where 18 pages range from — sky emblem; and Feervary (pp. 5—14) which opens Tititl to Atemoztli/Tititl, and characterize the span _—rwith the same zodiac stinger-and-flier as Cospi and from Micailhuitl with the ‘heart’ emblem found with — where the row of seated figures and the bar-and-dot

the Death to Turtle constellations in Cosp: (Table | numbers likewise adhere to the cipher 11 (Figure 21.1c, positions 8 to 11), which in fact dominate 21.5).

the night sky at that time of the year; and Laud This complete numerical consistency and the (pp. 21-2) which highlights a similar spaninitscon- —_ corresponding iconography of previously identified centration on Micailhuitl (with its domestic dog and — zodiac signs (Cospi, Fejervary) and stars (Laud) can-

turkey) and Atemoztli (‘water-falling’). In practice not but create the strong supposition that just as this omission precludes from the start any discus- __ the nine of the ‘onalamaitl relate to the moon, and

sion on his part of the variant forms and names just as the 18 Feasts relate to the sun, so the 11 of the 18 Feasts, not least those found in Maya _ relate to the night sky. In this reading, as complehieroglyphics, or those in the post-Cortesian tran- = mentary models of the year, solar and sidereal, the scriptions of Tenochtitlan where they are connected —‘18 and the 11 can be shown to enjoy a special and

to dates in the Christian year; of their structure, | complementary relationship: for in the Feervary arched as they are in pairs between the equinoxes —_ sequence (pp. 5-14) their annual intimacy is spelled in the Aztec tribute system; or of the support they _ out in the fact that the former sequence is actually lend, as a farmer’s, hunter’s and tribute calendar __ set into the first part of the latter’s 18 pages, from

for the claim that the year in question is indeed _Tititl to Tecuilhuitl, before the change in page for-

agricultural and seasonal and therefore over the mat and the doubling of the number base to 22 four-year span of its sign-names can and must which occur at Micailhuitl (p.11). As yearly sets include a leap-day (Broda, 1983), except of course — they are further similar in that like those of the in the special case of Maya hieroglyphics with its 18 the identities of the 11 individual figures (as standardized 360-day unit, to which even the Nine —_— opposed to actual constellation signs) display more

Night Figures of the tonalamatl are made subject. regional variation, within the surely fixed total of 281

GORDON BROTHERSTON

| 2 his 11 vertebral disks (Figures 21.6 and 21.7). Again

. ae Hy , in Borbonicus the same total is picked out in the

! o, L aS Dr stars over his consort Mayauel (3 + 1+ 11), on a a ty 4 " aS } Vn page where fermenting pulque is indicated by dots IN rh = Re numbering about 400 in all (see Figure 21.12), the

renee’, “ ‘ gs A be number of the Pleiades-drunks in the Popol Vuh. "a o eam wel ) The 11all stars occur again Mayauel significant in the Aubin |— |_|]Tef RDS _ tonalamatl, of which mustwith be deemed ' since otherwise such star totals vary considerably

(> due in part to their being capable of representing Pep| aG.calendrical time-units. In any case, in the Magliabecchiano group of texts

ellelictlellell ellelletlelle from Tenochtitlan these pulque gods actually

l ll l l l l | ! | i appear as 11, ‘ten local pulque gods, and one god-

lefettetelelleteiell ff dess of the same category’ as Zelia Nuttall put it (Boone, 1983, p. xix), leaving no doubt on the ques-

e lj e | e | e | || | e lle] od ll ad | e | tion. In this sequence, symmetrically placed at pos-

. itions 5 and 10, Patecatl and Mayauel (the one Figure 21.5 Fejervary (p. 5). ‘goddess’) hold their fellows between them (Table 21.1a) these being explicitly identified with toponyms, beginning with ‘he of Tepoztlan’ and the the set, than is the case with the tonalamaitl. Finally, | Tlahuica pulque shrines south of Tenochtitlan affirming this identity for the 11 makes plain that cogently discussed by Seler (1904; on ‘Tula’, see all the ciphers according to which the entire ritual

corpus is regulated derive, when not from the human body (20 digits), then from the sky (13

moons, 18 Feasts, 11orifices, constellations), or from a combination of both (nine moons). MAS, MMSE rs;D Within this framework, further evidence for the c y 1s Uy UAH). CY y idea of a zodiac 11 can be found in all that concerns (gy Ys7 Lf iy Ze} Pe

pulque, the drink fermented from maguey, and the afin (5°, ys pulque bringers whose nose-adornment is the moon . OMY" 3 crescent and whose principals are Patecatl and his OO) © consort Mayauel. The cosmogonical link between pulque and the zodiac is stated by the Popol Vuh, Figure 21.6 Patecatl’s 11 stars (Borbonicus, p. 11).

where after the Flood when humankind reverted to fish, the ‘four-hundred sons’ who built the first

house and brewed the first pulque got drunk and | ascended to become ‘The Four-Hundred’, that is

the zodiac asterism the Pleiades (Motz, in Maya, WC 7 st Edmonson, 1971, p. 48; cf. the Nahuatl Miec, ‘The - Of | Vy

Many’). In the treatment of the same cosmic history f ”

in Borbonicus and elsewhere, the pulque-bringer Ae . Patecatl glossed by Telleriano as ‘the one who sur- aoe vived the Flood’ (e/ que salio del diluvio), presides N 2

over the 11th ‘week’ of the tonalamatl, whose initial | Ae 4 Sign XI, Monkey, also a character of theisPopol Vuh and the offspring of thefrom 11ththat Bird,part y VP “L =

Macaw; and he does so under a zodiac sky of exactly 11 stars, a total repeated in Telleriano and Rios in Figure 21.7 Patecatl’s 11 vertebral disks and axe (Telleriano, 15v).

282

Zodiac signs, number sets, astronomical cycles

Brotherston, 1985, p. 228). Hence, the Magliabecchit others, the bar-and-dot numbers attached to the sequence overall may be seen to follow the ‘drun- — zodiac sequences in Cospi and Feervary may of ken’ swaying of the zodiac 11 to south and north — course represent ‘Bundeln’ on actual altars or of celestial equator positions occupied by Patecatl | ‘Opfertische’, as Nowotny, and Van der Loo (1982), and Mayauel, a scheme which in principle echoes _ following Schultze Jena, state they do; for they that of Diaz and which is physically represented _ indeed visually resemble such bundles and the layby the frieze at Bonampak, in exactly the same __ outs of them used by Tlapanec and other shamans numerical proportions (1:5:1:4) in and between _ today. Yet it is one thing to press the anthropological the ‘east’ and ‘west’ equatorial positions. A yet claim that these shamans know nothing of astron-

further link between the 11 and the zodiac is pro- omy or mathematics (something questionable vided by the axes they carry: used by the Pleiades —_ enough in itself); and it is quite another implicitly

‘Four-Hundred’ in the Popol Vuh to cut their to extend this denial back to the whole civilization house-beams, this instrument is also carried by the — of pre-Columbian Mexico, given what is surely Death and Rain-god figures among the Cospi 11 — known about its urban architecture, its calendars, and in Madrid, as well as by Patecatl in Borbontcus. and its written records, and given the patent comIn the opening comparison between native-script _ plexity of a document like Fejervary. Whatever else Sequences known to refer to the night sky, the = may be said of it, Fejervary is certainly not in the number 11 emerged as significant in at least three —_ business of just depicting shamanic altars: not least cases. In the subsequent analysis of the ritual corpus in both Fejervary and Cospi the layouts in question this same number emerged as the cipher essential _ provide but a part, confined to the lower register,

to a complete and formally consistent reading of | of the whole complex page-design which also the texts in question. Between the two orders of involves the 11 figures and a highly technical use evidence the cross-references were multiple and __ of the tonalamat/ (Figure 21.5), a fact which Van tied in thematically to maguey and the pulque — der Loo and others choose to ignore. Further, while bringers Patecatl and Mayauel. These circum- _ several of the subtotals recorded in Fejervary and stances would appear to justify the recognition of | Cospi (bars for 5, dots for 1) defy as yet any obvious

a Mesoamerican ‘zodiac 11’. astronomical or mathematical reading, and to that remain susceptible to the anthropological charge of

21.3 Numerical data and astronomical cycles being magic or merely ritualistic, the grand totals In thus corroborating and illuminating the idea of in both cases, as well as the optimal number base the Mesoamerican zodiac, whose existence was first on which they are constituted (11), readily lend suspected on Maya hieroglyphic evidence, the cor- _ themselves to such a reading. Indeed, in sheer arithpus of iconographic texts helps to vindicate in turn __ metic, defined as they are by the zodiac 11, these the notion, often dismissed, that they carry numeri- __ bars and dots never fail to yield sets of interrelated cal data of astronomical significance, solar, lunar, formulae and totals relevant to the synodic and the

and planetary, counterparts for which are well sidereal cycles of the moon and Venus. established in Maya hieroglyphic. The problem In the case of Cospi the focus appears to be the here has been one both of assumed context—typified — sidereal moon over a ritually significant period of in Nowotny’s anti-astronomism — and of the sheer _ nine, or 246 nights; the 2460 units given correspond

nature of the recording medium. For, unlike Maya _to ten times that period (Figure 21.8). The wider hieroglyphics, the iconographic script of Meso- echo, in ritual and in economics, of this siderealamerica is not obliged formally to separate out ‘writ- | moon total emerges from its presence in formulae ing’ from ‘arithmetic’ or either from ‘picture’, or for that matter from symbolic logic or music. On

the contrary, the ritual genre exults in the capacity Spike Shell Heart

of this script to propose multiple levels of reading, \ male, | 52} ree tat arose in For the east a bad omen (Lehmann, 1938, whe q}!| p. 288). this as year Chimalpahin describes the es AfiV ) Wha mixpanitl as of great brightness and in its form simi- ge | At Py lar to a rainbow (Chimalpahin, 1963-5, vol. I, p. & — 138), and the Anales de Tula refer to a mispanitl Figure 22.10 Sahagun (1979, book 12 fo. 11).

like fire (1979, p. 38). Ixtlilxochitl gives a more detailed description: according to him it was an From the descriptions given we can easily con‘esplandor which lasted many nights and arose in clude that it was neither a comet, nor a meteor. the east like a pyramid of flames (Ixtlilxochitl, 1965, The description in pyramidal form and the appearvol. II, p. 313). The picture in Codex en Cruz (1981) ance in the east clearly suggest an identification

could be an illustration of this phenomenon, ag zodiacal light, which has precisely this form in because it shows a column which is more narrow tropical latitudes (Herrmann, 1973, p. 138). The towards the top; the latter, however, is turned a _yarious references to an appearance in the east suglittle to the left (Figure 22.8)°. The image of a pyra- gest that it was an observation before dawn around the autumn equinox. The information by Sahagiin that it lasted a whole year should not be given too

iamuch weight, since he is the only one who gives this detail. When identifying the phenomenon as :\ zodiacal light(1938, — which was already conclusion of Lehmann p. 286) -— theretheremains still one question: why is it reported specifically for the

Figure 22.8 Codex en Cruz (1981, 5 Tochdi). years 1508 to 1510, and especially for 1509 and 1510? Theoretically, in the tropics, it is a spectacular

mid is also rendered by the illustrations in Codex phenomenon every year around the equinoxes, in Mexicanus (Figure 22.9) and the Cédice Florentino SP™8 after dusk and in the autumn before dawn.

ae i March is 22.10), not really favourable month of Sahaguin (Figure this atime most convincae with , a regard ingly. Sahagin has two descriptions in the Cédice to its visibility in Mexico because it is the dry season with a lot of dust, and furthermore it is the time when the burning of felled trees in the system of slash and burn agriculture begins, causing plenty of smoke. In September the main rainy season is

- over, but usually the sky is overcast on many days i and there are also heavy rains as an effect of hurri7 canes in the Caribbean. Since the sources recorded i point toward a phenomenon in the eastern sky, that ett is in September, the explanation may be that these were years without hurricanes around the autumn

Figure 22.9 Codex Mexicanus (1952, pl. 75). equinox. 293

ULRICH KOHLER

In this context of other spectacular phenomena In the Spanish section of his dictionary, Molina one more deserves mention. Again in codices Vati- _uses the term citlalin tlamina as equivalent of cometa canus A and Telleriano Remensis, for the year 7 Tec- que corre (Molina, 1970, vol. 1, 27v), thus indicating

patl (1512) there is the picture of the sky on top, that he refers to a meteor. Sahaguin on the other the ideograph tet/, ‘stone’, at the bottom, anda line _ had has caused some misunderstanding because of

with branches on both sides connecting them an unclear passage in his Cédice Florentino. The (Figure 22.1la, b). According to the text of Codex literal translation of citlalin tlamina (Figure 22.12)

rates “eps | ee) Cs Figure 22.12 Sahagan (1950-69, book 7, fig. 21). |

is ‘star shoots’ or more precisely “star shoots arrow

ig at: or spear’. He renders this translation, but adds the

® o comment that the inflamacion de la cometa was called Figure 22.11 (a) Codex Telleriano Remensis (1899, fo. 42v). (b) by this term (Sahagin, 1979, book VII, fo. 8v).

Codex Vaticanus A (1979, fo. 85v). Anderson and Dibble as well as Garibay interpreted inflamacion as the tail of a comet and added this word in parentheses to their respective translations Telleriano Remensis (1899, 42v), stones were smok- (Sahagiin, 1950-69, book VII, p. 64; 1969, vol. 2, ing so much that year that it reached the heavens. __ p. 263). I think the idea of a comet’s tail leads us This is somehow in accordance with the pictograph, = on the wrong track. After all, the fast movement but does not make much sense and would seem __ of shooting an arrow excludes the association with to be one of many hints of the fact that the Spanish =a comet. text was not contained in the original, but was added Associating now citlalin tlamina with the phenoindependently at a later date by a more or less |= menon of meteors, the question remains whether informed person. Aveni has suggested that this pic- — this term refers to a particular star which shoots

tograph stands for a meteor (Aveni, 1980, p. 27). or to the projectiles. The image of ‘star shoots’ We may draw this more convincing argument — would rather point to the former. Already in 1910, further and suggest that it represents a meteorite, however, Beyer rejected this idea, and he pointed fallen from the sky. Should it be mere coincidence __ to the parailel in English, where a ‘shooting star’ that the ‘branches’ of the line connecting heaven __ is also a meteor and not a distant star which shoots

and earth point in the opposite direction to that (Beyer, 1965, p. 284). This interpretation is supof the mixpanitl (Figure 22.7a, b), which was des- —_ ported by Mufioz Camargo, a chronicler of 16th cribed as rising from the earth to the sky? Another century Tlaxcala: he also uses the word cometa when case of a meteorite could be depicted in Codex Mexi- —_ describing a meteor, and he explicitly says that these canus (1952, pl. 57) for the year 11 Acatl (1399). —_ are the arrows of the stars (Mufioz Camargo, 1892, The entry shows two stars, one in the sky, the other __ p. 13). Even more impressive are data recorded by

touching the ground, and both conneced bya verti- Schultze Jena in 1929 in Zitlala, Guerrero, where

cal line. the Nahuatl-speaking Indians have a concept of atlaminalli, ‘star arrows’, and these are nothing else

22.4 Meteors than meteors (Sahagiin, 1950, p. 64). After initial The criterion by which meteors under the guise doubts we may safely conclude that citlalin tlamina of the Spanish word cometa can be separated from __ refers to a meteor.® Interestingly enough, without real comets is that of a fast movement like running |= commenting on the matter, Anderson and Dibble or falling. This is clearly a quality of meteors, not —_ simply translate the term as ‘shooting star’ — with of comets. In Aztec there are two terms for meteors: | the meaning the word has in English — in another citlalia. tlamina and xihuitl. Both need a few words __ chapter of the Florentine Codex (Sahagun, 1950-69,

of explanation. book VII, p. 13). 294

Comets and falling stars

The Aztec word xihuitl stands for a running com- _ becomes evident that there is no split tongue, which eta according to Codex Telleriano Remensis (1899, is the distinctive element for snakes in Mexican ico39v) and Sahagun (1979, book VIII, fo. 12r), while — nography. If not a snake, what kind of animal may Molina associates it with the idea of falling (Molina, — there be depicted? On the grounds of its form it 1970, H, 159v). These descriptions show that the could well be a caterpillar, an ocuili, and, checking phenomenon in question is not a comet buta kind —_ with Cédice Mendoza (1979, pp. 10v, 34r), the animal

of meteor.’ in the hieroglyph for Ocuilan has indeed the same In Yucatecan dictionaries of the 16th century — kind of head as the one under discussion. The there are also a few entries under the headings of spines along the body are common to several kinds cometa, which rather seem to refer to meteors. The __ of caterpillars in Mexico and may serve, therefore,

quality of fast movement is expressed by the Maya as _a further criterion to identify the animal as terms halal ek, ‘running star’, or u halal dzutan,‘run- _ belonging to this category. Finally, the identifica-

ning of witch’, while chamdl dzutan, ‘cigarette tion of the snakelike being as caterpillar is not really witch’, refers to a spark, like that of a falling cigar- astonishing, since we know from Sahagutin about ette butt (Alvarez, 1980, pp. 106f). The identifica- the close relationship between such animals and tion of this image with a falling star is supported — meteors.

by the Spanish gloss which describes the phenome- The second recorded appearance of an im-

non as small cometas. pressive meteor occurred some time between 1510 With regard to the effect of falling stars, only and 1519, and it is mentioned by several chroniinformation from central Mexico could be detected. _clers as one of the bad omen which preceded the The Aztec considered them as dangerous, for, if | Spanish conquest and caused great fear. The most that arrow hit an animal or man, an ocuili, a maggot _ precise account is from Sahagiin (1979, book VIII, or caterpillar, would be left in the wound.!° There- _ fo. 12r), who even presents a picture of it (Figure fore, people protected themselves when walking at = 22.14).

night and they refrained from eating animals wounded by a shooting star (Sahagin, 1979, book VII, fo. 8v). For Tlaxcala similar bad effects are

reported by Munoz Camargo (1892, p. 133): it was > feared that game in the fields and woods was killed

by these arrows. Figure 22.14 Sahagun (1979, book 8, fo. 12r). There are two historical instances of meteors reported in the early sources from the center of Mexico. Since both refer to spectacular events, we — He also uses the term xiuit/ and describes it as a may assume that these were not ordinary falling | cometa which appeared before dusk and ran from Stars but strong showers of meteors. For the year —_ west to east; it was split into three parts and gave 9 Calli (1489)! the Codex Telleriano Remensis (1899, the impression of showering sparks. The picture p. 39v) reports: ‘corrio una cometa muy grande que _ conveyed is clearly that of a shower of meteors. ellos Ilaman xihuitl’?, and it shows the picture of — It would seem that the word xiuit/ is used especially

a snakeline being (Figure 22.13a), which also for such spectacular appearances of meteors, and appears in Codex Vaticanus A (Figure 22.13b). If | indeed Molina’s dictionary glosses it in another one observes the drawings meticulously, it | entrance as cometa in the form of a ball or great flame (Molina, 1970, I, 27v).

Let us now turn to the concepts of present-day Indians about meteors and the effects of their arrival

on earth as meteorites. The data recorded show

% ys some of insight continuity of thought, butwhich also ew,instances offer further into indigenous ideas

” ” are not contained in the early sources.

Figure 22.13 (a) Codex Telleriano Remensis (1899, fo. 39v). (b) Of all the concepts of meteors encountered, their

Codex Vaticanus A (1979, fo. 92v). configuration as excrement of stars seems to be the 295

ULRICH KOHLER

most frequent. Up to now this idea has been Among the Nahua of Los Reyes in the Sierra reported for the Tlapanec in Guerrero (Schultze de Zongolica, state of Veracruz, I was confronted Jena, 1933-8, vol. III, p. 157), the Chontalin Oaxaca —_ with ideas which bring together the Aztec notion

(Turner and Turner, 1971, p. 156), the Tzotzil | ofaclose relationship between meteors and caterpil(Gelwan, 1972, p. 9), Tzeltal (Slocum and Gerdel, lars with the widespread idea that meteors are the 1971, p. 52; Gelwan, 1972, p. 9) and Tojolabal excrement of stars.!° According to these Indians, (Ruz, 1982, p. 52) in Chiapas, as well as the Quiché —_ where a xihuitl, the term applied both for meteor

and Cakchiquel in Guatemala (Remington, 1977, | and meteorite, arrives on the earth, black caterpilp. 82). Apparently the respective words in these lan- —_ lars will appear, which are about 3cm long and

guages comprise both meteors and meteorites. are piled together into a heap the size of a hand. Among the Tojolabal and the Tzotzil of Zinacantan These caterpillars are called citlalocuile, ‘star-caterthe respective term for a shooting star stands as __ pillars’, as well as citlalcuitlatl, ‘starshit’, and the well for obsidian (Laughlin, 1975, p. 93; Ruz, 1982, —_ heap looks indeed like excrement.

p. 52) while other Tzotzil, as interviewed by Gelwan With regard to the ideas about the effects of fall(1972, p. 9) and myself, are not that specific about _—ing stars, no uniform concept could be detected the kind of stone which arrives on earth. Anyhow, | among present day Indians. Pessimistic, optimistic

also for them meteors and the objects which reach as well as ambivalent expectations have been the earth are merely two aspects of one and the — encountered. An example for the first attitude was same thing.!’ Somehow akin to this school of — reported from southern Veracruz by Foster (1945, thought are the ideas of certain highland Totonac __ p. 187): “The Popoluca knows better than to point

who conceive meteors as the urine of the stars at a falling star, for he knows that incurable erup-

(Aschmann, 1962, pp. 2, 132). tions will break out on his arm if this is done.’ For the Maya of Yucatan (Tozzer, 1907, p. 158)'* = This is somehow reminiscent of the Aztec fear of and Chorti of Guatemala (Girard, 1966, p. 74) fall- being hit by a stellar arrow. Sickness, this time in

ing stars are the cigarette or cigar butts of the the form of a swollen leg, is also reported for the raingods. This idea has already been encountered Tzotzil of Zinacantan, but only if the shooting star in a Yucatecan dictionary of the 16th century, but —_is met before midnight (Laughlin, 1975, p. 284). while these leftovers were then attributed toan ano- — Rather more pessimistic are the Jacalteca in the nymous witch, the Indians — freed from early mis- | Highlands of Guatemala according to La Farge and sionary endeavour — now seem to express freely what = Byers (1931, p. 129): ‘If a falling star - tahumi'

they really think. — falls near a house, it is regarded as a sign of By Yucatec Maya, Tozzer was also informed that __ sickness. If it bursts over a house, someone will meteorites are the arrowpoints of the raingods, and ___ die.’ Similar are the beliefs of the Huave who expect sometimes one finds them in the forest (Tozzer, _ sickness‘and death in the surroundings of the place

1907, p. 157). This concept is similar to that of | where a falling star has arrived on earth (Lupo, meteorites in the form of obsidian among some 1981, p. 285). Tzotzil and Tojolabal in Chiapas. The general idea Positive expectations are scarce. The Tzotzil of is reminiscent of the Aztec visualization of meteors _Zinacantan believe that where a shooting star — seen

as arrows or spears, which is also reported forrecent after midnight — lands, treasure can be found Nahua in Guerrero (Sahagun, 1950, p. 64) and (Laughlin, 1975, p. 232). This seems to be an idea the Totonac of Papantla, Veracruz (Aschmann, imported from Europe. On the other hand, there

1973, pp. 100, 120). is at least one example of an autochthonous belief Another concept of shooting stars, up tonowonly __ in beneficial actions of shooting stars: that of the

recorded for the Huave in the Isthmus of Tehuante- Totonac in the northern Sierra de Puebla. As pec, is that of an iguana’s tail (Lupo, 1981, p. 285; reported by Ichon, certain stones, sent by stars, have Stairs Kreger and Scharfe de Stairs, 1981, p. 113). therapeutic and other magic qualities; furthermore, A sole case is also the designation of aerolitos as __ there are four arrow-shooting stars in the corners xopilli, as | was informed by a Nahua from Ayutzi- —_ of the sky which protect mankind (Ichon, 1969, pp. napa*in Guerrero; according to Molina (1970, 2, = 98f).

p. 161), that word means ‘toe’. The belief that meteors/meteorites may be 296

Comets and falling stars

naguals, that is companion spirits of humans in the _late about the feelings of these Indians towards the form of which the particular persons can act attheir = presence of alligators, we may assume that they will, may be considered an ambivalent attitude to- —_ would be rather happy to get such a source of water wards these celestial phenomena, because the indi- _ in their quite arid environment.

viduals in question may use such supernatural Tozzer just listed the general belief, but did not power to the benefit as well as to the detriment of | mention any concrete examples where that may have

other people or the community as a whole. Of happened. Looking into much older sources, the healers with such a nagual one would rather expect 16th century Relactones de Yucatan, there seems to beneficial actions, but not so of witches. This belief | be a reference, however, to a particular case. After

in meteors as naguals has been registered among mentioning the name Yocajeque [Yocah-Ek’], a the Tzotzil of Zinacantan (Laughlin, 1975, p. 284), _ place in the vicinity of Chuaca [Chauac-Hal, there and more recently among the Huave (Lupo, 1981, __ is an explanation why the former is called that way: p. 296) and Mixe (Kohler, 1983, p. 30) inthe Isth- _—it received its name because there is a very deep

mus of Tehuantepec. lake, and the natives say that a star fell into it,'®

To this category of ambivalent expectations we — with massive rains (Relaciones..., 1983, vol. 2, p. may also count the ideas of Maya in Yucatan who — 33).

informed Tozzer: ‘Where a meteorite falls, there Should this not be a case interesting enough to a lake will afterward be found, filled with alligators. | be seriously investigated by astronomers and (Tozzer, 1907, pp. 157f). While we can only specu- _ geologists?

Notes the end of the first decade. If not obsolete, the notion could refer to a particular day.

1 F or this facsimile edition which has no throughgoing 8 This interpretation does by - means deny the belief

pagi nauion, the form of quotation is altered. The in stars which shoot. Such action was especially information given here, about the respective book and believed of Venus, as attested by illustrations in Codex folio, will be helpful, regardless of which edition of Dresdensis (1975, pp. 46-50) or Codex Cospi (1968,

Sahagun’s Historia General is at hand. pp. 9-11).

2 There is the picture of a smoking star, but above the 9 According to Molina, the word xihuitl has a variety glyph | Tecpatl (1532). For that year no other source of different meanings: ‘afio, cometa, turquesa e yerua’ from Mexico reports a comet, although two were seen (Molina, 1970, I, 159v.), that is year, meteor, turin the Old World (Baldet, 1950, p. 46). The picture quoise and more generally jewel, and herb. To a cercould refer to one of those, or — if placed a little tain point this variety is due to the fact that the writers

too much to the right — to Halley’s comet. of the 16th century did not take into account the vowel 3 It is not necessary to give illustrations of all of them, length which is a prominent feature in Aztec. Modern because they follow the same pattern as Figure 22.4a, authors present the difference between xihuitl, ‘year’,

b and 22.5a, b. and xi-huitl as test-case to demonstrate the change

4 This source is also known by the names of Cédice of meaning, but they fell into the trap set by the early

Chimalpopoca and Anales de Cuauhtitlan. Spanish writers and wrongly translate the latter word 5 The notion of 40 days is reminiscent of the duration as ‘comet’ instead of ‘meteor’ (Anderson, 1973, p. of the Flood in the Old Testament, and seemingly 9; Andrews, 1975, p. 4). this idea somehow found its way into the codex. 10 Anderson and Dibble translate ocuillo, in Spanish 6 This form is given in the copies of Leén y Gama gusano, as ‘worm’ (Sahagiin, 1950-69, book VII, p. and Pichardo, while that of Dibble (Codex en Cruz, 13), which does not seem to be correct. One may 1981) also shows a circle on top. Of the latter, how- reach this conclusion when checking the meaning of ever, nothing can be seen on the photograph of the gusano in modern Spanish dictionaries. On the other

original. hand, Sahagtin, in his 11th book which deals with

7 In two of the versions there is a brief notion that animals, gives ample information on what kind of it began in 12 Calli. Interpreted as designation of animals are ment by the terms ocui/: (which is the a year this would be 1517. We know, however, from same word as above) and gusano: it is a variety of Sahagun himself as well as the many other sources caterpillars, maggots and larvae, and the only examthat the phenomenon had already appeared toward ples for worms mentioned are intestinal worms of 297

ULRICH KOHLER humans and dogs (Sahaguin, 1979, book XI, fos. Baldet, I*. (1950). Liste générale des cométes, de l’origine 103r-107r). Actually, even two kinds of cittlal ocujlt, 41948. Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes pour l'an 1950, ‘star maggots or caterpillars’, are mentioned. The first Paris. is a caterpillar which feeds on opuntia, and the other Beyer, H. (1965). La astronomia de los Antiguos Mexicaone is seemingly a kind of maggot or larva which nos. El México Antiguo X, 266-84. breeds in the flesh of rabbits and other rodents. The Brewer, F. and Jean, G. (1971). Vocabulario Mexicano de second kind is also called citlal myti, ‘star arrow or Tetelcingo, Morelos. México: Instituto Lingiiistico de spear’ (Sahagun, 1979, book XI, fo. 105v). ‘This sub- Verano — SEP. stantiates the belief that such animals in the flesh are Chimalpahin, D. de San Anton Mufion (1963-5). Die

Tochtli (1490). ye

the result of falling stars. f . Relationen Chimalpahin’s zur Geschichte México’s, Parts M rom me arrangement 0 ine pictures the ae tl I, Il. Aztekischer Text, herausgegeben von Ginter tation also seems possible that it occurred in Zimmermann. Universitat Hamburg: Abhandlungen

; ; ; aus dem almost Gebietlike der met/, Auslandskunde, 12 Although it looks ‘agave’, thevols. . . 68, 69. Reihe lant at the right end could be a pictograph for B. Hamburg: Cram, de Gruyter & Co.

pian ate night ene’ presoerapa Clark, D. and Stephenson, F. R. (1977). The Historical

xihuitl, ‘herb’, thus giving the name of its celestial

homonym. Supernovae. Oxford: Pergamon Press.

13 A more detailed account on ideas of the Tzotzil Codex Aubin (1981). Geschichte der Azteken. Der Codex about falling stars can be found in a paper by Lamb Aubin und verwandte Dokumente. Aztekischer Text,

(1984). ubersetzt und erlautert von Walter Lehmann und

14 Tozzer uses the term ‘comet’, but from the context Gerdt Kutscher, abgeschlossen und eingeleitet von

it is evident that the movement of meteors is described. Gunter Vollmer. Quellenwerke zur Alten Geschichte 15 In Spanish the Indian informant also used the word Amerikas XIII. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag. cometa, but from his description it became entirely Codex Cospi (1968). Codices Selecti, vol. 18. Graz: Akadem.

clear that he was not speaking about a comet. Druck- und Verlagsanstalt. 16 Yocah ek’ means ‘star has pierced’. Codex Dresdensis (1975). Sachsische Landesbibliothek Dresden (Mscr. Dresd. R 310). Codices Selecti, vol.

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UNAM. Press.

Anales de Tecamachalco (1981). Cronica local y colonial Codex Mextcanus (1952). Bibliothéque Nationale de Paris, en idioma Nahuatl, 1398 y 1590. Coleccién de Docu- nos. 23-4. Journal de la Socteté des Americanistes, NS

mentos para la Historia Mexicana, publicadas por 41, pl. IEXLIV. Antonio Penafiel. México: Editorial Innovacion. Codex Telleriano Remensis (1899). Manuserit mexicain du Anales de Tula (1979). Museo Nacional de Antropologia cabinet de Ch. M. Le Tellier, archevéque de Reims a la (Cod. 3 2-9). Comentario de Rudolf A. M. van Zan- Bibliotheque Nationale (Ms. mexicain no. 385). Tran-

twijk. Graz: Akadem. Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt. scription et commentaire de E. ‘I. Hamy. Paris:

Salt Lake City: University Utah Press ann .. ye Codex Vaticanus of A (1979). Codex Vaticanus 3738 (Cod.

Anderson, A. J. O. (1973). Rules of the Aztec Language. Loubat

Andrews, R. (1975). Introduction to Classical Nahuatt:Vaticana. , as , ; oo J. 7 Vat. A, Cod. Rios) der Biblioteca Apostolica Austin. University of ‘l’exas Press. Codices Selecti. vol. 65. Graz: Akad Druck d

Aschmann, H. P. (1962). Vocabulario Totonaco de la Sierra. v. a ‘ oe VOR D2. MRAZ. MAAC. Lites an

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Aschmann, H. P. (1973). Diccionario Totonaco de Papantla, © 94#ce Mendoza (1979). Coleccion de Mendoza o Codice

Veracruz. México: Instituto Lingiiistico de Verano — Mendocino. Facsimile fototipico. México: Editorial

Aveni, A. F. (1980). Skywatchers of Ancient Mexico. Austin: Duran, Fray D. (1967). Historia de las Indias de Nueva

University of Texas Press. Espana e islas de la tierra firme, vols. I, ll. ed. por Angel Baez-Jorge, F, (1983). La cosmovision de los Zoques Ma. Garibay k,, Biblioteca Porrua, vols. 36, 37. Méxen Chiapas (Reflexiones sobre su pasado y presente). ico. In Antropologia e Historia de los Mixe-soques y Mayas. Foster, G. M. (1945). Sierra Popoluca folklore and Hofnenaje a Frans Blom, eds. L. Ochoa and ‘I. A. Lee, beliefs. University of California Publications in American

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Texte. Miinchen: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag. Press. Hochleitner, F. J. (1974). Kometeninschriften in Maya- Ruz, M. H. (1982). Los legitimos hombres. Aproxtmacion

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299

23

Cosmic ideograms on petroglyphs of the Mesoamerican cultures of ‘El Zape’ region in Durango, Mexico Alejandro Peschard Fernandez, Jaime Ganot Rodriguez and Jesus F. Lazalde Montoya Universidad Juarez de Durango

The archaeological site of ‘E] Zape’ was discovered The existence of these cultural elements in an very early by the friars during the conquest of Mex- _ area located geographically far away from the great ico. There are references to it in the 1604 and 1610 — ceremonial centers of Mexico, make E] Zape a place ‘Anuas’, or yearly reports, that they were required __ of great importance in the archaeology of the north

to send to their superiors (Perez de Ribas, 1944). of Mexico, and it may be a fundamental link in Several scientific studies have been performed __ interrelations between Mesoamerica and the culin the area; however, most of them have dealt with tures of the southwestern United States.

isolated aspects of its archaeology. If they are ana- The existence in the area of a site with petrolyzed as a whole one may be able to establish afhr- _ glyphs is of great importance. It was briefly described

matively that a developed culture existed as El] Zape in 1936 by the American archaeologist J. Alden

with the following characteristics: Mason (Mason, 1961), and in 1984 the authors of (1) The existence of large areas of stone this paper reported that this place may have funcconstructions on the low, little hills near the tioned as a solar observatory (Peschard et al., 1984).

Sextin River and on the high parts of the The ‘observatory’ was constructed through

mountains (Tarayre, 1869). modifications made to a rhyolithic wall. This was (2) Corn, beans, and squash agriculture since accomplished by pulling out large flagstones, cutearly times, about 660 Bc (Brooks, Kaplan and ting down the walls to make them flat, widening

Cutler, 1962). the clefts into which wedges were put in order to

(3) Use of copper (Mason, 1971). keep them open (Figure 23.1), and by engraving (4) Ceremonial polychrome pottery of the figures in specific sites (Figure 23.2). Mixteca—Puebla type (Ganot and Peschard, These modifications were probably made for

1985). determination of the pivots of the north and south

(5) Intentional cranial deformation of the tabular maximum displacement of the sun on the horizon oblique and tabular erect types (Brooks and and to point to the place where the sun lies after

Brooks, 1980). half of its semiannual travel, by watching the sun

(6) Burials in funeral urns (Larios, 1612). during its decline through one of its clefts (Figure (7) Spinning and weaving (Mason, 1966). 23.3), or the projection of sunlight through another (8) Petroglyphs with designs similar to some cleft and over the engravings (Figure 23.4). In this glyphs of the Maya and Mixteca cultures way they were able to determine the beginning and (Mason, 1961; Peschard et al., 1984, pp. 6-7). ending of the seasons of the year. (9) The use of a calendar to establish the seasons It is important to note that most of the engravings ofthe year (Peschard, Ganot and Lazalde, © are geometrical, with different motifs in the interior,

1984, pp. 19-20). as if each of them was intended to express something

300

ee | |

8: 6s*Peepee #9 cpt evioOn | a : i sie v 7 TPP yee a2 gs Bi a Bk GN py a costes oom LL De Ce

! Cosmic ideograms on petrogly; er 7

: will PTE ae ; cee i Oe . i —~. LL C=C=”E. i ~——| - hCCC

CEs. 2 = Cr ~~ | ~=—CSe > CC | = =——rt—“—eSSsS—sSsS— LLL |.

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i . ste : |

. 7 ee SEES aS ee ee ee ae ee ee Ls ee A ane (aT cance oo Nl ae _ . _ . : , ’ | :

Figure 23.1 T‘The El Zaps 23.1 The observatory ofof pe.El: Zape. | of | El 23.1 observatory | os Zane —— | | 7 || Figure TFigure The observatory

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pee DAES pois a Wie IS ee —— ee : ee OF Se as Se ee ge ae Te | ae oo ye __

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wot Cee Ol” hr Bag, Si

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. ; . a).ANS ; NIM OREN YOypee ote )‘}‘A| a4]3ar< . . ms we AL cay eC, a AS SNyA TRSeg ET ene\ gama 1a’soma L C t ~af\ A mo Aa ee Ne Nees . oes tn Vanteta ° Bee, LARRY OR{ 7 aa Me i De A. * ., ca og. a 3; . A trie ut 1§ 611 La Tutubeida % RET OSS re ae WB peting ee REL as Frere:

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ps ffSAN , AN Se NG 7 ANC LAS :,|3aDurango Ag Ow Soe nh aa ce ) (oo ME. gu >» Re : ; .| jd. ™ c BY, ah SBN ns ae | Wr. Rie Cences > * Dg Sek € Fone apr x

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j ( a oY . i } a y meen A i _— ~ 5 = SRO ‘ o \ Ip tone ne

Figure 23.7 Sites with petroglyphs in the Mexican state of Durango.

Cosmic ideograms on petroglyphs, ‘El Zape’ region

\!(Aoo 6 Pty ‘all K b> S

R

|

1m

Figure 23.8 Petroglyphs at El Alamo 1.

aT su gL)

‘\ r > ~ IS Sy RI | if < aa) | ¥ Im Im

Figure 23.9 Petroglyphs at F1 Puente. Figure 23.10 Petroglyphs at Agostaderitos.

aa sven | E Im

Figure 23.11 Petroglyphs at Fl Alamo 2.

305

uw

i~

ALEJANDRO PESCHARD F., JAIME GANOT R. AND JESUS LAZALDE M.

Pete . Aa. Ss eee

Zs

a) —¥ vA =

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I

40 cm

b Figure 23.14 Human, animal and astral signs in the petroglyphs

pee

of La Tutubeida.

= Ke \

SS | Puente. AS 7 50 cm

Figure 23.12 Human and animal motifs in petroglyphs at El | ) a

40 cm

Cantera. of La Tutubeida.

Figure “23.13 Human and animal motifs in petroglyphs at La Figure 23.15 Human, animal and astral signs in the petroglyphs

306

Cosmic ideograms on petroglyphs, ‘El Zape’ region

The importance of observation of the celestial Ve phenomena may have associated with role new0—/— —™—_—O— —— — COO—OO"@——————"" —— — - Yj 77/7/77 7/”ww’w«w™w0/45wJJwWy)/)y lWW/|')»-=$y-—C CC ttt“ (i‘i(‘é((T’E(SNSS§$SRRS#“A(éC“#NNNWNWNWSSNWW“#{’#UUUCWNWW’ ™”—"t”— = >=» —— Le DU“‘e™”UODULUDUhUO®U®U”OU™UC™C~Ctété‘(‘(;S™Ssésétsés*s*stsés*s*s=sésS*=S~SCoy years. . |go : " ee “Apache gee =. poy Sereused Pohad SEE aucluded Be&7tae mene ee ee ene. aS egoewould ees ee ei le a=about oghe ig = as ascan had t hl all thea eas seauc ATMS WOUIC JUSI 4.,oo ant /

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sey322 eCa iad Wi _. Vah| the 2 1¢ ad it ,hoc « a : SS te Mees: . .. tor ie ITC ny ae ication. mo ex eee ce a fla VSes Aone ee puod: 1as~— | |Jesse ince: ; ; a:R. := ee8 eea.Cparcda — =e ae 2. oe ;geeee’ _ oe Ee -Roncreae ,7 |wini. :.gested by Hall (Marsk ation. If,aulon. was sug-

:STCog : : :dl;: :ee Vidi ees 1985) : ee Ens mehs eH,iStl oy . . :S Se‘. .ac 7 : so : ; ee: Be ae) =Tee 5 Ee the Wi /:/ oo b,a

North American Indian calendar sticks

culture derives from a climax Mississippian farming the suggestion that an early observational astronomy

culture, then current archaeological and archacoas- and hunter-gatherer’s lunar calendar may have tronomical investigation may be able to uncover — entered the Americas from Asia may provide the aspects of an indigenous lunar-solar tradition basis for an inquiry into the origins, development among these early farming cultures that was not and dispersal of different North and South Ameriderived from Mesoamerican models. In addition, — can Indian indigenous calendar traditions.

Notes widespread tradition of eclipse prediction. lor one | Tshi-zun-hau-kau engraved his calendar stick on the thing, the stick is totally different in internal structure shore of Lake Michigan in the 1820s at the time that and breakdown from the other sticks 89 far studied, the Canadian blacksmith, Joseph Jourdain, was making and on none of the other sticks is there an indication and trading metal tools. Tshi-zun-hau-kau had used of the sums and counts that appear on the hrst stick. a metal punch, probably traded from Jourdain, to The sums and counts in the analysis were derived from impress his lunar circles over the full moon periods. the arithmetical mode of analysis. There is no evidence The two Winnebago calendar sticks from the end of that they were of interest to the record-keeper. There the 19th century also evidence a use of metal trade is, in addition, no ethnographic evidence for eclipse tools. ‘Phe circles on the calendar stick analyzed in prognostication or an arithmeticized calendar year in this paper are made with a metal drill head and the North America. As I have stated, it is theoretically possarcs seem to have been made with a metal punch. Each ible that an arithmetical year and eclipse determination month on face D is terminated by use of a tiny fleur-de- could have been derived from such a notational tralys metal punch, perhaps originally made for decorat- dition given the proper cultural conditions. Unfortuing leather. It is probable that these metal trade items nately, the calendar sticks indicate individual problemwere curated by the Winnebago calendar keepers as solving strategies within a widespread, but generalized specialized tools. The tradition of calendric notation, tradition of lunar and solar observation. The formal however, was indigenous and owed nothing to Luro- regularities of a standardized, arithmetical calendar do pean influence. The presence of incised and painted not appear. In the Americas such standardized systems signs throughout the accumulation indicates that the appear with the development of ‘state’ administrations. metal tools were merely adapted to the indigenous tra- Despite the complexity of the Mississipian cultures and

dition. influences from Mesoamerica, there is no evidence for

2 Murray’s paper (Chapter 25 of this volume) proposes an administrative calendar or record-keeping of the a number of hypotheses based on the analysis of the Mesoamerican type. There is, also, no evidence for hirst Winnebago calendar stick. He attempts to infer the artificial 260-day calendar cycle in the calendar

a bar-and-dot’ system of notation derived from stick tradition. Mesoamerica. The use of sets of lines and dots in nota- I suppose that it is natural to seek Mesoamerican tional accumulation is so natural and widespread that influences in cultural developments that occurred outno such inferences can be drawn from the presence ‘de of Central America. These influences. however

of these modes. They appear in the Upper Paleolithic nee 1.

notations of Europe and in historic marking systems were felt and adopted by cultures and peoples with around the world. They appear on the wooden non- already evolved indigenous traditions. 'raditions of calendric tribal records of the Pima Indians of the his- wild plant harvesting and near domestication were toric period. Far more important as an indication of already in process I parts of North America before separate, indigenous origins is the widespread use of the entry of maize. Observational calendar traditions a decadal system on the calendar sticks and of a count- and the decadal mode of counting were probably also ing by fives and 20s in the Mayan bar-and-dot system. present. The adoption of certain Mesoamerican culThe North American notational tradition not only has tural modes, therefore, was probably already culturally

a different trajectory of development but a different prepared for. range of functional uses than the bar-and-dot counting The complex problems in technological and sym-

found in Mayan calendrics. bolic dispersal and diffusion and in understanding how Murray also hypothesizes eclipse predictions on the such elements are screened, used and changed by cul-

basis of the analysis of the first Winnebago calendar tures at different levels of preparation cannot be stick. That stick cannot be used as an example of a explained by assumptions of wholesale export. The 323

ALEXANDER MARSHACK calendar stick traditions will have to be properly pub- Mallery, Garrick. (1898-9). Picture-Wniting of the Amertlished before one can make final judgments concerning can Indians. 10th Annual Report, Bureau of American

origins and influences. Ethnology, Washington, DC. McCluskey, S. C. (1977). The astronomy of the Hopi References Indians. Journal for the History of Astronomy 8, 175-95. Bourke, J. G. (1884). The Diaries of J. G. Bourke. The Marshack, A. (1974). The Chamula calendar board: an Special Collections Division, Library of the United internal and comparative analysis. In Mesoamerican States Military Academy, West Point, New York. Archaeology: New Approaches, ed. N. Hammond, pp. Cushing, F. H. (1941). My Adventures In Zunt. Santa 253-70. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Fe: Peripatetic Press. Marshack, A. (1985). A lunar—solar year calendar stick

Densmore, F. (1929). Chippewa Customs. Smithsonian from North America. American Antiquity 50, (1), 27-51. Institution. U.S Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulle- Stephen, A. M. (1936). Hopi Journal. New York: Colum-

tin 86, Washington, DC, pp. 119-23. bia University Press.

324

25

A re-examination of the Winnebago calendar stick William Breen Mur ray Unversity of Monterrey

In a recent article .Marshack describes : . . . (a) (1985) (1) LZ = firstand phase

analyzes a wooden calendar stick used into historic

times by the Winnebago tribe of central Wisconsin. (2) C) = second phase

. . . (2) Cc = third phase

This and similar artifacts add a new dimension to | our knowledge of Native American astro-calendri-

cal counting, and should alert us to the growing

complexity of the archaeological problem at hand, (b) (1) = ordinary day and to some tremendous new possibilities which

may now be opening up. We begin to see the reflec- (2) | = luni-solar correlation tions of ancient man’s mind in many different mir-

rors, and the task now is to integrate these reflections into a single, more coherent image. It (c) () ° = astronomical cycle marker

is this question of integration which I would like (accumulated)

to pursue, and | think the Winnebago calendar stick 2) O = ritual cycle marker

provides a very useful starting point. (not accumulated)

The analysis of symbolism on ancient artifacts Figure 25.1 Symbolic vocabulary of the Winnebago calendar is always a risky business, even under the best con- stick. (a) Lunar symbol system. (b) Solar symbol svstem. (c)

ditions, but it is susceptible to certain kinds of — Cycle marker system. hypothesis-testing, especially when we are dealing with astronomical phenomena whose fundamental

nature is independent of cultural influences. These system are still largely a mystery. Nor can we be phenomena are real, and their variable rhythms are _ sure to what extent the system was shared by other now known with great precision. This permits us |§ Amerindian people. But both of these questions are to see more clearly in archaeological terms how cul- — open-ended and susceptible to new evidence, and ture has systematically transformed these pheno- __ | believe that the Winnebago calendar stick sheds mena in a given context into something which had _ new light on both, but particularly on the geographi-

meaning for man. The trick for anthropological cal diffusion of bar-and-dot counting. archaeology is to find the cultural rules which gov- The symbolic vocabulary of the Winnebago cal-

ern this translation. endar stick is extraordinarily clear and consistent In the Mesoamerican high civilizations we have _— (Figure 25.1). It employs seven symbols, which can

irrefutable evidence for the use of a unique bar- __ be grouped into three sub-systems, and deploys and-dot counting system. Its existence and associa- —_ these symbols in a two-level parallel text fashion. tion with calendrics can be documented at least to | Above, we have three symbols corresponding to the

the late Preclassic period, but the origins of the — phases of the Moon. Along the edge of the stick, 325

ee A ey °

WILLIAM BREEN MURRAY

Winter Autumn Summer observation sunsct sunset sunset Horizon solstice equinox ” Reservoir Cn Farmington a

corn es)

Wn,

Cee 2 ¢ Chaco % ASS on Can % Chinle S42 2228 Cub ‘ we, +Yonuba

+ va! + Gallup ?. s +Ltom Ss ; ‘Lit, Cr= tay CO ey I%, Ae

Ny

Zunie +

0 10 20 30 40 * Albuquerque miles Rio San Jose

Figure 26.1 The southwest United States ‘Four Corners’ area showing approximate locations of Navajo Star Ceilings (+) which have been reported to or studied by the author at the time of this writing. Some of the sites contain multiple ceilings.

be found by a proper survey, which I hope to _ earliest homeland of the Navajo as a distinctive cul-

accomplish. ture. Although Navajos lived there earlier, it has

Figure 26.1 indicates the distribution of star ceil- | been suggested (Schaafsma, 1963, p. 5, 1966, pp. ings which I have either studied or which have been — 1-11) that Navajo rock art, including the star ceilclearly reported to me. Perhaps the oldest are the _ings, was made after 1698.

ones now located in the Navajo Reservoir on the Schaafsma (1963, pp. 44, 49-51, 62) described San Juan River, within the area recognized as the __ two star ceilings, both located on rock overhangs 332

Navajo Indian star ceilings

which are now under the waters of the Navajo de Chelly and Canyon del Muerto. Within these Reservoir (see Figure 26.1). She indicated that one — canyons star ceilings are quite abundant, varying of them was not completely recorded and thatsome from simple ones to a few which are spectacular. star pictographs were scattered beyond the main __ I have studied star ceilings in several of the canyons groupings. Based upon other cases, | suspect there — both within and outside of Canyon de Chelly National might have been additional star ceilings in the can- | Monumentand I continue to learn about new examyons of that region, but, alas, the opportunity to __ ples in the general vicinity.

study any which were there is gone forever. A star ceiling overlooks a portion of the ruins The pictographs on the Navajo Reservoir ceilings — in Step House at Mesa Verde in southern Colorado.

varied from simple, straight edged star crosses to The black star pictographs contrast with the other petal-leaf forms. Schaafsma described them as rock art at this ancient site. Polly Schaafsma has mostly orange-red to red in color with a few which — suggested (private communication) that the ceiling

were dark gray, blue or black. is of Navajo origin, noting that Navajos have been Not far to the east of the Navajo Reservoir, near _ in the vicinity for a long time.

the town of Dulce, New Mexico, there is a small Two more star ceiling sites are indicated in star ceiling with red crosses, some of which are Figure 26.1. Jett (1984, p. 38) indicated that Brugge negative star figures (paint applied around a cross _—_ observed a very simple one near Aneth, Utah.

shape to leave a negative image). Finally, | have studied a ceiling on the shore of About 60 miles south of Dulce, near the town _ the San Juan River southwest of Bluff, Utah. This of Cuba, New Mexico, is one of the larger star ceil- | one has three white star pictographs with pigment ings. Located in a good sized cave, some black — resembling that of the Anasazi rock art at the site. crosses are found low where they easily could have = The lack of any apparent Navajo rock art here, combeen placed on the rock. Many of these resemble _ bined with the similarity of pigment in the prevailing birds in flight (another example of a bird motif is _ rock art, leads to the suspicion that this one might found on a star ceiling in Canyon de Chelly), while —_— not be of Navajo origin. Pigment studies, requiring

others are the more common crosses. Among them _ only minute samples, are among the significant are found tiny red figures of lance-carrying men __ things which could easily be done and which should on horseback. Higher up, some very high, are help reveal the story of star ceilings.

additional bird forms amid both black and red When we are able to count up the recognizable

crosses and a few ‘dragonfly’ forms. star ceilings, it is likely we will find that those on Brugge (1986, p. 111) recorded the existence of small rock overhangs will prove to be most common a small ceiling with several crude black crosses at (Figure 26.2). ‘These vary from panels with a small

a Navajo occupation site in Chaco Canyon. This number of star crosses located on little canopies is a borderline case, since the more traditional ones —_ to much more elaborate ones on larger overhangs. have not been found in this vicinity. | have examined | Some of these star panels are very high up, with

it, and | think it belongs to the set of what | am _no apparent way to get close to the surfaces upon referring to as star ceilings, but it is a very poor — which they are found. example. I have seen similar black sketched crosses Smaller in number, but considerably more immediately adjacent to unmistakable star ceilings. impressive, are star panels found on large flat porJane Young (private communication) has men- __ tions of deep rock shelters (Figure 26.3). Even here,

tioned a star ceiling at Zuni which sounds very _ we find considerable variation. Some such places much like the others referred to in this chapter. have large numbers of stars, while others have only Still another small one has been reported by = a few. One which I found has only a single star Schaafsma (private communication) in Manuelito figure.

Canyon, southwest of Gallup, New Mexico. Some star ceilings are located in huge rock shelMost known star ceilings are located in beautiful ter alcoves, overlooking major Anasazi ruins. Canyon de Chelly, Canyon del Muerto and the — Within such places, the star panels may be concen-

smaller canyons nearby. Navajos have resided trated on large flat surfaces, on narrow overhangs within and around these canyons for at least 300 or both. years. Indeed, about 30 families still live in Canyon Of the 39 star ceilings | have studied to date, 333

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1] (28%) are found in deep ‘planetarium-like’ shel- Jett (1984) convincingly showed that some of the ters, five (13%) are in large alcoves and 23 (59%) __ pictographs located on high places were likelv shot are on overhangs along canyon walls (four of the — up on arrows, an idea supported by ethnographic latter are quite large shelters, but not deep). Taken — evidence. The pits and concentrated centers of as a whole, the range is from very small overhangs, = some star crosses confirm this hypothesis. However, to shallow and deep rock shelters, to very large § some such pictographs are on low ceilings which alcoves. Star panels are found low within easy reach —_ could have been easily reached by other methods,

to very high without apparent access. and particular ceilings contain both images with and The pictographs vary from thin to blocky crosses, | without these central features. This suggests the a few dots, some negative crosses, toa small variety | use of hand-held sticks, in addition to arrows. It of unique figures. At least two ceilings contain cres- also suggests that many of the ceilings were made cents and an equal number have bird motifs. Many __ over time, possibly by different people using someof the crosses have what appear to be tiny pits in —_ what different techniques. Additional experimental the centers, and some have small, round, concen- —_and ethnographic evidence, combined with detailed trated pigmented centers. One cross, for example, study of the pictographs, should lead to rather ceris composed of a white bar overlaying a black one, _ tain models of how the panels were made.

but having a black dot at the center. Most interesting is the question of w/y the star The colors of the figures are most commonly __ panels were made. Do the stars just overlook sacred black, frequently red or white, and occasionally — or otherwise special places? Were they created as gray. In a few cases we find individual star picto- —_ parts of ceremonies — perhaps ceremonies relating graphs which are composed of more than one color. _ to the Navajo practice of ‘star gazing’ (Haile, 1947,

I have seen combinations of black and white and _ pp. 38-40), or possibly to the Great Star Chant

black and red. (Wheelwright, 1956)?

Star gazing is a method of divination employed

26.3 Interpretation by some Navajos for such things as finding lost Concerning how the star panels were made, myown __ or stolen objects, diagnosing illness, learning the observations, strengthened by statements from artist | source of misfortune or visualizing remote places.

Harry Walters, Director of the Ned A. Hatathli | Crystals are used with the belief that they assist Cultural Center at the Navajo Community College — star gazers to receive communication from stars (private communication), lead me to agree with — standing in the sky where they can see all things. Campbell Grant (1978, pp. 218-19) and Stephen __It is conceivable that star ceilings might have some Jett (1984, p. 27) that most of the star pictographs ___ relationship to this practice. were probably made by stamp techniques. It seems The Great Star Chant involves a legendary trip likely that the majority of them were made with tools —_ into the sky where the hero received ritual knowconsisting either of wood, leather or yucca leaves. _ ledge from stars. In view of the bird motifs encoun-

These might have been dipped in paint and then __ tered on some star ceilings, it should be noted here applied to the ceilings. Walters suggested thatsome _ that birds played a very important role in the Great

of the tools might have consisted of single blocks Star story. Returned to earth, the ceremonies which were used to apply half of the cross, then acquired in the star world were used to cure illturned 90 degrees to form the other component. __ nesses associated with evil (Wheelwright, 1956). Finally, some of the figures look as if they were Sometimes referred to as the Great Star Evil Chaspainted by hand and others were almost certainly | ing Ceremony, we find here the idea of protection

drawn using charcoal. from evil. Concerning this star ritual, we read in an important work on Navajo symbolism by Franc Johnson Newcomb, Stanley Fishler and Marry C. Wheelwright (1956, pp. 25-6):

-_ _ . The Star Chant is one of the few Navajo

ere26.2 star ceiling shadow (a) on a small overhang located in ceremonies in which longAhorizontal just above center of the photograph, ; —_the sand paintings are

(b). The crosses are black, gray and red and one of them consists made at night. This is necessary, for the stars

of a black bar over a red one. made with colored sand must be lighted and 335

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Navajo Indian star ceilings

do not seem particularly endangered by crumbling _ panels overlook ruins. The rituals involved in put-

rock. Yet, the rock fall idea does seem to me to _ ting the stars on ceilings might have been for the be at least a partial answer of the correct kind. Per- —_— purpose of making people safe in these places.

haps it is the remnant of an older, more comprehen- Spending time in the deep, sheer rock-walled

sive concept. canyons makes one very much aware of the signifiAccording to one version of the Navajo emer- — cance and danger of rock-fall. Every one of the gence tradition, when the people came intothe pres- _ star ceilings is, after all, located where rock has ent glittering world, First Man raised the sky over _ fallen and where additional rock-fall is not unlikely. the world like a giant hogan (Moon, 1970, pp. 167— = ‘The ceremonies, major or minor, which might have 83). Thus the sky is thought of as a shelter, protec- —_ been associated with the ceilings could well have

tive in nature. been directed to star deities in supplication to preWe have seen that most of the star pictographs __ serve and protect the canyons, its places of shelter

on rock ceilings are black and red in color, with and the people who dwell within them. If that is a fair number of white ones. These are the pigment the answer, I not only applaud it, I add my fervent colors most readily available for rock art, but the — hope that the symbolic stars accomplish the end colors also may have significant symbolism. We have _ for which they were created. found color combinations of black and white, and black and red, forming individual star crosses. For

the Navajo, black is a threatening color, or itcan Acknowledgments be used to protect from some threat (Reichard, — Anpreciation is given to Lloyd Jacklin who intro1974, p. 194). Red is the color representing danger, duced the ‘planetarium sites’ to me in 1972. Thanks warning and threat, and it is also used for protection = 4,_ Curtis and Polly Schaafsma for information, from danger (Reichard, 1974, pp. 197, 207). White advice, directions to sites, suggestions and photorepresents perfect ceremonial control (Reichard, graphs. Mr and Mrs Harry Hadlock kindly escorted 1974, Pp. 206). The combination of red and black ine to rock art sites in the Largo Canyon area of can indicate imminent danger (Reichard, 1974, p. New Mexico and shared photographs of the Dulce

216). . star ceiling. Peggy Scott shared friendly dialogue, All of this can be interpreted to suggest that the ag did Barton Wright. Harry Walters accompanied

star panels might represent a protective concept. me to a major star ceiling and shared ideas of The ethnographic evidence cited above, together importance. Joyce and Sidney Alpert treated me to with the colors of the painted stars and the places, very special week in Canyon de Chelly. David where we find them, suggest symbolic protection Wilson, Chauncey Neboyia and others provided trom threat and danger. Danger or threat from guide service. David Brugge willingly shared inforwhat? From falling rock, of course, but from much vation and in other ways encouraged this work. more than this — from such things as the places = -Theadora Sockyma shared ideas through converthemselves! Traditional Navajos stay away fromthe =... Jane Young, Roger Siglin, Russ Bodnar,

ruins unless they know the proper pr ayers which Keith Franklin, Fred Blackburn and_ others make them safe therein. The most extensive star —_ informed me about star ceilings. At Hansen Plane-

tarium, Nathan Gardner provided photographic services and Mark Brest van Kempen provided artwork for Figure 26.1. Finally, over the years, Figure 26.4 A small star ceiling located on crumbling rock in many National Park Service employees have made a large alcove sheltering a major Anasazi ruin. The star panel it possible for star ceilings to be studied in Canyon

(a) is under the ledge at the center of the photograph, (b). In h . (a) note the faint star crosses on the large slab at the left as de Chelly. Without such assistance, the work

well as the concentrated group at the right. reported here could not have been accomplished.

339

VON DEL CHAMBERLAIN

References son. £/ Palacio 60, (1), 20—5. Britt, C. (1975). Early Navaho astronomical pictographs ens Free ane ve ins ast at Pottery in Canyon de Chelly, Northeastern Arizona, U.S.A. J . S C 1984), M bin. i" ‘ot i tT Nave, ‘ol

In Archaeoastronomy in Pre-Columbian America, ed. A. ai pee ee aKing Me stars oF tNavajo planeF. Aveni, pp. 89-107. Austin: University of Texas tania. Lhe Kiva 50, 25-40.

Press Moon, S. (1970).A Magic Dwells: A Poetic and Psychological Brugge, D. M. (1986). Tsegai: An Archaeological Ethno- Study of the Navaho Emergence Myth. Middletown, Con-

history of The Chaco Region. Washington: US Depart- necticut: Wesleyan University Press.

ment of the Interior National Park Service. Newcomb, F. J., Fishler, S. and Wheelwright, M. C. Chamberlain, V. D. (1974). American Indian interest in (1956). A Study of Navajo Symbolism. Papers of the Peathe sky as indicated in legend, rock art, ceremonial body Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard

and modern art. The Planetarian 3, 89-106. University, xxxii, no. 3. Reprinted 1974, Millwood, Chamberlain, V. D. (1978). Sky symbol rock art. In Amer- New York: Kraus Reprint Co. ican Indian Rock Art. Papers Presented at the Fourth Reichar d, G. A. (1974). Navajo Religion: A Study of Symbo-

Annual American Rock Art Research Association lism. Princeton University Press. Reprinted 1983,

Symposium, vol. 4, pp. 79-89. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Chamberlain, V. D. (1983). Navajo constellations in liter- Schaafsma, P. (1963). Rock Art in the Navajo Reservoir

ature, art, artifact and a New Mexico rock art site. District, Museum of New Mexico Papers in Anthro-

Archaeoastronomy 6 (1-4), 48-58. pology, Number 7. Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Fewkes, J. W. (1973). Designs on Prehistoric Hopi Pottery. Press. New York: Dover. Originally published in 1895 and Schaafsma, P. (1966). Early Navaho Rock Paintings and

1898. Carvings. Santa Fe: Museum of Navajo Ceremonial Art.

Grant, C. (1978). Canyon de Chelly: Its People and Rock Schaafsma, P. (1972). Rock Art in New Mexico. Santa Fe:

Art. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press. State Planning Office. Haile, B. (1947). Starlore Among the Navaho. Santa Fe: Schaafsma, P. (1980). Indian Rock Art of the Southwest.

Museum of Navajo Ceremonial Art. Santa Fe: School of American Research and University de Harport, D. N. (1951). An archaeological survey of of New Mexico Press. Canyon de Chelly: preliminary report of the field sea- Wheelwright, M. C. (1956). The Myth and Prayers of the son of 1948, 1949, and 1950. E/ Palacto 58, (1), 35-48. Great Star Chant and The Myth of the Coyote Chant, de Harport, D. N. (1953). An archaeological survey of ed. D. P. McAllester. Navajo Religion Series, vol. IV. Canyon de Chelly: preliminary report for the 1951 Sea- Santa Fe: Museum of Navajo Ceremonial Art.

340

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256 346 76 166 256 18.6] year phase angle, degrees

Figure 28.4 18.61 year periodicity; Tenth Full Moon prayer stick planting for Shalako, Zuni Pueblo (56 years, 1914—1969). Symbols as in Figure 28.1.

by 180°, when their right ascensions differ by 180°, rising and the other is setting, which makes direct or when they are at their maximum angular distance _—_ observation of opposition somewhat difficult. on the celestial sphere (which is generally somewhat Modern astronomers would measure their position less than 180°). Consideration of parallax, which —_ against some auxiliary reference points or in relation can reach one degree in the case of the Moon, could __ to some standard coordinate system.

be introduced to further complicate the situation; The Shalako data indicate that the Zuni employ the meaning of the term ‘Full Moon’ is not as = analogous astronomical techniques. Recall that

obvious as it seems. puebloan astronomy is largely horizon based and

When we move from an abstract definition of — that the system of four sacred directions, as detera Full Moon to the task of determining empirically |= mined by observations of the solstices, serves the when one has occurred, we find ourselves faced —_ puebloan peoples as a ritual and astronomical coorwith greater difficulties. It is not easy to tell from dinate system. It is not surprising then, to see indi-

its appearance whether the Moon is full or only cations of the horizon coordinate system emerging nearly so; a gibbous Moon can fool even a trained _in Zuni observations of the Full Moon.

observer. Only when we determine whether the We can define a number of different criteria for Moon is opposite the Sun can we be certain that = when a gibbous Moon on the horizon is actually it is full. But how do we know when the Moon a Full Moon. Consider the case where we watch is opposite the Sun? The only time we can see a___ the rising Full Moon in the evening. We can say Full Moon and the Sun together is when one is _ the Moon is opposite the Sun either when it rises 360

Lunar astronomies of the western Pueblos

Opposite Zz azimuth C)

longitude S 0

Opposite LS ot

‘*\C

Ro

Same a

__ () (+) Horizon time

: ZS / Sunsin “ Figure 28.5 Alternative criteria for observation of the Tenth Full Moon.

at the same time that the Sun sets or when it rises = opposite the place of sunset or sunrise, the Sun at the point on the horizon directly opposite the |= and Moon must be at opposite declinations in order point where the Sun sets. As Figure 28.5 shows, — to be at opposite azimuths on the horizon. Thus, these criteria produce different results than the cri- — while the position of the Moon north or south of terion that the Moon is opposite the Sun as mea- the ecliptic will influence its azimuth relative to the sured in the geometrical abstraction of ecliptic | Sun, this effect does not change as we move from coordinates. Two similar criteria could be defined southern to northern latitudes or from moonrise

by watching the setting Moon in the morning. on the eastern horizon to moonset on the western Since the time of moonrise or moonset changes _ horizon; it does become more significant, however, on the average by almost an hour a day, this can __ near the time of the solstices.

fairly sharply determine the date of the Full Moon. If we consider the conditions for the tenth Full This determination is less precise on autumn even- Moon at Zuni (35°N) when the date for Shalako ings in northern latitudes, when the ecliptic is _ was set, the different criteria will influence the dates roughly parallel to the horizon and the time of the ___ differently (Figure 28.5). When the Full Moon is

Moon’s rising is significantly influenced by the at its maximum northerly celestial latitude (5.15° Moon’s position north or south of the ecliptic. In —_ north of the ecliptic) it will rise at the same time autumn mornings, however, the ecliptic is almost __ that the Sun sets 0.65 days after astronomical oppoperpendicular to the horizon so the time the Full __ sition; rise or set opposite the setting Sun 1.08 days Moon sets is scarcely affected by the Moon’s dis- _ before opposition; and set at the same time as sunrise

tance from the ecliptic. 0.11 days before opposition. At the Full Moon’s

For the two criteria based on azimuth, where the =maximum southerly latitude the signs of these Moon rises or sets at a point on the horizon directly _ effects are reversed while their magnitude remains 361

STEPHEN C. MCCLUSKEY

the same; at intermediate positions the effects vary | dow, and the shadows of objects near him, will point

linearly with lunar latitude. across the landscape directly opposite the setting The sinusoidal movement of the Moon northand __ or rising Sun.

south of the ecliptic reflects the rotation of the lunar If the Moon is already above the horizon, the nodes which also expresses itself in the major and observer can directly compare the Moon with the minor lunar standstills, but since we are here con- = Sun’s shadow. If the Moon has not yet risen he cerned with maximum latitude of the Full Moon __ need only make a mental note of the place on the at a time other than the solstices, this oscillation familiar horizon that was marked by the shadow will be dut of phase with the cycle of the standstills. | of the setting Sun and wait to see if the Moon Nonetheless, this same 18.61 year periodicity, with | appears at that point. The horizon, the standard northerly maxima at 1879, 1897, 1916, 1934, 1953 reference for solar observations, would thus serve and 1972, should be reflected in a slight oscillation as both measuring instrument and coordinate sys-

in the dates on which Shalako was performed.’ tem for observations of the Full Moon. Since The analyses indicate that Shalako is observed someone who regularly watches the Sun on the local slightly earlier in those years when the tenth Full —_— horizon would know the point opposite which the Moon is near its northerly extreme than when it Sun sets at a given time of the year, such resorting is near its southerly extreme (Table 28.1). This to shadows would not really be necessary.” general pattern of early observations when the pre- Observations of this sort would be fully consistent Shalako Full Moon is north of the ecliptic is what — with the Puebloan peoples’ widely documented use we would expect if the Zuni defined the Full Moon _ of the sacred system of four directions as the basic in terms of the Moon rising or setting atan azimuth —_ framework of their astronomies and extends their

directly opposite that of the Sun.® practice of observing the direction of the rising and Considering this pattern more precisely, the value setting Sun against the local horizon to include a of the critical phase angle consistently obtained for | concern with the direction of the rising Moon. In all subsets of the data is most appropriate for atime — the case of the Moon, however, observations are

slightly before the ninth Full Moon of the year. not referred to a fixed landmark, the marker for If this slight variation from the expected value is — the Moon is the continually shifting position of the significant, it would indicate that the date of the | Sun in his annual travels around the horizon.

planting of prayer sticks at the tenth Full Moon was determined, in part, by reckoning from obser- 28.2 Astronomy and environment vations of earlier Full Moons. Such a practice of — I would like to close by raising a few general conusing day counts to connect a sequence of lunar _ siderations suggested by the differing roles of lunar observations at Zuni would be fully consistent with — observation at Hopi and Zuni. Studies of Zuni and the reckoning of lunar months revealed in Mar- —_ Hopi culture have demonstrated the many elements shack’s studies of calendar sticks, especially the cal- | of pueblo ritual and myth these close neighbors

endar stick from Zuni reported by Bourke (see _ share. It is not surprising that we also find similariMarshack, 1985, and this volume, Chapter 24; Zei- —_—ties_ between their astronomical practices. Both lik, 1986). We can see an analogous practice in the — employ observations of the Sun along the horizon

well-documented use of sequential solar obser- to fix their calendars; both observe the Moon after

vations at Hopi. the solstices to relate the Sun and the Moon. Yet At first glance, observing the Full Moon in rela-_ _ the emphasis upon these two aspects of astronomy

tion to the azimuth of the Sun seems to require _is strikingly different. that the Zuni used measuring instruments of some The Hopi note that sometimes the Moon is ahead sort, which are not attested in the ethnographic — of the Sun, sometimes lags behind it, but for the literature. But given a clear and unobstructed hori- | Hopi the Moon remained a puzzle and there is no zon, instruments are not really necessary. Consider __ record of a serious effort to relate lunar and solar the dramatic shadows that mark the landscape at _ observations. At Zuni, however, there is the emphasunset. If our observer is standing, oris atop abuild- — sis that the Pekwin’s observations of the solstice

ing or a hill, or is even near a pillar (as Cushing — should correspond to observations of the Full describes the Pekwin observing the Sun), his sha- Moon. 362

Lunar astronomies of the western Pueblos

Lunar observations and lunar rituals play a rela- = against which the Hopi observe the solstice Sun tively minor part in Hopi astronomy and culture. are 45 to 127km distant, Towa Yollanne behind Hopi agriculture, and most major ceremonials, are — which the Winter Solstice Sun rises at Zuni is less regulated by the observation of the Sun along the _ than 10 km from the village. Considered as an astrodistant horizon. The Moon only regulates the ritual nomical instrument, the horizon at Zuni is less plantings of seeds in the kivas in ritual preparation — yited for precise observations than is the horizon

for the planting of crops in the months following + Hopi.

meereSolstice the M Zuni If we take the slow annual movements of the Sun prayerlanted sticksfor planted for the Moon at Zuni ; after the Winter Solstice reflect a similar concern, sone atch, the monthly chenges ote Men but at Zuni these rituals continue throughout the phases would provide something analogous to the entire year. It is clear that the Moon plays a greater , hand. Observations of the Moon would hel

role in Zuni ritual overcome and calendrics than in that ofofminute ws ae P . . the Zuni the limitations solar obserthe andagainst that the Zuni more horizon. concernedThe , ; , concern , , Hopi vations theirare nearby

and Moon are their Hopi neighbors.

with ,the of the Sun and therelates Moon than or relationship that the Pekwin at Zuni the .Sun

These differing emphases on shared elements of Could then be seen as reflecting his need to USE puebloan culture suggest a hypothesis on the rela- the Moon to overcome the difficulties of keeping tion of different environments upon astronomical 2 purely solar horizon calendar from a location in practice. The villages of the Hopi are located atop 4 valley. mesas from which they can regulate their calendar Since Puebloan astronomies are intimately linked precisely by direct observations of the rising and 0 ritual, we should not be surprised by the greater setting Sun against the distant horizon. Both the influence at Zuni of those societies that embody present village of Zuni and most of those abandoned __ lunar astronomy in their rituals. Further tests of in historic times were in the valleys of the Zuni __ this hypothesis by examination of lunar astronomy River and its tributaries. While the landmarks and ritual in other related cultures is needed.

Notes These changes suggest that Zuni astronomical prac-

uskey , .

1 For an early analysis of these data see Lyon ( 1989). sly changed’ over tne ccncet from obseevations of the

2 me Mea) of this method is found Full Moon. Four hypotheses are suggested to account 3 The Zuni practice of planting prayer sticks at the Full rm Obscnatiene } for more recent celebrations were Moon after Winter Solstice is reminiscent of the Hopi influenced in one of several ways by the predictions

planting beans in the kiva at the same time. of lunar phases available in newspapers, almanacs 4 Parsons (1917) and Stevenson (1904) disagree on the or calendars. date of knot tying, although the records documenting (i) The reckoning of months could be regular-

both prayer stick plantings and dances indicate that ized by their tabulation or by the model of the interval from observation to dance is clearly 48 the Gregorian calendar. This would decrease

days. On this, see Lyon (1985). the ambiguity of intercalation

5 Correlations of the festival dates with the 2.71 year (ii) Since ee acd to determine precisely when intercalation cycle were statistically significant overall the Moon is full predictions could confirm, (o < 0.001), especially for the more recent data, i.e. or even supplant, Zuni observations. 1935-59 (p = 0.01) and 1960-84 (p = 0.002); the corre- (6) Earlier celebrations were excessively confused as

lation was not significant for data from 1879-1934 a result of events connected with the imposition (9 = 0.1). By inspection we can see that the recent of USA control on the reservation, including the improvement arose primarily through resolving those move against pagan ceremonials of the 1920s.

marginal cases where there was uncertainty whether (c) The observational criterion for Full Moon

a month should be intercalated. changed from some form of horizon observation 363

STEPHEN C. MCCLUSKEY

to correspond more closely to the European concept L=90+ w. (28.3) of opposition. — . Combining (28.1), (28.2) and (28.3) we can readily (d) The Zuni have become more p reese i observ Ing see then that the maximum northerly declination of the Moon for more recent Ceremonies since they the pre-Shalako Full Moon occurs in years where 9 acquired a concern with atronomical precision is approximately 307.8°. Graphs of the dates should

from contact with Euro—Americans.— have a transition between late and early values (¢) of I prefer some form of the first hypothesis; the last two 18.61 year phase near 217.8° if northerly Full Moons hypotheses are unlikely and are mentioned only for are systematically late, or near 37.8° if northerly Full

completeness. Moons are early.

6 Critical phase angles were computed for the subsets 8 It has been suggested that the Zuni may have set the of data by iteratively applying a second order Fourier date by observing the New Moon prior to the preanalysis after omitting outliers with a running median. Shalako Full Moon. Similar geometric analysis shows The statistical significance was computed from a two- that north of the tropics New Moons tend to be late tailed t-test on the first Fourier coefficients computed when the New Moon is south of the ecliptic (and the

from the original data including outliers. ; corresponding Full Moon is north of the ecliptic).

The median value of the critical phase angle (78°) Thus these results cannot be due to observations of

is what we would expect if the observations were made the New Moon before the Shalako sequence begins. a bit more than a month before the tenth prayer stick 9 This modified observing technique was suggested by

planting for Shalako. This suggests that observations Ray Williamson. of this earlier Full Moon play a more important role

than has heretofore been suspected and that the References repeated monthly observations were connected by day Bunzel, R. (1932a). Zuni ritual poetry. In 47th Annual

counts of the intervening months, == _ Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1929-1930, Although not all the subsets are statistically signifi- p. 711. Washington cant, the general agreement on the value of the critical Bunzel, R. (1932b). Introduction to Zuni Ceremonialism. phase angle reflects the formal significance of the over- In 47th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnoall data. Since the partial data set for 1914-69 covers logy, 1929-1930, pp. 512-13, 534. Washington almost exactly three 18.61 year periods, it should be Lyon L. (1985). Chr onology of th e Zuni Sha’lak’o Cerewell-behaved statistically and give a reliable value for mony In Southwestern Culture History: Collected Papers the phase angle despite its marginal statistical signifi- in Honor of Albert B. Schroeder, ed. C.H. Lange, Papers

cance. . . of the Archaeological Society of New Mexico 10, pp. There are major gaps in the data prior to 1914. The 233-49. Sante Fe: Ancient City Press sporadic record of Shalako dates due to bursts of inten- McClusk ey S (1977) The astronomy of the Hopi sive ethnographic field research makes results covering Indians. Journal for th e History of Astronomy 9, 181-5.

me osew. SN

graphic expression of the Chaco culture. Po Te oN oun FA The Chaco society, a prehistoric Pueblo culture, Kc Chimney Rock - ao

flourished ADBasin 950ofand 1150 4throughout the 80 000 km?between of the San Juan northwestXe 8 Yo AztecCp, ~~

° f- |

ern New Mexico (Marshall et al. 1979; Powers, Gil- EP ogeace Salmon Ruin

lespie and Lekson, 1983; Cordell, 1984; Marshall TSS a . Twin Angels and Sofaer, 1988) (Figure 29.1). Chaco Canyon ASS Le TE was the center of this culture. Here the Chaco peo- a hs Riv Chaco Canyon ple constructed multi-storied buildings containing we Z| gy National Monument

. . . LSS °™ Nacimiento

100 to 700 rooms (Lekson, 1984). These structures Fg RS Juco Pintado ="

are noted for their planned, symmetric organiza- Te le oN Mountains 3 tion, massive core-veneer masonry construction, - SOs ats . V2 dae 7 —S and numerous great kivas, the large ceremonial cao " Gi talouve ©@

chambers of the prehistoric pueblo culture. Coolides r. * NEON E NS

Descendants of the prehistoric Pueblo culture » Li , S

live today in the pueblos of New Mexico and Ari- N ° SS LBS. -

zona. Ethnographic reports on the traditions of the en A? for =

, . 0 50 100

historic Pueblo Indians suggest parallels between Zuni Mountains ur | co a

the historic and prehistoric and may provide ee

insights into the general cosmological concepts of -

the prehistoric Chaco culture. Astronomy played an important role in theesChaco km @

culture. This is expressed in the cardinal align- AZ | _NM ments of the major axes of several large ceremonial structures at or near the center of the canyon (Wil- Figure 29.1 Map of the San Juan Basin, showing major Chacoan liamson, Fisher and O’Flynn, 1977; Sofaer and sites and roads. The inset shows this region within present State Sinclair, 1986a), and in a complex set of solar and —_ boundaries. —— prehistoric roads; @ outlying Chacoan communities. © Carol Cooperrider, 1986; additional data supplied

* © The Solstice Project, 1988. by John Roney. 365

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Rise and fall of the Sun Temple of Konarak

BC. As it spread from west to east, the new form meditating. Just as the sun was rising, Kama shot of sun worship was absorbed into the Hindu culture an arrow into the sun and the reverse end of and accepted by the mass of Indians as another form the arrow into the girl. Enthralled by her beauty, of devotion to the sun. In time the Magas were thor- he went running toward the girl. But the oughly Hinduized, becoming a separate caste, and frightened Chandravati ran from the sun, continued to provide priests for the numerous sun jumped into the ocean and drowned. Brought temples which were constructed throughout India out of his meditations by the cries of his step-

(von Stietencron, 1966; Bhandakar, 1983). daughter the rishi cursed the sun: ‘You who have killed my daughter and have broken my

30.2 The troubled rise of the Sun Temple meditation shall have any temple built for you Orissa state, in general, and the neighborhood of in this location broken and destroyed.’ Konarak, in particular, had a tradition of sun wor- We have available the record of the details of ship predating the construction of the Sun Temple. _ construction of the Sun Temple due to the scholarAccording to local tradition, it was on the edge of — ship of Alice Boner and Sadisiva Rath Sharma.

the Chandrabharga River that Samba, the son of | During eight years of search in villages near Krishna, was cured of leprosy after performing aus- — Konarak, Sharma discovered nearly 1000 palm leaf terities for the sun for 12 years. It is to the Chan- —‘ manuscripts which had been preserved in temples drabharga River that pilgrims today come to pray _ or as heirlooms in private houses. ‘Iwo are of parti-

to the sun for the relief of illness. The original cular interest to us: the Baya Cakada, a detailed Chandrabharga River from which this story was _ description of the construction of the Sun Temple borrowed was far to the west in the Punjab, now —_ and the Padmakesara Deula Karmangi, a manual of the Chenab. The temple of Multan, built around —_ temple ritual. Both, written in Karani script and the fifth century AD and destroyed by the Muslims, _in an antiquated form of Oriya language, have been may have been the location of the first example of translated by Boner and Sharma (1972) and give a temple devoted to the sun in India (Mitra, 1976). us an almost unprecedented view of the process A local, Orissan story explaining the reason for of temple design and construction in 13th-century the destruction of the greattoweroftheSun Temple _ India.

Suggests an undercurrent of negative feelings to- The original motivations for the construction of ward the construction of asun temple (Sriupendra- = the Sun Temple in a remote area of Orissa at a

nayak, 1985, private communication): time when sun worship was already declining in During the Golden Age, the Sattva Yuga, the popularity were apparently manifold. The temple gods were gathered at a meeting to which the may have been constructed as a monument to celegod of love, Kama, and his consort came. In the brate the victories of the Orissan king, Narasimha middle of the gathering they commenced to Deva, a famous warrior who not only repulsed all make love. The Sun was outraged at such attacks of the Muslims but also reconquered terri-

behavior in public and stormed out of the tory occupied by them in Bengal in battles of meeting. ‘What airs the sun has acquired,’ AD 1243 and 1245. Asa result of his victories, Orissa commented the other gods. The sun, in their state was able to preserve its traditions longer than estimation, had become too proud and too the other parts of India, until its eventual occupation arrogant, thinking himself to be very powerful. by the Muslims in aD 1568 (Boner and Sharma,

‘Let us test the Sun and see who is more 1972). The friezes of the temple display various powerful, Surya or Kama,’ said Brahma. All the war scenes glorifying the military victories of Nara-

gods created a daughter of the moon; named simha Deva. The King himself is also found in Chandravati, she was sealed in a box and set various representations as both warrior and devotee afloat on the ocean. The girl was found by a holy to the sun god (Mitra, 1976). Narasimha Deva was man living near the Chandrabharga river and known as a /angulia, ‘one having a tail’. It is possible was raised by him. One morning before sunrise, that another of the reasons for construction of the

when she was sixteen, ‘as lovely as a newly great temple was an attempt to cure himself of a blooming flower in spring,’ she was playing on deformity of his spinal column.

the beach with a hoop while her step father was The reign of King Narasimha lasted between 379

J. MCKIM MALVILLE

AD 1238 and 1264. Construction of the temple was father and his fellow masons by killing himself. started close to 1240, although plans apparently had He climbed to the top of the temple and jumped

been underway for six years prior to that time. to his death. According to the Baya Cankada (Boner and Sharma, The completed temple is a rich collection of 1972) the platform, or pitha, of the temple was con- —_—astronomical symbols. The main temple, 220 feet structed before the onset of the rainy seasonin 1242. — from east to west, is built as the chariot of the sun

Construction of walls and pillars began at the end carried on 24 large stone wheels drawn forward of the rainy season in September, 1242. Building to the east by seven horses (Figure 30.2). Directly of the temple continued for approximately another _to the east, 30 feet in front of the stairway leading 12 years, drawing heavily upon local resources and _ to the main temple, is the Natamandir, the Dancing

talents. Popular tradition relates that the revenue Hall, consisting of nine chambers for each of the of the entire state was diverted into the construction __ planets, the navagrahas. The roof of the Natamandir

of the temple. The total diversion of the revenue _ is missing but a stone lotus five feet in diameter of the state into the temple is unlikely, but such has been found which may have formed the ceiling belief is indicative of the popular conception of large |§ above the chamber dedicated to the sun. In the resources which were expended onthe massivetem- center of the lotus sits Surya holding a lotus in

ple and its extensive works of art. each hand pulled by seven horses. On the inner Before the completion of the temple in AD 1258, __ circle of eight petals and the outer circle of 16 petals

there occurred the tragic death of the son of the are dancers and musicians, suggesting that the

chief stone mason (Mansimha, 1968): structure was at certain times associated with dancAccording to tradition some 1200 stone masons ing and musical performances. The Natamandir is of Orissa state were ordered to work on the also known as the Bhoga Mandap, the Hall of OfferKonarak temple and not to leave until it was ings. As we shall suggest, the rituals associated with complete. But because of a defect in the design the structure may offer a major clue for the nature or construction, the finishing touch could not of sun worship and its decline at Konarak. be accomplished; the heavy kalasa stone could Together with the lotus the wheel is supremely not be put in place on the top of the temple. The symbolic of the sun as the source of time, movement

son of the chief architect, who had been born and change. Each of the 24 wheels, 9.75 feet in after his father started work on the temple, came diameter, represented a particular fortnight of the to see his father for the first time. The boy had year, either the waxing bright or waning dark porconstantly asked his mother about his father and tion of the moon. Each pair of wheels was dedicated

although young had become something of a to one of the 12 zodiacal constellations, starting prodigy in architecture as he attempted to follow in the east with Pisces, Mina, and ending in the his father’s profession. When he found that his west with Aries, Mesa. The wheels contain eight father, after their initial joy of reunion, was large and eight small spokes representing the eight dejected and sad, he learned about the inability divisions of night and day. (The period from 6.0 of the builders to place the top stone of the a.m. to 6.0 p.m. is divided into eight praharas; Kay,

temple. King Narasimha was becoming 1981.) increasingly impatient with their inability and In Hindu mythology the sun is a powerful horse, had ordered that if the temple was not completed white, golden, or red, Haridashva or Rohita, movby a fixed date all craftsmen would lose their ing across the sky. The Vedic ritual of the horse heads. The talented son suggested a satisfactory sacrifice, the asvamedha, was directed toward the solution to the problem and the top stone was sun. The sun is a swift ‘horse of light’ adorned put in place successfully. Although overjoyed at with seven colors and is visible in that form on the the completion of the tower, the masons were north side of the temple (Figure 30.3). The seven afraid that if the word reached the King that a horses which pull the chariot across the sky are an mere boy had succeeded where 1200 masonshad _—_ amplification of the sun—horse metaphor. Further-

failed, the masons would lose their heads for more, the number seven is a recurrent number in incompetence. The son, overhearing these Hindu tradition and also refers to the holy meters discussions, decided to save the lives of his of Sanskrit verse, the ruddy cows of dawn driven 380

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320.2 South-cast wheel renréesenting Figure Youre 30.2 South-east wheel representing Pisces. Pisces. rae

_seven ek of ieUrsa eck ay isa celebrated atMajor, Konarak. the ren M1iC Rishis Major. seven day celebrated at Konarak, not when year ha: oS . |ake ee sun, ete 1c Hr ai0T. SC . oo La be ;the }ivear . et! - has efore the Rishis of\cous Ursa .Lee :not | Be iewhen ceae ee ge ~_ wee -—... 28 ti : ; ge : eget oo : oo | s, seven Pleiades, sevenrieciades rings of mountains just been Tiles born at tOT at _ ]A) | Pp anets. Seven » PLVET : appa, ? oes acae“NAOINT a|AUUIIO f ve ris 4 the 'it‘Meru. geCVAOUTIL :Vv ey 1. oe 2ofeee a [Co My : . tit ‘isiseve 2Old. My —pitiigiee if"Mes seven davs theseven week. and of theavs year ys ¢ fe SCVCT. yo M72 ® ‘ye . go © OVICTU, S&C “eer 2B ee-_oe-iseee = sige =kingly re—ly 6 ve ~ The Sun Temple is a mixture of symbols of " unlight (O'Flaherty, 1975: Kramihe Sun i emple a mt | ~. seven (O'Flaherty, 19/5;RasKram ceshithe Be eySeven os ] ie.Col icolors Sheoloo ae /of i4 a 7, : izement, S ae Lot : é a CMM SESS Bo 8 ir |‘ |oei roe ig:: “Bi.sunlight war,Me fertility attested by

Ps i i ° S a eee =: z= es eae : pois

a.

o£ Ab AE aoe _ =MAS). - self-aggrandizement, war, fertility attested :5 go eenanOt os : ge ant etl. i : :.. oe om # ” Loe En geige! ‘The‘sun's ‘sun’s birthday’, the major sun festival | abundant eroticgs sculptures, andee s1ange at WEEE. The ‘sun’s birthday, the major sun festival of abundant Aerie ee , ‘The birthday, major sof sly oe. Sg eeésaye ane “sun's birthday , i the ‘month of miniature universe. the temple contains all: war

; Fiscn, 3 4 eesun Na bifestival b Se pad of cae |: abundant ; . ; . . 8 ae raerotic 2A sientsculptures, : m ee ot ce Sarees : - ee ee, o . - " : a ney es najor andeget! sunTEER worship.

Or: irs on Magh Saptami, the month of miniature universe, the temple contains all: war, og dave cid Mach Sanve, and transcendent Not just symbol : ee: : as ESS : iia abasic sig oa ph ;A, aoe 4 Magh ay: ee om yylove, :ve, cyspirit. =and | Mi Me es REaRe eee = it of : Rach whic dsmoon hk iw & bok d. Sar p! Magh when the isisp seven-days old. Magh Say and trtranscenc . ope penton Ee ee ._ae ae OO — | _— | . |... i ae a. coe “ 1 2. all ee ra | . Cl _ 7. a 7 _ . ae oe Carn oe » : ; -_....... = ae a =_ | 2g a ee ee _. j | ) ae ye , ; ene ee eo Oo ee , i eee os .1“~ : al Le Yea GO) aug ey (Lo Me Nee BL ey ee yi iii ES aN i i f j i)

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_

se a hohe iaLe Ls 7a” .ey a eer Gee rss‘tha pOiCvAawes eS ie m0 be ee a] serc1.W: ge oe 2i oy 7 =. -a2.Le >Tae3S aeres oat See eeeence! As a. Be yee _2oyLL i ee.Lo lo |‘To. Male Cy in eS 1OVaD — 2 LL Chl cP oe.oo (Se bee fgoe yp: LteoS LU y..oO a 9oo i DL oo 7fog ae ee eee genie Jal RESieAEA TUE¢ te= BO ne eea 0ee Adeee Cc ee ata ee NURS: HS eeWe ill a ee ys Lo Ai Le One LU a f Te ——rt—“‘—ié™O a ee Ge RG us ee Ee: se Rane ae ged peo : See Ee EES Le ye es ae eee ae gee patos

us ceeaeee |oeyr~, ic 18 creat ee :ti—.,. ££ :rotale A wens . Laer wae: . Bes a . = Vi e ame: ée oe | 2 AGA a 2 mee _2. ima cic Vege OS a f the te: s hidden deep within t ine creator Ol €ast,a ple is rotated approximately 3° ofofthe of east, assuming a magnetic d proximately soutk : thetemple. temple,itsits‘ “~p ‘we within within the the sacred sacred ccenter ‘east, assuming a magnetic decli ely 3°3°south

At hamber’ the eark ter ofcr—1°. There repor ic are declination at—s Konara we ee 3 ee 1Stnaen. : womb o —_— ine oO .Sagal +o voare : a aere enc ecli i ae ‘Kramrisch ea gS lal Pec cr¥eet tlMae Cc garbl sa.ese i,.a.oe. seiof ig ks onarak | li aia | = 46). Altho: _ M : pine Q ld priha ql . a... a reports alo aano ~ .s ig ie iia :only Ee oe rooMahabhaskar i TES gs i > rs Ty pig, iii a: oe De a ee ._so£..tlse cpptgst .Yn east, on a ;eeigh facec ialy near the temple, i oe magnetic ane eae yee a Ea Gay cs y: i 7 Ce Te . i a ‘3 ae ae : ee BO es esfe MPRA AEARAY rv few 1G «Lg PIC, 1meas ese mea ;licht oeti - 4oy :Mee oocoal ICyW Prisin 1aEe eaOY ot. mets be ordav ok, icoom! treCOU phe sig A ie Z °~oe =90 anse sca i ‘cans cua eo ee nee oo — — a Se i he i oo ee ee ; —.. . ee of the rising s vy davs of the year could ye treated with cautio measurements mus oe he _ MR AEE YR h . ution — . oe us « ci the rising sun reach 1"“eac year could the _—_axisoft ith caution. Assuming for 1 — Ca * 4 ca ren a ae © 2 | . 4. . ee We : MIS OT Je . ; ; “ROU. oS | Aa Ee oeaDes gee =. :#aiscw SU) ee eeon! 7Soe oe aegeogra . ail ; heopening 2.ac“sag Bog 'to]nee i.Pega. fe daem7). wie :Th) be . |A all a .SSeast—west, ;i ;ae@: NS eo[=ne. . g aofestthi 7the 0 7nly pve oes se - wi A ‘0 itaisVid 160it feet when the sun was geographic — atne ie temple A- awit ; a equato: “4 0ul: oO phn: wd4 lsc op oc Sg 3ee. ees TO cas : ia ai iia eee Boe 2. oe a iteveenacaly ous ; Beh Ae: ee Veilluminated ’mmoinat _bror ead ici eyond to the eastern oper er 1UU Teet in thie ce have the oo (oo oe Ge a we eee ou Bee Sel penin 2 of bags us _—_ ; cass nN T - Cc cer oA yp -aaee oe en es T . e br: ee i

the Dancing theag Natamandir, bronze Ee Ee oe 1 egHall: CENT ,ing ae =ofme e aly coe aen~the ee center a Cl eeofSethe ae Natan eed Weheiia , eee 4statue p Ly Cc ee xsunlight Hall. There is ast traditional HEA ARS SAAS 5 In ayorder In-order Natamandir (Figure . point oe recularly 1ere is a traditional belief idir, 4). for the impo lir (Figure 30.4; S a ee ’ he oS y struc by : # Oe ° cae cs 3 2s at : es : Meee EER ortan . rrr. Tae Re 2 DED age = ae On t ;L(e"rnne thr eg : ee ae ee=mage th ee a Se e, STL Wi en ysoeseen rst Tilua i =. ic —-—.] : : es SOL eof—~ ct ag ULBo e nis wine: _— Julies oO ade awha ec 4Aas la ge

cm ee = “. oops (ae ad2Pe ee eer Seegrina : ge ~~ 2 Nk A Ook oT).]2ih oS Eeee GE Ned cl a i ios: —.. -.|UVushra, isee=According eeaed “we OL mH — _... su, hick: eA eehave ae(eeDs ale S mple 1°es81). Accordi of—_ the main ed ee: eRe statue wou ninated encmte | to ae been displaced from tatue would to have ments. h “eg staves oS bh ae RE cing to. nm + edekiow. Se ASD acec Pesce al Doe : iu a fave to ha ae

_ so v eC ie] ae a Ms a Tre ies ga ype Be Cc eyact | eee ' — .

zon fifF field of view “— mandir from the middle Na son the avin: ofeast the=e eastern _ °nandir from ctcenter center = frowns: eeSees ; :anebha UAL Wo sS - Mee: =. .: the 7 aeomidd icxact |ps0j ;wheof ;of— Se ESV Iser,i the ae eeJL Ag ads Stlof eciew "the aise ee oe erm ae aehoriLeeVeen ge : EEE Se Soee ggee iethe : a !Nataa ea gea-

2°15! limited by at griha h. as late Fe pril tooelate August and - 15y-.LAG limi 6a oe ee Dok ave. i :cot ee‘i=‘itocr 8oenen oeaeeee . :oe a a"ce7 4Mor n :a | Geoe, Lo. Co aewould a Gs : z —i. Werom ie 17 —late :eo onOctober es EN yo Cc. =:

bom, i Mee oot T. : ee Legis arg ht iadent ;eWitatee I ae Le=1Ch se ‘ fo oe es Tuld se : ee inausaeinaus“ . to theee HeChe n-foot wide eastward weaepicious mustosmust | ‘ebruary. toDancing the Dancing Hall. wide edabwand awsituation thSy us oeacaage situation have y.AAhighly highly ] 4 : _ hee @ ae ad lie E oO en eS we ES ee ee cc a eo Se Soe, Pay Bl see bo a AVC arise ne — 4 . | .; oriz w oe isescompletely ak day tlbloc (eey vie a eeof: the ee easterr as ur e| movable moval image } = . of cnthenear s 9] eo 10rizon the view su car soistices, wo cera “ Cs | ‘ VO ock . 44. | oe ee ae ok at wi bays 4 ee _ — : a “oa Cc sun We 3 a. ne — ne®

ee es lls of the temple compou swhich stretch by the d the next square to the ez a ee

ge temple compound to the sl »y the demon Kahu, t ) the east, that ruled

a | || |_a7, Se! In the thesquare sq Sas = the center ofcenter theofofsquare eee openoon. Sete Be | center the SEER : : ; : =. = ee fee eee WOES ee eg Lh Boe ee ee ee Pe eres

|

Rise and fall of the Sun Temple of Konarak

Konarak

ee Sukra Budha Ketu

tt} ~ err et can Mangal Surya ie Rahu ~~ aaa

|Lo

~ NL

Candra Brhaspati Sani

O 1 2 3 4 =5 meters

Figure 30.4 Plan of Natamandir.

ruled by Rahu (Figure 30.4; point 4), the maximum center line of the total eclipse of September 26, declination of an object visible on the horizon is AD 1242 was, according to Oppolzer (1962), some approximately 22°50’ assuming an east—west align- 100km to the north of Konarak. An eclipse at ment of the temple. Such a value is 42’ less than Konarak, either total or partial, would have been the obliquity of the ecliptic in the 13th century, viewed with great alarm by all associated with the 23°32', and suggests that the chamber of Ketu may construction of the temple as well as local villagers. have been designed for the solstice sun. The bronze In India an eclipse of the sun is a time when the image may have been cycled throughout the year sun is understood to be in pain, and it is filled from the center of the Natamandir to the center with the potential for disaster to people, animals,

of Rahu’s chamber. and society (Lapoint, 1981). One can_ hardly The arrangement giving Rahu such a prominent imagine a less auspicious beginning for the temple.

role in the temple dedicated to the sun seems odd Eclipses of sun and moon are associated with and highly inappropriate. One reason for this struc- the shadow planets, Rahu and Ketu, who reside tural design may well have been provided by the at the ascending and descending nodes of the solar eclipse of AD 1242 which occurred just as the moon’s orbit. Rahu, the seizer, was the demon who major construction of the temple was starting. The appeared in the disguise of a god at the churning 383

J. MCKIM MALVILLE

of the Ocean of Milk, and joined the gods in drink- __ illuminates all. But, Narasimha Deva was also a

ing the sacred amnta, the elixir of immortality. warrior, and the design of the Dancing Hall may Surya, the sun, and Soma, the moon, informed __ have been planned to include a special blessing for Vishnu of the imposter’s presence, who cut off — the Ksatriyas. The Sun Temple commemorated

Rahu’s head with his golden discus, itself a sun victories as well as honoring the sun, and it may symbol. Rahu had consumed enough amrita for at have been viewed as entirely appropriate for the least his head to be immortal. The demon, a head _—_ symbolic representation of the Sun God at the time without a stomach, remains in the sky, consumed __ of the consecration of the temple in January, ap 1256

by hunger which can never be satisfied and eternal to occupy the space of Rahu, granting blessings hatred for the sun and moon. His counterpart, his —_ on the warrior King as well upon the Ksatriyas. lower half, Ketu, inhabits the descending node, and

together at eclipse seasons they are responsible for 30.3 Local traditions of sun worship seizing briefly the sun and moon. Vivid images of | Sun worship of an entirely different character Rahu and Ketu together with those of the other occurs each year at Konarak on Magh Saptami, planets were placed above the eastern doorway of — the seventh day of the bright moon of Magh. the temple. The sun, interestingly, is also known According to local newspaper estimates, some at the ‘great seizer’, Mahagraha, as he is believed = 35 000-50 000 pilgrims gather to bathe in the Chanto seize the light of the moon during the day (Long, — drabharga River, watch the sun rise above the waters

1975; O’Flaherty, 1975; Stutley and Stutley, 1977; of the Bay of Bengal, circumambulate the Sun

Dimmitt and van Buitenen, 1978). Temple, and perform puja to the Navagrahas. In During the recent total eclipse of 16 February — the evening before Magh Saptami, pilgrims pur1980, shopkeepers of Delhi closed their stores and __ chase black clay pots locally to cook their evening no Delphi Transport buses ran during the time of _ meal. After sunrise they offer rice on a palm leaf minimum light although only 58% of the disk was to the sun at the ocean’s edge. According to my covered. People abstained from work to express informants, the black pot is broken to signify that sympathy for the sun in its plight and to avoid the —_ everything is being given to the sun and that nothing

pollution which was afflicting the sun. Many vil- is held back. By noon, most of the pilgrims have lagers retreated for safety inside their houses, and _—_ departed for their villages, the food and supply streets were largely deserted in many villages in stands have been torn down, and the ground where both north and south India. Although a predictable | they camped and the beaches are littered with and natural event, an eclipse is still considered to _ broken black pots. be highly dangerous (Gurumurthy, 1981; Lapointe, Participants explain that viewing the sun rising

1981). above the ocean on that morning is like viewing

Another explanation of the strange juxtaposition — the face of a god. Before the appearance of the sun of the sun with Rahu may perhaps be found in the __ the attention of the throng was focused on the faint traditional use of the dancing hall in ancient India. — glow on the east. Waves of high pitched cries mostly

Dancing halls of similar design, though normally | by women would sweep through the crowd, but constructed of wood, provided the space for dance __ otherwise people were silent and unmoving, watch-

performances in which the orchestra and per- _ ing intently for the first glimpse of the sun. When formers occupied the three northern areas, those — the crimson top of the sun broke above the sea, of Venus, Sukra, Mercury, Budha, and Ketu. The __ people leapt into the air with cries, threw rice and king and his retinue occupied the largest space in _ flowers toward the sun, ran into the ocean, and/or the center, that of the Sun God. The Brahmans __ performed namaskar to the sun. occupied the space behind the Raja, that of Brihas- It is significant that the local tradition of sun worpati, Jupiter, the Guru of the Gods. The Ksatriyas, ship in Orissa contains a form of non-personified, the warrior caste, occupied the spaces of Mangal, image-free sun worship which was practiced even Mars, and Rahu. The Vaishyas occupied the spaces — by workers while engaged in the construction of of the Moon, Soma and Saturn, Sani (Boner and __ the temple. In the inventory of the workmen’s com-

Sharma, 1972; Beck, 1976). Thus the Raja was mon room during construction of the temple there seated under the sign of the sun, which rules and is an item identified as dharma nirajana thakura, 384

Rise and fall of the Sun Temple of Konarak

which was a round white object resembling the shell = possess the double aspect of being both symbols of a tortoise, used for purposes of Dharma worship. — or models ‘of and ‘for’. The traditional Hindu temDharma worship is found in various parts of north _ ple is a complex set of cosmological double symbols India today and represents an austere and ancient _ involving both models of and for reality. The temple form of sun worship (Dasgupta, 1962). An old cult, is symbolic of the relationship between chaos and Dharma has been identified with surya dharma in creation, darkness and light, unmanifest and manithe Vedas and signifies the supreme Truth and Law. _ fest, and center and periphery. The center of the In Buddhism, Dharma is equated with the Buddha _ temple, the womb chamber, is symbolic of a dark himself, with the great void, mahasunyata, and with cave in the sacred mountain as well as a fertile womb nirajana, the ‘stainless’ supreme reality. Dharmaraj, of the earth. As they enter the symbolic space of

a related solar deity of potters of west India, and the temple, devotees experience it as a model for

his horse are white (Bhattacharya, 1952). reality as they move into the dark and sacred center In the Samba Ashram, adjacentto the Sun Tem- — and _‘then return to profane space having been ple, the void, nirakar brahma, is worshipped in the touched by the power and purity of the center.

form of a stone containing an image of the sun What is the symbolic meaning of the Sun Temand moon. According to an informant in every _ ple? It is a highly syncretic structure combining difhouse of the local villages, Dharma is worshipped _— ferent symbolic traditions, perhaps not all well with no image. A corner is prepared with mud and _ harmonized. Contained in the temple and its sculpcow dung, decorated with a kolam using rice flower, tures are symbols of war, eclipse, kingdom, sex, and a lamp is placed on the floor. No image is time, power, movement, primordial darkness, cosnecessary. I was told: ‘we already have the sun and —_—smic mountain, zodiac, and planets. A lack of cohermoon. Dharma is the root of the gods.’ In the local — ence between the symbolic parts of the temple and

villages, the cobra is also a Dharma symbol; its spot- | between the temple and surrounding cultural trated hood, swiftness, association with fertility, and ditions may have been seeds for its destruction. dangerous aspect give it power as a sun symbol. Failure of the symbolic sun

30.4 The decline of the Temple At one level, the story of the death of the daughter The form of sun worship practiced at the Great of the rishi involves a failure on the part of the Temple apparently did not have the effectofharmo- _—_ sun, as the god of fertility, to fulfil his symbolic nizing and symbolically supporting the indigenous __ role. The sun was punished because of his disdain

forms of sun worship already in place in Orissa, for the public display of affection between Kama, but appeared to have disruptive and psychologically the God of Love and his spouse, Rata. Such disdain disturbing features associated with it. The two folk _is clearly inconsistent with the role of the sun as stories of the deaths of the two youths, the beautiful —_a god of fertility. His humiliation and the eventual daughter and the talented son, indicate some deep _ destruction of his temple may be related to his rejec-

resentment toward the temple and a discontinuity ‘tion of his own nature. A prudish fecundator is between King Narashima Deva’s form of official absurd and illogical, but why should that issue be devotion to the sun and local tradition. I suggest associated with the construction of the Great Tema number of reasons for the failure ofthe Sun Tem- _ ple? Perhaps in the eyes of the local inhabitants ple at Konarak, each of which may have applicability —_it was also absurd and illogical that the sun which to the wider puzzle of the general decline of temple- _rises above the horizon and which needs no other

centered sun worship in India after the 13th-cen- __ icon than itself should also require the elaborate

tury. ritual and extravagant architecture of the Temple. Clifford Geertz (1973, pp. 142-68) suggests that | A god requiring such a temple may have been guilty systems of symbols may be models of reality as a _ of the sins of hubris. The sun had ‘airs’ as judged map or they may be models for reality as in a set — by Brahma, and he had to be punished for his selfof instructions for human activity which serve to _ conceit and priggishness. Even the erotic carvings

give meaning ‘to social and psychological reality | on the sun’s temple did not protect it from the by shaping themselves to it and by shaping it to | consequence of the sun’s rejection of Kama. themselves’. The powerful symbols of our world The suicide of the son of the master craftsman 385

J. MCKIM MALVILLE

of the Temple was another ominous portent of the —_ appears to be a contrived attempt at adaptation of destruction of the Great Temple. Perhaps this story — sun worship to traditional temple design.

is a similar admonition concerning the arrogance The design of the Natamandir and its use as a of both god and king to build such an extravagant __ site for the moving image of the sun god to greet temple, especially in the midst of a tradition which __ the sun at sunrise was strange, to say the least. The

did not use or need such an approach. need to move the sun near solstices into the square ruled by Rahu may have been motivated by the

The hiding of the light memory of the terror of the eclipse which coincided

; ; with the start of the templethe or natural may have If there was an incongruity between sunbeen ; oa.appropriate for the warrior king who wanted himself and

and the temple sun, the discrepancy was even more , . his warriors blessed by the sun. But such specific intense as Mahabhaskar, the Great Creatorofoftheoaritual ;; , . ; design limited the symbolic meaning Light, was placed in the darkness of the garbha griha. ; ; ; and of the site maysmite havethe been The role of the Vedic godand was . . disturbing and . ; sun confusing to to later generations. darkness and destroy the enemies of light. Again

and again in the Vedas light appears as the primary —Tyadition of non-iconic sun worship

metaphor for order, knowledge, andoflife , , . . oo, . . - Set down in a culture with creation, a tradition non-iconic

itself. Light, both andworship, spiritual, the wastemple the ; appears to have been , ,physical . , Dharma

essence of the sun, and it seems highly inappropriate ; , 7 an attempt to implant an alien religion or at least for the. god of light locked in darkness. ; local popula; a new styleto ofbe sun worship upon the The passive quality of the god of the temple who are have , .; ; tion. Such a symbolic discontinuity; may

awaited the,mediator image returnwhich from anticipated the sun- , i the desengendered the to stories

light appears also inconsistent with the god who . .

.savitar, . a truction of the temple and the eventual cessation was the impeller, the initiator, and the ener. ae ; . . . of priestly ritual in the temple. The temple was built gizer.; ws Here is a worship case of of a ritual which did . OL: atproperly. aperhaps time when Shakti, Shiva, and Vishnu not function The traditional form of tem, , . or . in were growing and worship of Surya in hadthe faded. ple ritual which the deity is maintained , .; Great temples to Shiva and Vishnu had been built dark womb chamber was apparently copied without va: . a /. isignificant er . within the two previous centuries in neighboring modification. While the darkness ofand thein;Puri, ;;; ; ;temple Bhubanesvar, the Lingaraja Temple, center ofi.the is an evocative symbol of the ; ae ; the Jagannatha Temple. The construction of the chaos at the beginning of time, it is less appropriate Great The Temple at Konarak have occurred as the house of the .sun. placing ofmay Bhaskar ;a er ; bey. cause sun worship, although primarily of different in the garbha griha generated symbolic dissonance. .| 7 , nature, was already a long standing local tradition. The two are mutually exclusive. The sym., estab. , symbols It maythe have been part King’s bols and ritual, meaning and of thethe action wereplan ae ; to i, .

out of step. i

lish his Sun Temple in a region in which the preexisting devotion to Surya could be used to evoke

. and support the immense effort of human labor and

Non-solar architecture creative talent necessary for the construction of the Not just the ritual of the temple, but its very archi- | temple. Here is a striking example of an attempt tecture appears to be inconsistent with sun worship. to validate a new structure by an old sacred traThe traditional location of the garbha griha in the _ dition. It appears to be a case of Roemer’s Rule great stone tower representing the cosmic mountain, which may be stated: ‘the initial effect of an evolugenerates a powerful set of mutually supporting tionary change is conservative in that it makes it symbols. It was out of the dark and fertile earth __ possible for a previously existing way of life to persist

that creation emerged; the earth is connected to — in the face of changed conditions’. Rappaport’s the cosmos by the axis of cosmic mountain. How- _— (1979) interpretation of Roemer’s rule suggests that ever, to attach 24 wheels to the cosmic mountain __ the ‘threatening aspects of changed conditions can

and the womb chamber and to pull it across the — get somewhat neutralized by being incorporated cosmos with seven horses is a mixture of in- into sacred tradition ... Sanctity allows the persistcongruent symbols. The use of the mediator image ence of traditional forms in the face of “structural 386

Rise and fall of the Sun Temple of Konarak

threats and environmental fluctuations”’. Within number of priests, and the structure itself may Mexico, and particularly in the Aztec and Toltec simply have dried up. Following, perhaps, a sometraditions, Carrasco (1982) has argued that Quet- —_ what similar pattern, the collapse of the classic Maya

zalcoat! provided such sanctity for social systems civilization may have been initiated by the construcand provided thereby social stability and system _ tion of elaborate temples, the consequent separation self-maintenance. In the case of the Sun Temple, between commoners and elites, and the increased the ancient traditions of sun worship in Orissa state jyrden on the commoners (Culbert, 1973).

may have provided the energy for the creative The priests of the Great Temple at Konarak artistry and prolonged hard labor as well as the apparently neglected to keep its roof in repair and expenses demanded by such an ambitious temple a massive stone lion balanced on the eastern side at a ume when temple-centered sun worship had of the tower may have become loose, bringing about

passed its prime. he coll f the structure some time in AD 1620 However, such an approach appears to have been the collapse of the struc © ime m

. (Boner and Sharma, 1972).asThe ultimately counter-productive at Konarak, it cer-center

of the great

tainly was the case in the downfall of Tenochtitlan stone temple did not hold and the golden orb of when Moctezuma believed Cortez to be Quetzal- the sun at dawn returned to symbolic dominance. coatl. The local folk stories of Konarak suggest the presence of an undercurrent of resentment toward

the foreign and extravagant style of sun worship. Acknowledgment The collapse of the Sun Temple was apparently This work was supported in part by a grant from neither violent nor sudden. The sources of funds — the Council for International Exchange of Scholars, needed to maintain the elaborate rituals, the large § Indo-American Fellowship Program.

References calendric information for fieldwork. Southwestern FourBeck, B. E. F. (1976). The symbolic merger of body, aes nia 67-90. , Cul New York:

space and cosmos in Hindu Tamil Nadu. Contributions certz, ( ). The Interpretation of Culture. New York:

to Indian Sociology 10, 213-43. Basic Books.

Bhandakar, R. G. (1983). Vaisnavism, Satvism and Minor Gurumurthy, K. G. (1981). Eclipse ritual in South India.

Religious Systems. Asian Educational Ser- Kn New GR U9 3Delhi: ay New Dethi C vices. ay, G.New R. Delhi: . Hindu Astronomy. Cosmo Bhattacharya, A. (1952). The Dharma-cult, Bulletin of Publications. the Department of Anthropology, 1. University of | Kramrisch, S. (1946). The Hindu Temple. Calcutta

Calcutta. University Press.

Boner, A. and Sharma, S. R. (1972). New Light on the Kramrisch, S. (1981). The Presence of Shiva. Princeton

Sun Temple of Konarak. Varanasi: Chaukhambha University Press.

Sanskrit Sansthan. Lapoint, E. C. (1981). Solar contagion: eclipse ritual in

Carrasco, D. (1982). Quetzalcoatl and the Irony of Empire. a North Indian village. Man In India 61, 327-45.

University of Chicago Press. a ; Long, J. B. (1975). Life out of death: a structural analysis Culbert, T. P. (ed.) (1973). The Classic Mayan Collapse. of the myth of the churning of the Ocean of Milk. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. In Hinduism: New Essays in the History of Religton, ed.

Dimmitt, C. and van Buitenen, J. A. B. (cds. and trans.) B. Smith. Leiden. ,

(1978). Classical Hindu Mythology: A Reader in the Sansk- Mabbett, I. W. (1983). The Symbolism of Mt. Meru.

rit Puranas. Philadelphia: ‘Temple University Press. a

Dasgupta, S. (1962). Obscure Religious Cults. Calcutta: Histo ry of Religions 23, 64-83.

K. L. Mukhopadhyaya. Malville, J. M. (1985). Sun worship in contemporary

Eck, D. (1982). Benares, City of Light. London: Routledge India. Man in India 65, 207-33.

and Kegan Paul. Mansimha, M. (1968). Reflections on the Wonder and

Eliade, M. (1967). Patterns in Comparatrve Religion. New Enigma of Konarak in Konarak. Bombay: Marg Publica-

York: Meridian Books. tions.

Freed, R. S. and Freed, S. A. (1964). Calendars, ceremo- Mishra, S. B. (1981). Konarak. Bhubaneswar: Biswajit

nies, and festivals in a North Indian village: necessary Mishra. 387

J. MCKIM MALVILLE Mitra, D. (1976). Konarak. New Delhi: Archaeological Srivastava, V. C. (1972). Sun Worship in Ancient India.

Survey of India. Alahabad: Indological Publications.

O'Flaherty, W. D. (1975). Hindu Myths. New York: Pen- Stutley, M. and Stutley, J. (1977). Dictionary of Hinduism.

guin Books. San Francisco: Harper and Row.

Oppolzer, H. von (1962). Canon der Finsternisse. New von Stietencron, H. (1966). Jndische Sonnenpriester

York: Dover. (Samba and die Sakadviptya Brahmanas). Wiesbaden: Pandey, L. P. (1971). Sun Worship in Ancient India. Delhi: Otto Harrasowitz. Motilal. Zimmer, H. (1955). The Art of Indian Asia, ed. J. CampRappaport, R. (1979). Ecology, Meaning, Religion. Rich- bell. Princeton University Press. mond, CA: North American Books.

388

31

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory Michael P. Closs University of Ottawa

[t remains questionable to what extent we can expect In considering sources for this work, I have to derive significant information about complex non- attempted to be exhaustive in so far as material on Western systems of astronomy by focusing only upon the the Yucatec, Lacandon, Mopan, Chol, and Chorti observational aspects of those systems. We must strive are concerned. Information from other groups is to comprehend the whole picture as seen through their only dealt with selectively when it is felt that it sheds

eyes. light on the matters being discussed. This approach (Aveni, 1981, p. 13) is dictated by the conviction that the languages underlying Maya hieroglyphic writing are Yucatec and Chol. Terrence Kaufman (1976, pp. 108-12)

31.1 Introduction asserts that linguistic geography and ethnohistory This paper is concerned with determining the make it almost inescapable that the central Maya

, . ;eclipse area wasphenomena occupied by as Cholan speakers. He estimates nature of it was perceived —_

by the ancient Maya. It approaches the problem by that the Cholan subgroup split into Chorti and considering the linguistic information pertaining to Chol-Chontal about aD 600, at the end of the Early

. .; Classic, and that the date of separation of Chol and

; , ontal is somewhat later. In the northern Maya

eclipses and by exploring the traditional beliefs Chontal j hat | In the northern M

associated with the occurrence of eclipses among area the inhabitants spoke Yucatec. Lacandon and the postconquest Maya. These data yield 4 model Mopan occupied an intermediate geographical posof a native eclipse theory which 1s compatible with ition between Yucatec and Chol, although their hier oglyphic and iconographic materials pertaining linguistic affiliation is closer to Yucatec (Campbell, to the ancient Maya. Such a cognitive approach tO 1984, pp. 2-3). Together the northern and central Maya astronomy has been touched on in previous Maya areas constitute the Maya lowlands and coinStudies but only in a peripheral sense. Indeed, most —Gigqe with the region in which hieroglyphic writing Studies of eclipse phenomena in the Maya areahave = aca principal feature of Maya civilization.

concentrated on the interpretation of the eclipse table of the Dresden Codex, a Maya hieroglyphic 31.2 Linguistic data book. These studies have been structural in nature —s_[p, Yucatec, eclipses of the sun and the moon are and have drawn on data susceptible to arithmetic — described by a number of terms. The following list analysis. In a few instances attempts have been made is selected from the Diccionario Maya Cordemex (Bar-

to identify eclipses and eclipse glyphs elsewhere in rera Vasquez, 1980, pp. 33, 93, 824): the Maya inscriptions but little progress has been chi’bil k’in eclipsarse el sol, porque en los made in this direction. It seems likely that eclipses eclipses la sombra o parte eclipsada es corva, como would have been recorded only if they happened la senal que dejan los dientes en las mordidas 0 to occur on a date which was being commemorated bocados quitados {to be eclipsed the sun, because

for some other event. in eclipses the umbra or part eclipsed is arched,

389

MICHAEL P. CLOSS

like the mark which is left by the teeth in things these reports are labeled in alphabetic sequence as

which are nibbled or bitten; the Maya term is they are encountered. literally ‘to be bitten the sun’] chi’bil u_ eclipsarse la luna [to be eclipsed the Text A. Yucatec Maya of Chetumal, 1531 (Rejon

moon; literally ‘to be bitten the moon’] Garcia, 1905, pp. 10-11) tupul u wich k’in eclipsarse el sol [to be Davila, meanwhile, was drawing near, becoming eclipsed the sun; literally ‘to be extinguished its convinced of a rebellion of the Indians because

face the sun’] he found the trails, which served as roads, tupul u wich u eclipsarse la luna [to be closed. He arrived, without realizing it, to within eclipsed the moon] a short distance of the fortified town. bala’an u wich k’in eclipsado esta el sol [the As was said earlier, the Indian chief had sun is eclipsed; literally “hidden its face the sun’ ordered that they [i.e. his men} maintain chi’ba k’in eclipse de sol [eclipse of the sun; absolute silence. This was observed until shortly

literally “bitten sun’] before dawn on that beautiful night of full moon. chi’ba u_ eclipse de luna [eclipse of the moon; In its last hours, a shadow began to be projected

literally “bitten moon’| onto the Queen of the Night, a shadow which Cholan vocabulary is not as well documented as advanced slowly until it obscured the moon Yucatecan, and I have not been able to isolate eclipse completely. terminology in the sources available to me. How- The order of the chief was definite and the ever, at the Tercera Mesa Redonda de Palenque discipline of his army strict. However, common held in Palenque, Chiapas in 1978, I had the oppor- tradition obliged them to bring themselves to the tunity to query a Chol informant about eclipses of defense of Diana, who in their judgement called, the sun and moon. He responded that eclipses were soliciting the protection of mortals against the referred to by the expression wolt k’uxbahlum ‘the hard bite of the xu/ab which had hold of her jaguar is eating it’. The informant was unable to (contra la pica dura del xulab que la tenta|, unto give a rationale for the origin of the expression. the point of death, in the way it had In this instance, the sun or moon is once again superimposed itself. She was aided at once with perceived as being eaten but, in addition, the jaguar a serenade able to deafen anyone who was less

is specified as the active agent. anxious than Davila who made use of it to orient himself. Those warriors set themselves to make all

31.3 Ethnohistorical data manner of noise in order to defend the moon. There are many reports of folk beliefs concerning One was able to hear the raucus seashell, the eclipses in the ethnohistoric literature. I begin the monotonous cymbal (tun kul), the lahte, the survey by considering an extract from an account zacatan, the ddoroch ac, the chul, a type of clay of the expedition of Alonso Davila to Chetumal. flute with a feather tip, all the instruments of Francisco de Montejo had sent Davila with 50 Spa- their warlike music, and furthermore, shouts, niards and 16 horses to seek out gold mines in the laments, blows on the trees and mace blows on vicinity of this Maya town. Davila reached Chetu- the stones. (It was] an infernal uproar, a noise mal in 1531 and there founded the town of Villa so deafening that had it last longer than the Real de Chetumal. The lives of Davila and his men immersion of the planet in the shadow, or not were filled with battles, skirmishes, and murders to know its cause, would have inspired fear in

and they abandoned the town in 1532. A lunar the spirit of the Spaniards. eclipse occurred during Davila’s approach to Che- The concert ended with the phenomenon, a tumal, and the reaction of the natives to it is des- little before dawn. The simple natives were left cribed in an account published in Spanish by satisfied with having accomplished the moon’s Manuel Rején Garcia. My translation of Rejon salvation, and the invaders much more, because Garcia’s account, referred to as Text A, is given knowing exactly the place to which they should below. I subsequently present other reports from direct themselves, they arranged the attack that other sources without comment. For convenience, took place on the morning of that day. They 390

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

charged with bravery and ferociousness against the sun and moon. One suggests that the moon the Indians. The latter followed the command hits against the sun, knocking out its light; to resist with tenacity although, as imprudently another says that every eighteen years the moon happened, they had not followed the command passes under the sun covering the earth with its to be silent. They confronted the enemy until shadow; a third proposes that there is probably they became convinced that their families had a hole in the sun through which the moon has evacuated the town. Then they withdrew in good to pass at certain intervals. But these

order. speculations have not seriously affected the

general belief that periodically some evil animal

Text B. Yucatec Maya, 1639 (Sanchez de Aguilar, seeks to devour the heavenly luminaries and that

1921, pp. 302-5) eclipses are occasions of great danger for During lunar eclipses they still believe in the mankind.

tradition of their forefathers to make their dogs The name for eclipse is ‘chibil kin’ (biting howl or cry by pinching them either in the body the sun’), or ‘chibil /una’. Many cannot specify or ears, or else they will beat on boards, benches the animal which seeks to eat sun or moon, and doors. They say that the moon is dying, or saying merely that it is ’a very bad thing’ that it is being bitten by a certain kind of ant (kakazbaal); but several say that it is certain ants, which they call xubab [sic]. Once, while at the either certain evil-smelling ants of a red color, village of Yalcoba, I heard great noises during or else the ‘king of the leaf-cutting ants.’ That

an eclipse of the moon which occurred that is why one so often sees the ants carrying bits night, and in my sermon the next day I tried to of leaf: as fodder for the ant king’s horse. But make them understand the cause of the eclipse one or two of the older men say that it is no

in their own language, according to the ant, but an animal like a tiger that seeks to interpretation from the Philsopher: “The lunar devour sun or moon. That is what the ancients eclipse is the interposing of the earth between taught by carving on stones at Chichen Itza a the sun and the moon with the sun on top and disk representing the sun and two tigers coming

the moon in the shadow.’ With an orange to to eat it. represent the sphere of Sacrobosco, and two lit The moment of eclipse is one of threatened candles on either side, I explained to them calamity, because, it is believed, should the sun plainly and at sight what an eclipse really was. or moon fail to reappear, then all the furniture They seemed astonished, and quite happy and and other objects with which people are smiling, cured of their ignorance and that of surrounded would be changed into devils or their forefathers. I gave orders to their chieftain beasts that would devour all living things. So the (cacique) that he should punish in the future all villagers strive to avert the cataclysm. They seek those who made a noise on such occasions. to frighten away the devouring animal by making as much noise as possible, beating on drums,

Text C. Yucatec Maya, 1861 (Mendez, 1921, cans and pails, and firing guns. If the danger

pp. 186-7) of complete extinction appears imminent, they A pregnant Indian woman will not go outdoors may also go to the oratorio and there begin a

during an eclipse, in order to avoid her child novena to San Diego. being born with spots or ugly birth marks on its body; nor do they visit women who have just Text E. Yucatec Maya of X-Cacal, 1932-6 (Villa

given birth to a child, because it is their belief Rojas, 1945, pp. 140B, 156A-7A) that the babies would become ill with pains in A woman must be especially careful, after the

their bowels. first months of pregnancy, to avoid going out during an eclipse, for the influence of an eclipse Text D. Yucatec Maya of Chan Kom, 1934 (Redfield is believed responsible for the fact that certain

and Villa Rojas, 1962, pp. 206-7) children are born with reddish or dark spots on Some of the people of the village begin to regard the face or other parts of the body. According an eclipse as brought about by the motions of to some informants, however, the danger was not 391

MICHAEL P. CLOSS

in exposing oneself to the eclipse, but rather in the directions of the threatened luminary but no scratching the abdomen during it. Reddish spots other noises are made, such as beating drums, are attributed to eclipse of the moon and dark as noted in other Maya regions. When an eclipse ones to eclipse of the sun; the former are called occurs, pregnant women are required to keep chibal-luna (moon bite), and the latter chibal-kin indoors so that their children may not be born (sun bite). Persons with such spots are rare. The with spots on their faces or bodies. only one I saw was a young woman who had on The fear inspired by eclipses is so great that her right arm a black spot which she took great any exceptional condition of sun or moon is pains to conceal by trying to hide the arm in her noted with alarm. On two occasions when I was

clothing. in Tusik the heavenly bodies were ‘threatened’ Eclipses are believed to occur when certain by eclipse. On the morning of April 3, 1936, just ‘very bad animals’ try to eat the sun or the moon. as the moon was about to set, the first symptoms Thus, eclipses are called chibal-kin (‘biting of were noted. These consisted of the progressive the sun’) or chibal-luna (‘biting of the moon’). reddening of the moon and a sudden decline A few Indians express the idea that the ‘bad in its brilliance. The phenomena could have animal’ is the ant known as xu/ab. According to been easily explained by the fact that the burning one version, the eclipse occurs because its of milpas, begun a few days before, had filled surface is covered by an immense colony of these the air with smoke. But the natives immediately ants. According to a second version, the sun or began invoking divine aid by Catholic prayers moon is attacked by a monster similar to the in the church, and for a long time the men were

queen of the xulab. The belief attributing busy shooting off their guns toward the moon eclipses to ants of this family seems to be of pre- to save it from the threatening animal. The same Hispanic origin, for according to Sanchez de activities took place in all the villages of the Aguilar, it was known among the Indians in the subtribe except the shrine village, where firearms very earliest colonial times. Today, however, the could not be discharged because of the sanctity idea is not well known in X-Cacal, for most of of the place. Some hours afterward the same the Indians could tell me only that eclipses were symptoms appeared in the sun, but nothing was due to an attack against the heavenly bodies by done to save it because ‘what was done at dawn some ‘very bad’ animal or perhaps by the devil is enough’. That day the men went to their himself. [In a footnote to the text it is pointed milpas as usual, but they had been considerably out that the xulab is a large ant, black or reddish, frightened and for several days the averted which forms large colonies. It is feared because eclipse was the principal subject of conversation. of its painful bite and expecially because of the It was generally thought that it presaged some

destruction it works on trees and all sorts of calamity such as war or sickness. plants. In the rainy season it causes great alarm when, in search of shelter, it invades the houses Text F. Lacandon (Tozzer, 1907, pp. 96, 157)

of natives. It is also said that there is among this The name of the other culture hero of the early family of ants one of greater size with a red head natives of Yucatan, Qugulcan (written Kukulcan), and much feared because its bite is severe. ] is still retained among the Lacandones as the

Eclipses are greatly feared because it is name of a mythical snake with many heads, believed that a total eclipse of sun or moon living only in the vicinity of the home of would cause all the domestic instruments then Nohotsakyum. This snake is killed and eaten only to be transformed into living creatures and kill at the time of great national peril, as during an their masters, revenging themselves for the bad eclipse of the moon and especially that of the

treatment they have suffered. Another belief is sun. the one mentioned in preceding pages, namely, The mythical serpent, Ququlkan, of the that Juan Tutul Xiu will destroy the earth on Lacandones is called Qugikan among the Mayas. the day when the sun is covered with a black It is described as a many-headed snake living curtain. To drive away the enemy attacking the in the sky. At intervals it comes to the earth to sun or moon, it is customary to fire off guns in a place below the home of the red ants (saz). 392

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

Text G. Lacandon (Baer and Baer, 1952, p. 239) went the iguana which had swallowed up Our The Lacandon fear the world will perish during Mother. Our Ancestors went - look for her. p

an eclipse. At such times men chant to the god ed were vo cho, coo Swa owe her up! Ac Yanto, praying him to request Hachacyum 1 Ce Mir tos The att i arm of mall Sea to stop the calamity before the world comes to ake Miramar]. They said to their kinsmen:

an end. We have to look for Our Mother.’ They went to look for her. They all took their arrows.

Text H. Lacandon (Tozzer, 1941, p. 138, n. 639) which iguana west ‘0 Thue hess The Chacs are found among the present Mayas ... [he moon was not there ... Don’t you see, and Lacandones. The latter have a god Noho the iguana which had swallowed up Our Mother Chac Yum, the Great Father Chac, who is at would have its belly illuminated ... An iguana the head of the pantheon. He was supposed to is really small, and that one should be big, be ill when there was a solar eclipse and his enormous! ... “That one did not swallow Our

daughter sick in a lunar eclipse. Mother’ ... they said. Our Ancestors walked and

‘a.

looked for her... Nothing ... ‘Neither that one’

Text I. Lacandon (Bruce, 1979, p. 322) ... Until they saw where she was, swallowed up. ECLIPSE (tak’él) OF SUN OR MOON is a That one!’ they said.

. They sawthe a really iguana. saw one fatal omen, death said: ofbig a man oraone ;They ; ahas swallowed ; i.foretelling illuminated. They “That

3 3 < > ¢ } >¢

woman, respectively. The fatal significance of an ae

eclipse, according to Maya cosmology, is so up Our Mother!’ They said to their kinsmen: strong and clear that an eclipse may also be What shall we do? ‘I don't know. What do

, you terms think?’ ‘Maybe ... shootor it.’ xulik ‘What if we called by the alternate xumust ’tan ; .t'an/xulik . , shoot Our Mother?’ ‘You shoot at its tan,Our which may be freely translated as exactly re ;the . throat.’ Ancestors hit the iguana at; end of the world’. The recurrent . ; . ; ; its throat. They did not shoot at its body. Don’t destructions of the Eras of the world are said _ . youwith see,an there was Our Mother. They shot; at to eclipse. endwould of the world . , , ibegin its throat instead. TheThe iguana not die even

is prophesied by vivid such asatait.sunset, .; though theycolors, shot arrows They all shot at

in a ;dream, thus tying the usually Ls Then ; . its throat, until their arrows fatal cut it.;off. the prophecies of colors with the equally fatal omens of dreams of astronomical phenomena iguana fell down. It was really heavy! It had

P swallowed Our Mother. It fell down. Our

Ancestors cut it up right away. They cut it up,

sd Lacandon of Lake Miramar, 1975 and out came Our Mother, She went up to the

(Boremanse, 1981, p. 5) sky. So, there was Our Mother, as now, as

A long time ago a moon eclipse occurred. They always. say that Our Ancestors were shooting arrows, This is a very old tale, don’t be afraid. If you waving macaw tails, praying to the gods, asking see a moon eclipse, you will know it is because

that Our Mother beshe released. has swallowed nee Ancestors looked and looked,should and saw was notThey there.anupiguana the iguana, and up to the skya went Our cut She had been entirely swallowed up! Oh! Our Mother, and the sky was illuminated. If they had Ancestors were really much worried. Thus they not shot the iguana ... Don’t you see, these said: “The jaguars will devour us! They will eat iguanas are celestial iguanas. They are not us!’ The moon was not there ... Darkness. iguanas of the earth. They are iguanas from There were only stars in the sky. Not our above, where is Our Mother. Mother. She was not there. Don’t you see, she (In a footnote, the author adds that the

gu ginning

had been swallowed up by an iguana. Indeed, Lacandon believe that a total (solar or lunar) an iguana had landed at the beginning of the eclipse precedes the end of the world. When this

arm [of Lake Miramar]. occurs the heavenly jaguars will land on earth Long ago there were reeds there, and there in darkness and will devour everybody. ] 393

MICHAEL P. CLOSS

Text K. Mopan, 1935 (Thompson, 1972, p. 75) On Sunday they go to put candles before [the] On July 16, 1935, my compadre Jacinto Cunil wooden god la wooden cross]. We almost wrote me in his somewhat shaky Spanish of perished, they say. Help us NOW they say, ‘so events in the Maya village of Socotz, British that we still will not perish.

d that nicht. A , y

Honduras: ‘On the night of the 1 5th—16th of this

month an eclipse of the moon was seen. All the Text N. Chorti (Wisdom, 1940, pp. 285, 399-400) people were frightened, saying the world would Pregnancy, however, is believed to be a rituall end that night. A lot of noise was made beating unclean condition, for which reason certain acts tin cans, boxes and bells. [There were] prayers on the part of the pregnant woman are forbidden and processions in the night at one o'clock. All or frowned upon, as liable to cause harm to were awake [believing] that that was the moment herself, her child, or another person or thing

of the [last] judgment. ... She is worried if an eclipse of the sun or moon occurs during her pregnancy, as this is

Text L. Chol of Tumbala (Beckman, 1956, p. 262) said to cause great danger that her child will be

) on born without one of its external body parts, such

Many of them still adore the sun and the moon as a part of one of the extremities or a portion -+-In case of an eclipse, they believe that the of the face or head. At such a time she is careful

moon (which they call ‘mother’) is being not to leave the houses. attacked by a jaguar and that she needs help. Another deity, ah kilis, is associated vaguely Thus they shoot their guns, beat drums and with the sun and is said to eat the latter when other people sing, while still others just cry and angry, thus causing the sun’s eclipse. [Ina

shout in order to save her. footnote, Wisdom adds that the derivation of ah kilts is unknown but that the deity is also called

Text M. Chol (Whittaker and Warkentin, 1965, une cater evera of his invormants thought pp. 71-3) that this deity ate the moon also, thus causing When [the] moon is hidden [eclipse]. [The] its eclipse, but were not certain. John Fought

, ow ene, , Day (1972, p. 437) observes that ah kilis is an

tiger is killing our holy mother. We will perish, adaptation of Spanish eclipse.

they say. “Our goneisinto P PanisthofCcupse. aL: : ; holy Themother moonhas deity the[the] patroness childbirth

stomach of [the] tiger. He isconnection coming towith eat plant us . growth. ; oe, and also has some now also,’ they say. Theytoshoot him with [the] oo,powers of - , She issays said lose partially her gun. ‘Bang,’ it when they shoot him. [The] ,reason ; a , ar fecundity during an eclipse, for which tiger is afraid of [the] gun, it is said. They women fear an eclipse durin an

immediately bring corn shellers [pieces of iron car an cempse curing pregnancy.

used for shelling corn}. They gather them and | old machetes and also machetes that are sharp. Text O. Chorti (Fought, 1972, pp. 428-9) This is a figure of helping the moon, it is said, The Eclipse is feared by people when it lies in

because they are stabbing the tiger, they say, the sky. Because it is said that ... that eclipse, because he is gathering the corn shellers, old if given time by God, that eclipse would eat the machetes. They say [that the] tiger is eating the sun or the moon. And so, they say that when moon. [Ch’ay bajlum] is the name of the tiger. the sun or the moon is grabbed by the eclipse, They wet them in water. They gather together then the moon offers up mankind on the earth, there beside the old machetes. They pierce [the] so as not to be eaten by the eclipse. Because it gourds. They are very quiet. They are fearful. is said that if one day passes, or two days, there Some are crying because they say they are going will be no sun; it will become dark on the earth.

to come to an end. They only do this at their All the animals there are will rise up in the peaks, own houses. They beat drums and tin cans so in the seas, and all the spirits who are dead, just that our holy mother will be freed. They have like those who are completely dead. And those a fiesta so that she will be freed. They drink spirits will come to life and eat the people who

much liquor. They dance there in [the] house. are alive on the earth. 394

Cognitrve aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

Text P. Tzotzil of Zinacantan, 1970 (Garcia de be the same creature (Chol linguistic data; Texts

Leon, 1973: 307); [translation by author] D, E, N, O and, by inference, F). In addition, it People who don’t know and who look at the may be noted that if these beliefs really stem from moon during an eclipse think that the star muk'ta a common source, as is being advocated, then the k’anal (Venus) is going to kill her because they eclipse agents which are enumerated here should

are fighting. be derivable from the same ancient deity. This probWhen they look they begin to shout, fire lem is examined in detail in the next section. |

shotguns and bring out their flutes and drums The belief that eclipses were caused by a celestial in order to scare away the Devil, the Star; and creature devouring the sun or moon is much more the old people bring out sticks and strike than a metaphor. Indeed, this is amply demonstrated themselves, and take aguardiente so as not to feel by the strong reaction which eclipses evoked among the moment of her death. They also think that the common people and by the measures which they

with this they give help to the moon so that the took to avert the impending death of the eclipsed Devil will not continue to strike her, and also body. The common tradition impelled the Maya

(thereby) to frighten him away. to rush to the defense of the endangered sun or

moon (Texts A, D, L, M and P). They attempted to frighten away the devouring creature by makin

31.4 Synthesis of eclipse themes all manner of noise (Texts A, B, D, K, L, M and The preceding linguistic and ethnohistorical data _‘P) and by discharging arrows (Text J) or firearms pertaining to eclipses repeatedly refers to the same (Texts D, E, L, M and P). The people also sought ideas. It is clear that the material is a part ofasingle divine intercession in their calamity through prayer tradition which derives from ancient Maya roots. (Texts D, E, G, J, K and M). From the various sources, it is possible to extract Eclipses aroused considerable fear among the the major themes which make up that tradition and common people (Texts E, K and O). Underlying thereby to reconstitute, at least approximately, the this fear was the belief that eclipses were a great

eclipse beliefs of the ancient Maya. danger to mankind (Texts D, E and F) and porThe dominant theme running through almost all tended the end of the world (Texts D, E, G, I, accounts is that during eclipses of the sun and/or J, K, M and O). The sources specify three ways moon, the affected heavenly bodies are being eaten in which the destruction of man would be (Yucatec and Chol linguistic data; Texts A, B, D, | accomplished. One of these is that furniture and E, J, L, M and O). In some of the references to other inanimate objects would be changed into lunar eclipses, it is said that the moon is being devils or beasts that would devour all living things attacked (Texts E, L and P). In other references, | (Texts D and E). The second is that celestial jaguars the sun or moon is said to be sick or dying (Texts | would descend to the earth and devour the living A, B and H). These statements form a common (Texts J] and M). In the latter reference it is intereststrand in which the sun or moon is attacked, bitten, —_ ing to note that the celestial jaguar of the apocalypse

being eaten, and in danger of dying. is identified with the eclipse agent. The third In the accounts, eclipses are not natural occur- _— appears to be a combination of the preceding two rences but are caused by the intervention ofanactive ideas: the moon offers up mankind to be eaten by agent. A variety of eclipse agents is specified in the the eclipse agent to secure her own safety and, at various sources: the jaguar (Chol linguistic data; the same time, if the sun is eaten then the animals Texts D, L and M), the xul/ab (Text A), the ant —_and spirits of the dead will arise to eat the living

called xulab (Texts B and E), certain red ants or (Text OQ). the king of the leaf-cutting ants (Text D), a celestial Finally, the sources attest that pregnant women iguana (Text J), an evil animal (Texts D and E), were especially vulnerable during eclipses. It was the deity ah kilis (= eclipse) (Texts N and QO), the __ believed that if a pregnant woman went outdoors Devil (Texts E and P), Venus (Text P), and, by | during an eclipse then her child might be born with inference, the mythical snake Kukulcan (Text F). spots or birth marks (Texts C and E); reddish spots It is important to note that the eclipse agentinvolved —_ were attributed to lunar eclipses and dark ones to

in both solar and lunar eclipses was perceived to __ solar eclipses (Text E). It was also believed that 395

MICHAEL P. CLOSS

such exposure might lead to the child being born _ call him in their language Hunhau.’ Barrera Vaswith some external part of its body missing (Text | quez (1980, p.247) corrects the spelling to Hun N). In addition, an eclipse was a dangerous time Ahaw, and elsewhere (Barrera Vasquez, 1980, to visit a woman who had just given birth, for the = pp. 245, 351) notes Hum Ahaw, Hum Haw, Kum newly born child would then become ill with pains §=Ahaw and Kum Haw as other attested spellings for

in the bowels (Text C). the name of Lucifer, the prince of devils.

The most detailed account describing Hun Ahaw

31.5 The identity of the eclipse agent as Lord of the Underworld and identifying him In the previous section it was seen that the sources — with Venus is found in the Popul Vuh of the Quiche

refer to a variety of eclipse agents, and it was sug- Maya. Here it is related that Hun Hunahpu (1 gested that if these derive from a common tradition | Hunter), the Quiche calendrical equivalent of 1 then the various agents should coalesce into one. §Ahau, and his twin brother Vugub Hunahpu (7 I believe that there is sufhcient ethnohistorical data) | Hunter = 7 Ahau) were both sacrificed by the gods to achieve precisely this type of fusion. Text P — of death in the underworld. After his death the skull (Tzotzil), the only non-lowland source among those — of 1 Ahau was placed in a tree which immediately which have been described, was included in the _ bore numerous fruit. Eventually, the skull of 1 Ahau survey of ethnohistorical data because it specifically | brought about the conception of the Hero Twins refers to Venus as a cosmological agent implicated §Hunahpu and Xbalanque in the womb of a young in eclipse phenomena. It provides an explicit focal maiden. Hunahpu and Xbalanque, after reaching point for the contention that the eclipse agents are — maturity, return to the underworld, defeat the gods

derived from a Venus deity. of death, and reconstitute 1 Ahau and 7 Ahau. Another explicit Venus reference occurs in Text | Edmonson (1971, pp. 143-4) translates the dénoueF (Lacandon). It names Kukulcan as a mythical —_mentas follows:

serpent which is killed and eaten during eclipses. And this then was the reassembling of their Kukulcan is the feathered serpent, also known as father by them, Quetzalcoatl, and is a recognized manifestation of And then they reassembled 7 Hunter. Venus as morning star. Text F makes sense and They went there to reassemble them is an efficacious solution to the eclipse problem only in Dusty Court. if Kukulcan is regarded as the eclipse agent. That a

such a conclusion is warranted is confirmed by Text And thus then they honored him J (Lacandon), in which a celestial iguana is identi- And left the heart of their father. fied as the eclipse agent and the solution to the ‘Tt will just be left at Dusty Court, eclipse problem is obtained by killing and cutting And here you will be called upon up the iguana. Given that Text F is at least 68 years In the future,’ older than Text J, it is possible that the celestial His sons then said to him. iguana in the more recent text is a modern transfor- Then his heart was consoled. mation of the mythical serpent appearing in the ear- ‘First will one come to you,

lier text. And first also will you be worshipped

Text E (Yucatec) and Text P (Tzotzil) both By the light born, identify the Devil as eclipse agent. The latter text The light engendered.

makes it clear that the Devil is an alternative name Your names will not be lost.

for Venus. The identification of Venus with the So be it,’ Devil is an old theme in Mayan beliefs. It surfaces They said to their father in the name Hun Ahaw (1 Ahau) which is the ritual As they consoled his heart. day for Venus calculations in the Venus table of The Hero Twins then took leave of the underthe Dresden Codex. Bishop Landa (Tozzer, 1941, — world and rose to the sky as the Sun and Moon. p. 132) after giving a brief description of the Maya _—_In the portion of the Popol Vuh which has been

underworld, referred to as Metnal, writes: “They cited, 1 Ahau, the father of the twins, has been maintained that there was in this place a devil, the _ reconstituted in Dusty Court, the ball-court of the prince of all the devils, whom all obeyed, and they — underworld. His sons assert that he will remain 396

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

at Dusty Court and that there he will be called upon = Mopan: xiilab estrella, planeta (star, planet] (Ulrich

in the future. It is further prophesied that | Ahau and Ulrich, 1976, p. 248). will be the first to be worshipped in the new day With respect to these items, it should be noted which is coming. This anticipates the apotheosis — that among the Maya the term ‘star’ could be used

of Hunahpu as Sun and of his father 1 Ahau as as a proper appellation of the planet Venus. This Morning Star. The new reality can be seen in a _is indicated by the Lacandon example which has later passage of the Popol Vuh where Edmonson _beencited above. Elsewhere, I have presented other

(1971, p. 176) translates: linguistic and hieroglyphic evidence for this type They waited together of usage (Closs, 1979, 147-8). Further information For the coming up on the same point is found among the folk beliefs

Of the Great Star of the Kekchi, Kekchi-Chol and Mopan Maya of Called the sun Passer. Southern and Central Belize. Indeed, in this region, ‘It will come up first, Venus is called Lord Xulab. He is described as Before the sun, the elder brother of the Sun and is specifically idenThen it will dawn,’ tified with the Morning Star (Thompson, 1930,

They said. pp. 120, 125, 132).

When | Ahau was reconstituted and left behind The relationship between xu/ab ‘ant’ and xulab in Dusty Court he became effectively the Lord of — ‘Venus’ is not simply a linguistic one. In fact, there the Underworld. The previous gods of death had __ is good ethnohistorical support indicating that the earlier been destroyed by the Hero Twins and the ant itself is a manifestation of Venus. This appears reconstituted 1 Ahau was left behind to rule intheir —_in the myth regarding the all important discovery

place. In addition to this, 1 Ahau was further of maize. It has a widespread range in Mesoamerica honored by his transformation into the Morning — and must have ancient origins. A description of this

Star. This was in fulfillment of the promise that event, from the Mexican plateau, is given in the he would be the first to be worshipped in the new _—_ Leyenda de los soles (Thompson, 1970, p. 348). The

dawn. source relates that Quetzalcoatl asked the ant, who The eclipse agent specified in the Chorti sources _is credited with the initial discovery of maize, where is personified as an eclipse beast called ah kilis, an _—‘it obtained the maize which it was carrying. Upon

adaptation of Spanish eclipse (Texts N and QO). _ receiving the information, he transformed himself Thus, the Chorti name for the eclipse agent is of | into a black ant and accompanied his informant modern origin and does not reflect on the ancient —_ to the deposit of maize secreted beneath a mountain.

identity of the creature. The generalized descrip- | He then took some grains and carried them to the tion of the eclipse agent in some of the texts as —_ other gods in Tamoanchan. Eventually, the mounan evil animal yields a similar inconclusive result tain was broken open by Nanahuatl and the grain

(Texts D and E). was secured.

However, Texts A, B, E and D (Yucatec) provide Thompson (1930, p.140) also gives another

more details on the name and identity of the eclipse description of this myth taken from the Anales de agent. Text A, the earliest of the sources, names = Cauhtitlan. The only difference from the previous the eclipse agent as xulab; Text D identifies the — one is that Xolotl, the god of Venus as Evening eclipse agent as an ant; and Texts B and E say _—_ Star, splits open the mountain rather than Nanathat the eclipse agent is the ant called xulab. These __huatl.

references are very explicit and give a characteriza- The Mopan and Kekchi-Chol of Belize also tion of the eclipse agent which, once again, can _ attribute the initial discovery of maize to the ants be referred to a Venus deity. Indeed, the term xulab_ = (Thompson, 1930, pp. 132-4). The maize was hid-

serves in a cosmological sense as a reference to den beneath a great rock and no one knew of it Venus as can be seen in the following lexical items: except the leaf-cutting ants (saz). The ants supplied Cholti: xulab entrella [sic; probably estrella ‘star’ | the other animals with maize taken from beneath

(Moran, 1935, p. 260); a great rock but soon could not keep up with the

Lacandon: xulab/ xulaab star, Venus (Bruce, demand. The problem was overcome by Yaluk, the

1979, pp. 247, 285); greatest of the Mams (servants of Lord Xulab), who

397

MICHAEL P. CLOSS

hurled a thunderbolt at a spot on the rock indicated — He notes that this description fits the Venus god

by a woodpecker and thereby shattered it. Lahun Chan who is described in the book of Chilam The Bachajon-Tzeltal have a similar myth of the |= Balam of Chumayel in the following terms: ‘Mighty

finding of the maize (Thompson, 1970, 351-2). It are his teeth ... Sin is in his face, in his speech, is a large black ant (xo/op) who is first seen carrying in his talk, in his understanding, and in his walk maize. After some persuasion the ant reveals the ' ... Forgotten is his father; forgotten is his mother source of the maize within a rock. Following some ~ ... He shall walk abroad giving the appearance of initial assistance from a woodpecker, the red Cha- one drunk, without understanding ... There is no

huuc (one of the Tzotzil rain gods) split the rock virtue in him, there is no goodness in his heart open with lightning. In this instance, the large black _...” (Roys, 1967, pp. 105—6). The initial emphasis ant implicated in the discovery of maize is called — on mighty teeth recalls a reference of Lopez de xolop, almost certainly a cognate of Yucatec xulab —_ Cogolludo (cited in Roys, 1967, p. 101, n. 2) to Lak‘ant’ and Cholti/Chol/Lacandon/Mopan xulab — unchanasan idol with very ugly teeth and also recalls

‘Venus’. the description of 1 Ahau as having protruding The Tzeltal of Tenejapa say that God took maize _ teeth. from the ants who had obtained it from the Anheles In summary, the ethnohistorical data on eclipses (Tzotzil rain gods) (Thompson, 1970, p. 352). are consistent with the notion that Venus acted as When these stories of the discovery of maize are —_ a cosmological eclipse agent. In this role, the Venus considered as a group, itis clear that they are related deity was visualized as a jaguar and also in the form in theme, of ancient origin, and attest to an identity — of the celestial serpent Quetzalcoatl. A number of or intimate relationship between Venus and the ant. __ sources also describe the agent as being in the form

This identity/relationship is echoed in the linguis- | of an ant or ants. However, in these cases the tic usage of the term xu/ab for both ‘ant’ and ‘Venus’ —accounts may have transferred the name of the and in the ethnohistoric records which implicate | Venus deity Xulab, remembered in some linguistic

both ants and Venus in eclipse phenomena. The and ethnohistorical sources but not in others, to identity/relationship is also productive in the sense _ the name of a species of ant with which that deity that it suggests new insights into some of the mater- _ was linguistically and mythologically identified.

ial which has been discussed: cf. the role of the leaf-cutting ants called sai in the discovery of maize 31.6 The role of the other planets as related by the Mopan and Kekchi-Chol of Belize, | The Codex Pérez observes that all the planets in the the role of the red ants or the king of the leaf-cutting § heavens cause earthquakes, thunder, and eclipses

ants as an eclipse agent as mentioned in Text D __ of the sun and moon (Craine and Reindorp, 1979, (Yucatec), and the descent of the celestial Kukulcan —_— pp. 50-1). In the same section it discusses the sig-

to a place below the home of the red ants called __ nificance of thunder on each of the seven days of

sai referred to in Text F (Lacandon). the week and of eclipses on some of those days: The Chol linguistic data, Text D (Yucatec), and Tuesday, Wednesday, Friday and Saturday. A Texts L and M (Chol) specify the jaguar as eclipse similar association of thunder and eclipses to the agent. The clearest reference to a jaguar aspect of | days of the week appears in the Book of Chilam Venus in the ethnohistorical sources is found in Balam of Chan Kan (Hires, 1981, pp. 248-51). In the augury for the day 8 Lamat in the books of __ this case, eclipses are considered only on WednesChilam Balam of Ixil, Tizimin, and Mani (Thomp- — day and Friday. These comments occur within a son, 1971, p. 300). Here one reads of ‘jaguar-faced § Ptolemaic cosmology which assigns the seven ‘pla-

1 Ahau with the protruding teeth’. nets’ (Sun, Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, Thompson (1971, p.218) has also argued that Saturn) to the seven days of the week (Sunday, the augury for the day Lamat in the first list of | Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, the Book of Chilam Balam of Kaua refers to Venus. | Saturday) as well as to seven corresponding angels. It reads: ‘Drunkard, deformed dog is his prognos- ‘The entire scheme is of European origin as is made

tic. The head of a jaguar; the rear of a dog. A clear by the embedding of natural phenomena into meddler, a prattler, dishonest is his speech, an __ the European week and its integration with a Ptoleexperimenter in mutual hatred, a sower of discord.” —_ maic cosmology. As a result, the idea that any planet 398

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

could be an eclipse agent does not appear to be __ word pair k’in/ak’ah (day/night). The same word

of ancient Maya origin. pair appears in other couplets in the manuscript, and it is clear that the contrastive nature of the pair

31.7 The eclipse god Kolop U Wich precludes kin from being translated as ‘sun’. (It

K’in/Kolop U Wich Ak’ab may be noted that another common contrastive word

Additional information on cognitive aspects of pair in the manuscript is k’in/u (sun/moon); in this ancient Mayan eclipse theory can be obtained case, usage of the pair precludes k’in from being through a consideration of the eclipse god Kolop __ translated as ‘day’.) Consequently, Thompson’s U Wich K’in/Kolop U Wich Ak’ab (Snatcher of __ translation of the name Kolop U Wich K’in is inapthe Eye of Day/Snatcher of the Eye of Night). This propriate and Roys’ ambivalence in translating the deity has been poorly understood by previous inves- — name is not justified. In addition, I have argued tigators, and his position in the Maya universe has —_ (Closs, 1981a, pp. 11-13) that when deity names not been generally appreciated. The deity appears are written in couplet form with the members of several times in the Ritual of the Bacabs and is a contrastive word pair distinguishing the members referred to once in the colonial dictionaries. Barrera _ of the couplet, then the couplet does not represent Vasquez (1980, p. 334) lists this dictionary entry as _ two gods but only contrastive aspects of the same

follows: god. Thus, Kolop U Wich K’in and Kolop U Wich Kolop U Wich K’in idolo mayor que tenian estos Ak’ab should not be viewed as distinct solar and indtos de esta tierra, del cual decian proceder todas lunar eclipse deities. Rather, they are contrastive las cosas y ser incorpéreo y por esto no le hactan aspects of one and the same eclipse deity; the solar imagen |principal god which these Indians of this eclipse agent is not to be distinguished from the

land had, from whom they said all things lunar eclipse agent. proceeded and who was incorporeal, and for that The couplet structure of the incantations some-

reason they made no image of him]. times permits one to derive supplementary data In his analysis of the Ritual of the Bacabs, Roys __ regarding the eclipse god. To exhibit this point, (1965, p. 145) considers that this important god is _I_ consider below the beginning of Incantation I. a solar eclipse god and that Kolop U Wich Ak’ab ‘The translation is faithful to that of Roys (1965, is a lunar eclipse god. However, there are several _p. 3) but includes some minor changes in spelling problems in the published work discussing these _and in the form of presentation.

names. For example, Barrera Vasquez identifies I Ahau, unique 4 Ahau both gods with Itzamna, an identification I find very 4 Ahau would be the creation, 4 Ahau would

dubious. Thompson (1970, p.205) has expressed be the darkness some doubt that Kolop U Wich K’in is an eclipse when you were born. god and suggests that the deity, whose name he Who was your creator? Who was your darkness? renders as “Tears out Sun’s Face’, may be a creator He created you, did K’in Chak Ahaw, god who has brought several creations of the world Kolop U Wich K’in, when you were born. to an abrupt end. Roys (1965, p.3) has noted that Roys (1965, p. 3, n. 3) considers that the ‘4 Ahau’ the name is coupled with K’in Chak Ahaw (Sun in the fourth line is a scribal error for ‘1 Ahau’. Great Lord) in a way which suggests that they are | However, I have left the language as in the original. the same deity, but he believes that this is impossible. | The portion of the incantation presented above In addition, Roys has shown some ambivalence in _ reveals a partial couplet structure as well as the use translating the k’in component of the name, at times _ of some contrastive word pairs: creation/ darkness

favoring ‘sun’ and at other times ‘day’. (ch’ah/ak’ab), 1 Ahau/4 Ahau, K’in Chak Ahaw/ In an earlier work (Closs, 1981a), I have dis- Kolop U Wich K’in. The first of the pairs is among cussed the parallel couplet structure of the incan- the most common in the Ritual of the Bacabs, the tations in the Ritual of the Bacabs and the formulaic _ second is a contrast of the calendar names for Venus

usage of contrastive word pairs. With the use of | and the Sun, and the last is a contrast of the sun these concepts it is possible to resolve the above _ god and the solar eclipse god. Since the Sun is problems. For example, the deity pair Kolop U Wich _ linked with the sun god, then the partial couplet K’in/Kolop U Wich Ak’ab employs the contrastive _ structure suggests that Venus should be linked with 399

MICHAEL P. CLOSS

the solar eclipse deity. Hence, once again, Venus the face of the sun, ... [also] the face of the

is implicated as an eclipse agent. moon. One day the eye of the sky was bitten by This type of argument can be repeated in other him. Then he was beaten on his tail, on his incantations to yield additional data. For this pur- head-part. pose, I consider the following excerpt from Incan- If the passage is a reference to eclipses, which tation XXII (Roys, 1965, p.46) which has a strong _— appears to be a good possibility, two deductions can

couplet structure. be made. First, there is only one eclipse agent for 1 Ahau, 4 Ahau both solar and lunar eclipses. Second, the eclipse During his birth, during his creation agent is described as turning about in the heart Snake of creation, snake of darkness of the sky and this suggests that the cosmological Who was his creator? Who was his darkness? actor is a planet undergoing retrograde motion. In

He created him, did K’in Chak Ahaw the latter case, there is a preference for identifying Kolop U Wich K’in, Kolop U Wich Ak’ab the planet as Venus since this planet and its motions

In the heart of the sky, in the heart of are known to have been of far greater interest to

Metnal the Maya than were the other planets and their During his birth, during his creation motions. Thompson (1971, p.220) mentions one In the above example, contrastive word pairs are —__ ethnohistorical reference from outside the Maya

1 Ahau/4 Ahau, birth/creation (sihil/ch’ab), crea- area which also seems to refer to the retrograde

tion/darkness (ch’ab/ak’ab), sky/Metnal, and motion of a planet. He refers to a remark of one Kolop U Wich K’in/Kolop U Wich Ak’ab. The commentator of the Telleriano-Remensis Codex sequence of three deity names K’in Chak Ahaw, _ that Itztlacoliuhqui is “a star which they say goes Kolop U Wich K’in, and Kolop U Wich Ak’ab is backward’. He considers it ‘virtually certain’ that a triadic expression in which two of the members _Itzlacoliuhqui is a god of Venus and identifies him form a contrastive pair representing a single deity. | with one of the Venus gods in the Venus table of This structure appears in a number of places in the Dresden Codex. This datum, insofar as it appears the Ritual of the Bacabs, and in such cases the con- __ to specifically attribute retrograde motion to Venus,

trastive pair can be reduced so that the triadic = supports the argument that the above excerpt from expression itself becomes a contrastive pairin which Incantation X is an oblique reference to Venus as the deities are distinct (Closs, 198la, pp.12-13). eclipse agent.

In the present case, the triadic expression is equiva-

lent to the contrastive pair sun god/eclipse god. 31.8 Ancient Maya perspectives With this understanding, one obtains a linkage of _ I believe that the themes discussed in the earlier 4 Ahau (Sun), sun god, and sky and the contrasting __ section synthesizing eclipse beliefs in the postconlinkage of 1 Ahau (Venus), eclipse god, and Metnal. — quest period are derived from an ancient tradition Since Metnal is used here as the name of the Maya _and can also be attributed to the Maya during the

underworld, this text pertains to Hun Ahaw (1 Classic period. To some extent, the cosmological Ahau/Venus) as both eclipse agent and Lord of _ identity of the eclipse agent has been obscured in the Underworld. The arguments are independent __ the late survivals of the tradition but, nevertheless, of those considered earlier, but lead to the same — enough information remains to implicate Venus as

results. the eclipse deity. In addition, it has been seen that,

There is an abstruse passage in Incantation X __in his role as eclipse agent, Venus is described varwhich Roys has suggested also refers to an eclipse —_iously as a celestial jaguar, a celestial serpent, or

god. With the exception of some minor changes Lord of the Underworld. Finally, I recall the (reading wich as ‘face’ rather than ‘eye’, or vice important theme that eclipses have an apocalyptic versa), Roys (1965, p.31) translates the text as fol- _—_— significance: an eclipse will portend the end of time

lows: and, subsequent to swallowing the sun or moon, One day he is curled up at the door of his arbor, the Venus jaguar will descend to the earth to devour

one day he turns about in the heart of the sky. mankind. There he spoiled the lintel of his father. One If the above model of ancient Mayan eclipse theday, seated on the lintel of his father, he spoiled ory is accurate, it should be reflected in the hiero400

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

glyphic and iconographic sources of the ancient Round base for the Venus table. He then proposes Maya. Without doubt, the most important environ- __ that the 1 Ahau 18 Kayab canonical base date is ment for seeking evidence of such beliefs is the derived from the later date by numerological proeclipse table of the Dresden Codex. This table is cesses. I find the idea attractive since it serves to known to function as a prediction mechanism for explain why this particular 1 Ahau date was chosen finding dates on which solar or lunar eclipses may _as a divinatory base rather than a 1 Ahau date which occur (Lounsbury, 1978, pp. 789-804; Bricker and __is closer to the zero point of Maya chronology. | Bricker, 1983). It is the product of Mayan astro- note that it may be incorporated into my solution nomers who recognized the cyclical nature of — of the base dates of the Venus table since this is eclipse phenomena and who sought to integrate that also compatible with Thompson’s correlation cycle with the Sacred Round, their ritual calendar (Closs, 1977, 1979, pp. 157-8; 1981b, table 2). I of 260 days. The length of the eclipse table is | am uneasy about the solution of the base dates pro46 x 260 = 11 960 days, the lowest multiple of the = posed by Lounsbury (1983) since it relies on a Sacred Round yielding a satisfactory eclipse period. | method of recycling which I find objectionable The significance of the Sacred Round as a basic _— (Closs, 1977). structural component of the eclipse table must not The 1 Ahau 18 Kayab date at —6.2.0 is the base

be underestimated. date for the prefatory glyphic material on Dresden The 260-day ritual calendar is the foundation 24. This text, among other things, introduces a on which the Maya system of divination rests. Every | complex of glyphs including the direction east, the period of divination had to be a multiple of it. In | common verb appearing in the Venus table proper,

particular, this is true of the astronomical tables and five deities marked with Venus titles. These appearing in the Dresden Codex. Indeed, solar and __ glyphs are associated with heliacal rising of Venus lunar eclipses, as well as heliacal risings of the pla- |= as morning star in the Venus table (pages 46—50 net Venus, were natural phenomena much feared — of the Dresden Codex). Because the events in the by the Maya. The ability to predict the occurrence __ preface take place in mythological time it is clear of such events and to take countervailing measures __ that | Ahau is a ritual day for heliacal risings of

to avert potential disasters would have been highly | Venus as morning star. The divinatory nature of valued activities in ancient Maya society. The divi- __ the date is further manifested by the fact that the natory nature of this type of activity can best be _ actual dates in the table on which the phenomena appreciated by a consideration of the Venus table —_—are expected to occur vary widely. As noted earlier,

of the Dresden Codex. Hun Ahaw (1 Ahau) is both a calendar name of It has long been known that the canonical base —_ Venus and the name of Venus as Morning Star and of the Venus table is 1 Ahau 18 Kayab at 9.9.9.16.0. | Lord of the Underworld. This underlies its divinaThis is indicated by the Initial Series which records __ tory importance in the Venus table and its role as its Long Count position on Dresden 24, the intro- —_an archetypal day for heliacal risings of Venus as ductory page to the Venus table, and by the asso- —_—s morning star. ciated ring number and companion number which

tie ittoa 1 Ahau 18 Kayab date at — 6.2.0, preceding 31.9 The day Lamat as a divinatory base of the the zero point of Maya chronology. I have argued _€¢lipse table that this canonical base was selected for numerolo- _—‘ The eclipse table in the Dresden Codex is introduced

gical reasons and that the true astronomical base — with prefatory material on Dresden 5la—2a. This

of the table is a much later 1 Ahau 18 Uo at includes a table of multiples of the eclipse cycle 10.15.4.2.0 (Closs, 1977, p.97; Closs, 1979, preceded by chronological data which anchors the pp. 157-8). Lounsbury (1983, pp. 12-16) has des- __ table in the Long Count. The anchor is provided cribed an interesting heliacal rising of Venus with by an Initial Series of eight days, the smallest Initial a simultaneous Venus—Mars conjunctionon 1 Ahau __ Series on record, leading from a specified 4 Ahau

18 Kayab at 10.5.6.4.0 (assuming Thompson’s 8 Cumku, the zero point of Maya chronology, to 584285 correlation). He suggests that the Mayamay __ the date 12 Lamat (16 Cumku). To the latter date have been so impressed by this unusual occurrence —a distance number of 9.16.4.10.0, equal to 5434 that they selected 1 Ahau 18 Kayab as a Calendar § Sacred Rounds, is then added, yielding the date 401

MICHAEL P. CLOSS

12 Lamat (1 Muan) at 9.16.4.10.8. The last date signs. This is exemplified by variants of the Lamat is a canonical base for the eclipse table in historical — glyph (Figure 31.le—g) which employ the half form time. As was the case with the Venus table, I believe = Venus sign (Figure 31.1j). (Once again, | remark that this canonical base is selected for numerologi- _ that the glyphs which I refer to as Venus signs can cal reasons and not astronomical ones. In fact, the be translated as ‘star’, but, in almost all determinable month positions of the 12 Lamat dates are not men- __ cases, the Maya employed these glyphs in specific

tioned in this instance, a detail which serves to __ reference to the planet Venus. Hence, if one wishes emphasize their divinatory nature. It may also be _ to reflect Maya usage, it is preferable to refer to noted that a series of five Sacred Round dates (again them as Venus signs rather than star signs.) The without month positions) is recorded below each head variant Lamat glyphs (Figure 31.1g,h) repreof the seven columns in the table of multiples. Each — sent Venus in the form of a serpent with a Venus series of dates is the same, beginning with 12 Lamat __ sign to the right of the head. The Venus variants and ending 60 days later with 7 Lamat. The dates — of the Lamat glyph indicate that Lamat is under in the series are separated by 15-day intervals, a _ the influence of Venus. It can be inferred that in potentially useful characteristic, since it is possible | the Maya system of divination the day Lamat will to have two solar eclipses a month apart withalunar — be marked by Venus and its characteristics. Since eclipse between them. The 60-day interval from 12 — the day Lamat is also the canonical base day of Lamat to 7 Lamat is the minimal interval with 15- the eclipse table, it suggests that, in some sense, day subdivisions which will accommodate this — Venus will be implicated in eclipse phenomena.

astronomical phenomenon and permit it to be More information on divinatory aspects of the bracketed with a Lamat date on either end. This |§ day Lamat can be derived from almanacs in the feature suggests that it is the day Lamat and not __ books of Chilam Balam which give prognostications

specifically the date 12 Lamat which is of import- for the days of the Sacred Round. The following ance here. In fact, the date 12 Lamat may have been __ items are extracted from a summary of this data selected as the numerological base of the table — published by Thompson (1971, 300-1):

simply because it is the closest day Lamat to the | Lamat (Bad augury) Adhesion of leg of zero point of Maya chronology at 13.0.0.0.0. jaguar (?) [Tizimin, Perez 2, Perez 4] I believe that the day Lamat was specifically 8 Lamat (Bad augury) Jaguar-faced 1 Ahau selected as the numerological base of the eclipse with protruding teeth [Tizimin, Ixil, Perez 2-4] table because of its underlying divinatory character- 12 Lamat (Bad augury) Encounter with Kisin

istics. These characteristics should pertain to [Kaua 2, Perez 2] eclipses and set a mood or tone for eclipse pheno- A number of prognostications for Lamat have mena regardless of the actual dates on which they been omitted in the above list. These are references might occur. Lamat is one of the days for which to agricultural and environmental matters which are the divinatory aspects are relatively clear. For the |§= common in the almanacs and which are found with Classic period, this information can be recovered = most days in the Sacred Round. By contrast, the by a consideration of various glyphs for the day items which are listed are atypical. In fact, the refer(Figure 31.la—h). Thompson (1971, pp.44, 77) — ences to the jaguar are peculiar to the day Lamat.

considered the geometric form of the glyph for |The reference to Kisin, the Maya god of death, Lamat (Figure 31.la—d) to be a variant of the full —_is not unique to Lamat but is very limited, the only form Venus sign (Figure 31.1i). He reached this other appearances being in the prognostications for conclusion because of the underlying similarity in —_ the days 1 Cimi and 8 Ahau.

the forms of the two signs. Indeed, if the day sign The first augury, ‘adhesion of leg of jaguar’, is cartouche is eliminated from certain Lamat glyphs opaque. The second, ‘jaguar-faced 1 Ahau with (Figure 31.1c-d) one might well wonder whether __ protruding teeth’, has already been encountered. the remainder is a Venus sign. Nevertheless, despite ‘It refers to the Venus deity Hun Ahaw, Lord of the similarity in form, the usual depictions of the | the Underworld, who in his manifestation as a celLamat glyph (Figure 31.la,b) consistently differ estial jaguar devours the sun and moon during from the Venus sign. However, it is apparent that __ eclipses. The third augury, ‘encounter with Kisin’, there is some equivalence between Lamatand Venus __ is also appropriate for eclipses, since they portend 402

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

not only the death of Sun or Moon but, potentially, © of Maya chronology. The 12 Lamat base at

the death of all mankind. 9.16.4.10.8 is a canonical base for the table in hisOne may add an additional prognostication for torical time but its essential purpose is still divinaLamat which was not available to Thompson. This tory. One consequence of this notion is that the appears in the book of Chilam Balam of Chan Kan —‘:12: Lamat picture and text (Figure 31.2), should

(Hires, 1981, p. 154) and reads: be typical of all eclipses. Thus, the similarity of 5 Lamat its nature is dog, its tidings are jaguar. its eclipse symbolism with that in the other nine This augury recalls another from the book of _ pictures and texts is to be expected, despite the fact Chilam Balam of Kaua which was mentioned ear- that the astronomical alignment of the canonical lier: ‘The head of a jaguar, the rear of a dog’ base date with respect to eclipse events is unlike (Thompson, 1971, p. 218). It was noted in the pre- _ that of the dates associated with the other pictures.

vious discussion that Thompson believed this In this sense, the 12 Lamat picture and text serve augury to refer to the Venus deity Lahun Chan. as a preface, or better, a postscript, to the eclipse That interpretation is consistent with the idea that table as a whole. There is some internal evidence prognostications for Lamat are dominated by the _ in support of this idea. Indeed, the 12 Lamat text

influence of Venus. is strongly differentiated from the other picture texts

by the presence of chronological glyphs. The 31.10 The picture and text of the 12 Lamat second glyph in the first line of the text records

canonical base date a period of 13 tuns (= 4680 days) and the first glyph The eclipse table ends on a day 12 Lamat with a in the fifth line of the text records a period of 1

picture and an associated glyphic text (Figure 31.2). katun (= 7200 days). Since each of these chronoThis is the tenth and final picture in the table and, _ logical counts exceeds the interval between any two unlike the other nine, is not preceded by a five- _ picture dates, it is likely that the 12 Lamat text has month period but comes in the middle of an eclipse a more global scope than do the other picture texts. season, after a six-month half-year. Because of this | The count of 13 tuns has both eclipse and Venus structural arrangement, the tenth picture is out of _ significance. Indeed, the length of the interval can astronomical synchronization with the other nine be expressed as 4680 = 9 X 520 = 27 x 173-3333 insofar as eclipses are concerned. Yet, the tenth __ days, that is 27 eclipse half-years (the average length

picture and its text prominently display paired of interval between lunar nodes is 173-3096 days, eclipse symbols, solar and lunar, as do most of the _—_and also as 4680 = 8 x 584 + 8 days, that is eight others. As a result, Lounsbury (1978, p.799) con- —_ average Venus cycles and eight days. cludes that the tenth picture is an anachronism and The picture accompanying the 12 Lamat canoniis retained from an earlier version of the table. In _cal base depicts a creature plunging head first from his structural analysis, he further assumes that the __ solar and lunar eclipse symbols. The most striking day 12 Lamat is an implied node day; the structural _—_ feature of the diving figure is the Venus glyph reconstraints then entail that the other pictures are __ placing the head. This surely identifies him as a more or less maximally pre-nodal (Lounsbury, — Venus deity. Immediately beneath the Venus-head 1978, p. 796). Bricker and Bricker offer a different _is an apparent beard. Thompson (1930, p. 63) notes structural analysis of the eclipse table. In theirinter- that the Kekchi-Chol of San Antonio in South-

pretation, the assumption that 12 Lamat is at or | Central Belize consider the Venus god Xulab to near a node is unnecessary (Bricker and Bricker, be bearded and ugly. He adds that this accords 1983, p. 21). However, they do not discuss the prob- — with the depiction of his Mexican counterpart,

lem raised by the 12 Lamat picture and its text. | Quetzalcoatl. The comparison is interesting since As noted above, these are similar to the other nine __ there is a sculpted diving figure with similar posture in terms of eclipse symbolism but dissimilar interms | and beard from the Huastec area which has been

of the astronomical alignment of 12 Lamat with identified as a Venus apparition, either Quetzalcoatl

respect to eclipse events. or Xolotl (Fuente and Gutiérrez Solana, 1980, In my interpretation of the eclipse table, the 12. = pp. 368-71, pl.361). A second unusual feature Lamat base has a divinatory purpose. It was chosen of the Dresden Codex figure is that he has an

because it is the closest day Lamat to the zero point —_insect abdomen. This may reflect one of the names 403

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AA $3 aa Cys Yell) (CYC

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

of Venus in Yucatec, xux ek’, literally ‘wasp star’ @ (Barrera Vasquez, 1980, p. 957).

The imagery in the picture suggests that the ||

Venus deity is plunging earthwards following a solar : @ or lunar eclipse. Thompson (1971, p. 223) believed eee’ ofa? (>< |

that this Venus deity could be explained by the Aztec : : " belief in the Tzitzimime, monsters who dove earth- ( C ERP

wards from the sky during eclipses. Caso (1958, p.37) writes that the Tzitzimime, or Tzontémoc, ‘those who fell head first’, are planets which will

be transformed into jaguars on the terrible night (33) at the end of the century and who will come down

to earth to devour man. It has been seen that the “Be &9 Maya had similar associated withonly eclipses | ob)a=—_ and the end of thebeliefs world, although 1a specifically implicated in these beliefsthe is Venus.planet In Ww? Fy particular, Text M (Chol) observes that after the Teta * eclipse agent (described as a jaguar)down had swallowed ie the moon, it was coming to eat©mankind.

Bruce (1979, p.236) refers to a probably related ~~ BCTh LP belief among the Lacandon who say that the 73 ulu’, = or Nah Ts’ulu’, mythical jaguars thevarious heavensdeand i rot the underworld, come forth duringofthe » aSX Mm yyLAP FF)

structions of the world to devour everyone who 7 y remains alive on the earth. There can be little doubt

that the diving Venus deity in the picture is both & A GS the eclipse god be and the agent of the apocalypse. ? PDLa > Finally, it may recalled that the augury for wie, At4 R&S 12 Lamat, ‘encounter with death’, is certainly perti- , } =| (2 & B\—~

nent to the apocalyptic vision represented by the ~~ qs0OG

12 Lamat picture. He: CON

31.11 The Venus eclipse god as devil (Lord of Ss

the Underworld) ke opan tela J, yp . .

a ; 0g) Une Palace fant . I > © Copan Stele], on and is attached to the Venus sign, the glyph combi46; (Palenque Tablet ofthe 96 Gphs, DA) Copan Hier- Yan” Piioee dod illustrated in the corresponding

oglyphic Stairway, Date 3; (h) Copan Hieroglyphic Stairway, _—— ;

Date 24. Glyphs for Venus: (i)-(j) eb, ‘star’; (k)-(I) chak ek, ‘great. ‘Picture. Such a notion is supported by the preceding

star’. picture and text in the eclipse table. In this instance, 405

MICHAEL P. CLOSS

ERED Gy)

be GS Yen> A me . eeAES 5.2, fe) Ne (Sy

Cc ae Ts Ste fo uae

= goo (a) (b) (d) (¢)

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ee 7292)

MI «=O GER at (B 2> zg sah PES > | A ROR Pas pS sa) Se es ) aT Rea (By BS tS (f) (s) jose(h} C.(i)oy Figure 31.3 Venus as Lord of the Underworld [T227 and T703]: Palenque, Tablet of the Foliated Cross, N12; (h) Dresden 35c; (a) Dresden 57b; (b) Dresden 66b; (c) Paris 4b; (d) Dresden 24, (i) Dresden 38c. C11; (e) Dresden 51b; (f) Palenque, Palace Tablet, F13; (g)

the text opens with the inverted T227 attached to __ occurs five times in the Venus table, one of its most

a Venus glyph and the associated picture depicts frequent environments. T227 also occurs in an a solar eclipse (Figure 31.3a). Further support is almanac of the Madrid Codex having four sections, found in the Paris Codex, where on one occasion — each beginning with a different directional glyph solar and lunar eclipse symbols are followed by an (Madrid 88c). In this almanac, T227 appears as one inverted [227 attached to a full form Venus glyph of a group of which the other members are a dog

(Figure 31.3c). on a turtle, a monkey, and a bird on a Cimi (death)

On Dresden 24, the introductory page of the — glyph. The entire almanac is presided over by a Venus table, the combination T172.227 (Figure large figure of the Maya death god Kisin. Once 31.3d) appears as one member of a group of five = again, the environment indicates that T227 is a sequential glyphs all having T172 prefixes. These — name. five glyphs reappear in the five pages of the Venus A different type of usage of T227 appears in an table, in the same sequence, as successive victims almanac of the Dresden Codex which gives various of Venus at heliacal rising of morning star. Since _ locations of the rain god Chak. In one of the sections

these glyphs include names for God K, the maize = (Figure 31.3b), the locative phrase is given by god, the great jaguar, and another deity, itcan be 1552.227 immediately before the name of Chak. inferred that [227 is also a name. In all, T227 Thus, T227 should specify the location of the rain 406

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

god who, in the associated picture, is shown seated In Dusty Court. on a bounded space marked with crossed bones. But really his face wanted to exist, The location can only refer to the underworld. And was asked about the name of everything, Thus, in addition to signifying a deity name, T227 His mouth,

Should signify the underworld. His nose,

A widely travelled term for the underworld in The socket the Maya area is xibalba. This is the name used Of his eye. in the Popol Vuh of the Quiche Maya and is also He first found its name, found in Moran’s Cholti vocabulary (Moran, 1935, But very little more could he speak. p.38; Edmonson, 1971, p.60). The same term is Only he couldn’t name any longer found in Yucatec, but there it means ‘devil’ (Barrera The name of the lips of his mouth, Vasquez, 1980, p. 930). In Chol, there is a cognate So he couldn’t really speak. term xib‘a, also signifying ‘devil’ (Aulie and Aulie, And thus then they honored him 1978, p. 136). In references to the world of the And left the heart of their father. ancient Maya, a more appropriate rendition of the The text gives a fairly lengthy description of

term would be ‘Lord of the Underworld’. problems encountered in forming the face of 1 In interpreting the Dresden Codex usage of T227, Ahau, suggesting that it is of special significance. it is interesting to find that the Yucatec term xibalba —_—‘It appears that 1 Ahau was unable to describe the fits the environmental requirements which have _ features of his face; he was able to name the features

been noted. It can be interpreted as both a deity but was unable to say anything much about them. name (or title), ‘devil’, and as a place name, ‘under- In the end, since he was unable to name the lips world’. In eclipse contexts, the inverted T227 and of his mouth he was also rendered speechless. I Venus combination may then refer to the Venus __ believe these events indicate that when 1 Ahau eclipse god as the ‘(plunging) devil star’ or ‘(plung- — became lord of the underworld in Dusty Court he

ing) underworld star’. remained essentially faceless. I also think that Glyph Another context of T227 in the eclipse table is | 7227 may represent 1 Ahau in Dusty Court as the in the brief auguries or notes associated with the __ hero twins left him and that this accounts for the 69 eclipse stations. It occurs as a prefix of the sky | stump-like head without facial characteristics. This glyph (Figure 31.3e) on four separate occasions. identification would also give a rationale for the These cases can be interpreted as ‘underworld sky’, use of T227 as a reference to 1 Ahau, the Lord an appropriate augury for a potential eclipse date, | of the Underworld (devil, demon), and to the given that the Venus eclipse god is also Lord of — underworld itself. the Underworld. It may be noted that ‘underworld John Justeson (1986, personal communication) sky’ glyphs, like eclipse glyphs, also occur outside has pointed out that there are two references in the eclipse table (Figure 31.3h). In one instance, _ the inscriptions of Palenque which give support to a near synonymous usage ‘underworld cloud’ is also _—stthis hypothesis. On two occasions, the name Hun

found (Figure 31.3i). Ahaw is spelled out (once in the form T1000a.168 It has been noted earlier that the Popol Vuk and once in the linguistically equivalent form describes how the hero twins set up their father T1000a.747a) (Mathews and Justeson, 1984, I] Ahau (Hun Ahaw, Hun Hunahpu) as lord of the pp. 208-9). In each case, the name of Hun Ahaw underworld and also prophecies his apotheosis as _is immediately followed in the same glyph block

the Morning Star. However, the Popol Vuh also by a crouching headless human figure (Figure speaks of difficulties which were encountered when —31.3f,g). The latter glyph, T703, is surely the the twins attempted to reconstitute the face of 1 __ inscriptional variant of the codical glyph T227 Ahau. Edmonson (1971, pp. 143-4) translates this which has been discussed above. Consequently, its

event in the following words: interpretation as a name or title of | Ahau as Lord And this then was the reassembling of their of the Underworld is appropriate here. In fact, since

father by them, the Palenque texts are very likely written in Chol, And then they reassembled 7 Hunter. the glyphs in question may have been read as Hun They went there to reassemble them Ahaw xib’a, ‘1 Ahau, Lord of the Underworld’. 407

MICHAEL P. CLOSS

3:28 ar, Seite ‘RB Me AON) —> * «« 2&8 = ICAI, es 5 we er BOi >OS 1 Se BgBONE os P i ze, ‘Ss a ; ELA b)NY gS be : —— IN: ~ UMFRe py LEK SN >) re W GPF a) Pes"

(a) (b) (c) SRD OBOE, mae Gel ane! ™ ee Ne ‘ ‘8 us iN: ‘eB - ion Gemy GrLS ae

Zea aD ae pm~ ; ASF eS (d)

Figure 31.4 Venusas celestial serpent: (a) Dresden 56b; (b) Madrid

66b; (c) Madrid 67b; (d) the facade of the interior doorway of Temple 22 at Copan (courtesy of Linda Schele).

31.12 Venus as celestial serpent attached to a celestial band. The serpent is also shown coiled around the death god atop a long The notion of Venus as a devouring celestial serpent bone. There is some degree of parallelism between

in its role as an eclipse agent is depicted twice in _ the glyphic texts in these two almanacs. In both the Dresden eclipse table (Figures 31.3a and 31.4a). cases, the last glyph is identical, the fifth glyph In both instances, a serpent is shown devouring _ begins with a locative prefix, the fourth glyph is a solar eclipse symbol suspended from a celestial a distance number, and the third glyph includes band. Since the pictures occur in the eclipse table = a sun sign. Since the third glyph in the first almanac itself, there is little question as to their significance __ is a solar eclipse glyph and since there are similari-

and their interpretation. ties in the texts and the iconography of the two picOn two other occasions, both in the Madrid Codex, _ tures, it is possible that the third glyph in the second one encounters similar iconography. In the first of | almanac isa head variant solar eclipse glyph.

these (Figure 31.4b), a serpent is shown devouring Additional evidence attesting to Venus as a celesan anthropomorphic head, with crossed bands re- _ tial serpent manifests itself in the sculptured two placing the eye. The head is attached to a hand _headed bicephalic dragons found in the Maya area. holding a YAX-KIN, ‘new sun’, glyph. In the One of the finest examples is found on the facade legend above the picture, the third glyph is a solar _— of the interior doorway of Temple 22 at Copan eclipse glyph. In the second instance (Figure 31.4c),_ (Figure 31.4d). The west head of this bicephalic

a serpent is devouring a solar eclipse symbol dragon has an infixed Venus sign, while the east 408

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

head has an infixed sun sign. The body of the mon- _ the twin brother of Quetzalcoatl, the god of Venus ster is serpentine on either side of the doorway but —_as morning star. It is also interesting to note that over its central span consists of aseries of S-shaped =_Xo/ot! was represented in both canine and skeletal

and reverse-S-shaped symbols in which small forms. human figures are intertwined. Venus glyphs are The glyph which intervenes between the eclipse

attached to each side of the serpent body. glyphs and the name glyph of AA Tsul Ahaw is a Another example of a bicephalic dragon func- _—_sky-in-hand glyph which may function as a relationing as a doorway and having one head marked __ tionship glyph specifying that Ah Tsul Ahaw is the with a Venus sign and the other with a sun sign _ causative agent underlying eclipse events. Indeed,

is found on Palace House E at Palenque (Schele, the glyph (with T125 replacing T286 as prefix) 1976, p. 20). Examples of bicephalic dragons with _ functions on at least one occasion as a relationship skybands for bodies are found on Stelae 6, 11, 14, —_ glyph linking a ruler to his mother (Kuna-Lacanha, and 25 from Piedras Negras. These are alsocharac- _Lintel 1, J1). terized by having the left head marked with a Venus The four glyph sequence discussed here suggests

sign and the right head marked with a sun sign that AA Tsul Ahaw, a god of Venus as the evening

(Kubler, 1969, p. 39). star, is both eclipse agent and, given the apocalyptic

It was noted earlier that in the Ritual of the Bacabs content of the picture accompanying the glyphic there is a repeated reference to the couplet | Ahau/4 text, agent of the apocalypse. This interpretation Ahau which is a contrast of the calendar names __is supported by the repetition of the complete four for Venus and the Sun. This is precisely the type glyph sequence in the text accompanying the first of dualism which is found in sculpted form in the __ picture in the eclipse table (Figure 31.5a). In this bicephalic dragons discussed above. Thus, the instance, the picture shows the skeletal death god ritual pairing of 1 Ahau and 4 Ahau in the Ritual seated on a bone throne. The context once again of the Bacabs can be seen as the echo of an ancient ___ relates eclipse phenomena, Venus (as evening star), practice still preserved in the stone monuments of —_ and death.

the Classic Maya. The Ah Tsul Ahaw glyph is found elsewhere in the codices. Since it has been identified as a name

31.13 Venus as evening star and eclipse agent glyph for Venus as evening star, it is not surprising The glyphic legend accompanying the 12 Lamat __ that it appears in the introductory page to the Venus

canonical base date of the eclipse table (Figure table and in the Venus table itself. In the first case, 30.2), features paired solar and lunar eclipse glyphs _it appears paired with the sky-in-hand glyph which

in its third row. These are followed in the fourth takes a numerical coefficient of 1 (Figure 31.5b). row by a second pair of glyphs 1286.561.670 and = The two glyph sequence ends the opening sentence T12.168.559. The second of these is a name glyph _ describing Venus events set in the mythological past. which may be read as Ah Tsul Ahaw (Closs, 1979, In the second case (with T172 replacing T12), it pp. 158-63). I do not wish to repeat my arguments = appears on the page of the Venus table depicting

from the earlier paper, but it may be noted that | Lahun Chan (Figure 31.5c). The local context in T559 has phonetic value tsu in the codices as can. _—which the glyph appears remains opaque. Other be seen from such phonetic collocations as tsu-I(u) —_— occurrences in the codices do not yield useful infor-

for tsul, ‘dog’, and ku-ts(u) for kuts, ‘turkey’ (Kel- — mation for the present analysis. For example, the ley, 1976, p. 173). In addition, the sign is used ico- _ glyph appears twice in the Madrid Codex in the pages nographically as a rebus for tsu/, ‘dog’, and also _— dedicated to the new year ceremonies. On Madrid for the homonymous term tsul, ‘spine’ (Closs, 1979, 34d it follows the directional glyph for west and fig. 8). I have argued that the glyph also has links = appears as the last glyph in the text. On Madrid to the deity ah Zuli appearing in the Chilam Balam = 37d it follows the directional glyph for north and of Kaua and that he may be identified with Lahun _ again is the last glyph in the text. The glyph also Chan, a god of Venus as the evening star who is _— appears twice in the Paris Codex. On Paris 6b it

depicted in the Dresden Venus table. The deity appears in sequence with the sky-in-hand glyph; is the Mayan equivalent of the central Mexican god _ it then recurs on Paris 6d where it is followed by Xolotl, the god of Venus as evening star, who was _a death glyph. The complex of associations here 409

= as eye e& SE -£ Xo/ (Al fet 7 MICHAEL P. CLOSS

SE Sant ~ “FR

g“. (b); (c)oa

218 IGP nage ‘ wis! =

= oS By 4 P° j = alm

(eet ac cee L| | eye aS | a, > = {4 ‘(a) = he aaa A aE EN ER ~ Dee BIG he \ e] h f aN Bey A ae xg =x .al (d) y I> (ce) yor y= , ,

wer.

gaan x

Si— — ; Ono} r — AS) 0 [ ee

“| ~ aot v| / \ffo raw ; . a;/:||

}\}

Figure 31.5 Venus as evening star (T12.168:559, T168:559, and P10-O10; (e) Palenque, Temple of the Inscriptions, Middle T168:559.130): (a) Dresden 53a; (b) Dresden 24A; (c) Dresden Panel, H6—-H9. 47f; (d) Palenque, Temple of the Inscriptions, East Panel,

410

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

is not surprising but the content remains opaque. the Underworld’, or possibly as XIBA-ba-(ha), for The deity Ah Tsul Ahaw is also named three times _—xtbalba, ‘underworld’. In either case, the known in the inscriptions of Palenque, but in slightly sim- —_ phonetic reading of I'501 as ba supports the tentaplified form as 7sul Ahaw. In these instances the __ tive identification of 17703 (or T227) as xib ah. It

contexts are very revealing. The name appears twice is also interesting to note that the two glyphic in a sequence of glyphs from the Middle Panel of — expressions Hun Ahaw xib’ah (Figure 31.3f,g) and the Temple of Inscriptions at Palenque (Figure = Tsul Ahaw xib’ah (Figure 31.5e) exhibit the same 31.5e). I have previously shown that the sequence _local syntactic and semantic structure.

from G7 to G9 marked a greatest eastern elongation It can be seen from the above that the codices of Venus (Closs, 1979, pp. 163; 1981b). In this ear- implicate AA Tsul Ahaw as an eclipse agent. The lier work it was shown that the ‘star over shell’ glyph —_— codices and the ethnohistorical sources also suggest

at G7 was associated with Venus events. Also, the that 4A Tsul Ahaw is a god of Venus as evening directional glyph for east at H7, followed by 7su/ star identifiable with Lahun Chan. Finally, the Ahaw at G8, and the directional glyph for west at _ inscriptions at Palenque provide independent conH8, followed by 7sul Ahaw at G9, gave a fairly _firmation that 7su/ Ahaw represents Venus as evenprecise description of the behavior of the evening _ ing star. The data of this section are consistent with star (Tsul Ahaw) at a greatest eastern elongation. | the model of ancient Maya eclipse theory which At this moment, the planet would have been per- _has been outlined in the preceding pages. ceived as undergoing a change of direction; its motion changed from being eastwards and away 31.14 Venus as ‘jaguar-faced 1 Ahaw’ from the sun to being westwards and towards the In the discussion of the prognostications for the sun. Lounsbury (1982, p.156, fig. Id) later | day Lamat, the divinatory base day for the Dresden extended this sequence to include the skull glyph eclipse table, it was mentioned that some of the at H6 which he identified as a head variant glyph — books of Chilam Balam contain the augury ‘Jaguar-

for Venus. faced 1 Ahau with protruding teeth’ for the day

The other occurrence of the deity name 7su/ 8 Lamat. It was also noted that the book of Chilam Ahaw is found on the East Panel of the Temple — Balam of Kaua refers to the day lamat in the words: of the Inscriptions at Palenque (Figure 31.5d). In | ‘Drunkard, deformed dog is his prognostic. The this case, the glyph is preceded by the ‘sky-in-hand’ _ head of a jaguar; the rear of a dog.’ In addition, glyph with a coefficient of 1. As shown in my earlier _it was seen that the Chol linguistic data and some work, this text also occurs at a greatest eastern elon- —_ethnohistoric sources in Yucatec and Chol (Texts gation of Venus. It is 3 katuns [= 21600 days], or | D, L and M) specify the jaguar as eclipse agent. five days less than 37 means Venus cycles of 583.92 These jaguar attributes of 1 Ahau — god of Venus,

days, prior to the greatest eastern elongation eclipse agent, and Lord of the Underworld — are recorded on the Middle Panel of the Temple of visible in some of the Classic depictions of God

the Inscriptions. L. Perhaps, the clearest instance of this occurs The sequence of glyphs in the Middle Panel of — on the Vase of the Seven Gods where God L is the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque which _ displayed in all his glory as Lord of the Underworld refers to a greatest eastern elongation of Venus can _— (Figure 31.6a). In this case, God L is seated on be extended to include the glyph at H9 (Figure =a very impressive jaguar throne and a ‘star over 31.5e). Indeed, it has been suggested that the glyph earth’ Venus bundle rests on the floor in front of consisting of a seated body with a stump-like head — him. God L is shown with a prominent jaguar ear [T227 or T703] depicts the Venus god Hun Ahaw and has his lower face covered with jaguar spots. seated in Dusty Court as Lord of the Underworld. It should also be emphasized that God L can be It was also noted that the Chol term xib’a, ‘devil’, clearly identified as a Venus deity (Closs, 1979, probably corresponding to an old term signifying = pp. 149-52). The Vase of the Seven Gods specifi‘Lord of the Underworld’, was a viable linguistic cally alludes to this in its association of the Venus candidate for the reading of T227 or T703. With bundle with God L. However, the identification this in mind, the glyph at H9, T703.501.181, can _ is apprehended in a much more direct sense in the be analyzed as XIBA-(ba-ha), for xib’ah, ‘Lord of | Dresden Venus table. Here, God L appears as the 411

at

: 7 Jan ae | “Lig Fe AN AG Sal: (a Puy Te) ‘i ne Vw.Yi. ry Bi: “US.

rag i ee

jt dyeee ned, ee = oe pee ee ile co M ele. -—'. Ox fi. Cy oH ay |

mie ie “a

rea Oa Ae Mal Sal

OT ee ele (a)

412 (b)

pal ce.

Cognitive aspects of ancient Maya eclipse theory

first manifestation of Venus on Dresden 46 and _ sign and attached head are suspended from a celLahun Chan as the second manifestation on Dresden _ estial band above the principal scene. The effect 47. More importantly, God L and Lahun Chan are _ is reminiscent of the plunging Venus eclipse god singled out in the introductory page to the Venus __ in the 12 Lamat picture of the eclipse table (Figure table as the two principal manifestations of the pla- 31.2). It has been proposed that Stela 4 from Yaxchinet (Dresden 24C, C1-—C12). Hence, God Lisjaguar- _ lan has a dedicatory date at 9.17.5.0.0 (Riese, 1977,

faced, is a principal Venus deity, and is Lord of — p.8). This is five tuns after the katun ending at the Underworld, just as is Hun Ahaw inthe enthno- —9.17.0.0.0, when an annular eclipse of the sun was historic sources. There can be little doubt that they —_- visible in the Yucatan according to the 584 285 cor-

are one and the same. relation. It has been suggested that if any eclipse A consideration of the evidence which has been — was recorded on the monuments, it ought to be discussed also suggests that God L/Hun Ahaw is this one since it occurred on a katun ending. Howprimarily a manifestation of Venus as morning star, ever, in practice, monuments erected as part of a while Lahun Chan/Ah Tsul Ahaw is primarily a —katun ending festival would necessarily have been manifestation of Venus as evening star. Itis under-_ _— carved before the dedicatory date, and it is unlikely

standable that, at times, the distinction between to expect that what would have been only a potential these two pairs of related Venus deities may be __ eclipse date at the time of carving would be recorded somewhat vague since the morning star and evening __ in the glyphic commentary associated with the katun

star are the same planet. ending. On the other hand, if a visible eclipse did

Representations of God L as Lord of the Under- _ occur on a katun ending, the celestial event would world are relatively common in the Classic period —_ have occurred on the seating day of the incoming ceramics, although Venus symbolism is not usually = katun. As a result, the event would likely be taken overt. An interesting example of the head of God —_as an ominous portent of what the katun had in L/Hun Ahaw attached to a Venus sign is found _ store for the Maya and so might well receive attenon Stela 4 from Yaxchilan (Figure 31.6b). The head — tion in a monument erected shortly thereafter. is characterized by a jaguar ear with additional jag- = Therefore, I think it a reasonable possibility that uar spots below the ear ornament. In this case, and __ the ‘jaguar-faced 1 Ahau’ attached to the Venus another like it on the same monument, the Venus __ sign suspended from the celestial band on Stela 4 may reflect the fate of the current katun as determined by the eclipse of 9.17.0.0.0.

f1976,. fig.109); V i . 9). (410-84-0506) from the Social Sciences and

Figure 31.6 Venus as ‘jaguar-faced 1 Ahau’: (a) God L. as Lord Acknowledgment

Une my ox 7,0: Noe Task has en supported hy 4 each ea

Humanities Research Council of Canada.

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21. Mexico: Instituto Lingijistico de Verano. village. In Estudios Antropologicas, pp. 261-4. Aveni, A. F. (1981). Archaeoastronomy in the Maya Boremanse, D. (1981). A southern Lacandon Maya region: a review of the past decade. Archaeoastronomy. account of the moon eclipse. Latin American Indian (Supplement to the Journal of the History of Astronomy) Literature 5, \—6.

no. 3, suppl. to vol. 12, pp. S1-S16. Bricker, H. M. and Bricker, V. R. (1983). Classic Maya Baer, P. and Baer, M. (1952). Materials on Lacandon Cul- prediction of solar eclipses. Current Anthropology 24,

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University of Chicago. City: Ediciones Euroamericanas Klaus Thiele.

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Caso, A. (1958). The Aztecs: People of the Sun. Norman: Lounsbury, F. G. (1983). The base of the Venus table

University of Oklahoma Press. of the Dresden Codex, and its significance for the calCloss, M. P. (1977). The date-reaching mechanism in endar-correlation problem. In Calendars in Mesoamerica the Venus table of the Dresden Codex. In Native Amen- and Peru: Native American Computations of Time, eds. can Astronomy, ed. A. F. Aveni, pp.89-99. Austin: A. F. Aveni and G. Brotherston, pp. 1-26. BAR Inter-

University of Texas Press. national Series 174.

Closs, M. P. (1979). Venus in the Maya world: glyphs, Mathews, P. and Justeson, J. S. (1984). Patterns of sign gods and associated astronomical phenomena. In Ter- substitution in Mayan hieroglyphic writing: the ‘Affix cera Mesa Redonda de Palenque, eds. M. Greene Robert- Cluster’. In Phoneticism in Mayan Hieroglyphic Writing,

son and D. C. Jeffers, vol 4, pp. 147-65 - Monterey: eds. J. S. Justeson and L. Campbell, pp. 185-232. InstiPre-Columbrian Art Research, Herald Printers. | tute for Mesoamerican Studies, publication no. 9. State Closs, M. P. (198 1a). Las palabras pareadas en cl Ritual University of New York at Albany. de los Bacab y las implicaciones para los estudios glifi- Mendez, S. (1921). The Maya Indians of Yucatan in cos. Boletin de la Escuela de Ciencias Antropologicas de 1861. In Reports on the Maya Indians of Yucatan, ed.

la Universidad de Yucatan 8, (46-7), 2-27. M. H. Saville, pp. 143-95. New York: Indian Notes Closs, M. P. (19816). Venus dates revisited. Archacoastro- and Monographs, vol. 9, no. 3. New York: Museum

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Coe, M. D. (1973). The Maya Scribe and his World. New from ‘A dicci | holt’. Mava Society

York: The Grolier Club. rom ‘Arte y diccionario en lengua cholti’. Maya Society,

Craine, E. R. and Reindorp, R. C. (1979). The Codex publ. 9. Baltimore.

ae a py. Redfield, and Villa Rojas, A. (1934). Chan Pérez and .,the Book of R. Chilam Balam of Mani. Norman: , ; 4.Kom: A University of Oklahoma Press. Maya Village. With notes on Maya midwifery by Kath-

Edmonson, M. S. (1971). The Book of Counsel: The Popol °tY". Mackay. Carnegie Institution of Washington.

Vuh of the Quiche Maya of Guatemala. Tulane Univer- Pee in 1962 by The University of Chicago Ney On umerican Research Institute, publ. 35. Rején Garcia, M. (1905). Supersticiones y Leyendas Mayas.

Fought, J. G. (1972). Chorti (Mayan) Texts. University La Revista de Merida. , ee,

of Pennsylvania Press. Riese, B. (1977). Yaxchilan (Menche Tinamit), Doku-

Fuente, de la, B. and Gutiérrez Solana, N. (1980). Escul- mentation der Inscriften. Beitrage sur mittelamerikanistura Huasteca en Piedra. Universidad Nacional Aut6- chen Volkerkunde XIV.

noma de México. Roys, R. L. (1965). Ritual of the Bacabs. Norman: Univer-

Garcia de Leén, A. (1973). Breves notas sobre la lengua sity of Oklahoma Press.

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Lounsbury, F. G. (1978). Maya numeration, compu- Southern and Central British Honduras. Field Museum tation, and calendrical astronomy. In Dictionary of of Natural History, publ. 274. Chicago. 414

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Thompson, J. E. S. (1970). Maya History and Religion. Ulrich, E. M. and Ulrich, R. D. de (1976). Diccionario

Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Bilingue: Maya Mopan y Espanol y Maya Mopan. GuateThompson, J. E. S. (1971). Maya Hieroglyphic Writing: mala: Instituto Linguistico de Verano, Apartado 74. An Introduction. Norman: University of Oklahoma Villa Rojas, A. (1945). The Maya of East Central Quintana

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Thompson, J. E. S. (1972). A Commentary on the Dres- chultz, William McSurely, Isabel Sklow and Robert den Codex. Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society Redfield. Carnegie Institution of Washington.

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Tozzer, A. M. (1941). Landa’s Relacton de las Cosas de Wisdom, C. (1940). The Chorti Indians of Guatemala. The Yucatan. Translation, edited with notes. Papers of the University of Chicago Press.

415

32

The use of astronomy in political statements at Yaxchilan, Mexico Carolyn ‘Tate University of Texas

The inhabitants of all ancient Maya ceremonial observations of the sun and of stationary conjunccenters shared cultural practices that made them __ tions of Jupiter and Saturn into their monuments.

uniquely Mayan: they spoke related languages and Integrated into the limestone structures at Yaxwrote them in hieroglyphs, they erected limestone — chilan were texts and images on stone lintels and stelae and corbel vaulted temples, their beliefs were — stelae. The texts were commissioned by semisymbolized by a system of pictorial images, andthey divine, hereditary rulers and were the records of observed and recognized the motion of the celestial their ceremonial practices. The events I will discuss bodies. Just as each ceremonial center had its own ___ in this paper were recorded on monuments during recognizable artistic style, so each manipulated the reigns of two kings of Yaxchilan, Shield Jaguar astronomical knowledge in a manner reflective of | the Great, who reigned from 9.12.9.8.1 (October the specific history and character of that site. Astro- 19, aD 681) to 9.15.9.17.16 June 22, ap 741), and nomical knowledge was incorporated into writing, _ his son and heir, Bird Jaguar IV,' who reigned from art, architecture, and ritual in various ways at differ- 9.16.1.0.0 (April 29, ap 752) to after 9.17.0.0.0 ent centers. For example, a study by Floyd Louns- — (January 20, ap 771).? I will also mention several

bury (1982) has shown the importance of Venus women and male allies who were recorded on as Evening Star, in maximum eastern elongation, | monuments by these kings. Shield Jaguar recorded

and on heliacal rising as Morning Star in the _ the astronomical events of a woman who is now historical hieroglyphic records of several sites, called Xoc, the Maya word for shark. Bird Jaguar including Bonampak, Dos Pilas, Copan, and documented the activities of his mother, Lady Wind

Palenque. Skull, the mother of his son, Lady Great Skull, The Mayas of Yaxchilan, on the other hand, and two ritual assistants, Lady Ah Pop Ik and Lady

although they must have been aware of the beliefs —_Ix.?

that prompted their neighbors to incite wars on Yaxchilan is situated on the southwestern bank these stations in the passage of Venus through © of the Usumacinta River, at 16°57’ N latitude and the heavens, did not regularly capture victims 90°58’ W longitude.* The ceremonial center conon a Venus-related schedule. Of the over 17 _ sists of 88 mapped structures and over 125 carved captures recorded on Yaxchilan monuments, three stelae, lintels, and thrones. Over 30 structures line fell upon the first appearance of Venus as Evening _ the edges of a 300m long, low-lying plaza which

Star (recorded on stela 18 and the structure 20 runs approximately parallel to the river. Other steps). One of the Yaxchilan lintels uses the ‘star- structures were built on three acropoli, each on shell’ verbal glyph that appears at other sites in sit- — natural hills 35 to 110m higher than the Plaza. uations of Venus warfare, but the capture comme- —_—s These structures are all oriented to overlook the

morated did not occur on a first appearance of — Plaza, and in Classic times, when the trees were Venus. Instead, the Yaxchilan rulers incorporated cut, would have had clear views of the hilly eastern 416

oO Se

Use of astronomy in political statements

- ie. | 79: Mei | a», >\, :oo Mei gt BO NERS coe eg &SES a a (Ss _ Ro. -

N re eee ce NG: solstice

= : a le | Boy rs : p Figure 32.1 Map of Yaxchilan, after Heyden and Gendrop (1976), with directional lines and building numbers indicated by this author.

horizon across the river. The orientations of these | quatrefoil shaped patch of light created by the hilltop structures form axes roughly perpendicular — stepped-top doorway. This building was probably

to that of the Plaza (Figure 32.1). To the west, used asa solstice observatory by Shield Jaguar, and behind the hilltop structures, a vista of the horizon _ perhaps by rulers before him.

is blocked by the nearby steep hills. Structure 33 is the scene of a more striking solar— Orientations of the structures at Yaxchilan fall | architectural hierophany. On summer solstice, as loosely into five groups:° 51—4°, 6—-14°, 21-30°, 108— _— the sun rises (at 5.42.a.m. at 63° east of north in

24°, with several structures facing exactly 118°,and a notch next to the highest hill on the horizon a westerly facing group (see Table 32.1). I suspect | approximately 1200 m distant from the temple), light that at least two of these groups of orientations were —_— passes through the doorways of Str 33. Inside the

selected for astronomical reasons. temple, in a niche created by transverse buttresses At Yaxchilan, on summer solstice, the sun rises in the rear wall of the temple, is a crosslegged, seated in a pronounced notch on the eastern horizon at __ statute of Bird Jaguar IV. The sun illuminates the

63° east of north when viewed from Strs 33, 40, statue of Bird Jaguar for approximately seven or 41.° The rising sun illuminates the interior of | minutes. This hierophany occurs at least two days the group of buildings with 51—4° orientation, cast- before and two days after the actual solstice.

ing a patch of light in the form of the doorway Another group of alignments includes eight on the floor of the chamber or onto the rear wall _ buildings oriented precisely to 118°. In Figure 32.1

for a few minutes. In two of these buildings, I it is clear that this is the orientation of the Main observed interesting interactions of the summer sol- —_ Plaza. These buildings were built over many gener-

stice sunrise light with the architecture. ations. Structure 12 probably dates to about Structure 41 is the earlier of these two solar- —_9.5.0.0.0. Structures 16 and 24 were definitely built architectural hierophanies. Its entrances have step —_ under the auspices of Bird Jaguar IV. Structure shaped tops (Figure 32.2). On summer solstice, the 24 is the obituary monument for his grandmother,

sun rises at 63° at 5.43a.m. Faint light shines in father, mother, and aunt. The ancestral commemthe central door, down a long narrow entranceway. oration theme of Str 16 lintels will be discussed At 6.00 a.m. the sun appears next to the projecting below. Structure 19 was probably built after flat stone that forms the stepped elementinthe right 9.17.0.0.0, by Bird Jaguar IV’s son. Every southside of the doorway as one looks out. The sun illu- —_ easterly hallway and the four front doorways of Str minates a small portion of the rear wall, with a semi- 19 are exactly 118° in orientation. The large pyra417

CAROLYN TATE

Table 32.1. Chart of astronomical orientations of some solstice.

major buildings at Yaxchilan. The summer-—winter solstice axes at the site must Measurements by this author, using a compass. have been present from the Early Classic. Structure

SS .~© «41 dates to perhaps 9.10.0.0.0 or earlier, and Str

Orientation 12 to 9.5.0.0.0. The view of summer solstice sunrise

Structure (degrees eastof magnetic north) Ruler from Str 41 in the notch on the eastern horizon

25 9 ? was an important facet in the selection of the

26 9 ; location for monumental architecture at Yaxchilan. 30 M4 This notch or cleft in the eastern horizon is probably °° 6 SJ2 the source for Yaxchilan’s Emblem Glyph, which - 7 RE is a sky glyph whose upper edge is cleft or split. 7 30 , If this view of summer solstice sunrise were not 23 29 S] important, the site could have been located where 36 26 ? the airstrip is today, and it would have been a 31 30 : simpler task to construct buildings at lower altio - On Other sites used architectural—solar alignments 40 53 i 43 to measure the passage of summer and winter sol4] 5] BI3? stice, but not in the same manner in which Yax12 118 R10 chilan did. The solstitial sunrise observatory at 13 118 BJ4 Uaxactun is well known (Blom, 1924) and 12 14 118 ? additional examples of a similar structure exist at

20 53 SJ2 tudes.

19 118 BJ3? . . .

16 118 BJ4 other sites, although they are only formal copies;

18 118-20 SJ they are not functional (Ruppert, 1940). Many other 74 118 By4 types of observatories are discussed by Aveni (1980, 42 108-10 BI4 pp. 249-86). What is obvious is that the Mayas were

67 124 > aware of the annual cycle of the sun and used it 114+74 220 ; ritually, even though there was not a method for 7] 318 > recording it in the complex Maya calendar. Modern I 345 BJ4 Maya groups are still acutely aware of the solar cycle

Key to rulers: KEJ2 = Knot Eye Jaguar Il; BJ3 = Bird Jaguar as defined by the passage of the sun from north III; BJ4 = Bird Jaguar IV. R10 = Ruler 10; SJ =Shield Jaguar south on the horizon (Gossen, 1974, p. 27).

the Great; SJ2 = Shield Jaguar II. Gossen states, “The whole cosmological system is bounded and held together by the paths of the Sun and Moon, who are the principal deities in the Chamid at the northwest end of the Plaza, Str 18, faces = mula pantheon,’ (Gossen, 1974, p. 22). In ancient exactly 118° also. The ballcourt (Str 14) is situated — times, like today, the solar year was probably

so that the walls that form the narrow edges of the = observed on the horizon or with architectural architectural bodies face 118° (although the walls | assemblages designed to interact with the horizon.

sag now). Why do all these building face 118°? The buildings at the ceremonial center of YaxOn winter solstice the sun rises at 115-16° at —_ chilan were oriented to frame the annual path of Yaxchilan’s latitude. Like the summer solstice the sun. The location of Strs 41, 40, 33, and perhaps orientation group, (Tate, 1986), the winter solstice | some buildings on the Main Plaza, allowed the buildings are set slightly outside of the path of the —_ observation of the sun on the horizon all year. Evisun. Again, this allows for a few minutes of illumi- | dence within the hieroglyphic inscriptions shows

nation of the interior of the buildings, providing that the Yaxchilan astronomers and calendar priests the trees at the southeast end of the Plaza were __ related the horizon position of the sunrise to importkept cut. Note that all the winter solstice alignments _—_ant events in the life of the city. If what was remem-

are found on the Great Plaza. No tall buildings = bered about the nature of the day upon which an block the view of the sun along the Plaza on winter — event occurred was the position of the sun relative 418

Use of astronomy in political statements

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L9 6-16-768 1 Eb, endL,ofVEEN: Yaxkin iN i Seespc reaa\ a| | L 50 no date—2 recorded ; . SS uit |SAC One of several possible reconstructions We ho B 1 aa on | 360 days, the tun. In the Calendar Round, the haab y Ore 4 if SAN

is a count of 18 months of 20 days, plus five days | er eH, > ae aM 2 ay) 3 to equal 365 days. Except for the fact that annual 1} Mh ‘6:2 a 5 eH iN i 4 anniversaries often fall within the same month, 4 Mes Men 92 Sein Mn 5 there is no indication in the hieroglyphs that an, Wiad. ese | 2 ds ; 1 fa: 6 anniversary event is recorded. The presence of the prey 36 FS Pet pee ?

annual anniversary only becomes clear when the (ais C Sw a Maya date is converted to a Christian date. Because

the annual anniversaries do not fall at exactly Figure 32.3 intel 9 of Structure 2. By Graham and von Euw 365.2422 day intervals, but are off by one to eight (1977). © 1977 by the President and Fellows of Harvard Coldays, the anniversaries do not appear to have been lege. Used by permission.

calculated mathematically, but were more likely to have been determined by observation of the position

of the sunrise relative to features on the horizon. were cut on three sides from the cloth, and the In each instance, iconography or architectural cutout area flapped on the fourth side of the quatrealignment supports the argument that these solar _ foil like a hinge, hence the term ‘flapstaff. T'wo

year intervals were not mere coincidence. of the monuments record the last or the next to

32.2). vidual.

A series of seven events recorded in stone at Yax- _ last events in a king’s reign. Those monuments

chilan occurred on summer solstice (see Table | show the king passing the staff to another indiThe earliest two events in the summer solstice Ethnographic data shows that for modern Chorti, series were performed by Lady Xoc. They are the solstices demarcated a period of overlapping recorded on the lintels of Str 23, in unillustrated __ ritual responsibilities (Girard, 1966, pp. 121-6). As texts. The remaining summer solstice events are | Girard describes them, the rituals concerning the accompanied by illustrations of the king holding — seasons of the year function on several levels of a staff with cutout quatrefoil shaped flaps (the flap- _ the society: celestial, political, and agricultural. The

staff). The king always wears the same costume, rituals of summer solstice involve the positioning the same headdress, the same jewelry on the _ of astatue in one of two temples. The Chortis know summer solstice occasion (Tate, 1986). The most — that summer salstice is the day that the sun reaches unusual items of the costume are a full length back- _its northernmost declination in the sky, and that rack and a chest ornament composed of a series —_ on winter solstice the sun is furthest south. Accordof shrunken heads, sections of spondylus shells, | ing to Girard, they duplicate this celestial division

and a shrunken torso (Figure 32.3). The flapstaff | of the year through a ceremony in which an idol itself is an unusual feature of the monument. It (obviously signifying the sun) is carried from a was probably contrived with a frame of wood, to —_ southerly temple to a northerly one on winter solwhich was attached cloth. Quatrefoil shaped holes _stice and back again on summer solstice. 420

Use of astronomy in political statements

In the Chorti sphere of political/religious leader- —— In Ch’ol

ship, the solstices are the entry and exit points of

service for term. the sacerdotes, each of on whom serves an (GoYo Coy 18-month Entering service winter solstice, | (le®

the first year of his service, the sacerdote honors (4F. Ty the chair of the idol which signifies the sun. When (QD A527

winter solstice returns, he begins a period of relative ay) inactivity, during which he devotes himself not to .

interceding to the deity, but only to honoring the aj kaw wa’ chan vacant seat of the idol which is ensconsed in the means

other temple. Summer solstice marks the day that .

he terminates his duties, having passed responsi- he open standing sky bility on to the new sacerdote who has had the benefit stopped of a ‘backup’ sacerdote for the past six months. The This phrase might refer to the swing of the sun, ceremonies of the solstices begin the 20th or 21st = which lingers at its northernmost declination on of June and continue for two or three days when the horizon for several days at summer solstice. For the chair and its statue arrive in the second $a group of people performing horizon observations

temple. of the sun, this is one of the most obvious stations The modern Maya concepts of overlapping of the year, when the movement of the sun slows periods of ritual responsibility are illustrated on the —‘ to a standstill.

Classic period monuments at Yaxchilan. On St 11 Yaxchilan St 11 and L 9 show the passage of and L 9, two individuals are shown exchanging the ritual responsibility from an outgoing ruler to an staff. On St 11, Shield Jaguar performs the lastcom- —_‘ ‘Ncoming ruler on summer solstice. On L 33 (see

memorated act of his life at approximately age 95 Graham, 1979), Bird Jaguar wears a coiled serpent (Figure 32.4). His last recorded ceremony is passing headdress which only appears on anniversary the flapstaff to Bird Jaguar IV on summer solstice. °C¢4Sions (C. Tate, 1986, chap. 2 of doctoral disser-

Five days later, Bird Jaguar’s mother performed a ‘@0on presented at the University of Texas at bloodletting and was called with the title ‘Mah Austin). That date is the six year anniversary of

oy: .atillustrated on Stoverlapped 11. between sibility Yaxchilan apparently

K’ina’, (k’in is the word for sun). The ritual respon- the summer solstice event by Bird Jaguar that was

Shield Jaguar, Lady Ik Skull, and Bird Jaguar for Several other groups of events at Yaxchilan were

; ; commemorated on solardied year and intervals. The followten years until the woman the son , . this ;; ; , ing textual headings are designed to coordinate

acceeded. On L9, on Bird Jaguar IV iswith recorded per- ; , , , . commentary iconography the information forming his second to last official act — dressed as ‘n Table 32.3 GI, he hands the staff to Lord Great Skull, who a

wears a solar headdress, on summer solstice. Lord 32.] The Jupiter-Saturn conjunction Great Skull never acceeded to the throne, but he One of the ceremonies at Yaxchilan seems to have remained important on the monuments of Bird heen modelled by the king after a grand ritual series

Jaguar’s son, Shield Jaguar II. performed by Chan Bahlum of Palenque to honor In addition to ethnographic evidence, tentative his deceased royal father, Pacal. At Palenque, Chan linguistic reconstruction of the verbal phrases pro- = Bahlym organized a four-day ceremony to comvides a clue to the meaning of summer solstice = memorate the 75th solar year anniversary of the rituals. ‘The verbs on the summer solstice monu- accession of Pacal, and the eighth solar year anniments are practically identical. Each verbal phrase —_versary of his own accession. This occasion fell consists of a’ 1515b:103:683 auxiliary verb, and the during a six-week long stationary conjunction of

ti locative plus verbal noun construction, Jupiter and Saturn, which were only 4° apart in 1T59:563:130:561. This might be pronounced ‘mul- __ the sky in July of ap 690. Shortly thereafter was

—taj—aj t(i)—aj+ ka wa’ chan’, written thus:’ the period ending 9.13.0.0.0, the dedication date 421

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5 myi aeye SU NAa i eaice ee wi Oeyi te i on eins F OWe 2 i ee isisaie ee aaee oS Le agei7Os nai:Ke OP‘gonsgeae enaeee Na pe ag. NEES 7 . See Maa, Me ne , OT UaeapoAll ea wy, eeMica Pea aaa As oaks oo, Ae (22 y . My tae ys Gea SO innie ae esHiM7 Ue ee eaAeLO

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: LO / ete ni EE : Ci‘ U2 LsWM ed _.CC i ”Go i.ae “a He osaN . AG we cen . ahe :MF ue aeCc Dee pee__ gane. j: 7ne 3 Ley 8L eeAi ieMeee ae ieOe G. Eywy3 Abi MS Maine MO ae. vo ag ee ide : .!LOE iy aEEE Ya heAeA Fai) ee! BS IaGs, WN 5iZ, i CaSe LaWes Wra Gi. ING es eg o Vee) gy(Se i; eo °Hate Coe a NG ae i i:oe Gy iDe ©2eB IeaNias Ni, Das I Co ae Cg eeai Les ea egoA : SES

, i: 7. Los Le eu aeyeLo ee io Woe GD eyBasel ae y a4aoO MaeWye _ eeCy Ei Lous Geae, ones: Sa yp) ee Wi ugg DO eaegy Lay, Pigs : ,: a7 zsFf " aeONO :3 ORONO ae py wo. ag dah :ueOO EO ee oe Wis ye “Gua: aieog vo PES igur 7eh abe ‘ iyBE ; ne pe ayseG ae yyss: |4ae . i oe a D. 7oo A Di a pe yae aone” 8 a La i. -gs oFeee Geage, yD [-a4a YG a wos :

RE, |guy 1i. -]Ul aan.°40. DF .ZLy finn GN eaDs Lo — “sSte Re: la E gs) , ty g i Wiig Neg, SM sigea“ A ee OS ye ys eaSee La Ge rea- Zan iePe a: Ls a : :: : sum , , Structure T ce fh eae ee Sone Ce Te de he TO 3 a : ¢ : eae OE Le OO 2 ee a Da ine 7 Bi i a i : :ee :qaeEE Be J st — a” icin ee A is a’ vi : TIE co | _ (8 Li a i | :Se .Vea Ae 5 ig] Guin pe ; ie MMT Oe 7 LU — Lo -— i 2 suns — a Me NB psta od CO Le 7 Le iy oo . S La ie 3 , : ce a a ‘ 4 y i _ , OOO Le _* i Me oe oe Se - ;hex : 3 ‘ i ti ; ; a vies 4g i | De 4 as : ; — : a | AW fa “oog eo yy . ne eo . by AA ". Archaec Coll ; =. ee|:a Bey|:Pan rs peak 5=: oto ; yey ve : Erhn . :oe : ne3sg Os ae ‘ .TV) oe ae » Or _ y.“geo .abert oe owe er *I«_aoF ae rine - ee oe bg :| ). © 90lHz Male and ‘tha (2 _ Peabody .Viue lssion ™ ry, Harvard C : eef 1jroup es :3Fa aDodgy ves. , gee hm.; aa ifnesai ae = aSC ‘pes sine .Set ee of’ -Viuesum. 0: i College. Usec oe ° ae Pho py ” ais : oo” V — ee aint t eo I te “aie: ca : a “ ECS se oi] is . and © ee ne (ross at Fr ass 1 DY pera and a half y« ss Palenque.*® ee : ina t ae 62 J * eos Nine ay : a half years later, 1 lenque.* Ninet : , ‘ : :very wae ag pigtka Bi ME O] 7.of&7, es Sy oy: the next , inDiOctober —TE theoo. 80th yeai“=.

1 Cc ye Ak lotr ; Me iy Po ess ae

and stati jupiter and » red Was riversarv hiserMIS fat*2ot aS PLA Onary | - tvad Mme Reoat eealigi WwW re Pe au alin ® GM: ‘Vvear eeNCY r aof oeana ‘at — oS oo yack Suspe . ing CTC oo annivers: Was now . CCL : Jat S _ a ati ; . y ‘TSaly o P I. Eger, ra Istvan Vizdal, J. (1977). Tiszapolgarske pohrebisko vo Vel' kych RasG veut y V (1972) 1 bincpky mn M erman.) , koveiach (Tiszapolgar Style Burial Site in Vel’ ké Raskovee). ervers-Molnar, V. ( ) OREPROL MAARYATORZAB Kosice: Vychodoslovenské Vydavatelstvo. (In Slovak.)

440

35

Uaxactun, Guatemala, Group E and similar assemblages: an archaeoastronomical reconsideration A. F. Aveni Colgate University H. Hartung University of Guadalajara

35.1 Introduction: historical background on 35.1 and the enlargement in Figure 35.2). Over-

y))‘

Group E, Uaxactun looking these buildings across the open plaza about The site of Uaxactun was first reported in the litera- 90m to the west is pyramid E-VII sub, the earliest

; structure that haswho been covered by at least one other. ture by Sylvanus Morley (1916) named it after the combination of two Maya words, ‘uaxac’, mean- pyramid, E-VIl. According to the excavators, this _ oy pyramid had ‘never supported any building, either ing eight, and ‘tun’, meaning stone. The name was wooden or stone’ (Ricketson and Ricketson, 1937, Suggested by the Baktun 8 date found on Stela 9, p. 43). Structures E-VIII-IX-X on the north and then the stela with the earliest recorded date: 8.14. E_ry_v_yq] on the south complete the enclosure of

10.13.15 (=ab 327). the small plaza. Four stelae, numbered 18, 19, 20

Ricketson (1928, p. 222) tells us that, ‘In 1924 — and E-I also were found: no. 20 at the base of the ... Frans Blom made an accurate plane-table survey _ stairway of E-VII, no. 19 at the base of the stairway of the city. Although no excavation was possible _ of the platform of EI-III, and nos. 18 and E-I flankat that time, Mr Blom drew attention to the fact _ ing no. 19 (consult Figure 35.2 for their exact posthat the arrangement of buildings, mounds, and ste- itions). The whole complex, with its clear access lae in the easternmost plaza, called Group E on to the eastern horizon, is aligned almost precisely his map, suggested its probable function as a solar _ true north, while, by contrast, the main groups A observatory.’ Excavation was begun in 1926 under and B are skewed a few degrees east of north.

the direction of Ricketson, who selected Group E Groups E, D and F, not shown in Figure 35.1, for investigation. After five years the center of _ lie even farther off the cardinal points. ! . activity shifted to Group A (excavated between 1931 Evidently Blom’s attention to astronomical and 1937), but also included surrounding smaller ™0tives was attracted by both the N-S axiality of

groups. the grouping and the possibility thatthe theextremes three eas; tern mounds could have marked and

The Group Eofcomplex the easternmost a; _ midpoint the risingissun’s course alonggroup the hori-

of buildings on the Uaxactun map (Smith, 1950, zon throughout the year as viewed from somewhere fig. 143), a section of which is reproduced in Figure on E-VII. Using a Brunton compass, he made 35.1. It rests on an elevated 200 x 100m terrace several trial measurements from various points on aligned north-south that is ‘artificial throughout, the Jatter building (Ricketson and Ricketson, 1937, including the fill beneath the plaza’ (Ricketson and p.42). After the excavations were complete, measureRicketson, 1937, p. 44); however, there is a lime- —_ ments were made by his successors with a theodostone bedrock layer beneath E-VII. On the east side _lite. In both cases, the magnetic readings were coris an elongated terraced mound atop which lie three _ rected to true north with the use of tables supplied west-facing structures (E-I, E-II, E-III; see Figure | by the US Government Department of Terrestrial 441

A. F. AVENI AND H. HARTUNG

Magnetism. In no case was an astronomical bearing _he tells us that Floor III ‘is the period of primary ever taken directly in the field,’ a factor which has __ construction’ (while E-VII sub stands on Floor II) been demonstrated to be necessary for astronomical — with the East Platform ‘surely surmounted by prim-

orientation studies (Aveni, 1975, p. 164). ary Temple E-II and possibly by Temples E-I and In his pre-excavation plan, Blom proposed that — E-III, though the evidence is negative for these latthe sun had been viewed rising over the eastern __ ter two’ (Ricketson and Ricketson, 1937, pp. 134, mounds from Stela 20, which is not a very convinc- 135). Curiously, both Ricketson and Blom seem ing location as we see it now. Ricketson, who exca- _ to have become pre-occupied with making the best vated Group E in 1926-31, rectified this scheme _fit of solar orientations to the alignments regardless and presented another plan (Ricketson, 1928, p. | of whether the alignments made much sense archi223). He proposed three possible points of obser- _ tecturally. vation: in front of Stela 20 (as had Blom); in the Although in 1938 an airfield was established in middle of the stairway (‘fifteen feet above the plaza = _Uaxactun for the exportation of chicle, a developlevel’); and at the end of the stairway. These are — ment which facilitated access to these remote ruins,

labelled A, B and C, respectively, in Figure 35.2 _no investigations known to the authors have been and in the plan and section of E-VII shown in _ carried out since, except for some reconstruction Figure 35.3. Note that there is only one stairway = work on Structure E-VII sub by several groups of drawn in the plan and it goes straight up to the — volunteer amateur archaeologists under the direc-

top (cf. Ricketson, 1928, p. 218, fig. 3).° tion of Edwin Shook in the summer of 1974. Some of Ricketson’s selected reference points on While Shook’s reconstruction was well done, he Temples I and II] and on E-VI[subare notconvinc- _ failed to duplicate the original finish of brilliant ing on ‘architectural’ grounds. Why, for example, = white mortar that once covered the whole structure would one observe from the middle of a stairway —_ and also the plaza floor in front (cf. Figure 35.4a to the extreme edges of the northern and southern —_ with b and c). A. V. Kidder, who visited the excavabuildings? Evidently, Ricketson was well aware of _ tion in 1928, had remarked: ‘... we were to keep the stages of construction of Group E; forexample, — our eyes on the ground until we were told to look

OF UAXACTUN NOTA a ye” Arise Gow aun‘ MAP Awana: te

w/ ‘a))\ \ |oooo. if \ sROR . GROUP p-~* % . nee ‘¢ ’ 7 f ’ fig / “GROUP F 7 / URN “te ae? i 7h fo \ ( . , a : . ; ae . 4 ely Vy az Za Si eS ee)NS © yNg S [\ 6Lf LeUy ET©) ONa( ce a FRRae:ERASE

(ORR 7h L/ f./ RSS \\ oFSAV gt 2 Yee a BYTRS Kd) Wel Yj UPL ines BESSY) /, ,! /ae( 4wen ff ees

) KG TF; ae GL! WI LLL MC/ 7 | |

Figure 35.1 Map of Uaxactun (after Smith, 1950, Figure 143), with authors’ suggested orientations.

442

Uaxactun, Guatemala, Group E and similar assemblages

=, Is True East [oorse / ma fe feo nn : TEMPLES” TEMPLE 12 TEMPER DY | itag |‘|hif!\| ir|an een xii oat fs J \ ‘ N 1p ; _. }

nt |:Vets | \i GE); | Aina ee™fiSc! .| ee ™ Sassst Fru erate Tae ee ee ee — ffi VE | -

|aan . s tySr 0 Fries O ' ‘at

Sa | [ , =) (115200'(115°44')f ! CeNER Tp be). YT | |

YN a Zs " pCoEe BR hs SPERM Ag 7 qe| cain \ 66°27'(65°55') B=" th ,, ai “i| pean Pay “bes 2 — = a, Rater owen

| 3 Ret. Fe TELA WO STELA ELA b- | / | |

sepehphic Vy) aebee§ee ey | oe tte ede ” ae .Pox etacen eee oe 4 | te eal ooo fin oo od fe bt i fe i. oalv a ou ne / : and |; I cteucruret | gle F F : |

sn) ee ee | i i oo 3 - WS D ! Ty es i, \i\ Yo Soc Hed ot metsae

rc. | \3 do (istrucTURE A; 7H. powered! fy STRUCTURES ow i! 3 ! 4 if we ogee FEEREM eR

a7 otSet

\ Vane vise ~ [=] —e | JL eT el wo . a ry

Figure 35.2 Plan of Group E (after Ricketson and Ricketson, 1937, Figure 197) with authors’ measurements added.

up.” Thus viewing the facade of E-VII sub, he Rathje, Gregory and Wiseman, 1978), our interest stated: “There, snowy white against the deep green _in this particular complex was motivated by its frewall of the jungle was a terraced pyramid ... It | quent appearance in the archaeoastronomical literawas one of those moments one doesn’t forget.’ (Kid- _ ture as the archetypal Maya solar observatory and

der, quoted in Smith, 1950, p. 3). A model in the the general recognition in the literature that the Peabody Museum (Figure 35.5) suggests what the Group E form was widespread throughout the building might have looked like originally. | Petén. But we decided to visit and survey these Although E-VII sub was restored to its originalcon- —_— structures when we realized no one had made

dition, it appeared as a rather drab construction accurate measurements of the alignments. Finally, when we saw it a few years after Shook’s Earthwatch — we were interested in other features of Uaxactun

project.* architecture that might have been employed to relate Though Group E has been discussed in other astronomy and calendar, among them the three contexts (cf., e.g., Rathje, 1973; Hammond, 1974; = Teotihuacan-type pecked crosses which had been 443

A. F. AVENI AND H. HARTUNG

ane SS ae s atthe top of E-VII sub (the third stage of construc-

os =e tion, height about 7.50-8.00m) and terminating SE a either over (i) the centers of the doorjambs, or (ii)

te TY h h t to the central temp!

mT A : == Ohl the extreme outer edges of the eastern temples. In | yes ' eachID)case, -mple A ttal c Td oe (Temple passesthe overmeasuremen the center of the doorjamb.

— | | ei Ie A }) Table 35.1 also provides columns for computed

Ba ¥ cy BR i (‘true’) solar orientations based upon the observed mimics | Tin am altitudes of the visible horizon and (also tabulated)

a differentials in azimuth between the measured ag alignments and the true solar orientations.°

SO SStse Judging from the size of the tabulated differenee ae OE tials in the last column of Table 35.1, the best fit 0 10 20 N to a functioning solar observatory’ corresponds to

Lesaeeassatisiriisiit case IIB. For this case, the observer would have ———_______ Third been situated about 5m above ground level, pro-

a stage vided we remember to add about 1.5 m for the height aes (a Ea IR second of the observer to the 3.3-3.5 m height of the plat— A iat SS a ae First. form from which he made his sightings.’ In Figure

Pe eae == Stare ! naan hee FEES stage ©: 35.6 wee depict this view. Looking east across the open plaza, the observer’s eyes would have been Figure 35.3 Plan and North fagade of E-VII sub (after Ricketson about level with the top of the platform of the East

and Ricketson, 1937, Figures 33 and 34). Mound (4 = 4.6m); the tops of the individual terraces would have lain about 34° above both the top

. of the East Mound and the natural horizon. Owing

reported at the site (Smith, 1950, pp. 21-2, figs. tg dense overgrowth, only the steps of Temple II 15a, 60, 61, 62). Consequently, in January 1978, are visible in our photograph. Figure 35.7 depicts the authors traveled from Tikal to Uaxactun, a dis- the present view looking the other way, while in tance by rough track of approximately 30km, with — Figure 35.8a,b we offer closeup looks at the present

a group of students from Colgate University. Our condition of the stairway and the doorway, respecgoal was to make measurements of alignments with tively, of Temple II. In Figure 35.9 we employ our a theodolite on the existing architecture, and par- — measurements to depict what the view from point ticularly on Group E. In the next section, we report —_B would have disclosed with the eastern platform

on the analysis of the data we collected. and its contents restored, the vegetation trimmed away, and the sun permitted to move along the hori-

35.2 Group E, Uaxactun as an astronomical zon on its annual course.

‘observatory’ The fit between the astronomical and architecThe problem we proposed to solve can be stated __ tural data for case II appears to be quite satisfactory.

quite simply: Does the sun as viewed from various The June and December solstice sunrises each selected positions on E-VII sub rise over the three —_ deviate in azimuth by about one full sun disk from

buildings to the east (EJ-III) at the June solstice, the edges of the two temples, but they do so in the equinoxes, and the December solstice, respec- the sense that each would have been visible, the

tively? June solstice sun appearing to the left of the north-

We present in Table 35.1 alignments measured — ern edge of E-I, the December solstice sun fully during January, 1978, from the aforementioned _ visible to the right of the southern edge of E-III. hypothetical points of observation along the center- § These deviations correspond to a distance along line (east stairway) of E-VII sub (again, see Figures __ the terraces of these buildings of only 0.5m, but 35.1 and 35.2): (A) at the base;> (B) at the end of | because the sun advances very slowly along the the stairway of the first stage of construction (four horizon around the time of the solstice,? we must small platforms, height about 3.30-3.50m); and(C) — caution against concluding that, though the 444

Uaxactun, Guatemala, Group E and similar assemblages Table 35.1. Uaxactun Group E-VII. Building alignments for several trial solar observatories obtained from measurements taken along the center-line of E-VII sub True azimuth of

center of sun at Azimuth

Altitude Measured June solstice, difference

Measurement Measurement —_ oof azimuth of equinoxes, (measured made from made to horizon alignment December solstice —_ minus true)

Case IA. Base of E-VII sub Dwy E-I 9° 68°34’ 67°44! 0°50’

(from Stela 20) Dwy E-II g° 90°54’ 90°54’ 0°00’ (point A in Figures 35.2 and 35.3) Dwy E-III] 9° 112°53’ 117°30’ — 4°37"

Case IB. Middle of first platform Dwy E-I 33° 70°31 65°55’ 4°36’ (point B in Figures 35.2 and 35.3) DwyE-Il 33° 90°54’ 90°54’ 0°00'

Dwy E-III 34° 110°56' 115°44’ — 4°48’

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ee : ne le aside) ; : a |a. -| aS wee ieaae oo _Ge .%9Le __C-1(south } fan : 7oe _. -— _ esaoo . >oe : 7_. _. oo. | - | oo _ 7. : : oS pineiianis stat ee ei at 3 B . 4 t . - ee Ree ae a Lo 2G eee Le 2 a WZ Koy Boe en by e oo Be ae Ce ey CF” ea i % e/a cae B

Go J | TSS me senna —?3: iia oA. ;:a: ;ne : 7% .: oy ieaoF - ._-. .2‘* LL od .oe . yD iacon _eeagGs ie7. .@ : ig HE ).iednel On )he anaes bs :.Co 4oe_7) Y7i iGa _iooo7“oo aeeLe -oF _oo” ae Mal 4sil spits messy ae 7. ey _ee — coer (a Qo 8aoo oe oeee :s 2 ‘oe . iii peli : : NE oS : ge po iy oD io oe a oo a ea i oe . Se a ig he tT : ge sista sii . : : : _ ae a on oo a . oe i) oe eo Lo SEE SoS Wa te . jie” 3 ’ : Whe aig * jee iain : . Pe. 2 a .. ay GC Ai a — oe es a a. Bb _ Ne ee 8 apM La eeae —eess nN econ rems Ga -aks_pecae Ms aooeSoe of . )Li) Be a) Le ySey) oe oo. _ae cn :Poe GM JBON sional : go : Ce, ® .ekLM, ey. ee o. eG eee Lo -aTe Cy ys egLo. ee : : ae ar =Big crn ne : cr eA 7cores :_oo eee oe aOe. ga j |.)yae oe7)fi’i DS oea aooe aeSOe. Se ka Beae =oT es asl SGcee etiii SRE SS foe * oo SaaS ee aoe ee ne aaoe pea, ary Nay _(7 .. Me ie Se 7: :z “4 , pi a eye e% ce ieee i i “ rinse a Sees ee ee ce . we a a yy hg ie | 7 oo ee Se ee = j fe . g EO Ga: . : ELE OD: . rere poet ESS prea eae ee ee es ee yes We Ae UN ee ee eee bo : 1 me. IS

ae , from poi |SB da Hartung a . Co td eo, ae ee = : | . a € 3S. 6 ry : oe LES es oe — oo a re erat eee ? VII sub Sn oe . . = ig : u ae Aveni ~ . POD i : : SC ESBENS es See Rene ean erate eee cee ee ee ee so 7 a Ne , a a 2 Le ng ; i Ce: :

uatemala, Group E and E similar assemblage. Uaxactun, Guatemala, Group and simil ,

-.. » a. esi lc CO

_ yo Zeeyco UF Ch aLe COU eae ee Ba oy) a pes ia is y

0Ce a i i_ Mla Mo. oe q LDaco r . 0Le 7 {ae Set7 eeee pg ii apse ee Dae. Ae oe og og _ol©oo. Lege LY -_ . ee 7 hlUl Ce oe 7. C ee a. aiss GC CO i oo Ce Le lLrLrrrCOCi“Ci(COC*Citistss 77 a og MD ee ee CU ioe 8 y ON A . EO ¢ Bel on =r. Ff ce ee = eee — -a_ 7 oC i i — bas 8 sf : |. oo oe rts > 7 . Log ue ‘ ty gl -7i;yJ i a #&}§32=zS.«C oo UU |, ~~ — ! oo ee 8 le 3 Meo | (oo. 2 LO Oe ee a —r————C eC Ci‘ Le oo Ll y ee ao:oo a. > Ug oe aei oo Lig -_.|20 | . .-Fo 8 2 oo, - > CC A Ke eei i hl. oOo FO 7 :oo . Lo oo0 :“pe iioor ,Qeeae

Uooo. Le eeDe ee.to7Co La hoy 0>Cf Ce yoaoe a a7|oo =BeChyo i |:4ll eey a~Lo rrC—“‘EEO eeSe osINGE Oo o— i on Co aFeyo a@§= oe| LG ..Oe 7 oF te oe as i Ge Na Oe Ee Me Oe ill aa WOME Peee yi ee A-a ee ya a a scaa. Ti-. he iB.yO_ ea ke ee egg7 Me ey s|. 7 2 Co We 2 4 \ ae 8

a ‘.2_ip _7#sy Oe eeff ..oF lo |.8ie oD OT gy a|Ch jfe aae— _7 ifl(7 a, “Abe oe LL iya| a.oo oo, eC iS 7iae [.. Po ai eee 17, 2 a7#§.——h—hChChCCl Oe Vs Oe BO Cs 2 Os ae Ge a>atg I eG oe Ok eee ee Hae aoe aa > Dy ee peee .Le oo0iaoF Ga ee . _48) Cy yo vioe /eeVy |.:g|ahas :ae 7Pe we Z Lig Li ge 7 oe Yas oo LC el Co fk |. Ly re we We a Ca Ne a. ee ee qfiaeD : GO : Cy LL OOM ae i LF OG hag Wn oF ae | ey ae Z y Die ; 7 i ;Gi Ky i Ce ee ee as Mii, . ea a, Lo. A ope La ae a) ae 8 Ce sy —L a Zoe i is 2 MC Oy, EZ Cy Bee Ce ay: PO ice NN i a)aae i. a, aea Ce of Oa a Ms y Z 5, | oo Ce ME:7 NI 8jg iDEEoD rhi i eaeCf eeas ge.2)ie heMae-eCaah aeoe lfa egomy [8YeeLo . yyi ‘7See7MW2 _

Bae oe, kD LO ai Se De eG i i Gaie | a ee Ey , Uo a Ta oe | Ve se * eo ee

( og, _ Co _ .— > Aoa > Lo - ee oe .an _ a CU oo 7 Ja .. oe oe. :hlU oe a ,— _. 7.a io i (og : se fF io ee . : i ie a ye ii ae ay i 2Gae, Te, La i lo SN ue 7a EN Me Nie YG ee a Ng 8 Zi Mik Aa Ze ye i Ge & MEN ip . : ie ae Ce i ee f4 LA bw ae: Lie ;ee ay aaa io. ye i» Co ee ji ;(3 y: y; Me _po i |bg 8Nt oe 7) «ee| |7 .Oo Le oo is’, .;FF y: ,ia:::;7.o ,2“8 _Og 2oS, ag io _. .oe__oe 7. .>Lee FF _ Le Ls 4,a 2 | rrr—“‘CROCOw”™COC:Cti‘(C(RSSSNCOC#(Cié‘, oe We|. Wig NG Gig.ia Cy7 (OMe 9aeee pee My ‘ ih, iioaa Mga A CMON Aeicon DO Oeil, pit Mey We dig eae Co Cl Oe a ye ae ee/ ag ° :% is; — i +... _. cL — rr—t—e . .. = Fe . : Nae io hen Lo Le Bis | ey a ii ZI ee z ee Be i One yee ‘i _. ; *, — « i La _ | _ (0 i u ic _ 07 Ue — » 7 . y . 4 . . : (_ie yoBit2Mer, yee ee ae ee a Te Gy i) Ne i 5 ne, ae ee i“ eM ah Le Aull = Ae Mg ee ee A os aii Zee Wy — «|. ys a | eC hl — ie —rrt—“‘#(EEECOC i | | 7. _..lrrrrese—SSC Oh vg 2 ew oo ae | o> 2b. ey hU™ ~ ©

/ |. .7i 7|.a|ow | io ag ae .# Le ... ye 7~=~=—hCe 2. ; -— 40... Co _|-=... _. oO| jg _— : 2. 7 ‘ih,rCSsCss L, oC a. 7 4a. .2) le :/ a1ae Cl . fg aw _ Ge ee. -. _. . | 3 _ i | 1 i) ee |. _ a eee _ oo a > .§.=—=—~—O—esrs—sSe \ eo Doe FL >. i ChlrrOCt—S oe. 7. (2 ll oy a ee (fF fo be ae : Se / j dl oe. LL « Le 7 ‘se a 7 Lo 2 | L _ D7 La > | i ‘7 a : Ve i .Cy >oy .iy -_aOO |.”)~—C ri Ce ‘(8mMl.LhULDl ;Me Mi ee 7 oo. oe Ge ee ee :we 2 Coa AS A7ot o.‘oeZB y CoeaLapile. : Co iy !!)hLDhLChLU ao LO 7 iea_I Oe os 7Meoe s ee oe oy Z ., 7i PC | Le | ee 7 Ay a, _ja4|

y : a FF . el -— |, a 2 2 —hr,r—*="" | : | | ~~ ee 7. ol

A — 8 a | | (oF Co > 2. 7 Cl oe i, oo 7

esi:/i we ::Bail :DF go OS Ce he i eeAye, fe aSWAG a ae os aaeeLy eee 5aiyiBM ee ae eT MN:5er Cae maie CZ ee We Ge aes Ufpe Me : ON fo Ye TMy Hie 22 Dian 7aan1 , LSID i7 Ls, !iiieee Le La, _ oe ee _yo _(ee Q yVe a1ee .To aoo) oe 7. _i.ae > Lo. 1Lo :: yLy _.eo ae _4 4ja Gg a | SF UL Mie UDC . @— 22h 2 7 Leni. 2 WI 78 ° eg ae Se Ce CC 2, Va ag I oe aw Lee Ti Coe ; i Lyne VR ee | yo Co fe LL Mo Oe oe / ' Ly 7 ee ee : Dy i LD LU LM ie) eo aad YA as Cs Les po ye 2 a ee gy Ye 6 hh Ay Cole 1. ee Le [ee LE ae @ ie : Lg i) }.

.,._ Do ... ~~ — hh oe 0 eC 9.*ae -. | — a =: :Ct : .DD oF a. '| rr _ *-, oe i ven (on 1 Ben eeOeeeSie[_. - *| eepgs aa i... ro a: 3i Fe lL hl CO — Ae a hl ie oe. . oF a. -. e)DhLDhDLUhmhUrCO™*” LG JBe: i:2:_a 4 re Wn Ge aa oe i LOLe NN~~. pgaeeeg aaA-ANC: otc Se, Sees WN yi oa Breile =: LL i,GN2... aI ok ee ieaaaae DeGe eeeeer) ON y Hay) ek YBa a, isoe we

a ——. ee hl Ce ol | ‘7 _ |

MS La ae iis): Me MON ae Fee a a ee OC ae, Pg iii Bay). Yn A a, Mine Yi ee Cees ih i eee Mg f LN ie Zi FE Cae FA ain Mie a OEE Tie Ae y ay ae 2

‘i ” | a .

I ay 8 is. Zo ne aa Ne ay Mela NI sa) NINE FO as AT Gs: Co ae DSi NO 7 MMe Us Ue as ST aa an i din ne ee GE DAR Ds % a i jee Gai : i Ce ae ea i i ML ee LB Me ees LB Gy a ie aaa ge a in ae a 4 o his iy Kio GO oN yal BY EE EG ONG Las Oe We a Wie Peay

oe aee _UB>. Le ge oF MEA ee -Cy Lo 7ae rh ee Co ee ee eaone: Coa” Le ,Ee) ZyLa ; ee ue Mice A Silage se eN8i C207, GEO WOOT aed iy eee GO ia ea aVea ye Eo |egg#& Be Ses i LO i, i NN Mey, ANG Sais Mien LN aes ea Win, i Cees ~. 2 re Le oe 4 View &# = i |. 2. Lee : Ly 7 : : Gh a‘ioF a Ce OU OO ge Boe Oe Se ie a Nine ga re i, Za y cA *~~ |. ee VD diiins a . |e — Ka a oe .. hhh J a a . |... Le COU to Li ye oe | oe oo Lo Ge My i a Lo a Mie ee voy (oy i ee os ag, Maid i oo ee Zs We ae EO Oy a CZ ian Mic ANC ON iy Aimee Ni, 7 ee IN 5 oe :

: : i a — . (tee Figure 35.7BEI: ¥-VIUl sub3view —": Se ss BE: . 4 iS| Co. a : :| iS

a Co Cy oe oe: aee! 7aeae Co aa2“7 27 iee:OO 7 Le Weg aoo a. .Bee ,.oe i. aye ee. |... SC” .tidi(‘(‘aélajyNL oenn _ ~~ aCo -Dg oo _ye | ee ee -_ i, Co Le _. Foe Cli:i,;:| eeLoa ae LiLL PeCLL ey, LF SDE US ROO IESE OO ie ne Wigs, oe: Ne A SiMe Ue Aaa PUN aly Gow Ge Mi Z Ni 2 on yee CAN ae EE AGG SIN co yelel PM ey EE i ea ar SIV INO ET pe os ecoags Kae ny 5

: = = en ie GONG oe Luo ee ie, ey ys Z . 7 Ne i ee

PAC ph by H. Hartung) a | | : | : Pe

4 5.7 E-VII sub view from East, Temple II to E-VII sul a | —— | : | (photograph by H.by HartH. » empie i} to Evil : | : eeo (photograph Hartune | : SUD : —— *| : sty, 7: 3can ame ee© § aeanalysis = ee poo. ¥ 3of i:S 4 the jianalysis ia: iiinner 4 ie ¢ Accordingly, we turn next to: an analysi we turn next tO ea . |leading oo can inner etalleading oe fr 1, , wecthic enlatianchinc :an an stairway possible relationships between Group E and oth inner stairway trom the ground ulidings at Uaxactun aS WEli as al I a} ; : : y (ONO), £790, NES. 3Tikal \:W Jaxactun weil at neignodorin chao :ee: liFass : 2as : Ses S'asEEG :: f: ig asdue a ee x¥tkkie|al, lies about soutl ,: |fos | , —2 :ee :-;hich atid 419km ooalmost ioe : :% »8).* j(: rae

Verelationships ae Se] ih :aaie A hoe let=.a =arcr . |ily eoSmith ace: 7oe These the fc tot a, i=eye Sstake Cc oeform ecwat : or ; 1%acologice :lines oa .grounds, he oa. UU, : €wok relationships take the Ofrchaeological Certain ». Sb 67—8) has(1950, | : eee

Nd A a o - 0 slenincance in ae : a oe. ‘ : / CoC ) ; aes ou oe ie

—— eR =1971, ee 1975), ee : :which ! oe 2 aemportance | 0importance J TO ( eeofEBaro : ;was Peacco ee by: 7 Siortane 1969. ignificance in: the architecture Group E artung, 1969, suggest of Group was accompanied

ee— , 17/9), Which suggest that expansion of that Groupby A so thatend by | a he expansion ofQthe Group A so the aS ; ee ee i TOU = ul in ; gee yo — — ' ry : ©: ae have been transfer A. SF »f the Classic Period, when E was a minor have been transferred to the mainacropolis(Groups —€ rl ee oe dtothe Main acroponus (oroups | - center at Uax in Ahaddinto 1. , the A and B) — : nter at Uaxactun, A had developed and 5b). oe a 2 os cactun, A had developed into the om .35.1oe = ie ‘largest =precinct ene mee ic. aee a largest andparallel mostlines important in In _t.... Figure 20 we note the following - : . ) t important precinct inthe the primary theouldings Group EF buildir , expansion of Sroup /\ so that by Ihe end | -_ - alignments .. Groupin© May _ of the Classic Period, w ©E

Indg Figure 355.1 note thelines following paraliei inesWe oe PIeCiiet Widt MAE railel — saticn cc ocect |of“ th i8, | Vit10R0WE Geewe Se Pe re entire city. Weotto? suggest that th: eeUIC connecting Group A to G ~ | enure City . We sugeest at the builders = : ; ; 3 ee 6 : so a me ‘ié Sy : es . | att or cor we = a ; . : : : : ce .

(1)ooo Aline from t ooGOOrway | the latter complex took atleastsome —_— (1) A eline from central E-II to:prior | ereoe oy Central OF doorway ft tothe _- of ‘nowledge con — central doorway of A-XVIII (at the east mee ee knowledge concerning calendar and :

-atral doorway of A-XVIII (at the east endofpredecessors. orientation from thei (nd € orientation from their __oo

that croup). which coincides with thethe DSSI , nentavion irom their | oo that group), which coincides with DSSRDO) The line &predecessors. aees oe oe zp j : fae oes See eae me ee ae i a c lf 3 fr gp * ite .: Jooo™ line. With thevegetatic vegetation cieline e line from E-I frontof of|E-V E-\ line. With the Aha from thethe Altar E-1 -._ 7sss'' Vith the vegetation cleared, these -Altar ths inininfront cone : eee

a ae if 16 f bia ee . lab ¢:i.Sy e 1\: me Ee m contour Bi ae o

.

—— me 1000 OEmeer eee ee he main structure Group , structures, mapart, apart, should be © ee ain: structure frontingthe the Group EEplaza er about 1000 should be mitefronting eouith «3 a “— :a

® ow : eae - PesEncae Be aethe TkSTs. Sem . .ato : SOU Sslahall Si eThe to ee : 5circle ee :(sOC j| : Grouse on th =on SEARS A OUMEE ) TO Decne .| tntenvicible: ervisible; Group E is 16 contour fe evecare egndares. 9 oe ee in Figure 35.1) in the of A-V A-AViII onee the- Jabelled 56 m contour Of the map, — ~floor eoincic a a ,also es but the latter is situ . _a ncides with the Us -]SSS direction and but| gy theanign latterplauorm is situated exacth cioclose ea 7 and onahighplatformand — is exactly parallel to—_is line (1) and as

:_: probably ek : ee —contained a of — aetheS proposed CAG’ \ ala e : to ine_ _Aw w = reference ee CCF". oo ed oeanparallel as onecentral can read from the| revised revised map map | point, upper-level doorway

e 4 sca % j ispie [ A ay: T a yi: r“g§tspg id i: aea @ ; SE

above local ground level. ooh.that | : there SRn alignment we measured ye local ground level.Also Alsornote "iy Geen E.that tn the oreaent csthe ee _ Group E. In the present case, we offer

ee eo . |

IARTUNG Ly CO i aaa : Se ee ae Eg | TE eee CC a psy hh ey ae ‘Ce ee ee See SO — * _ ,. 7 - a Lg . *:

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2 Fl CUL”L!UCr”r”rt—“( M”UL.LULUDULULULULUCOF™O™~t—C“#EEU Lo )h,rrtét~ethe entr circ: >— attention toned1esign astronomy, he tallest ith, 0 , rcie eg an = ‘On ; oeBeant : 'y é - Co ae “all Ea the ge. one thee ‘ VI 2 sg _ oO ve aan : S : ; 6 har yy Ci % aa SO : x ios A onl | idence that th on the basis of sinthe i y coming to af ilso has its heigh omy; 0)a.0Ce t ag astor cs ug ae Taae4O eC C Ccthat ae Rees 3ieo. ‘GVL i - wee *mink ®— ee " oon’ . at oe% gos fete qs 2a aSe .Aw : of the 1d3Zpositionit 79 center of the s' ee also pc — nes 5iE#all Ee : .ee Ba : ;ES Iithat — 7Ss a*.Je are discuss ynes tBeir ning hat would |consid -raeof; _the stone’ that point a :discussed SC a4 Gg pe 4 was : ee— cooe methe , :of A :tleast ayeof ries ° of Le: eS De fa Pip: ee ee Cc Ss |: ss oo J. — ¢ teight of 17 — ud rone’s base, the: P| % a fen Was A se “a (tie 7 1 [= ; nn 0 S : ; ; : aay 1 : ere: “# an he +. : e : acai CXCa ecm a Cc ] “7 wee nh oe. oe Ul \ Cc ee we Cc im ihe oe Of atlo avation rea eliberate. € circles reydata, important | On xCavation reassure . The resul CIES MEVEy SOUR portant in an anal a7 ee ~ EC OULLS © yA .4 oTones 2 oe ee | all allalvsi are positi hat theaw stor |= [rahys — and 3d a. =.. :| oe YSES eae 4 nes ee | i 4 # tes — oO ric oon =:day .eircle aecircle |sitione sor _— ite as. . : 7 TS me 4 : ag 4 are BE: the was | sssentially < neyappear = hh | glance set t ave any charac was built. | lally as th ippear havea set them at vy characterist

:;: ; ‘gn ~ Teatur eee i :seve fp eehoe —and to eTadt a 2gha Stone a. 2d | wl features: of th toatl that in erably ae. lowe ze . ee Ss a 8 ] : | § a 7 Cc q Be ety ave . : : A ' a . : eG a @ s : ge:

iO relate. TCIC NOC? iay oe Ane %:eeSOMCTVIC 7ee LOC &ae 1... iATCiC j=stone ag : 3Let;snomy es ; oe . y : oeogee age od Ree DS Wa) oe Te ee .ey iil S iia ine liaaeswe ea ee = bySiTOn. wake ] at OILY, | us _ OL Ue rec _ vat ..ine Jie byoy stot ymv. us » PIU: of ft recumbent to $ hat line f >stone by stone y. Let us lo of Beltaine cumbent to at a line from tha oS DES eS : Oo t e “e >. nose a ai tos Cc »k at the eltaine/May Stone 2 marl the | theli , 2.472 “ ik . oben scat cross trMO 1y £.VC SUI . cae marked < ae a ie NE 3 fl fF Ce i eae S ae SS a8 . center of the: . That line d oe , and was} of the circle. § at line does noi ||uss Ina was circle. Sto > Goes :e-erected :SAG := Se uke pie? amits original socket | Stone .ee::aS Dae F| .— :ae in its -Jo |: : 7a:“:eee eal Be 7re :eon =a %:ae *,Ds io ad f: _:Loe a:_|oe:he §JOSS ore] alle Bae .ae aeby eee 2ar eS ee acket by Fah :;“aie OO oe Fe

The year at Drombeg

solstice SUNTISEWinter solstice Summer

| sunset 17 l 2 3 4 5 6 Winter solstice

6 7 8 9 10 1] 12 12 13 14 15 16 17 l Figure 37.2 The stones of Drombeg, and the surrounding hori- illustration have been drawn to overlap. At this greatly reduced zon, as viewed from the center of the circle. To make clear scale, the hills and notches along the horizon are not as apparent the relationships between the stones, the three sections of the as they are in the field.

Stones 4 and 5, on the other hand, are dis- Stone 8 is the left flanker of the recumbent. Like tinguished by being spaced noticeably closer Stone 1, it has a slanting top, the slant in this case together than any others in the circle, by being _rising toward the recumbent. slightly taller than their neighbors which are set Stone 9 is the recumbent. Apart from being on noticeably apart, and by having the sea fora horizon _ its side with a very flat top and being astride the

behind them. axis of the circle directly opposite the entrance, it Stone 6 has nothing to distinguish it except is distinguished by having on its top a petroglyph being somewhat narrower, or more peglike, than (Figure 37.3) — a cup mark with a pear-shaped ring most, and by being closest to the south point of enclosing it and with another cup mark just to the

the circle. west.

Stone 7 is missing. The stump shown in the Stone 10, the right flanking stone, like its mate

drawing was set in place by Fahy to mark its position. across the recumbent, has a top that slants up toward

From Fahy’s plan of the socket (Figure 37.3), the the recumbent side. This stone stands out because original stone must have had a very narrow base, _— of the prominent quartz vein marking it (Figure

comparable to those of Stones 12 and 15. 37.4). The presence of one stone that is markedly 473

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