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World Anthropologies
WENNER-GREN INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM SERIES ......................................................... SeriesEditor:LeslieC.Aiello,President,Wenner-GrenFoundationfor AnthropologicalResearch,NewYork. ISSN:1475-536X Previoustitlesinthisseries: AnthropologyBeyondCulture EditedbyRichardG.Fox&BarbaraJ.King,2002 PropertyinQuestion:ValueTransformationintheGlobalEconomy EditedbyKatherineVerdery&CarolineHumphrey,2004 HearingCultures:EssaysonSound,ListeningandModernity EditedbyVeitErlmann,2004 EmbeddingEthics EditedbyLynnMeskell&PeterPels,2005 WorldAnthropologies:DisciplinaryTransformationswithinSystemsofPower EditedbyGustavoLinsRibeiroandArturoEscobar,2006 SensibleObjects:Colonialisms,MuseumsandMaterialCulture EditedbyElizabethEdwards,ChrisGosdenandRuthB.Phillips, 2006 Sinceitsinceptionin1941,theWenner-GrenFoundationhasconvened morethan125internationalsymposiaonpressingissuesinanthropology.Thesesymposiaaffirmtheworthofanthropologyanditscapacity toaddressthenatureofhumankindfromawidevarietyofperspectives. Eachsymposiumbringstogetherparticipantsfromaroundtheworld, representingdifferenttheoreticaldisciplinesandtraditions,foraweeklongengagementonaspecificissue.TheWenner-GrenInternational SymposiumSerieswasinitiatedin2000toensurethepublicationand distributionoftheresultsofthefoundation’sInternationalSymposium Program. Priortothisseries,somelandmarkWenner-Grenvolumesinclude:Man’s RoleinChangingtheFaceoftheEarth(1956),ed.WilliamL.Thomas;Man theHunter(1968),edsIrvDeVoreandRichardB.Lee;ClothandHuman Experience(1989),edsJaneSchneiderandAnnetteWeiner;andTools, LanguageandCognitioninHumanEvolution(1993),edsKathleenGibson andTimIngold.Reportsonrecentsymposiaandfurtherinformation
World Anthropologies Disciplinary Transformations within Systems of Power
Edited by GUSTAVO LINS RIBEIRO AND ARTURO ESCOBAR
Oxford • New York
Firstpublishedin2006by Berg Editorialoffices: 1stFloor,AngelCourt,81StClementsStreet,Oxford,OX41AW,UK 175FifthAvenue,NewYork,NY10010,USA ©Wenner-GrenFoundationforAnthropologicalResearch2006 Allrightsreserved. Nopartofthispublicationmaybereproducedinanyform orbyanymeanswithoutthewrittenpermissionofBerg. BergistheimprintofOxfordInternationalPublishersLtd.
LibraryofCongressCataloguing-in-PublicationData Worldanthropologies:disciplinarytransformationswithinsystemsof power/editedbyGustavoLinsRibeiroandArturoEscobar. p.cm.–(Wenner-Greninternationalsymposiumseries) Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex. ISBN-13:978-1-84520-191-3(pbk.) ISBN-10:1-84520-191-4(pbk.) ISBN-13:978-1-84520-190-6(cloth) ISBN-10:1-84520-190-6(cloth) 1.Anthropology–Philosophy. 2.Anthropology–Methodology. 3.Applied anthropology–Philosophy. 4.Appliedanthropology–Methodology. I.Ribeiro,GustavoLins. II.Escobar,Arturo,1952– III.Series:Wenner-Gren internationalseries. GN33.W672006 301'.01–dc22 2005033219
BritishLibraryCataloguing-in-PublicationData AcataloguerecordforthisbookisavailablefromtheBritishLibrary. ISBN-13 9781845201906(Cloth) ISBN-10 1845201906(Cloth) ISBN-13 9781845201913(Paper) ISBN-10 1845201914(Paper) TypesetbyJSTypesettingLtd,Porthcawl,MidGlamorgan PrintedintheUnitedKingdombyBiddlesLtd,King’sLynn
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EnmemoriadeEduardoArchetti,compañero incomparableyantropólogoextraordinaire
Contents
Preface 1
WorldAnthropologies:DisciplinaryTransformations withinSystemsofPower GustavoLinsRibeiroandArturoEscobar
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1
Part1:TransnationalismandStatePower 2
ReshapingAnthropology:AViewfromJapan ShinjiYamashita
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3
TransformationsinSiberianAnthropology:AnInsider’s Perspective NikolaiVakhtin
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InSearchofAnthropologyinChina:ADisciplineCaught inaWebofNationBuilding,SocialistCapitalism,and Globalization JosephineSmart
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MexicanAnthropology’sOngoingSearchforIdentity EstebanKrotz
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Part2:PowerandHegemonyinWorldAnthropologies 6
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HowManyCentersandPeripheriesinAnthropology? ACriticalViewofFrance EduardoP.Archetti
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Contents vii
7 TheProductionofKnowledgeandtheProductionof Hegemony:AnthropologicalTheoryandPolitical StrugglesinSpain SusanaNarotzky
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8 AnthropologyinaPostcolonialAfrica:TheSurvivalDebate PaulNchojiNkwi 157 Part3:Epistemological,Sociological,andDisciplinary Predicaments 9 GeneratingNontrivialKnowledgeinAwkwardSituations: AnthropologyintheUnitedKingdom EevaBerglund
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10 TheProductionofOtherKnowledgesandItsTensions: FromAndeanistAnthropologytoInterculturalidad? MarisoldelaCadena
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11 ATimeandPlacebeyondandoftheCenter:Australian AnthropologiesintheProcessofBecoming SandyToussaint
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12 OfficialHegemonyandContestingPluralisms ShivVisvanathan
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Part4:FromAnthropologyTodaytoWorld Anthropologies 13 ThePictographicsofTristesse:AnAnthropologyof NationBuildingintheTropicsandItsAftermath OtávioVelho
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14 “WorldAnthropologies”:Questions JohannesFabian
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References
297
Index
335
Preface
T
his book is the outcome of an International Symposium of the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, held in Pordenone,Italy,7–13March2003.Itreflectsaprocessofseveralyears involving the symposium organizers and other colleagues. Between 1992and1995,oneofus,GustavoLinsRibeiro,wasamemberofthe Advisory Council of the Wenner-Gren Foundation. This service left himwiththerecognitionthatabroaderknowledgeofwhathadbeen producedoutsideNorthAtlanticanthropologieswasgreatlyneeded.His intentionmetwithenthusiasticsupportfromSydelSilverman,president ofthefoundationatthetime,andRichardFox,theneditorofCurrent Anthropology.Toaddressthisissue,heformulatedafirstproposalfor asymposiumontheinternationaldimensionsofanthropology,tobe heldin1996. Theproject,however,wastocrystallizeonlyseveralyearslater.In2000, attheninety-ninthannualmeetingoftheAmericanAnthropological AssociationinSanFrancisco,ArturoEscobardescribedtoRibeirotheidea ofa“worldanthropologiesnetwork”hewasthenbeginningtodevelop withMarisoldelaCadenaandEduardoRestrepoattheUniversityof NorthCarolina–ChapelHill.ThisconceptioncloselymatchedRibeiro’s previousproject.Thetwoofushadbeenengagedinothercollaborative endeavorsanddecidedtoproposeasymposiumtoRichardFox,who bythenhadbecomepresidentofWenner-Gren. Foximmediatelysupportedtheideaandencouragedustogoahead withthesymposium.Wearegratefulforhissupportofaprojectaimed ataffectingourdisciplineonagloballevel.Withouthisencouragement andcriticalparticipation,wewouldnothaveaccomplishedourgoals. We want to thank the Wenner-Gren Foundation for its generous support,andespeciallyLaurieObbink,withoutwhosehelpandkindand effectivepresenceeverythingwouldhavebeenmuchharder.Wealso wanttothankVerenaStolckeforherthoughtfulandconstructiveroleas
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discussantduringthesymposiumandMichalOsterweil,aPhDstudentat UNC–ChapelHill,forhercarefulassistanceduringboththesymposium inItalyandthefinalpreparationofthebookmanuscript.Finally,we expressourdeepgratitudetoeachofthesymposiumparticipantsfor assumingtheprojectwithsomuchinterestandcommitmenttothe collectiveidea. Paralleltoourorganizingthe“WorldAnthropologies”symposium,we becameincreasinglyinvolvedinorganizingtheWorldAnthropologies Network(WAN),anexperimentinglobalcooperationthathasbeen growingoverthepastfewyears.WANhasbecomeaninestimablesource ofinspirationforallofuswhoremainedinclosedialogueafterthe symposium:thelateEduardoArchetti,MarisoldelaCadena,Susana Narotzky,EduardoRestrepo,SandyToussaint,ShivVisvanathan,and manyothercolleagues,andourrespectivegraduatestudentsinBrasilia andChapelHill.Webelieveouranthropologicalpracticescanbemuch richerifwetakeintoconsiderationthegreatvarietyofanthropological perspectivescurrentlyextantworldwide.
Participants at the 2003 Wenner-Gren Symposium
EduardoP.Archetti,UniversityofOslo EevaBerglund,independentscholar,London MarisoldelaCadena,UniversityofCalifornia–Davis ArturoEscobar,UniversityofNorthCarolina–ChapelHill JohannesFabian,UniversityofAmsterdam EstebanKrotz,UniversidadAutónomadeYucatán SusanaNarotzky,UniversitatdeBarcelona PaulNchojiNkwi,UniversityofYaoundé MichalOsterweil,UniversityofNorthCarolina–ChapelHill GustavoLinsRibeiro,UniversidadedeBrasília JosephineSmart,UniversityofCalgary VerenaStolcke,UniversidadAutónomadeBarcelona SandyToussaint,UniversityofWesternAustralia NikolaiVakhtin,EuropeanUniversity,St.Petersburg OtávioVelho,NationalMuseum,RiodeJaneiro ShivVisvanathan,CentrefortheStudyofDevelopingSocieties,Delhi ShinjiYamashita,UniversityofTokyo
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o n e
World Anthropologies Disciplinary Transformations within Systems of Power
Gustavo Lins Ribeiro and Arturo Escobar
I
nthisbookweexplorethediversityofanthropologiesbeingpracticed aroundtheworldintheearlytwenty-firstcenturyandthewaysinwhich thepluralizingpotentialofglobalizationmightenableanthropologists worldwidetobenefitfromthisdiversity.Someofthediscipline’smost fundamental transformations in the twentieth century were due to changesinthesubjectpositionofits“objectofstudy”parexcellence— nativegroupsallacrosstheplanet.Afterthevariousroundsofcritique inthefieldoverthepastdecades,weareconvincedthatthepresentcan beanothermomentofreinventionofanthropology,thistimemostly linkedtochangesintherelationshipsamonganthropologistslocated indifferentpartsoftheworldsystem.Asmallerworldhasmeantan increaseininternationalexchangesofknowledge.Inconsequence,we areenthusiasticaboutthepossibilityofestablishingnewconditions andtermsofconversabilityamonganthropologiesonagloballevel. We intend this volume as a contribution to the making of a new transnational community of anthropologists. As such, it is part of a largerendeavorthatwecallthe“worldanthropologies”project.1 We see a tremendous transformative potential in embracing this project. Whether it is conceived of in terms of diversifying anthropological practices while maintaining a unified sense of the field or in terms of adumbrating a “post-anthropological era” in which the ideaofasingleoruniversalanthropologyiscalledintoquestion,we believegreatgainsaretobemadebyopeningthedisciplineuptonew possibilitiesofdialogueandexchangeamongworldanthropologies.
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Doingso,however,requiressignificantepistemologicalandinstitutional changesincurrentpractices.Itshouldbeclearfromtheoutsetthatany inclusiveandparticipatorymovementthataimstoincreasediversityis boundtodisturbthosewhohavebenefitedfromitsabsence. Anthropologistshavealwaysbeenpronetointernationalism,because anthropological research in many places has often meant traveling abroad, and anthropology itself developed through the worldwide disseminationandexpansionofWesternuniversitysystems.Andours isnotthefirstdiscussionofthediscipline’sinternationaldimension(see, forinstance,CardosodeOliveira2000;Fahim1982;Kroeber1953;and issue47ofEthnos).Thepresentendeavorisdifferentinfourmainways. First,webelievethatwithglobalization,heterodoxopportunitieshave openedtotheacademicworld.Second,webelievethatthroughconcerted politicalaction,amoreheteroglossic,democratic,andtransnational communityofanthropologistscancomeintoexistence.Third,wewrite fromnoparticularnationalviewpoint.Andfourth,webelievewecan understandthedominanceofsomestylesofanthropologyonlyifwe relatethemtounequalpowerrelations.Suchaperspectivemaywell stemfromourownlocationsandexperienceswithintheacademicworld system.BothofuscarriedoutourdoctoralstudiesinNorthAmerican universities.Oneofus,Escobar,haslongworkedinU.S.universities whilemaintainingstrongtieswithColombiananthropology;theother, Ribeiro,haslongworkedinBrazilianuniversitieswhilemaintaining strongtieswithNorthAmericananthropology.
ChangingWorldSystems:Anthropologiesand Diversity ApplyingtheWallersteiniannotionof“worldsystem”totheinvestigationofthecharacterofthesocialsciencesandtheacademysuggests thatthese,too,arestructuredbypowerrelationsandbyEurocentric capitalistexpansion(GulbenkianCommission1996).Thisgeopolitical andepistemologicalargumentmaybereflected,forinstance,innotions of“peripheralanthropologies”(CardosodeOliveira2000)and“anthropologiesoftheSouth”(Krotz1997).Morerecently,ithasappearedinthe workoftheJapaneseanthropologistTakamiKuwayama,who,inspired by the Swedish anthropologist Tomas Gerholm’s (1995) notion of a “worldsystemofanthropology,”arguedthattheUnitedStates,Great Britain,and,toalesserextent,Franceconstitutedthecoreofsucha system: “Even though there are internal differences, their collective powerissuchthatothercountries,includingthoseintherestofEurope,
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havebeenrelegatedtotheperiphery”(Kuwayama2004a:9).Hewrote further: Simply put, the world system of anthropology defines the politics involvedintheproduction,dissemination,andconsumptionofknowledgeaboutotherpeoplesandcultures.Influentialscholarsinthecore countries are in a position to decide what kinds of knowledge should be given authority and merit attention. The peer-review system at prestigiousjournalsreinforcesthisstructure.Thus,knowledgeproduced in the periphery, however significant and valuable, is destined to be buriedlocallyunlessitmeetsthestandardsandexpectationsofthecore. (2004:9–10)
Kuwayamawasincredulousaboutexplanationsthatpositedalanguage barrierasthemainfactorhinderingthedisseminationofknowledge produced in the periphery (2004a: 27–29). Aware of the problems arisingfromdualisticreadings,herecognizedthecomplexityofcenterperiphery intra- and interrelations and the existence of elites in the peripherycloselyconnectedtothoseofthecenter(2004a:49–46). Theworldsystemsapproachhasrecentlybeenenrichedbytwoother importantperspectives:thoseofthe“geopoliticsofknowledge”and the “provincializing Europe” projects. The geopolitics of knowledge isanotiondevelopedbyWalterMignolo(2000,2001,2002)aspart ofaradicalcritiqueofEurocentricreadingsofmodernityonthebasis oftheconceptsof“borderthinking”and“colonialityofpower”(see Escobar 2004a for an extended presentation of this perspective). In closedialoguewiththePeruviansociologistAníbalQuijanoandthe ArgentineanphilosopherEnriqueDussel(see,forinstance,Quijano1993; Dussel1993),Mignolorelatedeconomicgeopoliticstothegeopoliticsof knowledgeinordertostresstheideathatthelocusofenunciationofthe disciplinesisgeopoliticallymarked.Eurocentrismcanbetranscended onlyifweapproachthemoderncolonialworldsystemfromtheexterior, thatis,fromthecolonialdifference(modernity’shiddenface).Theresult ofsuchanoperationisthepossibilityofembracingepistemicdiversity as a universal project—that is, embracing something we might call “diversality,”aneologismthatreflectsaconstructivetensionbetween anthropologyasauniversalandasamultiplicity. Whereastheworldanthropologiesprojectincorporatesdiversalityasa keynotionforglobalcross-fertilization,wealsoassociateourprojectwith DipeshChakrabarty’sattemptto“provincialize”Europe—thatis,toshow thatEuropeanthoughtandexperienceareparticularandhistorically
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located,notuniversalasisgenerallyassumed.ForChakrabarty,“Europeanthoughtisatonceindispensableandinadequateinhelpingto thinkthroughtheexperiencesofpoliticalmodernityinnon-Western nations”(2000:16).WhiletranscendingEurocentricmodernityisone ofhisgoals,heassertsthattheprojectofprovincializingEurope doesnotcallforasimplistic,out-of-handrejectionofmodernity,liberal values,universals,science,reason,grandnarratives,totalizingexplanations,andsoon...Itcannotoriginatefromthestancethatthereason/ science/universals that help define Europe as the modern are simply “culturespecific”andthereforebelongonlytotheEuropeancultures.For thepointisnotthatEnlightenmentrationalismisalwaysunreasonable initself,butratheramatterofdocumentinghow...its“reason,”which wasnotalwaysself-evidenttoeveryone,hasbeenmadetolookobvious farbeyondthegroundwhereitoriginated.(2000:42–43)
Inhisdialogicalstance,Chakrabartyavoidsaromantic,dualisticposition, because he recognizes that without Enlightenment universals “therewouldbenosocialsciencethataddressesissuesofmodernsocial justice”(2000:5).However,healsounderscoresthefactthatinaworld ofglobalizedscholarship,thetranslationofamultiplicityofformsof understandinglifeintouniversalistEuropeancategoriesisproblematical (2000:17). These debates inform our understanding of world anthropologies andresonatethroughoutthepresentvolume.Theyalsoplaceusimmediatelywithinfieldsofglobalpower,thatis,inspacesshapedby unequalexchangesbetweenhegemonicandnonhegemoniccenters. In this connection, we see the world anthropologies project as one of establishing and consolidating new modes of relating among differentanthropologies,modesthatwillresultintheenrichmentof theorybeyondwhatispossibleinthepresentossifiedstructureofthe anthropologicalworldsystem,whichhindersmorecomplexformsof cross-fertilization. Asmanyofthecontributorstothisvolumemakeclear,ignorance ofthemagnitude,complexity,anddiversityofinternationalanthropologicalproductionisacommonproblemeverywhere.Howcananyone makeacomplexsynthesisofworldanthropologies’contributionsto epistemology,theory,andmethodologyifweknowsolittleaboutthem? Suchignoranceisacrucialpartofthecurrentproblem.Thisiswhythe worldanthropologiesprojectalsorequiresconcreteinitiatives(seenote 1)forfosteringawarenessofothertrendsinanthropologicalknowledge and for granting them visibility. Information and communication
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technologies today enable more horizontal communication among anthropologistsworldwideand,consequently,morecomplexmodes ofexchange. Weshouldemphasize,however,thatgivenitsultimateobjectives, the world anthropologies project is more accurately seen in terms of a political and theoretical stance called “interculturality” than in terms of multiculturalism. Consider Néstor García Canclini’s (2004: 15)statementonthisissue: Multiculturalconceptionsadmitthediversityofcultures,underscoretheir differences,andproposerelativistpoliciesofrespectthatoftenreinforce segregation. Dissimilarly, interculturality refers to confrontation and entanglement,towhathappenswhengroupsestablishrelationshipsand exchanges. The terms suppose two [different] modes of production of thesocial:multiculturalitysupposesacceptanceofwhatisheterogeneous; interculturalityimpliesthatthosewhoaredifferentarewhattheyarein relationsofnegotiations,conflictsandreciprocalloans.
Inthisconnection,weadvocatethatallanthropologies(including,of course,thehegemonicones)arecapableofdialogicallycontributingto theconstructionofamoreheteroglossicandtransnationalknowledge. Wedonotclaimthatthepluralizationofpower,histories,andknowledge isagoalinitself.Rather,weseeitasasteptowardapost-identitary politics(Clifford1998)undertheumbrellaofdiversality. Itisnotourintentiontoproposeanabstractmodelofwhatworld anthropologiesshouldbe.Rather,wehopetofosterdebatesandnew modesofinteractionamongscholarsandallthoseinterestedindiversality bysuggestingpoliticalandsocialopportunitiesandmeansthatmight enablemorecomplexformsofglobalanthropologicalscholarship.Even ifwewantedtodoso,itwouldbeimpossibletowriteasynthesisofthe pluralcontributionsofunknownhistoriesorofhistoriesofcollaborations thatareyettohappen.ThisbookisoneofthefewworksinEnglishin whichavarietyofworldanthropologiesisdiscussed(wesaymoreabout languagelater).Weneedmanyothervolumestomakefullyvisibleto globalaudiencesthe“anthropologieswithouthistory,”touseEsteban Krotz’sironicexpression(1997:240),andwhattheymighthavetooffer in the construction of a plural anthropological knowledge. We also needtofostermoreheterodoxinitiativesofscholarlynetworkingand publishing(especiallytranslations)ifwearetobenefitfromtheinternal globaldiversityofourownfieldofscholarship.Inshort,ratherthan offeringpurelytheoreticalassumptionsabouthowworldanthropologies mightbe,wearguethatchangesinthecommunicativepracticesand
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modesofexchangeamongworldanthropologistswillresultinchanges toandenrichmentoftheepistemological,theoretical,methodological, andpoliticalhorizonsofthediscipline. Oursisnotaprojectofenrichinghegemonicanthropologiesbutof creatingotherenvironmentsforthe(re)productionofthediscipline, environmentsinwhichdiversalitymightleadtoarichersetofanthropologicalperspectives.Ourcriticalstandpointonthemonotonyand incompletenessofthecurrentinternationalanthropologicallandscape, asithascometobestructuredbyhegemonicforces,stemsfromthe convictionthatassumingtheirowndiversityisacrucial(political,scholarly)strategyforanthropologiesiftheyaretoreproduceandenhance themselvesinaglobalizedworld.Whyshouldwecherishheterogeneity anddiversitymorethanhomogeneityanduniformityinanthropology? Weshoulddosonotonlybecauseweareprofessionallysensitiveto issuesofculturalandpoliticaldifferencebutalsobecause,asscholars, weknowthatdiversityandcreativityfeedoneachother,thatagreater poolofdifferentperspectivesrepresentsgreatercapacityforinvention (see,forinstance,Lévi-Strauss1987[1952]). Theworldanthropologiesprojectthusaimsatpluralizingtheexistingvisionsofanthropologyatajunctureinwhichhegemonic,North Atlantic–centric discourses about difference prevail. It stems from a recognitionthatthisistherightmomenttodiscusstransformations ofthefieldworldwide.Insum,“worldanthropologies,”asaconcept,a project,andabook,isacontributiontothearticulationofdiversified anthropologiesthataremoreawareofthesocial,epistemological,and politicalconditionsoftheirownproduction.Towardthisend,ourvolume hastwointerrelatedgoals:first,toexaminecriticallytheinternational disseminationofanthropologyasachangingsetofWesterndiscourses andpracticeswithinandacrossnationalandinternationalpowerfields; andsecond,tocontributetothedevelopmentofaplurallandscapeof anthropologiesthatisbothlessshapedbymetropolitanhegemonies andmoreopentotheheteroglossicpotentialofglobalization.Wealso seethiseffortaspartofacriticalanthropologyofanthropology,one that decenters, rehistoricizes, and pluralizes what has been taken as “anthropology”sofar.
DisciplinaryTransformations Tightconnectionsalwaysexistbetweenworldsystemsofpower,the development of social theory, and changes in particular disciplines suchasanthropology.Thevariouscritiquesofthedisciplineofthepast
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fewdecadeshavemadeusnewlyawareoftheseinterrelations.Since itsinception,anthropologyhasbeendeeplylinkedtothedynamicsof theworldsystem,mediatedbyquestionsofcolonialism,imperialism, nationbuilding,andthechangingroleofothernessinnationaland internationalscenarios.AsKrotz(1997)putit,anthropologyreflects regional,national,andinternational“structuresofalterity.”Theconnectionbetweenanthropologyandworldpoliticsappliestoallanthropologies,oftenincontrastingways,anditapplieswithparticularpoignancy to hegemonic anthropologies. By hegemonic anthropologies wemeanthesetofdiscursiveformationsandinstitutionalpractices associatedwiththenormalizationofacademicanthropologychiefly intheUnitedStates,theUnitedKingdom,andFrance(seeRestrepo andEscobar2005). The crisis of hegemonic anthropologies after the 1960s, brought about by decolonization, anti-imperialist struggles, the civil rights movement,andtheriseofThirdWorldnationalisms,iswellknown. Anthropology’s “age of innocence” (Wolf 1974) came to an end as the relationship between knowledge and power became more explicit. Critiques of anthropology became a “literature of anguish” (Ben-Ari1999:400),intensifyingtheambivalenceofanthropology’s self-representation (Wolf and Jorgensen 1975) as either an ally of imperialism(Gough1975),achildofviolence(Lévi-Strauss1966),or arevolutionaryfieldalwaysreadytoquestionWesternclaimstosuperiority(Diamond1964,quotedinWolfandJorgensen1975).Insome of the most farsighted ensuing critiques, one finds a questioning of theepistemological,institutional,andpoliticalfoundationsofAngloAmericananthropology.Somecritics(seethecontributionsbyHymes, Scholte,andDiamondinHymes1974)evenquestionedthepermanence of“departmentalanthropology”andopenedadiscussionaboutmoving towardanon-academicanthropologicalpractice.Othersarguedforan emancipatoryanthropologythatwouldbeginbyrecognizingthatall anthropological traditions are culturally mediated and contextually situated(Scholte1974).Theseeffortsconstitutedacriticalanthropology ofanthropology,andtothisextentwemayfindinthemthenotionof “worldanthropologies”instatunascendi.2 Later,othercriticsarguedforaradicalanthropologicalpraxissensitive to the liberation struggles of Third World peoples (e.g., Harrison 1991)orforthedevelopmentofindigenousanthropologyasapartial corrective to anthropology’s Eurocentrism (e.g., Fahim 1982). Even betterknownaretheanalysesandproposalsofthe1980sthatfocused on the kinds of representations embedded in realist ethnographies,
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withaconcomitantcallforreflexivity,aquestioningofethnographic authority,andinnovationsin“writingculture”(CliffordandMarcus 1986; Marcus and Fischer 1986). This “postmodern” moment, as it cametobelabeledbysomeofitscritics,influencedanentirecritical trendinregardtotheprevailingobjectivist,normative,andessentialist conceptions of “culture,” emphasizing, conversely, the historicized, polyphonic,political,anddiscursivecharacterofany“culturalfact” (e.g.,ComaroffandComaroff1992;Dirks,Eley,andOrtner1994:3–4; GuptaandFerguson1997a;Page1988;Rosaldo1989). Seeninretrospect,thesecritiqueshadtheirlimits.AstheSouthAfrican anthropologistArchieMafejewrote(2001:54–66),theygenerallytook forgrantedtheacademicenvironmentinwhichanthropologyexisted, andtheyshelteredtaken-for-grantedacademicpractices(seealsoFox 1991; Kant de Lima 1992). Most critics failed to see the role of the colonizedindecolonizingformsofknowledge,andtheywerelargely silent about nonhegemonic anthropologies (Mafeje 2001). Some of thesedrawbackswereaddressedinfeministcritiquesofthebookWriting Culture,includingthesubsequentdebateoverfeministethnography (see,e.g.,BeharandGordon1995;Gordon1988,1991;Knauft1996: 219–48;Visweswaran1994).Participantsinthistrendrightlyarticulated insightsfromearlierMarxist-feministanthropologyandthecritiqueof epistemologycomingfromfeministtheoryandso-calledpostmodern anthropology with the social critique coming from women of color andThirdWorldwomen.Inaddressingthequestionof“whatitmeans tobewomenwritingculture,”theyjoinedacriticalepistemological reflection—including the relationship between anthropology and feminism (echoing an older argument by Strathern [1987])—with a political reflection on power relations among women. These were importantstepstowardaworldanthropologiesperspective. Generallyspeaking,thequestionofthediversityofanthropologieshas notbeenadequatelytreatedinpreviouscriticalanalyses.International cross-fertilization,forinstance,hasofteninvolvedalimiteduniverseof exchanges.Althoughthediversityoffacultymembers’andresearchers’ nationalitiesmayhaveincreasedinsomelocations(intheUSacademy, for instance), this increase has rarely corresponded to an active incorporationofdiverseanthropologicalproductionsandtheories.This iscrucialbecause,asKrotzputit(2002:399),“inspiteofthefactthat themainimpulsesfortheproductionofanthropologicalknowledge continue to come from the countries where this science originated, suchimpulsesarealsoincreasinglyhappeninginplaceswherethose whountilrecentlywerethefavoriteanthropologicalobjectslive.This
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requiresthecreationofnewstructuresofknowledgeproductionthat ...donotsubordinateculturaldiversitytoa[unique]model.”
AnthropologiesandTransnationalism Most anthropologies have always been transnational to a greater or lesserextent.Nevertheless,asEduardoArchettiputitinhiscontribution tothisvolume,theconsolidationofan“internationalanthropology” hasusuallybeenanaffairofthe“center,”ratherthanoftheperipheries. Yetthedifferenthistoriesofworldanthropologists’immersionintransnationalprocesses—andtheresultingdisciplinarymutations—cannot beeasilyaccommodatedinasimplenarrativeofimposition,diffusion, borrowing,adaptation,orcontestation.Transnationaldynamicsinthe worldsystemhaveactedasbothunifyinganddifferentiatingmechanisms,dependingonmanyfactors,fromnationbuildingandnational structures of alterity to institution building and opportunities for exchanges.Inwhatfollows,werestrictourremarkstothemostgeneral aspectsoftransnationalisminanthropology. Russia,Japan,China,and,inLatinAmerica,PeruandMexicooffer revealingcasesoftransnationaldynamicsinanthropologyandtheir relevance for world anthropologies, as illustrated in the chapters in this volume by Nikolai Vakhtin, Shinji Yamashita, Josephine Smart, MarisoldelaCadena,andEstebanKrotz,respectively.ThefamousJesup NorthPacificexpeditiontoSiberia(1897–1902),ledbyFranzBoas,is anearlyandtellingexampleoftheroleoftransnationalconnections in the development of a national anthropology. During this period, WesternandRussianethnologydevelopedintandem,reinforcingeach other.Then,from1917until1989,thistransnationaldimensionwas significantlyaltered.WhatdevelopedinRussiaduringtheSovietperiod wasanaltogetherdifferentkindofanthropology,whichhaditsavatars withchangingpoliticalregimes.AfterthecollapseoftheSovietUnion, thearrivalofrelativelylargenumbersofforeignscholarstodofieldwork inSiberiaagainchangedmanyaspectsofanthropologicalresearch,from theobjectsofstudytotheoreticalparadigms,affectingexistingSiberian anthropologyindifferentways.RatherthanapurelyWesternsetof agendasassertingitself,thesemorediversepracticesseemconducive togreateranthropologicalplurality. Thereisperhapsnoclearercaseofthewayinwhichempire,nation,and transnationalismhaveintersectedtofosteradifferentanthropological trajectorythanthatofJapan.Inthisdevelopment,thereisnodirect link between, say, an international influence and the turn taken by
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anthropology.DespitebeingundertheinfluenceofWesternhegemony, Japaneseanthropologydevelopedintoadistinctiveentityinwaysthat often escaped the awareness even of Western anthropologists workinginJapan.Chineseanthropologieshaveseenmuchmorelimited development, but they, too, are marked by the interaction between nationalism,transnationalism,andreactionstoWesternhegemony.A principalfactorhasalwaysbeenanambivalencetowardanthropology, motivatedbyitsWesternorigin.AsSmartwritesinchapter4,despite increasedinternationalizationofChineseanthropologyafterthe1980s, no linear path led toward its integration into a Western-dominated discipline.Onthecontrary,theforcespushingtowardindigenization ofthefieldonthebasisofnationalpriorities—specifically,thepriority accordedtoruraldevelopmentandethnicminoritystudies—continue tobeimportant. AnthropologiesinMexicoandPeruhavebeensignificantlyinfluenced bytheirconnectionwithhegemonicanthropologies,particularlythose oftheUnitedStates.Lesswellknownisthattheyhavealsobeenlargely shapedbynetworksthatdevelopedspecificallyoutofLatinAmerican experiences.Thesizablepresenceofindigenouspeoples,strongnationbuildingprojects,andpersistentdebatesoverraceandcultureinboth countriesenablednationalandtransnationalinstitutionaldevelopments thatgreatlyconditionedtheiranthropologies.AsdelaCadenashows,one ofthemostformativeelementswasthearticulationsincethe1920sofan inter-Americannetworkofintellectuals,withitsmostimportanthubsin PeruandMexico,gatheredaroundananti-imperialist,Indo-American or indigenista project built on shared pre-Columbian and Hispanic pasts. The intersections between this network and North American andFrenchanthropologieswerecomplexbutnotinconsequentialfor allparties—forinstance,therewasatackingbackandforthbetween LatinAmericannotionsofmestizajeandNorthAmericantheoriesof “acculturation.” A different rendition of the histories of these two LatinAmericananthropologiesindicatesthatalthoughtheycertainly borrowed and adapted notions from their hegemonic counterparts, theyhadmomentsofautonomy,creativity,andindependence—thatis, momentsofbeing“worldanthropologies.”Withtheirradicalagendas, today’s inter-American networks of indigenous politics are posing questions for a politics of world anthropologies perhaps of greater relevancethanthosearisingfromthecenters. KirinNarayan’sformulationthatanthropologistsarebestseentoday “in terms of shifting identifications amid a field of interpenetrating communities and power relations” (1993: 671) is well supported by
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the cases discussed in this book. Some of them show that although anthropologieshavealwaysbeenpronetotransnationalism,inthepast theyhavebeenunabletotapthevastpotentialthattheglobalization ofthedisciplinehascreated.Worldanthropologiesmaythriveunder theconditionsexistingatpresent.Wehopeitwillbeincreasinglyclear that whether one is talking about Russia, Japan, China, Mexico, or Peru,whatisatstakeislessthemaintenanceofdichotomiessuchas Westernandnon-Westernorcentralandperipheralbut,asYamashita puts it, the consideration and creation of common spaces in which anthropologieshavemetandcanmeetinthefutureinordertofoster thepluralizationofthediscipline,evenunderthepressureofparticular hegemonies.Transnationalnetworksandeventsalongtheselinescan become important elements in fostering the perspectives of world anthropologies.
UnevenRelations:InvertedProvincialismsand Cosmopolitanisms TheexistenceofanthropologiestotallyisolatedfromWesternanthropologiesisanimpossibilityevenunderauthoritarianregimes,asagain thecasesofChinaandRussiaexemplifyatvarioushistoricalmoments. Evennativistperspectiveshavehadtogothroughaprocessofvalidation thatislargelyWesternmediated.Conversely,thefactthatanthropology expandedfromtheNorthAtlantictoothercornersoftheworlddoesnot meanithasbeenuninfluencedbyitsmanydevelopmentselsewhere.We agreewithYamashita(1998:5)that“ifculturestravel,asJamesClifford (1992)putsit,anthropologytravelstoo.Throughtravelingtheworld, it can be enriched and transformed by its encounters with different local situations.” But it is also true that there are different travelers andwaysoftraveling.Hierarchiesofknowledgearepredicatedupon hierarchiesofsocialandpoliticalpower.Furthermore,itisnecessaryto keepinmindthattheinternationalcirculationofideasmay“havethe effectofconstructingandreinforcinginequality”(L’Estoile,Neiburg, andSigaud2002:23). Unevenexchangeofinformationandanthropologicaldiversityareoften depictedunderdifferentlabels:centralversusperipheralanthropologies (Cardoso de Oliveira 2000); anthropologies of nation building and of empire building (Stocking 1982); hegemonic and nonhegemonic anthropologies(RibeiroandEscobar2003);anthropologiesoftheSouth (Krotz1997),andsoforth.Suchclassificationsarehelpfulinthinking aboutsomecharacteristicsofexistinginequalities.YetasVerenaStolcke
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remarkedduringoursymposium,theyareinsufficientforunderstanding thecurrenttransnationalorders. This is especially the case with Stocking’s well-known distinction betweenanthropologiesofnationbuildingandanthropologiesofempire building.Thisdistinctionimpliesthatpractitionersofso-calledimperial anthropologiespreferresearchabroadoverresearchat“home.”Therole ofanthropologyinnationbuildingiswellknown(fortheBraziliancase, see,forinstance,Peirano1991a).Sufficeittosaythatanthropologists oftencontributeto(re)creatingideologiesofnationalunityordiversity, anchoredinacademicauthority,thatarereflectedintheeducational andculturalpoliciesandinterventionsofstatesandnongovernmental organizations.AsSandyToussaintshowssovividlyinchapter11,the dilemmasAustraliananthropologistsfaceconcerningtheirauthority in Aboriginal land claims exemplify the intricate relations between anthropology,stateapparatuses,andthediscipline’sself-representation, especiallyregardingitsscientificstatus. Furthermore,thelimitsofthisdistinctionmaywellbetranscended ifwerememberthatinmoderntimes,behindempirebuildingthere has always been a nation-state. Indeed, anthropologies of empire building are also anthropologies of nation building, although the converse is not necessarily true. Moreover, there are cases in which “nationalanthropologies”becameinternationalizedwithoutbecoming empire-building anthropologies, such as the Australian, Brazilian, Canadian,andMexicancases.WritingaboutBraziliananthropology,the PortugueseanthropologistJoãodePinaCabral(2004:263)suggesteda fifthtradition,differentfromtheAmerican,British,French,andGerman ones,atradition“thatidentifiesitselfwithnoneoftheimperialprojects thathavehistoricallymovedscientificdevelopment.”EduardoArchetti, in this volume, also shows that a hegemonic anthropology such as thatofFrancemaybegearedtowardnationandempirebuildingatthe sametime.TheJapaneseexampleisinterestinginthatitshowsthata givenanthropologymayshiftbetweenbeingnationalandimperial— andindeed,today,post-imperial—overtime,dependingonexternal constraints(Askew2003). Thismeansthatonecanenvisionthedevelopmentofpostnationaland post-imperialanthropologiesonthebasisofkeypowerreversals(Ribeiro 2003).FortheLatinAmericancases,giventheneedto“provincialize” the United States, one might envisage research projects focused on NorthAmericansubjects,especiallythoseenactingideologiesofpower andprestige.ItistimeforLatinAmericanstodoresearchontheelites of the North, studying “up” in more ways than one (Ribeiro 2003,
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2005).Fromadifferentperspective,inaddressingStocking’sdichotomy, OtávioVelho(chapter13)expressesconcernoverthepossibilitythat Stocking’sclassificationmightleadtoneo-orientalistperspectivesthat posit“nationalanthropologies”asthesourceofsuigenerisalternatives andknowledge.Itisasif,givenacertaincrisisofimaginationinthe “center,”theinventivenessofthe“periphery”werethesolutionfora newroundofNorthAtlantichegemony. Unlikeexoticizingpositions,ourcritiqueoftheunequalexchanges amonganthropologiessupposesgoingbeyondexistingpowerstructures toopenthewayforheteroglossicanddialogiccross-fertilizationsstemmingfromthemanyotherexistingsubjectpositions.Atsomelevels, therestillexistsanunmarked,normalized,andnormalizingmodelof anthropologythatmilitatesagainstthisprojectandcreatesasortof asymmetricalignorance(Chakrabarty2000).Weseesuchasymmetryin termsofthetensionbetweenwhatwecall“metropolitanprovincialism” and“provincialcosmopolitanism.” Metropolitanprovincialismistheignorancethatanthropologistsin hegemoniccentershaveoftheknowledgeproductionofpractitioners innonhegemonicsites.Provincialcosmopolitanismreferstotheoften exhaustiveknowledgethatpeopleinnonhegemonicsiteshaveofthe productionofhegemoniccenters.Anexpressionofthisasymmetrical ignorance is the fact that whereas the history of universal (i.e., hegemonic)anthropologiesisstudiedindepthinnonhegemonicsites, thedevelopmentof“anthropologieswithouthistory”isseldomtaught in hegemonic centers—and often not even in those anthropologies’ own countries, where the “classics” include only works by foreign anthropologists. Metropolitan provincialism and provincial cosmopolitanism need tobeunderstoodinrelationtothelanguageissue.Inanunpublished paper, the Brazilian sociologist Renato Ortiz (n.d.) showed how the Englishlanguageframedsociologicaldebatesworldwide.Heconcluded that“themorecentralalanguageisintheworldmarketoflinguistic goods,thesmallertheproportionoftextswhicharetranslatedtoit” (p.27).IntheUnitedStatesandtheUnitedKingdom,hefound,fewer than5percentofpublicationsweretranslationsfromotherlanguages, whileinFranceandGermanythefigurewasaround12percent,andin SpainandItalyitgrewto20percent.Thispointstothesociolinguistic basisofmetropolitanprovincialism. ItisdoubtlessthatEnglishhasbecomebothahegemoniclanguage andthemainglobalmeansofintellectualcommunication.However, thisshouldnotleadustooverlooktheexistenceandimportantrolesof
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regionallanguagemarketsin,say,Spanish,Arabic,orChinese.Linguistic diversityispartofanyworldanthropologiesproject.AsRainerEnrique Hamel(2003:24)warned,“scientificmonolingualismmightnotonly deepentheexistinginequalitiesintheaccessanddiffusionofscientific findings”butalsothreatenscientificcreativityandconceptualdiversity. Hegemonicanthropologiesoftentestifytothisthreat.Manycasesbear out Hamel’s observation that “most authors from English-speaking countries and their former colonies who write about the world as a wholedosowithoutquotingasinglenon-Englishlanguagetextintheir vastbibliographies”(2003:20).Thisisaparticularlypressingproblem inadisciplinethatpraisesdiversity. Polyphony in anthropological production should above all entail therecognitionofthesizableproductionofanthropologicaltextsin differentpartsoftheworldandthedeliberateadoptionofstepstoremedy existingimbalances.ThetranslationofmoreworksintoEnglishisa necessarybutinsufficientstepingainingaccesstotheglobalproduction ofanthropologists.Wealsoneedtopromotethedisseminationofthe works of nonmetropolitan anthropologists in languages other than Englishtofurtherenhancehorizontalexchanges.Weneedmoreheterodox conversations and meetings, channels of communication that canbemeaningfulandinterestingtoauthorseverywhere,inorderto constructandconsolidatemoreheterogeneousprofessionalnetworks andprojects.Itistimetostriveforpolycentrismandheteroglossiain lieuofmonologicalhegemony.Aworldanthropologiesperspectiveis preciselyaboutreworkingexistingdivideswithoutobliteratingthereal differencesthatexist.
EpistemologicalandDisciplinaryPredicaments The social and institutional contexts within which anthropologists operate have changed significantly over the past two decades as a resultofheightenedtransnationalism,neoliberalpressures,andrapid globalization (Berglund, this volume). The same can be said of the epistemologicalconcernsthatoccupyanthropologistsinmanyparts oftheworld.Theconceptofworldanthropologieshasaspecialniche for questions of knowledge and alterity, because their potential for triggering animated theoretical and political reflection continues to begreat. Much has been written, for instance, about the relation between anthropologyandcolonialism.Thevariousreactionsofscholarsoutside theEuro-Americancenterstoanthropology’suniversalistpretensions
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and its association with Eurocentrism have been less studied. In Africa, this issue has resulted in a debate over the need for African knowledges and epistemologies. With more intensity than in India, whereanthropologicaldebatestookplaceinthecontextofpostcolonial discussions of nation building (Visvanathan, this volume), in Africa callsfornativeepistemologiesweremarredbytheparadox,notedby Mafeje (2001), that there is nothing more Western than discussions aboutepistemology.OtávioVelhosuggestsinhischapterthatclaims toauthenticitymaybeakindofself-imposedorientalismandthatthe absenceofforeignscholarsspecializedinBrazilmighthavepositively contributedtohinderingthedevelopmentofnativistapproachesin thatcountry.Thequestionofalternativeepistemologies,however,is farfromsettled.ForShivVisvanathan,itisimperativetorecognizethe existenceofamultiplicityoftimes,livelihoods,andepistemologiesas thebasisofpluralworldanthropologies. Sowheredoesonestartadiscussionaboutepistemology?Thefarthest- reachingargumentsseemtoplaceanthropologywithinthestructures ofmodernity.Anthropology,ithasbeensaid,isanintegralpartofthe modernintellectualdivisionoflaboramongtheacademicdisciplines, whichaccordeditthe“savageslot”(Trouillot1991)—thatis,therole ofstudyingthe“primitive,”orwhatwasnot“theWest.”Thisdivision of labor is a fundamental feature of the modern episteme (in the Foucauldian sense, that is, referring to the existence of a structure that determines the character of knowledge without the knowers’ consciousnessofit).Modernknowledgeisbasedinlogocentrism,that is,thebeliefinlogicaltruthastheonlyvalidfoundationforarational knowledgeoftheworld—aworldmadeupofknowableandorderable things (Heidegger 1977; Vattimo 1991). Modern knowledge is also Eurocentricinthatitsuppressesandsubalternizestheknowledgesof thoseseenaslyingoutsidetheEuropeantotality(whatMignolo[2000] andothershavereferredtoasthe“colonialityofknowledge”).Itisin this broad context that we can most fruitfully locate discussions of epistemologyand,moreradically,epistemicdifferenceinrelationto worldanthropologies. Questionsaboutknowledgearequestionsaboutmodernity.Toputit bluntly,hegemonicanthropologies,liketherestofthesocialsciences, have fallen into the trap of believing that there is nothing outside modernity. It is all very well to show how modernity is negotiated, contested,andhybridizedonthegroundthroughouttheworld,asmany ethnographersbasedin“center”countrieshavedonewitheloquence; yet these ethnographies still shelter the idea that modernity is an
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inescapable universal (Kahn 2001). This might well be the case, but therearecluesinthepracticesofmanysocialactorsthatcautionagainst thiswidelyheldassertion(Escobar2004a,2004b;Mignolo2000).Weare nottalkingonlyaboutthemanycasesofindigenousknowledge—for instance, in fields such as collective land claims, ethnic rights, and biodiversityconservationorintherichdebatesoverintellectualproperty (e.g.,Strathern1999a).Inthesecases,asToussaintshowsinheranalysis ofAboriginallandclaimsinAustralia,anthropologistsareconfronted notonlywithmultipleknowledgesproducedinmultipleplacesand goinginmultipledirections,upanddownthepowerhierarchy,but also with issues of translation and (in)commensurability that are mostrelevantlyseeninepistemologicalandepistemicterms.Today, as Toussaint demonstrates, these issues are pushing anthropologists inunprecedenteddirections,whichweassociatewithpossibilitiesfor worldanthropologies. Debates over interculturality among members of indigenous and ethnicsocialmovementsandcertaininstitutions(e.g.,UNESCO)bring questionsoftranslationand(in)commensurabilitytothefore.When,in the1960s,thePeruvianwritercumanthropologistJoséMaríaArguedas articulatedapracticethatwasatoncemodernandnonmodern,Western andnot,whichherefusedtoseeas“hybrid,”hewasengagedinamultiple ontologismfueledbymagicandreasonalike,andhemadeanearly statementonthisproblematic(delaCadena,thisvolume).Inperipheries, wheretheholdoflogocentrismisweakerthaninthecenter,thereis moreroomforpluralepistemological-politicaldebates;atthislevel,for instance,liberalmulticulturalismintheUnitedStatesfindsacounterpart inradicalinterculturalityintheAndes.Thearticulationofmodernity andindigeneitythatthenotionofinterculturalitypresupposes,asde laCadenawrites,posesanontologicalandepistemicchallengetothe assumptionofanall-determiningmodernity.Interculturalsubjectivities mightnotnecessarilybeontheirfinalanddefinitivejourneytoward modernity, even if they might find sources of value and even allies in many of modernity’s features. This is why, for many indigenous and ethnic movements, the creation of alternative knowledges and evenalternativecentersofknowledge(liketheinnovativeIntercultural UniversityinQuito,establishedbymembersofindigenousmovements) isanimportantaspectoftheirstruggle.Atstakehereisthepremise thattheworldispopulatedbyamultiplicityoftimes,livelihoods,and epistemologies;thisseemstobeclearertodaytosocialactorsengagedin strugglesforculturaldifferencethantomanyacademics.Asadialogueof culturesincontextsofpower,interculturalitypresentsanthropologists
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withpoliticallyrichopportunitiesforepistemologicalengagementand forpracticinganthropologiesintheplural.Thisnotionalsoappliesto themultiplemodernitieswithintheWest,asEevaBerglund’sanalysis oftheBritishcase(chapter9)exemplifies. Thisdoesnotmeanthatmodernistepistemologiesandpoliticsbased onrealistassumptionsareirrelevant.SusanaNarotzkyforcefullystates inherchapterthatitisimpossibletodoawaycompletelywithuniversalsortoeschewunitaryframeworks,inorderforsharedpolitical projectstotakeplace.Yetatthislevel,theconditionsforthepolitics ofepistemologyandtheepistemologyofpoliticshavealsochanged. First,itisnowacceptedthatthereisapluralityofpoliticallyengaged possibilitiesforknowledgeproduction—thatis,forprojectsofsocial transformationagainsthegemoniesonthebasisofalternativeorders ofknowledge.Fromaworldanthropologiesperspective,evennotions ofpoliticalengagementwithinrealistparadigmswouldchallengelongestablishedanthropologicalpracticessuchastheobjectificationand detachmentcharacteristicofmuchparticipantobservation.Atthesame time, this perspective would elicit notions of responsibility that go beyondengagementduringthefieldstay.Researchersworkingfroma worldanthropologiesperspectivewouldconsideranarrayofdiverse knowledgeswithdiversepoliticalagendas,allofthemsituatedintheir respectiveprocessesofproduction. Cognitivepluralismhascertainlyexistedthroughouthistory,asArchetti showsinthecaseoftheFrenchcolonialanthropologistMichelLeiris (seealsoNugent’sdiscussion[2002]aboutthepersistenceofalternative canonsthroughoutthehistoryofthediscipline).Werethispluralism to become more prominent today, it might be an effective antidote againstthemosthomogenizingformsofprofessionalization.
AnthropologyTodayandWorldAnthropologies Anthropology,asVisvanathansaysinhischapteronIndia,isnotonlya Foucauldianpracticebutalso“acompendiumofalternativedreams”—an open-endedprojectofentertainingmultiplepossibilitiesforbothitself andtheworld.Thisstatementappliestoallanthropologies,toagreater orlesserextent,andatvariouspointsintheirvariegatedhistories.All anthropologieshavehadtheirdissentingfigures,alternativeknowledges, failedexperiments,andoccasionalepochsofcreativityandrevolt.It couldbesaidthatinmosttimesandmostplaces,anthropology(inthe singular)hasfunctionedwithinestablishedboundsevenif,asmany of our authors contend, the histories of the field are not exhausted
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by scientific, institutional, or market logics. But it is in moments of marginality,dissent,ordaringcreativitybeyondthosebounds—and beforesuchmomentsgetdomesticatedornormalized—thatwecansee moreclearlyelementsof,andfor,worldanthropologies. Togiveanexample,againfromVisvanathan’schapter,itisinthe rootedness, eclecticism, and plural imagination of the development anthropologyoftheLucknowschool—beforeitwasdefeatedbythe anthropology of the Delhi School of Economics, with its dreams of planneddevelopmentafterindependence—thatwefindaplurallandscape of anthropological possibilities. To give another example, in treatingtheworkoftheFrenchIndologistLouisDumontasanopen text,whetherinIndia,Norway,orBrazil,asseveralofthecontributors argue,practitionersmovedinopen-endeddirections.Indoingso,they workedthroughunresolvedpredicamentsorabsencesintheDumontian conceptualization. Itmaywellbethattheconceptof“worldanthropologies”—asdistinct from“internationalanthropology”—isaproblematicforwhichwehave notyetfoundenoughquestions,ifbythiswemeanthefulleremergence ofananthropologicalspacethatoperatesasamultiplicitymorethanas asingleauthoritativepractice,asharedmatrix,oracontesteduniversal. TheseissuesareunderscoredinJohannesFabian’schapter.Thequestions heasksabouthowworldanthropologiesmightchallengetheestablished who,what,where,when,andhowofthedisciplineareaplacetostart. Tothislistweneedtoaddthecrucial“whatfor,”thatis,theethicopoliticalquestion,Whatisanthropologyfor? Wealsoneedtolearntoaskquestionsthatarisefrombeyondthe regnantacademicdomain.Theleastwecansayinthisregardisthatthe cultural-politicalactorsfromoutsidethecenterwhohaveemergedover thepasttwodecadesmakeitclearthattheyareproducingknowledge aboutculturalandsocialprocessesthatmustbetakenseriously.3Thereis littleindicationthathegemonicanthropologiesarebroachingthisissue. Tobeginwith,asweknow,anthropologistsfromthemetropoliseshave rarelytakenseriouslytheircounterpartsintheperipheralcountrieswhere theywork.Severalofthecontributorstothisbookmakeobservations,if notcomplaints,aboutthisfailure,whetheraboutlocalanthropologists beingtakenmerelyasinformantsbytheircolleaguesfromthecenters orabouttheirwritingsorpoliticalpositioningsbeingignored. To develop world anthropologies means that the “where” of the disciplinemustundergoaradicalchange.Nolonger“elsewhere,”the sitesofanthropologicalworkcouldcertainlybe“hereandelsewhere”and theirinterconnections.Itremainstobeseenwhetherthepluralization
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oftheplaceofanthropologywillmeanitsdefinitivereleasefromthegrip ofthe“savageslot.”Ifthisweretobethecase,thenanthropologyinthe singular(thatis,asamodernformofexpertknowledgeconcernedwith otherness)wouldultimatelybreakfreefromtheinternationaldivision ofintellectuallaborestablishedsincetheendoftheeighteenthcentury, anditmightactuallybethefirstfieldtodososuccessfully(Restrepo and Escobar 2005). The result would be a plural landscape of world anthropologiesnolongerconstrainedbytheuniversalsofmodernity butaimedatavarietyofcompetingandopen-endeduniversalismsand strugglesaroundthem. Themultiplicationofsubjects,fieldsites,andknowledgeproducers hasalsobeenattheheartofanthropology’stransformation.Wesuggest that one of the answers we should give to the “what” question— that is, What should we study?—in order to move toward world anthropologiesis“eachother.”Thisrequires,first,thewritingofthe histories of those “anthropologies without history.” As many of the contributorstothisvolumeindicate,mostversionsofthehistoryof anthropology are histories of the centers; we know little about the histories of nonhegemonic anthropologies and of nonhegemonic practices. Luckily, in some centers, feminists and ethnic minorities, suchasNativeAmericansandAfricanAmericans,havebegunwriting theseotherhistories.Turningtoeachotherwithanattentiveeyeto epistemic,epistemological,andpoliticaldifferencesisasinequanon forworldanthropologies,thatis,fordecenteringtheexistingworld systemofanthropology.Alongtheway,wemaydiscoverothertopics ofanthropologicalrelevanceandothermethodsandperspectiveswith whichtostudythem.Sothe“how”ofanthropologicalpracticeshould alsobeaffectedbythischangeinthe“what.”Theworldanthropologies projectaimsattheconstructionofpolycentrictheoreticalframeworks. Suchamove,likepolycentricmulticulturalism(ShohatandStam1994; Turner1994),callsforareconceptualizationoftherelationshipsamong anthropologicalcommunities. Thisbringsustothelastquestion,the“whatfor”ofourpractice. And there, despite the fact that most anthropologists in the world arepoliticallyoriented,wefindmuchcontentionanddisagreement. Ideasrangefromtheneedtoproduceknowledgethatisapplicableto pressinghumanneedsorrelevanttoparticularpoliticalsituationstothe moreopen-endedgoalofknowledgeforradicalsocialtransformation. Few,ifany,ofthisvolume’sauthorswouldendorseCliffordGeertz’s famousanswer,“toenlargetheuniverseofhumandiscourse”andto make available to all the answers that others have given to cultural
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predicamentssoas“toincludethemintheconsultablerecordofwhat manhassaid”(1973:30).Few,moreover,wouldstopattheby-now standardpoststructuralistpositionofcriticallyanalyzingtheclaimsto truthembeddedinparticulardiscoursesandpracticesandhowthey functiontoauthorizeparticularagendas.Thesepositionsaremeaningful butinsufficient.Butthereisnoclarityabouthowtogofarther,and certainlynosingleanswerthatisgoodonceandforall. OneexampleofwhatanthropologymightbeforisdescribedbyPaul Nkwiinhischapter.Hearguesthattheturntowardapplieddevelopment anthropology in Africa was a means to rehabilitate a discipline so taintedbycolonialadministrationandthoughtastobeuseless—even an impediment—for nation building; it was also a way to have an effectondevelopmentinterventions.ForNkwi,Africancolleaguesdid not anguish much over the academic-versus-applied debate as they attemptedtodevelopaprofessionalandpoliticalpracticeunderexisting constraints. As a result, the divide between the two approaches was weakened. OtherAfricanacademicsarguefortheneedtosubverttheexisting politicsofknowledgeandtotakeplural,place-basedanthropological discoursesseriously.Theconceptofa“post-ethnologicalera,”proposed byMafeje(2001),pointsinthisdirection.Mafejesuggestsanumberof movesinthisregard,includingthedevelopmentofadeconstructionist approachfromanAfricanperspective;nondisciplinarity—asortoffree borrowing from any field without concern for disciplinary rules or methods;anonepistemologicalapproach,beyondtheadherencetoa general“discursivemethod”;anewpracticeofethnographyasmade upofthesubject’sowntexts;anda“post-ethnological”approachto theorybuilding—onethatgoesbeyondanthropology’sobjectifyingand classifyingimperatives.Newpracticessuchasthese,thoughdebatable, mightproduce“newstylesofthinkingandnewformsoforganization ofknowledge”(Mafeje2001:60;seeRestrepoandEscobar2005fora discussionofthisproposal). Berglund and Toussaint both describe how the turn toward nonacademic,policy-driven,andattimespoliticallyorientedworkinthe UnitedKingdomandAustralia,respectively,arosefrompeculiarsets of pressures. In these cases, convergences have taken place between anthropological subjects and matters of heightened public concern, suchasindigenouslandtitlesinAustraliaandquestionsofminority and Euro-British cultural identities in the United Kingdom. These convergenceshappenunderlessthanidealcircumstances,tobesure, includingbudgetcuts,auditrequirements,productivistdiscourses,and
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theriseofconsultancies,buttheypushthe“whatfor”ofanthropology in decidedly more political directions. This creates conditions for anthropologists to be newly on the move, so to speak, even if their actionsplacetheminculturalandpoliticalminefields.Atissuehereis theaccountabilityofknowledgeclaims,sometimesunderconditions inwhichthe“others”arenotsoclearlydifferentfrom“us”orinwhich theymighthavepoliticalpoweroveranthropologicalperformance.Asa result,thekindsofknowledgesbeingproduced,themethodsused,and therulesofaccountabilityhaveallundergonesomemutations.When thegripofconceptssuchas“informants”and“participantobservation” is loosened, one may say that a hegemonic practice begins to fade away,andworldanthropologiesthatprovideotherwaysofgrappling withethicalandpoliticalissues,asthesetwochaptersindicate,have achancetoemerge. Thepurposeanduseofanthropologycanbediscussedfrommore familiar epistemological and political-economic perspectives. Some of our authors summon subalternist arguments toward this end. For some, an important task of the world anthropologies project is tobringepistemicandontologicaldifferencestotheforeandtoput them into dialogue with Western forms of constructing the world. MarisoldelaCadena’sframingofthisinquiryinboththehistoryof anthropology(herdiscussionofArguedas)andthetheoretical-political discourseofinterculturalityinthecontemporaryAndesdemonstrates that the domestication of alterity effected by modernity is not a foregone conclusion. Faced with a frontal challenge by those who werepreviouslyconsideredanthropologicalobjectsandwhoarenow intellectualsintheirownright,practitionersofaworldanthropologies approachmightrespondwithnewconceptsandstatementsofpurpose. Whether“relationalepistemologies,”“epistemologicalengagement,” and“epistemicdifference”areworkableresponsestothesenewsituations remains to be seen. The important point is to reawaken the questionofradicaldifference,itspolitics,anditsepistemology.Indeed, anentireemergingLatinAmericanresearchprogramandperspective is centered on just this issue. Based on a redefinition of modernity fromtheperspectiveofcoloniality—understoodbothasthesystematic suppressionofsubalternknowledgesandculturessincetheEuropean conquestandastheconstitutionofspacesforthinkingotherthoughts and imagining other worlds, or “worlds and knowledges otherwise” (e.g., Coronil 1996; Escobar 2004a; Mignolo 2000)—this intellectual trendhas,aswehaveseen,particularlyvaluablecontributionstomake toaworldanthropologiesperspective.
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Narotzky’sentrypointintotheissueofthe“whatfor”ofanthropology isanincisiveanalysisoftheparticipationofanthropologistsinlocal politicalprojects.Thisissuepertainstoallanthropologiesbuthasspecial overtonesforthoseconceivedassubalternorperipheral.Thereissome truth in the assumption that empire-building and nation-building anthropologiespositiontheirpractitionersdifferentlyinknowledgeand politicalfields.Indeed,practitionersoftheformerhavetendedtostudy distantothers,andthoseofthelatter,theirownsocieties,including theirowninternalothers.AstheColombiananthropologistMyriam Jimeno (2003) argues, the implications of this difference go beyond politicallocatednessandcommitments;itaffectstheoryproduction, becausethoseworkingwithintheirownsocietieshavetoadapt,adopt, ortransformestablishedconceptsfromthecenterorcreatenewones withinamuchmorepoliticizedcontext.Jimenogoessofarastosay thatthisdynamicresultsintheproductionofdifferentanthropologies (ontherelationshipsbetweenpoliticsandaBrazilianstyleofdoing anthropology,seeRamos1990).Ofcourse,thisviewdoesnotdescribe allperipheralpractitioners,manyofwhomfollowreceivedscriptsinthe nameofauniversalscience,venturingatmostapragmaticadaptation ofmodels. Narotzky’sargumenthasseveralsalientedges.Shefindsdisturbing certain practices on the part of some Northern anthropologists that speak to the core of the political dimension of anthropology. They not only have overlooked local struggles in countries such as Spain buthaveoftenfailedtonoticelocalanthropologists’commitmentsto thosestrugglesandthewaysinwhichthosecommitmentsinfluence theirwork.AlsointerestinginNarotzky’saccountistheobservation thatSpanishcolleaguesseetheirpoliticalprojectsaspartandparcel of a scientific anthropological endeavor. There are disciplinary and institutional reasons why hegemonic anthropologies find it hard to understand this approach. What needs to be ascertained further are the conditions under which anthropologists might be successful at developingamoreclairvoyantpracticelinkingtheexerciseofpower withtheproductionoftruthinreal-lifesituationsofdominanceand exploitation. Granted,notallanthropologistsfromeveryanthropologyare,will, or even should be engaged in such intellectual-political projects. Theminimumrequirement,however,especiallyforthosearrivingin fieldworklocationsfromcentercountries,istodevelopasignificant awarenessofthemultiple,locallysituatedknowledgesthattheforeign anthropologist is likely to find in the field. These local knowledges,
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includingthoseoflocalanthropologists,havedevelopedinthemidst ofepistemologicalandpoliticaltensionsthatcannotbeassessedsolely incanonicalacademicterms.Theobstaclestofulfillingthisrequirement areenormous,asNarotzkyconstructivelydiscusses;theyrangefrom theepistemologyofpoliticalengagementtoissuesofcommunicability andcommensurabilityofworldviewsandapproachesbetweenanthropologistsandlocalconstituenciesandamonganthropologiststhemselves. Itmaywellbethatworldanthropologiesshouldremainafloating concept,asFabianadvises.Aswehaveshown,italreadyexistsonsome levelsofdiscourseandpractice.Vakhtin’smetaphoristelling:forhim, worldanthropologiesmaybelikenedtoagardeninwhichmanyspecies proliferate,andweshouldonlynourishitwithoutaimingtocontrol it.AsVerenaStolckeputitduringoursymposium,anthropologytoday hasatwofolddrivingforce:asharedhumanityandtheconsciousness ofhistoricallymarkeddifferences.Wehavetraveledalongwaysince anthropologistsdiscussedtheformerintermsofmodernistnotionsof humankind;sharedhumanityhastakenonmorecomplexdimensions today,ecologically,culturally,andpolitically.Ithasbeenonlyrecently thatwestarteddevelopinglanguagesforreferringtohistoricaldifferences appropriatetotheglobalsituation;conceptssuchasdiversalityarea waytostart.
SomeConcludingRemarks In a recent text, the Brazilian anthropologist Alcida Ramos (2005) musedoverautopiaofworldanthropologiesthatresembledthemultilingualismofcertainAmazoniangroupsforwhomtheruleoflinguistic exogamycreated“communitiesofmultiplevoices,akindoforganized and solidary Babel.” In this plural landscape, “all would contribute languages,ideas,solutionsandproposalswithoutanyofthepartners losinghis/heridentityorlocalcharacter,whichwouldbepreservedas symboliccapitalattheserviceofthecollectivity”(2005:2).Although we are not close to reaching this goal, in Ramos’s opinion we can alreadyenvisionit. Theprojectofworldanthropologiescertainlyhasutopianreverberations,especiallyifweconsider,alongwithPaulRicoeur(1986),that utopias are struggles in the present over the meaning of the future. Aswehaveattemptedtoshow,worldanthropologiesentailbothan intellectualandapoliticalproject.Inotherwords,wearenottalking only about more inclusive social diversity (as in multiculturalism);
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in principle anthropologists would easily accept social and political equality.Wearefurthersuggestingthatanthropologieseverywherecan benefitfromthescholarshipalreadyexistingingloballyfragmented spaces.Todoso,aswehaveargued,entailsaseriesofchangesandconcerns—fromattentiontounevenexchangesamonganthropologiesto considerationofmultiplehistories,trajectories,languages,conceptual frameworks,politicalcommitments,experiencesoftransnationalism and networking, and so forth. Taking these considerations seriously wouldopenupnewdialogicpossibilities,otheravenuesofengagement. Thisprocesswouldapplywhetheronebelievedintheunityofthefield orwhether,alternatively,onefavoredtheideaofamultiplicity;indeed, bothperspectivesarerepresentedinthisvolume.Iftheformer,weare talkingaboutanthropologyasaunifiedfield,butinanonhegemonic way, an open-ended unity that admits of diversity. If the latter, we mightseeworldanthropologiesasfosteringdiversality—understoodas agivingupofclassicalnotionsofuniversalityandseeingindiversity themainprincipleofcreativity.Wesuggestthatwemustkeepthese twovisionsintension. Thisiswhyitwouldbeironiciftheprojectofworldanthropologies cametobeseenasanewattemptonthepartofthe“periphery”tostrike back,asinsomesimplisticinterpretationsoftheaimsofpostcolonial theoryvis-à-vistheformerimperialpowers.Onthecontrary,wethink thatthepresentisamomentofenlargementofanthropologicalhorizons thatwillmakeourscholarlypracticearichercosmopolitics,onethatis capableofdealingwiththechallengesarisinginthetwenty-firstcentury. Theconceptofworldanthropologiesprovidesaspaceofopportunities forallthosewhounderstandthatdifferencegoeswellbeyondinequality andthatdiversityisanassettobecherishedonepistemological,cultural, social,andecologicalgrounds. Changehasbeenaconstantinthehistoryofanthropologieseverywhere.Anthropologies’multipledeathsandrebirthsrevealanability totransformthemselvesandredefinetheirinterestsandgoals.Anthropologiesarefinelyattunedtothesociologicalchangesofdifferentperiods and places. In a globalized world this calls for diverse international voicesandperspectivesactivelyparticipatinginanyassessmentof,and at,thefrontiersofanthropologicalknowledges.Indeed,aglobalized worldisaperfectscenarioinwhichanthropologiescanthrive,because abasicanthropologicallessonisrespectfordifference.Anthropologists who,inaccordwithdeepanthropologicaltraditions,praiseplurality anddiversityaresurelyfosteringthesestandpointswithintheirown milieu.Thetimeisripeforworldanthropologies.
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Notes 1. See “The World Anthropologies Network” website (www.ram-wan.org); seealsoWANCollective2003forastatementabouttheproject.Eventsrelated tothisinitiativeinclude,besidestheinternationalsymposiumleadingtothe presentvolume,sessionsatthe2002meetingoftheAmericanAnthropological Association,attheFirstCongressofLatinAmericanAnthropology(Argentina, 2005), and at the Colombian Congress of Anthropology (2005), as well as conferences and debates in Australia, Mexico, China, and Japan. In 2004, in Recife, Brazil, Gustavo Lins Ribeiro and Paul Little organized a meeting, funded by the Wenner-Gren Foundation, of fourteen representatives of anthropological associations to discuss global cooperation in anthropology. ThepresidentsoftheassociationsforAustralia,Brazil,Canada,France,Great Britain, India, South Africa, and the United States were present. Japan sent the director of international relations of its association. The presidents of the European Association of Social Anthropologists, the Latin American Association of Anthropology, the Pan African Anthropological Association, and the International Union of Ethnological Sciences were also there. The representatives’ enthusiasm showed that the time was ripe to create more horizontalmodesofinteractionandexchangeonagloballevel.Thismeeting resultedinthecreationoftheWorldCouncilofAnthropologicalAssociations (WCAA),withtheprimarygoalofpromotingmorediverseexchangesamong anthropologists worldwide (see the founding agreement of WCAA at www. wcaanet.org).Aby-productofthismeetingwasadebateamongAustralian, Brazilian, and Canadian anthropologists, at the twenty-fourth Biannual Brazilian Meeting of Anthropology in 2004, over the many problems and issues surrounding the engagement of anthropologists in native people’s strugglesforland. 2. Foramorecontemporaryanalysisofthistopic,seeBenAri1999,Mafeje 2001,Trouillot1991,andvanBremenandShimizu1999a. 3. At the University of North Carolina–Chapel Hill, an interdisciplinary research group on social movement, anchored in anthropology, is based on the notion that social-movement activists should be taken seriously as knowledgeproducers.Seehttp://www.unc.edu/smwg/.
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Part 1 Transnationalism and State Power
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t w o
Reshaping Anthropology A View from Japan
Shinji Yamashita
A
nthropologyisusuallyconsideredtobeaWesterndisciplinedevelopedbyconstructingcolonialothersinnon-Westernsocieties. However, as Akitoshi Shimizu (1999: 115) has argued, if Japan as a non-Western country has its own anthropology, this view cannot bemaintained.Onehastoredefineanthropologyinawaythatgoes beyondthedichotomybetweenWestandnon-West,andbeyondthe orientalismthathasprevailedthroughoutthehistoryofthediscipline. Doing so will lead us to create an open, interactive space in which variousworldanthropologiescanmeetinordertounderstanddiverse humansocietiesandcultures. TheJapaneseSocietyofCulturalAnthropology(formerlytheJapanese SocietyofEthnology),themainassociationofJapanesesociocultural anthropologists, currently numbers approximately 2,000 members.1 This is far smaller than the American Anthropological Association (about11,000members)butlargerthantheEuropeanAssociationof SocialAnthropologists(about650members).Inaddition,therearesome 800membersoftheAnthropologicalSocietyofNippon,theassociation of Japanese biological anthropologists. In other words, the Japanese anthropologicalcommunityisoneofthelargestintheworld.2 Nevertheless,theachievementsofJapaneseanthropologyarelittle knownoutsideJapan.AlthoughsomereviewsofJapaneseanthropology are available in English, such as the one Chie Nakane wrote in the 1970s(Nakane1974),someofthelatestreferenceworksstillmakeno mentionofJapaneseanthropology—forexample,theEncyclopediaof SocialandCulturalAnthropology(BarnardandSpencer1996).Inorder
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to fill this gap, in this chapter I first review the history of Japanese anthropologysinceitsfoundationin1884andhighlightitsdistinctive featuresandachievements.3IthenexamineJapaneseanthropologyin thewidercontextsofworldanthropologiesandthemainissuesthat contemporaryJapaneseanthropologyfaces.TheexperienceofJapanese anthropologymayprovideuswithsomeimportantpointersabouthow anthropologycanbereshapedasaglobaldiscipline. Asformypositioninundertakingthisreview,Imustmakeitclear that I am not a representative of Japanese anthropology, nor do I wishtobe.IhavebeengreatlyinfluencedbyWesternanthropologies, especiallythroughstudyingabroadasavisitingscholaratuniversities intheUnitedStatesandEurope,althoughIwaseducatedinJapanand ambasedthere.4IamaSoutheastAsiaspecialist,havingcarriedout fieldworkmainlyinIndonesiaandMalaysia.MyapproachtoJapanese anthropology,therefore,isnotnationalbuttransnational.Inthissense I am located intellectually somewhere between Japan and the West, or between Japan and Southeast Asia. For me, as for transnational migrantsinthecontemporaryworld,whatisimportantisnotwhere IamfrombutwhereIambetween(Clifford1997:37).Theprojectofa multiplicityofworldanthropologiesformederivesperhapsfromwithin myself,asananthropologistbasedinJapanbutwithatransnational background.
AShortHistoryofJapaneseAnthropology OnecandividethehistoryofJapaneseanthropologyintofivedevelopmentalstages,encompassing,respectively,theyears1884–1913,1913– 34,1934–45,1945–64,and1964tothepresent.Theboundariesofthese historicalstagesaresomewhatarbitrary,becausetheactualhistorical process is of course continuous. In what follows, I highlight briefly themainfeaturesofeachstage(Ireviewthishistoryinmoredetailin Yamashita2004). Anthropology in Japan began in 1884 when a group of young scholars formed a workshop called Jinruigaku no Tomo, or “Friends of Anthropology” (Terada 1981: 7). The founding of this group was stimulatedbythetheoriesofEdwardMorse,thenprofessorofbiology attheUniversityofTokyo.MorsehadexcavatedashellmoundinTokyo andhadproposed,onthebasisoftheremainshefoundthere,that cannibalismhadbeenpracticedinancientJapan.Thecentralfigureofthe JinruigakunoTomowasSho¯goro ¯Tsuboi,whowasoffendedbyMorse’s cannibalismthesis.ThegroupadvocatedthattheoriginsofJapanese
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cultureshouldbeinvestigatedbytheJapanesethemselves,notbyforeign scholars(Shimizu1999:126).Inthissense,Japaneseanthropologywas born as a product of nationalist consciousness. Two years later the workshopevolvedintoTokyoJinruigakkai(theAnthropologicalSociety ofTokyo),andlateritbecameNihonJinruigakkai(theAnthropological SocietyofNippon).In1892,afterstudyinganthropologyinEngland forthreeyears,Tsuboibecamethefirstprofessorofanthropologyatthe UniversityofTokyo.HeledthedebateovertheoriginsoftheJapanese peopleintheearlyyearsofthetwentiethcentury. Tsuboi died in 1913. In the same year, his successor, Ryu¯zo¯ Torii, publishedanarticleinwhichhearguedthat“ethnology”(jinshugaku orminzokugaku)shouldbeseparatefrom“anthropology”(jinruigaku) (Torii 1975: 480–83). Because of his extensive field research abroad, ToriiwasmuchmoreconcernedwithculturesoutsideJapan’snational boundariesthanTsuboihadbeen.ToriihadconductedhisfirstfieldworkinnortheasternChinain1894,followedbyresearchinTaiwan, the Chishima Islands (off Hokkaido), China, Korea, eastern Siberia, Manchuria,andMongolia.Hisfieldworkclearlyreflectedthecolonial expansionoftheJapaneseEmpireintootherpartsofAsia,including Taiwanin1895andKoreain1910.Inhis1913paper,Toriiproposedthe establishmentofadisciplinetobecalledto¯yo¯jinshugaku(literally“the studyoftheOrientalrace”)orto¯yo¯minzokugaku(“Orientalethnology”). InthiswayheadvocatedthestudyoftheethnologyoftheOrientby Orientalscholars,becausetheywereassumedtobeinabetterposition than Western scholars to study these regions (Torii 1975: 482–83).5 ThearticlemarkedanewhistoricalstageinJapaneseanthropology,in whichJapanbegantoobserveothersandnotmerelytobeobserved (seeShimizu1999:116)andinwhichtheobjectofstudyshiftedfrom JapanesepeopletoneighboringcolonialothersinAsia. Further Japanese colonial expansion led to an interest in a wider geographicalarea.JapanesecolonialpowerreachedMicronesiain1919, Manchuriain1933,andSoutheastAsiain1941.Asitexpanded,the NihonMinzokugakkai(JapaneseSocietyofEthnology)wasestablished in 1934. Interestingly, its establishment was stimulated by the First InternationalCongressofAnthropologicalandEthnologicalSciences, heldinLondonthatyear.Astheprospectusfortheestablishmentof thesocietytellsus: EthnologyinJapanhashadahistoryofseveraldecades.However,we havenotyetreachedtheinternationalstandard...Ethnologicalstudies inJapanhavebeenconcernedwithnativecultureandancientcultural
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survivalsinJapanunderthenameofminzokugaku[folklorestudies].But wehavetodevelopthedisciplineincomparativeperspectivewithother cultures,toconsidertheoriginanddiffusionofcultureusingthefruits of the development of ethnology in the West. In particular, through participationintheFirstInternationalCongressofAnthropologicaland Ethnological Sciences held in London this summer, we have realized that we should promote ethnological research in Japan. This is the reasonwhywearereorganizingtheformerMinzokugakkai[Societyof Folklore Studies] into the Nihon Minzokugakkai [Japanese Society of Ethnology].6(MinzokugakuShinko¯kai1984:4)
TwothingsareimportantabouttheJapaneseSocietyofEthnology. First,thatitwasformedunderthestimulusofaninternationalcongress meansthatthesocietywasitselfaproductoftheglobaldevelopmentof anthropologyduringthe1930s.Second,thenewbornsocietywasquite interdisciplinaryatthestart:itsfoundingmembersincludedspecialists fromdisciplinessuchasruralsociology,Orientalhistory,linguistics, Japanesefolklorestudies,Japaneseclassics,comparativereligions,and archaeology.KurakichiShiratori,thefoundingfatherofOrientalhistory inJapan,wasitsfirstpresident. A year later, however, in 1935, Kunio Yanagita founded the Minkandensho¯ no kai (Folklore Workshop), which specialized in Japanese folkways and later developed into the Japanese Society of FolkloreStudies.There,anthropologytookamorenationalistturn.As aresult,scholarsspecializinginJapanesefolklorestudies(Volkskunde, inGerman)becameseparatedfromthosespecializingincomparative, orforeign,ethnology(Völkerkunde,inGerman).Thisdivisionoflabor between nationalist and internationalist anthropologists in Japan continuestothepresent. In1943,theInstituteofEthnicResearch(MinzokuKenkyu¯sho)was establishedundertheJapaneseMinistryofEducationandCultureto carryoutresearchthatcouldcontributetotheethnicpoliciesofthe empire.MajorJapaneseethnologistsatthattimewereinvolvedinthis institute,thoughitshistoryisstilllargelyunclear(Nakao1997).The lifeoftheinstitute,however,wasshort:itwasclosedattheendofthe SecondWorldWar,in1945. Afterthewar,Japanlostitscolonies.TheregionalconcernsofJapanese ethnologywereoncemoreconfinedtoJapan.Thedefeatalsoraised theissueofthenationalcharacteroftheJapanesepeople.TheJapanese translationofRuthBenedict’sTheChrysanthemumandtheSwordwas publishedin1946,sellingmillionsofcopiesovertheyears.In1948,
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Eiichiro¯IshidaorganizedaworkshopontheoriginsoftheJapanese nation,anditattractedconsiderablepublicattention.Thegeneralpublic foundNamioEgami’sthesisthattheimperialfamilyhadoriginated among the northern Asian equestrian peoples in Korea particularly sensational.Anthropologicalfieldworkduringthisperiodwaslimited basicallytopeoplesonthefringesofJapan,suchastheAinuinHokkaido andtheOkinawansintheRyu¯kyu¯Islands. In1964,theOlympicGameswereheldinTokyo.Thiswasalsothe year when restrictions on overseas travel for Japanese people were removed.Theseeventsmarkedtheendofthepostwarperiod,andJapan enteredintoaperiodofrapideconomicgrowthandoverseaseconomic expansion.Inparallelwiththisdevelopment,Japaneseanthropology onceagainbecamefocusedonotherculturesoutsideJapan,whileinterestinJapaneseculturedecreased.ThemainstreamofcurrentJapanese anthropologyhascontinuedtomoveinthisdirection. Lookingatthishistoricalprocess,severalthingscanbenoted.First, JapaneseanthropologybeganasasearchfortheoriginsoftheJapanese andofJapaneseculture,inresponsetothetheoriesofaforeignresearcher. ThisgaveJapaneseanthropologythecharacterofanationalistproject intendedtoclarifythenatureoftheJapaneseratherthanofthewholeof mankind.Thisresearchparadigmremainedpopularuntilthe1970s. Second,JapanhadahistoryofcolonizationinAsiaandthePacific, andJapaneseanthropologydevelopedaspartofthiscolonialexperience. This history was similar to that of Western anthropology, although Japaneseanthropologistssawtheircolonialothersinadistinctiveway, towhichIturnlater.Underthisperspective,comparisonsweremade withotherpartsofAsia,inordertoclarifytheoriginsoftheJapanese peopleandJapaneseculture. Third,theregionalconcernsofJapaneseanthropologyhavevaried historically,dependingonthefluctuatingboundariesoftheJapanese nationandJapaneseinfluenceinthewiderworld.Analyzingthearticles publishedinMinzokugaku-kenkyu(JapaneseJournalofEthnology)from 1935to1994,TeruoSekimoto(1995:138–39)pointedoutacentrifugal trendwithinJapaneseanthropology:ineachperiodinmodernhistory, Japanese anthropologists have tended to study others in frontier or peripheralareasinrelationtoJapan’snationalboundaries.Incolonial times this meant that they studied Taiwan, Korea, and Micronesia, whereasduringtheearlypostwarperiod,whentravelwasdifficult,they concentratedonHokkaido¯andOkinawa.Since1964theyhavebeen concernedwithculturesincreasinglydistantfromJapan,inparallelwith Japan’seconomicexpansionintotheremotestpartsoftheworld.Itwas
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duringthisperiodthatJapaneseanthropologybecame“anthropologyin aglobalperspective”(Shimizu1999:161),extendingbeyondboththe JapanesenationanditsformerempireintheAsia-Pacificregion.The interestsofJapaneseanthropologistsnowextendtoAfricaandLatin America,areasoflittleimportancefortheJapaneseeconomy. Inshort,thehistoryofJapaneseanthropologyreflectsJapan’schangingpositioninthemodernworldsystem,withtheresultthatJapanese anthropologyhasattimesadoptedemphasesdifferentfromthosein theWest.
NationalityandTransnationalityinAnthropological TraditionsinJapan AnthropologyintheWesthascommonlybeendefinedasthestudy ofothersandothercultures.Aswehaveseen,anthropologyinJapan startedfromaninterestinJapaneseidentityandculture.7Later,inparallel with modern Japan’s colonial expansion, Japanese anthropological interestsextendedtothecolonizedareas,butstillofteninsearchof cluestounderstandingtheculturalrootsofJapanthroughresearchinto culturalsimilarities.Aswehaveseen,Ryu¯zo¯ToriiredefinedJapanese anthropologyatthisstageas“Orientalethnology.”Thischaracterization was based on the assumption that Japanese were better able than Westerners to understand other Asian peoples and cultures, because theJapanesewerethemselvesAsians. Yettherewasanelementof“orientalism”inJapaneseanthropology, too.ByseeingitsAsianandPacificcoloniesas“backward”and“primitive,” Japan could strengthen its claim to being an “advanced” and “civilized”countryonaparwiththeWesternworld(seeKang1996; Kawamura1993;Yamashita2004).Inthisregard,itisinterestingto considerthedifferenceinanthropologicalstancestakenbytheWest and Japan in the study of Southeast Asia. For instance, in studying the cultures and societies of the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia), Dutchanthropologistsinthe1930sdevelopedaformofstructuralism— an attempt to understand the principles of the “human mind” that foreshadowedLévi-Straussianstructuralismofthe1960s.Incontrast,the JapaneseSocietyofEthnologycarriedoutaresearchprojectinthelate 1950stosearchfortheoriginsofJapanesecultureinmainlandSoutheastAsia,particularlyinthericecultivationzoneofIndochina.This hadbeenapreoccupationofJapaneseanthropologyfromitsinception (MinzokuBunkaSo¯go¯Cho¯sadan1959).
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Despite this, Japanese anthropology was also transnational. From the beginning, Japanese anthropologists were keen to learn from anthropologicaltheoriesdevelopedintheWest.Tsuboi,thefounding ancestorofmodernJapaneseanthropology,wenttoEnglandtostudy thedisciplinebeforehewasappointedprofessorofanthropologyatthe UniversityofTokyo.Torii,theinitiatorofOrientalethnologyinJapan, did not study in the West, but Masao Oka, a key figure in Japanese ethnology during the wartime and postwar periods, did. In Vienna hestudiedtheideasoftheGermanandAustrianschoolofhistorical ethnology,whichheusedtoreconstructthevariousstagesofethnic andculturalhistoryinJapanthroughcomparisonwiththeAsianand Pacificregions. In colonial Taiwan, Inezo¯ Utsushiwaka, professor of ethnology (dozokugaku) at Taihoku (Taipei) Imperial University, was a Harvard graduate who had studied with Roland Dixon. His student, To¯ichi Mabuchi,whobecamealeadinganthropologistinpostwarJapan,did hisfieldworkamongtheaboriginalpeoplesoftheTaiwanhighlands under the influence of Western sociocultural theories of the period. Healsohadalife-longinterestinDutchanthropologybecauseofhis involvementinresearchinIndonesiaduringtheJapaneseoccupation (1942–45). InJapaneseMicronesia,KenichiSugiuracarriedoutfieldworkinthe late1930sandearly1940sonthelandtenuresystem,undertheinfluence of Bronislaw Malinowski’s functionalism. In colonial Korea, Takashi Akiba,professorofsociologyatKeijo ¯(Seoul)ImperialUniversity,carried outresearchonshamanismusingaDurkheimianperspectivegained fromstudyinginEurope.HisstudentSeiichiIzumi,whobecameanother leading anthropologist after World War II, carried out his fieldwork onJejuIslandoffthesoutherntipoftheKoreanpeninsula,drawing inspirationfromMalinowski’sArgonautsoftheWesternPacific. ItisthereforewrongtoconsiderJapaneseanthropologyanisolated phenomenon: it developed along with anthropology in the rest of theworld.TheJapaneseSocietyofEthnologyitselfwasformedunder thestimulusofaninternationalmeetinginLondon.Furthermore,the colonialmodelwasalsotranslocal.AsJanvanBremenandAkitoshi Shimizupointedout(1999b:8):“InJapan,researchinFrenchIndoChinaservedasamodelforthefirstseriesofgovernmentalstudiesthat weremadeofOkinawa.Inturn,thesestudies,togetherwithmodels takenfromresearchinBritishIndia...inspiredtheresearchprojectsthat weresubsequentlycarriedoutinTaiwan.Intheirturn,theTaiwanese
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studiesservedasamodelforresearchprojectscarriedoutinKoreaand Manchuria.”
JapaneseAnthropologyintheAcademicWorld System:DoesJapaneseAnthropologyExist? TakamiKuwayama(1997,2004b)hasarguedforwhathecallsthe“world system”ofanthropology.Accordingtohim,thecoreorcenterofthis system is occupied by the United States, Great Britain, and France, which have the power to determine which kinds of knowledge are mostdesiredinanthropology.Thesecountriesdictatethenatureofthe anthropologicaldiscoursethatscholarsfromperipheralcountriesmust useiftheywishtoberecognized.Withinthisframeworkofcoreand periphery,KuwayamacharacterizesJapaneseanthropologyas“semiperipheral”:itisperipheralinrelationtotheWest,butcentralinrelation tootherpartsofAsia. Thisargumenthasdrawncriticism.VanBremen,forexample,criticized Kuwayamafor“theexcessiveweightgiventocenter-peripheryrelations andpositionsandthestaticviewtakenofthem”(vanBremen1997: 62).Thebinaryoppositionofcenterandperipherylooksstaticifone considersthetwotobesubstantiveentities.Inreality,itisoftendifficult todeterminewherethecenteris.Forinstance,thereoftenappearstobe acenter-peripherydivisionwithinthecenteritself.Someuniversities intheUnitedStates,themostpowerfulcorecountryinanthropology, mayactuallybemoreperipheralthantheUniversityofTokyoorother leadinginstitutionsinJapan. Moreover, today there are many students and teachers from peripheral areas in the anthropology departments of U.S. universities. For example, the University of California–Berkeley, one of the most powerfulanthropologydepartmentsintheworld,hadfacultymembers fromAfrica,China,Japan,Malaysia,andelsewhereduringmystayas avisitingprofessortherein1998–99.Similarsituationscanbefound atothermajorcenters,suchasHarvardandtheUniversityofChicago. Inreverse,manyscholarswithPhDsfromuniversitiesinEuropeand theUnitedStatesteachanthropologyatAsianuniversities,inplaces suchasSingapore,HongKong,and,increasingly,Japan.Furthermore, globalizationandinternetcommunicationhavetendedtomakethe center-peripheryoppositionincreasinglymeaningless:closeneighbors and the farthest parts of the world are the same distance away in cyberspace.Thecenterandtheperipheryarecurrentlyintermingled incomplexways.
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Nevertheless,nationalboundariesstillexistinscholarship.Among them,perhapsthemostcriticalstructuralproblemforJapaneseanthropologyintheanthropologicalworldsystemistheboundaryoflanguage. JapaneseanthropologistspracticemainlyinJapanese,aminorlanguage ininternationalacademiccommunication.Theyarewellawareofthe main trends in Western core anthropology: the references cited in Minzokugaku-kenkyuaremostlyworksofWesternliterature.Students arerequiredtoreadworksinEnglishandotherEuropeanlanguages, in addition to Japanese. Articles by Japanese scholars, however, are mostlywritteninJapanese,whichmakesaccesstothemdifficultfor non-Japanesereaders.Inthisrespect,Japaneseanthropology,unlikethe Japaneseeconomy,importstoomuchandexportstoolittle. Inhisarticle“JapaneseCulturalAnthropologyViewedfromOutside,” JerryEades(1994),aBritish-bornsocialanthropologistbasedinJapan since 1991, asked why Japanese anthropology had not had greater influence outside Japan, despite the number of anthropologists and the volume of research they carried out. He argued that part of the answerlayintheinstitutionalprocessesbywhichJapaneseresearchand publicationswereproduced.Japanesestudentsandresearchersgenerally did not compete with their Western counterparts in their academic careers.Writinginaforeignlanguagedidnotnecessarilyhelpingetting ajobinaJapaneseuniversity,andsopeoplewroteinJapaneseforthe Japanesemarket.Japaneseanthropologyinthissenseformedasortof closedislandwithitsownaudience. Suchdifferencesinaudiencessometimescreatedivisions,andsometimesconflicts,betweenJapaneseandforeignanthropologies.Gordon Mathews,anAmericananthropologistspecializinginJapanandteaching inHongKong,recentlyexaminedthedifferencesbetweenJapaneseand AmericandepictionsofJapan(Mathews2004).Henotedthat“whatan Americanaudience,professionalorlay,seekstoknowaboutJapanwill likelybeverydifferentfromwhataJapaneseaudienceseekstoknow.” AtopicthatmightinterestanAmericanaudiencemightbeboringfora Japanesereadership.Healsopointedoutthat“fewAmericanresearchers payattentiontotheresearchconductedbyJapanesefolklifespecialists, looking for remnants of Japanese traditions; this research is for the mostpartcompletelyoutsideAmericaninterests.”This,heargued,led toanimbalanceinintellectualpowerrelationsbetweenAmericanand Japaneseanthropology.Japaneseanthropologistsactasiftheybelong toacolonizedcountry,rarelyresearchingthemetropolis(theUnited States),butimportingAmericanandEuropeantheoriestouseintheir ownwork.
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Theproblemgoesbacktothequestionofpowerrelationsintheacademicworldsystem,whichKuwayamastressed.Inapaperon“native anthropologists” (1997), he examined the discord between foreign andnativeanthropologistswithspecialreferencetoJapanesestudies insideandoutsideJapan.Hepointedoutthatthediscordarosefrom thestructureoftheproductionofknowledgeintheworldsystemof anthropology,ratherthanfrompersonalandemotionalconflicts.In thissystem,JapaneseanthropologyliesintheshadowcastbyWestern hegemony.Thisraisesanothervitalquestion:doesJapaneseanthropologyexistatallasadistinctiveentity? Before answering this question, let me mention briefly my own experienceofdifferencesinperceptionbetweenAmericanandJapanese anthropologists.In1993,JerryEadesandIorganizedasessioncalled “TheDynamicsofIdentityFabrication:TheInterplayofLocal,National, andGlobalPerspectives”attheannualmeetingoftheAmericanAnthropologicalAssociation(AAA),heldinWashington,DC.Thesessiondealt withissuesofculturalidentityinJapan,Indonesia,India,andEgypt; itdidnotfocusexclusivelyonJapan.Nevertheless,intheaudienceI recognizedanumberofJapanspecialistswhohadcometosee“Japanese” anthropologists.Duringthediscussion,amemberoftheaudienceasked whatwasthe“Japanesetwist”inanthropology.8Wewereperplexedby thisquestionbecauseoursessionwasnotconcernedwith“Japanese” anthropology as such. We had thought we were simply practicing anthropology,butourAmericancolleaguessawusas“Japanese”anthropologists. After returning to Japan in 1994, I organized a panel titled “Does JapaneseEthnologyExist?”attheannualmeetingoftheJapaneseSociety of Ethnology, in order to answer the question that had been posed at the AAA the previous year. Motomitsu Uchibori, the chairperson of the panel, summarized the conclusions reached (Uchibori 1995), andIreiteratetheimportantpointsasfollows.Thephrase“Japanese anthropology”referstotwomainbodiesofwork.Thefirstconsistsof Japaneseresearchers’studiesoftheirownsocietyandculture,including the type of work known as nihonjinron (discussions of the nature of Japanese identity), a genre popular in Japan. The second is research byJapanesescholarscarriedoutintherestoftheworld.Itisthere,in relationtotheworldsystemofanthropology,thatJapaneseresearch isoftenperceivedasperipheral.Thisperipheralcharacterinrelation to the Western anthropological center is a problem not so much of institutionsasoflanguage.Decidingwhichlanguagetowriteinismuch morethananindividualchoice.ItisrelatedtotheidentityofJapanese
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anthropologists,whichoscillatesbetweentwopoles:theanthropological academicuniverseandthelocalworldinwhichanthropologistslive. It would be absurd for Japanese anthropologists to publish all their papersinEnglish,becauseanthropologicalinquiryinvolvesinternal motivationthatisrootedinthelocalworld.Japaneseanthropologists mayhavenootherwaytowritethaninJapaneseiftheywishtoreflect theirJapaneseidentity.IfJapaneseanthropologyexistsatall,itisbased intheidentityofJapaneseanthropologists. Identity,however,isacomplexthing:itcanbemultipleratherthan single.KirinNarayanarguedagainstthefixityofadistinctionbetween “native”and“non-native”anthropologistsandsuggested,“Wemight moreprofitablyvieweachanthropologistintermsofshiftingidentificationsamidafieldofinterpenetratingcommunitiesandpowerrelations” (1993:671).Referringtothe“enactmentofhybridity,”shepointsout that“weareallincipientlybi-(ormulti-)culturalinthatwebelongto worldsbothpersonalandprofessional,whetherinthefieldorathome” (1993:681).Inthisperspective,itmaybeunproductivetosticktothe dichotomybetweenJapaneseanthropologyandWesternanthropology. Whatisimportantistocreateacommonspaceinwhichanthropologies inthecontemporaryworldcanmeetforthefuture.
JapaneseAnthropologyintheContemporaryWorld Anthropologytodayisatacriticaljuncture.ThisisthecaseinJapan aswell.Inparticular,instudyingandteachinganthropology,students andteachersoftenfinditdifficulttorelatetheircontemporaryinterests toclassicaltheoriesinthediscipline.Inthesesituations,howdowe reproduceanthropologicalknowledgeforthefuture?Inordertolookat thisproblemagainstthebackgroundofchangingsocialneedstoday,in 2000theJapaneseSocietyofEthnologysetupacommitteetoexamine anthropologicaleducationinJapan.Ichairedthiscommittee,andwe examinedissuessuchaseducationinanthropologyatmajorJapanese universities, anthropology textbooks, the anthropology job market, and institutional restructuring. Our findings can be summarized as follows.
TheNicheofAnthropology Anthropologistsmustdevelopanacademicnicheinordertomeetnew socialneedsinthecontemporaryworld.Themaininterestsofanthropologistshaveshiftedovertime,beginningwiththehistoricalreconstruction
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ofhumancultureinthelatenineteenthcenturyandproceedingthrough thestructural-functionalanalysisofcultureandsocietyinthefirsthalf ofthetwentiethcentury;Lévi-Straussianstructuralism,VictorTurner’s ritualprocess,andtheGeertzianinterpretationofculturesinthe1960s and1970s;andcontemporaryissuessuchas“development,”“medicine,” “education,” “ethnic conflict,” “globalization,” “identity,” and even “September11.”Researchintocontemporaryissues—whatwasonce labeled“appliedanthropology”—hasbecomethebasicanthropology of today. It is urgent, then, that we develop an academic niche in Japanthatisrelevanttoradicalchangesinthecontemporaryworld (seeAhmedandShore1995). Instudyingthecontemporaryworld,however,anthropologymay overlapwithotherdisciplinessuchassociologyandculturalstudies.9 Whatispeculiartoanthropologyisitsapproachtothesubjectofresearchanditswayofunderstandinghumanreality.Inthisrespect,we must remain committed to our method of ethnographic participant observationinrelationtoaspecificcommunityorculturalpractice, becausemostoftheothersocialscienceshavetendedtoadoptstatistical methods based on quantitative data. In other words, anthropology istheonlydisciplinethatstilltriestoconstructsocioculturaltheory throughparticipantobservationinthemicrosocialworldsinwhich peoplelive.
TheMatrixofTeaching Inparallelwiththechangeofinterestsinanthropologyinrecentyears, the subjects that Japanese anthropologists study have diversified. In thissituation,howcananthropologyretainitsintegrityandidentity as a unified academic discipline? The answer lies in trying to relate the“primitive”tothe“civilized,”thetraditionaltothemodern,the peripherytothecenter,andclassicanthropologicalknowledgetothe contemporaryworldbylookingatthetwoelementsofeachdichotomy not as different worlds but as segments of the same modern world system.Whatisimportantistoconnectclassicandcontemporarytopics ofresearchwitheachother.Indoingso,wemustexploreareasofresearch thatlinkthesesegmentsoftheworldsystem—forexample,asRaymond Firth(1992:211)oncepointedout,“developmentinTikopiasociety” and“questionsofkinshipinsomesectorsofmodernLondon.”
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ThePluralizationoftheDiscipline It is inevitable that anthropology in Japan will become increasingly interdisciplinary,becausetheobjectsofourresearcharecomplicated phenomenathatcanbeanalyzedonlybyusingacombinationofdisciplinary approaches. If we study “development,” we require knowledgeofmacro-levelpoliticaleconomy,governmentpolicy,andregional sociology.Thisinterdisciplinarityisrelatedtothejobmarketaswell. Jobs specifically for anthropologists are becoming fewer these days in Japan. Instead, there is a growing number of positions in gender studies,developmentstudies,areastudies,andsoon,allofwhichstress interdisciplinaryresearch.AttheUniversityofTokyo,theDepartment ofCulturalAnthropologynowbelongstoalargerunitcalled“InterdisciplinaryCulturalStudies,”sincetherestructuringofthegraduate schoolin1996.Generally,inJapanitisrareforanthropologytoconstitute anindependentdepartment;usuallyitisintegratedintowiderinterdisciplinary departments with labels such as “International Cultural Studies,”“GlobalSocialSciences,”and“AsianandAfricanStudies.”This situationissometimesgoodforthediscipline,becausewecancarryout interdisciplinaryresearchandteachingonthecontemporaryworldin accordancewiththecomplexityoftheresearchtopics.Butitmayalso meanthatweloseouranthropologicalidentitythroughdiversification andresearchintoanincreasinglywiderangeoftopics.
TheInternationalizationoftheDiscipline Anthropology is in principle an international science. However, anthropologicalpracticesusuallyhavenationalboundaries,andpractitionersdonotyethavea“globalanthropology.”Thatiswhyweneed to internationalize the discipline, something that has already been happening in Japanese classrooms.10 Japan now has many students from foreign countries. At the University of Tokyo, approximately 40 percent of the graduate school students are from abroad, mostly from East Asian countries such as China, Korea, and Taiwan. In my graduateseminarin2002,sixofthetwelvestudentsregisteredwere fromforeigncountries,includingChina,Korea,Taiwan,Hungary,and the Netherlands. We also have visiting scholars and professors from variouspartsoftheworld,andthejobmarketinJapanisopeningup toforeignersaswell.11Itiswithinthesetransnationalsituationsthat wemustreshapeanthropology.
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AppliedAnthropology Japanese anthropologists are exploring the use of anthropological knowledgeinawiderrangeofcontexts,includingpracticalfieldssuch astheworkofinternationaldevelopmentagencies,publicsectorinstitutions that promote intercultural understanding, and nonprofit organizationsinvolvedinsocialandculturalissues.Forinstance,the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JAICA) was established in 1974topromotetheJapaneseOfficialDevelopmentAssistance(ODA) program.Itsprojectsoftenrequireanthropologicalexpertise,andsome anthropologistshaveworkedwiththeprogram.Further,thenumberof studentswhowanttoworkinpracticalsectorsisincreasing.Although thisfieldislessfullydevelopedinJapanthanintheUnitedStatesor Europe,itseemspotentiallytobeamajorsourceofemploymentfor anthropologists.
BeyondOrientalism:AnAsianNetworkof Anthropologists Following on from this committee, Jerry Eades and I organized a sessioncalled“TheReproductionofAnthropologicalKnowledgeand the East Asian Future” at the AAA annual meeting in New Orleans in 2002, to discuss the issue in the wider context of the East Asian anthropologicalfuture.Forthispurpose,weinvitedJosephBosco,of theChineseUniversityofHongKong,andKimKwang-Ok,ofSeoul National University, to present papers on Hong Kong and Korea, respectively,inadditiontothepapersdealingwithJapan.Werecognized thatanthropologiesinAsiaweredifferentfromoneanotherbecause ofdifferencesinhistoricalbackgroundaswellasinthesocialposition ofanthropologyineachcountry. Anotherparticipant,WilliamKelly,ofYaleUniversity,pointedoutthat despitethesedifferences,manyproblemsweresharedacrossnational boundaries.Heemailedmeafterthemeeting:“Whatmoststruckmewas howsimilarareJapanandUSanthropologies.Allfivefeaturesthatyou emphasizeaschallengestoJapaneseanthropology[thosesummarized intheprecedingsections]faceusaswellandserveasfociofdebate. This is just a random and immediate thought, but perhaps at some point,itmightbeinterestingtothinkofabi-nationalpanelthatwould takethesefivepointsasabasisandorganizethesessionasaseriesof presentationsoneachofthefivepoints,witheachpresentationdone as a collaboration or dialogue by a Japan anthropologist and a U.S. anthropologist”(personalcorrespondence,25November2002).
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Theproblemsthedisciplinefacestodayare,therefore,problemsnot onlyforJapaneseanthropologistsbutalsoforU.S.anthropologistsand perhapsforthoseintherestoftheworld.Thismightleadustoakind of“interactiveanthropology”atthegloballevel,apositionIadvocate later. But before proceeding to the global level, let me consider the possibilityofaregionalAsiannetworkofanthropologists,becauseAsia istheareawithwhichJapaneseanthropologyhasbeenmostdeeply andintensivelyconcerned. AmonganthropologistsinAsia,communicationandcooperationhave sofarbeenlimited.Kuwayama(2004b),inhisdiscussionofrelations ontheperipheryoftheanthropologicalworldsystem,quotedThomas GerholmandUlfHannerz(1982:7),accordingtowhom“themapof thedisciplineshowsaprosperousmainlandofBritish,American,and Frenchanthropologies,andoutsideitanarchipelagooflargeandsmall islands—someofthemconnectedtothemainlandbysturdybridges orfrequentferrytraffic,othersratherisolated.”Inthisanthropological worldmap,theresidentsoftheperipheralislandsalwayslooktoward thecentralmainland,ratherthantowardeachother.Thismetaphor isapplicabletoAsia. In1995,asymposiumtitled“CulturalAnthropologyandAsia:The Past,thePresentandtheFuture”washeldattheannualmeetingof theJapaneseSocietyofEthnologyinOsaka.Itsorganizers’aimwasto discusstheplaceofculturalanthropologyinAsiaandtopursuethe possibilityofregionalcooperation.AsiananthropologistsfromChina, Korea,Japan,Taiwan,Philippines,Indonesia,andMalaysiaparticipated, andNurYalmann,ofHarvardUniversity,whoisofTurkishorigin,gave thekeynotespeech.ThiswasthefirstattempttobringAsiananthropologists together at the annual meeting of the Japanese Society of Ethnology. ResearchexchangeprogramsalsoexistatJapaneseuniversitiesand researchinstitutions,includingtheNationalMuseumofEthnologyin Osaka,oneofthemostimportantcentersforanthropologicalresearch inJapan.Anumberofjointresearchprojectsaresupportedfinancially by the Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology,theJapanSocietyforthePromotionofScience,theJapan Foundation, the Toyota Foundation, and others. The Asia Center of theJapanFoundationwasestablishedin1995especiallytopromote mutualunderstandingamongAsianpeoplesandcultures.Furthermore, Japaneseuniversitieshaverecentlypursuedtheinternationalexchange ofstudentsmuchmoreactivelythanbefore.Giventhistrend,Ican proposeseveralpossibilitiesforfuturecooperationamongAsiananthropologists.
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First,asIpointedoutearlier,Japaneseanthropologyinthecolonial pastresultedinaJapaneseversionoforientalism,inwhichthepeoples ofAsiawereseeninnegativetermsasdojin,or“indigenouspeoples.” ShiftingperceptionsofAsiawithinanthropologycouldbeexamined byJapaneseandotherAsianscholarsasajointprojectonthehistoryof colonialisminAsia.Japanappeared“Asian”inrelationtotheWest,but itpracticedasortoforientalismtowardotherAsiansduringthecolonial period. In order to overcome the tendency toward “orientalization” withinJapaneseanthropology,wemustdiscussittogetherwithAsian colleagues. Second,therecentgrowthofJapaneseanthropology,especiallythe increase in fieldwork carried out in Asia, has been closely related to Japaneseeconomicexpansionduringthepostwarperiod.“Understanding othercultures”becamemorenecessaryastheinfluenceoftheJapanese economyexpanded.Thisdoesnotmeanthatanthropologyisoncemore playingaroleinJapaneseexpansionism.However,itmaybepossible toinvestigatethedifferencesbetweenJapaneseanthropologyandother Asiananthropologies,inthesamewayonemightinvestigatethegap betweenJapaneseandAmericananthropologiesdiscussedbyGordon Mathews(2004).Forexample,Japaneseanthropologyhasshownless concernfordevelopmentissuesthansomeotherAsiananthropologies. Thisgaphastobebridgedifwearetodevelopacademicexchanges. Third, it is clear that anthropology in each Asian country has its ownnationalcharacteristics.Whatkindsofproposals,then,canwein Asiamaketoaddressthepostcolonialsituationofanthropologyinthe contemporaryworld?ThisiswhatwewillbedebatingwithAsiancolleaguesinthenearfuture.Inordertoanswerthisquestion,weneedto developanAsiannetworkofanthropologists,thoughthishasnotyet beenrealized.Ifitweretobesetup,itcouldholdregularmeetings,like theEuropeanAssociationofSocialAnthropologists,whichdeveloped inthelate1980s.CommonproblemsthatwearenowfacinginAsian regions could be discussed, such as development, the environment, migration,andethnicconflict.Suchanetworkwouldenableustosend messagesfromAsiatotherestoftheworld,ratherthanjustreceiving messagesfromthecentersofNorthAmericaandEurope.
BeyondtheCenter-PeripheryDichotomy:Toward InteractiveAnthropology At a session called “Anthropology: A Critical Review from Japan,” whichJerryEadesandIorganizedattheannualmeetingoftheAAA
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inSanFranciscoin1996,wediscussedfuturelinksamongAsiananthropologists.Ourdiscussant,StanleyTambiah,warnedaboutthedangers ofisolationisminAsiananthropology,whichmightbeharmfultothe developmentofaworldanthropology.Ofcoursewedonotwanttobe isolationist.WearenotadvocatingAsiananthropologyinopposition toWesternanthropology.Rather,weareseekingthepossibilityofan “interactiveanthropology”bytakingAsiaasatestcase. TheJapaneseSocietyofEthnologysetupaspecialcommitteetopromoteinternationallinksin1996.Thesocietyhasalreadyattempted tointernationalizebyinvitingdistinguishedscholarsfromabroadto itsannualmeetings:DavidMaybury-Lewis(1995),BenedictAnderson (1996), Stanley Tambiah (1997), Marshall Sahlins and Richard Fox (1998),andD.F.Eichelman(1999).Eventhoughitisusefultolisten tomajorscholarsfromthecenter,wealsobelieveitisimportantto organizesubstantivemeetingsonparticulartopicsinJapantogether withoverseasscholars,andtoparticipateinoverseasmeetingssothat Japanesescholarscangainexposuretotheinternationalanthropological community. In order to broaden these efforts to internationalize the society, a new journal in English, The Japanese Review of Cultural Anthropology, waslaunchedin1998,toprovideachannelofcommunicationandto makeJapaneseanthropologymorevisibleinternationally.Thisisonly oneofaseriesofrecentinitiatives.Tomentionjusttwoothers,anew journalcalledAsianAnthropologywasestablishedin2002;itispublished bytheChineseUniversityPressfortheHongKongAnthropological SocietyandtheDepartmentofAnthropologyattheChineseUniversity ofHongKong.JerryEadesandIhavestartedamonographseries,“Asian Anthropologies,”withBerghahnBooks,alsoaimedatAsianscholars. ThereasonfortheseinitiativesisthatanthropologistsbasedinAsiawish tohavetheirvoicesheardwithinthewidercommunityofanthropology. Theseattemptswillformthebasisofaninteractiveanthropology.In thisway,wewanttocreateanthropologiesbeyondnationalboundaries inAsia. Furthermore,weshouldcreateanopenacademicforuminwhich to develop interactive anthropology at the global level. Following Kuwayama(1997:541),by“open”Imean“thekindofrepresentation thatpositsadiverseaudience,bothnativeandnon-native,whichcontrastswiththe‘closed’representationthathasassumed,asinthepast, a homogeneous audience from one’s own cultural community.” For thispurpose,asKuwayamaalsosuggested,wemayneedanewjournal “inwhichnativescholarscommentonarticlesbynon-nativescholars,
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who in turn reply to the comments they have received, thereby reconceptualizing their ethnographic observations in both native and non-nativecontexts”(1997:541). ThemajorproblemforJapaneseanthropologists,however,remains thatoflanguage.Weknowthatfewforeigners,apartfromspecialists inJapan,canreadworkswritteninJapanese.Thisisanobstaclenot onlyforAmericanandEuropeanaudiencesbutevenforaudiencesin othercountriesofAsia.Ontheotherhand,ifwewriteinEnglish,then Japanesereadersarereluctanttoreadus.Furthermore,bywritingin English,wemaysimplyplayalongwithWesternacademichegemony, becausemodesofthinkingandpresentationdifferaccordingtolanguage. WeJapanesearehandicappedinthisrespectbecausewelackexperience inbothspeakingandwritingEnglish,thelanguageofhegemony,and inWesternstylesofpresentationandpublication.Butwedonotwant to close up the country—which in any case is no longer an option in this transnational age. There will be no future for Japanese and Asiananthropologywithoutatransnationalandglobalperspectivein whichwecancreateouranthropologybynegotiatingouridentitieswith others,justasisthecasewithotherculturalpracticesinourage.
Conclusion Inapapertitled“AnthropologicalFutures,”AdamKuper(1994:115) suggested the importance of developments in anthropology outside theWesternmetropolitancenters.Japaneseanthropologyisonesuch non-Westernanthropologywithitsownhistoryanditsowncharacter. However,asIhopeIhaveshown,themeaningof“own”maybecomplicated.IfJapanhasitsownanthropology,itisonlysowithinthis complexity,andiftheexperiencesofJapaneseanthropologythatIhave discussedcanprovidesomeinsightsintowaysofreshapinganthropologyinthefuture,thenitisagainsowithinthecomplexityofJapanese anthropology. Thefocalpointofthisreshapingistocreateanddevelopanopenforum inwhichvariousanthropologiesintheworldcanmeetonequalfooting. Therearetwopointstonoteinthisregard.First,whileadmittingthe hegemonicroleofWesternanthropology,oneneedsalsotoemphasize thatthegazefromtheperipherystrengthensthesystemacademically. Peripheralscanplayapositiveandcriticalrole,andthisisimportant especiallyintheworldthatnowexistsafterSeptember11,2001.We, the anthropological others for the West-centered academic world system,shouldplayamoreassertiveroleinhelpingtocreateaglobal anthropology,ratherthansimplycriticizingWesternhegemony.
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Second, although anthropological traditions may vary between countries,anthropologyisalsotransnational.Throughoutitshistory, Japaneseanthropologyhasnotbeenanisolatedphenomenonbutrather aproductoftheintersectionofvariousanthropologicaltraditionsin theworld.ThemultiplexandhybrididentityofJapaneseanthropology may be important, because an open forum of world anthropologies shouldconsistnotofrepresentativesofnationalanthropologiesbutof transnationalanthropologistswhoarelocatedsomewhereinbetween. Inthissense,theanthropologyofthefuturewillbeconstructedonthe basisofthe“glocal”(Robertson1995),or“global-local,”interaction.
Notes 1. InApril2004theJapaneseSocietyofEthnologychangeditsnametothe JapaneseSocietyofCulturalAnthropology.Themainreasonwasthat“cultural anthropology” is much more extensively used than “ethnology” (or “social anthropology”) in contemporary Japanese society. In Japan, sociocultural anthropology and biological anthropology form separate associations, with nosingleumbrellaassociationtolinkthem. 2. TheAnthropologyNewsletteroftheAmericanAnthropologicalAssociation (vol. 43, no. 8, November 2002, p. 10) mentions the work of the Japanese SocietyofEthnologyandtheAnthropologicalSocietyofNipponinpromoting tieswithotheranthropologicalorganizationsacrosstheglobe. 3. IdrawonmaterialfromapaperIco-authoredwithJosephBoscoandJerry Eades(Yamashita,Bosco,andEades2004),togetherwithanearlierbook-review articleonanthropologyandcolonialisminAsiaandOceania(Yamashita2001) andapaperpresentedattheannualmeetingoftheAmericanAnthropological AssociationinNewOrleansinNovember2002(Yamashita2002). 4. IwasavisitingscholaratCornellUniversityinIthaca,NewYork,from July1981toMarch1983,atCambridgeUniversityinEnglandfromAprilto July1983,andattheUniversityofCalifornia–BerkeleyfromSeptember1998 toAugust1999. 5. Duringthisperiod,ToriiwasassociatedwiththeDepartmentofOriental History of the University of Tokyo, founded by the historian Kurakichi Shiratori, the founder of to¯yo ¯ shigaku, or “Oriental history,” in Japan (see Tanaka1993).IpresumethatToriiestablishedhis“Orientalethnology”under Shiratori’sinfluence.
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6. Rather confusingly, there are two words pronounced minzokugaku in Japanese, though they are written differently in Chinese characters. Minzokugakucanthereforemeaneither“ethnology”or“folklorestudies,”dependingonthecharactersused. 7. Generally speaking, anthropologists in non-Western countries study peopleintheirowncountriesratherthanforeignothers.Malaysiananthropologists, for instance, study Malaysians, and Indonesian anthropologists study Indonesians. This is different from Western colonial anthropology, inwhichtheBritishstudiedMalaysiansandtheDutchstudiedIndonesians as colonial others. Japan combines the two traditions: a flourishing school of research on Japan, particularly in folklore, coexists with anthropological researchoutsideJapan,whicharoseoutofcolonialism. 8. Oftheword“twist,”Kuwayama(1997:521)notedthatitmightimply the “inauthentic” character of Japanese anthropology, in comparison with “authentic”Westernanthropology. 9. Lévi-Strauss(1967:344)pointedoutsomefiftyyearsagothatanthropologywasnotdistinguishedfromtheotherhumanandsocialsciencesbyan areaofstudythatwaspeculiartoitalone. 10. At the AAA annual meeting in November 2001 in Washington, DC, JudithFreidenbergandJuneNashorganizedapanelcalled“Institutionalizing theDisciplineofAnthropologyinInternationalArenas.”Thismayhavebeen an attempt to internationalize American anthropology, especially after the eventsofSeptember11,2001.Foracynicalcriticismofthispanel,seeMoeran 2002. 11. One might mention here the development of the Anthropologists of JapaninJapan(AJJ)network,whichconsistsmainlyofforeignscholarsworking in Japan, together with some Japanese scholars trained overseas. It currentlyhasbetween60and70regularparticipants.
t h r e e
Transformations in Siberian Anthropology An Insider’s Perspective
Nikolai Vakhtin
T
heideaofanthropological(ethnographic)researchcametoRussia fromGermanyintheearlymid-nineteenthcentury,togetherwiththe Romanticideaofthenation-state(Schweitzer2001).Thevastexpanses ofSiberia,populatedbyseveraldozenindigenouspeoples,were,along withCentralAsiaandtheCaucasus,naturalfieldsforanthropological research.1SiberiananthropologywasparticularlyreinforcedbytheJesup NorthPacificExpedition(1897–1902),intellectuallydesignedandled byFranzBoas.Thiseventanditsconsequentresearchandpublishing shaped, to a great extent, the Russian anthropological paradigm in thefirsttwodecadesofthetwentiethcentury,makingitpartofthe internationalanthropologicalscene(seeKrupnikandVakhtin2003). Simultaneously, the specific character of Russian colonialism, as wellasthetheoreticalmainstreamofSovietethnography,determined the development of Siberian anthropology in two respects: it was ethnohistoricallybiasedandithadanemphaticeschatologicaldisposition.Russian(Soviet)ethnographersviewedtheobjectsoftheirresearch aspeoplewhowouldsoonbecome“likeus”—hencetheirrestraintfrom studiesofcontemporaryconditionsof“thenativepeoples”andtheir tendency to study ethnic history. And because the objects of study weresupposedtodisappearsoonandmergeintoahomogeneousmass (whether“citizensoftheempire”or“theSovietpeople”),ethnologists’ primarymissionwastorecordthisvanishingpast—anapproachSusan Gal(1989)called“pastoralist.”
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This tendency was reinforced in Soviet times by fierce ideological pressure: the present was to be described solely in accordance with ideologicallyapprovedprescriptions.Thiswastruefordescriptionsof thepastaswell,butthemarginoffreechoiceforsocialresearchintothe presentwasmuchnarrower.Itwassafertoturnawayfromthepresent andfocusonthepast.Thistrend,togetherwithideologicalcensorship and a language barrier, created a deep breach between Russian and Westernanthropologicaltraditions. ThesituationinSiberianresearchchangedafter1989.Siberiananthropology has once again become internationalized through fieldwork doneinSiberiabyscoresofWesternanthropologists(withalargeshare ofjointprojects),aswellasbyintensiveacademiccontacts.Thisnew developmenthasrevealedinterestingdiscrepanciesbetweenthetwo traditions,suchasdifferentapproachestotheobjectofstudy,contrasting theoreticalframeworks,differentattitudestowardsharingoutcomesof research,anddifferentethicalproceduresandrequirements.
SiberianAnthropologyattheTurnoftheTwentieth Century:AnInternationalEnterprise Although until the late eighteenth century foreigners made up the majorityofSiberianresearchers,theywere,asarule,employedbythe Russianstate,usuallybytheAcademyofSciences,andtheyworked in close contact with Russian scholars. Some “foreigners” stayed in Russiaforrelativelyshortperiodsandviewedtheirassignmentsthere as temporary; others spent their entire professional lives in Russia andconsideredthemselvespartofRussianscience(Schweitzer2001: 268ff.). IndividualtravelerssuchasMattiasKastren,KarlvonDitmar,and GerhardMaidelvisitedthe“LandofSiberia”inthe1850sand1860s and left valuable descriptions of it (see, for example, Kastren 1860; Maidel1894;vonDitmar1901;comparewithSchweitzer2001:112–16). Still,inthefirsttwo-thirdsofthenineteenthcentury,Siberia,avast andremotecountrywithasparsepopulationandfewliterati,wasnot aparticularlyfascinatingfieldforregularresearchinRussianscience. Onlyinthelastthirdofthecenturydidethnologyandethnography developinRussiaintoindependentandpopularacademicdisciplines. In1889thefirstissueofEtnograficheskoeobozrenie(Ethnographicsurvey) waspublished,andin1890,thefirstissueofZhivayastarina(Living antiquity).2In1894theacademicianVladimirRadlovbecamedirector oftheKunstkameramuseuminSt.Petersburg,whichbecame,under
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hisleadership,anactiveandmodernresearchinstitution(Schweitzer 2001:138–42). Inthe1880s,interestinSiberianresearchincreasedwiththegrowth oftheurban,educatedpopulationthere.SectionsoftheRussianGeographicalSocietywereestablishedinSiberia(firstinIrkutskandlaterin theFarEast;Shirina1983,1993).In1888thefirstSiberianuniversitywas openedinTomsk(Schweitzer2001:137).ThefamousJesupNorthPacific Expedition(JNPE)playedanimportantroleinencouragingethnological researchinSiberia(especiallyinitsnortheasternpart),asdidthefact thatseveralRussianscholarswereabletotakepartinitswork. TheJNPE,planned,organized,andcarriedoutbyFranzBoas,wasa majorenterprise(fordetailsoftheexpedition,see,e.g.,Fitzhughand Krupnik 2001; Freed, Freed, and Williamson 1988; Schweitzer 2001: 153ff.;Vakhtin2001).Itsohappenedthattwo,andlaterthree,Russian scholars became members of the expedition—and simultaneously becameinformalstudentsofBoas’s.Thesemen,whohadwhenyoung participated in the revolutionary movement, were members of the NarodnayaVolia(People’sFreedom)insurgentparty;inthe1880sthey werearrestedandexiledtoSiberiafortenyears.Theretheybecame interested in indigenous languages and ethnographies, conducted field research, and collected anthropological data. They returned to St.PetersburgjustatthetimeBoaswrotetoRadlovaskinghimtohelp findspecialistsinSiberianethnographyforhisexpedition. Thesethreemen—VladimirBogoraz,VladimirJochelson,andlater LeoSternberg—became,duringthe1910sand1920s,the“founding fathers”ofSiberianstudies.BogorazandSternbergorganizedthefamous InstituteofthePeopleoftheNorth,andallthreewereactivemembers oftheCommitteeoftheNorth(1921–35).Theynotonlydetermined, in the early years of the Soviet regime, the directions, format, and theoreticalframeworkofanthropologicaleducationandresearchbut alsoconsiderablyinfluencedSovietpolicytowardSiberianindigenous peoples and their languages in the 1920s (on Soviet national and languagepolicy,see,e.g.,Alpatov1994,1997;Kreindler1984;Silver 1974;Slezkine1996;Vakhtin2003). Amongotherthings,theJNPEproducedforthefirsttimeinSiberian anthropology a stream of dozens of contributions under a common agenda that were written, edited, translated, and delivered across languageandpoliticalbarriersforalmostthirtyyears.3Thepartnership establishedduringtheyearsoftheprojectwasseeminglyonitswayto beingextendedtothesecondgenerationofscholarsnurturedbythe originalJNPEmembers—adevelopmentthatneverhappened(Krupnik andVakhtin2003),aswewillseelater.
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Duringthisperiod,RussianandWesternresearchinandonSiberia went hand in hand, supporting and nourishing each other in both theoreticalapproachesandfielddata.4Thenewacademicdiscipline, ethnology,developedtriumphantlyinWesternEuropeandtheUnited States and strongly influenced Russian ethnological thinking, the mottoesofwhichatthetimewerepragmatismanddescriptivefieldwork (Slezkine1993:114;compareSchweitzer2001).
AnAir-TightVault:Post-1917SovietSiberianists After the 1917 revolution in Russia, Russian and European–North Americanethnologiestookdifferentpaths.Inthefirstyearsafterthe revolution,certaininnovativetendenciesemergedinRussianethnology that had been formed on common grounds with, and not without influence from, those in Europe: “Scholars moved from diachrony andhistoricismtosynchrony,function,andstructure”(Slezkine1996: 830).Fromadifferentperspective,thesetendenciescanbedefinedas “internationalist.” Withoutgoingintodetails,letmesimplyrefertooneexamplefrom a “hard-boiled evolutionist,” Leo Sternberg. In an address given in 1921beforetheannualmeetingoftheGeographicInstitute,Sternberg formulatedthescholarlyparadigmthatheandhiscolleagueshadmade thebackboneoftheinstitute’steachingprogram—theessenceofits ethnological education and research.5 Although this paradigm was clearlyevolutionist,itregardedethnicitynotasanintrinsiccharacteristicofallpeoplebutratherasasurfacerepresentationofinnerunity. Thecornerstoneoftheparadigmwastheideaofaunitedhumankind: equalityandfraternityofallpeoples,regardlessoftheirplaceonthe “ladderofcivilization.”AccordingtoSternberg,ethnologywasascience thatwassupposedtodemonstrate,throughexactanalyticalmethods andnumerouscollectedfacts—the“inexhaustibletreasuryoffactsabout thelifeofallpeoples,allstagesofculture,allepochs”—theuniversal characterofhumanculture(Sternbergn.d.:25). Other scholars of the time formulated similar ideas: the historian N.M.Pokrovskii,thelinguistN.Ia.Marr,andthoselinguistswhowere activeinthe1920sinthelanguagepolicymovement.6Publicationsof thetimeabout“thenationalquestion,”languages,writingsystems,and alphabetswerefullofstatementsemphasizingthenecessity,value,and advantagesofgivingequalsupporttoallculturesandalllanguages, regardlessofnumbersofspeakers(see,forexample,publicationsinthe officialbulletinoftheMinistryofEducation).7Instructioninandon
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nativelanguageswasintroducedinallnon-Russianprimaryschools inthecountry—thiswas,atthetime,theleitmotifoflanguageand ethnicpolicy.8 The ideas of the “internationalists” were no doubt connected to politicaltendenciesofthetime—tendenciesthatquicklybecameless favorable.ThearchaeologistS.N.Bykovskywrote:“Zealouslylooking forethnicornationalfeaturesofaculture...aneducatedarchaeologist ...is‘scientifically’endorsingtherightofimperialiststosnatchsome territoryorother”(1934,quotedinShnirelman1993:56).AsVictor Shnirelmanrightfullycommented(1993:58),“ethnogeneticstudies— that is, attempts to trace specific ways of formation of individual peoples—were impossible under Stalin’s internationalism. A scholar who risked doing this would be accused of imperial chauvinism or localnationalism.”9 Efforts were made, of course, to reestablish the true international formatofSiberianresearch,butinthiscontexttheylookednaïve.Franz Boasmadeonesucheffort,emphasizinginalettertotheRussianAcademyofSciencethat“atthepresenttime,thecontactbetweenAmerican andRussianscienceisinsufficient...Itis,therefore,highlydesirablethat anexchangeofyoungscientistsshouldbedeveloped.Thisisparticularly necessaryinthedomainofanthropology.”Theremainderoftheletter offeredanexchangeprogramforyoungscholars.10In1928Boaswas stilltryingtorestorelostcontactswithhisRussiancolleagues;theletter, tomyknowledge,wasneveranswered. Attemptstoreestablishcontactweremadefromtheothersideaswell, especiallyfromwhatmightbecalled“thesecondJesupgeneration” (KrupnikandVakhtin2003).AstudentofBogoraz’s,AlexanderForstein, wenttoDenmarkin1936asaresearchfellowattheNationalMuseum ofCopenhagen.11FromtherehewrotetoBoas(30June1936)inquiring about an opportunity to come to the United States on a long-term research grant. “Any interruption of our connections with America would be a very painful loss indeed,” he said. Boas answered on 20 August 1936, saying, “Pardon the long delay of my answer to your letter...Ididnotknowwhattoanswer.Ihaveretiredthisyearfrom activeteaching...IbelievethatworkinAmericamightbeveryuseful foryoubutIdonotknowjustwhattosuggest.” Theeraofinternationalismendedby1934,when,attheseventeenth CommunistPartyCongress,Stalinannouncedthattheprincipleenemy nowwaslocalnationalism.In1936Pokrovskii’sapproachtohistory waspurged,togetherwithmanyhistorians;theconceptoftheRussian peoplewasrehabilitatedasalegitimateobjectofresearch(Shnirelman
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1993:58).TheorientationofSovietethnography(aswellasarchaeology andlinguistics)changedfrominternationalistideastoconceptsofethnic specificityandresearchintothehistoriesofindividualethnicgroups. Shnirelman(1993:54–56)connectedthesechangeswithchangesin Stalin’sgeneralpolitics:ataboutthistime,hopefortheworldrevolution died out, and it became clear that the only plausible policy for the BolshevikswastoestablishastrongSovietstate—to“recreate,underthe guiseoftheSovietUnion,thepoliticalandadministrativestructureofthe [Russian]Empire.”Similarchangestookplaceinlanguagepolicy.With alltheviolenceofStalin’smethods,aturnwasmadetopredominant supportofthenationallanguage,Russian—thatis,inVladimirAlpatov’s terms(1994),to“normal”languagepolicyinamultiethnicstatemoving towardindustrialization. For ethnology, this had serious consequences: it brought a “sharp downturn in the fortunes of unorthodox intellectuals in the Soviet Union”(Brandist2002a:9).Whereasinthe1920santhropologistscarried outextensivefieldworkinspiteofthecountry’sfinancialcondition,by themid-1930stheirworkwasalmosttotallystopped,andethnography “becamenothingbutatheoryofprimitivecommunism”(Slezkine1993: 120).In1932N.M.Matorin,aleadingSovietethnographer,declared thattocontinuefieldworkundermodernconditionswasimperialism. Healsoclaimedthatethnographershadnorighttostudycontemporary issues: there was nothing specifically “ethnographic” about modernkolkhozy,orcollectivefarms(Matorin1931:20–21,quotedin Slezkine1993:120).EthnologyandethnographyintheSovietUnion were declared, for almost ten years, redundant and useless (indeed, theRussianepithetforthem,vrednyi,isbettertranslatedas“evil,”or “sinister”).Seriousresearchwasterminated.Formanyyearsbeginning in the mid-1930s, the main research topic for Soviet ethnographers became ethnogenesis, that is, archaeological and ethnographic, and partlylinguistic,investigationoftheformationof“ethnoses,”orethnic groups.Fromthispointonward,mutualunderstandingbetweenSoviet ethnographyandWesternanthropologybegantodecrease(Shnirelman 1993: 52). Soviet ethnographers did not do research on “cultures”; rather, their main task was to capture, understand, and glorify the imperceptible“ethnos”(Slezkine2001:362–63). In1932,aMoscowmeetingofSovietarchaeologistsandethnographers approvedaresolutionthatlaidoutimmediatetasksforethnographic research. Ethnographers, according to the document, were to study thefollowing:
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(1) the process of ethnogenesis and territorial distribution of ethnic/ nationalgroups;(2)materialproductioninitsspecific(ethnic)variants; (3) the origin of the family; (4) the origin of classes; (5) the origin of variousformsofreligionandart;(6)formsofdeteriorationofprimitive communism[and]feudalsocietyincapitalistsurroundings;(7)formsof transitionfromprecapitalistformationsdirectlytosocialism;and(8)the constructionofculture,nationalinitsformandsocialistinitscontent. (Sovetskayaetnografiya,vol.3,1932,quotedinSlezkine1993:119)12
Thisemphasisonethnicgroups,combinedwithpoliticalpressure, gave birth to another interesting feature of Soviet ethnography in the1930s(andlater):ethnographersbecameagentsofthestate.Yuri Slezkine wrote: “With the coming to power of the Bolsheviks, the essenceofnationalpolicybecameafighttoconvergeethnicborders withadministrativeones,whichmeantthatmostethnographershad tobecomeadministrators”(Slezkine2001:342).Ethnographershadto studyethnicgroups?Well,thoseethnicgroupsfirsthadtobeconstructed, delineated,andmaderigid.Anotherwriter,DavidAnderson(2000b: 135),supportsthisobservation:“AhallmarkofSovietStateethnography hasbeenaconcernwithestablishingthose[ethnic]boundariesbetween peoplewhichlaterbecamerealadministrativeborders.”Laterhesays, “The fluid boundaries between identity groups ... have been made solid and impermeable partly through official ethnographic action” (2000b:141). Inotherwords,inthelate1930sSovietpolitics,ideology,andthen sciencereturnedtotheideaofethnoses,andscientistsbegantostudy ethnogenesisandtodescribedifferencesbetweenethnosesin“material” and“spiritual”culture(seeAnderson2000a:77ff.).Theytherebycontributedtoconstructingtheethnosesthemselvesand,indoingso,tolaying thebasisforfutureethnicconflict.AsS.M.Shirokogorovwroteinthe 1930s,“Theethnographers’intentiontoshowtheinferiorityofthese smallnationsandtheneedof‘protectingthem’resultsfromthegeneral attitudesofthegreatnations...whiletheyseekimpartialtruth,they arethuspreparingthemostperfectedweaponfortheethnicstruggle inthefuture”(Shirokogorov1933:168). Beginninginthelate1930s,Slavic-Russianethnographybecamethe mainfieldofstudiesforethnogeneticresearch.Thepurposeofthese studieswastoprovetheself-drivenformationofaresourcefulandproductiveearlySlaviccultureandtodemonstratethatGermaniccultures hadbeenunderdeveloped,andtheirinfluenceonneighboringcultures, totallynegative.Thiswasananswertothe“ethnogeneticexpansion”
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of German ethnologists: Soviet authors of the 1940s were ready to discover“ancientSlavs”almosteverywhere.Sovietauthorssetapart fortheGermanicpeoplesasinsignificantaplaceasGermanauthorsof the1920and1930sallottedtoSlavicpeople(Shnirelman1993:62–63). Allthis“academicresearch,”especiallyfromthelate1940sthroughthe early1950s,wasaimedatintimidatingthedefeatedGermany,to“prove” theprimitivenessofancientGermanculture,andtohonorRussiaabove itsWesternneighbors(Shnirelman1993:63)—thatis,ithadallsortsof goals,buttheywerenotscientific.Therootsofethnogeneticresearchin theSovietUnionwerein“thestruggleforthepast”(Shnirelman1993: 64),inthecravingtoestablishaSlavicethnogeneticmyth.13 ThejournalSovetskaiaetnografiiafor1946through1955demonstrates thefollowingquantitativedistributionofpapers:151papersonethnogenesis,ethnicstatistics,ethniccartography,andresearchonethnic composition and ethnonyms; 294 papers on various aspects of subsistenceandmaterialculture;56papersonsocialstructureandfamily and marriage relations; and 182 papers on the folklore of different ethnic groups (Sovetskaya etnografiia 1956). Most papers on specific ethnographicorlinguisticissuescontainedintheirtitlesreferencesto ethnicityorethnogenesis. After 1936–37, when unrestricted terror began and many ethnographers were arrested, “uncertainty and horror were so strong that those ethnographers who were not yet in prison almost lost the abilitytospeak”(Slezkine1993:122–23).Ethnography—inMatorin’s and Bykovskii’s version—was revived only after World War II, and ethnographersreturnedtostudyingwhatwasrequiredbytheresolution ofthe1932meetingmentionedearlier. TheSovietUnionthusbecame“thefirstStateinhistorythatlegalized ethno-territorialfederalism,classifiedallcitizensinaccordancewith their ‘biological nationality,’ and formally subscribed to a policy of governmental preference by ethnicity” (Slezkine 2001: 330; see also BrubakerandCooper2000).Asanotherauthorputit,“reductionof nationaltoethnicisacharacteristicfeatureofRussiansocialsciences” (Malakhov2002:12).
TheDamBreaks:CulturalAnthropologistsinan EthnographicField Oneoftheinevitableconsequencesoftheclaustrophobicdevelopment oftheSovietstatewastheisolationofscholars,includingthosewhodid ethnographicandlinguisticresearchinSiberia.Idonotmeanisolation
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fromnewtheoreticalachievementsinWesternscience;eveninSoviet timestherewerescholarswhowatchedcarefullywhatwasgoingonin theWest.TheproblemwasthatRussianethnographerscouldworkonly withintheapprovedtheoreticalparadigm,andRussianandWestern scholarscouldnotworktogetherinthefield.Formanydecades,the Siberian“field”was,officially,completelysealed.14 Inreality,afewindividualWesternethnologistsdidsometimesfind a way to work in Siberia, even before the dissolution of the Soviet Union.In1975,MarjorieMandelstamBalzermanagedtogettonorthern Siberia.Inthemid-1980sshebeganfieldworkinwesternSiberiaamong theKhantypeopleandinYakutiaamongtheSakhapeople.Caroline HumphreydidfieldworkamongtheBuryatsinsouthernSiberiainthe late1970s.PiersVitebsky,too,begantodofieldworkinYakutiafairly early,in1986. But fieldwork by Westerners in Siberia during Soviet times had “official”—thatis,approvedandcontrolled—status.Westernscholars, whohadtobeformallyinvitedbytheAcademyofScience,werecarefullypassedonfromoneacademicinstitutiontoanother.Theywere told where they could go and where they were not allowed to go; theircontactswerestrictlymonitoredandcontrolledbywhatwasthen called“thecompetentorganizations”(aSovieteuphemismfortheKGB). Besides,theirstaysinSiberiawereusuallybrief. Fromtheturnofthe1980sthroughthe1990s,theserenelandscape of Soviet Siberian studies was shattered by the unanticipated arrival of“other”foreignanthropologists,whocameinadifferentmanner. Theywereyoungpeople,postgraduatestudentsinanthropology,from all over the world, magnetized by the sudden accessibility of a vast anthropological “field.” In full accord with the traditions of British andNorthAmericananthropology,theycameforlongperiodsoftime, usuallyforayearbutoftenmore.Theymovedaboutontheirown, uncontrolledbystateofficials;theymadefriendswithlocalpeople,lived invillagesandcamps,stayedwithfamilies,roamedwithindigenous reindeer herders on the tundra, fished and hunted with indigenous huntersandfishersinthetaiga,andgenerallybehavedlikefreepeople, cheerfullybreaking,intheeyesofthebewilderedlocaladministrators, alltheunwrittenrulesoftheSovietera. It may not be an exaggeration to say that in the late 1980s there appearedintheWest,andespeciallyinNorthAmerica,arealcrazefor Siberia.Fromthattimeintothemid-1990s,morethanadozenyoung anthropologists who had graduated from universities in the United States,Canada,GreatBritain,Germany,Norway,andFrancemanaged
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to complete serious fieldwork in Taimyr and Yakutia, in Chukotka andSakhalin,inKamchatkaandYamal,tocollectdatafortheirPhD projects.15Bytheendofthe1990s,thisworkhadbeguntoproduce results:publicationsappeared—firstarticles,thenbooks.16Theauthors foundjobsinanthropologydepartmentsatuniversitiesintheUnited States,Canada,theUnitedKingdom,Finland,France,andGermany. TheybecameregularparticipantsinacademicconferencesonSiberian anthropology both in Russia and abroad. Russian scholars who did researchontheculturesandlanguagesofSiberiabegantodiscerna metamorphosisoftheiracademiclandscape. Thismetamorphosiscanbeperceivedinseveralrespects.First,the (invisible)internationalacademiccommunityofSiberiananthropologists hasgrownconsiderablyinnumbersandhasbecomemuchyounger. ApproximatelythreedozenRussiananthropologistsandlinguistswho didresearchinandonSiberiahavebeenreinforcedbyastrongand activecohortofforeignscholars,comparableinnumbers,whoseadvent hasmarkedlytransformedthecommunity.Alongsidethis“mechanical populationincrease,”thenumberofRussiananthropologistshasdecreased steadily, due to natural causes, to the departure of Russian scholarsfromtheunderpaiddiscipline(andinmanycases,fromthe country),andtoyoungRussianstudents’apparentunwillingnesstoenter adisciplinethat,intheearly1990s,seemedtohavenocareerprospects atall.Againstthebackgroundofdecreasingnumbersofresearchstaffin theSiberiandepartmentsofvariousinstitutesofethnologyandinthe linguisticsdepartmentsoftheAcademyofScience,theUniversitiesof St.Petersburg,Moscow,Tomsk,andNovosibirsk,andothertraditional researchcenters,theadventoftentofifteenyoung,energeticscholars from the West was a major transformation.17 Interestingly, among the Western Siberianists there are no “generations”: all of them are approximatelythesameage.Thiscreatesspecialrelationsbothwithin thegroupandbetweenthegroupanditsRussiancolleagues. ThesecondimportantchangeintheSiberianacademiclandscapeis thechangeintheobjectofanthropologicalresearch.Russian(Soviet) ethnologicalresearch,asImentioned,wasalwaysconnectedwiththe past,withtradition,withstudiesofcultures,languages,andsocietiesthat were“onthevergeofextinction”andthushadurgentlytoberecorded beforeitwastoolate.Thisviewwasnot,ofcourse,aRussianinvention: asSusanGal(1989)noted,claimsabouttheinevitabledisappearanceof cultures,languages,anddialects,soonaftertheywerediscovered,were constantandcentralrhetoricalfiguresofEuropeanethnographyofthe twentiethcentury.Scholarsoftenwereinsearchofremoteruralareas,
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ofelderlypeople;theywerelookingforarchaic,unchanged,andhence “genuine,”authenticelementsofculture.Theyinterpretedchangesas distortions,aslossesofthis“genuineness.”Galcalledthisapproach “pastoral”:thepastisthemodel,thepresentisregardedasthe“spoiled past.”Althoughmanyscholarsexplicitlyrejectedthisapproach,itstill influencedtheirresults(Gal1989:315–16).18 Theoppositeapproachtothe“ethnographicfield”—namely,studies ofthecontemporarysocial,cultural,andlinguisticfeaturesofmodern communities—was, as I mentioned, totally washed away in the late 1920sbystudiesof“ethnogenesis”and“materialculture.”Thenew cohortofyoungWesternanthropologistsbroughtbackthisapproach: theirworkstronglyemphasizesthepresentassomethingofvaluein itself.Theystudycontemporaryreindeerherding,contemporaryethnic identitiesandconflicts,contemporarypowerandgenderrelations.This,as wellasthefactthatinternationalfoundationsemphasizetheirsupport forresearchintocontemporarytopics,hascausedRussianscholarsto adjusttheirresearchalongthenew—orrather,forgotten—lines. Anotherimportanttransformationiswhatonemightcallchangesin “propertyrelations”amongSovietSiberiananthropologistsindividing theirdomainsofstudy.Fordecades,theserelationsrestedundisturbed: everybodyknewwhostudiedwhat,andwhohadthe“right”tostudy what.Inaway,Siberiawasdividedinto“spheresofinfluence”among scholarsfromMoscow,Leningrad,Novosibirsk,Tomsk,andsomeother cities;itwasrarethattwoscholars,whetherlinguistsorethnographers, didresearchinthesameareaoronthesamelanguage.Thisdivision of Siberia into “hunting sites”—where each scholar had his or her “legitimate”area,people,orlanguage,andtrespassingwasdefinitely unwelcome—canbeexplainedpartlybythesmallnumberofscholars: thefieldwastoovastandhumanlifetooshorttotakemorethanone indigenous group or language for serious research. Partly, however, thissituationwasmaintainedconsciously,andnotalwaysforpurely academicconsiderations. ThearrivalofWesternanthropologistschangedthesituationconsiderably.Inthe1990salmosteveryRussianethnologistdiscoveredthathe orshehadacquiredacolleague(orarival,dependingonone’spoint ofview)whoworkedinthesamearea,inthesamevillages,andoften atthesametime.The“naturalmonopoly”ofRussianethnologistsover “their”people,area,orlanguagecametoanend. ThetheoreticalparadigmofSiberianresearchalsochanged.Soviet ethnologistsworked,willinglyornot,withinpseudo-Marxisttheory, developed and approved by several “recognized” scholars—and first
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ofallwithinthe“theoryofethnos.”Westernscholarsbroughtinnew theoreticalapproaches.Itisnotthatthoseideaswereentirelynewto Sovietscholars,butthemerefactthatitnowbecamepossibletochoose betweenapproaches,betweendifferentconceptualandterminological systems,wasabreathoffreshairforRussianscholarship. Idonotmeantosaythatall“foreign”theoriesandmethodologies werenecessarilybetter,orthatforeignscholarswerefreefromtheoretical stereotypes or fashions, with their inevitable references to Mikhail BakhtinandLevIakubinskii,MichelFoucaultandFredrikBarth,Ernest Gellner and Benedict Anderson (references that often resemble the unavoidablereferencestoMarx,Engels,andLeninonthefirstpages of Soviet publications). But the mere fact that these were different theoriesandthattherewasnowapossibilityofchoiceaffectedRussian ethnography. Finally, the rise of the system of research grants, including internationalones,wasalsoanewdevelopment.Thepossibilityofapproachinginternationalfundingagenciesdirectlyandofstartingjointresearch projectswithcolleaguesfromothercountrieserodedthestate’smonopolyoninternationalcollaborationandledtotheactivedevelopment of ethnological, archaeological, and linguistic research in Siberia— at Siberian universities and research institutions. Modern Siberian ethnologyinRussiaismuchmoredecentralizedthanitusedtobe. AlthoughthefashionfordoingfieldworkinSiberiahasebbedsomewhatbynow,itisclearthatthisoutburstofinterestwasnotaccidental ortemporary;thechangesintheSiberianistlandscapearenowestablishedfacts.Siberiananthropologicalstudiesare—theoretically,methodologically,andpractically—muchmoreinternationalthantheywere duringtheSovietera.Theyare,inasense,startingoverfromthepoint intheearly1920swhenculturalanthropology,broughttothecountry by Bogoraz, Sternberg, Jochelson, and others, began to develop as a naturalpartofinternationalscience,adevelopmentthatwasviolently terminatedbytheSovietpower.
What’sNew?CurrentChangesinResearchParadigms AsaresultofthedevelopmentsIhaveoutlined,today’sSiberiananthropologicalresearchinRussiaisundergoingacutedisciplinarytransformations.Iwilllimitmyselftotwobriefexamplesofthesetransformations within two aspects of research: changes in the object of study and changesinattitudestowardethicalaspectsofanthropologicalresearch inSiberia(seeVakhtinandSirina2003fordetails).
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ThefieldmethodologyacceptedinRussianethnologicalresearch,as wellastheprogramsofsuchresearch,wereoriginallydesignedforthe studyofspecificterritories(Sirina2002).Withtheriseofthe“theory ofethnos,”thesemethodswereappliedtoindividual“ethnicgroups” (“peoples”),whichcausednumerousproblems,especiallyinpartsof Siberiaknownas“zonesofethniccontact”(Vasiliev1985).Inthose zones, different “ethnoses” had lived together and influenced one another for centuries, and it was often impossible to tell where the ethnicboundarieslay,iftheyexistedatall.Norwasthisapproachuseful for large territories encompassing several distant groups, such as Evens,Evenki,andNenets. BecausemostofSiberiaisinfactonebig“zoneofethniccontact,” and because indigenous demography has changed considerably in thelastfiftyyears,influencedbythehighmobilityofthepopulation, researchthattakes“oneethnos”asitsobjectdrivesitselfintoadead end:itisoftenimpossibletodefinetheobject.Thistendencyisnow slowlybeingovercome,notwithoutthepositiveinfluenceofWestern anthropologistswhoemployintheirresearchaterritorialapproach. (Again,IdonotmeantosaythatWesternapproachesarenecessarily better: in many cases it is only collaborative research that can yield convincingresults.) AnotherinterestingtraitofcurrentSiberianethnologyisashiftfrom studies of indigenous populations to studies of all populations. The ethnicpictureofmodernSiberiaiscomplicatedandcannotbereduced to simple dichotomies such as “indigenous people vs. newcomers,” “oppressedvs.oppressors,”or“traditionalvs.innovative.”Indigenous populations are today highly structured and stratified and include thosewhoprefertraditionalsubsistence,thosewhoprefertolivein villages,andethniceliteswhooccupyleadingpositionsinsocialand power structures. The “newcomers” (Russians) are also diversified. They include “old settlers” who have lived in the area for the last three hundred years, people born in the area to immigrant parents, and“real”newcomers,temporaryandevenpart-time(“shift”)workers. Thesocial,educational,andeconomiccharacteristicsofallthesegroups arediversified.Forsomeareas,atleastthreekindsofgroupsaredefined: localadministration,localindustry,andtheindigenouspopulation;all threearenowbecominglegitimateobjectsofanthropologicalresearch (seeNovikova2002). Ethical codes for anthropological research are adopted by both nationalandinternationalassociationsofanthropologistsandbyindigenous communities. An interesting discussion is presently going on
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inRussiaaboutwhethersuchacodecan—andshould—beadopted. Unwrittenrulesofconduct“inthefield”have,ofcourse,alwaysexisted inRussia,buttomakethemawritten(paralegal)document,oneneeds twolegitimatepartiesto“sign”it.TherecentlyestablishedAssociationof RussianAnthropologistsandEthnologistscouldbeonesuchparty;the othersideisevidently“thecommunity.”Butindigenouscommunities inSiberiaareverymisleadingunits.Ononehand,manyofthemwere createdartificiallyduringtheinfamouseraofforcefulrelocationsof indigenous people in the 1950s and 1960s (see Vakhtin 1992). On theotherhand,manyofthemexistonlyonpaperandarereducedto nativeelites;therearedoubtswhethertheseunitscanbepartnersina “contract”ofthiskind. Importantly,thiswholediscussionwasinitiated,althoughindirectly, byWesternanthropologists,whoobviouslyfeeluncomfortablewithout suchacode.Theyfindthemselvesinanevenmorecomplicatedsituation thantheirRussiancolleagues,because,notbeingRussiancitizens,they cannotinterfereinlocalpoliticsortakepartinlocaleconomic,social, orethnicconflicts.BothRussianandWesternanthropologistsseetheir missionatthatofbecoming“thevoiceofthevoiceless”:tomakethe problems of the Natives known and heard, to help them formulate theirneedsinthelanguageofthelaw,tohelpthemintheirstruggle forrights(Argunova2002;Novikova2002).Jointcultural,language, andeducationalprojectswithandforindigenouspeople(Kasten2002a; Koester2002)areonepossiblesolution,yettheethicsofanthropological researchinSiberiaremainsadifficultissueforbothRussianandnonRussianresearchers.
TheCurrentSituation:CooperationorRivalry? Westernanthropologists,justliketheirRussiancolleagues,areworking today in a “field” that was, to a large extent, constructed by Soviet national (and language) policies and by Soviet ethnographic (and linguistic)research.ButWesternanthropologistshavebeenbroughtup inanentirelydifferenttheoreticalandmethodologicaltraditionfrom thatoftheirRussiancolleaguesoftheoldergeneration.Comingtothe “Siberianfield,”theyarenaturallytemptedtodeconstructit,topeeloff stereotypesandthe“discursivecrust”andidentifyunderlyingmeanings andfacts.Butonthisroad,atrapawaitsthem.Bydeconstructingthe objectofstudy,theysimultaneouslyandautomaticallyrepudiatethe scholarlytraditionthatconstructedtheobject.Consciouslyornot,they findthemselvesinapositionofcriticismofSoviet(Russian)ethnology— which,naturally,Russianethnologistsdonotlike.
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I will finish with a story about a clash between two scholars: the CanadiananthropologistDavidAnderson,whonowworksinScotland, andtheRussianlinguistEvgeniiHelimskii,whonowworksinGermany. Bothare,intheirrespectivefields,professionalsofthehighestrank. InJune2000aconferencetookplaceinVienna,where,unexpectedly,HelimskiipresentedasharplycriticalreviewofAnderson’sbook IdentityandEcologyinArcticSiberia(2000a).19TwoofAnderson’s“sins,” inHelimskii’sopinion,wereunderratingtherole,achievements,and valueofSovietscholarshipandoverratingthescaleofethnicconflicts intheregion.Helimskiiisclearlya“primordialist”:forhim,ethnicity is peacefully and simply inherited, passed from parents to children unchangedandunchangeable.HewasenragedatthewayAnderson treatedtheissue,accusingthelatterofnolessthaninflating,through hisresearch,ethnicconflictinTaimyr.Anderson,onthecontrary,is clearly a “constructivist”: for him, ethnicity, which previously had beeninsignificantinthearea,was“constructed”inthemid-twentieth century, not without the help of Soviet ethnographers, and now is claimedbylocalelitesandusedasaninstrumentinpolitical,social,and economiclifeinthearea.Thediscussionwasenergeticandcausedsome long-lastingripplesonthequietsurfaceofthetinySiberianistpond. Thispolemicisagoodexampleofthemutual“ideological”misunderstandingthatis,unfortunately,widespreadandimpedesjointproductive workbyRussianandWesternSiberianists.The“ideologicalstruggle”in thedisciplineisfurtheraggravatedbythefactthatSovietethnography, throughout its history, was strongly politicized and “ideologized”: ethnographers received political assignments from the state. When theideologicalconstituentdissolvedinthelate1980s,ethnographers foundthemselvesinamethodologicalvacuum.Atfirst,newWestern theoriesbegantopourinandfillinthegap,butinlateryears,neonationalistdemandsbegantoarise,andethnography,archaeology,and linguisticswereonceagainrecruitedtohelpsupportvariouspolitical and territorial claims, “prove” the antiquity of an ethnic group, or “prove”therightofthisorthatgrouptoself-government,toapiece ofland,ortoahistory(compareShnirelman2000). Westernanthropologistsarestrangerstothisgameandareusually— andunderstandably—unwillingtoplayit.Thelocalelites,becausethey cannot use them, try to dislodge them from the scene, often using straightforwardmethods.TheyaccuseWesternanthropologistsofworkingforforeignintelligenceagencies,ofbeing“agentsofinfluence”for theinternationaloilindustry,andevenofattemptingtocutoffapiece ofSiberiaandproclaimitasovereigncountry.Quiteafewpublications
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making such claims have appeared in the local press; usually they end with demands “to put an end to” the insurgent activities of a certain anthropologist. Here is just one example, a passage from an emailmessagesenttomebyacolleague,NN,asocialanthropologist with two years of fieldwork in Chukotka, which I received in April 2000 (translated from the Russian): “Well, Nick, this has happened: IhavebeenrefusedpermissiontoconductfieldworkinChukotka... theDepartmentofMigrationandNationalitiessentmypaperstothe Department of Agriculture for endorsement. They have a new boss there, and he disapproved.” Disciplinary transformations are taking place—and the reactions of the “systems of power” are not always favorable. Allthingsconsidered,onecanstillsaythatRussianculturalanthropologyisgoingthroughaninternationalphaseinitsdevelopment,or atleastitisenteringsuchaphase.Unlikethe1990s,thefirstyearsof thenewmillenniumseemtohavebroughtRussiaagrowingeconomy and economic and social stability; unlike in the 1990s, the social sciences and humanities have again begun to receive state financial support,howevermodestandinsufficient.Russianscholarsarefeeling muchmoreconfidentaboutgettinginternationalresearchgrantsand scholarships,whichputthemfinanciallyonamoreequalbasiswith theirWesterncolleagues.Scholarlyparadigms,theoreticalframeworks, and methodological approaches are also becoming more level. Both epistemologicalandinstitutionalrelationsbetweenRussianandWestern scholarsarethusgrowingmorebalancedandapparentlyhaveatpresent agreaterpotentialforcross-fertilization. Forme,whatIhavedescribedinthischapterismorethanadispassionatehistoryofscience,or“transformationsinSiberiananthropology.”Itis ahistoryofabranchofscienceinwhichIhaveworkedforthelastthirty years,somyattitudesarefarfromdisinterested.LikePeterSchweitzer (2001:17),Ifeelthatmyviewofthepastisdifficulttoseparatefrom myinterestsinthepresentandfutureofSiberianresearch.Schweitzer’s centralanalyticalconceptwasthenotionof“national”versus“trans-or international”scholarship;hesuggestedamodelaccordingtowhich periodsofclaustrophobiainthedevelopmentofSiberianstudies(that is,timesof“national”academicapproaches)alternatewithperiodsof openness(“transnational”).BecauseIaman“insider,”Ihope,rather egotistically,thatSchweitzer’smodel,althoughundoubtedlytruefor thepast,willprovewrongforthefuture—thatinthefuture,Siberian anthropologywillnotagainbecomeapurelyRussianresearchfield, thatothernationalandtransnationalresearchtraditionswillestablish
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themselvespermanentlyintherealmofSiberiananthropology.Ihope, inotherwords,thattheclaustrophobicyearsareinthepast,whatever fluctuationsthe“systemsofpower”mightundergo—althoughofcourse oneneverknows.
Notes 1. Muchofthischapter,especiallyitssecondpart,isbutabriefoverviewof themaintendenciesinSovietethnologyingeneral,ofwhichSiberiananthropologywasmerelyapart.Becauseofmypersonalinterestsandexperience,I ammorefamiliarwithlinguisticresearchand,consequently,withthehistory oflanguageresearchandlanguagepolicyinSiberia. 2. ThejournalEtnograficheskoeobozreniewaspublisheduntil1926,whenits namewaschanged,firsttoEtnografia(Ethnography),from1926to1929,and thentoSovetskayaetnografia(Sovietethnography),from1930to1991.Afterthe collapseoftheSovietUnionin1991,itwaschangedbacktoEthograficheskoe obozrenie. 3. SeethedetailedbibliographyofpublicationsconnectedwiththeexpeditioncompiledbyIgorKrupnik(2001). 4. See, for example, the obituary of S. M. Shirokogorov published by W.Muelman(Etnograficheskoeobozrenie2002,no.1),inwhichShirokogorov’s influence on European theoretical thought is discussed. See also Schweitzer 2001. 5. Sternbergn.d.AsfarasIknow,thisaddresshasneverbeenpublished. Sternberg and Bogoraz established the Geographic Institute in 1916 as an ethnologicalresearchinstitutionwithinSt.PetersburgUniversity.Intheearly 1920sitbecamethenucleusofthefamousInstituteoftheNorthernPeoples, latertransformedintotheNorthernDepartmentoftheHertzenPedagogical Institute,themaineducationalinstitutionforindigenousNorthernminorities. 6. From the modern standpoint, despite the notoriety of Marr’s speculations,therewasinthemagrainofreason.Ifonesetsasidehis“stadialtheory” (i.e., that all languages pass through the same stages of development, from primitivetodeveloped,andthestagescoincidewiththesocialandeconomic stages of societies), his ill-famed “four-element” theory, and his thesis that eachsocialclassspokeadifferentlanguage(seeBrandist2002b),thereremain Marr’s powerful thoughts about the “interbreeding” of languages, cultures, andpeoples,hisideasabouttheirmutualinfluence,andhispointaboutthe
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unified principles determining the development of languages and cultures. According to Marr, all modern languages and peoples were mixed; besides, language,culture,race,andreligionwerehistoricalcategories,whichmeant thattheychangedovertime(Marr1915:287,quotedinShnirelman1993:53). Wefindhereacompletelydifferentapproachtoethnicity(“race,”inMarr’s terms)asaresilientcategory,anapproachthatlooksmorelikemodernones thanlikethe“primordial”theoriesofethnicitythatlaterbecamedominant inSovietethnography. 7. BulletinofOfficialOrdersandCommunicationsoftheMinistryofEducation, 13January1923(no.7):10. 8. See the speech given by N. M. Pokrovskii before the First All-Russian Congress of Regional Councils (26 January 1923) on the enlightenment of nationalities,inBulletinofOfficialOrdersandCommunicationsoftheMinistryof Education,13January1923(no.10):12.SeealsothepresentationbyRosenin thesamesource(p.15). 9. For those unacquainted with Stalinist political rhetoric, “imperial chauvinism” (velikoderzhavnyi shovinizm) and “local nationalism” (mestnyi natsionalizm)weretwoaccusationstheBolsheviksusedalternativelytocharge andpurgethosewhocarriedontheirshouldersallculturalwork.Toomuch attention to the general (whether in language, culture, habits, or school curricula) put the person at risk of being accused of imperial chauvinism (and imprisoned). Too much emphasis on the particular—wherever that mightbe—ledtochargesoflocalnationalism,withthesameresult.Tomake things utterly hopeless, only one person, Stalin, knew the correct balance. Forexample,whatwordshouldonesuggestasnormativeforaschoolbookin YupikEskimotonameahospital?Ifoneusedbolnitsa,aRussianborrowing, then one was accused of imperial chauvinism. If one coined an Eskimo derivative, aknighvik, or “place where one is sick,” then one was accused of localnationalism.Nowayout. 10. ThisandotherlettersbyandtoFranzBoasarequotedfromthecollection ofBoas’sprofessionalcorrespondencehousedattheAmericanPhilosophical SocietyinPhiladelphia.IusedmicrofilmcopiesattheNewYorkPublicLibrary, aswellasthecollectionoftheAmericanMuseumofNaturalHistory. 11. AlexanderForsteinwasbornin1904inMarseilles,towhichhisparents hademigratedfromsouthernRussia(presumablyescapingfromthepogroms). In 1911 he was brought back to Russia and lived in Rostov. He entered the university in St. Petersburg in the Department of Ethnography, graduated in 1926, and got a job and a postgraduate position at the Institute of the NorthernPeoples.In1927BogorazsenthimtoChukotkatoconductresearch andtoteachataschoolthere.In1927–29helivedonCapeChaplin;in1929– 30hewenttoKhabarovsk,wherehemarried;andin1930–33hereturnedto
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Chukotka,whereheworkedasdirectorofsocialandculturalprogramsforthe DistrictExecutiveCommittee.In1933hereturnedtoLeningradandbecame aresearchfellowattheInstituteofAnthropologyandEthnography.InMay 1937 he was arrested as a “Japanese spy,” allegedly a member of a counterrevolutionary organization (clearly invented by the KGB) led by another Siberianist, Yakov Koshkin. As a “member of this organization,” he was accusedofcounterrevolutionarypropagandaamongthenativepopulationof ChukotkaforsecessionoftheFarEast,aswellasofcounterrevolutionarywork amongstudentsandfacultyoftheInstituteoftheNorthernPeoplesagainst Marxisttheoryinscience.Hewassentencedtotenyearsinlaborcamps,spent theyearsintheMagadanarea,wasreleasedinJune1947,andwenttolivein asmallvillageinKurskdistrict.LaterhemovedtotheCaucasusandworked asheadadministratoratapowerplantthere.Hewasrehabilitatedin1956. He never returned to his scholarly research. In the late 1960s a Norwegian linguist,KnutBergsland,triedtofindhimandestablishcontactwithhim,but Forsteinabruptlyrefusedallcontact—hehadhadenoughofthis,hesaid. 12. Thephrase“nationalinitsformandsocialistinitscontent”isanother famousinventionofStalin’s,wellknowntoeveryonebornintheSovietUnion beforethemid-1980s. 13. “People often take pride in their national history, contending that ancientpeopleare‘their’ancestorsandsomeelementsofancientcultureare ‘their’cultural‘heritage.’Competitionforancestors[comparethesubtitleof Shnirelman’s1996book,Competitionforancestors...—N.V.]andheritagesare oftenconnectedwithpoliticaldisputesbetweenneighboringnations.Because nationsandethnicgroupscanbesolidcommunitiesonlysynchronicallyand are diachronically challengeable, it is scientifically not very meaningful to determinewhichancientormedievalcommunitiesaretheirancestors.This shouldbebetterunderstoodasacreationofmyththan[as]academicresearch” (Tomohiko2002:163). 14. Inthissectionofthechapter,Iamdrawingonmaterialsfromasymposium titled “Who Owns Siberian Ethnography?” held at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle (Saale), Germany, on 7–9 March 2002. I am also using the text of a review of that symposium that I wrote jointlywithAnnaSirina(VakhtinandSirina2003;seealsoGray,Vakhtin,and Schweitzerforthcoming). 15. I list here only some of these young scholars—those who worked in Siberiainthe1990sandhavealreadycompletedtheirresearch:DavidAnderson (ethnic processes and ethnic identities of the Taimyr Evenki and Dolgan, 1992–97);AlexiaBloch(Evenkiresidentialschoolsandindigenouseducation, 1996–98); Atsusi Esida (the social and cultural situation among the Nenets, 1995–98);BruceGrant(SovietizationamongtheNivkhiofSakhalin,1993–95);
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PatriciaGray(currentsocialprocessesandpowerrelationsinChukotka,1995– 96); Anna Kerttula (Chukotkan newcomers, Yupik Eskimos, and Chukchi identity, 1989–92); David Koester (socialization of the young generation of Itel’mens in Kamchatka, 1994–96); Hiroki Takakura (social landscape and reindeerherdingamongEvensandYakutsinYakutia,1996–99);GailFondahl (theeffectsofindustrializationonEvenkireindeerherding,1996–98);Peter Schweitzer(socialorganizationofindigenouspeoplesofChukotka,1990–98). These“veterans”havebeenfollowedbyastrongnewwaveofyoungsocial anthropologistswhoalreadywork,orareplanningtowork,inSiberia. 16. ForbooksbasedonfirsthandresearchinSiberia,seeAnderson2000a, Balzer 1999, Golovnev and Osherenko 1999, Grant 1995, Kasten 2002b, Kerttula 2000, and Rethman 2001. Similar to these, but based on archival research,isSlezkine1994. 17. ItlooksasifthedeclineinthenumbersofRussianSiberianistshasnow ended,andanoppositetendencyseemstobeunderway.Scholarsfromother disciplinesareturningtoSiberianresearch;newcentersareopening,andthe oldonesareslowlyrecoveringfromtheshockoftheeconomiccrisisofthe 1990s. 18. Compare the excellent discussion of the difference between “rapid culturalchange”and“deteriorationofculture”inthebookArctic:Contributions toSocialScienceandPublicPolicy(1993).Thebookhasasanappendixadocumentcalled“ArcticSocialScience:AnAgendaforAction,”writtenin1989. MuchofwhatitsaysabouttheAmericanArcticappliesalsotoSiberia. 19. Theconference,organizedbyPeterSchweitzer,wastitled“Siberiaand theCircumpolarNorth:AContributionofEthnologyandNGOs.”
f o u r
In Search of Anthropology in China A Discipline Caught in a Web of Nation Building, Socialist Capitalism, and Globalization
Josephine Smart
T
hehistoryofanthropologyinChinaispoorlyknownoutsideof China. Among the small body of publications on the subject in English,GregoryGuldin’smonographTheSagaofAnthropologyinChina (1994)andeditedvolumeAnthropologyinChina(1990)arethemost comprehensive.Ratherthanrepeatthesehistoricalaccounts,inthis chapter I explore the discipline’s transformations in the context of tensionsandalliancesbetweenChina’snation-buildingagenda(past andpresent),asembodiedinideologicalrhetoricandpraxis;socialist capitalism, which arose from the post-1978 economic reform; and globalization, in the form of networks and exchanges with persons and institutions outside China. In charting these transformations, I hope to convey the particularistic nature of anthropology in China andoffersomesenseofitsfuturedirection.
ABriefHistoryofAnthropologyinChina Guldin described the history of anthropology in China as neatly segregatedintofourphases:thepre-1949phase,duringwhichanthropologists“adoptedWesternapproacheswholesale”;theSovietphase, from1940tothelate1950s;theMaophase,identifiedwiththeturbulent ideologicalcampaignoftheCulturalRevolution,1957–77;andthepost1978 economic reform phase, which saw the revival and expansion ofacademicdisciplines(includinganthropology)inparallelwiththe emergenceofsocialistcapitalism(Guldin1994:6–9).
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ArecentdocumentproducedbytheChinesegovernmentinitsbid tohostthesixteenthcongressoftheInternationalUnionofAnthropologicalandEthnologicalSciences(IUAES)in2008identifiedasimilar chronologyforthedevelopmentofanthropologyinChina,withsome variations(ChinaApplicantCommittee2003a:1–2).Accordingtoit,the pre-1945yearswerethe“goldenphase”ofChineseanthropology,marked byactiveresearchandpublishing.ItwasinterruptedbytheJapanese invasionandthecivilwarbetweentheChineseCommunistPartyand theNationalistParty(Guomindang).The1950swerethe“secondgolden phase,”markedbytheconsolidationandexpansionofethnicminority studies.Researchers(anthropologistsandethnologists)werecollected andhousedtogetherattheCentralInstituteforNationalitiesinBeijing. Finally,theyearsfrom1978tothepresentwerethe“thirdgoldenphase,” characterizedbyarevivalofanthropologicaldepartmentsandresearch institutesthroughoutChinaandtheincreasinginternationalizationof Chineseanthropologythroughfacultyandstudentexchanges.Inthe 1980s,selectedworkbyLewisHenryMorgan,BronislawMalinowski, ClaudeLévi-Strauss,LucienLévy-Bruhl,MargaretMead,RuthBenedict, LeslieWhite,FranzBoas,MarvinHarris,EdmundLeach,A.R.RadcliffBrown,ElmanService,andseveralRussianandoneJapanesescholar were translated into Chinese (for more details, see China Applicant Committee2003c:6–7). Socialanthropologyandethnology—which,asIdiscusslater,arenota singledisciplineintheChineseacademicsystem—werefirstintroduced toChinaintheearlytwentiethcentury.NankaiUniversityinTianjin was the first institution to offer a course in anthropology, in 1923. By1928thefirstdepartmentofethnologyanddepartmentofanthropologywerecreatedwithintheAcademiaSinicainBeijing.In1926,Cai Yuanpeipublished“Shuominzuxue”(Onethnology),whichbecame a seminal work for subsequent generations of Chinese ethnologists (ChinaApplicantCommittee2003c:2). The early introduction of anthropology in China was dominated, however, by physical anthropology, paleoanthropology, and archaeology.ThearchaeologicalprojectatZhoukoudian,headedbyJohann Andersson, Davidson Black, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, and others, confirmed the discovery of Peking Man in 1929. This breakthrough contributed to the early consolidation of archaeology as a separate andindependentdisciplineinChina(Guldin1990:7).Inconjunction, physicalanthropologyandpaleoanthropologywereestablishedearly onwithinindependentinstitutionalframes. Incontrast,ethnologyandsocial-culturalanthropologywereoffered piecemeal within departments of history, literature, and sociology
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throughoutthe1930sand1940s.Ethnologysubsequentlydominated thedisciplineintermsofnumbersofpractitioners.Themostrecent recordsshowatotalofsixty-threedepartments,institutes,orresearch centersthatsupportdegree-grantingtrainingorresearchfacilitiesin anthropology,ethnology,orboth(ChinaApplicantCommittee2003b). Ofthese,fourteeninstitutionsofferPhDprograms inanthropology, ethnology,orbothwithingreaterChina(includingHongKongand Taiwan).Therewereonlytwostand-alonedepartmentsofanthropology inChinaproper(excludingHongKongandTaiwan):ZhongshanUniversityinGuangdongprovince(alsoknownasSunYat-senUniversity as of 2003) and Yunnan University in Yunnan province. It is worth notingthatdoctoraltraininginanthropologyinChinaisapost-1980 phenomenon(table4.1).
ForeignInfluencesandLocalSituations Japanwasthefirstsourceofinfluenceinthedevelopmentofanthropology in China, around the turn of the twentieth century (Guldin 1994: 34). This fact speaks of two historical specificities. The first is thestronginfluenceJapanhadontheacademicdisciplinesinChina. Japanwasupheldasamodelofmodernityinthenineteenthandearly twentiethcenturies.ManyChinesestudentsreceivedtheiruniversity educationsinJapanlongbeforeEuropeandtheUnitedStatesbecame educationaldestinations.Second,JapanwasthefirstnationinEastAsia tofosterinterestsinanthropology,especiallyinhumanevolution. ThisJapaneseinfluencewaslaterovershadowedbySoviet,American, European, and British influences as foreign researchers and scholars arrivedinChinatoconductfieldresearchandtolectureinavisiting capacity at Yanjing University, Tsinghua University, Peking University, and other key institutions in the north. Many of these foreign scholarswereprominentfiguresintheirrespectivefieldsofphysical anthropology,paleoarchaeology,linguisticstudies,sociology,andsocialculturalanthropology.Inaddition,thestronglinkagebetweenYanjing UniversityandtheUniversityofChicagobroughtA.R.Radcliff-Brown (1935), Robert Park (1931–32), and Robert Redfield (1948) to China (Guldin1994:43–46). CaiYuanpei,thefounderofanthropologyinChina,waseducatedat theUniversityofLeipzig,Germany,in1907–10.Hethenfoundedthe AcademiaSinicain1928andsetupananthropologydivisionwithinit in1934,whichprovidedthefoundationforminoritystudiesinChina (Guldin1994:31–33).TheAmericanmodeloffour-fieldanthropology
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Table4.1 InstitutionsinChinawithPhDProgramsinAnthropology, Ethnology,orBoth DepartmentorInstitution(DateofFormation), Location
YearProgram Established
No.Faculty Membersin Departmentor Institution
InstituteofSociologyandAnthropology(2000), PekingUniversity,Beijing
1987
49
InstituteofEthnologyandAnthropology(2002), ChineseAcademyofSocialSciences(CASS,1956), Beijing
2002
N/A
ResearchInstituteofEthnologyandSociology(1994), CentralInstituteforNationalities(1950),Beijing
1994
44
ResearchInstituteofLanguagesandEthnic Minorities(N/A),CentralInstituteforNationalities (1950),Beijing
N/A
Morethan 60
InstituteofVertebratePaleontologyand Paleoanthropology(1953),ChineseAcademyof Sciences(1929),Beijing
N/A
109
Under planning
65
InstituteofCulturalAnthropology(1999), DepartmentofSociology(1926),TsinghuaUniversity (1925),Beijing
1999
14
ResearchCentreforEthnicMinoritiesin NorthwesternChina,LanzhouUniversity(1950), Lanzhou
N/A
22
DepartmentofAnthropology(1997),Yunnan University(1923),Kunming
1997
14
ResearchInstituteofEthnologyandSociology(2003), SouthCentralUniversityforNationalities,Wuhan
2003
24
DepartmentofAnthropology(1948),Zhongshan University(1924),renamedSunYat-senUniversityin 2003,Guangzhou
1996
17
DepartmentofAnthropology(1982),National TaiwanUniversity(1949),Taipei
N/A
23
InstituteofAnthropologyofTaiwan(1988),Taiwan TsinghuaUniversity,Xinzhu
N/A
13
DepartmentofAnthropology(1980),Chinese UniversityofHongKong(1972),HongKong
1992
6
ResearchCentreforSocio-CulturalAnthropology (2001),InstituteofSociology(1980),CASS(1956), Beijing
Source:ChinaApplicantCommittee2003b.
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wasintroducedtoChinathroughAmerican-trainedChinesestudents suchasLinHuixiangofXiamenUniversity(MA1928,Universityof Philippines;LinwasastudentofHenryOtlerBeyer’s,whowasHarvard trained),WuWenzaoofYanjingUniversity(PhD1929,Columbia;a studentofFranzBoas’s),andLiFangguioftheAcademiaSinica(BA 1926,Michigan;PhD1928,Chicago;astudentofEdwardSapir’sand LeonardBloomfield’sinlinguistics)(Guldin1994:30–37). TheestablishmentofanthropologyinChinawasnoteasy,andits rockyjourneyofunevendevelopmentwassymptomaticofongoing tensions in China between nationalism, globalization, and reaction againstWesternhegemony.ItisnotmeaningfultospeakofChinese anthropology as a unified discipline of four subfields (archaeology, social-culturalanthropology,linguistics,andphysicalanthropology). Theunconditionalacceptanceofthesignificanceofarchaeologicaland physicalanthropologicalknowledgefornationalinterestshasguaranteed statefundinganduninterruptedadvancementinthesefieldsovertime, despitethemanypoliticalandeconomicstormsthePeople’sRepublic ofChina(PRC)hasweatheredsinceitinceptionin1949.Forinstance, anthropometry,themeasurementofhumanphysicalfeaturessuchas headsizeandfootsize,remainsanimportantfieldofstudyinChina today,onthestrengthofitsappliedlinkagewithconsumerproduct development in Chinese industries. Linguistics was underdeveloped and remains so today, with a narrow focus on non-Han languages. ThroughoutChina,socioculturalanthropologywasmorecommonly known as ethnology, and this label remains in use today as a result , or the of the historical subscription to ethnology (minzuxue study of nationalities and cultural groups) instead of anthropology (renleixue ,orthestudyofpeople,humanbeings),whichlikely wasinfluencedbyCaiYuanpie’s1926article“OnEthnology.” TheoriginofsocialanthropologyinWesterntraditionswasandstill isreceivedinChinawithmuchambivalence,rangingfromrejection tocreativeharnessing.Thisambivalencetowardandsuspicionabout foreign knowledge was amplified during the latter half of the Qing DynastyasaresultoftherepeatedhumiliationstheQinggovernment experiencedintheinternationalpoliticalarena,suchasitsdefeatin thetwoOpiumWarsofthe1830s.Astrongsentimentbeforeandafter thefalloftheQingDynastyin1911wasthedesiretoharnessWestern knowledgeandtechnologyfornation-buildingpurposes.Itwasinthis contextthattheutilityofsocioculturalanthropologywasprizedduring the1930s:“ThissocialsciencethatChineselikeFei[Xaiotong]were goingabroadtostudywasafieldthatmostChineseacademicshoped
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wouldserveChinainitsstruggletobecome‘modern’andstrong.Cai Yuanpei urged that ethnology be brought to China not just to add anotherdisciplinetoChineseacademiabuttouseittoformulatebetter socialpolicy”(Guldin1994:46). Thisnationalistic,nation-buildingdiscoursewasrepeatedwhenLiang ZhaotaometwithkeyofficialsintheMinistryofEducationtoargue forthe(re)installationofadepartmentofanthropologyatZhongshan Universityin1980.Liangargued,“Allothercountrieshavethisdiscipline; whynotus?Wehavesuchagloriouscultureandlargepopulation.Why notus?WeChinesemuststudyouronebillionChinese!Wemuststudy ourbountifulmaterial—ifnotus,whowill?Wecan’tleavethisscience onlytotheforeigners!Letanthropologymakeitscontributiontothe FourModernizations!”(Guldin1994:12). TheAmericanvisionofanthropologyasafour-fielddisciplinehad a stronger influence in South China. The Department of Anthropology at Zhongshan University was established in 1948 to offer fourfield undergraduate training; it was interrupted from 1949 until its reinstallationin1980.AccordingtoGuldin(1994),oppositiontoits reinstallationwaswidespreadevenamongtrainedanthropologistsand socialscientistsinChinaatthetime.Oneofthegreatestbarriersto thedevelopmentofaunifiedfour-fieldanthropologyinChinaisintradisciplinary resistance to merging existing autonomous institutions, whicharehighlydiverseintheirfundingsecurity,disciplinaryinterests, andidentity. ThegeneralunderdevelopmentofanthropologyinChinatoday(excludingHongKongandTaiwan,whichIdiscusslater)isaconsequence oftheideologicalstrugglesandcentralizedpoliticalsystemparticularto thepost-1949ChineseCommuniststate.First,withinaformalhierarchy ofacademicsubjects,anthropologyisrankedasasecond-tierdiscipline. Thisstate-imposedrankingdefinestheinferiorstatusofanthropology vis-à-vissociologyandethnology,whicharefirst-tierdisciplines,andit directlyaffectsfundingandresourceallocations(fromboththecentral government and provincial governments) and the types of students whoelecttomajorinanthropology.EntryintouniversitiesinChina isbasedonaseriesofeliminationprocesses,aidedbyexaminations andtests.Onlythebestperformers,afractionoftheentirehighschool student body in any given graduating year, get admission into the universitysystem.Thesestudentswanttostudysomething“useful”and “marketable”inpreparationforimprovedlifechancesandemployment prospects.Anthropologyhasneitherthestatusnortheimagetoattract thebeststudents.
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Asecondfactoraccountingfortheunderdevelopmentofanthropology inChinaistheideologicalpremiseofMarxismandcommunism,as understood within the Chinese context. According to this ideology, anthropologyisa“bourgeois”disciplinethatdeservestobecurtailed. Thislineofthinkingandactionwasescalatedtotheextremeduringthe CulturalRevolution(1967–77).Theinterruptionofformaleducationat thattimedidtremendousdamagetoanthropologyandotherdisciplines by creating discontinuity in human resource development and the transmission and creation of knowledge. Even earlier, in 1949, the anthropologydepartmentatZhongshanUniversityinGuangzhou(in the southern province of Guangdong, adjacent to Hong Kong) was closeddown.Ithadbeentheonlyfree-standingdepartmentofanthropologyinthecountry,anditremainedsoafteritsreopeningin1980until adepartmentofanthropologywasestablishedatYunnanUniversityin 1997.AnthropologyinChineseuniversitiesisusuallysubsumedunder orjoinedwithhistory,sociology,orotherdisciplinesinthehumanities andsocialsciences. Asathirdfactor,thepost-1949PRCgovernmentdidnotwelcome criticism and prohibited critical social studies that might call into questiontheauthorityofthestateanditsideologicalpremises.What itallowedandsupportedwasethnology—thedescriptivestudyofnonHan people (“ethnic minorities”) and their cultures. Ethnology was andisintendedtoservetheinterestsofthestateinitsgovernanceof non-HanpeoplewithintheChinesepolity.Ethnologyremainstodatea first-tierdisciplineandisanimportanttraininggroundforsociocultural anthropologistsinChina. Thetraditionofstudyingnon-Hanminoritiesanddoingdescriptive culturalstudiesofritualsandartifactscontinuesinChineseresearch, eveninsocioculturalanthropology,butanew,permissiblefieldofstudy hasemergedsinceabout1980.Thatisthefieldofruraldevelopment. Giventherapidrateofruralurbanizationandeconomicdevelopment throughoutChinaaftertheintroductionofeconomicreformin1978, thenewfocusonruraldevelopmentinanthropologyisseenascoherent withstateinterests,solongasitremainsdescriptive.Thedevelopmentof acriticalanthropologyindependentofstateideologyandintervention maybealongtimecominginChina.
AnthropologyinTaiwanandHongKong AnthropologyinTaiwanandHongKongdevelopedalongpathsquite differentfromthatofanthropologyinthePRC,forhistoricalreasons.
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TheGuomindang(GMD)establishedaparallelgovernmentinTaiwan in 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party took over China. Six institutionsinTaiwantodayofferresearchorteachingfacilitiesrelated toanthropologyorethnology,allofthemcreatedafter1950.Thereisa strongemphasisonlanguages,archaeology,andstudiesofindigenous peoples.Twoinstitutions,theNationalTaiwanUniversityandTaiwan Tsinghua University, offer graduate training in anthropology (see table4.1).Severalforeigncountrieshavehadsignificantinfluenceon Taiwanesesociety,duetoeithercolonialorgeopoliticallegacies.Taiwan wasacolonyoftheNetherlands(1624–61)andJapan(1895–1945),and the GMD government has maintained close political relations with the United States government since the 1930s. Many contemporary TaiwanesescholarsweretrainedintheUnitedStates.Thedevelopment ofanthropologyinTaiwanhasbeeninfluencedbypastandcurrent Japanese,Dutch,andAmericancontacts. EventhoughHongKongdidnotreturntoChinesesovereigntyuntil 1997, it has a long history of social and economic integration with southernChina.Theintellectualexchangebetweenthedepartments ofanthropologyattheChineseUniversityofHongKong(CUHK)and ZhongshanUniversitybeginningin1980wasanimportantjuncture inthedevelopmentofanthropologyinpost-1978China.Untilthen, however,anthropologyhadbeenvirtuallyignoredinHongKong. ChinacededHongKongtoBritainin1941.Thefirstuniversitythere, theUniversityofHongKong(HKU),wasacolonialestablishmentthat providedhighereducationintheEnglishlanguagetoasmallnumber ofstudentsselectedfortheirhighachievementinpublicexaminations. HKUwasthetraininggroundforseniorcivilservantsfortheBritish colonialadministration.ItremainedtheonlyuniversityinHongKong untiltheChineseUniversityofHongKongwasestablishedintheearly 1970s.TherewasneveradepartmentofanthropologyatHKU,even though anthropology had been a well-established discipline in key Britishuniversitiesforalongtime. The omission of anthropology in the curriculum at HKU reflects twodimensionsofthecolonialexperienceinHongKong.First,inthe Britishtradition,anthropologywasaservantofcolonialism,inthat itprovidedrelevantinformationaboutthe“natives”thatmightfacilitateeffectivecolonialadministration.Thestudyofcolonizedpeople wasforalongtimedonebyandforthecolonizers.ForBritishcolonial administratorstolearnaboutChinesecustoms,rituals,andhistoryin theirhomeinstitutionsinBritainwasfine,butitwasnotamandateof thecolonialgovernmenttoencouragecolonizedpeopletostudytheir ownsocialandculturalchangeundercolonialism.
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Second,therewasnodemandforanthropologyamongstudentsor societyatlarge.Publicawarenessandunderstandingofanthropology arestillverylimitedinHongKong.Thislackofappreciationforanthropologymayhavestemmedfromtwosources:anthropology’soriginin theWest(eventhoughitspraxisisnotexclusivelyofWesternorigin) andthefactthatmostpeople’smainconcernabouthighereducationis thepostgraduationreturnfortheirinvestmentintermsofemployment prospects,incomelevel,andjobsecurity.Foralongtimethegoalamong universitygraduateswastogetagovernmentpost,whichwasadefacto life-time meal ticket. Since Hong Kong “took off” in the 1960s and transformeditselfintoaglobalcityofaffluence,universitygraduates areevenmorepreoccupiedwithpostgraduationemploymentprospects. HongKongisruledbythemotto,“Moneyiseverything,”amind-setthat isgainingcurrencyrapidlyintheprosperouscoastalcitiesandspecial economic zones in China. The idea of studying something “useful” and “practical” that will guarantee employment after graduation is strongerthanever.Topstudentscompetefiercelytogointocommerce, businessmanagement,engineering,law,medicine,andaccounting,on theassumption,rootedinwell-establishedattitudesandworldviews, that these subjects will pave the way to easy employment and high income.Anthropologyranksextremelylowonthismarket-drivenscale ofworthiness. In1973,ProfessorChiaoChien,aTaiwaneseChinesetrainedinthe United States, joined the sociology-anthropology department at the new Chinese University of Hong Kong and was given a mandate to startupanindependentdepartmentofanthropology.Establishedin 1980,thisdepartmentremainstheonlydepartmentofanthropology amongtheeightuniversitiesinHongKongtoday.CUHKdistinguished itselffromHKUbyassumingan“American”outlook,incontrasttothe BritishimageandstructureofHKU.Itwasperhapsthis“American”-style liberalismandventureseekingthatbroughtanthropologytoCUHK. ThedepartmentatCUHKadmitsonlytwentystudentsperyearinto itsundergraduateprogram.Mostundergraduatestudentsarefemale. Itsupportsagood-sizegraduateprogramatbothMAandPhDlevels, withstudentsfromHongKongandmainlandChinaatafairlybalanced genderratio.MostofthemdofieldworkinHongKong,China,orother Asianlocales.Ingeneral,however,graduatestudentsinChinafindit nearlyimpossibletodofieldworkoutsidethecountry,becauseoflimited funding,lackofsupportfromthegovernmentforoverseasfieldwork, andsometimesalackofproficiencyinforeignlanguages.Thoughall studentsinChinaandHongKongreceivetraininginEnglish,thelevel ofproficiencyisuneven,andsomestudentscannotworkeffectivelyin
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theEnglishmedium.Thisfurtherlimitstheiropportunityanddesireto dofieldworkoutsidetheirhomelocale,eveniffundingandinstitutional supportareinplace.
EthnologyorSocioculturalAnthropology: What’sinaName? Thecoexistenceofethnologyandsocioculturalanthropologyasdistinct disciplinesinChinatoday,juxtaposedwithofficials’andacademics’ commonuseofthetermsethnology,sociology,andanthropologyassynonymousandinterchangeable,canbemystifying.Thestate’sranking of ethnology as a first-tier discipline and anthropology as a secondtieronemayaddtotheconfusionforreaderswhoconsiderthetwo disciplinestobeequals.Itisusefulfornon-Chinesereaderstoremember thatthecontentsandstructureofanthropologyarenotidenticalor uniformaroundtheworld,pastorpresent.Ethnologyandanthropology departments are co-present in Europe and other parts of the world today,andtheircoexistencespeaksofthehistoricalspecificityofthe development of these disciplines in a given place in the context of culturaldiffusion,colonialism,andglobalization.Similarly,thesituation inChinatodayrequireshistoricalcontextualization,alongthreemain axes. Thefirstaxisisthatoftheopenplayingfieldthatexistedinanthropology’sformativeyears,the1920sand1930s.Chineseanthropologies and other social sciences were strongly shaped in those decades by multiple streams of external influence from places including Japan, Europe, Russia, and the United States. No single force of influence dominated,andtherewasno“Chinese”schoolortraditioninanthropologicalknowledgetochallengethesediverseandrichexternalinfluences. The American conception of anthropology as a four-field discipline did not dominate the institutional structure or academic discourseinChinaintheearlytwentiethcentury.Thelabelsethnology andanthropologywerebothused.Generally,Americaninfluencewas consideredstrongerinthesouththaninthenorth.By1949,contact withtheWestwascutoff,andacademicexchangewithRussiaintensified throughoutthe1950s,understatesponsorship. Thesecondaxisisthatofstateintervention.AsImentionedearlier, social researchers and scholars from throughout the country were housed centrally within the institutional framework of the Central InstituteforNationalitiesbeginningin1950.Theywereencouragedto studynon-Hannationalitiesexclusively,inwhatwasofficiallycalled
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ethnology.Thisstateinterventiondirectlycontributedtoethnology’s institutionaldominanceoveranthropologyinthePRC,reinforcedby state-regulatedfundingpoliciesandthegovernment’stieredranking system for the disciplines. This bureaucratic intervention reinforced theexistingfragmentationofthesubfieldsofanthropologyandtheir competitionoverdisciplinaryboundariesandaccesstoresourcesand funding.Itispreciselythisintradisciplinarycompetition,inaddition totheindependentdevelopmentofeachwell-establishedsubfieldover manydecades,thathasbeenthesourceofgreatestresistancetothepost1978effortbyselectinstitutionstoestablishfour-fieldanthropologyin China.Thedistinctionbetweenethnology(minzuxue)andanthropology (releixue)hasbeenfirmlyestablishedinChinaandwilllikelypersist untilfurtherstateintervention. Thethirdhistoricalaxisisthepost-1978efforttoreintroduceanthropologybyZhongshanUniversity(1980)andXiamenUniversity(1984). Thiseffortgainedwidercurrencyastheopportunityforoverseasstudies andacademicexchangesincreasedundertherubricoftheOpenDoor Policy.TheefforttoestablishanthropologyinChinasincethe1980sis aninterestingindicationoftwointersectingforces.ThefirstisAmerican hegemonyoverthedisciplinethroughouttheworld,asmeasuredby theuniversalcurrencyoftheconceptoffour-fieldanthropologyand the practice of renaming what was previously called ethnology as “social”or“cultural”anthropology.ThesecondisthegrowthofWestern influenceinpost-1978China,overeverythingfromconsumerculture toacademicdisciplinarystructure.Chineseanthropologieshadtheir originsinWesterninfluencesattheturnofthetwentiethcenturybut wereforcedtodevelopontheirownfrom1949to1978.Nowthefield isoncemorewideopentoexternalinfluences.Thistime,American dominanceislikelytoovershadowtheotherstreamsofinfluence.
“Soft”versus“Hard”Science:AnImageProblemfor Anthropology TheChineseareknownfortheirrespectforeducationandtheirsubscriptiontoConfucianistethics,perpetuatedbyawell-establishedsystem for the selection of government officials based on academic merits. Scholar-officialsmustpassaseriesofpublicexaminationsbeforethey areeventuallyappointedtoagovernmentpost,asystemthatoriginated intheQinDynasty,morethantwothousandyearsago.Inpreparation forthesepublicexaminations,youngmenoncespentyearsreading the Confucian classics according to a curriculum stipulated by the
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imperialcourt.Theseclassicsdealtwithsubjectsthatwouldbefamiliar tostudentstodayinphilosophy,psychology,politicalscience,social studies,folklore,anthropology,publicadministration,andeconomics. Inshort,thegovernmentalbureaucracyofChinauntil1911wasstaffed byscholarstrainedinthehumanitiesandsocialsciences. Oncetheywereonthejob,thesescholar-officialswereexpectedto learnaboutthesciencesrelevanttowatercontrol,agriculture,mining, energyextraction,andanimalhusbandry,inordertofulfilltheirexpectedroleinimprovingpeople’slivelihoods.Theywerealsoexpected to learn about law and punishment (for the maintenance of social order),astronomy,militarystrategiesandtechnology,andhistoricaldocumentationandtoacquireotherskillsthatwouldcontributetonational defenseandgovernance.Theirbasictraininginthehumanitiesand socialsciencesformedthefoundationuponwhichtheylateracquired knowledgeinsciencesandtechnology.Giventhishistoricalemphasis onthehumanitiesandsocialsciences,onemightexpectanthropology tohavegainedacceptanceandpopularappealinChina.Thatsuchis notthecaserequiresanexplanation. IncontemporaryChinesesocieties,bothinChinaandoverseas,itis acommonobservationthatparentsandstudentsstronglyfavorcertain subjectmattersthattheyconsiderdesirableanduseful.Thesesubjects tendtofallintotwomajorcategories:thesciences(e.g.,engineering, computerscience,industrialchemistry,biology)andprofessionalstudies (e.g.,accounting,education,medicine,dentistry,pharmacy,business management).ThesewidelysharedpreferencesamongtheChineseare alsoobservedinpopulationsofnon-Chineseorigin;theyareshared sentimentsthatspeakofthepowerofthemarket-economymentality, which equates educational investment with returns in income and statusandwhichdefinestheworthofknowledgebyitsmarketability. The shared concern about prospects for income-generating employmentaftergraduationalsospeaksofthepowerfulgripofthemarket economyoveroureverydaylives,inwhichourexistenceandwell-being aredeterminedbyouraccesstomoney—formostofusthisaccessis facilitatedbyemployment—whichpaysforallthegoodsandservices wedependon. Withinthecontextofthemarketeconomy,onecanmakesenseof theoverrepresentationofwomenamonganthropologyundergraduates inHongKong.HongKongismodernandWesternized,andithasa highrateoffemalelaborparticipation.Butcertain“traditional”values place differential expectations on the sexes. A man is still expected tobethebreadwinner,theheadofthehousehold,theleaderofthe
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pack.Womenwhomarrywellareadmiredfortheirluxuryofstaying homeandhavinganeasylife.Stay-at-homehusbandsarenotadmired inthesameway.Thus,itismoreacceptableforyoungwomenthan foryoungmentostudysomething“frivolous”and“withoutobvious utility”—suchasanthropology.IntherestofChinatoday,unlikein HongKong,thegenderratioamonganthropologystudentsisdescribed asquitebalanced.IwonderifthiswillchangeasChinaprogressesalong itscurrenttrajectoryofeconomicdevelopmentandintegrationwiththe globaleconomy.Willthepenetrationofthefree-marketeconomyrevive some“traditional”expectationsofsexroles?Willweseeinthefuture asteadydeclineinthenumberofmalestudentsinanthropology? Thepreferenceforthesciencesandprofessionaldegreeswasestablishedwellbeforethecontemporaryperiod.Ibelievethequalitative switchfromanemphasisonthehumanitiesandsocialsciencestothe sciencesandprofessionaldegreestookplaceinthe1880sinreactionto China’srepeateddefeatsatthehandsofEuropeanpowers,whichwon onthestrengthoftheirgreatertechnologyinmilitaryweaponsand transport.TheQingDynasty,labeledthe“sickmanofAsia,”mounted amajorreformeffortneartheendofitsreigntomodernizethenation. Oneofitseffortsinvolvedsendingselectedyoungboysandteenagersto EuropeandtheUnitedStatesforeducationduringthe1870sand1880s. These boys were put through elementary, secondary, and university educationstoacquiretraininginengineeringandothersciences,so thattheycouldcontributetothemodernizationofthenationupon theirreturn.TheyweretoldtolearnWesternknowledgetobeusedin theChinesecontext.Thestate’semphasisonthesciencesduringthis periodofreformwasclearlyadeparturefromthetraditionalmodeof traininginthehumanitiesandsocialsciencesexpectedofitschosen bureaucrats.AfterthefalloftheQingDynastyin1911,Westernthought andtechnologycontinuedtobeviewedfavorablybybothCommunists andNationalistsintheirstruggleforcontrolandsurvival.Inthepost1949periodofnationrebuilding,theemphasisonthesciencesand “useful”or“practical”knowledgecontinued.Themostrecentgroup of Chinese leaders, who took office in 2002, are all men trained in engineering.
NetworkBuildingandInstitutionalLinkages: CurrentSituationsandFutureTrends ScholarsinChinasharetheopinionthatinstitutionsinnorthernChina tend to be more conservative and politically oriented than those in
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southernChina,becauseoftheirproximitytotheseatofadministrative powerinBeijing.Inthesouth,distancefromBeijingandthelegacyof overseascontactsmadethroughout-migrationsupportamoreprogressiveoutlook.UntiltheopeningupofChinain1978towelcomeforeign investment and technology in support of the Four Modernizations, contact with the outside world was tightly controlled. Few Chinese citizenshadtheprivilegeoftravelingabroadorthemeanstodoso. Closelysupervisedvisitingdelegatesfromoverseaswerebroughtinto contactwithcarefullychosenlocalcitizens.IntheearlyyearsofthePRC, contactsbetweenChineseacademicsandoverseascolleagueswereclosely monitoredandcontrolled.BeingclosetoBeijingbroughtthenorthern institutionsmanymorestate-supervisedcontactswithWesternersin thoseearlyyears.Incontrast,thesouth,suchasGuangdong,hasalways beenintouchwiththeoutsideworldthroughpeople’spersonalcontacts in Hong Kong and other overseas communities via visits, mail, and remittances. Before1980,mostcontactswereinitiatedbyvisitorsfromabroad,and thevisitorseithercametoChinawithaworkingproficiencyinChinese orhadstate-providedinterpreters.Foreignerseitherwerenotallowedto conductsocialstudiesinChinaorwerecloselysupervisedintheirwork bystateofficials.Notuntilthe1980swasfieldworkinChinapossible, andeventhen,onlyresearcherswithgoodlocalcontactsintheirfield sitecouldgettheirprojectsofftheground.Otherwise,theygotbogged downbyexcessivebureaucracy.Anthropologistswhowereinterested inChinabutcouldnotdoresearchtheredidthenextbestthing:they carried out their studies in Hong Kong (known as the “gateway” or “window”intoChina)orinTaiwan.HongKonginparticularattracted manyEnglish-speakingvisitingacademicsandbecameacentralmeeting placeforChinaexperts.TheDepartmentofAnthropologyatCUHK becameastrategicpointofcontactforvisitinganthropologistsfrom theWest,anditplayedanimportantroleinbringingitscounterparts atZhongshanUniversityintotheseWesterncontactsthroughoutthe 1980sand1990s. Howhavethese contactswiththeWestaffectedthedevelopment of anthropology in China? In many ways they have brought about significantinternationalization—throughfacultyexchange(toNorth America,Europe,andHongKong),conferenceattendanceoverseas,and thesuccessfulplacementoftopChinesestudentsingraduateprograms overseas.Buttherearereasonsforcaution.Theseinternationalization processeshavebeenlimited,andtheirfutureeffectsonthediscipline areyettobeseen.Severalimportantissuesrequirecloserattentionin ourthinkingaboutthefutureofanthropologyintheChinaregion.
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Thefirstisthelanguagefactor.Englishistheinternationallanguage fortrade,business,andacademicinteraction,butitsdominancecreates problems for existing faculty members in China. Those of the pre– CulturalRevolutiongenerationweretrainedinRussian,astatedecision thatreflectedChina’sclosealliancewiththeSovietUnionforalarge portionofthetwentiethcentury.Thesepeople,nowintheirsixtiesand seventies,areunlikelytolearnanotherforeignlanguage.Thegeneration of scholars who entered university after the Cultural Revolution are nowthekeymembersintheinstitutions.Thesescholars,intheirforties and fifties, suffered an extended interruption in their pre-university educationasaresultoftheideologicalcampaignthatragedfornearly tenyearsin1967–77.Asaresult,theirproficiencyinEnglishandother foreignlanguagestendstobeweakifnotpoor.Chineseanthropologists weremostlyunderpreparedforthesurgeofconnectionwiththeWest in the 1990s, yet such contacts are beneficial in broadening their worldviews about institutional structure and pedagogical traditions. AnotherconcernaboutEnglishasaworkinglanguageinanthropology isthecontinuingdominanceofEnglishpublicationsandtextbooksin theclassroom. ThesecondissueiswhetherChineseanthropologywillbecomeincreasingly“indigenized”insteadofincreasinglyintegratedintotheworld systemofanthropologies.AdebatehasariseninEastAsiaaroundthe indigenizationofknowledgeinreactiontothehegemonyoveracademic excellenceexertedbytheEnglish-speakingtraditions(Kuwayama2004a) andaroundindigenizationasameanstostrengthentherelevanceof anthropologyforChinaandtheChinesepeople(Zhou2003:10–12). BecauseofChina’sclosed-doorpolicyfrom1949to1978,ithasmuch “catchingup”todoinallareasofresearch,theory,andmethodsin anthropology.Yetthiscatchingupishamperedbyseveralfactors.One isthelinguisticissueIhavealreadymentioned:manyfacultymembers andstudentslackthelanguageproficiencytocomprehendpublications inEnglish.Anotheristheissueofaccesstoprintedmaterial.Notonly is it difficult and costly to acquire publications printed outside of China,butscholarswithinthecountryevenhaveproblemsacquiring publicationsprintedoutsidetheirhomeinstitutionorcity,owingto thenatureofdistributionnetworks. YetanotherfactoraffectingChina’s“catchingup”isnationalpride. WhyshouldtheChinesefeelthattheyhavetocatchup?Thereare manyoutstandingethnologistsinChinadoingexcellentworkinthe Chineselanguage;whyshouldtheyhavetolookbeyondtheirnational boundariesforexcellenceandacceptance?UnlikeJapan,Chinadoesnot yethavethecriticalmassofscholarsandstudentsneededtosupporta
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self-containedarenaofresearchandpublicationsinitsownlanguage— butithasgreatpotentialtodevelopsuchacriticalmassinthefuture.It istoosoontotellwhetherChinawilloptforgreaterintegrationwiththe internationalbodyofscholarsinanthropologyorwhetheritwillturn inwardunderamandateofindigenization.Atpresent,China’sattempt togaintherighttohostthesixteenthcongressoftheIUAESin2008is apositivesignofamovetowardgreaterinternationalintegration. A third issue requiring attention as we think about the future of anthropologyinChinaisthatofbraindrain.Thereisagreatdealof optimism in the country about the current generation of students, whoarereceivingbetterlanguagetrainingtofacilitateintegrationwith theinternationalacademicbody.SometopstudentsarebeingchanneledintograduateprogramsinEurope,Australia,andNorthAmerica. Whethertheseyoungscholarswillmakearealimpactonthefutureof anthropologyinChinadependsonseveralthings.Forone,willthey returntoworkinChinaaftertheirtrainingoverseas?Braindrainisa reality,andtheChinesegovernmenthasformulatedincentivepackages toattractoverseasChinesetoreturntoChina,butwithmixedsuccess. Moreover, some students may decide to switch from anthropology to another field for better employment and income potential, thus divertinghumanresourcesfromanthropologytootherfields. AfinalissueisthatofpublicawarenessofanthropologyinChina.The perceptionofanthropologyas“lackinginutility”andlessimportant thanmanyothersubjectsisanimportantobstacletothefuturedevelopmentofanthropologyinAsia.ThereissomehopethattheChinese governmentmayelevateanthropologyfromthesecondtiertothefirst intheacademicrankingsystem.Butevenwithoutsuchstate-imposed ranking,topstudentsarenotenrollinginanthropology.Whatcanbe donetoraisepublicawarenessoftheutilityandworthofanthropology inAsia?Andcanawarenessberaisedwithinapoliticalcontextthat suppressescriticaltheoryandanalysisofthestate?
ConcludingComments AnthropologyinChinahasbeenshapedbymanyfactors—geopolitical, cultural,economic,andideological—bothhistoricalandcontemporary. AnthropologyinChinaisnotasingleunifiedfield,norisitnowsingularlydominatedbyAmericanmodelsorChineseindigenization.The mandateofnationbuildingcontinuestobeaguidingforceinthedevelopmentofresearchandteachinginChineseanthropology,lending strengthtothealreadyestablishedethnologicalstudies(minsuxue)and
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the emergent field of rural development studies. China’s increasing integrationintotheglobaleconomyisboundtostrengthenandamplify theexchangeofideasbetweenChineseanthropologists/ethnologists andtheircounterpartsaroundtheworld. TheintegrationofanthropologicalknowledgegeneratedinChina within the wider global system of knowledge calls attention to the dominanceofEnglishasauniversallanguageofcommunicationamong scholarsandbusinesspeople.Besidesthelanguageissue,thereareissues offunding,accesstooverseaseducationandcontacts,statepolicies, andeconomics.Itisinterestingthatgreatereconomicdevelopmentand globalizationhavenotmadeanthropologymoreattractivetostudents ingreaterChina. The future of anthropology in China cannot be assessed easily or readily.TherecentboostingovernmentsupportforexpandinganthropologyinChinaisanencouragingsignthatthingsareontheupswing for the next generations of anthropologists there. Will they take on anthropology? What kind of anthropologies will they create? What shapewilltheintegrationofChineseanthropologieswithintheworld systemofknowledgetake?Wewillhavetowaitforsomeyearstolearn theanswerstothesequestions.
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Mexican Anthropology’s Ongoing Search for Identity Esteban Krotz
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romacertainpointofview,thehistoryofanthropologyseemsto beoneofcontinualgrowthregardingthesocioculturalphenomena, areas, and configurations under study, topics and forums of debate, educationalandresearchinstitutions,andanalytical,methodological, andtechnicalperspectives.Ingeographicalterms,thecorresponding conceptwouldbethatofextension:fromasmallnucleusofspecialists who emerged during the second half of the nineteenth century in Europe—“asmallpeninsulaoftheAsianlandmass”(Wolf1987:465)— andwhatwasthenitsNorthAmericanprolongation,anthropological practicehasexpandedtothepointthattodayitispresentinmany partsoftheworld. Yetthismannerofreconstructingthedevelopmentofthediscipline, thoughinacertainsensejustified,carrieswithitthedangerofpassing overanthropology’sinternalheterogeneity,itsfracturesanddiscontinuities,andofbeingunabletoadequatelytakeintoaccounttheemergence ofnewsituations. Onesuchnoveltyofrecentdecades(despitehavingbegun,insome cases, considerably earlier) is the increasingly noticeable, relatively autonomousexistenceandreproductionofparticularanthropological traditionsinmanycountriesof“theSouth.”Theseregionswerepreviously considered solely or almost exclusively sites for the conduct ofanthropologicalresearchgeneratedinanddirectedbyinstitutions locatedinthefoundingcountriesofthediscipline. Oneofthefirstimportantreflectionsonthistopictookplaceduringa Wenner-Grensymposiumheldin1978,called“IndigenousAnthropology
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inNon-WesternCountries”(Fahim1982).AsTalalAsadpointedout inhiscontributiontothesymposiumvolume,theexistenceof“nonWestern” anthropologists, as they were called then, is not the same thingastheexistenceofnon-Westernanthropologies(Asad1982:284). And indeed, the character and properties of the so-called peripheral anthropologies,oranthropologiesoftheSouth(Krotz1997),areyet tobedefined.1Yethowcoulditbesupposedthattheanthropological discipline,createdoriginallytostudy“others,”whoweresoinrelation totheindustrialized,urbanized,andliterateEuropeanworldofthenineteenthcentury,hasnotchangedinsomewayaftertakingroot,various generationslater,inpreciselythosedifferentculturesanduponbeing utilizedgenerally,thoughnotalways,forthestudyofthosecultures’ owninternal“others”? This chapter is meant as a contribution to the clarification of the anthropologiesoftheSouththroughtheanalysisofoneofthem,that ofMexico.Bythismeans,Iattempttoidentifyfeaturesthatmightbe used in elaborating a new perspective on anthropology as a “global discoursethatentailsanensembleofparadigms,styles,practicesand formsofpoliticalconsciousness”(RibeiroandEscobar2003:2). TobeabletoadequatelyunderstandMexicananthropology,itisnecessarytoexaminetheparticularitiesofthenationalsociopoliticalsystem ofwhichitformsapart.Theidentityofthisscientificdisciplineand professionalpracticeinMexicoisprofoundlyrootedintheMexican nation’sownsearchforidentity.Forthesereasons,Ifirstdiscussthe relationshipbetweenthenation-stateandanthropologyasoneofthe keysforunderstandingthemakeupofananthropologicaltradition, andIoutlinesomeoftheprincipalfeaturesofcontemporaryMexican societyanditsanthropology.Inthenexttwosections,Ireconstruct thehistoricaldevelopmentofMexicananthropology,emphasizingits treatmentofindigenouspeoplesasits“internalothers”andthedialectic betweenclassandculture,endingwithabriefcharacterizationofthe mostrecentdecade.Inthefinalsection,Idescribeaseriesoftraitsand intrinsic tensions in Mexican anthropology today that might aid in comparingthatanthropologywithothersoftheSouthandNorth.2
TheConstitutingFactorsofAnthropological KnowledgeinMexico Although the origins of the present phase of globalization can be foundinthesixteenthcentury,andalthoughthefirstanthropological scientistsconstitutedthemselvesasaninternational(NorthAtlantic)
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communityinthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury,thenationstateremainsthemostimportantorganizerofanthropologicalactivity. Thenuancesofthenation-state’sroledependonwhetheritbelongsto thegroupofcentralorperipheralcountriesandonitsgeneralhistorical, cultural,andlinguisticbackground.Tothedegreethatthenation-state, withitspeculiartendencytowardhomogenizingkeyaspectsoflife,also directsthelegitimationofthesocialorderinforce,itsetsthelimits for,andonoccasiondirectlyintervenesin,thegenerationofso-called scientificknowledge. Scientificknowledgecannotbereducedtoasetofdeclarationsconstructedaccordingtocertainmethodologicalprescriptions.Rather,itis aresultoftheactionsofconcreteindividualsandgroups.Scientistsare immersedinshiftingnetworksofrelationships—amonginstitutions, amongcolleagues,withfundingsources,withtransmittersofknowledge, andwithactualorpotentialusersoftheresultsofscientificinvestigations. Thesenetworks,aswellastheever-changingsociopoliticalconditions thatframethem,arenotexteriortoscientificknowledgebutratherare factorsthathelpconstituteit.3 Ascientifictraditionor(sub)disciplinedefinesitselfprincipallythrough aspecificquestionaboutreality,thereby“grasping”realityinacertain way.Inthecaseofanthropology,thisperspectiveisthatofalterity:any particularphenomenonisconsideredandstudiedasanintegralpartof thesocioculturalmultiverse.4Yetbecausethisperspectivemustalways be elaborated from the experience of a unique, concrete, historical reality,andbecausethebasisofscientificknowledgeispreciselythe realityunderobservation,thatparticularrealitynotonlyformspart of the generation of knowledge but also contributes to shaping the anthropologicaltraditionorsubdisciplineinquestion.5 Theempiricalfieldinwhichallsocialsciencesdevelopisconstantly changing.Inanthropology,thisexperienceissostrongthatithasbecome oneofthecausesofthediscipline’scyclical“crises”:everysooften, anthropology’spractitionersfeartheimminentdisappearanceofthe phenomenatheirancestorsandclassicauthorsdedicatedthemselvesto understanding.Butitmustbetakenintoaccountthatthesociocultural multiverseinwhichphenomenaappearanddisappearis,ifnotcreated by, then at least always shaped by the state in whose territory it is located.Tomakethisstatementisnottoassigntothestateitsown essence. Rather, the state should be understood as a mechanism for “configuring”or“filtering”situationsand,especially,“socialproblems.” Sometimes the state itself generates these situations and problems; sometimesitonlyranksthem,makesthemexplicit,ortriestodisperse
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them, hide them, play them down, attend to them, or make them presentinso-calledpublicopinion,inexpertcircles,andintheactions ofitsapparatuses.Thus,thetopics(andtheperceptionofthosetopics) thatanthropologistsofaparticularcountrytakeonassubjectsofstudy (andtowhosemodificationtheysometimestrytocontributeusingthe knowledgetheygenerateaboutthem)areestablishedandsustainedby theconcreteactionsofstateinstitutions. Alloftheforegoingsuggeststhatinordertounderstandtheconfiguration of any particular anthropological tradition, one must begin byconsideringthefieldofsociopoliticalforcesandrulesinwhichthe dailyactivitiesoftheproducers,communicators,andusersofanthropologicalknowledgetakeplace.Thisfieldisnotmerelythe“context” forthegenerationofanthropologicalknowledgebutalsoanotherof itsdimensions. Fortheprecedingreasons,itisnecessarytobrieflydescribethenationstateofMexicoinordertounderstanditsanthropologyasagenerator ofknowledgeintheworldwidesocioculturalmosaic.Mexico,acountry of 2 million square kilometers, with nearly 100 million inhabitants andseveralmillionmorenationalslivingintheUnitedStates,6ischaracterized by extreme social inequality. In its economy, which ranks amongthetoptenintheworld,thelegalminimumfamilywagein 2003wasequaltofourUSdollarsperday. Although Mexico is predominantly mestizo demographically and culturally, a significant percentage of its population belongs to one of the sixty-two native ethnolinguistic groups that live in Mexican territory.Oftheapproximately10millioninhabitantsconsideredby thecensustobeindigenous,2millionliveinlargecities;therestlive primarilyintheruralzonesofthecenterandsouthofthecountry,under conditions—accordingtonearlyeverysocialindicator—thatplacethem atthebaseofthesocialpyramid. Thethirdimportantcharacteristicofthecountryisitsproximityto theworld’sprincipalsuperpower,whichtraditionallyhasexercisedan enormousinfluenceoverMexico,includingitsculturalenvironment. Forexample,alargenumberoftheMexicananthropologistswhohave completedacademicdegreesoutsideMexico,aswellasthosewhohave takensabbaticalsorfinishedpostdoctoraldegrees,havedonesointhe UnitedStates.Untiltherecentpast,thereexistedamongthemajority of intellectuals and in some spheres of the state apparatus a certain nationalistictendency,whichwasmostclearlyexpressedinMexico’s relativelyindependentforeignpolicy(MexicosupportedCubaandthe NicaraguansandinistasandactedasmediatorintheSalvadoranand
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Guatemalancivilwars).However,neitherthepredominantconsumptionpatternsnormanyotheraspectsofdailylifeinMexicoescapethe molding influence of the social and cultural norms generated in its powerfulnorthernneighbor. ThesocialandpoliticalconsequencesoftheMexicanRevolutionof 1910makeupafourthrelevantfeature.Notonlywasthe1917Constitutiononeofthemostprogressiveintheworldwhenitwascreated, butitalsoeffectivelyestablished,acrossmorethansevendecadesandin spiteofmanymanipulationsandtwists,animportantunionmovement and,aboveall,educationalandagriculturalpoliciesuniqueinLatin America. Finally,duringthetwentiethcenturyMexicoremainedfreeof“national security”governments.Thismarkedthecountrywithadistinctiveintellectual,political,scientific,andacademiclifestyleandfostered,especially duringthetwentymostintenseyearsofdictatorshipinCentraland SouthAmerica,thearrivalenmasseofsocialscientistsfromotherLatin Americancountries.Someofthemwereevenpermanentlyincorporated intotheMexicanacademiccommunity. Today,Mexicananthropologyconstitutesalarge,well-consolidated disciplinary and professional field, although its visibility in public opinion and policy has varied over time. The Instituto Nacional de AntropologíaeHistoria(NationalInstituteofAnthropologyandHistory, or INAH) and, to a lesser degree, the National Commission for the DevelopmentoftheIndigenousPeoples,orCDI(until2003calledthe NationalIndigenousInstitute,orINI),havealwaysplayedimportant rolesinthisfield.INAHcontrolsalmostallthearchaeologyinMexico, administers the majority of history and ethnology museums, and is thesourceofemploymentforalmosteveryarchaeologistandmany other anthropologists. Among the employees of CDI, professional anthropologistsareaminority. Twosetsofstatisticsillustratethecurrentsituation.Thefirstisthat Mexico currently has nineteen programs offering bachelor’s degrees inanthropology,eighteenofferingmaster’sdegrees,andnineoffering doctorates,towhichcanbeaddedvariousgraduateprogramsthatare notformallyanthropologyprogramsbutwhichregularlyallowstudents towritethesesofananthropologicalcharacter.Althoughthemajority oftheseprogramsareconcentratedinthecountry’scapital,one-third ofthethirty-twofederalentitieshaveatleastoneacademicprogram, and several more are in preparation. Between 1998 and 2000, 672 bachelor’s(licenciatura)degrees,235master’sdegrees,and98doctorates wereawardedinanthropology.Thesecondisthatin2001,twenty-nine
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scientificandgeneralanthropologicaljournalsandannualswerebeing publishedinMexico,alongwithadozenspecializedbulletinsbelonging tothedifferentbranchesofanthropology.7Inaddition,anthropologists inMexicowriteregularlyinagoodnumberofmultidisciplinaryand other social science journals, as well as in cultural supplements and evennewspapers.
TheConceptionandTreatmentofInternal“Others” Althoughmodern,scientificMexicananthropologyhasitsrootsinthe politicalandsocialreorderingprovokedbytheMexicanRevolutionof 1910,italsoformsyetanotherlinkinatraditionofthoughtthatbegan with the Iberian invasion—namely, reflection on the confrontation ofthecivilizationsinvolvedinthatevent.8Thelandmarkdisputein thesixteenthandseventeenthcenturiesoverthehumanstatusofthe inhabitants of the Americas and the consequent obligations of the colonialpowerstowardthoseinhabitantswasinasensethestarting pointforMexicananthropologyintermsofitsprincipalothers,the indigenouspeoples.9Thesepeopleswouldliveoutthecenturiesfollowing the invasion separated from the Spaniards and Creoles in their “Indianrepublics.”Butinnumeroussocialinterstices,aboveallurban ones,ademographicsectorlatercalledmestizogrewlargerandlarger, augmentedbythedescendantsofenslavedAfricans. TheliberaldiscourseofindependentMexicodidnotdistinguish amongcitizensonthebasisoftheirethnicroots.Itdid,however,legitimate the intent—only partially successful—of dissolving the geoeconomicbasesoftheindigenoussocietiesthroughtheexpropriation of their land. After the colonial power had almost totally destroyed allpreviouslyexistingformsofsociopoliticalorganization,thatland was possessed and worked under communal forms of organization. Forthisreason,andundertheinfluenceofpositivistevolutionism,the intellectualprecursorsoftheMexicanRevolutiongenerallysubsumed theindigenouspopulationinthe“ruralproblem”ofthecountry,which theyproposedtoresolvethroughagrarianreformandtheindustrializationofthecountryside. TheConstitutionthatemanatedfromtheRevolution,withitsextraordinary(forthatperiod)individualguaranteesandsocialrights,made nomentionoftheindigenouspopulation.Yettwoofitsmostsignificant articles, those referring to the ownership of land and to education, becamethetwoprincipalaxesaroundwhichindigenousactivitywould spin.Tothoseaxes—becauseofwidespreadignoranceabouttheindigenouspopulation—intenseresearchwasaddedasathird.
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Anemblematicinitiativeinthisregardwastheaction-researchproject on the population of the Teotihuacán Valley, the primary results of whichprovidedthefirstMexicananthropologist,ManuelGamio,with adoctoratein1921.Itwasaprojectofregionalorientationconsidered tobeapilot,anditconsistedoffirstgettingtoknowindetailandlater improvingthesituationofthehighlyindigenouspopulation.Arecent retrospectivedescribedthissortofprojectasfollows: AnthropologyinMexicowasborn,really,fromaveryvivid,lacerating socioculturalrealitythatstillexiststoday.Fromthisrealitycomesthe application of the integral method, which contemplates the study of the population in its three stages of development—pre-Hispanic, colonial,andmodern—tolearnitshistoricaloriginsandtherebytobe inaconditiontohelpthepopulation.Inthatway,incontrasttoother countrieswhereanthropologyoroneofitsbranchesservedforcolonial ends,inMexicoitappearsasapracticeforthegoodofmarginalizedand traditionallyexploitedgroups.(MatosMoctezuma2001:39)
ManuelGamiohadbeenastudentofFranzBoas’s,whohadplayed a decisive role in the initial stages of the International School of ArchaeologyandAmericanEthnologyinMexicoCity,whichwasinterruptedbytheeventsoftheRevolution.LaterGamiobecamethefirst headoftheDepartmentofArchaeologyandEthnography(createdin 1917),whichwasnotabranchoftheeducationsectorbutratherformed partoftheSecretariatofAgricultureandDevelopment. Indigenismexpandedduringthepopular,nationalistpresidencyof LázaroCárdenas(1934–40),wholaidthefoundationsforthedevelopmentofanthropologyinthecountry.In1939hefoundedINAH,which, besides being responsible for all archaeological sites in Mexico, has centersofadministrationandinvestigationthroughoutthecountryand carriesoutimportanteditorialactivities.DuringtheCárdenasadministration,theFirstInter-AmericanIndianConferencetookplacein1940 inPátzcuaro,Mexico,asaresultofwhichtwoimportantinstitutions wereestablished.ThefirstwastheInter-AmericanIndianInstitute—an institutionoftheOrganizationofAmericanStatesandeditorofoneof theoldestsocialsciencejournalsinLatinAmerica,AméricaIndígena— whichwasfoundedduringtheconferencebutreallybegantooperatein 1942inMexicoCity.ThesecondwastheNationalIndigenistInstitute, establishedin1948.Thefirstacademicdepartmentofanthropology wascreatedasearlyas1938;10itwasincorporatedintoINAHin1942 astheNationalSchoolofAnthropologyandHistory(ENAH).Tothis
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dayitisthemostimportantcenterforanthropologicaltraininginLatin America.Itoffers,atthelevelsoflicenciatura,master’s,anddoctoral degrees,allthesubdisciplinesofsocialanthropology,ethnology,physical anthropology,linguistics,ethnohistory,history,andarchaeology. Thisanthropologicalsciencewasdesignedtooccupyitselfwithimportanttasksforthecountry,aboveallwithstudyingandconserving Mexico’s pre-Hispanic and colonial patrimony and with examining and attending to the precarious situation of the indigenous groups. Whereas those who addressed the first of these tasks did so largely on a technical level, had no great theoretical pretensions, and were principallyinterestedinshapingapanoramaofancienthistory,those whoundertookthesecondtaskwidelyassumedthetheoreticalorientationandmethodologyofso-calledNorthAmericanculturalism.That approachwassupportedthroughthetranslationofitsprincipalworksat agovernmentpublishinghouseandthroughdiverseresearchprograms directedbyNorthAmericananthropologists. TheemblematicfigureoftheepochisGonzaloAguirreBeltrán(1908– 96),amedicaldoctorturnedethnohistorianandsocialanthropologist, whoduringhislonglifecombineddirectorialpositionsinindigenous activitywithprolificwritingonthetheoreticalandpracticalaspectsof indigenism.Accordingtohisdefinition,indigenismwas“notpolicy formulatedbyIndiansforthesolutionoftheirownproblemsbutrather that of non-Indians targeting the heterogeneous ethnic groups who receivethegeneraldistinctionofindigenous”(Aguirre1992b[1967]: 24).Incontrasttotheorientationsofpastgenerations,whichAguirre rejectedas“assimilationist”or“incorporationist”andaccusedoflacking respectforindigenousculturesasoneoftherootsofthemodernMexican nation,hedefinedhispositionas“integrationist,”inthesenseofan “inducedacculturation”(1992a[1957]:43).Consequently,itwasan indigenismthatadaptedthe“ideologyofthemestizo[as]themethod andtechniqueofnationalunification”(1992a[1957]:119).Withthis goal,many“indigenistcoordinationcenters”werefounded.Locatedin theladinourbannucleioftheso-calledinterculturalregions,theywere tofomenttheslowincorporationoftheindigenouspopulationinto nationalculture,principallythroughgovernmentactionsinprimary education, health, promotion of economic and communicational activities,andlegalcounselinagrarianissues.Anthropologicalresearch wouldprecedetheestablishmentofsuchcentersandwouldaccompany thedevelopmentoftheiractivities. Yetatalmostthesametimethisoriginalversionofappliedanthropology, which practically defined Mexican anthropology, reached
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itsculminationduringthefederaladministrationof1970–76(when AguirreworkedsimultaneouslyasdirectorofINIandasasubsecretary oftheSecretaryofEducation),critiquesofthisformofanthropology werealsobecomingstronger.Thesecritiquesincorporatedthedependency theories then emerging in Latin America, the rejection of US imperialism, dissatisfaction with explanations of social reality that derivedfromtheso-calledsuperstructure,thepostulatethatanylocal phenomenonmustbeunderstoodintheframeofglobalprocessesof exploitation and domination of the Third World, and the hope for anearandradicaltransformationofMexico’sblatantlyunjustsocial structures.Marxismbecamethearticulatingaxisofwhatwasfrequently called“criticalanthropology”or“engagedanthropology,”whichina shorttimebecamehegemonicinthecountry.Inanearlymanifesto,indigenismwasdenouncedasaninstrumentofanunacceptable“Westernizationandmodernizationoftheindigenous”(Nolasco1970:85),the goalofwhichwasto“eradicatetheethnicpersonalityoftheIndian” (Bonfil 1970: 44). Against this, the right to “self-determination” for indigenousgroupsandtheconstructionofa“pluri-culturalstate”was demanded(Bonfil1970:56).Otherslaterrejectedindigenismaspartof the“capitalistprojectofdissolutionofnon-capitalistsocieties”(DiazPolanco1981[1979]:37). Thedevelopmentofthiscritique(fullofinternalcontradictionsas itwas)andthesearchforalternativeanthropologieswereconsolidated duringagovernmentalperiodofnationalistandThird-Worldisttendencies and the intent, manifested largely in a new agrarian law, of revivingtherevolutionarytraditiondulledbytheregimesfollowing that of Cárdenas. As a result of all this, the indigenous population mostlyceasedtobeasubjectofstudy.Whenitwasstudied,itwasseen almost exclusively from the angle of its belonging to the peasantry, withwhichitseemedtosharedomesticandcommunalorganization, submissiontoexploitationanddomination,andtheoccasionalprotest. Simultaneously,thesuperstucturalsphere—customsandlanguage,religionandcosmovision—whichtraditionallyhadoccupiedacentral placeinanthropologicalwork,wasreducedtotheepiphenomenaof ideology and alienation. And at nearly the same time, the dizzying urbanization that over the course of the 1970s converted Mexico, in statistical terms, into a predominantly urban country inspired a growingnumberofanthropologiststoenterthefieldsofurbanand laboranthropology.Theybroughtwiththemthehopeoffindingin themobilizationsofthese“new”socialsubjectsthebeginningofthe longed-forsocialtransformation,andtheysharedaconvictionthatthey couldcontribute,withtheirscientificstudy,tothattransformation.
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ButevenafterAguirrelefttheindigenistorganizations,hisconception prevailedinsidethem,althoughtheywerelaterassimilatedintothe fightagainstwhatwasfirstcalled“marginalization”andlater“poverty.” Thesephenomenaweredoubtlessexacerbatedthroughoutthecountry bytheneoliberalpoliciesinstrumentedaftertheexplosionofMexico’s foreigndebtin1982. InMéxicoprofundo(DeepMexico;1996[1987]),GuillermoBonfilcharacterizedthehistoryofMexicosincethearrivaloftheEuropeansasan unendingbattlebetweentheWesternandMesoamericancivilizations anddiagnosedthepotentialforupdatingthelattercivilizations.Forthe anthropologicalcommunity,thebookwasacalltoattentionforhaving forgottentheindigenouspopulation.Itremindedanthropologiststhat indigenouspeoplehadtobetakenintoaccountiftheyweretoadequately understandthecomplexityofMexicansocietyandtoreconstructiton realbasesofequalityandfreedom.Yetthis,Mexicananthropology’s mostsuccessfulbook,wasunabletoprovokeanewindigenistpolicy, althoughitwasakeypointofreferenceinabriefinterludeinwhich anthropologistsattemptedtopromoteamoreparticipatoryindigenism. Itdidcontribute,incontrast,tothestrengtheningofIndianismand, inparticular,totheself-esteemandmobilizationofmanyindigenous organizationsandintellectuals,withwhomBonfilmaintainedcloseties andwhomhepromotedthroughdifferentmedia.11Italsocontributedto cementingamoreadequateconceptofthe“indigenousproblem.”The bookmadeitclearthatthe“indigenousproblem”entailedaquestioning ofthenationalmodelofthecountryandwasnotanobstaclecaused bythebackwardnessofademographicminority. In the country’s democratization, which grew stronger beginning inthemid-1980sandled,forthefirsttime,toacandidatefromanoppositionparty’swinningthepresidencyofMexicoin2000,theindigenous groups’ situation and demands played practically no role whatsoever.In1992,twocontroversialmodificationstotheConstitution broughtthembrieflybackintothenationallimelight.Ononehand, motivatedbytheInternationalLabourOrganization’sConvention169, concerningindigenousandtribalpeoplesinindependentcountries, andbypreparationsforthecommemorationofthefivehundredyears oftheAmerican-Europeanencounter,oneadditiontotheConstitution madementionoftheindigenouspopulationforthefirsttimeinthat document,recognizingitasthebasisofthecountry’smulticulturalism. Ontheotherhand,modificationofadifferentarticleputanendto agrarianreformandmadepeasants’landvulnerabletomarketforces, permitting allocation of the ejidos (the most common form of land
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tenancyamongtheindigenouspopulation)toindividuals,aswellas therentandsaleofejidoland. Finally, it was indigenous people themselves who demanded the country’s attention. On precisely the day that the North American FreeTradeAgreement(NAFTA)wentintoeffect,1January1994,the Chiapanecan neo-Zapatistas initiated their armed uprising. Its brief militaryphaseandheavilypublicizeddemandsprovoked,overseveral years, an intense debate over the situation of Mexico’s indigenous peoplesandthenationalproject.Italsopromptedacomplicatedprocess ofnegotiationbetweentherebelsandthefederalgovernment,which remainsunfinishedevennow. Atthesametime,indigenistpolicybegantobreakapart.Ononehand, newprogramswereestablished,andpeopleofindigenousextraction werenamedtovariousdirectiveposts.Ontheotherhand,thenumber ofuncoordinatedindigenistagenciesincreased,theresourcesassigned totheindigenistapparatuswerereduced,andtheInter-AmericanIndian Institute’sactivitieswerefrozen. Intheanthropologicalcommunity,allthesedevelopmentsprovoked anauthenticboominstudiesandeventssurroundingthevaried—and oftenvery“traditional”—topicsrelatedtotheindigenouspeoples,their cultures,andinterethnicrelationsinthecountry,aswellasreflections onthepluriculturalcharacterofthenation.However,anthropologists’ effortstosystematizeandsharetheirknowledgewithotherspecialists, politicalactors,theindigenousgroupsandmovements,andthepublic in general still do not correspond to the country’s objective needs. Andfewanthropologistsaretrulyfamiliarwithanyoftheindigenous cultures,fromwhomtheyareseparatedbyalanguagebarrier(among others). Inshort,Mexicananthropologyofthelastthreedecadescontrasts sharplywiththatofitsfirstfourdecadesasamodernscienceinthe country.Initsfirststage,pastandpresentindigenousgroupswerealmost theonlyphenomenaanthropologistsstudied,andtheanthropological knowledgegeneratedabouttheseinternalotherswastightlylinkedto astrategyfortheirtransformation,directedbythestate,inthegoalof completingtheprocessofnationalformation.Thesecondstagebegan withtheeclipsingofthistopic,butlater—andingoodmeasuredueto mobilizationbyindigenouspeoplethemselves—thedesignofamodel ofthecountrythatpermittedtheirincorporationasdifferentpeoples becameoneoftheprincipaltopicsofanthropologicalresearchanda perspectivethatpermeatedmanyothertopicsaswell.
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TheCulture-ClassDialectic The history described in the previous section was interlaced with a sequenceofhegemonic,paradigmaticpositionsinMexicananthropology overthenearcenturyofitsexistenceasascientificdiscipline.Ihave already commented on the strong influence that North American culturalism exercised over Mexican anthropology in its first phase. Yet this influence kindled not mere imitation but rather a creative transformationoftheculturalisttheoreticalorientationforpurposesof understandingtheMexicansituationandilluminatingtheformation ofanationalculture.Towardthisend,anthropologistsgreatlyreduced the weight of the relativist component of the original theoretical formulation,andtheycombinedthatformulationwithanevolutionist perspectiveinwhichthenation-stateconstitutedauniversalstage— thoughonestillnotentirelyachievedinMexico. According to a concept of culture inherited from the nineteenth century, the nation in Mexico could be thought of as nothing but homogeneous,especiallyinitssuperstructuralsphere.Justhowstrongly nationalunitywasunderstoodasuniformitywasstillobviousinthelate 1980s,whensomeMexicananthropologistsrejectedthedemandfor indigenousautonomy,consideringitunavoidablydamagingtonational integrity and sovereignty and even dangerous for being potentially separatist(andtherebyexploitablebytheUnitedStatestoweakenthe countryinthesamewayithaddoneontheAtlanticcoastofNicaragua). Atthesametime,proponentsoforthodoxMarxistpositionsrefused to recognize in noncapitalist forms of production anything except precapitalistsurvivals,andtheyobjectedtothemultilinealmodelof evolution,contrastingit,asAguirrehadinhisindigenism,withthe ideaofthenecessaryconversionofthepeasantsandtheindigenous populationintoproletarians. BecauseofthepreeminenceoftheNationalInstituteofAnthropology andHistoryandtheNationalIndigenistInstitutewithintheanthropologicalcommunity,theunionofthefourtraditionalanthropological subdisciplines—nuanced by the addition of an important historical component—wasmaintained.Thehistoricalcomponenthadalready beenexpressedintheconceptionofthefirstnineteenth-centuryinstitutionofimportanceforMexicananthropology,theNationalMuseum ofNaturalHistory,Archaeology,andHistory(foundedin1865),and itwasconstantlyreinforcedbythepresenceofarchaeologicalvestiges everywhere, by the colonial centers in the major cities, and by the state doctrine’s insistence on the mestizo character of the Mexican people.Thelastwasrepresentedemblematicallyinthe“Plazaofthe
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ThreeCultures”inTlatelolco,whereaninscriptioninstonedefinesthe resultofthefinalbattleof1521:“Itwasneithertriumphnordefeat; itwasthepainfulbirthofthemestizopeoplethatmakesupMexico today.”Theprotectionandreconstructionofspectacularhistoricalsites andbuildings,thecreationenmasseofarchaeology-history-ethnology museumsthroughoutthecountry,andtheuseofindigenistpolicies to achieve the cultural homogenization of the nation contributed decisively to the consolidation of Mexican anthropology. It thereby gaineditselfaprominentplaceamongthesocial-sciencedisciplines, anachievementrareeveninthosecountrieswhereanthropologywas born. Regardingtherealtransformationsachievedintheindigenousregions by what Aguirre called the “Mexican school” of anthropology, few evaluationsoftheseinterventionsexistoutsideoftheNationalIndigenousInstitute’sreports.Yetitisstrikinghowmany“pilotprojects” wereneverconvertedintoprojectsofregionaltransformation.Thiswas primarilyduetothesix-yearrhythmsofpublicadministration,tothe factthattheindigenistinstitutionswerepreponderantlylimitedtotasks ofcoordinationandnotexecution,andtoregionalelites’resistanceto indigenist activity. Despite expressing occasional admiration for the buildersofthepre-Hispanicpyramidsandtemples,theelitesfrequently feltthreatenedbypotentialorrealdemandsfromthedescendantsof thosebuildersinrespecttoland,financing,andpublicservices.Inthis contextwemustrememberthateventoday,thewordIndianisusedin Mexicomoreasaninsultthanasaplaindenominationforonepart ofthepopulation. Inspiteoftheseriousconflictsitcaused,thecritiqueof“established” anthropologythatappearedinthelate1970sdevelopedrapidlyinto a substitute for the previously predominant theoretical orientation, especiallyintheuniversityinstitutionsinthecapital(keepinginmind thatatthetimetherewereonlytwoanthropologyschoolsintherest ofthecountry,foundedin1957and1966,respectively).Itledmany Mexicananthropologiststodistancethemselvesfromindigenism(without,however,slowingdowntheirengagementinotherofficialagencies relatedtosocialpolicy).Thatthedifferentbranchesofthis“newanthropology”sharedaninterestinsocialstructureanditsprecisepositionin dependentcapitalismundoubtedlypromotedgreaterattentiontothe previouslylittle-knownBritishandFrenchsocialanthropology.12 But the general frame of debate and investigation was that of Marxism,atfirstrudimentary,mechanistic,andeconomistic,oriented bySovietmanuals,butlatermoreflexibleandinfluencedprincipally by then world-renowned French and Italian Marxists and Marxist
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anthropologists.ThethinkingofalongseriesofMarxistsconsidered “heterodox”or“renegade”bythe“official”Marxismoftheera,aswell astheideasofagoodnumberofCentralandSouthAmericanleft-wing socialscientists,notafewofwhomlivedforperiodsoftimeasexiles in Mexico, were also important. Neo-evolutionism and multilineal evolutionism,widelyfusedwithMarxism,alsoplayedanimportant role,explainablebyMexicananthropology’straditionalattentionto historicalprocessesoflongduration,aswellasbyitscapacitytojoin diverse theoretical anthropological currents. During those years the opposition to “culturalism,” which was often identified with North American“culturalimperialism,”wassostrongthatthewordculture practically disappeared from anthropological texts (see Krotz 1993). EvenstudiesaswellknownastheanalysesofthemediadoneinSouth America’s Southern Cone during the 1970s and the highly original critiquesofcapitalistideologyingeneralandtheeducationalsystemin particular,suchasthoseofPauloFreire(1970)andIvanIllich(1972), motivatedfewconcreteanthropologicalstudies. Meanwhile,socioculturalaspectsuntilthenheavilyresearched,such aslanguage,familyrelationships,normativesystems,andreligion,were lefttooneside.Thiswasprobablyanextremeconsequenceofthesearch formoresuitablemodelsofsocialanalysisthatwouldbringtolight themultiplerelationsofexploitationandoppressioninforceinthe country,whichmanifestedthemselvesparticularlycrudelyintherural countryside.Notafewanthropologistsandstudentsweretied,inone formoranother,topolitical,social,andreligiousorganizationsandto movementsofleftistorientation.Althoughtheyescapedtherepression common in the rest of Latin America, they still remembered with anguishthepre-Olympicmassacreof1968.Inlightofallthis,itisnot strangethattheanthropologygeneratedfromthelate1970suntilthe late1980sfeaturedastrongtoneofdenunciationandsocialcriticism, almost independent from the intentions or personal preferences of manyofitspractitioners.Thenonexistenceofanindustrialproletariat astherevolutionarysubjectpredeterminedbyMarxisttheory,onone hand,andthefascinatingCubanandChineserevolutions,togetherwith theupsanddownsofLatinAmericanandVietnameseguerrillas,onthe other,turnedtheanalysisoftheruralpopulationextremelymechanical, especiallythedebateoverthefutureofthepeasantryandtheseemingly endlesscontroversyoverthe“Asiaticmodeofproduction.”13 Inthe1980sthewordcultureslowlyreappearedinMexicananthropology, prompted by Gramscian Marxism. The concept of “popular culture”permittedafruitfulconnectionbetweenthediscipline’stypical
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micro-scalestudiesofurbanbarrios,rural-to-urbanmigrants,factory workers,andunionmovements,ononehand,andaglobalframeof analysisfromaclassperspective,ontheother.Asaresult,theeffective segmentationofwork,dailylife,politicalinterests,andsymbolicexpressionsinthelargestsectorsoftheMexicanpopulationcametolight inincreasingdetail,andtermssuchas“culturesofwork”and“urban culture”begantoproliferate.Atthesametime,theanalyticaldecontextualization of these social groups was avoided by maintaining a familiar,comprehensivetheoreticalschemeandthecustomarycritique ofthesystem.Thesignificantadvanceinthedemocratizationofpolitical lifebeginninginthemid-1980scontributedtoraisingscholars’interest inthesuperstructuralsphere,inthesubjectivityofsocialactors,and, consequently,inthefieldof“politicalculture.”Anthropologistsalso begantopaysomeattentiontoindigenouspopulationsagain,although foralongtimeonlyaspartofthe“popularcultures.” Since1980,theinstitutionalgrowthofMexicananthropologyhas been continuous. Research centers have been founded, universities haveopeneddepartmentsofanthropology(almostalwayssocialanthropology),14andthenumbersofmuseumsandlong-termarchaeological projectshavegrown.Graduatedegreeshavemultiplied(intheearly 1970sthereexistedonlyonemaster’sdegreeandonedoctoraldegree program,bothataprivateuniversity).AllofMexico’santhropological institutionshavebenefitedfromincreasesinfull-timefacultypositions andfromtherelativeeasewithwhichconferencescannowbeorganized andwrittenworksofalltypespublished.Importantly,however,almost noanthropologicallibrariesdeservingofthenameexistoutsidethe capital,andnouniversityhasmanagedtogatherabaseofmaterials onanyonetheme,notevenontheindigenousgroupsofitsregion, thatwouldenablescholarstoavoidgoingtoforeignuniversitiesfor anysignificantresearchinanthropologyorhistory.Moreover,alarge percentageoftheresearchdoneeveninacademicinstitutionsislimited toethnographicdescriptionorhistorical“inventory.” Sincethebeginningofthe1990s,asomewhatdisturbing,internally contradictorypanoramahasappeared.Inthefirstofasetofcontrasts, the presence of anthropology—especially of social anthropology/ ethnology—inacademicinstitutions,ononehand,continuestogrow and gain strength. Programs offering graduate degrees in particular continuetomultiplyandfrequentlyattractprofessionalsfromother disciplines, social as well as medical and agricultural. On the other hand, a silent transformation of the university system—following theoveralldictatesofneoliberalismandthecriteriaofefficiencyand
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productivism—isleadingtoadeclineintheimportanceoffieldwork, especiallyinteachingprograms.Itisalsothereasonmanyprofessors, mostofwhomrepresentthefirstgenerationintheirfamilywithan academicdegree,havebeenpushedtoorganizetheiractivitiesaccording totherationalityofproductivism.Yettheanthropologicalcommunity hasmadenoorganizedresponsetothismatter,whichishighlyrelevant fortheconceptionandfutureofscienceandscientificresearch. Asecondparadoxisthat,ononehand,thenumberofpublications comingoutofMexicananthropology—booksaswellasperiodicals—is growing, and they are often of high quality. In this way, reflection about Mexican anthropology has also been augmented. Yet on the otherhand,theinfrastructureofthemajorityofMexico’sresearchand teachingcentersdoesnotevenpermitscholarstocollectandfamiliarize themselveswiththeanthropologicalknowledgegeneratedintheirown country,muchlessthatstemmingfromtherestofLatinAmerica,the Caribbean,orotherpartsoftheglobalSouth. Inathirdcontrast,althoughthepresenceofanthropologistsindiverse areasofpublicadministrationandnationalpoliticaldebateremains strong, the weakness of profession-based organizations has made it impossibleforthemtojoinforcestocoordinateanyinternaldebate ordirectonetowardsocietyatlarge.Inaddition,adivideisgrowing between,ononeside,anthropologistswhoworkinacademicinstitutionsandtendtoassumethattheyrepresenttheentiretyofMexican anthropologyand,ontheother,thosewhoworkinstateadministration andfrequentlypenetrate,increativeways,boththepublicandprivate sectors,includingthegrowingsectorofnongovernmentalorganizations. Inthiscontext,thecontrastbetweenthepoliticalcontentsofmany anthropological discussions carried out in general society and the depoliticizationofuniversityinstitutionsalsomeritsattention. Afourthparadoxisthat,ononehand,anincreasinglyrichvarietyof topicsisavailableforresearchandpublication.Somemattersthatwent uninvestigatedforyears,suchasreligion,theculture-naturerelationship,lifeinthebigcities,andart,nowhaveafixedplace,andnewer topics,suchasrelationsbetweengendersandgenerations,migration andpoliticalcultures,andjuridicalanthropology,havebeenadded.On theotherhand,alltheseinvestigationsarecarriedoutandwrittenworks published with almost no contact between researchers and without debate—asisevidenced,forexample,bytheabsenceofcriticalreviews ofwritingsandevents.15 Finally,Mexicananthropology’sdefinitiverecuperationoftheconceptof“culture”—thatimportantidentifierofthediscipline—canbe
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highlightedasacharacteristictraitofdoubtlesssignificance.Although there is no uncontested hegemony, a semiotic approach seems to predominate. Consequently, the superstructural angle (politics, law, religion,andcommunication)alsoprevailswithrespecttotheindigenous topic. Paradoxically, what the first manifesto of the Zapatista movementdenouncedas“theundeclaredgenocidalwaragainstour peoples,”aswellasthesocioeconomiccomponentoftheirdemands— for“work,land,roof,food,health,education,independence,liberty, democracy,justiceandpeace”forallMexicanpeople(Comandancia General1994:35)—isleftoutofthelineofvision.Coulditreallybe saidthattheconceptofculture,whichwastocorrecttheeconomistic andmechanisticnarrownessofthesociologisticandobjectivistvision previouslyinvogue,intheenddidnotremedythatnarrownessbut becamemerelyasubstituteforit?Ineffect,whereasbeforereferencesto socialclass,theclassstruggle,imperialism,andrevolutionwerealmost obligatory,onenowfindsmentionofdifference,diversity,globalization, andinterculturaldialogue.16
PerspectivesontheIdentityofMexicanAnthropology IhopeIhaveshownthatMexicananthropologicalsciencehasbeenso closelytied,onvariouslevels,totheMexicansocioculturalandpolitical systemthatitwouldbeimpossibletounderstandanthropologywithout referencetothatsystem.Thepresenceofindigenouspeopleshasbeen andcontinuestobedefiningforMexicananthropology(certainly,itgives thetermmulticulturalityasignificantlydifferentmeaninginMexico,as inallofLatinAmerica,fromthatinEuropeandtheUnitedStates).Since thearrivaloftheSpaniardsinthesixteenthcentury,these“others”have presentedaproblemofknowledgeandofpoliticalandsocialaction.At firstthecolonistssolvedthisproblembyassigningindigenouspeople the sort of subordinated coexistence typical of every colonial order. Theliberalismofthenineteenthcenturythendecreedtheproblem’s inexistence. The postrevolutionary regime recognized it anew as a problemofnationaltransition—forwhichreasonitwasnotincluded intheConstitution—andfomentedtheestablishmentofanthropology asaninstrumenttodiagnosetheindigenouspeople’ssituation,starting fromtheirmostancientantecedents,andtodistinguishbetweenwhat wasconservable(whichwaslittle,accordingtoGamio,andmore,for Aguirre)andwhathadtobesuppressed. In that manner, indigenism was born as an original creation of research-actionthatwasorientedmorebyanthropology’sorigins(the
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conceptofthenationinthenineteenthcentury)thanbythemodelof Indian-whiteorblack-whiterelationsinthecountrywhererelativistic culturalismoriginated.Inthissense,allofthemostoriginaltheoretical formulationsdevelopedbyMexicananthropologistsinthetwentieth century—fromAguirre’sconceptofacculturationasauniversalprocess andastrategyofsocialpolicytoBonfil’smodelofthebattleoftwo civilizations, in addition to different understandings of the peasant modeofproduction—sharedanequallyoriginal,althoughnotalways explicit,multilinealevolutionistvision:ononehand,thepossibilityof auniqueMexicanroutetomodernity,andontheother,theexistence ofadiversityofmodernities. One also can find in this evolutionary multilinearity the diverse intentionsofMexicananthropologiststoidentifyaMexicananthropologicaltraditioninwhosebeginningstheplacesofMontaigneand Hobbes,RousseauandHerderareoccupiedbyBernadinodeSahagún andBartolomédelasCasas,JosédeAcostaandFranciscoJavierClavijero. YetinMexicanteachingprograms,Mexicananthropology(inisolation fromotherLatinAmericanandCaribbeananthropologies)ispresented more as an “annex” to or a simple “adaptation” of the dominant anthropology,whichisseenasuniversal.Congruently,theoccasional publication of Mexican anthropological texts in foreign journals of internationalcirculation,allofwhicharepublishedinthecountries whereanthropologyoriginated,issometimesmoreamarkofcertification thanofparticipationintheglobalprocessofcommunication. ThenamesoftheprecursorsofMexicananthropologyshowmodern anthropologicalsciencetobethemostrecentlinkinfivecenturiesof intellectualefforttoclarifyanddefinethecollectiveidentitybornin NewSpain.Thistaskisfarfrombeingmerelyanintellectualenterprise— eversincethefirstcreolesandtheinstigatorsofMexicanindependence undertookit,thematterofidentityhasbeenofimmediatepolitical relevance,asitcontinuestobeindecisionsaboutthecountry’seducational,scientific,andtechnologicalsystemsandinrespecttothe10 million Mexican-born residents of the United States. The task can directlyaffectthosewhoundertakeit,sometimesintermsofpersonal identity,aswhenonediscoversinone’sowncultureoreveninone’s own family history one of the roots of Mexican culture. Sometimes itaffectspeopleintermsofexpandedordiminishedemploymentopportunities,aswhenonebeginstolegislateonlinguisticrights.Andin political-culturalterms,thetaskalwaysaffectsthosewhoundertakeit, aswhenonediscussestheredefinitionoftheprojectofnationbuilding. Ifpendinglegalreformsweretoadvanceinaseriousmanner,thenthe
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taskofdefiningMexico’scollectiveidentitywouldalsoaffectpeople in economic terms, because scant public budgets would have to be redistributedinanewway. Thegeneralmalaiseinthesocialsciencesinmanyplaces,sometimes identifiedwithandsometimespromotedbydiscoursesonglobalization and on the alleged end of the grand narratives, influences Mexican anthropology,too.Butuncertaintyaboutthefutureofdemocracyin thecountryweighsheavilytodayaswell,beyondMexico’seconomic problemsandbeyondtheproblemsdemocracyisfacinginotherpartsof theworld.Anentiregeneration,whichpushedforandfinallyachieved asystemmoreorlessfreeofpoliticalparties,witheffectivevotecounts, alternationintheprincipalpositionsofpublicadministration,andthe firststepstowardaredefinitionoftherelationshipbetweenthelegislative, executive,andjudicialpowers,seemsfatiguedinthefaceofdemands forinculturation(indigenization)ofthedoctrineofhumanrights.It alsoseemsfatiguedinviewoftheconversionofdemandsfor“respect forindigenouscultures”intodemandsforjustandpracticablelawsand regulations.Thisgenerationseemswearyoftheunevendissemination ofthevaluesoftransparency,accountability,andcriticalparticipation amongthesocialspheres.Thereareplentyofuncertaintiesaboutthe meaning,role,andfutureofthestate. Inthiscontext,aparallelbetweenthehistoryofMexicananthropology andthatofthehegemonicanthropologyportrayedinthetextbooks generallyusedinMexicodemandsattention.Thehegemonicanthropologyhasendured,inthewakeofitsoriginalparadigmofnineteenthcenturyevolutionism,repeatedtransformationsofsuchbreadththat theycanbedescribedonlyasruptures.Structural-functionalanthropology,diffusionism,andculturalismwereunderstoodasre-foundationsof thediscipline,justasMarxismwouldbehalfacenturylaterand,three decades after that, the neo-Boasian anthropology that is sometimes calledpostmodern.Mexicananthropology,too,hasknownsubstitutions ofthistype.Curiously,unlikethefirstradicalchallengeofindigenism, whichcorrespondedtoagenerationalchange,therecenteclipsingof Marxism was carried out without a generational change and almost withoutcontroversy. Inpastdecades,controversiesaboutthedependentdevelopmentof thecountryincludedthetopicsoftherulesandcognitivecharacteristics ofanthropologicalscience,ofitssocialfunctionanditsinsertionintoa worldscenemarkedbyculturalimperialism.Todaythistypeofdiscussion isnearlyextinct.ThisisatleastpartiallyduetoMexicansocialscientists’ acceptance, without real questioning, of the external and internal
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pressurestheyfeeltomaketheiractivitiesconformwithsupposedly universalproductivistcanons—aconformitydemanded,inmanyforms, bythenationaleducationalapparatussincethe1990s.Apparentlythis situationhasreinforcedthefactthatinMexicananthropology,thetopic ofitschanginginfluenceontherestofLatinAmerica—inreactionto whichotherpartsoftheSouthhavecriticizedMexicananthropology inmuchthesamewaythatMexicananthropologistshavecriticized thepowerfulanthropologiesoftheNorth—seemsnevertohaveposed anyconcernatall. InthiscontextitisinterestingtonotesomeindicationsthatMexican anthropology,independentlyofitstheoreticalperspectivesorspecific institutional insertions, may soon have to subject itself to a type of criticaljudgmentthatuntilnowwasthoughtnecessaryonlyforthe hegemonicanthropologyoftheNorth.Thisissobecause,tothedegree that some indigenous cultures continue their revitalization, more observationsofthetypemadebyaMayanethnolinguistcouldemerge withrespecttoMexicananthropologyaspracticedbynon-indigenous people:“Ourdominators,bymeansofanthropologicaldiscourse,have reservedforthemselvesthealmostexclusiverighttospeakforus.Only veryrecentlyhavewebeguntohaveaccesstothisfieldofknowledge andtoexpressourownword”(AlonsoCaamal1997:320).
FinalComment ThetrajectoryandcurrentsituationofMexicananthropologyareas uniqueasthoseofanyothercountryorofanyothernationalorlinguisticculturalanthropologicalcommunity.Thisanthropologicaltraditionwas notformedastheimmediateeffectofasimpledisseminationfromthe maincountrieswheretheuniversalanthropologicalscienceoriginated nearlyacenturyandahalfago.Rather,asaresultofadiversearrayof bothexogenousandendogenousimpulses,amongwhichthediffusionof EuropeanandNorthAmericananthropologyhasplayedafundamental role,Mexicananthropologyhasmoldeditselfviaaconstantsearchto understandandtoactuponthecountry’ssocioculturaldiversity,which hasserved,untilnow,asitsprincipalobjectofstudy. Similar observations would ring true in any place where “native” anthropologistshavemadetheirappearance—nativeanthropologists who,incontrastwithotheranthropologists,principally“studyorstudied theirownsocieties”(Boivin,Rosato,andArribas1998:16).17Asystematic inventoryandcomparisonofthe“anthropologiesoftheSouth”would reveal more clearly their characteristics, their weaknesses, and their
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potential.Thisdoesnotsuggestthattheseanthropologiesaretotally distantfromornecessarilyopposedtoNorthernanthropologies. Instead,clarifyingthepropertiesofthediverseanthropologiesofthe South,whosesocietiesoforiginformedpartoftheinitialanthropological programas“objectsofstudy,”wouldhelpclearapathtowardanew conceptionofauniversalanthropologyinwhichdifferencesdonot necessarily lead to hierarchical divisions but rather are accepted as variations on a common base—as occurs, for example, in the cases of French and English anthropology (Asad 1982: 284). In this way, the universal anthropological tradition would accept the historical challengeofassumingforitselftheessentialtraitofthehumanreality itstudies:tobeoneanddiverseatthesametime.
Notes 1. For an elaboration of the concept of “peripheral anthropologies,” see several works by Roberto Cardoso de Oliveira (1988, 1998); for that of “anthropologiesoftheSouth,”seenumber6ofAlteridades(http.//www.uamantropologia.info/alteridades/alteri_06.html).Someoftheseconceptsarediscussed in volume 17 of Critique of Anthropology. Some of the considerations of the Catalan anthropologist Josep R. Llobera (1990: 109–26) are also enlightening. 2. IamgratefultoAndrésMedinaandRobertoVarelafortheirobservations onapreviousversionofthischapterandtoJenniferCasselfortranslatingit intoEnglish. 3. I elaborated this idea in greater detail in Krotz 1987. Andrés Medina (1996b) has demonstrated the intrinsic relationship between ethnography and the nation in the cases of three important anthropologists from Cuba, Mexico, and Peru, respectively. The anthropology-nation relationship also appearsinseveralofthecontributionstoFahim1982. 4. Formoreontheanthropologicalquestionandalterity,seeKrotz2002: 49–76. 5. This dependence of anthropology on its available empirical objects is visible in so-called political anthropology, which emerged between the two worldwarsinthoseEuropeancountriesinterestedinconsolidatingcolonial administrationsinareasthatstillhadstrongandevenchallengingcultures. NorthAmericananthropologyatthetimeproducednothingequivalentfor
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thestudyofitspreferredobjects,AmericanIndians,untilWorldWarIIandits aftermathpromotedthestudyofpoliticalculturesandnationalcharacters. 6. It should be remembered that until the middle of the nineteenth century, the majority of the US regions where Mexican migrants now live formedpartofMexicanterritory. 7. This type of statistical information can be found in the volumes of theannualInventarioAntropológico,editedsince1995bytheDepartmentof AnthropologyoftheAutonomousMetropolitanUniversity. 8. For further information, see Marzal 1981, Oehmichen Bazán 1999, Sánchez 1999, and Villoro 1979 [1950]. For a general history of Mexican anthropology,seevolumes1and2oftheworkcoordinatedbyCarlosGarcía Mora(1987–88);forabriefsynthesis,seeKrotz1991. 9. Forthatreason,ÁngelPalerm(1974)devotedone-thirdofhishistory of the precursors of ethnology to authors such as Bernardino de Sahagún, BartolomédelasCasas,JosédeAcosta,andFranciscoJavierClavijero. 10. This department was originally created as part of the National Polytechnical Institute’s School for Biological Sciences, also founded during the Cárdenasyears.ThePolytechnicalInstitutewasimportantasaplaceforthe formationofprofessionalsfromthepopularsectorsandfordevotingattention totheneedsofthemajorityofthepopulation. 11. See, as an example of this influence and relationship, the case of an educationalprogramforindigenousethnolinguists(Nakamura2001). 12. The term “new anthropology” became the name of what is now the country’soldestanthropologyjournal,foundedin1975. 13. Adetailedaccountofthecontroversyoverthefutureofthepeasantry canbefoundinHewittdeAlcántara1988.Onthe“Asiaticmodeofproduction,” seeespeciallyPalerm1972,1977,and,foracritique,Medina1983:55ff. 14. Medina(1996a:89–91)hasdescribedtheexistenceofabifurcationin Mexicananthropology,withonelinemoreonethnological(associatedwith the Boasian approach) and the other more socioanthropological (associated withtheindigenismoriginatedbyGamio). 15. Oneexception,duringthesecondhalfofthe1990s,wasthediscussionof indigenousautonomy,althoughinpartitremindedoneofthedebatesamong Marxistsinthepastbycenteringonthequestionofthe“true”representation oftheinterestsofthe“authentic”indigenouspeople. 16. However,therehasbeenanattempttoshowthat“thoseanthropological approachespracticedbyaminorityremainhealthy,thatis,‘theyarenotin crisis’”(Jáuregui1997:52). 17. In this connection, even when Mexican students obtain graduate degrees in foreign countries, they usually conduct the fieldwork for their theses in their places of origin. This situation is not entirely new, but I do
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not have room to discuss here either the fact that European anthropology, fromitsbeginnings,concerneditselfwithitsinternalothers(whichledtothe bifurcationofanethnologydirectedtowardthenon-Europeansocialreality andanethnologyalsocalledfolklore,thestudyofpopularcultures,directed atEurope’sinternalreality)ortheinterestingreflectionson“anthropologyat home”insomepartsoftheanthropologyoftheNorth.
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Part 2 Power and Hegemony in World Anthropologies
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s i x
How Many Centers and Peripheries in Anthropology? A Critical View of France
Eduardo P. Archetti
T
hehistorianofanthropologyGeorgeStockingobservedthatwithin theEuro-Americantraditioninanthropologyonecoulddistinguish between“anthropologiesof‘empirebuilding’andanthropologiesof ‘nationbuilding’”(1982:172).Itisusuallyassumedthatthedevelopment ofanthropologyinGreatBritainrepresentstheidealtypeofempirebuildinganthropology.There,socialanthropologywasperceivedand definedasthechildofcolonialism,becauseitsworkwascarriedout in the colonial empire—for example, Malinowski in New Guinea, Radcliffe-Brown in the Andamans, Firth in New Zealand, Tikopia, andMalaysia,Evans-PritchardintheSudan,FortesintheGoldCoast, Richard, Gluckman, and Schapera in British East and South African territories,andLeachinBurma(Goody1995:3).Incontrast,inother European countries during the nationalist revival of the nineteenth century,asharpdistinctiondevelopedbetweenVolkskunde,thestudy oftheinternalruralpopulationanditsfolklore,andVölkerkunde,the inquiry into more distant others. In other words, anthropologies of nationbuildingcouldcoexist,ifnotnecessarilywithempire-building practices,thenatleastwithaninternationallyorienteddisciplinethat didresearchincolonialornoncolonialcontextsoutsideofEurope. Anthropologists had to work under shifting social and economic conditions.Theseincludedchangesinpoliticalcontextsandinstitutionalorganization;transformationsinthesourcesoffinancialsupport; thedevelopmentofnewclassstructures;theeffectsofworldpolitics andimperialism;andsocialconflictsbothathomeandabroad.Indeed, 113
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nationalanthropologicaltraditionsinbothEuropeandNorthAmerica wereconditionedbythewaythesevariousfactorsaffectedthedevelopmentofthediscipline.Theincreaseinanthropologicalemployment duringtheyearsofeconomicdepressionandwarintheUnitedStates (1929–45),forexample,wasrelatedtogainingworkinareliefagency orintheDepartmentofAgriculture.AccordingtoThomasPatterson (2001: 81), hundreds of anthropologists “were asked to apply their knowledgetoproblemsconfrontingthecountry—unemployment,the conditionsofIndianreservations,orthecircumstancesofsmallfarmers. Thatsocialknowledgeshouldhaveanimmediatepracticalutilitywas, ofcourse,thedominantviewpointoftheRockefellerphilanthropies, andmostanthropologistsemployedbythegovernmenthadalready participatedinRockefeller-fundedprojects.” Themorevisibleanthropologists,however,werethose“travelers”who didresearchintheperipheries.Locallyemployedanthropologistsdoing appliedanthropologyand“native”anthropologistsfromtheperiphery werelessmobileandconsequentlylessvisible.Inthissense,andfrom theperspectiveoftheperiphery,akindofunityexisted:“international anthropology”wasconsolidatedindifferentmetropolitancenters.In mostcases,however,thisviewwaspartial,because“nation-building” practices—if perceived at all—were not defined as belonging to the internationalcoreofsocialanthropology. Different histories of anthropology have tended to reproduce this general pattern. Let me give some examples. In Thomas H. Eriksen and Finn S. Nielsen’s book on the history of anthropology (2001), the focus is on the production and circulation of ideas and schools ofthoughtoftheintellectualcenters,specificallythoserepresenting theEuro-Americantraditions.Theanthropologiesoftheperipheries— Mexico,Brazil,India,andeventheNetherlandsandScandinavia—are mentionedasbelongingtotheexpansivemoment.Butbecausethey neverdevelopedintostrongandpowerfulcenters,theyareseenascontributingtothecontinuousprocessofcentralizationofthediscipline (EriksenandNielsen2001:109). Similarly,inthecaseofFrance,therolegiventothefoundingfathers, DurkheimandMauss,iscentral.ArnoldvanGennep,who,inaddition tohisgreattheoreticalcontributiontotheanalysisofritesofpassage, also developed the study of French rural communities, is presented asamarginalandinnovativescholarwhoinvented“anthropologyat home”(EriksenandNielsen2001:48).Thehistoryofthisbranchof anthropologyinFranceisleftoutsidethescopeoftheauthors’larger historicalenterprise—internationalanthropology—aswellasofother
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nation-building anthropologies. The international history is, above all,theconfluenceovertimeofFrenchsociology,Americancultural anthropology,andBritishsocialanthropology,andtheirinfluencesand historicalramifications.Whatisconsistentlymissingisamoreprecise analysisofthenewcenter-peripheryrelationshipsthatdevelopedwhen anthropologywasinternationalized. SimilarproblemscanbefoundinRobertLayton’s(1997)anthropologicalsurvey.Heseesthedevelopmentofanthropologicaltheory— fromfunctionalismandstructuralismthroughinteractionperspectives, Marxism,socioecology,andpostmodernism—ashavingproducedideas andconceptsthatimpingeduponanthropology,buthedoesnottrace thehistoryofthoseimpingementsinfull.DurkheimandMaussare centralfiguresforLaytoninshapingFrenchandworldanthropology, andofcourseLévi-Straussisadeterminantthinkerbehindstructuralism. HedoesnotmentionLouisDumontatall,however,andhenotesvan GenneponlyinconnectionwithVictorTurner’sritualanalysis(1997: 205).Inotherwords,thecomplexinstitutionalhistoriesareagainleft out.Onefeelsthatabstractideasandconceptshavebeencrystallized intomodelsand,inthisway,conditionthedescriptionofsocialsystems andconcretesocieties. AlanBarnard’sHistoryandTheoryinAnthropology(2000)reproduces,in someways,Layton’soutline.Barnarddevoteschapterstoeachschoolof thought:diffusionism,functionalism,action-centeredmodels,Marxism, structuralismandcognitivescience,poststructuralismandpostmodernism.DurkheimandMauss,aswellasLévi-Strauss,areagainatthe centeroftheoreticaldevelopmentsandFrenchworldinfluence.Van GennepispresentedasaprecursortobothTurner’sandtheManchester school’sapproachestounderstandingritualsandsocialprocesses.And inthiscase,Dumonthashisplaceasaproducerofa“seminal,regional- structuralunderstandingofsocialhierarchyinIndia.”Barnardobserves that “[Dumont’s] work has had its followers, and its critics, in all countriesinwhichthestudyoftheIndiansubcontinentisaparticular focus”(2000:136). In all three books, in discussions of Marxism and its variants, the authorsjustifiablyhighlighttherolesofFrenchanthropologistssuch as Godelier and Meillassoux. Thus, with some minor variations, the dominant narrative of the course of French anthropology defines a coreofthinkerswho,indifferenthistoricalperiods,wereabletobuild theoriesforunderstandingcultureandsocietyinexoticcontexts.Their importance is measured in terms of the force of their ideas and, in somecases,theirempiricalfindings.AnumberofotherrelevantFrench
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thinkersandanthropologists,aswellasthesocietiestheystudied,are notincludedinthedominanttrend.Itisinterestingthatthedistinction between“empirebuilding”and“nationbuilding”isnotanimportant variablefortheseauthors. InthecaseofFrance,thenarrowemphasisontheethnographicand theoreticalcontributionsofDurkheimandMauss,aswellasLévi-Strauss andDumont,whoallconductedfieldworkandresearchoutsidethe frontiersoftheFrenchempire,precludesasystematicconsiderationof Frenchcolonialanthropology.This“tradition”hasbeenunanimously definedasbelongingtotheinternationalcoreofthedisciplineandhas extended its influence to other centers and most of the peripheries. ThebooksIhavebrieflydiscussed,withoutexplicitlyaimingtodoso, createnotonlyinternationalcentersbutalsoaheterogeneousperiphery composedofpeopleandinstitutionseveninsidethecentersthemselves. ThesebooksessentiallyconcurwiththejudgmentofMarcAbélèswhen hewrites: Until the 1970s the most noticeable contributions to anthropological knowledge in France were produced by anthropologists like Claude Lévi-Strauss,Dumont,andBalandier—anAmericanist,aSouthAsianist, and an Africanist, respectively. The Institute of Ethnology, the first such institution in France, was created before World War I. Until the endofthe1950s,otheranthropologicalresearchcentersdidnotexist, and anthropology was taught only at the Sorbonne for postgraduate students. The creation of the Laboratoire d’Anthropologie Sociale by Lévi-Strauss,andafewyearslateroftheLaboratoryofEthnologyand Comparative Sociology in Nanterre, and the development of cultural areacentersintheÉcoledesHautesÉtudesenSciencesSociales,suchas theCenterforAfricanStudiesandtheCenterforIndianStudies,have played an important role in the institutionalization of anthropology. (Abélès1999:404)
Stocking (1982: 175) remarked that the historical emergence and consolidation of “international anthropology” was essentially EuroAmerican.Accordingtohim,whatwasmissingfromthisprocesswas a new way of conceiving of the center-periphery relationships that developed“intheverysameperiodthat‘internationalanthropology’ emerged.”Giventhatoneofthemainobjectivesofthepresentbookis tocriticallyexaminetheinternationaldisseminationofanthropology within and across national power fields and the processes through whichthisdisseminationtakesplace,intherestofthischapterIlook
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at France as a specific case for discussing the historical complexities of the formation of “centers” and “peripheries” in our discipline. Frenchcolonialanthropology,Frenchethnology(thestudyofFrance), and Dumont’s influence outside the Indian subcontinent constitute “vignettes”presentedforthepurposeofgettingamorenuancedpicture oftrends,patterns,andpowerinsideFrance.
FrenchColonialAnthropologyandtheTravelsof MichelLeiris TheinstitutionalizationofFrenchanthropologycanbedatedbackto theopeningoftheInstituteofEthnologyattheUniversityofParisin 1925.CreatedbyMauss,Rivet,andLévy-Bruhl,itsmainaimwasto servethecolonialFrenchpower,whichatthattimehadaverymarginal interestinthediscipline.Inthetextspecifyingtheaimsofthenew institution,presentedbyLucienLévy-BruhltotheUniversityofParis, weread: Wheninacolonytherearepopulationsbelongingtoaninferiorcivilizationorverydifferentfromus,goodethnologistscanbeasnecessaryas goodengineers,goodexpertsinforestry,orgoodphysicians...Inorder toextractalltheeconomicvalueofthecoloniesinthemostcomplete andefficientway,everyonerecognizesthatnotonlycapitalisneeded. It is necessary to have scientists, technicians, capable of producing a methodicalinventoryofthenaturalresources,indicatinghowtoexploit theminthebestway.Thefirstandmostcentralofthenaturalresources istheindigenouspopulation,becausetheotherresourcesaredependent onit,aboveallintropicalregions.Doesnotthereexistacapitalinterest instudyingit,inamethodicalway,inordertogetanexactanddeep knowledgeofitslanguages,religions,andsocialorganization,whichit isnotprudenttodestroyirresponsibly?(Lévy-Bruhl1925:1)
Lévy-Bruhl’sargumentsweresoconvincingthat,accordingtoBenoîtde L’Estoile(2000:295),theinstitutebegantoreceivecontinuousfinancial support from the colonial administration. Colonization was seen as a marker for entering into a more scientific epoch. Jules Brévié, the governorofFrenchWestAfricafrom1931to1937,playedakeyrolein creatingtheFrenchInstituteofBlackAfricain1937,andthen,in1942, theBureauofColonialScientificResearch.ThislaterbecameORSTOM andisnowtheInstituteofDevelopmentResearch.L’Estoileseesthis confluenceasproofofanalliancebetweenthecolonialadministration
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andtheethnologistsworkinginFrenchAfrica.Themainaim,fromthe pointofviewofthecolonialbureaucracy,wastheimplementationofa rational,scientificallybasedcolonization(L’Estoile2000:295). Amongthedemandsplacedupontheethnologistsweretoproduce territorialidentificationsofracesandtowritegeneraldescriptionsof theirculturalpatterns.Theproductionofethnicmapsandinventories (languages,places,numbers)wasseenasanurgenttask.Anumberof studieswereinitiatedinordertosolvepracticalproblemscreatedbythe existenceofsuchadiversityoflocallanguagesandsocioculturalsystems. Inthe1930s,thecolonialadministrationissuedaseriesofethnicregional mapsofFrenchAfricawiththeexplicitobjectiveofdefiningthelimits ofeachethnicgroup,itsmaterialculture,itspoliticalorganization,and itsreligiousbeliefs.Theseethnographicandgeographicdatawereof greatinterestforthepoliticsofthecolonialadministration(Chombart deLauweandDeboudaud1939).Therolesofcolonialadministrator andethnographerwereinmanycasesinterchangeable. ThelivesandworksofMauriceDelafosse(1870–1926),LouisTauxier (1871–1942)andHenriLabouret(1878–1958)areexamplesoftheway ethnographicworkcouldbeintegratedintobothcolonialadministration andacademiclife(seeGaillard1997;L’Estoile2001).Theirscientific practicewasdefinedasanintegralpartofFrenchnationalinterestsas wellasofpoliciesregardingcolonialdominationinAfrica.However, astheiractiveparticipationintheLondon-basedInternationalAfrica InstituteandthejournalAfricaproves,theywerealsointernationally oriented.Althoughthesemenwereimportantactorsintheexpansive moment of the discipline in the 1920s and 1930s, the role given to them in general histories of anthropology is marginal. In contrast, contemporaryBritishAfricanistshaveacentralplace.Thisisdueto manyfactors. First,theBritishAfricanistscodifiedaBritishtraditionoffieldwork and defined tools such as the genealogical method, household and siblingsurveys,maritalhistories,spatialanalysis,analysisofkinterms, and extended-case analysis. We have no French school of fieldwork thatcanbedefinedwithsuchprecision.TheFrenchwerepractitioners withoutgeneratingmodelsandconcretetechniques.Moreover,British anthropologistsarticulatedethnographywiththeoreticalpreoccupations and models. They developed a special focus on understanding the waysocietiesworkedinpractice—hence,anthropologybecamesocial anthropology.Theyinventedanaturalistandobjectivenarrative;their monographswerearchetypalofamoderndiscipline,andtheirwork contributedtocoreproblemsinanthropology—kinshipandmarriage,
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law and religion. Finally, they created departments and university institutions detached from the colonial administration and became internationalmilitantstravelingtodistantplaceswiththeirmessage and passion, arguing comparison and holism. The colonial French anthropologists,incontrast,remainedimportantmembersofalocal tradition,inspiteoftheirinternationallinks.Theywerealsokeyfigures inincreasingethnographicknowledge,buttheir“sin”wastheirlackof generalcontributionstothediscipline. Thereweretwoexceptions:MarcelGriaule(1898–1956)andMichel Leiris (1901–90). Let me briefly explore their contributions to a decenteredanthropology. LikeLévi-Strauss,Métraux,Dumont,Bastide,andmanyotheranthropologistswhofollowedMauss’scoursesattheInstituteofEthnology beforeWorldWarII,GriauleandLeirisweretrainedbyMauss.Theywere notintellectualproductsoftheFrenchcolonialadministration,andin differentwaystheybecamecriticalofcolonialpolicies.In1931Griaule ledthefamousDakar-Djiboutiexpedition,ofwhichLeiriswasamember. Theybelongedtothegreattraditionoftravelersandexplorers,taking partinnumerousexpeditions.TheiracademiccareersinFrancewere accomplished,andtheygainedgreatrecognition.In1943Griaulewas appointedthefirstprofessorof“generalethnology”attheSorbonne, andhisethnographicworkamongtheDogonofMalihadanimportant effect in France. He created his own school (or tradition) in African studieswithpeoplelikeGermaineDieterlenandSolangedeGanay.From 1934LeiriswasheadoftheDepartmentofBlackAfricaattheMuseum ofMan,andin1943hejoinedtheCentreNationaledelaRecherche Scientifique,later,in1967,becomingitsdirectorofresearch.Butaswe sawintheanalysisofthethreepublishedhistoriesofanthropology andeveninthelengthyquotationfromAbélès,neitherGriaulenor Leiriseverbecameacentralfigureorwasconsideredpartofthecore ofinternationalFrenchanthropology,whichremaineddominatedby figuressuchasLévi-StraussandDumont.Why? JamesClifford(1988),inhisdiscussionofthecomplexinterrelations betweenethnography,fieldwork,literature,travel,andart,gavenew lifetotheworksofGriauleandLeiris.IagreewiththewayCliffordcharacterizedGriaule’scontributiontoanthropology.ReferringtoGriaule’s ethnographicpiecesontheDogon,Cliffordwrote:“Onehears,asit were,twofullchordsofaDogonsymphony:amythicexplanationof the cosmos and a native theory of language and expressivity. More thanjustnativeexplanationsortheories,thesesuperbcompendiums presentthemselvesascoherentartsoflife,sociomythiclandscapesof
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physiologyandpersonality,symbolicnetworksincarnateinaninfinity ofdailydetails”(1988:58). WecanacceptthatGriaule’sdialogicmethodcreateddoubtsregarding thevalidityofhisfindings.ClifforddefinedGriaule’smasterpieces(Le renardpâleandEthnologieetlangage)as elaboratedinventionsauthoredbyavarietyofsubjects,Europeanand African. These compendiums do not represent the way “the Dogon” think:boththeirenormouscomplexityandtheabsenceoffemaleinformantscastdoubtonanysuchtotalizingclaim.Noristheir“deep” knowledgeaninterpretativekeytoDogonrealityforanyonebeyondthe ethnographerandasmallnumberofnative“intellectuals.”Tosaythat theseDogontruthsarespecificinventions(ratherthanpartsordistortionsof“Dogonculture”),however,istotakethemseriouslyastextual constructions,avoidingbothcelebrationandpolemic.(1988:60)
ManyofthecriticismsofGriaule’sworkbyBritishsocialanthropologistshavepointedouthisextremedependenceontranslators,with whomhehadlife-longrelations,andthefactthathegavehistotal confidencetoasmallnumberofkeyinformants(Douglas1967;Richard 1967).Ithasbeenarguedthatalwaysmissinginhisethnographywere daily life, a clear definition of social contexts, and a description of politicsandpowermechanismsinDogonsociety.Cliffordsawthese critiquesaspertinent,especiallywithregardtotheproblematicroleof theDogonthemselvesasactorsinGriaule’sethnographicproject. ThemostauthoritativecritiquesprangfromWaltervanBeek’srestudy of the Dogon (1991). He demonstrated that the texts produced by Griaule were impossible to recognize in the field and that Griaule’s ethnographyneitherofferedproductiveinsightsintoDogonthinking norprovidedusefulguidanceforthereproductionofDogonculture.The culturalconstructsGriaulepresentedwereunrecognizabletoboththe anthropologistandtheDogonthemselves.WhenvanBeekpresentedhis DogoninformantswithelementsofGriaule’scosmologicaldescriptions, they did not recognize them as a meaningful part of their thinking and way of life. Claude Meillassoux’s response to van Beek’s article, publishedwithitinCurrentAnthropology,welcomedthecritiqueasmuch needed in the tradition initiated by Griaule, which emphasized the powerof“selectedinformantsthroughwhomacorpuswasconstructed thatseems,onexamination,notsomuchasourceofdiscoverytothe researchersasoneofsurprisetotheinvestigated”(1991:163). IncontrasttoGriaule’swork,Leiris’sL’Afriquefantôme(1934)—abook nevertranslatedintoEnglishoranyotherimportantanthropological
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language—canbeseenasacentralaccountoftheDakar-Djiboutiand, priortoLévi-Strauss’sTristestropiques(1955),amasterpieceofethnography, diary, and intimate reflections. A novelist narrates a plot. A poetwritesverses.Anethnographerdescribespractices.Inthe1930s Leiris already mixed autobiography with anthropology and obliged his readers and colleagues to think about the special relationship betweenwriting(écriture)andethnographyand,perhapsmoregenerally, aboutthefunctionofwritingintheempiricalfieldofsocialpractices. Leiris had one foot in anthropology and another in literature, and throughouthislifehemaintainedclosepersonalrelationswithartists, philosophers,andotherthinkers.Indeed,itwassurrealismthatbrought himtoanthropology.Leiriswrotethat“itwassurrealism,withwhich Iwasinvolvedforfouryears(1925–29)andwhichrepresentedforme therebellionagainsttheso-calledrationalismofWesternsocietyand thereforeanintellectualcuriosityaboutpeopleswhorepresentedmore orlesswhatLévy-Bruhlcalledatthetimementalitéprimitive.It’squite simple”(PriceandJamin1988:158). HeconfessedthathewroteL’Afriquefantômetohimselfinanexperimentalmood:“I’dhadmyfillofliterature,especiallysurrealism;I’d had more than I could take of Western civilization. I wanted to see whatwouldresultwhenIforcedmyselftorecordvirtuallyeverything thathappenedaroundmeandeverythingthatwentthroughmyhead; thatwasessentiallytheideabehindL’Afriquefantôme”(PriceandJamin 1988:171). He never showed the proofs for the book to Griaule, because “he wasacompletelydifferentkindofpersonfromme,andbeingopposed tothespiritofthebookinspiteofourcamaraderie,hewouldhave askedmetocutitinwaysthatIwasn’twillingtoaccept.SoIdecided nottoshowhimtheproofs.Hewasabsolutelyfuriouswhenthebook cameout;hefeltthatIhadcompromisedfuturefieldstudies,andso forth”(PriceandJamin1988:171).EvenMaussreactedagainstLeiris’s travelogueapproachandreprimandedhim,althoughnotasstrongly asGriaule.LeirisacknowledgedthathisrelationshipwithGriaule“was theonlyonethatwasspoiledbyL’Afriquefantôme”(PriceandJamin 1988:171). L’Afriquefantômeisapowerfulbookpreciselybecauseitiscentered on the explicit recognition of the subjectivity of the ethnographer. ThisfactplacesLeiris’sworkinakindofpremonitorypositionwith respect to the discussions and critiques of the traditional naturalist narrativesofclassicalanthropologythattookplaceinthe1980s.This, insomeways,explainsClifford’srecuperationofhishistoricalrolein
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thediscipline(seeCogez2000).WhatissurprisinginreadingLeiris’s booktodayaretheintermittentflashesofhisintenseparticipationwith and commitment to the actors he observed and the frequent bouts of tedium that afflicted him during the expedition. But as Michele Richman(1992:93)correctlyobserved,hewasalso“hauntedbythe formidableghostsofhisownpast,andthefearthathe[would]never penetrateanythingindepth.” Throughoutthebook,Leiris’spresentationsofthelimitationsofan impotentobserverandthenecessityofobservingtherulesofdetachment imposedontheethnographerareaccompaniedbyraremomentsof intense,emphaticidentificationwithrituals,events,andactors.Leiris equatesthesemomentswithakindofpoeticpossession.Theattraction ofmomentsparfaitsandafeelingofbeingunabletoovercomethemis presentinseveralpassages.Cliffordstressedthe“smoothethnographic story” that undermines “the assumption that self and other can be gatheredinastablenarrativecoherence”(1988:173).However,Iagree with the way Marc Blanchard (1992: 111) summarized Leiris’s style ofwriting:“OfallwritersintheFrenchlanguageLeirisisoneofthe moreskilledatdescribingtheworldofpersonsandobjectsintermof practices—actions performed more than once, often every day, in a socialcontextwiththepurposeofmodifyingrelationsbetweensubjects andobjectswithsignificantadvantage.” ThroughouthiscareerLeiriscombinedliterarywriting,autobiographical journals,professionalmonographs,andessaysagainsttheAlgerianWar andcolonialismingeneral.Hewasahybridinadisciplinethatwas becomingincreasinglyprofessionalized.Hewasdifficulttoclassify,he creatednoschoolinanthropology,andhistheoreticalcontributions werelessevidentthanhis“literarymood.”Healwaysbelievedinthe importanceofthesubjectiveelement,buthedidnotdenytherelevance oftheexternalworldortheobjectivityoftheexterior.Heassumedthat the most important tool of ethnography was the description of the otherandnotjustofoneself:“Youintroduceyourselfintothescene in order to allow the calcul de l’erreur [calculation of error],” he said inaninterview(PriceandJamin1988:172).Hesaidthatsubjectivity “alwaysispresent,soit’sbettertorecognizeitopenlythantodealwith itsecretly...Iwillmakeaconcessiontoabsoluteobjectivityandstate thatthatiswhatitwouldbemostdesirabletoendupwith,butitjust isn’tpossible:thesubjectivityisalwaysthere”(PriceandJamin1988: 173).Inthesameinterviewheacknowledgedhavingbeenmarginal tothedifferentcoresofFrenchanthropologyduringhisacademiclife (PriceandJamin1988:171).
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Leiris’stravelaccountsinfluencedothergreattravelersinourdiscipline. Lévi-Strauss’s Tristes tropiques can be understood better in relation to L’Afrique fantôme. This connection is seldom made in the general teachingofanthropology.Leiris’stravelsandwritingsresonateinLéviStrauss’sworkbecausetheybelongtothesamediscursiveformation: a combination of heterogeneous approaches—philosophy, dreams, personallives—mixedwiththetechniquesofananthropologist,overall producingaredefinitionoftherelationbetweenlanguageandreference. InLévi-Strauss,considerationsofgeographyandgeologyarecombined with elements of autobiography, whereas in Leiris’s work the main references are the objects and events being classified by the author. Nobodywoulddenythatbothtextsare“classic,”buttheybelongto alateproduceroftheory,Lévi-Strauss,andtoaconvincedhybridand bricoleur,Leiris.Lévi-Straussrepresentsthedominantscientifictradition, a combination of universal assumptions and models demonstrated throughethnographiccomparison,andLeirisrepresentswhatwemight calltheliterarymoodorapoeticapproachtosocialreality.Lévi-Strauss becomesakeyfigureinthecenterofanthropologyparexcellence,the Laboratoired’AnthropologieSociale—themostimportantafterWorld WarII—whileLeirismaintainshispositionasamarginalanthropologist intheFrenchacademiclandscape.
LaTarasqueandtheAnthropologyofFrance In the introduction to the second edition of La Tarasque, originally publishedin1951,LouisDumontexpressedhissatisfactionwiththe re-editionofabookthathecalleda“petitouvrage”(1988:3).Hegave tworeasonswhyhedecidedtorepublishitwithoutchanges:first,he believedamonographmuststandasitwasconceived,andsecond,the bookcouldbeseenasacontributionfrom“researchersandamateurs” (chercheursetcurieux)doingtheethnographyofFrancetotheyoung generation of anthropologists then doing it in a more professional way(1988:4).AfterWorldWarIIDumontworkedasaresearcherat theMuseumofPopularArtandTradition(Muséedesartsettraditions populaires),foundedin1937.HisfieldworkinTarascon,Provence,was guidedbytheideaofrecordingapopularreligioustraditionthatwas being threatened by modernization and social change. Moreover, as a disciple of Mauss, Dumont adopted “the use of a model of exotic ethnology,makingmoresociologicalwhatuntilthenwas‘folklore’” (1988:v).Itwasinthisapproachthathesawthereasonforthesurvival ofthebook.
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ThusDumontfoundakindofcontinuitybetweentheanthropology ofFrancethathewaspracticingandcontemporarystudiesofFrench societyinwhichresearcherswereconcernedlesswiththedisappearance oftraditionsthanwiththecomplexitiesofmodernity.Inhiswords, the ethnology of France was transformed into an “anthropology at home”inwhichsystematicsociologicaltheoryreplacedthedominant folkloristdescriptiveapproach.ThatvanGennep’simportantworkon theethnologyofFrancewasseenbyLévi-Straussin1947astraditional folklore(1947:519;seealsoCuisinierandSegalen1986)didnotstop DumontfromshowinghismanuscripttovanGennepinordertoget commentsandsuggestions. LaTarasqueisacomplexandunorthodoxmonographconsistingof ethnographicfindingsbasedonobservationsoftheritualofthefeast ofthedragoninthevillageofTarascon,adetailedoralhistoryofits legends,theresultsofexhaustivehistoricalarchivalwork,andadetailed iconographicpresentation.Dumontarguedthatthiswayofworking sprangfromaMaussianperspective,inwhichsociallifealwayshasa directionandconstitutesatotalitythatmustbescrutinizedingreat detail.Accordingtohim(1988:15),thestudyofthetriangleofritual, legends, and iconography made this possible. The confrontation of ritualandlegendsinthebookandDumont’sobservationsofcontradictionsandambivalentmeaningsarerich.Inthissense,Dumontwrote a“modern”ethnography.Hisconclusionssoundfamiliar:theritual, LaTarasque,isaprofaneemblemofthelocality,throughwhichthe socialforcesofthecommunityareexpressed,butatthesametimeitis subordinatedtothelocalsaintandpatronne,SainteMarthe.Inthissense, theTarasconiancommunityreaffirms,throughritual,subordination toanencompassingChristianity.Herewefindanechoofthe“other” Dumont,theSouthAsianist,wholaterdevelopedatheoryinwhich the relations between parts and wholes in terms of subordination, domination,andencompassmentweretobecentral. MymainaimwiththisbriefexaminationofLaTarasqueistocontextualize the question of centers and peripheries with a focus on the anthropologyofFranceanditsinternationalization.Itisclearthatthe richtraditionofstudiesofFrancebyethnologists,ethnographers,and folkloristsinitiatedbeforeWorldWarIIremained“local”andwasnot integratedintothecreationofaninternationaldisciplineinwhichthe “moreexoticandextremenon-Europeanothers”wereprivileged(see Abélès1999;CuisinierandSegalen1986;Langlois1999;Rogers1999, 2001). Dumont became “international” and part of the core of the historyofgeneralanthropologyonlyonceheleftFranceashismain researchconcernandbecameaSouthAsianistandatheoretician.
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ThefateofvanGennep’swork,too,demonstratessomeoftheparadoxesofourdiscipline.Aswehaveseen,Lévi-Strauss(1947)defined himasafolklorist,unaffiliatedwiththeDurkheimian-Maussianschool thatwasthedominantcenterofsociologyinthefirstthreedecadesof thetwentiethcenturyinFrance.HedidrecuperatevanGennep’smost ethnographic works and his book on rites de passage (1909) but left outhisvastethnological(folkloristic)productiononFrancebecauseit wasnotconsideredsociologyorethnology.VanGennep’smain“sin” washislackoftheoreticalstringency.Hehadagreatdealofintuition, enthusiasm,generosity,andfieldexperience—evenincludingfieldwork inAlgeria—buthewasunabletodevelopsystematicmodelsorclear conceptual frameworks (see Belmont 1979; Centlivres and Vaucher 1994). AccordingtoAbélès’saccountofanthropologyinFrance(1999:404), theCenterforFrenchEthnology,locatedattheMuseumofPopular ArtandTradition,“pursuedethnologicalworkonFranceverymuch alongthelinesofexoticanthropology,”butitwasmarginal.Abélès remembered that in the 1970s, when he entered the “cathedral” of anthropologyinFrance,theLaboratoired’AnthropologieSociale,allof theresearcherswereworkingonexoticsocieties,andtheworkdoneby FrenchanthropologistsonFrance“wastreatedmoreasacuriositythan assomethingtrulyserious”(1999:405).Headmittedthatthissituation begantochangeattheendofthe1970s,forthreereasons: First,anthropologicalstudiesinFrancenotonlyprovidedempiricaldata butalsoopenednewtheoreticalperspectives,forexample,onwhatLéviStrauss termed “complex structures” of kinship and marriage. Second, therewasacloseconnectionbetweentheanthropologyofFranceand new developments in historical scholarship. Historians and anthropologists shared a common interest in studying areas such as kinship andsymbolisminruralFrance.Third,andfinally,after1968,theFrench publicwasincreasinglyinterestedinquestionsofidentity,history,and memory. Books dealing with rural France, for instance, found a large audienceinFrance.ThecreationoftheMissionduPatrimoineEthnologiqueislinkedwiththisexpansionofanthropologyathome.(Abélès 1999:405)
All of this created a new situation in France and new dynamics for doing a more legitimate and modern anthropology at home. This time anthropologists were no longer self-made amateurs or dubious folklorists.Theyweretrainedinthecommontoolsofthediscipline
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anddidlong-termfieldworkinsmallvillagesorurbancontextsdefined inastrictmethodologicalway. Asweknow,thecreationofinstitutionswithappropriatebudgets is behind many miracles in the development of the social sciences. The Mission du Patrimoine Ethnologique, founded in 1980, filled thisrole.TheMissionwasplacedoutsideoftheMinistryofCulture, andassuch,itwasguaranteedmorethangenerousministerialgrants (see Langlois 1999: 409). It defined topics of research that had not been thoroughly studied and called for applications for grants from anthropologists interested in working at home. From 1980 to 2000, theMissionfinanced450researchprojects—animpressiveresult.The threemainareasselectedwereFrenchkinshipandfamily,thestudy of urban and industrial contexts—and in these contexts, studies of previouslyunstudiedgroupssuchasmembersofethnicminoritiesand socialelites—andtheanalysisofassociationsandmovementsintended toglorifyregionalculture(regionalallegiancesandculturalidentities) (Langlois1999:410).In1983itlaunchedanewjournaldesignedto competewiththeolderandmoretraditionalEthnologiefrançaise;itwas namedTerrain(Fieldwork). Another important tool in the consolidation of anthropology in FrancewastheseriesofbooksthattheMissionduPatrimoineEthnologiquepublishedtogetherwiththeMaisondesSciencesdel’Homme intheseries“EthnologiedelaFrance.”Sofarthetwoinstitutionshave publishedmorethantwentyvolumes,aswellassixmonographsoutside theseries(seeMissionduPatrimoineEthnologique2000).Themajority ofthesetextsareofhighquality,andsomehavebeentranslatedinto English and published by Cambridge University Press in the series “AnthropologyofFrance”(seeLeWita1994;Vialles1994;Zonabend 1993). ManyanthropologiststurnedtothestudyofFranceafterlongexperiencewithnon-Europeansocieties.ThisincludedAbélèshimself, whowasoriginallyanAfricanist,andChristianBromberger,whohad worked in Iran. The research efforts supported by the Mission were withoutdoubtoriginalandareexemplifiedbythevolumeeditedby Bromberger(1998).Thebook,Passionsordinaires,dealswiththeordinary passionsoftheFrench,fromfootballmatchestonationalcompetitions ofdictation.Thebookincludescarefulanalysesoftheimportanceof genealogies and of publicity, the revival of esoteric knowledge, and people’sinterestinmotorcycles,commitmenttorockmusic,andpassion forwine.Thisisfarfromtheconstructionofthe“other”Frenchperson asa“peasant”oran“Occitan.”Brombergerquestionedtheassumptions
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ofauthenticityintraditionalethnographiesanddepictedaworldin whichnewformsofsocialitydevelopedindailylife. The anthropology of France done by French anthropologists was andisclearlyanationalprojectfinancedbythecentralizedstatewith centralizedinstitutionssuchastheMission(seeRogers2001).Ithas coexistedwiththeinternationaldimensionofthediscipline,which,as wehaveseen,belongstothecoreofthestandardhistoryofanthropology.Frenchanthropologistsdealingwithnon-Europeanpopulations havefeltthreatenedbythisdevelopment.Asearlyas1986,AlainTestart questioned the Research Council’s considerable support of anthropologistsdoingresearchinFrance,onthegroundsthatitwasforgetting the“richpastwithgreattheoreticalcontributions”madewhennonEuropeanswerestudied(Testart1986:141). Asanationalproject,thisbranchofFrenchanthropologyissimilar tootherimportantnationalprojects,suchasthoseinBrazil,Mexico, India,andPeru,which,byfocusingontheirownnativepopulationsand socialproblems,havebuiltup“nationaltraditions”(seeLomnitz2000; SouzaLima2000).Theinternationaldimensionofthisanthropology ofFrancedependsnotsomuchonitstheoreticalcontributions,which arenotyetparticularlyvisible,asonitsempiricalinnovations,which have proved important indeed. We might say that anthropological studiesofFrancemakeupan“areastudy”constructedthroughrelationshipswithforeignanthropologistsdoingfieldworkinFrance.Justas Peruvian, Mexican, and Brazilian anthropologists have entered into dialogueswithforeigncolleagues,sohaveanthropologistsinFrance. Frenchanthropologistshavenomonopolyoverstudiesoftheircountry, andthegrowinginterestofAmericananthropologistsandothersin Francehascreatedafieldofstudiesthroughwhichforeignandnative anthropologists meet (Reed-Danahay and Rogers 1987). This has in turncreatedasortof“competition”overwaysofunderstandingFrench societyandculture.
TheRamificationsofDumont IreturnnowtoDumontasatheoretician.DumontwenttoSouthIndia in1948,andhisresearchamongthePramalaiKallarformedthebasisfor hisdoctoralthesis(doctoratd’état).HejoinedtheUniversityofOxford in1951andstayedintheInstituteofSocialAnthropologythereuntil 1955.BackinFrancehewasappointeddirectorofstudiesattheÉcole PratiquedesHautesÉtudesand,togetherwithDanielThorner,created theCenterofIndianStudies.Hebecameoneofthedominantfigures oftheoreticalFrenchanthropology.
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In1976Dumontorganizedaresearchteam,“Équipedelarecherche d’anthropologie sociale: Morphologie, échanges” (ERASME), at the ÉcolePratiquedesHautesÉtudes.Theteam’smainaimwastodevelop theoreticalapproachesbasedoncomparative,empiricalstudiesofwhole societies.Dumontandhisfollowersthusexpandedtheirinterestfrom SouthAsiatootherpartsofAsia,Africa,andSouthAmerica. AfterwritingHomohierarchicus(1971),Dumontwasmainlyconcerned withcomparingideologiesandthewayssocietyandtheindividualwere conceivedof.Hecontrastedmodernideology,inwhichtheindividual wasfelttobetheultimatevalueandinwhich,consequently,society wasnotregardedasacoherentwhole,withholisticideologies,inwhich society was the ultimate value and was not separated from nature. Thequestionofthesocialconstructionofvaluewasakeyelementin hiscomparativework.Moreover,Dumontwasalwaysoccupiedwith elicitinghierarchicalrelationsasawayofunderstandingwhyoneof theelementsinanoppositioncouldstandforthewholeandtherefore encompassitsopposite. Dumont’slegacyasatheoreticiancanbemeasuredonlyintermsof hisinfluenceoverthedebatesconcerningIndia,thecastesystem,and modernindividualismingeneral(seeGaley1984;seealsoVisvanathan, thisvolume).Butinadifferentwayofnarratingthehistoryofsocial anthropology, the ramifications of Dumont’s ideas and models in unexpectedareasandplacescanrevealthecomplexityandubiquity ofideasinasituationofincreasinginternationalizationoftheoriesand models.MarizaPeirano(1995:36)hascalledthiskindofintellectual exercisehistória-teórica(theoreticalhistory).Twoexamples,onefrom NorwayandtheotherfromBrazil—countrieswithanthropologiesoftwo different“sizes”—canhelpusthinkaboutthedecenteringprocess. In the 1980s a group of Norwegian anthropologists based in the DepartmentofSocialAnthropologyoftheUniversityofOsloentered intoclosecooperationwithERASME,thenheadedbyDanieldeCoppet after Dumont’s retirement. Some of the results were published in a special issue of Ethnos in 1990. I comment briefly on some of the Norwegians’readingsofDumont,withanemphasisontheircriticism thattheroleofgenderininequalitywasmissinginhiswork.Marit Melhuus(1990),forexample,criticallyexaminedDumont’stheoryof modernityandbroughtupthegenderdimension,intermsnotonly ofmoderndiscoursebutalsoofmodernpractice.Shecommentedon Dumont’soveremphasisontheindividualinmodernsociety,suggesting thattheautonomousagentwasinsteadthecouple.Shewrote:
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Inordertounderstandthenotionofthefreeindividual,itisnotenough to focus on the individual as a monad. Rather, we should focus our attentiononhowthenotionoftheindividualisconstructedwithinthe frameworkofthegenderrelation,i.e.asadyad.Wearesuggestingthen thatitmaynotbethenotionoftheindividualasanautonomousbeing whichisatthecentreofmodernity—thiswouldbeafalseorartificial assumption,touseDumont’swords—butratherthepair,thecouple.To phrase the argument yet another way while stretching it to its logical conclusion: the autonomous agent in modern society is the couple. Indicativeofthispositioningistheideaofromanticloveandthevery notion of the free autonomous choice of a sexual partner of opposite gender.(Melhuus1990:156–57)
IngridRudie(1990)examinedDumont’shypothesisofvaluehierarchy throughtheinterconnectionsbetweengender,kinship,andseniority in rural Malay society. There, the idea of seniority was a prominent value.Rudiedescribedasocialprocessinwhichastructureofgenderneutral seniority and balanced gender collectivities gave way to a strongercollusionbetweenseniorityandmaleness,aprocessthatwas personifiedinthehusband-wifedyad.Rudiewasopentothepossibility ofa“hierarchisingimpulse”inculturalprocesses,butshedoubtedthat theultimatevalueswouldeverfullyemergeinsocialrealities,because “society”hasnounambiguousdelimitationandbecauseorganizational andcommunicativedomainsshrinkandexpandovertime,sothatany dominantvaluecanbechallengedthroughorganizationalinnovations (1990:197–98). Inathirdexample,JonSchackt(1990)triedoutthetheoryofhierarchyandvalueonthesocietyandcultureoftheYukunaIndiansof the Colombian Amazonas. Schackt showed that this society could easilybeanalyzedtofittheDumontianmodelofahierarchicalorder, buthecriticizedthenotionthatsuchanordercouldbeanchoredto an “ultimate value.” Rather than stressing the “premodern” aspects of hierarchies, he argued that the cognitive functions implied were expressiveofthewaytheconstructionofallideologymayrelyonthe less-than-strictly-logicalaspectsofhumanthinking.Hesuggestedthat the dichotomy between the “modern” and the “premodern” might itselfbeanideologicalconstruction. Thesethreeauthors,aswellasotherNorwegiancontributorstothe volume—includingSigneHowell(1990)andSolrunWilliksen-Bakker (1990)—lookedcriticallyattheDumontianperspective.Themajority ofthechaptersdemonstrateapreoccupationwithissuesofgenderand
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genderrelations,whichprovidesanovelcritiqueofthequestionsof hierarchyandvalue,aswellasofpremodernityandmodernity. Dumont’sinfluenceinBrazilhasalsobeendecisiveinshapingempirical insightsandtheoreticaldebates.Onefeelsthatintheconsolidation oftheteachingofmodernanthropologyinBrazil,Dumonthasbeen recognizedasacentraltheoreticalancestor(seeABA1995;Peirano1991b, 1995).LetmementiontheworkofthreeBraziliananthropologists. RobertoDaMattainitiatedhiscareerasanAmazonist,andhisethnography and interpretations are impregnated with a Lévi-Straussian flavor(seeDaMatta1973).Whenheturnedtotheanalysisofcomplex, modernBrazil,DaMattawasclearlyinspiredbyDumont(seeDaMatta 1979,1984,1985,1996).Brazil,accordingtohim,wasasocietyvisibly characterizedbyasharpdivisionbetweenthe“home”andthe“street,” aswellasbetweenthefamily—asystemofhierarchicalsocialrelations andpersons—andthemarketandfreeindividuals.ForDaMattathese divisionswerelessaboutgeographicalorphysicalplacesthantheywere symbolsofmoralandideologicaluniverses.Carnivalandfootballwere privilegedbecauseinthemthepersonalizedsocialworldofthehome and the impersonal universe of the street were combined in public rituals.FootballandCarnivalmadepossibletheexpressionofindividual qualities,andthustheyweresourcesofpublicindividualization,much morethantheywereinstrumentsofcollectivizationatthepersonal level.Thedeepmeaningoftheritualswasthatinthem,individuals couldexperienceequalityandfreedominhierarchicalcontexts. Inhisanalysisofthecategoriesofthepersonandtheindividualin Brazil,DaMattaemphasizedtheconcernsofindividualsformaintaining orderandhierarchyinaworldthatwasimaginedasequal:“Theworld mustmoveintermsofanabsoluteharmony,theevidentconsequence ofasystemdominatedbyatotalitywhichstrongandweakactorsagree upon”(1979:147).DaMatta’sDumontianperspectivehasbeenboth fertileandcontroversialinBraziliananthropology.Ithashelpedcreate animportantfieldofempiricalanalysisoftheritualsofmodernity— sports,dance,games,andplays—anditstillprovokestheoreticaldebates (seeGomes,Barbosa,andDrummond2000;SoaresPechincha2002). GilbertoVelho’sbook(1981)onthecomplexitiesofunderstanding individualism among the Brazilian middle classes was also clearly influencedbyDumont.Velhofullydescribedthetensionbetweenfamily membershipandloyalty,ononehand,andindividuallifeprojects,on theother.Hearguedthatfamilyandclasswerehierarchicalmechanisms thatcouldbecheckedbyindividualism.Apropercomprehensionof Braziliansocietyoughttobegraspedthroughacarefulethnography
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of life histories, which would demonstrate the existence of cultural andsocialtensionsintheshapingofBrazilianmodernity(Velho1981: 75). The important work of Luiz Fernando Dias Duarte on the urban workingclassinBrazilwasalsoinspiredbyDumont’stheoryofmodernity. Dias Duarte admitted Dumont’s influence in his work and placedhisethnographyinrelationtothetheoryofhierarchyandthe comparativeanalysisofholismandindividualism(DiasDuarte1986: 40).Heconstructedamodelinwhichhierarchyandholismhadtobe combinedwithanexplicittreatmentofindividualismandequality—as inDaMatta’swork.HesawBrazilasahybridsocialworldandneverasa puremodeldominatedbyeitherholismorindividualism.DiasDuarte showedthatmodelsthatemphasizedthepreeminenceofthegroup overtheindividual,oftenusedinexaminingworking-classculture,were unabletorevealtheentirepicture.Hemaintainedthattheideologyof individualismwasaconstitutiveelementoftheworking-classcultural world,andinthissenseitwasbothexternal,definedbysocialscientists, andinternal,experiencedbytheactorsthemselves(1986:141). Dumonthasbeenverymuchaliveinthetropics,toagreatextent throughthecreativityofBraziliananthropologists,whohaveusedhis theoriestounderstandthecomplexitiesofmodernity.Thedevelopment oftheanthropologyofFrance,however,andofmodernityingeneral intheEuro-AmericantraditionhasnotbeeninfluencedbyDumontian thoughtsandmodels.Wemightsaythathiscontributionshavebeen decenteredinthecenterandcenteredintheperiphery—ametaphorfor abetterwayofmakingcomparisons.BoththeworkoftheNorwegian anthropologistswhomImentioned,withtheirfocusongenderequality and hierarchy, and the rich models of Brazilian anthropologists are indications of the intricate ways in which anthropology is made an internationaldiscipline.
ByWayofConcluding:Ambiguitiesand Contradictions IhopethevignettesIhavepresentedwillfacilitateabetterreadingof thedevelopmentsofanthropologyinFrance.Frenchanthropologyhas beenacentralarenaintheconstitutionofinternationalanthropology andasourceofinspirationforthedisciplineasawhole.Generallyit is said that “theory” and explicit philosophical thinking have been typical French products, and that exemplary ethnographies were a Britishtrademark.Theseare,atleast,thecommonsenseoraccepted
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historicalnarrativesofthewayanthropologyconstituteditselfoverthe lastonehundredyears.Itistimenowtocarryoutasystematiccritical analysis of this “tradition,” examining some of the ambiguities and contradictionsthatmanifestthemselvesininstitutions,persons,and financialsupport.IhopeIhavebeenabletoshow,asJamesClifford didbefore,thewaytravelliterature,fiction,andsubjectivity,inakind ofavantlalettrepostmodernistmood,influencedtheanthropologyof the1930sandconvertedsomeofitspractitionersintomarginaland controversialfigures. The recent consolidation of the anthropology of France in terms ofthehighqualityoftheethnographyitproduces,itsdemographic presence,andthegenerouspublicfinancialhelpitreceiveshastroubled theconventionalpracticeofthediscipline.Francehasembarkedupon, asneverbefore,anationaltaskofstudyingitsownsocietyandculture and,inthisprocess,hasledmodernsocialanthropologytoincorporate ethnology,folklore,andhistory.Theimperialandthenationalembrace eachother.IntheanthropologyofmodernFrance,theexplicitinfluence ofDumontislessimportantthanitisin“peripheries”suchasBraziland Norway.Thedescriptionoftravelandoftheunexpectedramifications of ideas in distant places and different times is, I believe, a fruitful toolforabetterunderstandingofthewayworldanthropologiesare constituted.
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The Production of Knowledge and the Production of Hegemony Anthropological Theory and Political Struggles in Spain
Susana Narotzky
Communicationistheprocessofmakinguniqueexperienceintocommon experience, and it is, above all, the claim to live. For what we basicallysay,inanykindofcommunicationis:“Iamlivinginthisway because this is my experience.” . . . Since our way of seeing things is literallyourwayofliving,theprocessofcommunicationisinfactthe processofcommunity:thesharingofcommonmeanings,andthence commonactivitiesandpurposes;theoffering,receptionandcomparison ofnewmeaningsleadingtothetensionsandachievementsofgrowth andchange. —RaymondWilliams,TheLongRevolution
The project of creating a world anthropologies network challenges anthropologists to engage not only in worldwide communication butalsowithknowledgeproducedinnon-academiccontextsandin nonscientificrealmsofexperience.Thedesiretocreateanewformof communicationstemsfromthewilltobealive,toformacommunity that will allow us to grow and change in unexpected directions. In pursuing this ecumenical objective, however, anthropologists must dealwiththeawarenessthatallknowledgeisproducedin,andseeks tocreate,particularfieldsofpower,andwearenotexemptfromthis ourselves. The tension in the world anthropologies project is one between “epistemological tolerance,” with its paradoxical liberal, 133
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modernisttaint,andanepistemologicalprogramthathasadefinite groundinginemancipatorypoliticalprojects.1ItisthistensionIwant toaddress. Mygoalinthischapteristoexplorethreeprobablyincompatible discoursesthatrepresent,nonetheless,seriousattemptstogobeyondthe easydisqualificationofparticularnonhegemonicformsofknowledgeas “epistemologicalnativism.”Thefirstisthediscourseofsingularityand autonomousconsciousness,whichraisestheissueoftheunavoidable opacitiesoftranslationweshouldcontendwithifwechoosetorecognize the “heterotemporality” of plural histories and forms of knowledge (Chakrabarty2000:72–96).Thesecondisthediscourseofparticipation in a local political project as part of the production of knowledge, wherecommitmenttoacollectivestruggleagainst(orfor)someform ofdominationandinjusticerequiresbothconcreteexperienceanda certainurgencyinidentifyinghistoricalforcesthatareseentobesubstantialandmaterial.Thethirdisthediscourseofethnographicrealism (Terradas1993),representinganattempttoreviveanthropologyasa comparativeendeavorbydevelopingtheexplicitnessembeddedinthe realist methodology of early ethnographies. By engaging with these threemethodologicalperspectives,Ihopetoraisesomeissuesabouthow aworldanthropologiesnetworkcouldprovidearealcommunicative spaceforfosteringgrowthinanthropologicalknowledge.
AndalusiaandtheRest Letmestartwithapieceoflocalhistory—thehistoryoftheawareness ofaparticularformofanthropologicalknowledgeinSpain.In1973,at theFirstConferenceofSpanishAnthropologists(Primerareuniónde antropólogosespañoles),heldinSeville,IsidoroMoreno(Universityof Seville)addressed,inapaperaboutanthropologicalresearchinSpain (publishedin1975),theproductionofanthropologicalknowledgein thatcountry,particularlyinAndalusia.Hedescribeditasadoublecolonization.Thefirstcolonizationwasspatial:foreignanthropologists, mainlyNorthAmericans,conceivedofSpainexclusivelyasaterritoryfull ofinformants,asanobjectofstudy,andtheyofferednothingvaluable “totheknowledgeofSpain,theprogressofSpanishanthropologyorthe developmentofanthropologicaltheory.”Thesecondwastheoretical: this was colonization through local anthropologists’ mechanical applicationofconceptsandtheoriesdevelopedbyAnglophonescholars todealwithotherrealities(Moreno1975:325–26).
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Inapaperwrittentenyearslater,Moreno(1984)developedthisearly insightmorethoroughlyandtriedtoshowhowtwoverydifferentethnographies of Andalusia, one by a British structural-functionalist, J. A. Pitt-Rivers(1971),andtheotherbyanAmericanradicalanthropologist, D. Gilmore (1980), both suffered from blatant forms of ignorance stemmingfromtheirauthors’superficialinvolvementwiththelocal history, economic realities, political conflicts, and symbolic expressionsofAndalusia.Hewrote:“Inbothcommunitystudies,onceagain, Andalusiaprovidesonlythefield,andtheexcuse,foruselessacademic polemicsthattakeplaceinothercountriesandforobtainingdegrees andstatusforprofessionalsinanthropologywhohavelittlerealinterest inthepresentandfutureoftheAndalusianpeople.Andthishasonly onename,thatofanthropologicalcolonialism”(Moreno1984:73,original emphasis). Moreno’sphrases“uselessacademicpolemics,”“obtainingdegrees andstatusforprofessionalsinanthropology,”and“littlerealinterest inthepresentandfutureoftheAndalusianpeople”echothelanguage of some contemporaneous critiques of the production of anthropologicalknowledge(Asad1973;Fabian1983)aswellaspath-breaking paperssuchasF.H.Cardoso’scritiqueoftheapolitical“consumption” ofdependencytheorybyUSscholars(1977)andworksintheearlier phaseofsubalternstudies(seePouchepadass2000).Buttheywereproducedwithoutknowledgeofthosecritiques,thatis,withoutthesense ofparticipatinginawiderpolemicaboutanthropologicalknowledge. Rather,Morenousedtheminexpressionofhispersonalexperienceas both an anthropologist and an Andalusian nationalist of a Marxian background, strongly engaged in political participation. His critique stemmedfromthefeltinadequaciesoftheseparationoftheoryfrom practice;thereproductionofastructurethatvalidatedwhatcountsas anthropologicalknowledge—thatis,thepatternsforacquiringprofessionalstatusatthecenter;andthelackofpersonalorpoliticalengagementonthepartoftheoutsideresearcher—thatis,theobjectification oftheanthropologicalsubject.Iwillcomebacktothislater. The story, however, has more developments to it. In 1997, in his contribution to the book Provocations of European Ethnology, Michael Herzfeldpointedtothe variousresponsesofEuropeanstothesometimesstartlingdiscoverythat theyarealreadyunderthedissectinggazeofanthropologists.Thisisboth anintellectualrefinementofacovertracism(ofthe“wearenotsavages”
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variety), at one level, and at another, paradoxically, a late version of thecolonialistcritiqueofanthropology.Thesearenotnecessarilymutuallyincompatiblestances.Takentogether,however,theyindicatehow powerfulandpervasiveisthemodelofoccidentalsuperiorityandthe ideathatrationalscholarsaresomehowfreeofculturalconstraintsor the messy vagueness of symbolism... Moreover, they reflect the perpetuation of colonialist assumptions even, or especially, within the optimisticallynamed“newEurope.”Thisappearswithnotableforcein the epistemological nativism of certain Spanish anthropologists (e.g., Llobera 1986; Moreno 1984), although rarely those in the national capital[nonamesorreferencesgiven],acontrastthatshowshoweasily subnational hierarchies may reproduce international inequalities. (Herzfeld1997:714)
WhatIfindrevealinginthispassageisthewayHerzfeldunforgivingly disavowssouthernEuropeananthropologistsascolleagueswhomight share polemic anthropological ground. I find it revealing, too, that hecitesaCatalan,JosepLlobera,andanAndalusian,IsidoroMoreno, both overtly peripheral nationalists, located far from “the national capital”andnotparticularlySpanishintheirself-presentation.Herzfeld points to these scholars’ reluctance to be taken as objects of study “underthedissectinggazeofanthropologists,”apositionheinterprets asaparadoxicalmixof“themodelofoccidentalsuperiority”and“a lateversionofthecolonialistcritiqueofanthropology.”Thiscreatesa breachbetweenreflexiveanthropologicalscholarsatthecenters,who knowthat“rationalscholars”arenot“freefromculturalconstraints,” and other anthropologists, who are immersed in “epistemological nativism.”Asaconsequence,heinvalidatestheirscholarlybutobsolete methodological critique of knowledge production in anthropology. Indeed,henegatesthepossibilityofaconversationwiththesescholars oncommonprofessionalgroundatall. TheproblemHerzfeldseemstohavewiththeepistemologicalnativism ofperipheralSpanishanthropologistsstemsfromhisviewofthemas akin to nationalistic folklorists and therefore subsumable under his critiqueofthemethodological“distancing”andconceptual“fixedness” ofnineteenth-centuryfolklorists(Herzfeld1987).Asacorollary,this critiqueisbasedonhisepistemologicalrejectionoftheexplicitpolitical intentoffolklorists’intellectualproject.European“anthropologists” whoareperipheralnationalistsarethusplacedinthefieldasobjects ofstudyandareprecludedfromenteringthe“a-nativist”(scientific?) epistemologicaldebateinanthropology.
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Why is Herzfeld unwilling to engage in a serious epistemological discussionwiththeseanthropologists?Whythearrogantanddismissive toneofhiscritique?Whyisaformof“colonialistcritique”thathasbeen voicedbyscholarsinsideandoutsidetheUnitedStatesandtheUnited Kingdomsinceatleastthelate1960s(Asad1973;Berreman1968;Fabian 1983;Gough1968)consideredunacceptableinasouthernEuropean location?Isitbecauseitcomesfrom“European”scholars?Becauseit comes from “Spanish” scholars? Because it comes from (peripheral) nationalistscholarsinEurope?Orisitbecausehefeelsthatthereis a competition for field and knowledge production from these local scholars,somethingthatmightundermineAnglophoneauthorityin that“area”ofstudy?2Isitanappealtoopennessorapracticeofclosure? Iwillpursuethesethemeslaterinthechapter.
PassionateEpistemologiesandthe“Dissimulationof DissimulationintheNorth” Iwanttopresentanotherstrandofthestoryofthepolemical1984article byMoreno.InhiscritiqueofPitt-Rivers’sclassicofMediterraneanist anthropology,ThePeopleoftheSierra(1954),Morenowrote,referringto theEnglish-languageversionofthesecondedition(1971),whichwas publishedforthefirsttimeinSpanishinthesameyear: WhenPitt-Riversintheprefacetohisbook—which,bytheway,wasnot publishedintheSpanishversion—declaresthathisobjectivehasbeento explain,throughanethnographicexample,GeorgSimmel’sessayabout secrecyandthelie,hecongratulateshimselffornotpossiblyhavinga better example than Grazalema to prove it, given that—and this is a literalquotation—“AndalusiansarethemostaccomplishedliarsIhave everencountered...oneneverknowswhatAndalusiansthink.” WhatevidencedidPitt-Rivershavetoassertthis?Histwo-yearexperienceinGrazalema.Howwouldwecharacterizetheassertion?...itshows a total ignorance of the meaning of popular Andalusian culture as a cultureofoppression,inwhichaseriesoftraits—suchasmistrustdisguised as sympathy with strangers, English anthropologists included—is a mechanism of defense, the fruit of centuries-old collective experience in the face of that which is external and unknown, which is always somethingpotentiallyaggressiveandasourceofpossiblemisfortune... Inanycase,thearistocracyofBritishanthropologyshouldhavelooked indepthintothisqualityofbeinggreatliarsthatheattributestous,in ordertoexplainit,insteadofpresentingit,ashedoes,asifitwereaculturalexplanation.(Moreno1984:73)
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This critique is interesting in the context of a relatively recent publicationinUSanthropologythathasamethodologicalobjective andthatuses(amongothermaterial)preciselythisprefacetothesecond editionofPeopleoftheSierra.IamspeakingofMichaelTaussig’sDefacement: PublicSecrecyandtheLaboroftheNegative(1999).Inthisphilosophical work, Taussig presents a critique of the use of historical origins and socialfunctionsasmethodsforapproachinganunderstandingofsocial reality.Inhischaracterizationofreality,passionandempathyseemto bebetterwaysintoculturalunderstandingthanrationalanalysis. Butthepositionoftheanthropologistorhistorianincommunicating thisreality,oreventheneedfordoingso,remainsobscureinhisaccount. TaussigusesPitt-Rivers’spreface(aswellastheentireethnography)to proveamethodologicalpitfallpredicatedonthedialecticsofrevelation andpublicsecrecy.Thevariablegeometriesandtensionsbetweenreality, performance,andauthorialnarrativeinvolveanthropologicalsubjects’ dealingsamongthemselves(asobservedandinterpretedbytheBritish anthropologist); the interaction between the anthropologist and his subjectsofstudy;andtheinteractionbetweentheanthropologistandthe readingpublic(boththescholar,asinPitt-Rivers’sconfrontationwithEric Hobsbawmviafootnotes,andtheEnglish-speakingnonscholar).Thus Taussigpointstotheunavoidableselectiveprocessesofcategorization andanalysisintheEnlightenmenttraditionofthesocialsciences,which obscureandsilencecertainreal-lifepracticesastheyenshrineothers withcentralexplanatorypowers.3 Moreover,hestressesthedeceptivenessofthemethodologicalpretense thatdescriptionandexplanationarepossibleatall,becausetheyare based in the “concealment of ideology” (1999: 74), the “charade of scientificdetachment”(1999:75),andtherepressionofpassion(1999: 76).HegroundsthisdeceptivenessconcretelyinaNorth-Southpower relationship: “For what is surely referenced here in this epiphanous encounterbetweennorthandsouth,betweenthecultivatedmanof lettersfromthenorthandthesun-drenchedtillersofthesouthernsoil ofuntruth,isanuneasyacknowledgmentastoacertainsecretofthe secretinwhichthesouthhaslonghadthefunctionofmirroring,in itsdishonesty,thedissimulationofdissimulationinthenorth”(1999: 76–77). TwothingsseemtomeworthhighlightinginregardtoTaussig’sbook. Thefirstishiscomfortableunawarenessofcritiquesbylocalscholars (anthropologistsandhistorians)ofPitt-Rivers’sethnography(Frigolé 1980, 1989; Martínez-Alier 1968; Moreno 1984, 1993; Serrán Pagán 1980).Theywouldhavegivenhimsomeinsightsintoimportantaspects
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ofknowledgeproduction,intowhatthe“cultivatedmenoflettersfrom thesouth”thoughtoftheencounter,andintotherealpoliticsofthe productionoftruthinMediterraneananthropologythroughvarious formsofconcealment.HowmightTaussighaveresponded,forexample, tolocalscholars’multipleanddiversecritiquesofPitt-Rivers’swork? Howmighthehavedealtwiththeirmethodologicalperspectives,some morepassionatethanothers,butallofthemwitha“scientific”pretense andthereforewithinthesocial-scienceEnlightenmenttradition?What happens when social scientists, while aiming for description and explanation, do not pretend to be passionless, ideologically neutral, ordetached?Howdoestheirworkspeaktotheworkofthosewhobase theirknowledgeanditsauthorityonthepretenseofdetachment?How isitpartofapoliticalengagement,locallyandnationally? ReadingtheworkoflocalscholarswouldalsohavegivenTaussigan additionalitemofinformationaboutpublicsecrecy:thefactthatthe prefacetothesecondeditionofPitt-Rivers’sbookwasnotpublishedin thefirstSpanishedition(1971),eventhoughitwascontemporaneous with the English second edition. Why? Was Pitt-Rivers’s conscience uneasyoverhiscallingAndalusiansasawhole—asa“culture”—liars? Was it self-protection against possible criticism by local “native” anthropologistssuchasMoreno?Whateverthecase,itprovidedtheturn ofthescrewforthe“dissimulationofdissimulationinthenorth.” Iammoreinterested,however,inasecondaspectofthecomparison betweenMoreno’sandTaussig’sscholarlyexploitationsofthe“secrecyand-lie” perspective in Pitt-Rivers’s ethnography. Taussig criticized modernistrealistpretensesofrevealingtruththroughrationalanalysis (offunctionsororigins:e.g.,Dunk2000)andproposedimpassioned characterization instead, but from a distance. Moreno, while also criticizingdetachment—“professionalsofanthropologywhohavelittle real interest in the present and future of the Andalusian people”— proposedgoingintothehistoricaldepthsoftheproductionofa“culture of oppression” and a meaningful national Andalusian identity that didnoteschewclass,gender,andraceasfieldsofforce(Moreno1991, 1992,1993).InMoreno’scritiqueweseethatpassionatepracticeisnot simplyanabstractedideaofconcreteparticipationthatbecomesan endinitself,fortheanthropologist’senjoyment.Rather,itisactively andoutspokenlyapoliticalproject,adesireforchange,anemotional engagement aimed at transforming Andalusian lived reality in a particulardirectionbyproducingusefulknowledgetowardthatend. Aspartofapoliticalproject,then,itisnecessarilypartofanabstraction, aprocessof“fixing”conceptsthatdesignandenableparticularforms ofcollectiveaction.
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TheforegoingcanbeseeninacontributionbyMoreno(2001)to a volume titled La identidad del pueblo andaluz (The identity of the Andalusianpeople),inwhichheexplicitlystateshisintellectualand politicalprogram.Itisthatofparticipationintheproductionofan Andalusianidentityinhistorical,cultural,andpoliticaltermsinorder toempowerAndalusianpeopleinthecontextofincreasinglyglobalized marketforcesandmultilayeredstructuresofgovernance: Innoplaceintheworlddoesnationalsovereigntyexistanylonger,asithas beenunderstooduptonow:ourageisnowoneof“sharedsovereignties,” in which a web of knots of different sizes and importance is being woven. These knots will define the structure of future relationships between peoples. If Andalusia does not become one of these knots, it willbeexcluded.If,onthecontrary,itmanagestooccupyoneofthese positions,thiswillmeanemergingfromthepresent-dayperipheryand subalternity.Andthisisnotonlyaproblemofjuridicaldefinitions,but ofaneverydayculturalandpoliticalleadingposition.Thereisnoother form,presently,ofguaranteeingthesurvivalofapeople,inourcasethe Andalusian people, than through asserting and developing the triple dimensionofidentity:historical,cultural,andpolitical.(Moreno2001: 160)
Andheadds: But the identidad-resistencia [identity-resistance] that can be generated todaybyAndalusiancultureshouldbeunderstoodnotasanendinitself butasameans,anecessarypreliminarystage,towardtheconstruction ofan“identidad-proyecto”[identity-project]aimedatmakingpossiblea less unequal and unjust society than the present one, through a deep transformation of the internal social structure and the termination of externaldependencyandsubalternity.(2001:170)
Toa“scientificallydetached”intellectual,thisprogramcanberead as an attempt to provide a clear conceptual category, “Andalusian identity,”inordertocreatesomethingsimilartowhatGramscicalled a historical bloc capable of producing an alternative hegemony for revolutionarypurposes.Alternatively,itcouldbereadasakintothe nationalisticfolklorists’searchfor“origins”(Herzfeld1987).4Forthe localscholarinvolvedintheproductionofthisquasi-homogenizing concept of Andalusian cultural values—to be reshaped into tools of
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struggle against totalizing market values (Moreno 2001: 162–64)—it is much more than that. Are we prepared to deal with this sort of politically engaged local knowledge production without displacing it from epistemological coevalness? And how would we do so if we eschewedalltheunitaryframeworksproducedbymodernity?
TheProductionofKnowledgeandFormsofPolitical Engagement Astheforegoingstorieshighlight,theissueofcommunicabilitywithin fieldsofknowledgeistiedbothtotheinstitutionalizationofparticular regimesoftruthandtotheinvolvementofthatinstitutionalization withreal-lifeissuesofdominanceandexploitation—thatis,withthe reproductionofparticularstructuresofinequalityor,alternatively,the replacement of those structures by others. I am well aware that my owndiscourseisentrenchedinmodernistassumptionsabouthistory asacontinuousandconnected(andthereforeunique)processtying pastandpresentrealitiestopossiblefutures.Itisnotone,however, thatincorporatesasitsfoundationaparticularteleologyoftransitions intoaparticularsocial,political,oreconomicfuture.Iremaincritical ofFoucault’snotionof“genealogy,”asopposedto“history,”forItry toplacetheconcreteanalysisoflocalorregionalhistoricalprocesses withinthewidermovementofaglobal,connectedhistory.AndItryto followthethreadsthatcreatefeelingsofcommunityandcoherence— thatcreatemultiplehistoriesenablingpoliticalagency—fromtheraw materialsofheterogeneousandcontradictorysituatedexperiences. Ifthemethodof“genealogy,”orientedagainstthepowereffectsof “scientific”discourse,hasbeenamajorepistemologicalbreakthrough for the social sciences, it seems to me nevertheless that it has also producedaparadoxicallyparalyzingeffectthatFoucaultdidnotintend. Theultimategoalofthegenealogyprocesswas,forFoucault,tofree historicallocalknowledgesfromtheirsubjugationsothattheymight counterthecoercionofafixed,unitary,scientifictheoreticaldiscourse, withtheexplicitaimofempoweringthemforstruggle.Theideawasthat ofarchaeologyasmethod,genealogyastactic(Foucault1979[1976a]: 131).Unlikemanyofhisfollowersinthesocialsciences,Foucaulthada politicalprojectexplicitlyconcernedwithspecific,localstruggles.Hewas deeplyengagedinthetransformationofsocialrealityasheexperienced it.Hewasinterestednotjustinunveilingorexposingmultipleprocesses ofdiscourseorknowledge;healsowantedto“exercisepowerthrough theproductionoftruth”(Foucault1979[1976b]:140).
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However—andthisistheunresolvabletensioninFoucauldianepistemology—the “truth” from which we may “exercise power” in our struggles against diverse forms of domination must eventually be inscribedinsomekindoffixedhierarchy,suchasaparticularconcept ofjustice.Itwillalsohavetobeinscribedinageometryofobjectives forchangeandthusacquireasetcourse,an“orientation,”adetermined “sense”ofandforaction.Yettheliteraldefinitionof“genealogy”presentsanabsolutearbitrarinessofbeing,apermanentfluidityofeverything: time, space, people, concepts, relations, knowledge (Foucault 1979[1971]:13).Itisdifficult,fromthisepistemologicalposition,to engagewithrealityinanattempttotransformit,becausethereisa break,insteadofadialecticaltension,“between‘realhistory’onthe onehandandthehistoricalcommentariesandtextsofsocialactorsand intellectualsontheother”(RoseberryandO’Brien1991:12). Weareleft,then,withthequestionofhowtorenderpoliticallyproductivethetensionbetweentheproductionofmultiple,situatedknowledges andconcretepoliticalengagements.Aspartofaninterestingdebate overthehistoriographyofracisms,AnnLauraStolerraisedthecrucial problemof“thepoliticsofepistemologies.”Heranalysisofanti-racist historiesofracismsledhertounderscorethat“thepursuitoforiginsthat constitutes‘traditionalhistory’isamoralpursuitthatisfundamentally ahistoric”(Stoler1997b:248).Moreover,“asearchforracisms’origins bothshapesandisshapedbyhowwethinkaboutraceinthepresent andwhatweimagineiseffectiveanti-racistscholarshiptoday”(Stoler 1997b:249).Herpointisthatthefocuson“fixity,permanency,somatics andbiology”(Stoler1997b:249)asthe“original,”visible,physicalform ofracismhidesthefundamentalambiguityalwayspresentinracisms between“ocularepistemologies”ofsomatictaxonomiesandthefluid plasticityoftheintangiblequalitiesthataresocialandculturalelements ofracialpoliticalpractices. Stolerconcludedthat“ifracismshaveneverbeenbasedonsomatics alonenoronanotionoffixedessence,thenprogressivescholarship committedtoshowingtheproteanfeaturesofracialtaxonomiesdoes little to subvert the logic of racisms, since that logic itself takes the plasticityandsubstitutabilityofracialessencesasadefiningfeatureof it”(Stoler1997b:252).Inshort,sheconcludesthatepistemologicalerror deflectsanti-raciststrugglefromtherealissuesandthatcontemporary anti-racist political agendas inform histories of racisms’ origins (see also Stoler 1997a: 201). If we think of “political rationalities” as an importantpartofpoliticaleconomy,asStolersuggests(1997b:250),we canbettersituateourknowledgemakingaspartofourownpolitical
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agenda(anti-orpro-).Asweattempttoanalyzeorcommunicatewith otherformsofknowledge,weneedalsotobeabletogaugetheweightof powerstrugglesinthetheoreticalstructures(andteleologicalhistories) theyproduce. Consciousness,then—andcoherentconsciousnessas“knowledge”— isamaterialexpressionofexperience,givingmeaningtosocialrelations in real life, and also a material force, exerting pressures leading to change(Thompson1978:97,171,175–76;Williams1977:75–82).It is in light of these discursive practices or political rationalities that I want to approach the issue of knowledge production and political engagement.JohannesFabian(1983:152–65)developedtheconcepts of“allochronicdistancing”and“coevalness”inhisefforttohistoricize anthropologicalpracticeandfindawayoutofdominatingformsof knowledgeproduction.Hisinsightstressestheunavoidablecoevalness of communication not only in the field encounter but also in the encounterwithotherformsofproducedknowledgethroughpolemic. Polemical engagement is the recognition of conceptual co-presence, summoning us to engage with knowledge forms as present realities (andpoliticalones)andnotassomethingenclosedinapastthatisno moreorisinarealmofother-than-knowledgeculturalproduction(see alsoAmselle2000:211). Ibelieveweneedtoknowmoreabouttheglobalandlocalhistories thatshapeaparticularorderofdomination,itsmaterialprocessesand discursiveframeworks,anditsmicro-andmacropoliticalfieldsofpower. Categoriesthatshapelocalknowledgesshouldbetreatedaspartand parcelofahistoricallyformeddiscursiveframeworkduringconflictive nationalist,colonial,postcolonial(andsoforth)historicaltimesand spaces.Weshouldengagewiththefactthatthesecategoriestakeformas partoftensionsbetweendifferentsocialandpoliticalagentsatdifferent times, agents who become involved in multiple and heterogeneous relationshipsastheytrytosecuredifferentialaccesstoresourcesand powerwhileforwardingandresistingclaimstoland,work,andsymbols throughtheproductionofdifferentdiscoursesthatallhaveapretense ofcoherence(Roseberry1989,1994).
ExploringEpistemologicalBarrierstoReal Engagement AtthispointIwouldliketofurtherdevelopthreeissues.Thefirstis thatofcomparisonversusincommensurabilityandthepossibilityof thinkingofanyknowledgeasbeyondcommunication,aswellasthe
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tensionbetweendistancingandparticipation.Thesecondistheissue of“project”andthebreakfromtheepistemologiesof“modernity”— thatis,theissueofwhetherpostmodernfragmentaryepistemologies, in which categories and knowledge are “multisited,” endlessly selfreflexive,andpermanentlyunstable,havethecapacitytofosterchange. Thethirdistheissueofmarketsforknowledgeproductsinrelation tothereproductionofpowerstructures,settingthefieldofforcesfor “authority”inknowledge,withintheacademyaswellaswithoutit,in local,national,andinternationalarenas.Iwanttoshowthatpolitical engagementand“project”developmentarenotexclusiveprerogatives oftheleftandthat“peripheral”intellectualsarenotahomogeneous bodyof“counterhegemonic”knowledgeproducers,either. Inordertodevelopthesepointsinacomparativedimension,Ibriefly explorethecaseofpostcolonialSouthAsianscholars,addressingthe obstaclesforrealengagementproducedbyanabandonmentof“realism” andofmodernist,unitaryepistemologicalframeworks.Thesescholars’ critiqueofknowledgeproductionisbasedontheconceptsofpower anddiscursiveregimes.Therelationshipbetweenthetwoisposedin suchawaythattheirarticulationconstructsboththeobjectofstudy and the paradigm (in a Kuhnian sense) or authorial narrative (in a postmodernsense)underwhichsocialrelationshipsareexplored.There isnofixity(noessentialism?)totheobjectofstudybut,instead,constant displacementasthepowerrelationsenclosedintheteleologicaland unitaryhistoriesofmodernity(colonialist,nationalist,Marxist)seek toproduceaparticularknowledgeinordertoperpetuate(orsubvert) theexistingorder(Guha1983a). Followingatrendthatoriginatedinlate-1960sEuro-Americanhistoriography among the French Annales group, with its “histoire de la vieprivée,”andamongfeministhistorians—butalmostsimultaneously amongItalianhistoriansdoingmicrohistory,Britishsocialhistorians suchasRaphaelSamuelandtheHistoryWorkshopgroup,andGerman socialhistorianssuchasLüdtkewiththeAlltageschistegroup—theSouth Asiansubalternstudiesgroupaimedtogivevoicetothe“subaltern,” alargeandheterogeneouscategoryofpeople.Theoriginalityofthe subalternstudiesgroupdevelopedasitmovedclosertopostmodernist orFoucauldianassumptionsandawayfromMarxistsocialhistory—that is,whenitabandonedrealism,whendiscoursebecameitsonlyreferent ofreality,andwhenitsknowledgeproductionbecameself-referential. AsG.Prakash(1990:406)definedthenewpostorientalistscholarship: “First,itpositsthatwecanproliferatehistories,cultures,andidentities arrestedbypreviousessentializations.Second,totheextentthatthose
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madevisiblebyproliferationarealsoprovisional,itrefusestheerection ofnewfoundationsinhistory,culture,andknowledge.”Moreover,this projectwassituatedasapoliticalone—“anissueofengagingtherelations ofdomination”inwhich“thepowerattributedtotheknowledgeabout the past makes historical writing into a political practice and turns therecentpost-Orientalists’historicalaccountsintocontestatoryacts” (Prakash1990:407). Followingothercritiquesofpostcolonialperspectives(Dirlik2000; O’Hanlon and Washbrook 1992; Pouchepadass 2000; Sarkar 1997, 1999; Subrahmanyam 2000), I want to underline the difficulty this epistemologicalvisionposestorealpoliticalengagement.Criticshave pointedtothefactthatpostmodernistperspectivesarethemselvesa “grandnarrative”andareinsertedinpresent-dayeconomicandpolitical fieldsofforce(Dirlik2000:77;Subrahmanyam2000:95).Theyhave pointed out that those producing this postcolonial knowledge are themselvesfullyapartofthecentersofknowledgeproduction,mainly in US universities (Bénéï 2000; Friedmann 2000), and therefore are occupiedinacademicpowerstruggleswithinthosecenters,ratherthan in subversive action in “subaltern” locations. Some have pointed to thedangerthatthepostcolonialistemphasisonlocalculturemightbe usedinjustifyingright-wingnationalistpoliticslocallyinIndia(Bénéï 2000;Pouchepadass2000:179). Itisinterestingtocomparetheworkof“subalternist”historiansin theUnitedStateswiththatoftherest(inEuropeandIndia).S.Kaviraj (SOAS,London),forexample,pointstothedependencyofpostcolonial theoryonWesternknowledge(2000:75)andseemstoproposeadetachment from it linguistically and theoretically (2000: 79, 84–85). WhatheseemstosuggestisavindicationofunawarenessofWestern theoryandWesterndebates(seealsoRamanujanandNarayanaRaoin Subrahmanyam2000:92).Ontheotherhand,ahistoriansuchasSumit Sarkar(UniversityofNewDelhi),originallyapartofthesubalternstudies groupandactivelyinvolvedinthepubliccritiqueofthefascistization oftheHindunationalistmovement(throughhiscontributionsindaily newspapers, his teaching, and his writings in Bengali and English), wasunpreparedtoforgoaMarxianideaofdifferentiationwithinthe frameworkofauniquehistoryand,significantly,ofarealisthistory. In Sarkar’s view, different struggles or localized “histories” are parts ofauniquealthoughdifferentiatedprocess,andthereisadistinction between description of a past reality as gathered from documentary information and attempts by a government (or intellectual elite) to constructaparticularnarrativeaswellasaparticulardiscourse.
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WhatisstrikinginSarkar’spresentationofaparticularstruggleover historicalknowledgeproductionisitsgroundinginreality,thatis,in concrete,present-daypoliticalstrugglesinIndia.5Indeed,itisareality thatSarkarhashadseriouscensorshipproblemswithhisaccountofthe historyofanti-colonialmovementsinIndia,becausehestated,through documentaryevidence,thatright-wingHindunationalistmovements suchasthoseinpoweruntilApril2004wereconspicuouslyabsentfrom thefightforfreedom.Whatisalsostrikingishisoutrightdisqualification of “old-fashioned, discredited” discourses about history, as opposed totheecumenicaldiscourseofproliferationofdiscursiverealitiesand shiftingperspectivesofpostcolonialtheory.Sarkar’spositionisclearly grounded in a “foundational” and “modernist” paradigm that is at workbothinthepresentationofthepastandinthestruggletospread aparticularknowledgeofthepastinthepresentandforpresent-day struggles—namely,thestruggleagainsttheriseofatotalitarianstate (Sarkar1993,2000). Tomymind,Kaviraj’sandSarkar’sintellectualpositionsrepresent two different politically engaged possibilities in the struggle against hegemoniccontrolofknowledgeproduction,eachwitheffectivesubversivepower.Theformersaysthatwedonothavetoconvincethose in power that the particular knowledge we produce is valuable; we simplyhavetogiveitvalueonourowntermsandignorethecenter’s (theWest’s)unawarenessofit.Asacorollary,wewillbeempowered tovaluenonscientific,nonrational,nonmodern(nonsecular,literary, ritual,etc.)formsofknowledgeifwesodecide.Theresultsofthisprojectaretheabsoluteincommensurabilityofformsofknowledgeand the“autonomy”ofthesubalternconsciousness(Pouchepadass2000: 177–82).Althoughthissoundsradical,Ibelieveitisanexpressionofthe liberal,willfulnotionthatoneisfreetomakehistoryasonewishes. Butwhatdoesincommensurabilityentail?Itentailstheimpossibility ofcomparisonandgeneralization,therebyimpairingtheconstruction ofgrandnarratives,includingnewemancipatorynarrativestoreplace discreditedmodernistones(seeDirlik2000;Pouchepadass2000:181). Itentailstheimpossibilityofabstractionacrosslocalized,diverse,and oftencontradictoryexperiencesofknowledgeproduction.Itentailsthe impossibilityofacommon“project”(isthisexclusivelyamodernist conceptaswell?)ofanysort,becauseoftheendlessdynamicsoffragmentation(intimeandspace).Howdowedealwithpropositionsthat eschewcomparisonasafoundationalprinciple?Withpropositionsthat precludeaunifiedlanguageofsomesortthatwouldmakecommunication,andhencecollectiveaction,possible?Whataretheconcrete
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politicalrealitiesofsuchprojects?Theoretically,anthropologistshave dealtwiththeissueofcomparisonandincommensurabilityforalong timeandhaveproducedconceptssuchas“emic”and“etic”inanattempt toresolveit.Asweallknow,theseconceptsaretricky(becausethey entailtheobjectificationofanthropologicalsubjects)butuseful(because theyattempttobridgetheincommensurabilityofradicallydifferent formsofknowledgeproductionandtoenablecommunication). ThecaseofSarkar,ontheotherhand,illustratesthestruggleforcontrolofthelocationsofknowledgeproductioninaconcretesituation. Although he underlined, in his view of history, the multiplicity of struggles that converged in the anti-British struggle, he defended a “modern”unitaryconceptionofsocialhistoryinwhichdifferentforms ofstruggle,predicatedondifferentexperiencesofrealityanddifferent (butnotautonomous)formsofconsciousness,werelinkedtoaunitary movement of history through reference to a “real reality.” It is also significantthathisparticularmodernistversionofhistorywasrelated toamodernistpoliticalemancipatoryproject,thatoftryingtocounter theright-wingnationalistIndiangovernment’scontrolofknowledge production.
ResponsibilityandCommunicationinaWorld Network ThecasesIhavepresentedillustratethedifferentstancestakenbysocial scientistsinvolvedintransformativeprojectsofreality.Ireturnnowto myinitialstory,thatoftheAndalusiananthropologistIsidoroMoreno, hisparticularwayofknowledgeproduction,andhowonemightdeal withitinaworldanthropologiesnetwork. Isitpossibleforaworldwide“scientific”communityofanthropologists tobesufficientlyopentoothers’passionstobeabletocommunicate withscholarswhoareworkingintheirnativelocations?Toachieve thisgoal,suchanthropologistswillhavetopartlyrenouncethedistancingand“objectivity”oftheconventionalprofessionalanthropologist, a distancing that the coeval experience of fieldwork belies. But is it possibleforanthropologiststobeopentoconceptsandparadigmsof knowledgethatarealienfromtheonetheyhold(whateveritmaybe) ortheonethatishegemonicintheacademy?6HowistheparticipationofanthropologistssuchasMorenoandhistorianssuchasSarkar inthestrugglesanddebatesoftheirownsocietiesdifferentfromthe methodologicaloxymoronofanthropology,“participantobservation”? Howisthefactofhavingaprojectforthetransformationofthesociety
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welivein,observe,andstudydifferentfrom“socialengineering”?What makesitdifferent?(Weshouldkeepinmindthatoftenan“emancipatory” intentionordiscourseisanimportantpartofthepoliticalagendasof bothrightandleft.)Whodecides? The first thing we have to deal with is that anthropologists (and othersocialscientists)whoareengagedinapoliticalprojectusestable conceptsandunitarylawsofmovement(whatevertheymaybe).Iftheir objectiveistotransformreality,thentheymusthavearealist(notjust discursive)senseofreality.Theywillneedcategoriesadequatetothe politicalprojectstheywishtoengagein(thishasalwaysbeenthepractice amongthoseholdingpower,aswellasamongthosewantingtobecome empowered), and they will need a structure of meaning that makes explicittherelationshipbetweenthosecategoriesandtherelationship between categories, analyses of reality, and the transformation of reality—thatis,alinkthroughexperiencethatconnectsconsciousness withpractice(Dirlik2000;O’HanlonandWashbrook1992).Moreover, theywillaimnotsomuchatfragmentingrealitiesasatproducinga collectivewill(Gramsci1987[1929–35]:185). The knowledge produced by and for political engagement on the groundeliminatesdistancingandtendstocreatestable,unitary,and directional frameworks and concepts of the “modernist” type. This type of knowledge is based on a sense of responsibility that clearly establishes the relationship between the anthropologist and those he or she observes, the issues that must be explored to gain better knowledgeandsetforthsomekindoforganized,transformativeproject, andtheconceptsandmodelsthatshouldbedevelopedforit.Engaged anthropologistsinthe1960s,suchasKathleenGough(1968),represent anearlierexpressionofthissenseofresponsibility.Butoutliningthe frameworkofmutualresponsibilitybetweenthoseparticipatingina coeval reality that is meant to be crystallized as knowledge of some kindis,Icontend,theonlywayinwhichwecancreatearealspacefor communication. Responsibility is what links knowledge production toreality,realpeople,realsuffering,realpower.Responsibilityiswhat makes knowledge into a project. “Participant observation,” on the contrary,iswhatcreatesdistancingoutofethnographicfieldwork— an experience that inevitably creates responsibilities while it lasts. Butisdistancingnecessaryinordertocreatesomegroundsforcomparison,someshareddiscourseacrossplacesandtypesofknowledge? My feeling is that some distancing is necessary if what we aim for iscommunicationand,asRaymondWilliamssaid,throughtensions, growth(1961).
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Butwehaveotherobstaclestodealwithifweaimtocreatethisplanetary space of anthropological encounter. One, obviously, is language. To beforcedtouseInternationalEnglishinordertocommunicatemore widelyisinitselfanaspectofoppressionanddependency(Comelles 2002; Kaviraj 2000), but I will not expand on this issue. I am more preoccupiedwithlocalpoliticalstrugglesandknowledgelegitimation processesandwiththefrequentunawarenesswehaveofthemwhen approachingtheproductionofourlocalcolleagues.Fromthedistance ofanotherplaceandadifferentdisciplinaryhistory,theanthropologist oftenapproachesthoselocalknowledgeproductionstruggleswithout anybackground—aswesayinSpanish,sinconocimientodecausa. Ihavealwaysbeensurprisedbythe“errorsofjudgment”someofmy foreigncolleaguesmakeabouttheworkandpoliticalpositioningofsome ofmySpanishcolleagues.Imyselfmakejudgmentsfrommyparticular academicexperience,linkedtoaparticularhistoryofthedisciplinein Spain,andfrommypoliticalpositionregardingpresent-dayissuesin Spain(andtherestoftheworld).Yethoweverbiasedmyappreciation oftheknowledgeproducedbymyanthropologistcolleaguesmaybe,I cansituatethatknowledgeinconcretepracticesandparticularhistories thathelpmeunderstandwhattheyarereallysaying,sometimes,under thelatestconceptualjargonborrowedfromabroad(Narotzky2002).My foreignfriendsandcolleagueswithpoliticalpositionsandbiasessimilar tomineareincapableofreadingbetweenthelinesuntiltheybecome awareofthelocalhistoriesandstruggles.Myquestionis,Howdowe buildthecriterianecessaryforunderstandingtheworkofcolleagues whosedisciplinaryhistoriesandpoliticalpositioningwithrespectto real-worldissuesweignore?Isthisanunnecessarypreoccupation?Is blindopennessa“good”perse?Canknowledge,throughexchange, appearasdetachedfromitsprocessofproduction?Whatsortofvision dowehaveofknowledgeflowsasdifferentfromtheactual“market”of knowledge?Woulditbethatofasystemofgeneralizedreciprocity? LetmerecountanotherstoryaboutSpanishanthropologythatshows the differential positioning of native anthropologists in local power strugglesandhowitaffectsknowledgeproduction.InFebruary2000, apogrom-likeeventtookplaceagainstNorthAfricanimmigrantsin thetownofElEjido,Almería(Andalusia),atownthengovernedbythe PartidoPopular(PP),apartyofthepoliticalright.Undertheeyesof thecomplacentlocalpolice,whofailedtointervene,Spanishresidents attackedimmigrantsinanorganizedway,destroyingtheirproperty, desecrating their cult space, and driving them to the mountains to seekrefuge.ForthePP,theeventrepresentedaspontaneousburstof
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angerfromtheSpanishresidentsovertheimmigrants’nonintegrating practicesandcriminalbehavior(thecauseofthepogromreportedly wastheallegedmurderofalocalgirlbyaMoroccanimmigrant). WhatIaminterestedinexposinginthiscaseistheparticipationof Spanishanthropologistsas“experts”intheproductionofknowledge aboutthiseventand,moregenerally,issuessurroundingimmigration policies and multiculturalism. Before the events took place, several anthropologistsfromAndalusia,suchasEmmaMartín(Universityof Seville)andFernandoCheca(UniversityofGranada),hadbeendoing fieldwork in the area of the Poniente Almeriense, where El Ejido is located,tryingtoevaluatetherealitiesofimmigrantworkers’livesin intensivehothouseagriculture.Martín’swork,partofalargerproject includingotherSpanishregions(Martín,Melis,andSanz2001),was beingco-financedbytheEuropeanUnionandtheJuntadeAndalucía(the autonomousgovernmentinthehandsofthesocial-democraticPartido SocialistaObreroEspañol).Theirworkwasmainlyempiricalbutclearly relatedtoaloosely“politicaleconomic”framework,highlightingthe effectsoftransnationaleconomicprocessesandnationalexclusionary policies. An anthropologist from Madrid, Ubaldo Martínez Veiga (UniversidadAutónomaMadrid)wasalsodoingfieldworkinthearea (MartínezVeiga2001).ClosetothelaborunionComisionesObreras, onthepoliticalleft,hewasmovedtorespondtotheroleoftheunions inorganizinganddefendingimmigrantworkers’rights.Theworkhe producedwasverytheoreticalandframedinastrongpolitical-economy conceptualstructure. After the events, these anthropologists became vocal about the knowledgetheyhadproduced,participatinginmanylocalforumssuch asunionmeetingsandmeetingsofimmigrants’associations.7Allof themtoldhowtheyexperiencedformsofintimidation,fromcensorship tothreatsagainsttheirlives.8SomemonthsaftertheeventsofElEjido, on15December2000,theSpanishSenate,withaPPmajority,approved anewLeydeExtranjería(lawofforeigners),excludingillegalimmigrants frombasiccivilrightssuchastherightsofassociation,publicmeeting, unionmembership,health,andeducation.On4January2001,twelve immigrants died in Lorca, Murcia, in a car accident while trying to avoidpolicecontrolsastheydrovetoworkasagriculturaldaylaborers intheinformaleconomy.Intheapplicationofthenewlaw,repression hit the victims: illegal immigrants in the area were expelled from the country in order to apply for legal admission. Local agricultural entrepreneursinLorcawereexoneratedfromanylegalresponsibility fortheirexploitiveandinhumanlaborpracticesregardingimmigrants.
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Immigrants,fortheirpart,explicitlypointedtothenewforeignerslaw ashavingpromptedthefatalaccident. In this context the PP government created an institution called ForodelaIntegracióndelosInmigrantes(ForumfortheIntegration ofImmigrants)andnamedasitspresidentananthropologist,Mikel Azurmendi,aformermemberoftheBasquenationalistgroupETAwho ispresentlyin“exile”fromtheBasquecountryafterallegedlyreceiving deaththreatsfromETAandwhoisnowclosetothePP’sviewsandpolicies against peripheral nationalism and immigration. Soon Azurmendi producedabook,EstampasdelEjido(2001),andnumerousnewspaper contributions (Azurmendi 2002a, 2002b) in which he explained the eventsasaconflictbetweencultures.Immigrants,hewrote,lackeda proper“workculture”and“democratictradition”andwereresponsible forupsettinglocalways,whichjustifiedthegovernment’srepressive policiestowardthem. ManyanthropologistswhodidnotshareAzurmendi’sviewsreacted stronglytothem.IsidoroMoreno,thenpresidentoftheAnthropological AssociationsoftheSpanishState(FAAEE),togetherwithEmmaMartín, wroteadocumentprotestingAzurmendi’spositionsandquestioning his professional capacity, which was sent to be signed by all other academicanthropologists.9Theoriginalmailinglistconsistedof129 anthropologists tenured in universities; 63 people, including some nontenured faculty, signed the letter—approximately 50 percent of theoriginallist.Itisdifficulttoassesspeople’sreasonsforsupporting ornotsupportingsuchacorporatemove,oneintendedtodefendthe anthropologicalprofessionagainstan“alienbody”(Azurmendi).Many whosignedthedocumentwouldnothavewrittenitinthesameway butfeltthatithelpedpositionanthropologyinaparticularframework ofresponsibility.Manywhodidnotsignalsohadcorporatereasons, suchasnotvoicingpubliccriticismofacolleague.Othersmayhave declined to sign for pragmatic reasons: government agencies offer a greatdealoffundingforresearchonimmigration.Stillothersplainly supportedAzurmendi’sviews. Wheredoesthisleaveusintermsofgaugingthevalueofknowledge producedinperipherallocations,orinanyotherlocations,forthat matter?Itisoftenthecasethatweignorethepracticesandrealitiesthat createacontextforunderstandingthemeaningsthatothersproduce.The postcolonialcritiquehasoftenessentializednonhegemoniclocations intheproductionofknowledge,asithasessentializedEuro-American locations.ButasthecaseIhavejustpresentedshows,theproductionof anthropologicalknowledgeintheperipheriesandelsewhereisdiverse:
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itinvolvescomplexpowerrelationshipsandmutuallycontradictory projects.Itisattachedtomultiplepoliticalagendasspanningbothright andleft,boththejustificationandsupportofgovernmentalpoliciesand criticismofthem,andboth“institutional”and“alternative”formsof agitation.Iamnotproposingcensorship:Imaylearnalotfromreading Azurmendi(onehastoknowtheargumentsofone’sopponents),andI wanttoknowwhathehastosayasananthropologist.Butinordertobe abletoappreciatehisknowledgeandmakesomethingofit—thatis,in orderforthecommunicationofthatknowledgetobetrulypossible—I needtoknowwherehestandsonreal-lifeissues. “Scientific”detachmenthasmadeusbelievethatknowledgecanflow andbecommunicatedwithoutbeinggrounded,notonlywithrespect totheauthorbutalsotothehistoricalcontextofitsproduction.And itispartlyso:thatishowwereadmostofwhatwereadinourWestern hegemoniccontextofknowledgeproduction.Butwealwayshavesome clues, precisely because the hegemony has produced a small world. Weknowwhichsortsofjournalspublishwhat;wereadanauthor’s acknowledgmentsandgetanideaofhisorherpersonalcontext;we knowaboutpoliticalpositioningintheUSacademybecauseitiswell covered,discussed,andpublicizedinthemanyforumsopentoit.But wedonothavethesamesortofknowledgeaboutIndia,orChina,or Morocco,orRussia,tonamebutafew.Wouldaworldanthropologies networkprovideaspaceinwhichnotonlytoaccessdetachedformsof knowledgebutalsotosituatethemintheirproductionprocesses?
WorldAnthropologies:ARealistProposal Wereturnnowtotheneedtocommunicateourknowledgeandtocreate growthoutofcommunication.Howmightthisbepossiblewithinthe politicized environment I have described, in which anthropologists whowork“athome,”who“lackdistancing,”participateinthevery realissuesanddebatesthatproducethepresent?Shouldwe,following Herzfeld,discard“epistemologicalnativism”asunscientificandengage withitonlyasanobjectofstudy?Shouldwe,followingTaussig,optfor self-containedcharacterizationsofpassionateexperience?Shouldwe, followingtheleadofKaviraj,ignorewhatwedonotknow?Theproblem isdifficulttosolveandisaclassicalanthropologicalproblemafterall, spicedwithhistoryandpoliticsandtheDamoclesswordofpostcolonial andFoucauldiancritique.Itistheproblemofincommensurabilityand comparison,ofdetachmentandparticipation,ofthedegreetowhich knowledgeproductionispoliticalfromtheoutset,andoftheneedfor communication.
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AsIseeit,thereisnowayoutofpoliticalpositioningintheproduction ofanthropologicalknowledge.Thepostmoderncritiquehasmadeus aware of the profound political implications of seemingly objective forms of knowledge that are nevertheless enmeshed in particular regimesoftruth.Butshouldwediscardeverythingweknowthatwas producedfromaparticular(intendedorunintended)politicalposition? CanwelearnnothingfromAristotle,Aquinas,Hegel,Arguedas,Rivers, orMalinowski,forexample?Weundoubtedlycan.Sohowshouldwe proceed?Wesituatethemandtheirconceptsinahistoricalcontext, arealityofthepastthatgivesaparticularmeaningtowhattheysaid. Thenweproceedanalogically,bringingthosedescriptionsofreality, thoseconceptsandstructuralframeworks,tobearonthepresentreality wewanttoexplain.Westretchtheconcepts;weconfrontthem;we createnewonesoutofacreativesynthesiswithotherconceptsfrom othertimesandthinkers.Weproduceanewframeworkormodifyan older one to give meaning to the relations among the concepts we useinreferencetotherealitywewanttounderstandandchange(or support). Inanthropology,moreover,weuseethnographicdescriptions(however critical we are about the way in which they were produced) as materialforcomparison.Weadoptinthisregardsomethingsimilarto thesuspensionofdisbeliefthatrealistfictionentails:wemusttrustthat somereferenceto“real”realityexistsinthedescription.Weneedto proceedinthisway,throughconversationwithworksofverydifferent kinds,inordertogrowinourthinkingaboutreality.Andtobeable to do that in a creative way, we need explicitness—that is, we need to be told (or to know or learn) what the author’s political project was.Thiswillempowerustounderstandhisorherworkbetterand torelocateknowledgeinreferencetoaconcretereality.Wecanlearn somethingfromdiscoursesthatarealientoourconcreterealityandto ourtheoreticalframeworkonlyiftheauthor’sresponsibilityinrelation to his or her reality is clearly outlined, if an effort is made toward explicitness.Thenwewillbeabletoplacethatknowledgeoritscritique inourtheoreticalframeworkandproceedtowardourownproject. IgnasiTerradas(UniversityofBarcelona)proposedsomethingsimilar withhisreappraisalofthemethodologyof“ethnographicrealism”: To the extent that the ethnography exists, it exists as a thing in the DurkheimiansenseandintheMarxistsense.Objectivityandalienation arethestereotypesofthefailedethnography.Subjectivityandmetonymy are those of a pseudo-ethnography. The realist ethnography moves in between a reality that always exceeds it and a theorization that is an
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approximation...Judgmentsaboutethnographiesmustcomefromtheir mutualconfrontation.Ifnot,wewillgetnotethnographicknowledge but psychological, stylistic, moral, political, etc. [knowledge]... The inter-ethnographic dialogue is what realizes the appropriate and wide meaningoftheethnography.Thatisitsrealmeaning,thatwhichappears inthecontextoftheflowofethnographiesitself.(Terradas1993:120)
ForTerradas,itistherelationshipbetweenethnographiesthatconstitutes anthropologyas“ascientific(analytic)andartistic(evocative)reality” (1993:120).Anditwasthepossibilityofapprehendingthedistinction betweendescriptionandinterpretationinethnographicwritingthat constitutedtheepistemologicalbreakinanthropology: Ourpointofdeparturenowisthatrealistethnographiccompositionand anthropological theory have to come from the total confrontation of severalethnographies...thepioneeringeffortsofanthropologistsatthe beginningofthis[thetwentieth]centurylayintheirforecastingofsuch a confrontation. That was the reason they made the effort to provide an explicitness without precedent in their descriptions, methods, and theories.Theethnographictextthatreachesusafterthisepistemological break,whichwecaneasilycharacterizeastherevolutionofexplicitness inanthropology,iswhatdistinguishesethnographicrealismandmarks animportantstageinthehistoryofthediscipline.(Terradas1993:121)
Terradaspointstotheimportanceofethnographyinourdiscipline,but itisanethnographywhoseaimistotranscendaparticularexperience throughitsaprioristicwilltocommunicatewithotherethnographies and,throughthisunendingexercise,totrytobetterunderstandreality. Ifitistruethattheproductionofethnographicknowledgehastobe historicized,itisneverthelessourparticularlinktorealityasasocial science,andweshouldrelearntodealwithit.Itisfromwithinour ethnographicpractice(intertwiningexperience,thinking,andwriting) thatcommunicationwithotheranthropologists’workcanproceed— butalso,unappealingly,thewilltocommunicatehastobepartofthe lifeandgrowthofanthropologyfromthestart.Itisfromourreference tolivedreality—aunitary,contemporaneous,andsharedreality—that modesofresponsibilitycanbemadeexplicit.Ibelievethatbothdistance andparticipationarenecessaryforcommunicationtotakeplaceand thatpoliticalprojectsareanunavoidablerealityoftheproductsofsocial scientists.Onlyhegemonicformsofknowledgepresentthemselvesas apolitical.
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Notes IthankalltheparticipantsintheWenner-Grensymposium“WorldAnthropologies” for the insights and challenges they offered. I am also indebted to the online debates of participants in the incipient network, including EduardoRestrepoandPennyHarvey,whowerenotpartoftheseminar.Iam particularlygratefultoGavinSmith,JohnGledhill,andLourdesMéndezfor their comments on the first draft of this chapter. Lourdes and Juan Igartua alsoprovidedmewithahospitableenvironmentinwhichtoreworkthedraft, whileJoséAntonioMilláncaredforourchildren,andIexpressmygratitude tothem. 1.IamindebtedtoMarisoldelaCadenafortheconceptofepistemological toleranceandformakingmethinkaboutthisissue. 2.JosepRamónLloberawasoneofthefewearly“cosmopolitan”anthropologists in Spain. In a letter in response to John Corbin’s (1989) reaction to IsidoroMoreno’scriticismofforeignanthropologists’doublecolonizationof Spanishanthropology,Llobera,whilegenerallysupportingMoreno’scritique, dismissed his “emotional and somewhat chauvinistic tirade against” those anthropologists (1989:25). Llobera pointed to the change of position of Spanishanthropologistsintheknowledge-productionfieldofpower:“Native anthropologists,nownotsonaïveasbefore,trainedinforeignlanguagesand eveninBritishanthropologyastheyare,happentobeinapositiontodiscover blatantplagiarismsfromSpanishtheses,unacknowledgedinformationgiven by Spanish academics, and other sins... It will take more than nice words tobalancedecadesofasymmetricrelationshipsinwhichSpanishacademics provided anthropological raw material and consumed ready-made foreign theories”(1989:25). 3.WemayrecallhereArjunAppadurai’s“gatekeeperconcepts”inareastudies (1986)andMichaelHerzfeld’sanalysisofthecreationof“fixed”conceptsin Mediterraneananthropology(1987). 4.TheprojectMorenopresentsisclearlyasearchfororiginsandhistory,obliviousoftheFoucauldianemphasisongenealogies(Foucault1979[1971]). 5.DuringtheWenner-Grensymposiumfromwhichthisbookarose,Shiv VisvanathanremarkedtomethatSarkarhadbeeninvolvedin“official”politics and had been pampered by previous governments. He had then supported and excluded particular histories and historians, and his recent harassment had to be understood in the context of these complex, long-term processes inIndianpoliticsandacademia.Inshort,Visvanathan’spointwasthatSarkar wasnotan“innocentvictim”inagood-guys-bad-guysscenario.Hisremark lendssupporttomyargumentthatgroundinginscholars’politicalpractices isacrucialelementforknowledgecommunication.
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6.Itisremarkablehowwearepreparedtoacceptthehegemonicdiscourse— evenifonlytoopposeit—andhowinthisprocessweoftenresorttoadopting and adapting a large part of its conceptual tools and driving narratives. Meanwhile, we tend to dismiss without second thought or, more often, to ignorenonhegemonicdiscoursesaboutsociety. 7. Another anthropologist from the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Carlos Giménez, who worked on immigration but had not done fieldwork directlyinthatarea,wasalsovocalduringanearlymoment. 8.MartínezVeigaandMartín,personalcommunications. 9. The document and its signatories appeared in Página Abierta, no. 128, year12,pp.46–47.
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Anthropology in a Postcolonial Africa The Survival Debate
Paul Nchoji Nkwi
A
fricananthropologistsgrewupinsocietiesthatwereeithercolonized or recently decolonized. Westerners initially controlled the production of anthropological knowledge, and the result was functionalist studies that were explicitly ahistorical and often myopic aboutcolonialism.Afterthecolonialperiod,thenewnationsofAfrica dismissedanthropologybothasacultivationofprimitivismandasan apologeticforcolonialism.Asallstatesdo,thenewnationsrewarded knowledgeproductionthatservedstategoals,andanthropologysimply didnotfigureintothosegoalsduringtheearlypostcolonialyears. While new nations were appearing in Africa, anthropologists in EuropeandNorthAmericaremainedmostlycommittedtothedispassionatestudyofcultures,lookinguponknowledgeproductionastainted ifdoneonbehalfofgovernmentorforpolicypurposes.Africananthropologistsweretrappedinaterrible“catch-22”:themoretheypracticed anthropologybythestandardsoftheformercolonialpowers,themore theirgovernmentsregardedthemasworthless,orworse;andthemore theyworkedtodevelopananthropologythatservedtheneedsofthe state,themoretheirknowledgeproductionwasdismissedinEuropean andNorthAmericancentersofanthropology. These scholars had three possible solutions: declare anthropology deadandtrytolegitimatethemselvesassocialhistorianswithinAfrica; exportthemselvestotheUnitedStatesandEurope,thewaymanyThird Worldscholarsofalldisciplineshaveexportedthemselves;orchange thecontentofanthropologyandsearchouttheinformationrequired 157
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bytheirgovernments.Tomostscholars,thefirstsolutionwasdefeatist andunappealing.Thesecondwasappealing,butanthropologistswere not needed in the West to the same extent that, say, chemists and engineers were, so there were few opportunities for emigration. The third option raised a serious question: would involvement in policy research harm anthropology or make something better of it? In the end,thechoicewasmadeforAfricananthropologistsbygovernment fundingforresearchanduniversityposts.Anthropologistswould,in fact,servetheresearchandteachingneedsofthestate. InthischapterIexaminethewaysinwhichAfricananthropologists havedevelopedknowledgewithinaparticularsetofstateneedsand withinaparticularsetofpowerrelations.Ifocusonaparticulareffort, thePanAfricanAssociationofAnthropologists(PAAA).Today,thePAAA isaprofessionalorganizationacceptedbyaoncehostilecommunityof socialscientists.Thisacceptancehasdramaticallyaffectedtheapplied dimensionsofanthropologicalknowledgeandthewayanthropologyis taughtandpracticedinAfrica.Ibeginwithanoverviewoftheanthropology of sub-Saharan Africa and then offer a history of the PAAA. TheorganizationdevelopedatatimewhenWestern-trainedAfrican anthropologistswererenegotiatingtheirplaceinthediscipline,both inAfricaandinternationally.ThedilemmafacedbyAfricananthropologists—howtocarryoutinvestigationsaccordingtointernationally heldcanonsofscientificpracticewhilekeepingfaithfultothedemand for immediately useful research at home—mirrors that of all Third Worldacademics,butthedilemmaforAfricananthropologistsisan extremecasebecauseofthediscipline’swell-documentedhistoryasthe handmaidenofcolonialism.
Africa’sPlaceintheWorldSystem Fromthebeginningofcolonialrule,anthropologyinAfrica—asthe studyofhumanculturesandpeoples—largelyreflectedtheoutsiders’ view of the continent. It would take many decades for Africans to articulateaviewofthemselvesinrelationtothatoutsideworld.When anthropologyemergedasadisciplineinthe1860s,Africawasnotpart of the world economic system. It had been so, four hundred years earlier,butbythemid-nineteenthcenturyscholarsinEuropehadlong forgottenthisandsawAfricaonlyasabackwater. Itsoonwouldbepartoftheworldsystemagain.Theslavetradehad ledtothecreationofEuropeanstationsontheAfricancoastforthe recruitmentofhumancapital.Bythelatenineteenthcentury,despite
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theabolitionofslaveryinmostoftheworld,Europeannationswere jockeyingforpositionandaccesstothehumanandotherresourcesof thecontinent.ThetreatyofBerlin,in1878,grantedany“civilizedstate” occupyingacoastalAfricanregiontherighttoclaimthehinterland. This could be achieved, however, only by occupation (see Ganiage andHéméry1968:199),andsothescrambleforAfricawason,with a massive outpouring of explorers, travelers, and missionaries who wouldshapefutureanthropologicalworkonthecontinent.Justeight yearslater,in1885,thejurisdictionaldisputesbetweenrivalEuropean countries over Africa were settled with the recognition of territorial claims(Sklar1985:1).Africahadbecomeanintegralpartoftheworld economicsystemasasupplierofbasicresources. TheestablishmentofthejournalPrésenceAfricaineinthe1940swasa reactionbyAfricanandAfricanAmericanintellectualsagainstwhatthey sawasafailurebyEuro-Americanintellectualstorecognizeadequately Africa’sroleinworldhistory.BasilDavidson,inhisbookTheLostCities ofAfrica(1959),showedthatsub-SaharanAfricanhistorywas,infact, an integral and important part of world history. This reaction later developedintowhatcametobeknownasPan-Africanism,whichwas tobeapowerfulinfluenceonmanyofAfrica’searlypostcolonialleaders andintellectuals. English-speaking anthropologists dominated anthropology during thecolonialperiod,partly,Ithink,becauseoftheirphilosophicaldoctrineofempiricism,whichfosteredgreaterrespectforlocalculturethan did the French colonial “mission civilisatrice.” Whatever the cause, English-speakinganthropologistsservedcolonialadministratorswhose directivewastorulethroughlocalpersonnel,andthis,inthejargon ofpostmodernism,producedmultivocalityandgaveanthropologists theopportunitytoassertthemselvesmorecreatively.Theemergence of anthropology as a discipline in the university system in Great Britainduringtheyearsbetweenthetwoworldwarsled,in1925,to thecreationofastate-sponsoredresearchinstitute,theInternational InstituteofAfricanLanguagesandCulture(IIALC).Thisinstitute(later knownastheInternationalAfricanInstitute,orIAI)encouragedthe collection of massive quantities of ethnographic data on Africa and furtherconsolidatedthediscipline. The institute established the Journal Africa in 1928 and, in 1938, underLordHailey,publishedTheAfricanSurvey.Itinspiredmonographs on African politics (African Political Systems, edited by Meyer Fortes andE.E.Evans-Pritchard[1940],andTribeswithoutRulers,editedby JohnMiddletonandDavidTait[1958]),cosmologyandreligion(African
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Worlds,editedbyDaryllForde[1954]),witchcraft(WitchcraftandSorcery in East Africa, edited by John Middleton and E. H. Winter [1963]), andkinship(AfricanSystemsofKinshipsandMarriage,editedbyAlfred R.Radcliffe-BrownandDaryllForde[1956]).OtherEnglish-speaking anthropologists of the period included E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Victor Turner,AudreyRichard,andMaryDouglas,allofwhomcontributed towhatGodfreyLienhardt(1976)calledtheearlytheoreticalcapital ofthegenerationthatcameintoacademicseniorityaftertheSecond WorldWar.BythetimeJohnBeattieandJohnMiddletoneditedSpirit MediumshipandSocietyinAfrica(1969),socialanthropologyhadcaptured theimaginationsofblackAfricans,whowereturningtothediscipline foranswerstoquestionsaboutmakingdevelopmentschemessuccessful in culturally heterogeneous societies. In the 1930s, Jomo Kenyatta, fromKenya,wouldstudyunderMalinowksi;hisFacingMountKenya waspublishedin1938.KofiBusia,fromGhana(1962),andCheikAnta Diop,fromSenegal(1974),whohademergedasdefendersoftheright ofAfricanstobepartofworldhistory,werealsodeeplycommittedto anthropology. ThedevelopmentofAfricanistanthropologyinFrancewaslargely the work of two key government-sponsored institutes: the Institut Françaispourl’AfriqueNoire(IFAN))andtheOrganisationdeRecherche ScientifiqueetTechniqued’OutreMer(ORSTOM).IFANwasestablished principallytodocument,forcomparativepurposes,thecustomsand traditionsofAfrican“ethnicnations.”ORSTOM,ontheotherhand,had abroadmandate,allowingittoconductmorecomprehensivestudies inalltheFrenchcolonies,includingthoseinAfrica,byfocusingon social,human,mineral,health,andgeologicalresearch.Thecreative workofORSTOMwould,likethatofitsBritishcounterpart,generate massiveamountsofethnographicdata. Atthecloseofthecolonialera,AfricanistethnologistssuchasGeorges Balandier(1966)andJacquesLombard(1967)returnedtotheFrench universitysystem.Balandier,oneoftheleadingFrenchpoliticalanthropologists,wouldinfluenceawholegenerationofFrenchanthropologists butalsodrewinspirationfromGreatBritain.Hetrainedanewgroup ofFrenchanthropologists,includingClaudeMeillassoux(1968),Marc Augé(1986),andJeanCopans(1990). Inthe1970s,underMeillassoux,Marxistanthropologywouldagain capturetheimaginationsofAfricanistsacrosstheworld.Anthropology asadisciplinewasconsidered“colonial,”somethingthatwasusedto colonizethecontinent.Marxism,ontheotherhand—asanideology, not just as a theory of history—was more sympathetic to the fight
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againstcapitalistsandtheimperialprojectoftheWestthanwasthe empiricisttraditionofGreatBritain.Frenchanthropologistswouldleave theiranthropologicalghettoasFrench-speakingscholarsandexplore therestofthecontinent.Totheirsurprise,theyfoundatotallydifferent intellectualandacademicoutlookamongBritishandBritish-trained anthropologists.Theyalsoconfrontedahugelanguagebarrierbetween FrenchandBritishanthropologists. Ironically,despitetheiruseofanthropologistsinthecolonialenterprise,officialsattheBritishcolonialofficewereprofoundlysuspicious ofanthropologists,especiallythosewhocamefromthepracticalschool ofanthropologyheadedbyBronislawMalinowski.Somecolonialadministratorsaccusedanthropologistsofpeddling“tribalism.”Nonetheless, under intense pressure from nationalists, Africanist anthropologists from the West withdrew from studies on the continent during the 1960s.TheycorrectlyfearedthatthepostcolonialAfricanleaderswould endorseneithertheoldcolonialpoliciesofgovernancenorthescholars whohadsupportedthosepolicies.
NewNation-StatesandtheUniversitySystem Atindependence,eachnewnationcreateditsowninstitutionofhigher learningwithacurriculumbasedonthatoftheEuropeanuniversities. Stateelitesassumedthatthetransferofscientificknowledgewascrucial fordevelopment,andeachcountryurgentlyneededtrainedmanpower, especiallyinitscivilservice.Forexample,atindependenceoneAfrican nationhadaboutsixteenuniversitygraduates,ofwhomtwelvewere priestsandfourwerelaymen.Internationaldonorsunderstoodthisneed andsupporteditsfulfillment,sothatamongthefirstobjectivesofthe newuniversitieswastoproducesuchmanpower.Littleattentionwas paidtothestudyofAfricanculturesinthenewuniversitycurricula. UniversitiesrecruitedAfricanfacultywithoverseastrainingtoteach alongsideexpatriatesandgraduallytoreplacethem.Throughoutthe 1960s and 1970s, the returning graduates were guaranteed salaries, housing,andeventransportation. The applied dimensions of the discipline would suffer a setback, however, as nationalist movements turned to modernization theory totransformAfricaintowhattheyhopedwouldbeaneconomicpower. Thesenationalistmovementscontinuedtoregardanthropologyasa toolofcolonialsubjugationandasadisciplineofnorelevanceforthe newandmodernizingAfrica(Nkwi2000:21).AfricanandAfricanist anthropologistsfounditdifficulttopracticetheirprofessionopenly.At
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MakerereUniversityinKampala,forexample,theBritishhadestablished the Institute of Cultural Anthropology to promote ethnographic research.Thisonceflourishinginstitutedisappearedintothesociology department(CrossmanandDevisch1999:117). Caught between a desire to break with the colonialist past and a desiretoattaineconomicandsocialprogressequivalenttothatinthe formercolonialpowers,someMarxist-orientedAfricanleadersplunged into an ill-conceived economic development model called “African socialism,” or “communalism.” The model was an odd mixture of statistandclassicaldevelopmenteconomics.Althoughmanyofthese leadersclaimedAfricanrootsfortheirpoliticalideology,fewreliedon anthropologytoprovidethebasisforsuchanideology.Manyspoke ofAfricanculturewithoutcomprehendingwhatthatmightmeanin practice. Two UNESCO conferences (one in Monrovia in 1979 and anotherinYaoundéin1984)calledfortheteachingofAfricanlanguages and cultures, but this simply never happened in most countries. Anthropologycouldhaveprovidedthematerialforsuchacurriculum, but the discipline was not taken seriously, carrying the stigma, as it did,ofitstiestothecolonialpast(CrossmanandDevisch1999:117; cf.Sawadogo1995). ThefirstcallforauniversityforWestAfricacamefromthreenineteenthcenturyblackintellectuals:Dr.JamesAfricanusBealeHorton(1835–83), Edward Blyden (1832–1912), and Rev. James Johnson (1839–1917). Blyden,forexample,calledforanindigenousuniversitythatwould “releaseAfricafromthegripofthedespoticmindandrestorecultural self-respectamongAfricans,”andJohnsoncalledfor“aninstitution thatwouldleaveundisturbedourpeculiarities”(Wandira1978:39–40; cf.Odumosu1973). Acenturylater,whileopeningtheInstituteofAfricanStudiesatthe UniversityofGhana–Legon,Dr.KwameNkrumah,thenpresidentof Ghana,invitedAfricanscholarstostudyAfricainallofitscomplexities and diversity, in order to stimulate respect for the idea of African unity.ThestudyofAfricanculturesandpeoplewasnottobelimited to conventional and regional boundaries. Nkrumah urged that all investigations “must inevitably lead towards the exploration of the connections between musical forms, the dances, the literature, the plasticarts,thephilosophicalandreligiousbeliefs,thesystemsofgovernment,thepatternsoftradeandeconomicorganizationthathavebeen developedhereinGhanaandintheculturesofotherAfricanpeoples andotherregionsofAfrica”(Hays1958:10;cf.Hagan1989).Inhisbook AfricaMustUnite(Nkrumah1963),cultureisalsoadominanttheme.
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Anthropologicalstudieswouldbepartoftheessentialprogramsofthe InstituteofAfricanStudies. Asitturnedout,ifAfricansocialismdidnotwork,thenneitherdid themainopposingstrategyfordevelopment.Withprofoundrespect forthescientificprinciplesbehindthehugelysuccessfulMarshallPlan inpostwarEurope,Africanplannersswalloweddevelopmenttheories thattargetedinvestmentinindustrialdevelopmentandhumancapital. MostAfricanleadersintheearlydecadesafterindependencefollowed apatternofindustry-firstinvestmentandthedevelopmentofso-called urbangrowthpoles(seeEicherandStaatz1984).Allinitiativeswere mixedwithoverbearingstateinvolvementinthemanagementofthe economy. Thepoliciesadoptedinthe1960sand1970spermittedAfricanstate governments to intervene at all levels, controlling market forces by providingcreditandsettingpricesforcommodities.Theconstructionof thepostcolonialstatesawthedisarticulationofeconomic,cultural,and ethnicdifferencesandtheendorsementofarbitrarycolonialborders. EconomicfailureandcriticismofstatepolicieswouldleadtotheStructural AdjustmentPrograms(SAPs)ofthe1980s.Thoseprogramsdemanded theseparationofthestatefromthemarketeconomy,reducingpublic expenditureandempoweringtheprivatesector(Coussy1991:123–39). Theseadjustmentswerethepriceofcontinuedinternationalloansand othersupports,buttheyweredetrimentaltothemasses,whowould becomepoorerandpoorer.Duringthe1990s,thenewbuzzwordwas “povertyalleviation”—referringtothepovertythathadbeencreated during the 1980s by the poorly executed SAPs of the international financialinstitutions. VitriolicattacksonthedisciplinebysomeAfricanintellectuals(Seri 1989)retardeditsprogressasthe“rejectionistsyndrome”drovesome ofoursocialsciencecolleaguestoextremes.In1991,IfeAmadiume, an African sociologist, recommended abolishing anthropology and turningitinto“Africansocialhistoryandsociologyofhistory”(Mafeje 1997:22).Inthe1970s,suchcriticismledtotheemergenceofthree trends.First,anthropologytookcoverwithinAfricanStudiesprograms. Centers of African Studies emerged in many American universities, andanalogousInstitutesofAfricanStudiesflourishedinmostAnglophoneAfricanuniversities.Withinthoseinstitutes,anthropologyper sewastaughtandpracticed.Second,theroleofMarxistintellectualsin fightingimperialismandcolonialismledtotheemergenceofMarxist anthropology. Marxism, as a philosophy, served as an intellectual coverformanyEuropeananthropologistsdesiringtocontinuedoing
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anthropologyinAfricawithoutbeingaccusedbynationalistmovements ofbeingpartofthecolonialapparatus.BeingaMarxistanthropologist was politically correct at the time. Third, anthropology was labeled oneofthebranchesofsociologyandwastaughtwithinthenascent departmentsofsociologyinAfricanuniversities. In South Africa, anthropology continued to function as a formal discipline at the Universities of Cape Town and Witswatersrand, as wellasatRhodesandNatalUniversities.Theseinstitutions,however, providedlittlesupporttodepartmentsofanthropologyattheso-called bush-colleges(Transkei,Unitra,Durban-Westville,Venda,theNorth, and so on; see Svawda 1998). These colleges had been established undertheapartheidsystemtoprovideeducationtoBlacksandthesocalledColored.Thevoelkerkundetradition,theideologicalingredient oftheapartheidsystem,continuedattheUniversitiesofPretoria,Port Elisabeth,Stellenboesch,andBloemfontein.In1996,representatives of the voelkerkunde tradition attempted to legitimate their group by joiningthePAAAduringtheassociation’sseventhannualconferencein Pretoria.Theywerenotadmitted,becauseofthetradition’sassociation withpastracism.In2000,however,thetwotraditionsmerged(Bogopa 2001:2). Despite the stigma of Africa’s colonialist past, many Africanists fromWesternuniversitiescontinuedtostudyanthropologyinAfrica after independence. The Rhodes Livingstone Institute continued to enhancetheanthropologyofAfrica,andtheManchesterschool,with Africanists such as Clyde Mitchell (1969), continued to publish on African anthropological issues. Other Africanists, such as Elisabeth Colson (1971), Mary Douglas (1963), Audrey Richard (1969), and RonaldCohen(1971),workedintensivelyinAfricafordecades,even afterindependence.KofiBusia,aGhanaianwhostudiedanthropology and established the Department of Sociology at the University of Ghana-Legon,wouldevenheadtheDepartmentofAnthropologyat Leiden University in the Netherlands. Jomo Kenyatta, a student of Malinowski’s,wouldusehisanthropologicalskillstoconstructtheMau MaumovementtoclaimpowerinKenya.LeadingAfricananthropologists suchasAdamKuper(1987),BrianduToit(1974),ArchieMafeje,and MaxwellOwusu(1970)lefttheircountriesinsearchofmoreconducive environmentsforseriousanthropologicalwork.Others,suchasKwesi Prah(1993),GodwinNukunya(1969),HarrisMemel-Fotê(1980),and ThéophileObenga(1985),remainedinAfricatodoresearchandteach anthropology. InFrancophoneAfrica,asORSTOM’sinfluencebegantodiminish inthe1970s,institutesofhumanscienceswereestablishedoutsideof
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the university system. Within the universities, courses on marriage, kinship, African political and social institutions, and other subjects withanthropologicalcontentweretaughtindepartmentsofsociology; thosewhotaughtthesecoursespreferredtobecalledsociologists.These developmentscoincidedwiththeestablishmentofprofessionalAfrican studiesassociationsintheUnitedStatesandCanadaandofjournals suchastheJournalofAfricanStudiesin1974.Frenchanthropological researchcontinuedinnon-universitysettings,notonlyinORSTOM butalsointheCentreNationaldelaRechercheScientifique(CNRS), theMuséedel’Homme,andtheÉcolePratiquedesHautesÉtudes.This continuedevenafterindependence,perpetuatingthecoloniallegacy oftheseinstitutions(seeCopans1990:32–36).Duringthe1960sand 1970s,however,theUniversityofParisX–Nanterrewastheonlyone outofseventy-sixFrenchinstitutionsthatofferedanthropologyatthe undergraduatelevel(Copans1990:66–70). ThesetimideffortswithintheFrenchuniversitysystemgainedgreater impetusunderGeorgesBalandierandPierreAlexandre.Theyestablished the Center for International Relations (later known as the Centre d’Études et de Recherches Internationales, or the Center for Studies andInternationalResearch)withaspecificfocusonAfrica,andMarcel MerleandAlbertMabileausetuptheCentrefortheStudyofBlackAfrica (Centre d’Études d’Afrique Noire) in Bordeaux. After independence, ORSTOM forged a new relationship with new institutes of human sciencesthroughouttheformercolonies,anditcontinuedtoworkunder anewumbrellacalledtheInstitutdeRecherchepourleDéveloppement. Infact,inFrench-speakingAfricaORSTOMremained,untilthe1980s, the only credible institution with the resources to conduct serious anthropologicalwork(includingarchaeology,linguistics,ethnology,and socialanthropology).EvenincountriessuchasCameroon,wherethe SocialSciencesInstituteintheMinistryofScientificResearchcollapsed during the Structural Adjustment Programs, ORSTOM continued its researchwork,thoughitdidsowithoutinvolvingseniorlocalscholars. Despitetheslowdownofknowledgeproductionandthereductionin scholarship,theanthropologyofAfricacontinuedtocontributetothe developmentofcomparativeethnologicaltheoryandtotheacademic debatesofthe1960sand1970s.
PolicyShiftsandYearsofAwakening By the end of the 1970s, mounting evidence showed stagnation or declineinpercapitaeconomicgrowthratesinAfrica.Thefailureof modernizationtheorytotransformnascentmodernAfricaneconomies
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led development agencies to rethink their policies. The World Bank committedmajorresourcestodevelopingthe“poorestofthepoor,” whichwasbasicallyanopenadmissionthatmacro-levelpolicieshad failedtoachievetheirobjectives.Asthemicro-levelapproachbecamea realalternative,somearguedfortheneedforinputbyanthropologists. Thiswasbasedonthetheorythatthesefieldworkingscholarswerein thebestpositiontounderstandhow,forexample,foodmarketsworked inAfrica,aswellaswhotheparticipantswere. In the book Development from Below, David Pitt (1976) and others showed, through a series of case studies, how development projects failed,specificallywhenthepeoplewhomtheprojectswereintended tohelpparticipatedinneitherthedesignnortheimplementationof thoseprojects.Anthropologistswithknowledgeoflocalcultureswould have argued for exactly that kind of input—although it might not havebeenenoughtostaveofffailure.Bythe1980s,thedemandfor anthropological input had strengthened. This had an effect on the smallcommunityofAfricananthropologistswhowerestilloperating undergroundindepartmentsofsociology.Thesescholarsconsultedwith nongovernmental organizations and other bilateral and multilateral agenciesregardingthedesignofdevelopmentprojects,buttheyhad littleinvolvementinimplementation. Anothermajorpolicyshiftinvolvedthetrainingofappliedscientists forruraldevelopment.Iftheemphasisatindependencewasonproducing acriticalmassofpeopletorunthepostcolonialadministration,bythe early1980sthefocushadshiftedtoimprovingagriculturalproduction andthelivingstandardsoftheruralpoor.ThisrequiredtrainingAfricans inagronomy,animalscience,veterinarymedicine,soilscience,rural economics, rural sociology, and the emerging field of development anthropology.Thelandgrantuniversitysystemhadworkedagricultural miraclesintheUnitedStates,andtheUSgovernmentlaunchedamassive programtohelpbuildandstaffentireagriculturaluniversitiesinAfrica, basedonthelandgrantmodel.Scienceandextensionserviceswould bethekeystoanewGreenRevolution.TheAgriculturalUniversityof DschanginCameroonwasoneofthebeneficiariesofsuchapolicy. However,despitethetrainingofmorethanfortyfacultymembers,the country-wideagriculturalextensionmodelenvisionedinthedesignof theuniversitywasnevermaterialized. AnothermajorimpetusforengagementbyanthropologistsindevelopmentprogramswastheAlmaAta(Kazakhstan)conferenceof1978on healthcare.TheDeclarationofAlmaAtacalledforanewemphasison primaryhealthcareandontheparticipationoflocalsinthedesign
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andmanagementofhealthsystems.Thisshiftfromhospital-centered topeople-centeredhealthcaregavemedicalanthropologistsawindow ofopportunity.TheBamakoInitiative—Africa’sinterpretationofthe Alma-Atadeclaration—calledfor“healthforallintheyear2000,”and thisfurtheropenedopportunitiesformedicalanthropologists.1 Anothermajorpolicyshifttookplaceatthejointconferenceofthe EconomicCommissionforAfrica(ECA/UN)andtheOrganizationof AfricanUnity(OAU)heldin1984inArusha,Tanzania.Thisconference broughtexpertstogethertoaddressAfrica’sfailuretoproduceeconomic andsocialprosperityaftertwodecadesofmassiveforeignassistance.In thefinaldocument,ECAandOAUacknowledgedthatthebeneficiaries ofdevelopmenthadbeenmarginalizedintheprocess.Thedocument failedtoacknowledgethatthesocialscienceshadalsobeenleftoutof theprocess.MichaelCernea(1982)wouldalsoindicatetheimportance ofcultureandapeople-centeredapproachinhiswritings.Ofcourse,the failuretoachieveprosperityinAfricawasnottheresultsolelyofleaving socialscienceoutofdevelopment;corruptionandethnicviolenceboth hadsignificantrolestoplay.
TheCameroonCase Throughitsslowanddeliberateinfiltrationofpolicymaking,anthropologyhascometoberecognizedintheintellectualcirclesofmyown country,Cameroon.AnthropologistsinCameroonhavebeenengaged withthestateinseveralcapacities.First,asemployeesofthestate— civilservants—universityprofessorshavehadadutytoteachthesubjects they are assigned. Second, some social scientists have become partofthestate’spolicy-makingapparatusasmembersofgovernment ministries,deansoffaculties,orevenchancellorsorvicechancellors ofuniversities. Cameroon became a German protectorate in 1884. For thirty-two years, until 1916, colonial military forces conducted pacification operations there to quell uprisings by ethnic groups that refused to recognizeGermansovereignty.Duringthistime,scantethnographic workwasconducted(Nkwi1989).WhenthecombinedforcesofBritish andFrenchtroopsdefeatedtheGermansin1915,Cameroonwassplit intotwopartsandadministeredundertheLeagueofNations.France administeredalmosttwo-thirdsoftheoriginalGermanterritory,while Britaintookovertherestofit,borderingonNigeria,andadministered itfromLagos.ResearchersaffiliatedwithORSTOMandCNRSworked in the French-speaking part of Cameroon, collecting and analyzing
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ethnographicdata.ThecreationofÉtudesCamérounaisebytheseFrench institutionsofferedallscholarsanopportunitytopublishtheirfindings in a unique journal. Some of the well-known anthropologists who worked in Cameroon during this period were Claude Tardits (1960) andPhillipeLaburthe-Tolra(1985),fromFrance,andPeterGeschiere (1982,1983),fromtheUniversityofLeiden. Between1916and1960,whileORSTOMandCNRSconductedanthropologicalsurveysinFrenchCameroon,anthropologistsfromOxford and University College London focused on collecting ethnographic materialtogivetheBritishcolonialadministrationabetterpictureof ethnicdiversityintheso-calledSouthernCameroons.PhyllisKaberry, fromLondon(1952),andElisabethM.Chilver(1966,1974)andEdwin Ardener,fromOxford,wouldspendtheiryoungadulthoodsbuildingthe basisoffutureanthropologicalworkinEnglishCameroon.Ayounger generationofanthropologists,includingme,wouldbeinspiredbythe massive quantity of ethnographic data accumulated and sometimes publishedinthejournalNigerianFields.ThisgenerationincludedPhilip Burnham(1996),MichaelRowlands,JeanPierreWarnier(1993),and RichardFardon(1990). In 1973 the government of independent Cameroon decided to reorganizetheresearch,whichhadremainedlargelyinthehandsof Frenchscholars.Oftheseveninstitutescreated,onewasreservedfor the social and human sciences. Within this institute a department of anthropology was established, and the first head of the institute wasananthropologist.TheInstituteofHumanSciencesremainedin existenceuntil1993,whenthegovernmentshutitdownandmoved theresearcherstovariousministries.Thereasonsforitsclosurewere largelypolitical.Withthepushfordemocracyofthe1990s,aswellas the political engagement of many of the institute’s researchers, the governmentcameundercriticismforitsmismanagementandforthe country’sgrowingeconomiccrisis.Atleasttenanthropologistsaccepted transferstogovernmentdepartments,whereasothersrefusedtoaccede togovernmentpressureandinsteadjoinedvariousoppositionparties. Earlier,in1962,theFederalUniversityofCameroonhadbeenestablished.WithinitsFacultyofSocialandHumanScienceswasadepartment of sociology, headed by a French anthropologist. In this way, anthropologicalresearchandteachingcontinuedattheuniversityfor years,althoughthecourseswerereferredtoassociology.Itmustbesaid thattheemergingstateofCameroonwasnothostiletoanthropology, foritcontinuedtoinviteanddeliverresearchclearancetoresearchers fromEurope,theUnitedStates,andAsia(especiallyJapan).
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I joined the Department of Sociology in 1976. Because I was the firstfacultymemberfromtheEnglish-speakingpartofCameroon,my firstassignment,besidesteachingbasiccoursesinanthropology,was toassistandcounselEnglish-speakingstudents.Twoothercolleagues, whoweretrainedingeneralethnologyinFrance,taughtcoursesinthe departmentaswellasintheFacultyofLawandEconomics.2WhileI identifiedmyselfwithanthropology,theycontinuedtocallthemselves sociologists. Thencamethecrisisof1978,wheninternalreformseliminateddisciplinesthatwerepresumedtoproducesocialcriticsandtheunemployed. The university administration convened a meeting of the headsofdepartmentswithintheFacultyofArtsandSocialSciences. Asactingheadofthedepartment,Iattendedthemeeting,chairedby thechancellorandvice-chancellor.Thedeanofthefaculty,ahistorian, presentedareportonreformsinthefacultythatimpliedthatsociology andanthropologywouldbephasedoutoftheuniversitycurriculum. Afteraseriesofmeetingsinvolvingthedepartmentalstaff,university authorities,andthegovernment,theministerofeducationcalledoff the reforms. Strict instructions were given to the dean to maintain sociologyandanthropologyinthecurriculum,butthereformswere putinplacenonetheless.Sociologyandanthropologywouldbetaught aspartofphilosophy,butnoBAdegreeswouldbeawarded. Whenthefirstcontinent-wideconferenceofAfricananthropologists washeldin1989,theministrysupporteditandprovidedresources.To highlighttheimportanceofanthropologyasateachingsubject,the ministerofhighereducationaskedthechancelloroftheUniversityof YaoundétoopentheconferenceinthenameoftheCameroongovernment. In welcoming the thirty-five African anthropologists from twenty-one universities, the chancellor called on anthropologists to taketheirrightfulplaceinthedevelopmentarenaandtoshowwhat the“disciplinecandotosolvesomeoftheproblemsAfricaisfacing.” From 1993 on we rebuilt the discipline, designing courses for the bachelor’s,master’s,andPhDdegreesinanthropology.Priortothis, thebachelor’sdegreehadnotbeenofferedinanthropology.Justeight studentsdeclaredanthropologyastheirmajorinthe1993–94academic year,butthenumbergrewtooveronehundredonlyadecadelater. In the 2002–3 academic year, there were 525 students majoring in anthropology,nottomentionthesamenumberofstudentstakingit astheirminor. DuringthisperiodIwitnessedtheincreasedinvolvementofsocial scientistsinhealth,agriculture,animal,environmental,andpopulation
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researchprogramsfundedbythegovernment.Therewereseveralreasons for this. First, the proliferation of development programs increased thedemandforsocialscienceinputingeneralandforanthropology in particular. Second, the university reforms that took place in the 1980s across Africa offered an opportunity for the enhancement of sociologyandanthropologyteachingprograms.Forexample,in1985 theUniversityofNairobiestablishedafulldepartmentofanthropology withintheInstituteofAfricanstudies.TheUniversityofYaoundéstarted afulldegreeprograminanthropologyin1993,givingstudentsaccess tobothundergraduateandgraduatedegreesinanthropology. PhilipKilbride(1994:10)notedthatKenyananthropologistswere “strugglingtoresurrectanthropologyfromtheashheapofitscolonial associationsbyadvocatinganthropologyindiversepublicandprivate forums.”By1994,hesaid,Kenyananthropologywasflourishing“at universities and institutes with research on such issues as overpopulation,polygyny,thestatusofwomen,AIDSandsexuality,tourism andchildren’shealth.”Anthropologyhadtorediscoveritselfbothas an academic discipline and as a discipline that could help to solve problems.Anthropologistshadtoshowthattheywerenotpeddlers of tribalism but that they sought to expand the horizons of human knowledgeandtoadapttonewareasandthechallengesofdevelopment (Monteiro2002:8). AttheUniversityofYaoundé,anthropologyandsociologyremained— forhistoricalreasons—inonedepartment,buttheyawardedseparate degrees at both the undergraduate and graduate levels. In 1993–94, however,withincreasedresourcesandthedesiretoevolveindependently, sociologyandanthropologywenttheirseparateways.Anthropology expandeditsteachingandresearchandattractedanincreasingnumber ofstudents.Theincreaseddemandforconsultingworkgaveanthropologistsvisibility.Thisinturnpressuredthemtoasserttheiridentity andtohighlightthedualacademicandappliedapproachesoftheir discipline.Manyofussawapplicationasthebestoptionforthediscipline toreclaimitslostglory.Giventhestrongmarketforprofessionalsin both national and international development work, I argued that anthropologywasasocialsciencedisciplineripeforprofessionalization. Manyofusinacademiawhowerealreadyactiveinconsultingknew exactly what was necessary. Targeting critical areas such as general health, reproductive health, population growth, the environment, andagriculturaldevelopmentledtothedesignofcoursesinmedical anthropology,developmentanthropology,andenvironmentalimpact assessment.Today,theUniversityofYaoundé–Ihasoneofthemost
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active and dynamic departments of anthropology in Central Africa, attractingstudentsfromtheentireregion.Thisdepartmentplayedavital roleinthecreationofthePanAfricanAnthropologicalAssociation.
ThePAAA TheformationofthePAAAwasoneofaseriesofeventsinthelate1980s andearly1990sthathelpedintegrateanthropologyintothediscourse ofdevelopmentinAfrica.Thefirstsucheventwastheestablishment of CASA, the Council on Sociology and Anthropology in Africa, by CODESRIA,theCouncilfortheDevelopmentofEconomicandSocial ResearchinAfrica,in1987.UNESCO’sRegionalBureauforSocialSciences inDakar,knownbyitsFrenchacronym,BREDA,endorsedtheinitiative andprovidedinitialresourcestoestablishtheassociation.In1988CASA held its first conference in Abidjan, bringing senior sociologists and anthropologistsfromthroughoutAfricatogetherforthefirsttime.The government of Ivory Coast, under then president Felix Houphouët Boigny, provided substantial financial support for the consolidation oftheassociation,butCASAfailedtomarketitselftoanthropologists andsociologistsacrossthecontinent. ThesecondeventwasaspontaneousmeetingofAfricananthropologistsduringtheTwelfthInternationalCongressofAnthropological andEthnologicalSciences(ICAES)inZagrebin1988.TheICAESisthe meetingoftheInternationalUnionofAnthropologicalandEthnological Sciencesandhasbeenheldeveryfiveyearssince1934.In1986,Lake Nyos in Cameroon exploded, killing more than eighteen hundred people.IwasstudyingthedisasterandwasinvitedbytheCenterfor Environmental Studies at the University of Leiden, Netherlands, to presentapaperattheICAESonhowanthropologists,incollaboration withcolleaguesfromotherdisciplines,approachedthestudyofdisaster mitigation. Aftermypresentation,whichwasattendedbyafewAfricancolleagues, IranintoGeorgeHaganandAlbertAwedoba,fromGhana,whilethey werehavingcoffeewithAdamKuper.Kuperwasthenthenewlyelected presidentoftheEuropeanAssociationofSocialAnthropology,andhe encouragedthethreeofus—Hagan,Awedoba,andme—toestablishan Africananthropologicalassociation.AchancemeetingwithH.Russell BernardfromtheUniversityofFlorida,Gainesville,whowasattending the same conference, would also contribute to the PAAA’s training programs.
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The third important event was a workshop organized in 1991 by CODESRIA in Dakar to review the status of anthropology in Africa. ItwasanattempttoreassertCODESRIA’sdeterminationtoreviveor establishprofessionalassociations.Thisworkshopbroughttogethera smallgroupofestablishedanthropologistsofdifferenttheoreticaland ideologicalpersuasions.Mostparticipantswerekeenlyawareofthefastpacedglobalizationofsciencethatwasunderwayandwereconvinced oftheneedforgreatercollaborationbetweenanthropologyandother socialsciences.Forexample,duringthatmeetingIarguedthatemphasis shouldbeplacedonthereorganizationofthedisciplineratherthan on the “deconstruction” of ethnography, and Abdalla Bujra argued for a constructive engagement of anthropology in the development enterprise. Fourth,andmostimportant,wasthediscipline’sincreasingengagementinappliedworkgenerally.Althoughanthropologistsmustcontinue toproduceknowledgeastheirprimaryobjective,theycannotremain indifferent to the problems local communities face every day. How manyanthropologistsconfronttheirgovernmentsforfailingtoimprove thequalityoflifeofthepeople?Howmanyproduceethnographiesas theirPhDtheses,obtaintheirdegrees,andpromotetheircareerswhile remainingindifferenttotheplightofpeoplewhomtheystudied?Of whatuseisanthropologyifwedonotlistentopeopleandassistthem infindinglastingsolutionstotheirdailyproblems?Anthropologymust andcanfindwaystosurviveasausefuldisciplinewithoutsacrificing scholarship. ItwasagainstthisbackgroundthatagroupofAfricananthropologists soughttheassistanceoftheWenner-GrenFoundationforAnthropological ResearchtoestablishthePanAfricanAnthropologicalAssociation.A fewoftheAfricanswhoattendedthe1988ICAESgottogetheratthat congress and formed a steering committee to organize a meeting of Africananthropologists.Wesentalettertovice-chancellorsofAfrican universities,askingthemtoidentifyanthropologistswhomightattend theconference.Thirty-fiveparticipantsfromtwenty-oneuniversities acrossAfricaattendedthefirstconference,heldinSeptember1989.Itwas organizedaroundthetheme“TeachingandPracticeofAnthropologyin Africa.”Approximately80percentoftheparticipantshadbeentrained asanthropologists;theremainderwerefromsociology,education,and philosophy. Some participants described the conference as a unique occasionforanthropologiststoemergefromtheir“academicbunkers” and practice the discipline openly and with a sense of purpose and pride.
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Since1989,thePAAAhasorganizedtwelveannualconferencesand aseriesoftrainingworkshopsforjunioranthropologists.Ithasalso workedhardtobringthedisciplineclosertoothersocialsciences.The futureofanthropologydepends,wefeel,onhowwellthediscipline integrateswiththeothersocialsciences.Foranthropologytoattract funds, it must take on, and bring a unique perspective to, research problemsthatarecommontoothersocialsciencedisciplines. TheestablishmentofthePAAAwasguidedbyfourmotivatingneeds: theneedtobreakprofessionalisolation;theneedtoimproveteaching and training programs; the need to improve research capacity and enhancepublicationpossibilities;andtheneedtoincreaseopportunities for African anthropologists to participate in the growing market for consultants and for their effective participation in multidisciplinary developmentteams.Allofthesedesireswerecapturedintheconstitution adoptedattheendofthefirstPAAAconference. WhilethePAAAhashelpedreviveanthropologyonthecontinent, AfricanistsinEuropeandtheUnitedStateshavealsobeenreorganizing themselves, seeking greater visibility in the world of scholarship in general. In 1991, French scholars established the Association EuroAfricainepourl’AnthropologieduChangementSocialetduDéveloppement(APAD),mobilizingAfricanistsinEuropetoshareinformationon theanthropologyofchange.IntheUnitedStatesintheearly1990s, Africanistanthropologistsbegantolobbyfortheestablishmentofan AfricanistbranchoftheAmericanAnthropologicalAssociation(AAA). Theireffortswererebuffedatfirst,buteventuallytheAssociationfor AfricanistAnthropology(AfAA)wasestablishedwithintheAAA.Leaders of both initiatives, AfAA and APAD, declared that they would work withAfricananthropologiststopromoteandenhancethediscipline onthecontinent. Unfortunately,aftermorethanadecade,neitherAfAAnorAPADhas initiatedconstructiveengagementwiththePAAA,theonlycontinentwideprofessionalassociationofanthropologistsinAfrica.Whilethe PAAA has made substantial progress, the problems of running an international organization in Africa are daunting. The constituent nationalbasesofprofessionalanthropologistsremainweak,becauseof lackofresourcesatthelocallevel.ThePAAAcountsover550colleagues amongitsmembers,butfewcanpaytheirduesregularlybecauseof thelowsalariesinAfricanuniversities.Inaddition,memberscannot financetheirownwaytomeetings.ParticipantsinthePAAA’sannual conferenceexpecttheorganizerstopayallexpenses,andthisisunlikely to change for some time. On the other hand, few of our Africanist
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colleaguesinanthropologyfromwealthierpartsoftheworld—including Africans who have migrated to greener pastures—attend the PAAA’s annual conference. Indeed, only one American colleague, Maxwell Owusu(UniversityofMichigan),hasconsistentlyattendedthePAAA conferencessince1996.
TheConstructiveEngagementofPAAA ToassertitspresencewithintheAfricansocialsciencecommunity,the PAAAfocusedonthetrainingofyoungprofessionalsandonnetworking activities.Itemphasizedappliedanthropologyasthefocusofacademic work,inordertorehabilitateadisciplinethathadbeendiscreditedin thepostcolonialera.ManycolleaguesofmygenerationinAfricastood againstthoseintheWestwhomalignedappliedanthropology.TheWest inventedanthropologytostudythe“other,”anditdefinedthecanons. Butindevelopingeconomies,whereresourcesarescarce,sciencehas tobeeitherusefulorbegone.Undersuchconditions—whenthesocalledothercomestostudyitself—disdainforappliedanthropology perforcedissipates. AsConradKottak(1997:254)describedit,theivory-towerapproach demands that anthropologists “should avoid practical matters and concentrate on research, publication, and teaching.” Most African anthropologists, however, follow what Kottak called the “schizoid approach.”Itdemandsthatanthropologists“shouldprovideinformation forpolicyformulationbutshouldnotbepartoftheimplementation process,” in order to keep personal value judgments separate from scientificwork(1997:254).Advocacy,however,callsforgreaterengagementofanthropologistsindesigningpoliciesthatpromotewell-beingor thatprotectpeoplefromharmfuldevelopmentschemes.Thisapproach motivatesalargenumberofAfricanstudentswhowanttobepartof theanthropologicalenterprisewithoutbeingcastigatedfornotdoing anthropology. Precisely because the applied option dominates anthropology in Africa,theneedtostaycurrentinmethodandtheoryremainscritical. DuringthefirstPAAAconferencein1989,manyparticipantsargued thataddressingimportanthumanissues,suchastheneedforhealth care,thespreadoffamine,rapidpopulationgrowth,environmental degradation,discriminationandviolenceagainstwomen,poverty,and ethnicviolencewouldenhancethediscipline’starnishedimage.These problems,whichaffectthemostvulnerablemembersofourAfrican communities,couldnotbeaddressedwithoutappropriatetrainingin
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methodandtheory.Everybrandofanthropology—interpretivistand materialist,qualitativeandquantitative,appliedandbasic—mustaim forexcellenceofscholarship.ThiswasthevisionforthePAAA’straining program.Itseekstoincreasetheskillsofouryoungestmemberssothat theycancompetesuccessfullywithcolleagueseverywhereforgrants, publications in prestigious journals, consulting work, and academic jobs. Theassociationestablishedprofessionalnetworksfortheexchange ofinformationandexperiencesindealingwithhumansufferingand problems.Membersofthesenetworksorganizedtrainingworkshopsfor acquiringskillsinwritingproposals,publishingtheresultsofresearch, and using software for data analysis. By addressing contemporary problems, the networks became vehicles for the exchange of ideas andexperiences.This,inturn,enhancedtheteachingandpracticeof anthropology.3 If the discipline were to survive and make itself visible in Africa, thePAAAhadtounderstandtheinternallogicsofothersciences.Its members’participationinteameffortshadtobemorethanjustatoken, withananthropologistdraftedintoaprojectsimplytofulfillafunding condition.Anthropologistshadtooffersomethingofintellectualand practical value. The workshops also attracted other social scientists, enhancing and promoting interdisciplinary collaboration. Over the years,Africananthropologistshaveworkedcloselywithenvironmental biologists, organic chemists, economists, demographers, health care providers,andothers.Thisexperienceshowedthatmultidisciplinary workwasmutuallyenriching,becauseeachdisciplinedrewonitsunique insightstoattainacommongoal. AnotherareaofconcernwastheshortageofgoodlibrariesinAfrican universities. Few institutions can even afford new books, let alone expandtheirlibraryspace.AllparticipantsinPAAAworkshopsreceived basictrainingincomputing,iftheyhadnone,orupgradingoftheir computerskills,iftheyalreadyhadsome.Itwasourconvictionthat acquiringsuchskillswouldempoweryoungscholarstoaccesslibraries abroadelectronicallyandkeepthemabreastofthelatestdevelopments in anthropology. Libraries in African universities could concentrate on collecting materials that were unavailable elsewhere—the sorts ofmaterialsthatscholarseverywhererequireforresearchonAfrican culturesandsocieties. Oneoftheproblemsidentifiedduringthefirstconferencewasthelack ofrefereedanthropologyjournalsinAfrica.In1992weestablishedthe journalAfricanAnthropology,whichbecameTheAfricanAnthropologistin
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1994.ItisaforumforAfricanscholarsandAfricanistsaroundtheworld todebate,exchangeideas,andcontributetothesocialsciencediscourse on issues of importance to the continent. Articles on development issueshavedominatedthejournal,nowinitstenthvolume.Almostall articlessubmittedforpublicationfocusonpracticalissuesassociated withhealth,agriculture,politics,theenvironment,ethnicity,andethnic conflicts.Thesearticlesareoftentheby-productsofconsultingwork, inwhichAfricananthropologistsareincreasinglyinvolved.Aspartof itseffortstoincreasethequalityofarticles,thePAAAincludeswriting clinicsinitstrainingprograms. AlthoughmanyofthePAAA’sactivitieshavebeensuccessful,others havenot.Oneofthemostglaringfailureshasbeenourinabilityto incorporatethegrowingnumberofAfricananthropologistswhowork full-time outside of academia. The link between this large group of applied anthropologists and those teaching continues to be weak. Anddespitetheirgrowingnumbers,onlyafewnon-academicanthropologists have either joined or have chosen to participate in PAAA programs or publications. Although a similar problem plagues the mainlineanthropologyassociationsinEuropeandNorthAmerica,the implicationsofthisnonparticipationaremoreseriousinAfrica,given itsprofoundeffectsontrainingandemployment.
AfricanistsandTheirResponsibilities IhaveattemptedtotellthePAAA’sstoryfromtheperspectiveofanAfrican whowasstronglyaffectedbytheresurgenceofAfricananthropology andsociology.Mymotiveforwritingthischapterhasbeentoprovide someinsightsintothewaysinwhichaNorth-Southpartnershipmight befosteredandreinforced. TheEuropeanandAmericantraditionsofanthropologyaredistinct, andthedisciplinesurelydeservesanAfricantwistaswell.Itistimefor thesocialsciences,includinganthropology,acrossAfricatoregroup andfacethechallengesthatconfrontusasacontinentandaspartof the human family: disease, hunger, HIV/AIDS, ethnic wars, poverty. Weneedtolookforanswerstothesescourges.Itwillbesalutaryfor Africanstobringtheirparticularperspectivestoallthesocialsciences, including anthropology; but in science, as Russell Bernard (2000: 6) said,anythingthatistrueinLondonorParisisalsotrueinNairobi and Dakar. There is a visceral reaction among many intellectuals in thesocialsciencestodayagainstascientific,orpositivist,perspective.
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Itisparticularlystronginanthropology,butAfricananthropologists, atleastinsomecirclestoday,arerejectingthisanti-scienceperspective andtakingaleadershiproleinanthropologyanddevelopment. AlthoughmostNorthernacademicsacknowledgethecriticalimportanceofworkingwithcolleaguesfromAfrica,thishasoccurredonlyon acase-by-casebasis,withtheNorthernanthropologistalmostalways taking the lead. That is, their African academic colleagues are seen askeycontactsforgettingresearchclearanceandbackgroundknowledge, without which the Northern colleagues could not function. It is rare, however, that the cash resources brought in by Northern academics are shared appropriately with their Southern partners or partnerinstitutions. Almosteveryday,oneoranotherofusinAfricaisconfrontedwith the myopic bellyaching of some First World anthropologists about theharshconditionsunderwhichtheyworkintheirowncountry— theirlackoffundingforgraduateassistants,theirlackoffundingfor attending international meetings, and so on—with little reference to the conditions under which their African-based colleagues labor. Thesesmall,subtleindignitiesmirrordeeperinequitiesthatareonly partiallymitigatedbythefatperdiemsthatonemayoccasionallyearn byattendingafive-dayconferenceinnorthernEuropeortheUnited States.The$600–1,000thatonemightsavebyeatingcrackersinone’s roomratherthandiningoutiscoldcomfortwhenonereturnstothe everydayrealitiesofa$350-per-monthsalary,fivechildren,andne’erdo-wellrelativeswhodependonyou. Africanacademicsdon’twantahandout;theywantopportunitiesto workandearntheirway.Theseopportunitiesexistandcanbeexpanded andstrengthenedtobenefitallthepartiesinvolved,includingtheFirst Worldanthropologistswhocollaboratewiththem.Tobringthisabout requiressmallbutdoablechangesinformalacademictrainingprograms, grantadministrationprocedures,andgrantrequirements,topromote betterpartnershiparrangements.Thesechangeswillneedtobemade inbothAfricanandNorthernuniversitiesaswellasintheprofessional associations. Strengthening the ability of Africans to organize and developtheirownprofessionalassociationsisawaytoaddressallthese issuesatonce.TrulyprofessionalassociationswilllinkNorthernand Africananthropologistsinasingleintellectual,publishing,andteaching endeavoronamoreequalfooting.
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Notes 1. Asalocalanthropologist,Iwascalledupononseveraloccasionstoparticipateinmultidisciplinaryteamresearchbringinganthropologicalinsightsto bearonhealthissues.Forexample,inearly2000,anoutbreakofcholerain Madagascarkilledoverathousandpeoplewithinafewmonths.TheWorld HealthOrganization’sregionalheadquartersinHarareaskedmetojoinateam ofmedicalexpertsinMadagascartoevaluatetheepidemic.Theteam,comprisingtwopublichealthspecialists,aphysician,anepidemiologist,andan anthropologist,spentfourweeksvisitingtheaffectedareas,talkingtohealth officials,themilitary,localpeople,andpoliticians.Attheendofthevisit,after examiningtheethnographicinformationandtalkingtoofficialsabouttheir preventionstrategies,Iproducedamodelthattookintoaccounttheroleof cultureintheepidemic,andwerecommendedadrasticreviewofprevention strategiestakingintoaccountculturalinputs. 2. ThesetwowerePierreTitiandJosephMboui.Thelatterbecameafullprofessorafterobtaininghisdoctoratd’état.Helaterbecamedean,andthenadviser totheprimeminister.Heendedhiscareerasaministerofnationaleducation, afterservingaspermanentsecretary.HeisnowaMemberofParliament,along withtwootheranthropologists. 3. Asamatterofrecord,from1992to1999,thePAAAtrained153mid-career anthropologists in workshops supported by donations from the Carnegie Corporation ($200,000), the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research($100,000),theWorldBank($15,000),UNFPA($35,000),andUNESCO ($30,000).Thesetraineesbelongedtothefollowingnetworks:theNetworkof AfricanMedicalAnthropologists(NAMA),theNetworkofAfricanPopulation Anthropologists (NAPA), the Network of African Women Anthropologists (NAWA), the Network of African Environmental Anthropologists (NAEA), theNetworkofAfricanStudentsinAnthropology(NASA),andETHNO-NET AFRICA.ThislastnetworkgrewoutofameetinginNairobiin1995,sponsored bytheUNESCO-MOSTprogram,onthesocialproblemsfacingthecontinent. ETHNO-NETwasdesignedasanetworkofAfricansocialscientistswhocan worktogethertocollectdataandwhocanserveasanadvancewarningsystem forethnicconflicts.
Part 3 Epistemological, Sociological, and Disciplinary Predicaments
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n i n e
Generating Nontrivial Knowledge in Awkward Situations Anthropology in the United Kingdom
Eeva Berglund
E
nlivening anthropology’s intellectual project and reassessing its politicalrolerequireunderstandingtheconditionsofpowerwithin whichcultureanddifferencebecomemattersofjustice,ifnotlifeand death. It also requires understanding the transformations going on acrossuniversitieseverywhere,suchastheintensifyingeffortsbyprivate capital to penetrate—or swallow up—the production of academic knowledge. WhenIwascontactedaboutthesymposium“WorldAnthropologies” inthespringof2002,boththesequestionstroubledme.Ihadjustdecided toresignfrommyjobatoneoftheliveliestanthropologydepartmentsin theUnitedKingdom—GoldsmithsCollegeoftheUniversityofLondon. Iresenteditsrelentlessproductivism,felthamperedbylackoffunds,was frustratedbyadministrativetimewasting,andsensedconfusionabout pedagogicalaimsandthediscipline’spublicrole.Andyetmyregrets are massive, not least because so much has recently happened that couldstrengthenBritishanthropology.HereIreflectonthechanging pressures on our discipline, highlighting, nevertheless, the fact that wealreadyhavetoolsforthinkingaboutthenewchallenges.ForasI considered“worldanthropologies”fromtheperspectiveoftheUnited Kingdom,Iimmediatelythoughtaboutscholars’growinginterestthere inresearchonmodernityathomeandaboutthepotentiallybeneficial effectsofceasingtoworryaboutwhat“real”anthropologyisandwhere it should be done. The analysis of people like ourselves—tourists,
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activists,administrators—willpromoteathoroughinvestigationofour ownmotivesandinstitutionallimitations. Predictably,somepeoplehavemisgivingsaboutturningtowardthe modernathome;someseeitasalazyretreatfromanthropology’straditionalfield,the“margins.”However,ecumenicalstylesofquestioning and more inclusive views of appropriate research locations suggest thatanthropology’soysteristhewholeworld.Furthermore,inclusive definitionsofanthropology’ssubjectmattermaychallengehegemonic viewsoftheworldasitisinvokedin“worldmusic”or“worldmarkets.” Thereisevenhopethatturningtowardthemodernathomewillhelp undosomeoftheEurocentrismsthatstillplagueus.Notably,where anthropologistsarebothanalystsandcasestudies,knowledgecannot bepredicatedondistinctionssuchasusversusthemorcomplexversus simple.
Culture,InformationandtheChangingRoleof Academia Likeallotherdisciplines,anthropologyhasadaptedtoamanagerialist style of work, with administrative processes taking up considerable energy.Asarelativelyjuniormemberofthedepartment,Ishouldered amanageableadministrativeload,butifIhadprogressedupthecareer ladder,itcouldonlyhavegottenworse.StaffmembersIknewinmany departmentsregularlytriedtogetaroundorignoreadministrativedemands.Humorwasanacceptablecopingstrategy.Onetongue-in-cheek suggestionwastomarkexaminationscriptsortoreviewmanuscripts by reading only the first and last pages, plus one in the middle— surelyenoughtogiveoneasenseofatext’scaliber.Somegenuinely labor-savingpracticeswereimplemented.Forexample,wedecidedto collatedataonstudentabsencesatcertainintervalsonly,insteadof recordingthemcontinuously.Buteventhenweremainedannoyedby theverydemandthatwekeepsuchrecords.OthertacticsIhavecome acrossincludesimplyleavingallottedtasksundone.Indeed,arelatively convincingargumentforpursuingthismethodisthatifleftunattended longenough,forms,letters,andotherbitsofpapertendtolosetheir importanceanyway.Atthesametime,normallyjustenoughpeople elsewhere in the institution will participate in the creation of paper trailsfortheadministrationtocontinuetooperate. The lack of trust that the political establishment shows toward highereducationintheUnitedKingdom,likethattowardpublicsector employeesmorebroadly,isnotjustcausingproblemsofmoralebut
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takingupscarceresourcesandstaffenergies.Proverbially,auditslikethe ResearchAssessmentExercise(RAE),alongwiththeTeachingQuality Assessmentthatdepartmentshavetoundergointurn,arethecurse ofpracticingacademicsacrosstheUK.Theyaredesignedtoincrease publicscrutinyofuniversitiesandtohelpfundingbodiesallocatepublic resources in order to encourage productivity. But the overwhelming sense is that they are exhausting, even crippling, to the intellectual projectoftheuniversities.Thisissodespitethefactthat,anecdotally speaking,manyanthropologydepartmentswerepleasedwiththenew lifethatthe1992RAEbreathedintothediscipline.Butasthepressures continued,anewwordcreptintothevocabularyofstaffhiring:RAEability, that is, the capacity to display highly competitive academic results.Putevenmorebluntly,constantprofessionalauditingmeans thatevenmoderatelyambitiousacademicsmustinvesthugeenergiesin publishingandbeingseentopublish,andinsecuringexternalfunding andbeingseentosecureit. Though still earning comfortably above-average wages, academics are unhappy that their pay has fallen behind the overall growth in average earnings in the United Kingdom. Economic conditions in highereducationasawholehavebeencauseforconcerneversincethe Thatcheradministration’sassaultonsocialresearch.1TheBlairgovernment’squestionablegoalofincreasingstudentnumbersto50percentof theagegroupandthelackofnewinvestmentsandteachingposts,not tomentionfundingcuts,arethemostobviouscausesofcomplaint. Anthropologyisbynomeansaloneinhavingtotransformitscurriculumoritsworkingpracticesunderexternalpressures.Mostacademics express nostalgia for an apparently simpler, and certainly less pressured, past. But these changes have not happened completely withoutreflectionandcertainlynotwithoutresistance,asnumerous academic(e.g.,Shattock1992)andnewsarticles(e.g.,Economist2002) attest. Insomeways,ofcourse,anthropology’scrisisisspecific.According to Jonathan Spencer (2000), large departments are coping well and even flourishing, but smaller ones are under constant strain as they adapttochangesinstudentnumbers,coursecontent,administrative structures, and both student and research funding at an exhausting pace.Personalexperienceandanecdotalevidencesuggeststhateven inthehigher-profiledepartments,administrativechangeshavetaken theirtollonacademicwork,nottomentionmorale.2 Theimplicationsofthesechangesareincreasinglybeingdebatedin professionalpublicationssuchasAnthropologyToday(AT),the2003issues
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ofwhichtackledanthropology’sfutureas,respectively,aprofessional discipline(Sillitoe2003),anundergraduatesubject(Mills2003),and aplayerinthepublicarenaofculturalpolitics(Eriksen2003;Kurkiala 2003).Suchinterventionsareabsolutelyvital,eveniftheyengender “feelingsofconcernandfrustration,”asonelettertoATputit(HughesFreeland2003).Mypointisthatifculturalidentityisnowamatter ofpublicurgencyaswellasanthropology’sprincipalsubjectmatter, thenthedisciplineisbeingaskedtoadoptaresponsiblepublicrolein difficultcircumstances. Hesitationsalsostemfromthewayinwhichanthropology’sclaim tospeakauthoritativelyaboutitssubjectmatterhasforsolongbeen subject to critique and self-criticism. Yet this has to do with geopoliticaltransformationsthatinevitablytouchnotonlyacademiabut also governments and other sponsors. Since anthropology became professionalized nearly one hundred years ago, the world has been remadeandreclassifiedinwaysthatproblematizetheboundariesofits expertise.Thedisciplinehasseendisillusionmentwithscience,post– ColdWarhesitations,thegrowthofculturalstudiesdepartments,and the blurring of the boundary between sociology and anthropology, amongotherthings. Theriseofcultureasahegemonicpreoccupationdrawsattentionto anthropologybutalsodiminishesitsclaimtouniqueexpertise.With exemplarssuchasMalinowskiandLévi-Strauss,anthropologyisnothard tocriticizeaslittlemorethanaglorifiedformoftravel,andthereremain similaritiesbetweenbeingananthropologistandbeingjustatypically moderntraveler(seeAugé1999).Bytheendofthetwentiethcentury everyone,fromtouriststonichemarketerstoleadersoftheso-called freeworld,seemedtohavebecomeinterestedinculturaldifference. Individualsareincreasinglypreoccupiedwithconstructingidentities, butasanthropologists,weknowthatmodernity,asaformofsocial organization,engendersself-consciousnessaboutculturalidentity. IntheUnitedKingdom,identitypoliticsgrewupunderThatcherism, sothattheexplanatoryforceofcultureinsocialandpoliticaldebatehas sincebecomeacommonplaceofpolitics.Acultureofmismanagement is singled out as the culprit when public services such as hospitals andschoolsarefailing;thecultureofanethnicgroupisanacceptable explanation for underachievement, violence, and poverty. In short, cultureisacause,notsomethingthatinvitescuriosityandexamination. Nottheleastoftheimplicationsofthisisthatitkeepsalivethequestion attheheartofThatcherism,“Areyouoneofus?”(Hall1993:356).In today’s Britain, this question is as ubiquitous as it was fifteen years ago.
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The concept of culture has also helped to aestheticize inequality. Multiculturalismgetspackagedasasalesitembygovernments,asin NewLabour’slate-1990sslogan“CoolBritannia”(Parekh1998),andby companiessuchasBenetton(Lury2000).Theintellectualaimofthose withtheprivilegeofacademicreflectionhastobeacriticalstudyof suchusesofculture.Itwasaroundthesethemesthatculturalstudies came into its own, with bookshops, if not university campuses (see note3),classifyingmuchcriticalscholarshipunderthatcategory.But thechargeisoftenmade—certainlyincorridortalk—thatsociologically argueddebateoverculturequicklyimplodesintoanarcaneorshowy internalargument. Fortunately,arguingthecaseforexaminingthechangingconceptualization of culture and its role in sustaining social relations in a globalizedworld,StuartHallandhiscolleaguesattheBirminghamCentre ofContemporaryCulturalStudiesgenerateddiffusebutinfluentialwork insociologyandculturalstudies.3Itskeycontributionhasundoubtedly beentohighlightraceandthelegacyofimperialismasbuildingblocks ofsociallifeathome.Thesophisticationwithwhichthecomplexitiesof race,history,andpowerhavebeentreatedbyauthorssuchasHalland PaulGilroy,whoseassociationsarewithculturalstudiesandsociology, meansthattheirpublicationswillprobablyremaincompulsoryreferencesforanthropologistswhoinvestigatecontemporaryBritain. The relationship between cultural studies and anthropology has beencheckered(NugentandShore1997).Collaborationflourishesat the research level and is trickling down to undergraduate teaching. Nevertheless,manyanthropologistsarecriticalofnon-anthropologists’ definitionsofethnographyanduneasywiththeperceivedmismatch betweenculturalstudies’claimtopoliticalradicalism,ononehand, and the closeness of its subject matter to the preoccupations of the politicalandeconomicelites,ontheother.Indeed,JohnHutnyk(2002) hasshownthatbothculturalstudiesandwhathedubs“post-colonial anthropology”(withthescarequotes)canbecaricaturedasintellectual fashions,co-optedbycapitalviatheglobalcultureindustries. Beforeculturewasproblematizedpubliclyasanimportantpolitical issueinthe1980s,anthropologistscouldclaimatheoreticalcanon tohelpidentifythetrulyanthropological.Thatcanonnowseems toodiffusetoprovidegroundsforclaimstonontrivialknowledge, andin-depthethnographynowtendstobeinvokedasthesourceof anthropologicalauthority.Thismeansthatanthropologyremains anempiricalpursuitatthesametimeitembracesahumanisticand hermeneuticstyle.
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Itis,however,intheinterlacingofitspractitioners’theoreticaland empiricalconcernsthatthestrengthsofanthropology’stoolkitaremost apparent.4Ethnographicmethodtodayengendersself-consciousness aboutmovingbetweenlocationsasmuchasiteverdid,butethnographers areincreasinglypreoccupiedwithwhatconnectsthoselocations,both toeachotherandtosharedcontextsofpower(GuptaandFerguson 1997b).Thismeansthatasethnographerspayattentiontotherealities withwhichpeoplehavetolive,theybecomeco-presentwiththeirhosts, bringingtogetherdifferent“worlds.”Also,ethnographicprocess,from fieldworktotextorlecture,forcesattentionontotheratherobvious pointthatanswersdependonwhichquestions,whenandwhere,are beingasked.Thus,emphasizingtheempiricaldoesnotsqueezeoutthe theoretical,leavinguswithspecificityonly;itsimplyhelpsfocusit. AsJohannesFabianputitatthe“WorldAnthropologies”symposium, theoryshouldnotbereducedto“havingaposition”;rather,itisabout beingonthemove. Whereanthropologyinterrogatesthecultureconceptreflexively,in allitsmyriadcontexts,itislikelytoremainakeytheoreticalfocus.An increasinglyprominentanthropologicalcritiqueoftheusesofcultureis thattheytendtorenderexploitationandinequality,whicharepoliticoeconomicissues,intosafeandrelativelytrivialmatters(e.g.,Anderson andBerglund2003).Akeyexampleiswhen“difference”isreducedto exoticism(e.g.,Hutnyk2000).Inothercontexts,however,anthropology demonstrates that “culture” can also be empowering and can be a resource.Mypointisthatanthropologistscanapproachculturequite differentlyfromsituationtosituation.Equallyimportantly,theycan approachitdifferentlyfromthemannerofgovernmentsandcorporate actors, for whom culture is increasingly reduced to its potential for “wealthcreation.”Inthatcontext,cultureisdifference,butonlywithin safelimits,andonlysolongasitdoesnotthreatenthestatusquo. Cultureappearsproblematic,butknowledgeandinformationalso poseproblemsforcriticalanthropology.Aselsewhere,thepromisesof theinformationageintheUnitedKingdomarepartofthediscourse of“wealthcreation,”nowtheneoliberalstate’sprimaryconcern.Uses oftheword“information”tendtowardreducingit(tobinarycodein manyinstances)andmakingitpossibletocommercializeit(oruseitto sellsomethingelse).Aparallellogicisatworkinthewayeducationhas becomeawayofcertifying“transferableskills,”definedbyUKagencies asbanalitiessuchas“communicationskills,writtenandoral,”or“ability topresentknowledgeoranargumentinawaywhichiscomprehensible toothersandwhichisdirectedattheirconcerns”(quotedinGoodland 2002:401).
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Regarding both information and skills, universities and research institutionsarecenterstage,apparentlypromisingthekeystoknowledgeintensivewealthandprosperityinthefuture.Stateandcorporateelites nowroutinelyrefertoeducationasthebaseorgrounduponwhich economiccompetitivenesscanbebuilt,andtheyincreasinglytreatit asthemachinerywithwhichtoconstructtheenvironmentnecessary for supporting global capitalism. The architects of education policy mustknowthatknowledgeisandalwayshasbeenaboutcomplexity andvariety,butthesethingsgetsidelinedintheshort-termgoalsof corporation-friendlygovernment.Inshort,universities’socialfunction has changed: they are being asked to become direct incubators of wealthcreation.Academicshavevoicedtheirdissatisfactionwiththis trend,buttheyhavealsoacquiescedinit.Outcomesarecontingenton circumstancesinandaroundspecificdepartmentsandontheefforts ofindividualacademicsandresearchstudents. Where academic research and teaching are expected to pay for themselves,anthropologyisunlikelytobecomeamoneyspinner.It remainstoocaughtupintensionsthatarisefromahistoriographythatis firmlyanchoredintheriseofmodernscienceandWesternimperialism yethasastrongidentificationwiththeglobalSouth.Ittendstolend supporttothecounterhegemonicratherthantothestatusquo.Sincethe “culturalturn”broughtgeographers,sociologists,scholarsofliterature andthearts,andhistoriansclosertogether—someofthemanyway— thespecialprivilegeofanthropologyintherealmofculturehasbeen modified.Itnowneedstorespondtotheclaimsofotherprofessionals, particularlythoseinculturalstudies,toexpertiseintheareaofculture. Departmentsareanxiousabouttheeffectsoftheproliferationofdegree programsinmediaandculturalstudies.Anthropologistswatchwith concernasgovernmentrhetoricofefficiencyandtransparencycastsa favorablelightonmediastudies,becausestudentsincreasinglyenter it believing that they can subsequently apply their degree skills in workbeyondacademia.Thatthereisdisagreementovertheacademic respectabilityofmediastudiesaltersneitherthefiscalsituationnorthe continuinggrowthofdegreeprogramsinmediaandculturalstudies. Wheredisciplinaryboundariesaredebated,theoldquestionabout whether something is or is not anthropology is still being asked. Answers are generally, as Spencer indicated (2000: 17), to be found withintherelativelyintimatespaceofthedepartmentalseminar,where negotiationsarecarriedoutoverhowanthropologicalorotherwisea giventopicorstyleofenquiryis.Inanunflatteringyetdiscerningreview ofcurrentanthropology,JohnHutnyk(2002)turnedhisattentiontothe
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reproductionofanthropology.Hehighlightedtheinterestsofthosenot yetcaughtupintheongoinginternal“crisis”andmadethestrongclaim thatanyreinventionofanthropologythatmerelyrehearsedoldanxieties aboutfieldwork,withoutaddressingthedemandsmadebystudentsand youngerresearchers—nottomentionthepoliticalimperativetoput anthropologytowork—couldbetreatedonlyasabidtosustainthe critics (ourselves) in business. That means keeping anthropology so “anthropological”thatitwillforeverremainaclique(Hutnyk2002: 30–31).Iwouldaddthatthedisciplinewouldalsobenefitfromwriting inseveraldifferentregistersandpushinganthropologyoutwardfrom theacademy,forintellectualaswellaspoliticalreasons.5 A broadening of the discipline is, indeed, noticeable as research projectsandnewPhDsturntoethnographyclosertohome.Thisis,I hope,duenotonlytoworld-politicalandfinancialconstraintsbutalso tointellectualreasons.Thoughnotalwaysproblematizedassuch,the newlocationsofstudyalsomeannewwaysof(temporarily)positioning ourselves,thatis,oftheorizing.
EthnographyandPersuasiveness ManyanthropologistsIknowintheUnitedKingdomsaytheyhavetoo littletimefortheworktheyconsidertobemostimportant.Tosome extent,theyarealsonervousaboutalossofauthority.Contributing totherecentdebate,TimIngold(2003:23)notedthatanthropologists “haveahugewaytogointrainingbothourselvesandourstudents tospeakwithconvictionandauthorityonanthropologicalmatters.” Crisesofrepresentationandfearsofmisrepresentationnotwithstanding, foranthropologyandanthropologiststoflourish,thisissuehastobe tackled.Thehistoricallegacyofthemodernanthropologiststudyingthe nonmodernOthermustbeputtothebestpossibleuse,notcarriedalong asifitweretheoriginalsintobeconfessedatsuitableintervals. Theauthorityofmodernscientificknowledgereliesheavilyonerasing itsownsocialandinteractivefoundations.Itisnotsurprising,therefore, thattheclaimsofadisciplinebasedinethnographicfieldworktobe scientificareeasytochallenge.Yetanthropologistsneednotacquiesce inadefinitionofimportantornontrivialknowledgethatlimitsitto somethingmodeledonanidealizedbutinaccurateimageofmodern science. Thatanthropologypartakesofbothscienceandhumanitiesisarichness tocherishinitself.Anotheristhatanthropologists’commitmentto ethnographicmethodologymeansthattheygrappleharderwiththe
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ethicalandpoliticalimplicationsofknowledgethanisprobablythecase inmostotherdisciplines.Indeed,thetensionsofethnographicmethod arealreadyanexplicitpartoftheanthropologicalenterprise.AsInoted earlier,ethnographypromotesakindofpracticalphilosophy.Itdraws fromrealpeople’srealpreoccupationsinrealsituations;Iincludein thisteachingandconferencework,inwhichwelearnaboutandfrom eachother.Anthropologyandanthropologists,however,followscripts designed for the ever-changing needs of academic institutions, and thesearestillmodeledonmoderncriteriaofscholarshipandthevalue judgmentsofourmorepowerfulsponsors.Nowondertheidealofa detachedscientificproducerofknowledgeisinvoked,andethnographic othering reappears, just as it did prior to the publication of Writing Culture(CliffordandMarcus1986),howeveruncomfortablewemay bewithit. Increasingly, anthropology is carried out in situations in which otheringisnotanoption—forinstance,ifourinterestisinscientists, managers,orotherpowerfulgroups.Inthesecaseswetendtoadopt theroleof“documenter,”offeringtranscripts—editedonesforsure—of interviews,ratherthanblatantobjectification(e.g.,somethechapters inDowneyandDumit1997).Ourquestioningmakesour“informants” onlymoreself-consciousthantheyalreadywere,andsotheyactually behavelikeethnographersoftheirownlives,explainingeventsagainst underlyingcontexts.Butifsuch“anthropological”self-consciousness isoftentakenastypicalofmodernity,thisdoesnotentailthatothers (howeverdefined)arenotalsoseekingtomakesenseoftheircollective predicaments. Because of the explicit tensions of fieldwork, the anthropological studyofcontemporarymodernityathomeenhancesthepotentialto reinvigorate,notweaken,anthropology.Itisnotsomuchaquestion of the geographical location of the discipline but a question of the directions in which we take our intellectual project. For everywhere thatanthropologistsarestudyingmodernityethnographically,whether among intellectuals in Indonesia, youth workers in Paris, museum curatorsinGermany,orbrainsurgeonsinLondon,theyrendermodernityintospecificity.ThisquestionstheassumptionsboththatmodernityishomogeneityandthatmodernityisWestern.Italsoshowsupthe limitationsofpowerfuliffamiliarknowledgepractices. Alreadyintheearly1970s,LauraNader(1974)advocatedwhatshe called“studyingup,”notingthatitwouldposeimportantchallenges. Themostobviousproblemsaretheconstraintsimposedbythosewho havepoweroveranthropologists(ShoreandNugent2002),aswellas
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thecompromisesmadeasethnographersmoveintocorporations(Green andWakeford2001,MoneyProgramme2002).Andyetsuchsituations presentproblemsforallfieldworkers,whatevertheirresearchlocation. Ethnographicprocessinallcasesisshotthroughwithpowerrelations aswellasethicaldilemmas.Thelatterarisenotleastfromthefactthat keyanthropologicalknowledgeemergesoutofwhatisanintervention, evenanintrusion,intothelivesofpeoplewhoseownquestionsmay looknothinglikethosewewanttopose. Althoughaccesshasalwaysposedaproblem,anthropologyhaslong beendone“athome.”Evenmoreimportantly,givinguppretensions totheneutralityanduniversalityofEuropeanmodernityasastandard ofhumanityisaprojecttowhichanthropologyhascontributedfor a long time. Yet anthropologists have been reluctant to admit their debts to other disciplines, notably cultural and media studies, that havehadanimportantinfluenceonanthropologistswhohaveturned theirethnographicinterestshomeward.Certainlythelocationsforthe anthropologyofmodernityoverlapwiththelocationsofculturaland media studies: urban space (Green 1997), public spectacles (Harvey 1999),publicinstitutions(Shore2000),anddomesticinteriors(Hirsch 1998).Insuchsituations,culturalstudies’insistenceonthepolitical natureofcontemporarycultureandtheculturalnatureoftechnologyhas beenbroughtdirectlyintoanthropologicaldiscourse,andthewritings ofnon-anthropologistssuchasStuartHall(1993)andDonnaHaraway (1997)havebecomereferencesanthropologycannotdowithout. Thesewriters’explicitlypostcolonialistandfeministsensibilitiesinvite researcherstoencountertheirsubjectmatterwithasophisticationabout thecomplexityofsubjectpositionsthatmoretraditionalanthropology was able to sidestep. The us-them setup offeredto the metropolitan anthropologistworkinginthemarginsissimplyunavailable.Myown work,firstinmyPhDdissertationonGermanenvironmentalactivists andsubsequentlyonenvironmentalistsandbiotechnologyresearchers in Finland, has regularly drawn me into debates with “informants” aboutmyrelationshipswiththemandaboutculturalidentityingeneral, butalsoabouttheknowledgeIcanproduceaboutthem.Initially,such negotiations revolve around ethics, most bluntly in their question, “Whosesideareyouon?”—oftenapressingconcerninenvironmental conflictsaswellasinconcernsoverscience.Gradually,contextbrings nuancetothisquestion,anddifferentcommitmentsanddemandsare negotiated,leadingtosomeprovisionalanswersatleast,butconstantly leadingtonewdomainsofinquiry.Ethnographyhelpstomakesenseof situations,butitdoesnotexplainanythingtothepointofemptyingit.
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Asmyunderstandingofmyethnographicsubjects’workdeepens, togetherwiththeirunderstandingofmine,thedebatetendstoshift fromidentityissues(culture)towardepistemologyand,insomecases, toaccountabilityforknowledgeclaims.Forexample,inthetinybiotech labwhereImostrecentlyconductedresearch,thepowerof“the”market isaconstantpresenceindiscussions.Itsspecterloomsoverthefuture prospectsofthelabitselfwitheachnewbudgetandeachproposalfor researchfunds.Labworkershavenot(yet)askedmehowIintendto representthelabinrelationtothemarket,buttheyareconcernedthat Iunderstandthecomplexeconomicandpowerrelationswithinwhich they,livinginaremotepartofFinland,findthemselves.I,aresearcher identified with the capital city and with an academic affiliation in London,havepowerstheydonot,andtheynegotiatetheirrelationship tomewithcare.Identitythenbecomesaquestionofhowourrelationship ismediated.Identityalsoaccruestotheknowledgeweproduce.From their professional perspective, anthropological knowledge seems to be interesting and worthwhile, though its uses are not immediately obvious.Theremaynotbesymmetrybetweenthevaluesplacedon biochemistryandanthropology,buttheencounterproducesmoments ofmutualinterrogationaswellasrecognitionandrespect. WhatIamsuggestingisthatoneoftheuniquestrengthsofethnographicmethodis—orcouldbe—itsdialoguewith“informants,”whoever theanthropologistisandwhoeverthepeoplebeingstudiedare.The encounterensuresthatwhetheracknowledgedornot,anthropological exegesis proceeds from an “ethnographic moment,” one of overlap betweenthefieldoutthere(thelivesof“informants”)andthefield over here (academic discourse), and thus is always in debt to forms of native exegesis (Berglund 2001; Strathern 1988, 1999a, 1999b). Despitethis,itseemstherehasbeenafudgeinthehistoryofAngloAmericananthropology.Intheveryactofmakingitsobject,andthus oflegitimatingitsspecificity,anthropologyhidfromitselfthesource ofsomeofitsmorecreativeimpulses:thevoicesandquestionsofthe peopleitusedtocallinformants. Itistheresolutelycontextualpracticeofethnographythatprovides groundsonwhichtoresist“grandnarratives,”butitalsogivesusroom todocumentandanalyzewithouttakingsidesormoralizing.Parentheticallyspeaking,sincethelaunchingoftheso-calledwaronterrorism, an added urgency has characterized anthropological questioning of howculturaldifferenceisorganized.Wehavetoolsfornarratingand analyzing“terrorism”ortheinvasionofIraqthatwasbeingprepared evenaswediscussedtheseissuesatthesymposium.Inlecturehalls,
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forinstance,wehaveplentywithwhichtoworkwithinaconventional anthropologicaltradition,notleasttheknowledgethatintheplaces where many of us study, inexplicable disasters are common, or the insight that electronic media are extraordinarily powerful political tools. Despite the fact that anthropologists know that modernity is not confinedto,orevenreallybornof,theWest,anddespitedecadesof postcolonialtheory,eveninanthropologydualisticthinkingstillpits modernityagainstindigeneity,scienceagainsttradition.Yettheauthors ofethnographicstudiesoftechnoscience,nottomentioncritiquesof thediscipline,cogentlyarguethatEuropean-style“greatdivides”(see Latour1993)arenotnecessarytothetaskofmaintainingintellectual orderortechnicaleffectiveness.Ifourintellectualaswellasourmoral impulseistotreatasourconcernallhumanrelationships,andifour methodistoengagewithpeopleascapable(ashumansare)ofnarrating theirownpredicaments,then“greatdivides”areofmoreinteresttous assymbolicconstructsthanasanalyticalaids.Andethnographically speaking, we know that the modern West is neither standard nor uninteresting. Thecomplexityoftherelationshipbetweencultureandeconomics intheneocolonialworldsuggeststhatoneofourtasksistoreassess whatitmightmeantoproducenontrivialknowledgeofcultureand society.Anotheristocommunicatetonon–socialscientiststhatthere isnothingmereortrivialaboutcultureorcontext.True,thenontrivial isstillgenerallyequatedwiththeuniversal,andincreasinglywiththe calculable, a view that carries substantial authority in many places whereanthropologistswanttohaveinfluence. Theanalysisofmodernityinallitsforms,however,givesanthropologyanopportunitytodemonstratethatuniversalityandobjectivity arethemselveshistoricallyspecificvalues.Wecanevendemonstrate thatnaturalscienceandothernontrivialknowledgebendsaccordingto theneedsofpolitico-economicpower(e.g.,Martin1994),butalsothat therearelimitstosuchexcesses.Alongsidetheapparentfixityofmodern knowledge,modernityandtheWest/North,includinganthropology itself,alsooperatewithinamoregeneralWesternframework,namely, constructionistunderstandingsofknowledge.Notonlyanthropology but also a whole range of other discourses increasingly account for context/nature/sciencebyeverfurtherconstruction,asMarilynStrathern persuasivelyarguedinAfterNature(1992).Thisprecipitatesageneralized crisis, because if nature is treated as culturally constructed, then it seemstoleavenothingsolidenoughtogroundanargument.Thisisan
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uncomfortablepredicamentforeveryone.HereIamconcernedwithits implicationsforanthropologistswhomightwanttodiscriminate,ifnot adjudicate,betweenhealthandpathology,humanorenvironmental. Putdifferently,inacrisis-riddenworld(singular),studying“worlds” (e.g.,Augé1999)wouldseemtobearelativizingindulgenceonlythe privilegedcanafford.
AnthropologizingOurselves Penny Harvey’s ethnography of Seville’s 1992 Universal Exhibition (Harvey 1996, 1999) shows how playing with worlds can become a pastime. It also traces the ways in which modern habits of thought havebeenchangingandstayingthesame: [I]nitslatetwentieth-centuryguisethisuniversalfairdistinguisheditself fromthefairsofthepreviouscenturyinthedegreetowhichitexhibited an awareness of itself, of its own history and its own artifice. The exhibitorsmusedonthenatureofmodernityandexplicitlyaddressed the central issues in sociological debates about globalisation such as: multiculturalismandthepluralnatureofsociety,thelinksbetweenthe global and the local, the temporal and the universal, the ironic play with similarity and difference, the familiar and the strange, the traditional and the modern, uniqueness and wholeness, discontinuity and continuity(1999:225).
Visitors to the exhibition, with their self-consciousness and their ethnographicsensibilities,werenotunlikeprofessionalanthropologists. Buttheywerenotcontemplatingsimilarityanddifferenceasresources foranacademicpursuit,operatingsimultaneouslyatseverallevelsof analysis,orpayingscholarlyattentiontothecontextsofpowerwithin whichtheiractivitiesunfolded.Thesethingsareallrequiredofgood ethnography,awordthatreferslessandlesstofieldworkmethodor eventoaresultingtextandmoretoamethodology(Berglund2001), a mode of questioning rather than a method for gleaning answers.6 Ethnographytodayincorporatespersonalexperienceandlong-term, in-depthfieldwork,butalsodiscourseanalysis,mediaanalysis,surveys of government documents, and, increasingly, dialogue with experts in fields as distant (or as close) as business management, medicine, engineering, science, and art, and of course dialogue with students andpeers.
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Whilecultureanddifferencetakeonnewmeaningsoutsidetheacademy, they operate within the academy, too. So let me return to the preoccupationswithwhichIbegan,thoseconcerninganthropologists’ experiencesofdisciplinarytransformationswithinsystemsofpower. Avolumepublishedin2000calledAuditCultures,editedbyMarilyn Strathern,turnsitsanthropologicalattentiontopreciselytheseissues.7 Audit Cultures was the product of the conference of the European AssociationofSocialAnthropologistsheldinFrankfurtin1998,and soitreflectstheconcernsofprofessionalanthropologistsbeyondthe United Kingdom. When its contributors wrote about administrative organizations, which writers often render faceless and soulless and juxtaposeagainstthelivelyculturalfeaturesofotherarenasofhuman action,theybroughtthemtolifewithfacesandactions.Theirempirical detailsrevealedmanysimilaritiesinadministrativeproceduresacross nationalandinstitutionalcontexts(apointraisedfrequentlyduring theWenner-Grensymposium). Atthesametime,welearnthattransformationsinadministrative organizationsareinflectedthroughdifferentconditionsthatcannot bereducedtoblanketconceptionsofmodernityassimplyglobalor, indeed,ofmodernizationitself.Withouttheempiricalelementthat connects the micro with the macro, the collection would be less compelling,andtheargumentthatsmallchangesmatterinthelong run,lesspersuasive.Welearnthat“likeinstitutionalclientselsewhere, scholarshavehelpedtoreproducethebureaucraciestheyfear”(Amit 2000:230).Wealsolearnthatuniversitieseverywhereareincreasingly castasproducersofliteralexchangevalue,oratleastasthesourcesof fueltopowertheindustriesoftheinformationsociety.AlthoughIdo notreadthevolumeasawholeasbeingnaïveaboutthelonghistory oftheacademy’srelationshiptocapitalism(includingstate-socialism capitalism), its chapters nevertheless identify something specifically newandworthexploringinthewaycommerce,state,andacademy articulate. Therhetoricalforceofthecontributionsisnodoubtheightenedby theirjuxtaposing—implicitlyifnotexplicitly—“their”mythico-ritual worldwith“our”rational-technicalone.“They,”however,arenotjust evilbureaucrats(letaloneprimitives)butpeopleverymuchlike“us.” Thecontributorsdemonstratethattoanthropologizethemodernisto relativizeit,tomakeitimpossibletomeasuredifferenceasdeviation fromastandard—whichismodernityitself.Thisdoesnotmean,though, thatdifferenceandspecificity(peculiarity)areerasedoraestheticizedin thewayIsuggestedhasbeenthefateofculture—quitetheopposite.
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Theaudit,forinstance,ispresentedasanimportantritual.Itisrepetitiveandoftenincomprehensibletoitscongregation,andyetitis transformative and efficacious. Most bluntly, it can turn numerical representationsintotangiblerealities—forinstance,intotheallocation ofresources.Anaudit,instantiatedintheResearchAssessmentExercise, forexample,alsorevisespeople’sunderstandingsofwhatknowledge mightbeandofwhocanuseit.Theritualsofauditandaccountability alsomakeandbreakcommunities,enablingandconstrainingindividuals intheireffortstooccupycertainpositions.Theytendtohomogenize academicprojects,nowconstrainedbynarrowandutilitariandefinitions ofwhatisworthwhile. ThecontributorstoAuditCulturesplaywithcontextandperspective, foregroundingspecificrelationships.Theydemonstrateonceagaina methodologicalpointthatStrathernhasconsideredelsewhere—that “anthropologists are adept at dividing the world in order to create freshexplanatorycontextsforrelationships”(Strathern1995:166).By doingsowemay,asStrathernimplies,beintensifyingdebatesinternal toanthropologythatleaveothersunmoved.Ontheotherhand,such an exercise does provide a way to challenge the “metropolitan provincialism”(toborrowanaptphrasefromtheeditorsofthisvolume) that claims its own totalizing vision as universal. The exercise also encouragesanthropologiststomakerelationshipsappearinwhichthey themselvesareaccountable.Thatis,ethnography,likeitornot,puts us all into networks of accountability as people, wherever the field maybe. AuditCulturesresonateswithtechnoscienceinFinlandandaboveall withmyexperiencesofBritishacademia,bothofwhichpursuitsare preoccupiedwithproductivismbutalsoidentity.Thevolumegoesbeyond acritiqueofageneralizedmodernity;ittakestotasktheassumptions ofvirtuebuiltintoanthropologyitself,aswellastheimpotencewith whichacademicshavegenerallyrespondedtodemandsforfinancial accountability.Itinvitesaself-criticalreadingbecauseitacknowledges thatacademicsoftenexperiencedemandsforaccountabilityasvitalizing and,atthesametime,potentiallydestructive. Itmightbesuggestivetocomparetheapproachtakenbycontributors toAuditCultureswithrecentworkinsociology,anotherdisciplineapparentlyincrisis(e.g.,Beck2000).Sociologyincreasinglyoffersavisionof aworldthatisunmanageablebecauseofitsglobalscaleandbecauseit isconstitutedasanamalgamofindividualsor,atbest,networks,society havingbeenproclaimeddeadbyBritain’sMargaretThatcherherself. Theuniversethatsocialthinkersareaskedtodealwithisfragmented,
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asopposedtoconsistingof“society”or“societies,”andishorizontally andflexiblynetworked,asopposedtobeingverticallyintegrated.This requiresaresponsefromthesocialsciences.Onegoodresponseisto“do anthropology,”insistingonrealitiesthatarebasedinhumanrelations ratherthaninEurocentric“grandnarratives”andtheircrises:“theend ofhistory,”“societyisdead,”andsoon. AkeyinsightpresentedinanotherofStrathern’sbooks,AfterNature: EnglishKinshipintheLateTwentiethCentury(1992),wasthattreating contextasgroundsforknowledge,includingknowledgeofnatureand science, precipitates epistemological and political crises. We know thatEuropeanmodernityhasbequeathedanobsession—namely,the requirementthatinsideandoutside(forexample,ofasociety)beclearly separated.Intheconstructionistviewofknowledge,inwhichcontext providesexplanation,if“theglobal”(asinglobalculture)or,indeed, “theworld”(worldmarkets)istheobjectofanalysis,thenthereisno candidateforthecontextthatprovidesthe(back)ground,thatis,the explanatorycontext.Afterall,whatismoreglobal,moreencompassing, than the world, or even the global economic environment? Does societyreallyconstructnature?Doesculture?Doesglobalizationkill anthropology? The answer to the last three questions is no, but the point is that anethnography-anthropologythatcanaccommodateafocusonthe contemporarymodernwouldnotposetheminthefirstplace.Such questionscould,however,ariseoutofimperialistanthropology,because “a”(primitive)societycouldbeimaginedasaworlduntoitself,one thatethnographymightcaptureholistically.Modernity,ontheother hand,wasalwaystoo“complex”eventoofferthepossibilityofbeing graspedholistically.Westrivetomakeitmoremanageablebytreating onlyapartofit,anaspectofitscomplexity.Thus,itisnotsocietyor cultureassuchbut“ethics,audit,policy”thatincreasinglyaretaken tobe“theplacestobelookingthesedaysifoneislookingforsociety” (Strathern2000:282).Ethics,audit,andpolicyaredomainsthatwe cannameandthatenableustotracenetworksthateffectchangeand mediatepower.Questionsmustbeaskedabouthowtheydoso,and with what consequences. In doing so, ethnographers are inevitably caughtupinrelationshipsofaccountabilitythatinformwhattheycan askandhowtheyrepresent. OneoftheprinciplesthatguidesworkonEuropeanmodernitysuchas AuditCulturesisthatitisunnecessarytodiscriminatebetweencomplex andsimplesocialsystems(Harvey1996).Whatevercomplexityinheres inanthropologicalworkisintheanalysis;homeandawayareassimple
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or as complex as one’s questioning allows. And so, in ethnographic perspective, anthropologizing is not at all about contextualizing to thepointofmakingrealityvanish.Itismoreaboutdifferentwaysof makingpowervisible.Itisalsoaboutgivingustheconfidence,first, thatsocialpowercanbeanalyzedand,second,thatwedonothave toidealizescientificmethodasaunitarylanguagefromwhichsocial scientistsareunhappilyexcluded. MichelFoucault’sworkcontinuestoinspiresuchprojects,butmore specificallyIwouldnotetheinfluenceofBrunoLatourandMarilyn Strathern.TheircontributionstoanalyzingEuro-Americanknowledge practicesprovidegoodmodelsforanthropologizingmodernity.Constructionist arguments regarding knowledge and power in domains whereconstructionismusednottoapply—specifically,technoscience— resonate and so help to provide new understandings across a broad rangeofsituations,fromtheusesofinformationtechnology(Greenand Harvey1999)toenvironmentalism(Berglund1998)andthecreation oftheEuropeanUnion(Shore2000).Importantly,suchcontributions interrogatethecriteriabywhichtheythemselvesmightbejudged,but theauthorsdonotletthatstopthemfromtryingtobepersuasive.Truth claimsmaybeculturallyspecific,butnowherearetheyinsignificant. Also,inthesupposedlymodernWest,theyarecertainlyundergoing change(seethepreviouslyquotedpassagefromHarvey1999). Inthecontemporaryworld,seeingisnolongerbelieving.Harvey’s ethnographyoftheSevilleExpodemonstratesthecontinuingimpulse inEuropeanmodernitytotreatknowledgeasimage(1996:161).This, too,exacerbatesthecrisisunleashedby“toomuch”constructionism, because it risks turning knowledge into opinion. Where images are treatedasrepresentationsofsomethingelse,theyarealwaysslightly inaccurateandpartial.YetEuropeanmodernity,Harveyseemstosuggest, provokeslessworryoverrepresentationthanbefore.Eventssuchasthe SevilleExpoconfrontvisitorsandanalystsalikewithcultureasimage only.Thecontextfornewknowledgeis,then,notnatureorgroundbut moreculture—forinstance,inahigh-techinteractivedisplayofSpanish history(Harvey1996:151),wherepeoplearemovedbydifferencethat isvisible.Andwhatmovespeoplehastobereal,evenifitisvirtual. Reflectingonwhichrealitiesmovepeopleandhowsocietiesjudge knowledge claims, we know that the modern categories of thought that used to legitimate claims to nontrivial knowledge still operate insomeinstitutions—notablythosecommittedtomodernizationof one kind or other. We also know that in many places the power of dualisticthoughtisdiminishedorsuperseded.Nevertheless,wecannot
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ignorethesignificanceofprofitsinthewaytrivialityandimportanceare currentlyjudged.Andyettheethnographicenterprise,whethercarried outinsituationsofextremeinequalityornot,constantlybringstothe foretheimpoverishmentthatsuchaconceptualizationbringsabout.As PennyHarvey(personalcommunication)putit,anthropologyisgeared lesstowardknowingmorethantowardknowingotherwise,something thatourquantity-obsessedworlddesperatelyneedstorecognize. Thus,asanthropologyseeksaviablerole,itmusthavetheconviction ofitsownprinciplethatalthoughethnographicknowledgeisirreducible tocalculation,itisnontrivial.Ethnographicdialoguemeansthatculture andsociety,andtheirmeanings,arethemselvestreatedasdynamic,as wellasspecifictoparticularsocialformsandculturalnorms.Indeed, anthropologistsoverthedecadeshavearguedthatmechanismsforbeing persuasive,nontrivial,orevenrealarehardlyuniversal.Atthesame time,theyhavediscoveredthatsuchmechanismsarealsoanecessary partofbeinghuman,asisexistinginrelationsofpower. Experiences in the academy suggest that the more we have tried tobepersuasivebyadaptingtohegemoniceconomiccredentialsand theiroftennumericindicators,thelesswehaveofsomethingwemight considerdistinctiveorproductive.Althoughanthropologists,too,have submitted to an ideology that pretends to value only demonstrable improvementinresultsratherthanpassionordialogue,weknowthe significanceoftheuniversity,andourscholarshipisnotonlythatwhich isaccessibletoadministrativescrutiny. Mypersonalcareerdecisionsnotwithstanding,Ibelieveanthropologicalresearch,whereveritsprimaryfocus,providesprecioustoolsfor expandingexperienceandmakingsenseofthechaosaroundus.Imuse onthepossibleimplicationsforworldanthropologies.Needanthropologistsceasetobeanthropologistsoncetheyresigntheirposts?Could anthropologybestrengthenedifthepolicingofdisciplinaryboundaries within the anthropological community were treated with the same disdainasthepolicingofethnicboundariesbeyondit?Andfurther, doesanthropologicalknowledgenotalreadyrefusethemodernconceit thatknowledgethatcannotberepresentedandfixedistrivial?Ifwe insistonthenontrivialityofsuchformsofknowledge,wearealready operatingagainsthegemoniclevelingdevices—numbersand,asIhave emphasized,cultureasdifference.
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Notes Thanks to Emma Tarlo, Adam Reed, Mitchell Sedgwick, Penny Harvey, and PatCaplan(allofwhomsaidverydifferent,oftencontradictorythings)and tothewonderfulparticipantsintheWenner-Grensymposium.Theviewsand analysesonthesepagesremainmyown. 1. Thegrant-givingstatebody,theearlierSocialScienceResearchCouncil, establishedin1965,wastransformedintotheESRC,theEconomicandSocial Research Council, in 1983. It was so named in consequence of the government’ssuspicionsoverthescientificcredentialsofsocialresearch—notscience butresearch.Italsohighlightedeconomicresearchasthekeysocialscience. FromtheinceptionoftheESRC,fundingforresearchstudentswascurtailed (Spencer2000:11). 2. Icanspeakonlyfrompersonalexperiencesandanecdotes,butIhavein mindtwoofthecountry’soutstandingdepartments,thoseatCambridgeand theLondonSchoolofEconomics. 3. Birmingham’sDepartmentofCulturalStudiesandSociology,thedirect institutionaloutcomeofthisnowfamousresearch,wasforcedtoclosedown in the summer of 2002, leaving staff as well as students to seek academic homesinotherdepartments. 4. MichaelHerzfeld,inhisinnovativeandcollaborativebookAnthropology: TheoreticalPracticeinCultureandSociety(2001),hasevencalledanthropology apracticeoftheory. 5. Further,whatcountsasacademicworkshouldincludemuchthatisnot peer-reviewedarticlesormonographs,anargumentrecentlymadebymany non-anthropologists involved in fieldwork, activism, or both (e.g., Mountz 2002). 6. Wecannotafford,however,toignorethefactthatforthosesuchasthe marketresearchersrecentlyenthralledbyit(MoneyProgramme2002),ethnographicresearchequateswithfollowingpeoplearound. 7. Stratherndiscussedtheseissuesinher1997article,“‘ImprovingRatings’: AuditintheBritishUniversitySystem,”aswell.
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The Production of Other Knowledges and Its Tensions From Andeanist Anthropology to Interculturalidad?
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narecentvolume,theanthropologist-politicianCarlosIvánDegregori (2000)describedanthropologistsinPeru,hiscountryandmine,as havingdevelopedaninward-lookinganalyticalviewpointthatlacked comparativeperspective.Thissituation,heexplained,contrastedwith thatintheNorthernHemisphere,whereaccesstobibliographicand fundingresourcesprovidedscholarswithabroaderviewthat,nonetheless, featured an inward-looking tradition of its own. Although resources allowedthemtocompareandcontrastanthropologicalknowledgeabout Andeancountries,theygenerallydidsowithinformationpublished inEnglish,mostlybyUSscholars.Asanexampleofthisparochialism (which,however,isnotgenerallyconsideredsuch,giventheauthority ofNorthAmericaasanacademiccenter),hementionedanarticleby aUScolleaguedevotedtoanassessmentofAndeananthropologyin which“outofsixty-twotitlesmentionedinthebibliography,onlytwo arebyPeruvianscholars,andoneofthemisinEnglish,andwritten byaPeruvianwomanteachingintheUS.”Yetsuggestingthecomplex geopoliticsofknowledge-powerrelations,Degregoriadmittedthathis own review of Peruvian anthropology excluded, or at the very least subordinated,knowledgeproducedinprovincialuniversities(Degregori 2000:17–18). ThehegemonyofEuro-Americanacademicanthropologyemerges from apparently innocuous disciplinary interactions. As Degregori’s self-criticismalertsus,evencriticaldispositionsmayproveinsufficient 201
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toshelterusfromthishegemony;weneed,attheveryleast,todisrupt the silence in which it thrives. Universal in appearance, Western forms of knowledge and their practices are not confined to Europe ortheUnitedStates—theyhaveexceededthoseterritoriesforalmost six centuries now. Articulated by a vocation to spread reason, the moderngeopoliticsofknowledgebothestablishedacenter(theNorth Atlantic) and surpassed it, thus constituting regional academic (and intellectual)formationswiththeirowncenters,wheretheinstitutions ofreasonaccrued,andperipheries,whererationallogichadaweaker establishedpresence.Theseregionalformationscompriseacomplex configuration of multiple, hierarchically organized centers, some of whichare“peripheral”inrelationtoother“morecentral”ones. Runningthroughthisconfiguration,layeredandmany-directional relationsofdominationandsubordinationcontributetoshapingwhat eventuallyisconsidereduniversalknowledgeandwhatremainslocal information—bothworldwideandinspecificcountries.Indeed,this“universal”andthis“local”arealsorelativewithintheconfiguration;how farlocalknowledgemakesitdepends—webelievehegemonically—on its“theoreticalstrength,”andthisisproblematicalifbythatwemeana knowledgepracticethatextractsgeneralnotionsoutoflocalmeanings and,intheprocess,deniestheirsingularity. ToillustratethehegemonyofEuro-Americanformsofknowledge, andspecificallytheprocessthroughwhichitisachieved,Iattemptin thischapteragenealogicalanddialogicaldiscussionofthataspectof LatinAmericananthropologyknownasAndeanism.IfollowAndeanism asitconnectedwithacademicformationsintheUnitedStates,aswell as with political-intellectual discussions within Latin America and Peru—specifically with debates about mestizaje and interculturalidad.1 Ibeginmystoryearlyinthetwentiethcentury,whenanthropology hadnotyetcoalescedasadiscipline.Nevertheless,discussionsabout “culture”fuelednationalistprojectspromotedbyaregionalnetworkof intellectualswho,undertherubricofmestizaje,eventuallycontributed totheemergenceandarticulationofLatinAmericaasageopolitical regionofsorts.Significantly,thediscussionswerealsomarkedbywhat thesociologistAníbalQuijano(1993)labeled“thecolonialityofpower,” ahistoricalgeopoliticalconditionthatdelegitimatednon-Westernforms ofmakingsenseoftheworld,temporalizedthemaspremodern,and thussetthemupforwhatJohannesFabian(1983)callednoncoeval representations.2 Laterinthechapter,Idescribetheemergenceofanothernetwork, thatofindigenousintellectuals.Withanidentitythatwouldhavebeen oxymoronicattheturnofthetwentiethcentury,whenIndianswere
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unthinkableasrationalbeings,letaloneintellectuals,thisnetwork,acting nationallyandinternationally,rebukesthehomogenizingnarrativeof mestizajeandproposesinsteadinterculturalidad,asocialrelationableto produceapoliticalcommunitythatindigenousintellectualsimagine throughethnic-cultural(evenontological)diversity. BeforeIdescribethisnetwork,however,inthesecondsectionofthe chapterIinterruptwhatcouldotherwisehavebeenasequence—that is,frommestizajetoanti-mestizajeandfromtraditionaltograssroots intellectualsandpoliticians.InthissectionIusethelifeandworksof thePeruvianliterarywriterandanthropologistJoséMaríaArguedasto illustratehowPeruviansocialscientistscontributedtothehegemony ofuniversalknowledgeinaperipheralcenter(Lima)bydisqualifying Arguedas’s attempts (visionary in the 1960s) to redirect mestizaje into interculturalidad and to promote the diversity that indigenous intellectualscurrentlychampion.ArguedaswasacontroversialPeruvian intellectual, and his life and works were situated at several highly unusual crossroads. He was both a non-indigenous intellectual and anindigenousQuechua,anethnographerandaliterarywriterwhose work resists a binary classification as either fiction or ethnography. Whilethismaybecommonsensicaltopostcolonialsensibilities,inthe modernizing1960sArguedas’slifeandworkdefiedthelimitsofcertified sociological-anthropologicalknowledgeandthepoliticalprojectsthis knowledgesustained. Arguedasidentifiedhimselfas“acivilizedmanwhohasnotstopped beingatthecoreanindigenousPeruvian”(Dorfman1970:45).This idea,alsopersonifiedinthecharactersofhisstories,challengedthe nationalistteleologyofmestizaje,theideathatIndianswouldbeincludedinthePeruviannationasmestizosonlyoncetheycompleted requirementsforcivilization.Arguedas’sself-identification,aswellas hiswork,stroveagainstthe“colonialityofpower,”whichsupported imagesofindigenousAndeansas“inferior,”andtheideologicalhistoricism that legitimated this perception. By historicism I mean the conceptualizationofhistoricaltimeasameasureofthe“cultural”distanceb-etweencoexistingWesternandnon-Westernformations(see Chakrabarty2000).Intriguingly,andtowardtheconstructionof“world anthropologies,” Arguedas’s work disrupted the silent hegemony of Westernformsofknowledge.
TheInter-AmericanHubofPeruvianAnthropology Andeanism,asasetofacademicideasandfieldworkpractices,emerged indialoguewithanthropologyintheUnitedStatesand,inanapparent
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paradox,withLatinAmericandebatesaboutmestizaje.Animportant actorinbothnetworkswasJohnVictorMurra,aRomanianbybirthwho, inthe1970s,whileteachinganthropologyatCornellUniversity,was oneofArguedas’smostintenseinterlocutors.YetMurra’sparticipationin theUS–LatinAmericannetworkpredatedthisfriendship.Ihavetraced itbackto1952,whenMurrawenttoJamaicaasaPhDstudenthiredby SidneyMintz,ananthropologistfromtheUnitedStateswhowasthen workinginPuertoRicounderthesponsorshipofJulianSteward.From Jamaica,MurrawenttoCuba,wherehemetFernandoOrtiz,theauthorof CubanCounterpoint:TobaccoandSugar(1995[1947]),perhapstheearliest historicalethnographyproducedbyaLatinAmericanintellectual,the firsteditionofwhichhadaprologuebyBronislawMalinowski.Ortiz coined the term transculturación, with which he rebuked the notion of“acculturation”andjoinedthediscussionofmestizaje,ifperhaps onlyimplicitly. FromCuba,MurratookaboattoYucatánandthenaplanetoMexico City,wherehemetÁngelPalerm,aSpanishanthropologistwhohad fledFranciscoFranco’sfascism(Castro,Aldunate,andHidalgo2000:43). ThegrouplaterincludedtheMexicanGonzaloAguirreBeltrán,acrucial interlocutorinthemestizajedialoguewhohadstudiedanthropologyat NorthwesternUniversitywithMelvilleHerskovitzandwas,likeOrtiz, interestedinAfricanía.Thisdensenetworkoffriendships,collegiality, chance,andpoliticalpassions,connectingatleasttheUnitedStates, Cuba,Mexico,andSpain,underscoresthecomplexityofanthropological conceptualitinerariesacrosstheAmericasatthetimeandbeliessimple unidirectionalflowsofknowledgefromNorthtoSouth.Italsosuggests aregionalLatinAmericanintellectualformationthatcrossednational boundariesandconnectedgenealogicallywithanearliernetwork,one thatexistedbeforethecreationofanthropologyinLatinAmerica. Articulatedbyaregionalist-cum-nationalistpoliticaldrive,thisnetwork had, since the late nineteenth century, grouped intellectuals around the idea of Indo-America, a subcontinental community that intellectualsimaginedemergingfromtheircommonpre-Columbian andHispanicculturalpasts.3Witnessing,participatingin,oropposing politicaleventssuchastheMexicanRevolutionandtheincreasingly expansionistventuresoftheUnitedStatesinLatinAmerica,particularly the Marine invasion of Nicaragua in the 1920s, the leaders of IndoAmericaknewofeachother,andsomeevenworkedtogether.4Generally, Indo-Americanists(commonlyknownasIndigenistas)wereprovincial intellectuals(mostlylawyers)familiarwiththeirsurroundings:archaeologicalremains,folklore,colonialwritings,vernacularlanguages,and indigenouswaysofliving.
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As anthropology consolidated in the United States, Indigenistas traveled north, both to share their local knowledge with their US counterparts and to have it academically certified. Julio C. Tello, an archaeologist from Peru, acquired an honorary degree at Harvard in theearly1920s,andtheMexicanManuelGamioobtainedhisdegreeat Columbia,wherehewasoneofFranzBoas’sstudents.LuisE.Valcárcel, headoftheMuseumofHistoryinLima(createdin1930),touredseveral universities in the United States, where he was “impressed with the Boasian,Smithsonian,andHarvardinstitutions”(Salomon1985:89; Valcárcel1981).TheUSacademy,however,didnotexhaustIndigenistas’ intellectualinterests,forIndo-Americanismwasalsoapoliticaldoctrine— andanti-imperialistatthat.Mexicowasanimportantideologicalhub inthenetwork,thesiteofasuccessfulrevolutionandasourceofideas aboutmestizaje. Mestizajewasademographicpolicy,apopulation-makingtool,that promised to uplift the indigenous groups by shaking off their backwardness.ItrepresentedLatinAmerica’spotentialasafutureequalof itsnorthernneighborswhileacceptingtheinferiorityoftheregionin itscurrentstageofevolution.Navigatingthepolitical-academicnetwork that connected the two Americas, Latin American nationalist discussantsofmestizajeencounteredtheconceptof“acculturation”; indeed,theymightevenhaveinfluencedit,asRalphBeals(1953)seems to have suggested.5 Resuming Paul Radin’s (1913) discussions of the influenceofwhitesonindigenousculturesintheUnitedStates,in1936 the American Anthropological Association included “acculturation studies” as a legitimate field for anthropological work and defined it as “the investigation of the cultures of natives that participate in civilizedlife.”6Ayearearlier,theSocialScienceResearchCouncil(SSRC) had established a subcommittee to promote “acculturation studies” (Beals1953;Patterson2001;Sartori1998),andtheAmericanCouncil ofLearnedSocieties(ACLS)createdaCommitteeonLatinAmerican StudiesthatyearslaterbecameanACLS-SSRCjointcommittee.These associationsweretocoordinateresearchandresourceswithpolicyneeds of the US government as indicated by the Office of Inter-American Affairs,thecoordinatorofwhichwasNelsonRockefeller.Withfunds fromthisinstitution,theNorthAmericanJohnCollierjoinedMexican anthropologists in founding, in the 1940s, the Instituto Indigenista Interamericano. Its mission was “to carry out research on ‘Indian problems’incountriesintheWesternHemisphere”(Patterson2001:95). Throughtheseandotherconnections,“acculturation”enteredtheIndoAmericanistnetwork,whereitmetbothadherentsandopponents.7
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Startinginthisperiod,fundsforcollaborativeresearch(particularly fromtheUnitedStates)becameacrucialcomponentofLatinAmerican(ist)anthropologyanditspolitics.8TheHandbookofSouthAmerican Indians(1947–59)isaniconofsuchcollaboration.Producedunderthe auspicesoftheOfficeofInter-AmericanAffairsandtheleadershipofthe archaeologistWendellBennetandthematerial-ecologistJulianSteward, theHandbookresultedfromacollaborationbetweenSouthernersand Northernersthatmusthavebeenfraughtwiththetensionsofacademic hierarchies. “The North American creators of the Handbook and the FrenchethnologistsoftheInstitutoFrancésdeEstudiosAndinostook as apprentices a large number of Peruvian students,” wrote Frank Salomon(1985:90).Yetthe“Peruvianstudents”wereprominentIndigenistas,salientparticipantsintheregionalmestizajenetworkand influential“local”intellectual-politiciansandlawmakersinPeru.Their “apprenticeship”wasspecifictothedisciplineofanthropologythen emergingfromtheIndo-Americannetwork—agroupthatwaspoliticallyinfluentialintheSouthyetacademicallysubordinatedtoNorth Atlanticcentersofknowledge,particularlytotheUnitedStatesand(to alesserdegree)France. ConcernedwiththecreationofPeruasamodernnation,enmeshedin officialpolitics,andboastinganIncaheritage,Peruviananthropologists chosepastandpresentAndean“indigenouscultures”astheirobjectof studyandpoliticalrepresentation.Thefirstanthropologicalinstitutions tobeestablishedinPeru,inthe1940sandunderstatesponsorship,were museums,theInstitutodeEtnologíayArqueología,andthePeruvian chapteroftheInstitutoIndigenistaInteramericano,whichhaditsmain officeinMexicoCity.Overthenextfifteenyears,anthropologybecame an established discipline in Peru, and as the epicenter of a “culture area”ofitsown,PerubecamethecenterofUSAndeananthropology, rivaling Mexico and shadowing the development of Andeanism in neighboringBolivia,Ecuador,Chile,Argentina,andColombia.IncontrasttothesituationinMexico,thePeruvianstate’seconomicsupport foranthropologyweakenedbythe1960s,andthedisciplinecameto dependalmostentirelyonpublicandprivatefundsfromtheUnited States and Europe. As in the rest of the world, the historical linear narrativeproposedbymodernizationtheory—inbothitsrightistand leftistversions—weighedheavilyonPeruduringthisperiod. InPeru,theprevalenceofmodernizationparadigmsmeantreinforcingtheteleologyofmestizaje.TheearlierIndigenistaculture-history nationalistrhetoric,however,wasreplacedbyaneconomisticdiscourse coloredbythepolarizedpoliticalideologiesthenprevalent.Conservative
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proposals envisioned Indians becoming “farmers” or normalized as urban mestizos. From the other end of the spectrum, revolutionary projectsrequired“peasants”or“wageearners”ratherthansuperstitious Indiansimmersedinsubsistenceeconomies.Proponentsof“dependency theory” shared this view. “Dependentistas,” as they were known, represented a left-inclined conceptual alternative to modernization theoriesthatemergedinLatinAmericaandheldthattheregion’slack ofindustrialdevelopmentwasaresultofhistoricalcolonialrelations of domination and contemporary capitalist economic exploitation. Fromthisviewpoint,theinfluentialPeruviansociologistAníbalQuijano proposedinthe1960sthatmestizajebeconceptualizedascholificación— thetransformationoftheruralindiointotheurbancholo. Thoroughlyinterdisciplinaryandimmersedinpolitics,anthropology thrivedinPeruinthe1960sasdiscursivefieldssuchas“peasants”and “the countryside” proliferated in intellectual discussions in connectionwithrelativelysuccessfulruralsocialmobilizations.Accordingly, socialscientistsevaluatedandacceptedorrejectedforeigntheoretical influences using value scales stemming from their ongoing political projects. For example, anthropologists working with the state welcomed “applied anthropology”; adherents of dependency theory followed the work of Eric Wolf and Maurice Godelier; and Clifford Geertz and Claude Lévi-Strauss had little impact. “Culture” became the concern of a few marginal anthropologists (whom modernizing Marxistsusuallyconsideredconservatives)undertheleadershipofJohn Murra.IndialoguewithJoséMaríaArguedas,Murrapopularizedthe termloAndino,anotionswiftlyadoptedbymembersofthePeruvian Indigenista network. In years to come, this notion would spur an interestingcontroversyintheUnitedStates.Itwasstimulatedbythe criticismofOrinStarn,aUSanthropologistwhoaccusedAndeanists ofpoliticalblindnessbecausetheyhad“missedtherevolution”that theShiningPathactivistsorganizedeveninthevillageswheresome oftheAndeanistsworked(Starn1991). AlthoughthediscussionsurroundingUSAndeanismwasnotprominent in Peru, controversy over Arguedas’s work has long survived hisdeathin1968.HewasidentifiedastheinstigatorofloAndino—a notionthatmanyleadingintellectualsinterpretedas“culturalist.”His anthropologicalproductionhadlittleinfluenceandiscurrentlyignored. Hisliterarywork,however,continuestobecontentiousamongsocial scientistsandpoliticiansalike.
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AlltheBloods:ArguedasasanUnthinkable EpistemologicalRevolution The controversy over Arguedas’s work came to fruition around his 1964 novel Todas las sangres (All the bloods). In the late 1960s, at the Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, a renowned think tank in Lima, a group of prominent social scientists and literary critics gathered aroundatableanddiscussedthenovelformanyhours.9Afterabitter discussion—whichwastaped,transcribed,andpublishedasabooklet inthe1980s—theyarrivedattheconclusionthatthenovelproposed anunfeasiblepoliticalproject,onethatcouldevenbeharmfultothe country.TheroundtablemeetinghasbecomelegendaryinPeruvian academicmythology:itrepresentsafoundationalmomentofloAndino andofitsscientificrejection. Thepublicationofthenovelcoincidedwithaperiodofintenseconflict inPerubetweenlargelandownersandindigenousagriculturalists,known as “peasants” or “Indians.” Inspired by a combination of orthodox Marxism,dependencytheory,andindigenouspolitics,membersofthe peasantmovementweresuccessfullyseizinghaciendaland.10Todaslas Sangres,althoughsympathetictotheruralstruggle,contradictedthe leftist intellectual-politicians’ script. The script, common to Marxist insurgencies in Latin America in the 1960s, said that the teachings ofpoliticalactivists(therevolutionaryvanguard)—aswellasactivism itself—would transform Indians into peasants. Illuminated by “class consciousness,”thesepeasantswouldleavesuperstitionandIndianness behindandbecomecompañeros,modernpartnersinhistory.InTodas lassangres,Arguedasdisputedthistransformationandtherebytouched ahighlysensitivepoliticalnerveamongprogressiveintellectuals.Even moresignificantly(andunacceptably),hisnovelposedanepistemological challengetothehegemonyofthesingularmodernsubjectproposed byleftistandconservativeprojectsalike. Set in the Andean highlands, the novel describes a bitter dispute betweentwobrothers,donFermínanddonBrunoAragóndePeralta, supreme lords of an Andean region. Fermín incarnates capitalism, progress,andreasonandwantstomodernizePeru.Hisregionalproject is to develop a mine. Bruno, instead, is a traditional hacendado; in Arguedas’swords,“heconsidersmodernizationtobeadangertothe sanctityofthespirit”(1996[1965]:15). Flanked by the two brothers stands Demetrio Rendón Willka, a supervisoroftheIndianworkersinthenovelandthecoreofthecontroversyattheroundtable.AnIndianrecentlyreturnedfromseveral
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yearsinLima,thischaractershouldhavebeenpurgedofhissuperstitious beliefs—following the dominant mestizaje-acculturation script—and becomeanex-Indian,anurbanizedcholo,scornfulofthingsindigenous. YetWillkabeliesthescript.Formaleducationandurbanizationhavenot transformedhim(asproposedbynationalistprojectsandstatepolicies); healternatesbetweenurbanandruralIndiangarbwitheaseandselfidentifiesas“aliteratecomunero;yetalwaysacomunero”(Arguedas 1964:33).Willka’surbanexperiencehastaughthimaboutthepower ofmoderntechnology,buthealsoacknowledgesthemightofthesun. Ratherthanthetypicalhybridonhiswaytowardmodernity,Willka personifies an oxymoronic hybridity that refuses consistency and is abletothinkandactinbothmodernandnonmodernterms—much thewayArguedashimselfrevealedhedid. Bytheendofthenovel,Willka’sinconsistencycrossesthetolerable thresholdasheentersthepoliticalspheretoorganizeanunprecedented group of indigenous leaders who, like himself, recognize the power ofmountainsandrivers.Togethertheyleadasuccessfulinsurrection, movedbymagicandreasonalike.Itisreminiscentofthe1855Santal rebellioninIndiaasRanajitGuha(1983b)hasrepresentedit.Ultimately, Todaslassangresproposesanalternativeindigenoussocialmovement, acriticalallyofthemodernleftbutwithanamodernhybridlogicof itsown.Literacyandmodernpoliticsareimportant,buttheyhaveto beselectivelyusedandtranslated,ratherthaneradicatingindigenous ways.Forexample: Injailonelearnsalot.Thereisaschoolthere.Youhavetolistentothe politicians [political prisoners]. The world is very big. But you do not havetofollowwhatthepoliticianssay.Wehavetolearnwhattheyteach accordingtoourunderstanding—nuestraconciencia.Theyaredifferent. Nobodyknowsus.Youwillsee!!Theyaregoingtotakeyoutoprison... Youalreadyknowhowtosign.Injailyouwilllearntoread.Letthem takeyoutoLima!(1964:307)
InhisanalysisoftheHaitianrevolution,thehistorianMichelRolph Trouillot explained that at the time of the event the idea of black slaves fighting for the independence of Haiti was unthinkable: the idea of black people (let alone slaves) defying power—and on their own terms—exceeded historically defined conceptual and political categories (Trouillot 1995). Similarly, the minds of central Limeño intellectuals—manyofthemearnestsocialistsandprominentproponents ofdependencytheory—inthe1960sheldnoconceptualorpolitical
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place for Rendón Willka. Aníbal Quijano’s eloquence in this respect hasbecomelegendaryinPeruviansocialsciencecircles.AboutRendón Willkahewrotethat thischaracterisextremelyequivocal.Ihadtheimpressionthathereturned from Lima totally cholificado, and that he was going to proceed, in a supremelyastuteandMachiavellianway,toassumepoliticalleadership intheprocessofpeasantinsurrection,andthereforeheappearedalittle indisguiseamonghisown.Butthenextimpression,particularlyatthe endofthenovel,suggeststhatRendónreintegrates—nottotally,notin afullyconsciousway,butinsomesensehereintegrates—backintothe indigenoustraditional[world].(QuijanoinRochabrún2000:59)
Theindigenousworldanditsanimatedlandscapewerenotthesecular arenas that modern political organization required. In an apparent paradox,then,theanalysisthatQuijano(andmanyothersocialists) proposedworkedasa“proseofcounterinsurgency”(seeGuha1988),for evenasruralupheavalstookplaceundertheleadershipofindigenous politicians (probably much like Rendón Willka), they were deemed nottobeindigenouspoliticalmovements;theywereonlyasubordinate aspectoftherevolutionarystruggleledbyurbanpoliticians.Hadnot EricHobsbawm(1959),whoseanalyticalsampleincludedPeruvianrural movements, defined peasants as pre-political actors? The notion of “change”encompassedbymodernizingpremises(includingthoseof dependencytheoryandclassanalysis)wasspecific:itmovedforward frompasttofuture,from“superstition”to“historicalconsciousness.” Untamedbythisnarrative,Willkarepresentedthe“Indianizationof politics,” a historical impossibility for sociologists, who imagined a differentkindofleader: Iamcurrentlyworkinginresearchonpeasantleadership,andlastyear Itraveledtoseveralareasaffectedbythepeasantmovement.Inallthe peasantunionsIhavevisited,Ihavefoundonlyoneindigenousleader. Indigenousleadershipdoesnotexisttodaywithinthepeasantmovement; itappearsasanexceptionandinisolatedfashion;theIndianleaderis himself going through a process of cholificación. Thus, I do not think thatanindigenoussolutiontothepeasantproblemwouldbefeasible. (QuijanoinRochabrún2000:59–60)
Thesewords—again,AníbalQuijano’s—werethelastonestranscribed fromtherecordingofthebitterroundtablesession.Albeitsimplified— giventhetensionofthesession—theyrefertoamorecomplexargument
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publishedinthesameyearasTodaslassangresandsoontobecome famous as cholificación. It described the transformation of Indians intocholos,theirde-Indianization,andtheirincompleteintegration intoWesternwaysofbeingandknowing.11Notwithstanding,cholos represented a hopeful national future. They indicated, according to Quijano,“theemergenceofanincipientmestizoculture,theembryo ofthefuturePeruviannationifthetendencycontinues”(quotedin Rochabrún,2000:103;myitalics).12 Evenacursorycontextualizationofthedebatemakesitclearthat Quijano’s position was not unique, although he might have been Arguedas’smostarticulateandvocalopponentattheroundtable.They werefriendsandintensemutualinterlocutors,sothediscussionwas embeddedinpreviousunresolvedconversations,thedetailsofwhich Iamunawareof.13Thisdoesnotcancel,however,theconspicuously historicistlexiconQuijanousedtodefinecholos—noticethefutureorientedwordsinthelastphrasequoted:emergence,incipient,embryo, the future, the tendency—a lexicon that prevailed over the academic andpoliticallogicoftheperiod.14Itsaturatedtheimaginationtothe pointofseducingbrilliantintellectualstoirrationalhistoricaloblivion: theydisregardedthatcholos(albeitwithdifferentlabels)hadexisted (historically“inbetween”ratherthan“movingforward”)foralmostfive hundredyears,fromtheSpanishinvasionoftheAndestothe1960s. Fromthehistoricistperspective,DemetrioRendónWillkawasnotonly acontradiction,hewasimpossible.Heemergedfromthegenealogy ofmestizajeonlytobelieitsteleologyashischaracterproposedthat indigenouswaysofbeing,ratherthanassumingtheforward-moving historyofmodernityorsimply“persisting,”hadahistoricityoftheir own,theundeniablepowerofindustrialcapitalismnotwithstanding. Moresignificantly,Willka’spoliticalleadershipimpliedtheinclusion of indigenous forms of knowledge in nationwide projects and thus challenged the knowledge-power premise of socialism, which, as secular communalism, required the “cooperation of rational beings emancipatedfromgodsandmagic.”15Socialistliberatingpoliticsrequired thesupremacyofreason,andTodaslassangres,perhapsprematurely, opposedthisfundamentalism.Arguedasexplainedthat“socialisttheory gaveacoursetomywholefuture,toallmyenergy;itgavemeadestiny andchargeditwithmightbythedirectionitgaveit.HowmuchdidI understandsocialism?Idonotreallyknow.Butitdidnotkillthemagic inme[Peronomatóenmílomágico]”(1971:283). Arguedas’seffort,Ibelieve,paralleled,fromsomethirtyyearsearlier, DipeshChakrabarty’sprojectof“provincializingEurope”(Chakrabarty
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2000).SuggestingthatEuropeanthoughtwasindispensableyetinadequateforexploringquestionsofpoliticalmodernityintheThirdWorld, Chakrabartyexaminedthepossibilitiesofrenewingandtransforming currentlyhegemonicformsofknowingfromthemarginsofmodernity. Similarly,inhisliteraryworkandtestimonials,Arguedasproposedan alternativepoliticsofknowledge,onethatsawthenecessityofWestern reasonanditssimultaneousincapacitytotranslate,letalonecapture or replace, Andean ways of being. Rather than reading Arguedas as proposingamulticulturalismtolerantof“allbloods”16—ashispolitics hasbeeninterpreted(Karp2003)—Iwanttoreadhimasproposingmultiontologismandanationalismcapableofbeingbothgeneralandsingular, articulatedbybothreasonandmagiconequalstanding,andsocialist atthat.17Beyondprevalenteconomisticexplanations,heexposedthe waycapitalismderiveditspowerfromthewillofproponentsofmodern epistemologiestoreplacenon-Westernontologieswithmodernformsof consciousness.ThusheunveiledwhatQuijano(perhapsmovedbythis encounter,yetalmostthirtyyearsafterithappened)theorizedas“the colonialityofpower,”anotionthatunderminestheteleologicallogic neededtosustaincholificación(seeQuijano1993).Inthelate1960s, however,withonlyoneexception(alinguistnamedAlbertoEscobar), allparticipantsinthemesaredondaderidedArguedas’sproject. TheauthorofTodaslassangreswasascomplexasthecharactershe created—he was like Rendón Willka, he disclosed to one of his colleagues18—andas“unthinkable”(inTrouillot’sterms)forhisintellectual interlocutorsofthesixtiesandseventies.Thesonofaprovinciallawyer, andpreyofawickedstepmother,Arguedaswasraisedbyindigenousmen andwomen(Arguedas1996[1965]).In1969hetoldArielDorfman:“For someonewhofirstlearnedhowtospeakinQuechua[ashehad],there isnothingthatisnotapartoftheself.”Andthisontologyequipped himwithawayofknowing,hecontinuedinthesameinterview: IwaspurelyQuechuauntilmyadolescence.Iwillprobablyneverbeable toletgoof...myinitialconceptualizationsoftheworld.Foramonolingual Quechua speaker, the world is alive; there is not much differencebetweenamountain,aninsect,ahugestone,andahumanbeing. There are, therefore, no boundaries between the “marvelous” and the “real.” ... there is neither much difference between the religious, the magical,andtheobjectiveworlds.Amountainisgod,ariverisgod,and centipedeshavesupernaturalvirtues.(Dorfman1970:45)
Rebuking the directionality of mestizaje on a different occasion, he declared: “I am not acculturated,” and he reiterated his pleasure at
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beingindigenousandnon-indigenoussimultaneously:“IamaPeruvian whoproudly,likeajoyousdevil,speaksinChristianandinIndian,in SpanishandinQuechua”(Arguedas1971:282).Thisspeechhasbecome famousamongLatinAmerican(ist)literarycritics,whousuallyseeinit aconfessionoftheauthor’sdramaticallysingularlifetrajectory,even anexplanationofhisdeathbysuicide,evidenceoftheimpossibility ofhiswayofbeing. Contained within literature—up until the debate about Todas las sangresatleast—thewriter’sideaswereconsidered“magicalrealism,” theliterarygenreinwhichtheuncannyceasestobesuchandbecomes ordinary.19 And in Arguedas’s life the uncanny was ordinary—not quite an object of study, but part of his subjectivity. “I know Peru throughlife,”heusedtosay(1996[1965]:50).Withlifeasasource of knowledge and literature as his expressive genre, he blurred the distinctionbetweenrealityandfiction.Hedescribedthestoriesheheard andusedasinspirationas“absolutelytrueandabsolutelyimagined. Fleshandbonesandpureillusion”(1971:22).Isuspectthatcanonical practitioners of the social sciences had a hard time with Arguedas’s assertions.Evenanthropologistswouldhavedisagreed:theanimated landscapeand“magical”insectsbelongedtotherealmofindigenous beliefs,andassuchtheyweredistantobjectsofstudy,andvanishing atthat.ThedisciplinewaspoliticallyatoddswithArguedas’sviews.He wroteinalettertoJohnMurraon3November1967: Development projects to integrate the indigenous population have becomeinstrumentsthataimtocategoricallyuprootIndiansfromtheir own traditions ... famous anthropologists ... preach with scientific terminology about ... the inexistence of a Quechua culture; they say that Peru is not bicultural and that indigenous communities have a subculturethatwillbedifficulttouplifttothelevelofnationalculture. (MurraandLópezBaralt1996:162).
Amidthemodernizingwillandtherigidpolitical-economicpositions thatcoloredthecontroversialroundtableandcontinuedtocharacterize academic thought in the following decades, scholars’ concerns for Andean singularities gradually became labeled lo Andino, confined (manytimesscornfully)toanthropologyandethnohistory,thesciences ofthepast;sociologistsandeconomists—scholarsof“socialchange”— devotedthemselvestothestudyofthepresent.AsnotionsofloAndino circulated in the United States and became Andeanism, Arguedas’s political suggestion for an alternative form of knowing—which he phrasedasademandfor“magic”tobeconsideredonaparwithreason
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andfor“informants”tobecomesubjectsofknowledge—disappeared. ThroughacombinationofFrenchstructuralism,Britishfunctionalism, andUSAndeanethnohistory,indigenousknowledgeeventuallybecame “Andeanthought,”theobjectoftheoreticalexplanationsthattranslated thesingularitiesofAndeanwaysofbeingintotheuniversallanguagesof “structures”and“systems.”Thelabeldescribedatypeofanthropology interestedintheculturalspecificitiesoftheregion,thegenealogyof which connects with A. L. Kroeber’s notion of “culture areas” and Indigenistapoliticalviews.Controversialsinceitsinception,loAndino alsoconnectedwiththepreexistinginter-Americanmestizajenetwork, inasmuchasitendorsedIndo-Americaasapeculiarcultural-political entity(Rama1982).Additionally,itpromotedaspecificallyregional formation that interlocked anthropologies from Ecuador, Colombia, Bolivia,andnorthernChileandArgentina.
IndigenousPoliticsandtheEndofMestizaje: Interculturalidad,orKnowledgeasDialogic Relationship IhavebeentoldthattheroundtablediscussionofTodaslassangreshad no immediate repercussions; the tapes were lost and not unearthed until several years later, during a cleaning spree at the Instituto de EstudiosPeruanos.20Yetthetenseandattimesheateddisputewasnotan ephemeralandisolatedincident.Oncethetranscriptionwaspublished asapamphlet(whichhashadseveraleditions),theeventbecameatopic ofconversationinPeruvianandinternationalacademiccircles. Thecontroversyfeaturedadouble,intertwineddisagreement.21Epistemologically,thediscussionexpressedthetensionbetweenawidespread analyticaltraditionthat“tendstoevacuatethelocalbyassimilatingitto someabstractuniversal;andahermeneutictraditionthatfindsthought intimatelytiedtoplacesandtoparticularformsoflife”(Chakrabarty 2000:18).Politically,thediscussionsinthemesaredondawereaprelude totheintensedisputesthatpitted“campesinista”(or“clasista”)political leaders against their “indianista” counterparts, which took place all overLatinAmericainthelastdecadesofthetwentiethcentury(Hale 1994;Yashar1998).Thesewerepartofaprocessthatsomehavelabeled “thereturnoftheIndian”(Albó1991;Ramón1993;Wearne1996),a referencetotheincreasingpoliticalsignificanceofsocialmovements that articulated their demands around indigenous rights and ethnic claims—andthatinonewayoranotherchallengedsimplistic,universalizinganalyticalviewpoints.
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Emerging in the early 1970s, organizations such as the Consejo Regional Indígena del Cauca (CRIC) in Colombia, ECUARUNARI in Ecuador,AIDESEPinPeru,andtheMovimientoRevolucionarioTupac KatariinBoliviasurgedintothepoliticalpicturesoftheircountries, demandingandenactingindigenouscitizenship.Sincetheirinception the movements have proposed projects that defy the teleology of mestizaje. Accordingly, by the 1980s (albeit, like any other political organization,pervadedbyinternalideologicalconflicts)theymanaged toinstallanewnationalist(yethighlyheteroglossic)vocabulary.Words suchaspluriethnic,pluricultural,andplurinationalreflectedtheirdemands for respect of their ethnic singularities. More significantly, the new terminology,initsveryheteroglossia,challengedthehomogeneitythat sustainednationalistidealsandthestateformationthatimplemented them.Indigenouspoliticalorganizationsgraduallyacquiredprominence and jumped to center stage in the 1990s, coinciding with the quincentenaryofColumbus’slandfallintheAmericas.Perhapsthemost unexpectedandspectaculareventinthisrespectwastheEcuadorian levantamientoindígena(indigenousuprising),whichshookthecountry andsawtheoccupationofthecapital,Quito,inJune1990.According totheEcuadorianhistorianGaloRamón(1993:2),thelevantamiento “removedthedamthatthedominantprojectforanationalstatehad createdsince1830.” Predictably(althoughsurprisinglyandstillinadmissiblytosome),the politicalmobilization—thereturnoftheIndian—alsomeantan“uprising ofknowledges”(seeFoucault1980:81–87),theinsurrectionofways ofknowingdefinedbyscienceaslocal,disqualified,andillegitimate. ReminiscentofArguedas’scharacterRendónWillka,theoriginalleaders ofthemovementwereindigenouspersonswhocombinedruraland urban experience, as did the movement as it deftly appropriated modernpracticesandtransformedtheirlogic.Illustrativeofthis,and from the very beginning, the movement’s political demonstrations boastedAndeanritualiconographyandenactments,thusdesecularizing politics,asinArguedas’snovel.Intendedas“actsofmemory”(seeBal 1999),thedesecularizedpoliticalritualsalsodefiedofficialnationalist histories, introducing into the political pantheon the presence and ideasofindigenousactivists. InBolivia,forexample,asthememoryofTupacKatariwasrevitalized andpoliticized,hisphrase“Iwillreturntransformedintothousands” becamecentraltotheindigenoussocialmovement.TupacKatariwas anindigenousinsurgentwholedananticolonialstruggleattheend oftheeighteenthcentury;hisverymemorydemandedtherestoration
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ofindigenousactionsandknowledgesinhistory—thedecolonization of history. Urged on by this need, the social movements produced their own organic intellectuals, and indigenous university students and professors decided to “recover and reelaborate the indigenous past and its forms of historical knowledge” (Ticona 2000: 12). They alsoestablishednongovernmentalorganizationssuchastheTallerde HistoriaOralAndina(THOA),whichhasfunctionedinLaPaz,Bolivia, since1983–84andworksto“investigate,disseminate,andrevitalize theculture,history,andidentityofindigenouspeoples.”22 Theprocessofrewritingindigenoushistoriesandtransformingthe political habitus in Andean countries is no panacea. Like any other politicalprocess,thisonehasbeenfraughtwithpowerstrugglesand expressedinessentialisms,factionalisms,andtheproductionofuniversalizing metanarratives of its own (Albó 1994; Ticona 2000; Van Cott2000;Warren1998).However,ithascertainlyburstopentheevolutionarynarrativesofindigeneityandadvancedapoliticsofindigenous heterogeneity.Withinthisnovelnarrative,thoughinreferencetothe MayaareaandnottheAndes,theGuatemalan-MayahistorianEdgar Esquit(2000:4)explainedthat“MayanessiswhatMayasdo,provided thatotherMayasrecognizeitassuch.” More importantly, the public (and at times highly influential) presenceofindigenousintellectualshasmadeobviousthepossibility for an epistemic borderland (see Mignolo 2000) where, at ease or awkwardly,rationalknowledgecohabitswithnonrationalknowledge. Organizedinsocialmovements,thisblendsustainspoliticalprojects thathaveasanimportantambitionthetransformationofthemodern state.Themostwidespreadexpressionofthisattemptiscurrently phrased as interculturalidad, a political project through which the indigenous social movement in Ecuador, for example, proposes to create “a plurinational state that recognizes the diversity of its peoples”(Yumbay2001:14). Sustainedandproducedbypoliticalorganizationsfrequentlyopposed totheneoliberalpoliciesthatLatinAmericanstateshaveimplemented since the 1980s (Selverston-Scher 2001), interculturalidad belongs to thegenealogyofmestizajeyetworksagainstthecolonialityofpowerknowledgeandthe“stageist”narrativeofhistorythatsustainsit.Like mestizaje, interculturalidad produces and is produced by a dialogic, academic-political,intellectualLatinAmericannetwork,butthecurrent network (enhanced by the World Wide Web) includes indigenous intellectual-politicians and global institutions ranging from funding agenciessuchasOxfamAmericatomultilateralorganizationssuchas
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theWorldBank.Emerginginthe1970sfromdiscussionsaboutbilingual education programs for elementary schools in Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia,interculturalidad(again,likemestizaje)isahighlyheteroglossic notion.ThemostwidespreadPeruvianversionisastateprojectdefined asa“dialogueamongcultures”(Godenzzi1996),whichcontinuesto functionasabiopoliticalattemptto“improveIndians”onthebasisof notionsofbilingualeducation(QuechuaandSpanish)thatemphasize Westernliteracytechniques.InBolivia,thePROEIBAndes,acollege forbilingualeducationteachersinCochabamba,hasfeaturedasimilar missionsinceitwasestablishedin1996.Inbothcountries,themain activitiesareadministeredandfundedbythestatethroughtheMinistry of Education, and the participation of indigenous organizations is marginal. Yetinterculturalidadalsohasanambitious,evenradical,versionthat aimsatforgingaworldcharacterizedby“pacificcohabitationamong peoplesandcultures,basedonjusticeandequalityforall”(Menchú1998: 13).Towardthatgoal,inEcuador“theindigenousmovementhashadas oneofitsmainpoliticalandideologicalobjectivestheconstructionof interculturalidadasaprinciplethatarticulatesdemandstoamonocultural stateandthataimsattransformingtheveryconceptualizationofthe stateitself”(Walsh2002:115).Thegreatestchallengeforinterculturalidad is to become a new social relationship that, along with feminisms, environmentalisms,andindigenoussocialmovements,canconfront formersocialhierarchiesofreason,property,gender,andsexualityand produceademocraticstatethat“doesnotholdculturalrenunciation asaconditionforcitizenship”(Tubino2002). Seemingly, then, in one of its most consequential versions, interculturalidadisbothanovel(and,Iwouldsay,deeplysubversive)statemakingtechnologyandanepistemologicalsitefortheproductionofa differentkindofknowledge.Relatedtothis(aswellastotheurgency of rewriting national history and producing histories), the creation of alternative centers of knowledge has been a central concern of indigenoussocialmovements.InEcuador,theUniversidadIntercultural representssuchaneffort.Adocumentstatingitsgoalsdescribesitasa pluralspace(thatis,notexclusivelyindigenousorfortheproduction of“indigenousknowledge”)designed“forthecreationofnovelconceptualandanalyticalframeworks,abletoproducenewcategoriesand notions that have ‘interculturalidad’ as their epistemological framework”(InstitutoCientíficodeCulturasIndígenas2000).Thiseditorial documentcriticizesmodernscienceashavingemergedfromamonologueandhavingbuiltself-referentialcategories“thatdidnotallow
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the inclusion of the ‘strange’ and ‘different’ within the borders of knowledge.”Intriguingly,itconcludeswithaseriesofquestions: Ifmodernsciencehasbeenmonologic,andiftheconditionsforknowingarealwaysimplicatedintheconditionsofpower,thenhowcanwe generatetheconditionsforadialogue?Howdowearticulateinterculturalidadwithinthelimitsofepistemologyandtheconditionsofknowledge production?Howdowecontributetotheadventureofknowledgefrom differentsources?[¿Comoaportaralaaventuradelconocimientodesde nuevasfuentes?](InstitutoCientíficodeCulturasIndígenas2000)
Iwanttobringthesestimulatingquestionstothearenaofanthropology—which the Universidad Intercultural rightly criticizes as having constituted itself by creating and maintaining indigenous peoplesasothersand,moreover,byexcludingtheirpossibilityforselfunderstanding.Iwanttousethequestionsasanopportunitytocall forananthropology(mostspecificallyforanethnographicproduction) articulated by what I call “relational epistemologies.” Inspired by Arturo Yumbay, an Ecuadorian politician who described the role of anthropologistswhoworkwithindigenoussocialmovementsasthat ofacompañantes(companions,inadialogicsense;seeYumbay2001), I see relational epistemologies as a situated knowledge position (see Haraway1991).Thatpositionassumesthehistoricalcontingencyof universal categories and uses them in dialogical process with local thought,whilepayingrelentlessandcriticalattentiontoprocessesof translationbetweenthetwo,thusrenderinglocalknowledgevisible. Relationalepistemologiesworktocancelsubject-objectpositions,and uponinteractingwiththeirothersasselveswhospeak,think,andknow (Salmond1995),theyhavethepotentialtocreatetheconditionsforthe emergenceofanthropologiesintheplural—skilledenoughtoovercome Westernsingularityandbecome,collectively,aworldwidediscipline. Eventually,beyonditsdisciplinaryboundaries,aworldanthropologies couldcommunicatebetweenWesterndisciplinesandotherknowledges, consideredsuchintheirownright.
ConcludingRemarks AtthebeginningofthischapterIsaidIwoulduseJoséMaríaArguedas toillustratethepoliticsofknowledgeproductionasitemergedwithin thePeruvianintellectual-politicalcommunity.YetIdidnotmeanto presentapolarizedsituation,withArguedasononesideandrecalcitrant
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rationalistsontheother.Thisisnotthewayhegemonyworks—andthe hegemonyofWesternknowledgepracticesisalsoapparentinArguedas’s work.Forinspiteoftheepistemologicalchallengethathisliterature represented,theprocessthroughwhichhecraftedhisanthropologywas fullofintriguingtensionsthatrevealhiscompliancewithreason,science, and the social-academic hierarchies that structured Latin American societyinthe1960sandthatlingertoday.Inhiscorrespondencewith anthropologists,herepeatedlyregrettedhis“ignoranceoftheory”and subordinatedlocalanthropologytometropolitancentersofknowledge. “Onlythosewhohavebeenseriouslytrainedabroadcanteachhere, canconductscholarlyinstitutions...Therest,likeme,candoalittlein art,butinthescienceswe’repatheticallydead,andsomeofusaccept remaininginourpositionsbecausethereisnoonebetteryet,”hewrote inaletterin1966.23 Thisopinionbelongstothegenealogyofknowledgeagainstwhich the proponents of interculturalidad have rebelled. Yet the dynamics and hierarchies of hegemonic knowledge continue to pervade the productionofinterculturalidad.PamelaCalla,aBoliviananthropologist, hasdescribedsomeconflictsattheBolivianPROEIBCollegewhereshe teaches.Students,shesays,havecoinedlabelsthatattesttodifferent forms of being indigenous, which, however, highlight the tensions of being “inferior” in a modern sense—that is, less educated or less masculine.Forexample,ononeoccasionthestudentsclassifiedthemselvesinto“academics”and“fundamentalists.”Notsurprisingly,the academicspositionedthemselvesasasuperiorgroupandwerechallenged bythefundamentalists’self-identificationas“moreindigenous”and thereforemoremasculine(Calla2002).Althoughthelatterinterpretation challengesdominantstereotypes,whereby“womenaremoreIndian”(de laCadena1991),itconformstomoderngenderhierarchies.Similarly, pressurestobebothmodernandindigenousarecomplex—asillustrated inthefollowingpassage,byanindigenousleaderwhomIwillkeep anonymous:“SometimesIfeelIamgoingcrazybecauseIcannotthink likeanIndiananymore.IfightforIndiansamongwhites,andtherefore Ihavetothinklikethem.Irepresentindigenousinterestswithinstate institutions,butIhavenotbeenbackinmyvillageforthreeyears.I travelallovertheplace,andIknowIamanIndian.Butwhatkindof anIndian?”(Oliart2002). Interculturalidadisnotasmooth,letaloneautomaticallysuccessful, process.Forone,ithasnoteliminatedtheimagesofindigenoustimelessnessthatacademicAndeanismcreatedintheregion.Oneconsequential exampleillustratesthewaysuchimagesstillthriveamongthepowerful
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in Peru. In 1984, caught in war between the Shining Path and the Peruvian Army, indigenous peasants from the village of Uchuraccay (in the Ayacucho region, the epicenter of the violence) collectively killed six journalists who were investigating another massacre that hadtakenplaceweeksearliernearby.Reactionstotheeventincluded colonialanti-Indianfearsaswellaspaternalisticpro-Indianattitudes. Thegovernmentrespondedbynominatingacommissiontoinvestigate themassacre.BecausetheassassinswereIndians,notmodernPeruvian citizens, the key members of the group—led by the internationally famous Mario Vargas Llosa—were two anthropologists, rather than lawyersastheywouldhavebeeninacriminalinvestigation.Removing thekillersfromhistory,theanthropologistsexplainedthattheIndians hadbeenmovedtokillthejournalistsbyacombinationofancestral fearsandculturalprinciples.24 Theanthropologistswhowrotethereportarecurrentlykeyadvisors inagovernmentalefforttotransformPeruintoamulticulturalnation compatible with the economic mission of neoliberalism. From this perspective,Andeanistmulticulturalismcontinuesthelegacyofearlier acculturation theories. Indians can successfully become modernized cholos.Thecurrentpresident,AlejandroToledo—commonlycalled“el Cholo Toledo” in Peru—represents this possibility, for he is “an exIndianwithnocomplexesandthecoolcalculatingmindofaStanford andHarvardacademic,”whohastheabilityto“understandlifefroma viewpointrootedinanalyticrigorandscientificinformation.”Itmaybe onlyacoincidence,buttheauthorofthequotedlinesisÁlvaroVargas Llosa(2000:20),thesonofMarioVargasLlosa,theauthorityinthe aforementionedreport.MarioVargasLlosaisalsotheauthorofabook titledLautopíaarcaica(1996),inwhichhediscussesArguedas’swork asananachronisticdesire,areversalofhistory—andthusnotonlya utopia,butanarchaiconeatthat. Inthe1960sand1970s,historicistclassanalysisworkedasa“prose of counterinsurgency” that excluded indigenous revolts from the academicallydefinedfieldofpolitics.Attheturnofthetwenty-first century,liberalmulticulturalismcanworkasan“antipoliticsmachine” (seeFerguson1990)byincludingwithinthehegemonyofliberalism— or neoliberalism, in this case—circumstances that might reveal and thuspoliticizeeverydaynarrativesof“cultural”or“ethnic”exclusion. Theinclusiveyetdepoliticizingworkofmulticulturalismoperatesby normalizingeducation.InPeru,forexample,thescandalthatmight otherwise arise from having a cholo as president of the country is canceled,oratleastcalmed,byreferencestoToledo’straininginthe
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centersofreason,anindicationofhisadequacyasamodernpolitician. Arguedas,throughhisintricatelyfictionalRendónWillka—andthrough hisownlife—questionednormalizationthrougheducation.Hethus rejected the everyday habits of thought of his peers and provoked an intellectual-political scandal that the counterinsurgent prose of modernitycouldnotcontrol. Similarlyscandalousarediscussionsofinterculturalidadandthepresence ofindigenousintellectualsincountriessuchasGuatemala,Ecuador, andPeru.Sidingwiththescandalous(foritchallengesthesimplicityof modernity)andinspiredbyArguedas,Iwanttoproposethatinasmuch asindigenoussocialmovementsarticulateanalternativetomodern politics—andthenation-statestheysustain—theyhavethepotentialto transformtheliberalempiricalnotionof“diversity”currentlytolerated inliberalmulticulturalismsintopoliticaldemandsforthecitizenship ofpluralontologiesandtheirformsofknowledge.AsaWesternsocial scienceenabledbynon-Westernlocations,anthropologyisinaposition tocontributetothevisibilityofotherformsofknowledge.Inordertodo that,anawarenessofanthropologicalknowledgeasadialogicalprocess oftranslation—betweenthelocalandtheuniversal,betweenhistories andHistory,betweenthesingularandthegeneral—isinorder.
Notes 1. IuseBakhtin’s(1981)notionofdialoguetogetherwithFoucault’s(1980) genealogicalperspectiveinordertoavoidthelinearhistoricalnarrativethat naturalizesthecurrentgeopoliticsofknowledge. 2. Toformulatethisnotion,Quijano(1993)explainedthatanentwinement existed between Eurocentric forms of knowledge and current forms of dominationthroughouttheworld.Therootsofthispowerformationcould be traced back to the sixteenth century, when beliefs in the superiority of Christianity over “paganism” enabled Europe to constitute itself as the epicenter of modernity, allegedly the most advanced historical moment of humanity. Supported by a Eurocentered notion of linear time, the power thatsupportedtheconquestoftheAmericasandconnectedthe“new”and “old” worlds conditioned a production of knowledge according to which Americans occupied the past and lacked what Europeans had: civilization and reason. Installed in the discipline of history, this conceptual alchemy,
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whichrelentlesslyandpervasivelyreproducedtheimagethatEuropewasthe futureofnon-Europeanpopulations,surviveddecolonizingmovementsand continuedtoinformdominantwaysofknowing. 3. Influenced by readings of Spengler’s The Decline of the West—which reached Latin American readers through the Spaniard Ortega y Gasset’s Revista de Occidente (Valcárcel 1981)—Indo-Americanists proposed that their “ideological and philosophical liberation from trans-Atlantic domination” was to be epistemologically inspired by “a spiritual attitude sympathetic to thepast”(García1937:33). 4. The most prominent proponent of this regional-cum-nationalist community was José Vasconcelos, credited with having invented the Raza Cósmica—theleadingsloganoftheMexicannation-buildingprojectknown asmestizaje.ThePeruvianVíctorRaúlHayadelaTorrefoundedtheAcción Revolucionaria Americana (later to become APRA, an important populist Peruvianparty)in1924whileinMexico,whereheworkedasapersonalaid toVasconcelos,thenministerofeducation.Inturn,HayadelaTorrewasa conspicuoussupporteroftheanti-imperialstrugglesofCésarAugustoSandino in Nicaragua, and both subscribed to Vasconcelos’s brainchild, Indoamérica. Similarly,fromtheotherendofthecontinent,theArgentineanRicardoRojas craftedtheimageof“Eurindia,”suggestingaregionalidentitybuiltfromthe encounterbetweenindigenousAmericanandEuropeantraditions,imported to Argentina by colonial Spaniards and by Italian, Spanish, and English immigrantsintheearlytwentiethcentury. 5. According to Beals (1953), Robert Redfield, then at the University of Chicago,coinedthetermacculturationafterhisvisitstoMexicointhe1920s. Similarly,MelvilleHerskovitz,anotherofBoas’sstudentsand,likehim,interestedinAfricanAmericans,usedthetermuponreturningfromfieldworkin Surinam, where he might have come in contact with Caribbean notions of métissageandnegritude.HewasworkingwithRedfieldatChicagoatthattime (Beals1953). 6. Also in 1936, Redfield, Herskovitz, and Ralph Linton wrote “A MemorandumfortheStudyofAcculturation”(Beals1953). 7. AmongthefirsttocontestthenotionwasFernandoOrtiz.Acculturation, heopined,simplifiedthecomplexculturalgiveandtakethathadcharacterized Latin American society since the arrival of the Spaniards. The mixture was transcultural—it operated in multiple directions as the Latin American indigenous, Spanish, and black cultures changed interdependently (Coronil 1995;Ortiz1995[1947];Rama1982).Althoughsomeliterarycriticsusedthe notionoftransculturacióntoconceptualizeArguedas’sposition,Ortiz’sconcept maintained“thenotionoflevelsofculturaldevelopment”(Coronil1995:xix) thatArguedas’sexperienceandwritingsopposed.
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8. Also as a consequence of the popularity of “culture areas” (and illustrative of the notion’s international influence), the Instituto Francés de EstudiosAndinoswasfoundedin1948,withAlfredMétrauxasanimportant authority. 9. Created in the early 1960s by a group of elite sociologists, anthropologists, historians, philosophers, and economists, the Instituto de Estudios Peruanoswasamongthefirstinstitutionstoseekandreceiveprivatefunding. ItwaspeculiarinthatitcombinedthelegacyofIndigenismowithcuttingedgedependencytheory.Theelitesocialpositionofitsmembers,alongwith theirleftistpenchant,madetheinstituteaninfluentialorganization,centralin thedevelopmentofthesocialsciencesinPeru.LuisE.Valcárcel,JohnMurra, andJoséMatosMar—allfiguresrelatedtotheMexicanhubofinter-American anthropology—weremembersoftheinstitute. 10. To control the turmoil—and modernize the countryside—the state respondedwithdevelopmentplansto“integratetheindigenouspopulation,” inwhichanthropologists,foreignandlocal,participatedprofusely.ThebestknowneffortsweretheCornell-VicosprojectandthePlandeIntegraciónde la Población Aborígen. With the participation of anthropologists from the UnitedStatesandPeru,theseprojectsfunctionedinthe1950sand1960s. 11. SeeQuijano1980.ThePeruviansociologistGuillermoRochabrún,ina recentanalysisoftheroundtablediscussion,mentionedthatQuijano’snotion ofcholificaciónwasfirstpublishedin1964,underthetitle“Laemergenciadel grupocholoysusimplicacionesenlasociedadperuana(esquemadeenfoque aproximativo)”(seeRochabrún2000:99–100). 12. AccordingtoGuillermoRochabrún,thequotedpassageappearedin“El movimientocampesinodelPerúysuslíderes,”whichwaspublishedin1965. ThesamearticlewaspublishedlaterinQuijano1979. 13. AníbalQuijano,personalconversation,August2003. 14. Thisisnotanisolatedperspective.Forasimilarevolutionarymindset, seeBonilla1981. 15. ThewordsbelongtoEnriqueBravoBresani,anengineerwhoattended themesaredondadiscussionofTodaslassangres.Hesoonbecameanideologue of the revolutionary military government that in 1968 issued an agrarian reformlawaimedathaltingtheruralturmoil. 16. Among the critics who have commented on the phrase “all bloods” areRowe,Escajadillo,CornejoPolar,Escobar,Lienhard,Spitta,Rama,Larsen, Lambright,Moreiras,andDevine. 17. TheUruguayanAngelRama,forexample,haslikenedArguedas’sdenial ofacculturationtotheCubanOrtiz’searlier“transculturation.”ButArguedas’s testimonial suggestions transcend the bidirectional cultural mixture that Ortizdefinedastransculturation.WhileOrtiz’snotionalteredthelinearityof
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acculturationandarguedfortheculturalspecificityofCuba,ityieldedtothe superiorityofWesterncivilization.Moreover,itwasconceivedfromaWestern wayofbeingandknowing. 18. HetoldthepoetTomásEscajadillothisin1965(seeEscajadillo1970). 19. Inbeingmoreateasewritingliteraturethananthropology,JoséMaría ArguedasandZoraNealeHurstonweresimilarintellectualpersonalities. 20. DavidSobrevilla,personalcommunication,August2003. 21. According to Carmen María Pinilla (1994), the discussants were prey to“ascientificist”positionthatpreventedthemfromofferinga“moreopen” viewpointandattitude.Arguedas’stwomostprominentopponentswereconsideredtobeamongthe“mostserious”representativesofthenascentsocial sciences(Pinilla1994:107). 22. This passage is quoted from the website http://www.aymaranet.org/ thoa7.html. 23. TheletterwasaddressedtohisdearfriendAlejandroOrtizRescaniere, who was studying in Paris under the direction of Claude Lévi-Strauss, an almostunknownfigureinPeruviananthropologycirclesinthe1960s(Ortiz Rescaniere1996:209). 24. Thatthese“timelessIndians”wereseasonallaborersoncoffeeplantations, that they made weekly trips to nearby towns to purchase rice, sugar, kerosene,andcigarettes,thattheirsonsanddaughterswereservantsinthe city,andthattheywereunfortunateactorsinthewarbetweenthestateand theShiningPathwereabsentinthereport.
e l e v e n
A Time and Place beyond and of the Center Australian Anthropologies in the Process of Becoming
Sandy Toussaint
“A
mericananthropology’sobviouslythebest,it’ssobig!”exclaimed an Australian postgraduate student fresh from attending an AmericanAnthropologicalAssociationconference.Whilehisobservation made explicit (among other things) the privileging of quantity over quality,hisenthusiasmalsoendorsedaviewthatanthropologywas represented by, and measured primarily against, a powerful matrix or“center.”Themeta-messagewasthatanthropologieselsewhereor otherwise, including those in postcolonial Australia, were unevenly positioned. In this chapter I contemplate the problems involved in circumventingsuchaclaim,andIconsider(atwhatmightbedescribed astheotherendofthespectrum)theuseofanthropologicalknowledge beyond“thecenter”ofitsownproduction.TheexampleofanAustralian nativetitlelandclaimhelpstoilluminateananalysisthatrestsonthe hybridityofAustraliananthropologiesintheprocessofbecoming.1
AnthropologyinaTimeandPlacebeyond“the Center” Withoutwishingtoprivilegestructuraloroppositionalanalyses,but keentoprovideacontextualbeginning,IsuggestthatAustraliacanbe broadlyunderstoodasbothurbanandremote,dryandwaterlogged, densely and sparsely populated, and culturally plural and singular.
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Dependingonone’svantagepointandknowledge,Australiamayalso bedescribedasbothresourcerichandimpoverished,sociallyheterogeneous and homogeneous, politically conservative and liberal, and touched by and distant from the connections, disconnections, and disturbancesevokedbyglobalization.2Withinthesebroaddescriptions, Australiais,ofcourse,alsomanyshadesinbetween. Australian anthropology replicates the parallels, dislocations, and betweenness evident in descriptions of Australia’s people and their cultural landscape. Although anthropologists share epistemological, methodological,theoretical,political,andethnographicinterests,they alsodifferonarangeofissues.3Reflectedintheirdifferencesandtensions aretheunevenattentiontheypaytoreflexivityinanthropology,their debatesoverthediscipline’sauthorityandpurpose,andtheincreasing pressuretheyfeeltodevelopthecommercialarmofanthropology. InspiteofAustralia’sgeographicalproximitytothePacificandSoutheastAsia,successiveAustraliangovernmentshavetendedtobebiased towardthepolicies,ideologies,media,cultures,andgovernanceofthe UnitedStatesandtheUnitedKingdom.4Anthropologywas,andstill istosomeextent,heavilyinfluencedbytheoreticaldevelopmentsin thosecountries(Keen1999a).Whenunderstoodfromthisperspective, Australiananthropology,liketheanthropologiesofEurope,LatinAmerica, Asia,andtheMiddleEast,canbeinterpretedasnonmetropolitan,or distantfromthe“center”(seeEriksenandNielsen2001:158),while alsoheavilyinfluencedbyit.5 InAustraliaaselsewhere,thepasttwenty-fiveyearshavewitnessed significant challenges to the purpose, style, intellectual trends, and claimsofanthropology.Thecritiqueemergedfromfourbroadlysignificant(butneitherhomogeneousnornecessarilyexclusive)positions: thoseofcolonizedgroupsandthoseofscholarsinthefieldsoffeminism, postmodernism, and cultural studies, respectively. A key point of inquiryfocusedontherelationshipbetweenindigenousgroupsand anthropologists, particularly on the ways in which Aboriginal and Islanderwomenandmenhavebeenrepresentedandbywhom(Bell1993; Langton1981,1993;Muecke1992;Peace1990;Toussaint1999). Perhaps because of Australian anthropology’s nonmetropolitan status, its tempered response to the crisis of representation, and Australia’s shifting political landscape regarding reconciliation over thewoundsofcolonialism,certainfieldsofanthropologyarethriving inAustralia.Inadisciplineofmanyparts,anthropologistsnowwork asacademic,applied,andconsultantanthropologists.Noneofthese categoriesisself-contained.Anumberofacademicanthropologistsdo
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consultancywork,andsomeconsultantanthropologistsareemployed asacademicsonafixed-termbasisinAustralianuniversities(Practicing Anthropology2001).Almostallcompeteforworkwithinaprivateor publicmarketplace.Anthropologistsconductresearch,teach,orboth inarangeofsettings,suchasuniversities,communityorganizations, government and nongovernment agencies, and sectors of industry. Dependingoncontext,mostofthememployresearchmethodsthat relyonthetechnologiesofglobalization,suchaspersonalcomputers forrecordingandanalyzingdata,theinternetforliteraturesearches, andemailexchangeswithcolleaguesnearandfar. Largelyasaresultofgovernmentpoliciesaimedatcommercializing the tertiary sector, academic anthropologists have been drawn into increasinglyintensecompetitionforresearchgrantsandconsultancies. AsStephenHillandTimTurpinshowed(1995:137–38),a“newenterprise culture” now influences the administrative structures of Australian universities, and “grass-roots involvement and faculty debate have becomeincreasinglymarginalizedinfavorofmanagerialefficiency.” The effect on disciplines such as anthropology has been profound. Underalreadydemandingcircumstances,academicsarenowrequired to write time-consuming applications for government and industry researchgrantsortoundertakeshort-orlong-termconsultancies. Consultancies,whichAndrewStrathernandPamelaStewartdescribed asresultinginthe“contemporarytransformationofappliedanthropology”(2001:3;seealsoGardnerandLewis1996),characterizemuchof contemporaryanthropologyinAustralia,especiallyinthefieldofnative title land claims. Although at one level this situation has improved employment prospects for graduates in anthropology and taken the discipline’sexpertisebeyondtheacademy,thegrowthinconsultant anthropologyhasalsogeneratedacertaindisquietaboutthediscipline’s ethos.Reasonsforthisuneasestemlargelyfromanthropology’scolonial history, the awkward relationship between applied and academic or theoreticalanthropology,andongoingconsiderationsaboutanthropology’s use and purpose (Hamilton 2002; Keen 1999a; Stead 2002; Strathern and Stewart 2001). Although encompassed in well-worn debates, many of which have been raised in the books Reinventing Anthropology(Hymes1974),RecapturingAnthropology(Fox1991),and AnthropologybeyondCulture(FoxandKing2002),theseimportantissues continuetorequireexaminationinnewcircumstances,especiallyin a globalized world where “the pace of life is speeding up” and “the timetakentodothingsisbecomingprogressivelyshorter”(Indaand Rosaldo2002:7).
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JimBirckhead(1999)andPhilipMoore(1999)eachshowedtheeffects of commercialization and time frames in restricting the quality of anthropologicalpractice.DrawingontheworkofErveChambers(1991) andJohnvanWilligen(1991),Birckheadconcentratedontheprocess of doing “rapid ethnography” consultancies in Aboriginal Australia. Heobservedthateventhoughbrieffieldresearchmaybeadequateif theworkis“donewell,andinacriticallyinformedway,”especiallyin thearenaofprojectevaluationandassessment(1999:221),suchan approachhasclearlyresultedinan“epistemologyofbriefencounters” (1999:198). Moorepresentedaslightlydifferentview.Mindfuloftheshortage ofconsideredresearchtimeinthekindsofbriefencountersBirckhead described, Moore concluded from his experience as a consultant in Aboriginalculturalheritagethatcompetitionamonganthropologistsfor researchcontractstendedtodrivetheprocess.Insuchcircumstances, “lesstimeremainsforcriticalreflectiononanthropologicalpractice” (Moore 1999: 249). Inspired by Arturo Escobar (1991, 1995), Moore invited other anthropologists to “subject the [consultancy] process tocriticalexaminationtoidentifyandexposehowthisdevelopment encounter shapes anthropological practices and representations of Aboriginalheritage”(1999:250).Inasimilarvein,andalsoreferring toAustralia,IanKeen(1999a:54)lamented,“Whatkindofinformation ananthropologistcanandshouldproduceforparticularpurposesor whateffectitmayhaveisseldomdiscussedindepth.” WritingasAustraliananthropologistsemployedbyAusAIDtoworkon “development”projectsinSoutheastAsia,JocelynGrace(1999:124–40) and Jim Taylor (1999: 141–61) expressed similar anxieties.6 Taylor’s workinnorthernThailandledhimtoofferacritiqueofdevelopment discourse,especiallywithrespecttoprojectsthat“ignorelocalconditions andhistoricalforces”(1999:154).Callingforanthropologiststodevote attentiontoalternativeinterventionistprocesses,Taylorrevealedaclear needformore“localisedormicroethnographicstudiesconcernedwith developmentdiscoursesandpractices”(1999:157).Grace,whofocused onhealthprojectsonLombok,Indonesia,echoedsimilarthemes,but shealsopositedthat“somedevelopmentprojectsbenefitlocalpeople regardlessofhowflawedtheepistemologicalgroundfromwhichthey have grown” (1999: 138). Referring to her work as a consultant on anAusAID“childsurvivalproject,”wherethewomenamongwhom sheworked“took”whattheywantedfromtheprojectand“ignored” or“rejected’whattheydidnotwant(1999:139),Graceclaimedthat anthropologistswhoactasconsultantsindevelopmentarecontinually
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affected by the “damned if you do, damned if you don’t” dilemma (1999:124). TheviewsexpressedbyBirckhead,Keen,andMooreaboutAustralia,in conjunctionwiththoseofGraceandTaylorasAustraliananthropologists engagedinsponsoreddevelopmentprojectsinIndonesiaandThailand— andothers,suchasHillandTurpinandStrathernandStewart,commenting generally on anthropology as a commercial enterprise (via consultancies, research grants, and competitive tenders)—represent significantcontemporarythemes.Thesethemesmightbeconceptualized under four headings: the driving of research by powerful economic networks;thelimitationsof“briefencounters”;theoverlookingoflocal knowledgeandregionalhistoriesinresearchprojects;andthelackoftime toreflectonfieldworkfindingsandtheirconsequences.Italsoappears that,insomeprojectsatleast,communities,individuals,orfamilies maybenefitasaresultoflong-termordelayedanthropologicalresearch and that “rapid ethnography” suits some topics better than others (Birckhead1999).Thesethemesreflectaspectrumofanthropological practices,theories,andknowledgesandrepresentthedifferentcontexts, times,andplacesinwhichanthropologicalengagementsoccur. Moore,Taylor,andotherswhomIhavenotmentionedparticipatein apubliccritiqueofanthropology,especiallywithrespecttoambiguous orcontradictoryoutcomesforthepersonsandcommunitiesamong whomtheywork.Butmuchofthiscritiqueoccurswithinestablished anthropologicalframeworksandnetworks,suchasintexts,viatheinternet,andinconferencevenueswhereanthropologistsconverseamong themselves. These productive exchanges are vital to the discursive healthofthediscipline.Atthesametime,itisclearthatanthropological knowledgeisnotalwaysproducedforthesolebenefitofanthropologists orforstudywithinthediscipline.Oneofthemostchallengingissues that continues to affect anthropologists in Australia is the question ofhowtotranslatedifferentformsofknowledgefromonerelational contexttoanother.
TheAnthropologyofNativeTitle Whileglobalizationandpressuretocommercializethedisciplinehave hadtheireffects,increasinginterestinstudyinganthropologyandworkingasananthropologisthavealsoemergedinresponsetochangesin Australia’slegalandmoralhistory.Themostsignificantofthesedates to 1992, when the Australian High Court handed down a decision generallyknownasMabov.Commonwealth(No.2).TheMabodecision
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acknowledgedpriorAboriginalandIslanderrightsandinterestsinland, or “native title.” Focused primarily on a small island in the Torres Straits,thedecisionestablishedtheprincipleswherebyfuturenative titleclaimsontheAustralianmainlandmightbemade,anditrejected the legal fiction of terra nullius, which had underpinned Australia’s colonialhistoryformorethantwocenturies(Bartlett1993;Fingleton and Finlayson 1995; Henderson and Nash 2002; Keon-Cohen 2001; MantziarisandMartin2000;Sutton1998). TheMabodecisionrepresentedthefirsttimethataformoflandtitle hadbeenconstructedaroundindigenousnotionsofpropertyownership (Langton 2000). Indigenous peoples, with supporting evidence fromanthropologicaldata,nowhavetoprovethattheyhavearightto claimnativetitle.Thatanindividualorgroupcanshowacontinuing connectionwiththelandconsistentwithtraditionalindigenoususe,or thatrightsinlandhavebeenconferredbycustomarylaw,isessential totherequirementsofnativetitlelaw. Broadlytranslatedintolegislationin1993astheNativeTitleAct,the Mabodecisionultimatelygeneratedtheestablishmentofamediating body,theNationalNativeTitleTribunal(NNTT),tohearAustralia-wide claims.7Hundredsofmainlandnativetitleclaimshavebeenlodgedwith theNNTT,andsomehavebeenmediatedordirectedtotheFederalCourt ortheHighCourtinCanberra,Australia’scapitalcity.Onlythirty-one claimshavebeeneitherwhollyorpartiallysuccessful,andamendments made to the act in 1998 have weakened its potential.8 According to Keen(1999b:2),undertheNativeTitleAct,claimantsmustshowthat nativetitle“isheldbysomekindofcommunityorgroup;thegroup must have genealogical connections with the community or group whichoccupiedthecountry[meaning“land”inanAustraliancontext] inquestionatthetimeoftheestablishmentofBritishsovereigntyand havesubstantiallymaintaineditsconnectionwiththecountry;[and] thelawsandcustomsthroughwhichtitleisframedmustconstitutea tradition,ifachangingone.” By recognizing indigenous land tenure laws and by leading to a tribunalinwhichnativetitleclaimscouldbemediated,theHighCourt’s 1992decisionalsoenhancedemploymentopportunitiesforanthropologists.Cross-disciplinaryresearchhasflourished,andanthropologists, historians, and linguists often undertake fine-grained ethnographic, linguistic,andhistoricalresearchforthecommonpurposeofclaimpreparationandpresentationinnativetitleproceedings(Toussaint2004). Promotedalsobythetertiarysector’s“push”tocompeteforresearch grants,consultancies,andcompetitivetenders,cross-disciplinarywork
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is not without its problems, especially when the ethical codes and methodsofcertaindisciplinesconflict. Anthropologicalinvolvementincludesethnographicresearchwith indigenoustraditionalowners,culturalmapping,therecordingofgenealogies, and the preparation of detailed reports that will be lodged withthetribunalorotherrelevantcourt.Associatedactivityincludes peer-reviewingreports,givingexpertwitnesstestimony,andadvising indigenous,industry,andgovernmentorganizations.Anthropologists mayalsobeinstrumentalinthewayareportisreviewedbytribunal personnel or members of the judiciary. As key actors in native title discourse, anthropologists have developed extensive knowledge of indigenous land tenure systems throughout Australia and provided importantpolicyadvicetoindigenousandotherorganizations. Anthropologists may also be employed full-time or as consultants byorganizationsthatopposeanativetitleorculturalheritageclaim. Such organizations include those related to sectors of the mining industry,governmentdepartments,thefishingindustry,farming,and developers. Thattheanthropologyofnativetitleclaimshasgeneratedadvantages forsomeanthropologistsiswithoutquestion.Itislessclearthatthe discipline as a whole or native title claimants generally have been advantaged.Provingthatnativetitlehasnotbeenextinguished,for example, and that cultural connections to land and sites have been maintained and reproduced over time has been difficult for those claimantsonwhomcolonizationanddispossessionhavetakentheir greatesttoll.ConsiderationoftheYortaYortanativetitleclaimhelps toexplainthispoint.
TheYortaYortaClaim The Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v. Victoria native title claim waslodgedintheVictoriaDivisionoftheFederalCourtofAustralia andheardbyJusticeOlneyin1998.9Olneyruledthattheclaimants, anthropologists,andlinguistshadproducedinsufficientevidencetoshow thattheYortaYortacontinuedtoholdcustomaryrightsinaccordance withtheNativeTitleAct.Claimingthat“thetideofhistoryhadwashed awayanyrealacknowledgementbytheYortaYortaoftheirtraditional lawsandcustoms,”Olneymademinimaluseofanthropologicaland linguistic evidence and appeared skeptical of indigenous testimony (AutyandPatten2001;Bowe2002;Case1999).
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OnecriticismofOlney’sjudgmentwasthatheprivilegedasevidence the writings of an amateur historian and squatter, E. M. Curr, in a record titled “Recollections of Squatting in Victoria,” first published in1883.InOlney’sview,present-dayYortaYortaculturalbeliefsand practicesshouldhaveconformedtothosedescribedbyE.M.Currin thenineteenthcentury. Aware of the precedent that Olney’s ruling set, and devastated by hisfailuretorecognizetheirnativetitleclaim,theYortaYorta,inconjunction with anthropologists and lawyers, appealed the decision. TheydidsoonthegroundsthatOlneyhaderredinlawbyapplying abiasedtestfordecidingwhetherornotnativetitleexistedandby findingagainsttheYortaYortaprimarilyonthebasisofCurr’swritten record.TheappealalsocontestedOlney’sviewthattheYortaYortawere requiredtoshowthattheyandeachgenerationoftheirancestorssince colonizationhadobservedthesamelifestyle,beliefs,andbehaviors, becausesuchaviewdidnotaccordwiththespiritoftheNativeTitle Actandanthropologicalanalysesofculturalcontinuitieswithinthe contextofchange. The Australian High Court heard the Yorta Yorta’s appeal against Olney’sdecisionbutdismisseditin2002,byafive-to-twovote.The judgesconcluded:“AstheirHonoursfoundthatthe[YortaYorta]society thathadonceobservedtraditionallawsandcustomshadceasedtodo so,itwasheldthatitnolongerconstitutedthesocietyoutofwhichthe traditionallawsandcustomssprang.Therefore,anyclaimbytheYorta Yortapeoplethattheycontinuedtoobservelawsandcustomswhich they,andtheirancestors,hadcontinuouslyobservedsincesovereignty mustberejected”(AustralianHighCourt2002). Elsewhere in the judgment (2002: 96), the court found that “the forebearsoftheclaimantshadceasedtooccupytheirlandsinaccordance with traditional laws and customs; and there was no evidence that theycontinuedtoacknowledgeandobservethoselawsandcustoms.” Despite Yorta Yorta knowledge, beliefs, and practices, and despite anthropologicalandother“expert”testimonyinsupportoftheirclaim, thecourt’sdecision,basedontheevidencethatcamebeforeit,wasthat nativetitlenolongerexisted. Preparationoftheclaim,followedbytheoriginaljudgmentandthe appeal,generatedsubstantialanxietyoverthepossiblefulfillmentof long-termlandrightsexpectationsfortheYortaYortaclaimants.Atthe sametime,ahugeamountofworkwasgeneratedforanthropologists, linguists, historians, and lawyers. Much of the anthropological and cross-disciplinaryresearchontheYortaYortaclaimwasdemanding, politicallyintense,andundertakeninadversarialcircumstances(Bowe
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2002;seealsoChoo2004andChristensen2004withrespecttothe MiriuwungGajerrongclaiminWesternAustraliaandStead2002on claimsintheNorthernTerritory). Anthropologistsresearchingnativetitleclaimsalsofaceduniqueand critical questions, including questions about interpretations of continuityinculturalbeliefsandpractices;indigenouslandtenurelaws; evidentiarymatters;meaningsattachedto“tradition”;theveracityof genealogicalconnections;andassertionsabouttheeffectsofsovereignty. TheYortaYortaclaim,likeothernativetitleclaims,wasthereforenot onlyaboutreconciliationandtherecognitionofindigenousknowledge andlandtenurelaws;itwasalsoaboutgeneratingworkandrichsources ofdataforanthropologists.Somewhatironicallyinapostmodernworld resistanttocertainorthodoxmethodologies,nativetitlediscoursehas alsoservedasacatalystforthereintroductionofuniversitycourseson theconstructionofkinshipclassifications,genealogies,andsoon.In thisregard,anthropologicalandotherresearchinthenativetitlefield canbeseentohaveenhancedtheenterpriseaspirationsofAustralian universities. The discursive and pragmatic benefits of native title research for anthropologyareobvious.Butwhilemanyanthropologistsexpressed disappointmentoverOlney’sdecision,mosthadanotherintellectual space,anotherplace,anotherclaim,anothertime,andanotherinquiry withwhichtodisplacethatdisappointment.Thebenefitsofnativetitle researchfortheYortaYortaarelessclear.ClaimantRochellePattenmade clearthe“fixity”ofYortaYortaattachmentstopersonsandplaces: MynameisRochellePattenandIamaYortaYortawomanfromUlupna throughmygrandmother.MytotemandthatoftheYortaYortapeople isthelong-neckedturtle.Mypersonaltotemisthecrow.Thecrowguides me.IwasbornatMooroopnaBaseHospitalwhichisontheGoulburn RiverinYortaYortaterritory.Ihaveseenacopyofthemapwhichshows theYortaYortalandclaimedinthisnativetitleclaimandIsaythatthis isthetraditionalYortaYortaland.Iknowthisbecausemymothertold me.Herfathertoldherandhisfathertoldhim.Myrelationshipwith thelandgoesbacktomygrandfatherandfurther.Thelandispartofme. Myresponsibilitytothelandistolookafterthelandlikeamotherin thewaytheelderslookedafterit.ThisistheresponsibilityofallYorta Yortapeople.(QuotedinAutyandPatten2001:6)
TheconnectednesstolandandfamilythatPattenexpressed,andthe disaffectionsheandotherindigenousclaimantsfelt,representsakindof disjuncturebetweenthenativetitleclaimantsandtheanthropologists.
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Butitalsorevealsamorepowerfulculturalandpoliticalrupture:the fissurebetweenanthropology,indigenousgroups,andAustraliancourts oflaw. ThenativetitlesituationinAustraliamakesitplainthatalthougha critiquecanbemadeofunitaryanthropologicalthoughtandpractice,in ordertomakeroomforitsplural—anthropologies—therearepowerful placesinwhichanthropologicalknowledgeinitssingular(letalone plural)formcontinuestostruggleforrecognitionoutsidethemilieuof itsowncreationandreproduction.TheanthropologistDavidTrigger, writingabouttheCrokerIslandnativetitleclaim(alsoknownasYarmirr v.NorthernTerritory),encapsulatedtheproblemthisway: [T]hedifferentworldsofdiscourseoflawandanthropologyareevident [in cases such as Croker Island]. For lawyers, their pleadings are statements that are “assertions” to be proved or supported by something called “evidence”; the difficulty is that ... anthropology projects such “assertions”asconclusionsthatarealreadybaseduponinterpretations ofactionandspeech,and...thewayonejustifiestheconclusionisto provideillustrativeexemplarymaterial.Ourmostgeneralchallenge... liesinbetterexplanationofthenatureofresearchmethodologiesand theoriesinanthropology...amidstlegalcolleagueswhoseowntraining is both tantalizingly familiar and frustratingly distant from our own. (Trigger2004:33)
AnthropologiesintheProcessofBecoming Theanthropologyofnativetitleisanexampleofastrongfieldofengagementthathasgeneratedsignificantintellectualinterestandemployment for Australian anthropologists in recent years. That anthropologists (includingsomeAboriginalpeople,whoincreasinglytrainandwork as anthropologists) continue to be engaged in native title claims, despitetheirlackofsuccess,reflectsthecontinuationofthelandrights struggleinAustraliaasmuchasitreflectsthedifficultyanthropological knowledgehasinbeingheardbeyonditsown“center.” My analysis is not meant to imply that the issues will disappear, thatnativetitlediscourseisbeyondcritique,orthatAustraliananthropologists should resist challenges to the reproduction of hegemonic anthropology.Butitdoessuggestthat,atoneendofthespectrumat least,anthropologistsmustcontinuetoworkhardtoconveycomplex materialtoproponentsof“other”formsofknowledge,includingpeople givenpowerandauthoritybyasometimeshostilestate.
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ManyformsofanthropologicalknowledgeandavenuesforitsproductionexistinpostcolonialAustralia,whereemergentanthropologies mightbedescribedasexhibiting“aturningofboundariesandlimits into the in-between spaces through which the meanings of cultural and political authority are negotiated” (Bhabha 1990: 4). Australian anthropology now seems to sit somewhat precariously, with several avenues to explore. One of these might be to disturb a process that emphasizesanuncritical,unitaryanthropology;anotheristorespond tothepressuresofeconomicdemandsandthedangerofdiminished timeforreflection;andstillanotheristointegrateanthropologyinto multidisciplinaryformulations,apathwaythatmightleadtobroader public debate and visibility. Of course a combination of these three avenuesandotherreconfigurationsarealsopossible. Closure on debates surrounding internal, interstitial, or external anthropologicalknowledgesisunlikelyasanthropologistsofandbeyond “thecenter”endeavortodeveloptheoriesandpracticesthatincorporate knowledgefromotherplacesinadditiontodevelopingananthropology oftheirown.Ihopethatintheprocess,amoreself-consciousAustralian anthropologywilldiscardaspirationstobethe“biggest”or“thebest,” sothatitcanproductivelyengagewiththecontradictions,ambiguities, andcomplexitiesembodiedinaglobalized,world-anthropologiesethos. MikhailBakhtin(1981),acriticofattemptstoideologicallyframethe meaningsofwords,ideas,andactions,concentratedonthesignificance ofcontextualandrelationalanalyses.ForBakhtin,thedialogicapproach allowedconsiderationofthewaysinwhichmeaningandinterpretation changedovertime.Thissortofanalysisisimportantforunderstanding reformulationsofAustraliananthropologies. The multiple knowledges presented in the context of native title claimsarerarelythekindof“evidence-knowledge”thatispersuasiveto judgesdeliberatinginAustraliancourtsoflaw.Whileanthropologists in Australia may be increasingly open to deconstructing hegemonic anthropologyandreceptivetoitstransformations,weneedalsotobe mindfulthatsuchknowledgeisoftenincomprehensible(perhapsfor a variety of intentional and unintentional reasons) to those outside theconstructionofthatknowledge,includingthegroupswithwhom anthropologistswork—suchastheYortaYorta,whocontinuetoexplore waystoachievethereturnoftheirland. The sorts of multiple knowledges with which anthropologists engagedonotcrystallizeandmutateinavacuum.Inthecaseofnative title claims, where the emphasis is on mediation and litigation, anthropological and other knowledges must be both accessible and
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persuasivetoadherentsofa“different”bodyofknowledgeandlaw. Thatanthropologistsconductresearchacrossdisciplinaryboundaries astheynegotiatethecomplexdemandsofindigenousgroupsandthe staterepresentsaslightlydifferentyetnolessimportantproblemthan thatofdisturbing“thecenter”andcontestingthepowerandauthority ofaninheritedperiphery-centerdivide.
Notes 1. My experience as an applied and academic anthropologist concerned mainly with Aboriginal Australia and my strong interest in epistemological andethicalissuesarereflectedinthischapter.Althoughmanyofmycolleagues conduct research in ethnographic settings outside of Australia, particularly in Southeast Asia but also in Venezuela, Madagascar, and the Middle East, anthropologicalworkonAustralianindigenousculturesremainsasignificant fieldofinquiry.Anincreasinginterestindoing“anthropologyathome”and somerapprochementwithculturalstudiesisalsoevidentamongAustralian anthropologists, as is a resurgence in sociological inquiry. Current topics of research in my department at the University of Western Australia include attachmentstoplace,environmentalissues,tourism,health,medicine,genetics, ethnicity, migration, refugees, urbanization, globalization, cultures of consumption,psychologicalandevolutionaryanthropology,andlegalcultures. A spectrum of approaches embraces postcolonialism, poststructuralism, andmoreorthodoxethnographicandtheoreticalframeworks.Anyofthese emphasesmightleadtoaslightlydifferentinterpretationofAustraliananthropologyfromtheoneIpresenthere. 2. Though not focused on Australia, Bhabha (1990), Featherstone (1995), Appadurai(2002),andFerguson(2002)areamongthosewhohaveexplored the complex interplay (connections and disconnections) between local conditionsandglobalization,includingthehybridizationthatemergeswhen thetwocollide.TheextenttowhichindigenousgroupsinAustraliahavebeen affectedbyglobalizationisunclear,althoughMichaels(2002)discussedhow thedesert-livingWarlpiriofCentralAustraliarelatedtoHollywoodvideosin awaythatrenderedthevideosbothanalogousandmeaningfultotheirown historyandcircumstances. 3. ForanexampleofdivergentviewsamongAustraliananthropologists,see Brunton1995and1996,Tonkinson1997,andBell1998,worksthatpresent
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a range of anthropological positions on the “Hindmarsh Island dispute” in SouthAustralia.Thewebsitehttp://www.library.adelaide.edu.au/gen/H_Island containsfindingsfromthe1995SouthAustralianRoyalCommission. 4. Paul Keating, Australia’s former Labor prime minister, was unusual in stressingAustralia’sinterestindevelopingstrongersocial,cultural,andpolitical tieswithpartsofAsiaandthePacific,inadditiontotrade-basedties.AsWatson (2002:77)explained,“KeatingwantedtokeeptheUSintheneighbourhood, but he did not want Australia to be either a spoke of American policy or a cheerleader. He wanted collective dialogue in the [Asia-Pacific] region, and hewantedAustraliainvolvedinit.”KeatingandtheLaborPartylostpower to a conservative government in 1996. The Liberal-Coalition, led by Prime MinisterHoward,hasnotdevelopedthecloseregionaltiesencouragedunder Keating. 5. Takingrelativepopulationsizesintoaccount,thedemographicsofthe disciplinearerevealing.TheprofessionalbodyoftheAustralianAnthropological Society (AAS) consists of around 290 members in the categories of fellows and ordinary, unsalaried, and retired members, in comparison with 10,000 membersoftheAmericanAnthropologicalAssociation(AAA),2,000members of the European Association of Social Anthropologists, and 1,000 members of the British Association of Social Anthropologists (AAS Secretariat 2002; EriksenandNielsen2001:158). 6. ThetermdevelopmentanthropologyisrarelyusedinAustraliananthropology. Sometimesitisrejectedonthebasisofitsassociationswithcolonialismandin responsetocritiquesoftheterm.MostanthropologistsworkinginAustralia identifythemselvesasdoing“applied”or“practical”work. 7. BeforepassageoftheNativeTitleAct,thelandentitlementsofAustralian indigenousgroupshadnotbeenrecognizedatanationallevel,despitedecades of agitation (including some by anthropologists). Several state- or territorybased pieces of legislation existed, the most significant being the Northern Territory’sAboriginalLandRightsActof1976. 8. TheNNTTwasunabletoprovidefiguresforthenumberofclaimslodged sinceitsinception.Thefigurespresentedherereferonlytonativetitleclaims in which the NNTT found that native title continued to exist and to have meaningforindigenousclaimants.Theareasinquestionvariedmarkedlyin size,andsomedecisionsarecurrentlyunderappeal. 9. TheYortaYortanativetitleclaimisoneofanumberofclaimsonwhich indigenousclaimants,anthropologists,lawyers,historians,andlinguistshave worked together. Other claims include the Wik claim (1996), in which the AustralianHighCourtruledthatthegrantofanonexclusivepastoralleasein Queensland did not extinguish native title, and both titles could co-exist— although the rights of the pastoralist would prevail if a conflict of interest
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emerged; the Croker Island claim (2001), in which the High Court ruled thatnativetitleextendedtotheseabutdidnotgrantindigenousclaimants exclusive possession of sea areas; the Miriuwung Gajerrong claim (1998– 2002), in which the High Court ruled for partial extinguishment of native title;andtheDeRoseHillclaim(2002),inwhichnativetitlewasfoundtobe extinguished(thewebsitewww.nntt.gov.auprovidesdetails).
t w e l v e
Official Hegemony and Contesting Pluralisms Shiv Visvanathan
I Intheircurrentdiscussionofcenter-peripherymodelsinanthropology, researchersmustbesensitivetoproblemsofintellectualproduction. Center and periphery are no longer frozen geographies but have been rendered fluid by the protean nature of diasporic flows. Yet a scholar working in the periphery might be caught in a time warp. When world revolutions are announced at the center, he feels like RipVanWinkle,abelatedentrantintoanalreadyestablishedissue.If youmentionworldanthropologyinIndianowadays,youarereferred toVeenaDas’smonumentalOxfordCompaniontoSociologyandSocial Anthropology(2003). Itisafascinatingefforttocompileasetoftexts inordertocreateatextbookandevolveaconsensus,bothIndianand diasporic,aboutsocialanthropology.Itcapturesthenormalscienceof anthropologyatitsbest.Butthetroublewithmonumentsisthatthey quicklybecomestatues.Incriticizingthem,onefeelslikeanunofficial sparrow,especiallywhenwhatoneconceivesofasballetlikemovements arecaughtinfrozenpositions. Movingfromdiscoursetoinstitutions,wehaveParthaChatterjee’sslim butequallymagisterialsurveyofthesocialsciencesinIndia,sponsored bytheSocialScienceResearchCouncilinNewYork(Chatterjee2002). Chatterjee’sorchestratedefforttounderstandtheinstitutionalstructure ofsocialscienceisasuperblycosmopolitanworkandisboundtoaffect policyandsyllabiinyearstocome. Yettheproblemofcenterandperipheryisreflectedinthenatureof thesetwoworks.DasteachesatJohnsHopkinsUniversity;Chatterjee 239
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serves every year at Columbia University. Both are sensitive people, yet neither meditates on her or his location or particular mode of intellectual production. Chatterjee’s article could easily be entitled “KeyClubsintheSocialSciences,”socloselyinterconnectedwerehis sourcesofinformation. Theironyofthecenter-peripheryreflectionisthatthisveryproblematic mightitselfbeinherited,andevenmarginalreflectionsmightactually representthevirtualmarginalityoffloatingprofessionalsinaglobalized world.Whatdoyoudowhenyourproblemandyourproblematicare themselvescreationsofthecenter?Whatdoyouaddwheninfluential reflectionsarealreadyinprint,oneinsistingitisahandbookandthe other occupying space as a policy statement? One cannot disparage theseefforts.Theseareoutstandingintellectualmaps,butinspeaking oftheterritoriesofthemind,onecaninventadifferentgeography,a wishfulspaceclosertoone’sownautobiography. Anthropology is in many ways the product of a dissenting and eccentricimagination,asubjectperpetuallyquarrelingwithitself.What Ihopetodointhischapteristolookat“worldanthropology”and “thepoliticsofcenterandperiphery”throughdissentinglenses,butin relationtoofficialviews.Fromsuchaperspective,centerandperiphery becomenotpartsofareifiedanthropologyofpreemptivefuturesbut cardsinacontinuouslyshuffledintellectualpack,orperformersina circusofepistemologies.Whatonesensesthenisnotthehegemony ofimperialthoughtbuttherestlessnessoftheanthropologicalmind.I wanttotrytolinkthemarginaltotheradical,dissenting,andeccentric imaginationstoredrawthiscognitivegeography. AnthropologyinIndiacanbereadasaseriesofshiftingscenarios. Thedebatemovesoveravarietyofaxes,includingthecolonial,the civilizational, that of the nation-state, that of civil society, and the global. Anthropology, in this context, becomes not only an official discourse summoning and inventing certain forms of “Foucauldian practice”—from the census and the survey to that great colonial creation,thegazetteer—butalsoacompendiumofalternativedreams. Anthropologybecomesawaynotonlyofpanopticonizingtheother butofinventingavarietyofplayfulothers.Juxtaposingcolonialisms asframesforanthropology,wehaveothercolonialisms. Anthropology in India is confident enough to go beyond the ressentimentoforientalismtopluralizethecolonizingperspective.One mustincludewithinthestandardnarrativesofcolonialismtheinsights ofpeoplewhomightbedubbed“theothercolonialists.”Theywerenot conventionalimperialistsreadingthecolonyasaplantationoreven
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aculturetobepreservedinmuseums.Theseothercolonialistswere comparativesociologistsatheart.Theydiscernedtrendsthecolonizer hadmaderecessivewithinhimselfandtreatedthecolonyasasitefor thereinventionandrecoveryofintellectualpossibilitiesineducation, townplanning,science,andpolitics.NotallBritishofficialssawinIndia asitetobesurveyedandruled.Formanyitwasatheaterforalternative knowledges,experimentsthathadfailedintheWest.Onethinksof PatrickGeddes,thefirstprofessorofsociologyatBombayUniversity, whosawinIndiathepossibilitiesofapost-Germanicuniversity,and AlbertHoward,whosawinhisanthropologyofagricultureatheory ofasocietybasedonadifferentattitudetowardsoils.Onemighteven invoketheosophistanthropology,withitsdreamsofchildhood,which workedtowardanewreadingoftheBoyScout,andoftheoccultchild, whichdrovenewnotionsofpedagogyfordisabledchildren. Formanyitwasatheaterforalternativeknowledges,experiments that had failed or turned recessive in the West. I emphasize two separateargumentshere.First,thediscourseoftheothercolonialisms modifiedandcreatedworldsparalleltotheofficialspaceofcolonial anthropology. While official anthropology mimicked the orientalist enterprise,participantsintheothercolonialismengagedindialogue withthesociologicalideasoftheIndiannationalmovement.Forevery RisleyandHuttontherewasaPatrickGeddesandanAnnieBesant. Second, the affable orientalism of Blavatsky, Besant, and Allan Octavian Hume was met by the hospitality of Indian nationalism. The anthropological confidence of the nationalist movement must beemphasized,especiallywhenthenation-statetodayfunctionslike an intellectual corset. Indian nationalists, even while attempting to overthrowtheBritish,werealwaysopentoeccentricanddissenting imaginations. Indeed, Indian nationalism itself was a fascinating anthropologyoftheother,animaginingthatextendedrightuptothe debatesoftheconstituentassemblyfunctioningundertheshadowof thePartition.Indiawaslikeacompostheap,perpetuallychewingideas, inwhichnothingwaslostoreternallydefeated.Indiannationalismcan beseenasadialogicframeworkforworldanthropology,forinitthe Gandhiananthropologyofthevillagecontendedwiththetraditionalist aesthetic imaginings of Ananda Coomaraswamy and E. B. Havell or quarreled with the occult anthropology of the theosophists and the Leninistvisionofscientistsdreamingofasocietybasedonthescientific method(NandyandVisvanathan1997;Visvanathan2001). Intellectual historians have often presented these approaches as separateintellectualgrids,wheninsteadtheywerethewarpsandwefts
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ofacomplexintellectualdebate.Itwasadebateoverquestionssuch as,WhatistheroleofmodernWesternscienceinIndiancivilization? Canadialoguebetweenmedicalsystemsprovideadifferentframefor policy?CanIndiaconstructapost-Germanicuniversitythatembodies a different idea of knowledge and not only reflects an Indian style but also makes a contribution to world knowledge? Bernard Cohn (1996)andotherwritershaveemphasizedtheinventionofcolonial knowledge, from Hinduism to colonial law. They have ignored the alternativecircusesofdebatethatcreatedotherpossibilitiesforscience, urbanism,tradition,technology,architecture,andagriculture.Touse morerecentterms,ifcolonialismpretendedtobeaworldsystem,then Indiannationalismprojectedthepossibilitiesofaworldanthropology withitsideasofpluralism,diversity,anddissent.Tosensethepower andconfidenceofthisdream,oneneednotgoasfarasPannikardid whenherequestedthatweallowpocketsofGoaandPondicherryto remaincolonialsothatwemightcontinuouslystudytheWestinus. Tounderstandwhatanthropologyis,onemustnotfollowtheofficial “dictionary”levelofdiscoursebutmustseetheanthropologicalactas ashifter—somethingthatchangesmeaningsasitmovesfromcontext tocontext. WiththecomingofindependenceinIndia,theepistemiccircusof anthropologybecamemoredomesticated,moredisciplinary,yetitwas stillfullofmemoriesofanotherworldofdebates.
II Thedebatesthatbeganwithindependencecenteredonasetofsimple questions.Issociologyadiscourseof,andorientedtoward,thenational state,orcanitmediatebetweencivilizationandnation?Issociology possibleinacivilizationalsense?Canonecreateauniversalistsociology, orissociologyaparticularisticexercisetiedtocertainuniqueinstitutions? Aresociologicalcategoriesunique,universal,andtranslatable? Thesequestionsdrewthreesetsofresponses,eachafascinatingway ofredefiningtheproblem.Eachresponsehyphenatedsociologytoa differentsubject,suggestingthattheanswertothequestionmightlie inthehybridsocreated.Thefirstandthemostpublicizedanswerwas that of the French Indologist Louis Dumont, who still stands larger thanlifeontheIndianscene.Dumontarguedthatthepossibilityof asociologyofIndialayinaclosercooperationbetweenIndologyand socialanthropology.TheDumontianproblematicdominatedIndian sociology and triggered one of the most cosmopolitan debates over
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theissueofa“sociologyofIndia”(Bailey1959).ThejournalDumont establishedwithDavidPocock,ContributionstoIndianSociology,became thedominantjournal,displacingboththemorequotidianSociological BulletinandthemoreregionalEasternAnthropologist. The debates over a sociology of India constitute one of the most fascinating archives on the possibility of a world anthropology, but thetermsofthedebateandits“official”historymarginalizetwoother fascinatinganswerstothefundamentalquestions.Bothcamefromthe most heavily intellectualist school of the time, and both have been marginalizedorforgotten.ThestyleanddebatesoftheLucknowschool mustberecovered,andIshalldosointwostages.FirstIoutlinetheworks ofD.P.MukherjeeandRadhakamalMukherjee,andthenIelaborate theargumentsofA.K.Saran.Whilethefirsttwosociologistsattempted topurifyandtranslatetheeconomicvisionofMarxasasociological enterprise,thethirdcarriedoutaguerillawaragainstmodernityand thedreamsofauniversalWesternsociology(Gupta1974;Joshi1986; Madan1994). MembersoftheLucknowschoolofeconomicsandsociologytooka holisticviewofsociology.Indeed,theveryboundariesbetweentoday’s economics, sociology, and political science have confined them to oblivion, for their sociology constituted, to use Albert Hirschman’s term(1981),virtually“essaysintrespassing.”TheLucknowschoolis rememberedtodayforitsthreemusketeers:RadhakamalMukherjee,D. P.Mukherjee,andD.N.Majumdar.Saran,youngerthanthey,couldbe seenasthespiritualD’Artagnan. TherootsoftheLucknowschoollaydeepintheanticolonialnational awakeningthatexplodedoutoftheBengalrenaissanceasaliteraryand politicaloutpouring.TheLucknowvisionsawsocialscienceasatheater andasiteforimaginingasocietystrugglingfornationalemancipation andagainstbackwardnessandpoverty.Tacitly,itwasconcernedwith thewayIndiancivilizationandcommunityrespondedtothenationalist projectofplanneddevelopment.Itsfounder,RadhakamalMukherjee, noted: History was prized by me at the beginning of my educational career as a systematic study for the necessity of the glory of India, but faceto-facecontactwiththemisery,squaloranddegradationoftheslums of Calcutta decided my future interest in Economics and Sociology... Ricardo, Mill, Marshall, Walker, Carver were not concerned with the problemsofpovertyatall,butdidnotthesecurrenttextbooksofeconomics formulate certain problems that required understanding and
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interpretationinordertoanalyzeandalleviateIndianpoverty?(Quoted inJoshi1986:8)
What Mukherjee tried to create at Lucknow was sociology as an institutionaleconomicsappropriatetoIndiansociety.Asasociologist ofIndianculture,hearguedthat“thepostulatesofWesterneconomics wereentirelydifferentfromthosethatcouldbededucedfromarealistic study of Indian economic life” (Joshi 1986: 11). Mahatma Gandhi approvedofMukherjee’sideasasearlyas1917.CitingMukherjeewith approval,Gandhiobserved“thattheprinciplesofWesterneconomics couldnotbeappliedtoIndianconditionsinthesameway[that]the rulesofgrammarandsyntaxofonelanguagecouldnotbeapplicable toanotherlanguage”(Joshi1986:11). ButtheIndiannation-statewascommittedtoplanneddevelopment. Mukherjeearticulatedasociologythatprovidedacivilizationalecologicalview,anantidotetotheEurocentricapproachtoIndianeconomics. Embedded in the strategy of the Lucknow school were two approachestosociologyasareinventingofeconomics.Thefirstwas whatP.C.Joshi,inhisfondmemoir,calledan“AsianExceptionalism,” aconvictionthat“wecannomorealtertheeconomicinstitutionofa countrythanitslanguageandthoughts”(Joshi1986:16).Thesecond wasavisionofsocialisttransformationorientedtoAsianconditions. ThelatterstrugglewasarticulatedinthelifeandideasofD.P.Mukherjee, R.K.Mukherjee’scolleague.Joshimentionedthedifferenceinthetwo men’sstyles.WhereasRadhakamalMukherjeewasaustereandsimple, D.P.Mukherjeewasapleasure-lovingcosmopolitanwholovedfood, cigarettes,andideas,acoffee-houseintellectualwhowasanauthority onmusic. D. P. Mukherjee was a quintessential Indian intellectual who saw inindependenceachallengeforintellectuals.Heobservedthat“the Frenchdaredin1789,theEnglishin1683,theGermansin1848and theRussiansin1917.Forthefirsttimeinseveralcenturies,Indiahasa chancetodare”(Joshi1986:20).ForD.P.Mukherjee,theissuewashow acivilizationdarestochange,withitsblendsoftraditionandmodernity. Sociologyforhimwasacollectivebiographyofthisexerciseinchange, achallengemadeparticularlyacutebecauseofsociology’saffinityto Marxism.Marxismwasadreamofaworld-transformativeanthropology. Thequestionwas,CoulditblendwithIndiancivilization? D. P. Mukherjee felt that Indian Marxists must induce a creative encounterwithIndiancivilization;indeed,hequotedMarxassaying that“thedeeperyougodowntotheroots,themoreradicalyoubecome.” Inhis“ManandPlaninIndia,”hewrote:
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MarxismhastocreativelymediatebetweenWesternvaluesandIndian tradition.Thusitisthattwosystemsofdataaretobeworkedout.Oneis theplan,withitsbasicWesternvaluesinexperimentation,rationalism, socialaccountingandinfurtherWesternvaluescenteringinoremerging out of bureaucratization, industrialization, technology and increasing urbanization.TheotherisnotsomuchtheIndiantraditionsasIndia’s forcesofconservationandpowersofassimilation.Atpresenttheyare not sharply posed. If anything, the first datum is gradually becoming ascendant...Thesecondrequisiteissocialactiontopushonwiththe planandtopushitconsciously,deliberately,collectivelyintothenext historicalphase.ThevalueofIndiantraditionsliesintheabilityoftheir conservingforcestoputabrakeonhastypassage.Adjustmentistheend productofthedialecticalconnectionbetweenthetwo.(Joshi1986:22)
D. P. Mukherjee recognized that Marxism was the most powerful critiqueofcapitalismandexploitationbutbelieveditwasincompleteas atheoryofvalue.WhatMarxismneededwasa“spiritualrestlessness,” aframeworkthatGandhiprovided.Gandhiwasopposedtomodern technologicalcivilizationbecausehesawitasatheoryofbothgreed andneed.Hewasconvincedthattheincreasingandlarge-scaleuseof machinerywasanengineofexploitation,andheopposedtechnology because it represented the negation of normal social order, which in Gandhi’s view was based on the principles of wantlessness and unpossessiveness.MukherjeebelieveditwasthisthatMarxismlacked, becauseitrejectedspiritualnormsbasedonwantlessnessandacode ofconductfoundedonself-controlandprayer. Mukherjeegrappledwithanotherprofounddifficultythathecould notsolve.Itdealtwithtime,andascriticssuchasSaranandDumont have pointed out, it was something he struggled against futilely. Mukherjeepleadedpoeticallyfor“aconceptoftimethatwillnotmove alongonedirection,[but]thatwillnotbecyclical.Itwillbeneither GreenwichtimenorthetwinkleofBrahma’seye.Hehopedthatwith this change from transcendental to human time, philosophy would becomeonewithhistory.”ButastheruthlessSarannoted,“thenew conceptoftimeheproposedisalittletooeclectic,nottosayelastic.”It wasdifficulttoimaginehowD.P.Mukherjeevisualizedanondirectional timethatwasalsononcyclical.TheimperiousDumontnotedthisas theunresolvedprobleminMukherjee’ssociology.Hepointedoutthat “one’srecognitionoftheabsenceoftheindividualintraditionalIndia obligesonetoadmitwithothersthatIndiahasnohistory,forhistory andtheindividualareinseparable;itfollowsthat‘Indiancivilization isunhistoricalbydefinition’”(quotedinMadan1994:16).
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D. P. Mukherjee’s life, like his anthropology, remained a series of reluctances.Sarannotedthatthethreeworldnotesthatbeckonedto him—Vedanta,Westernliberalism,andMarxism—didnotmix.T.N. Madan,inhisbookPathways (1994:23),wonderedwhatMukherjee’s autobiographywouldhavelookedlike.Iwonderwhathisprospective sociologywouldhavelookedlike. TheLucknowschoollostouttothedreamsofplanneddevelopment. ItwastheLondonSchool,nottheLucknowschool,thatdominated independentIndia.D.P.Mukherjeeandothersociologistslikehimwere seenasdreamers,coffee-houseaficionadosintheworldoftechnocrats.I shallexploreA.K.Saran’sideasinsectionIVwhilediscussingthesociology of modernity; space does not permit me to discuss the intellectual stylesofN.K.BoseandG.S.Ghurye.WhatIneedtoconfrontisthe sociological manifesto that marginalized their sociologies. We come nowtothevisionofsociologythatLouisDumontinvented.
III IfMaxMuellerhauntsIndologyandtheghostsofRisleyandHutton stillstalkcolonialanthropology,thenLouisDumontisthespecterthat hauntsIndiansociology.HisHomoHierarchicus(1980)isthegreatest masterpieceofmodernIndiansociology.Themagazineheinaugurated, Contribution,determinedtheprofessionalqualityandthestyleofIndian sociology.Ascritic,irritant,foil,opponent,benchmark,andancestor, Dumonttriggeredthefascinating“forasociologyofIndia”debate.But Indiansociologists,unfortunately,oftenreadonlyhalfofDumont.They oftenfailedtocomplementhisreadingofIndiawithhisstudiesofthe West.SowhileDumontwasoftendeaftoIndiancritiques,Indianswere equallyone-sidedinunderstandinghisattemptstocreatewhatwould becalledacomparativesociologyalongthelinesofWeber. LouisDumontinitiatedhisstudiesofIndiaasamaturescholaralready respectedbyClaudeLévi-Strauss(Madan1982:405–18).Dumontwanted togobeyondanempirical,eclectic,orclericalIndia;hewantedanIndia thatcouldbeunderstoodasatheoreticalorientation.Healsowantedto createanIndiathatwasanintellectual,civilizationalotheroftheWest. Indeed, he viewed India in civilizational rather than societal terms. Civilizationally,onecoulddealwithwholesatthelevelofvalues,and suchaperspectiveprovidedforcomparisons.Itwasavisionofworld anthropologythatescapedethnocentrisms. One can understand this in terms of his magnum opus, Homo Hierarchicus,whichwasessentiallyastudyofthecastesystemandits
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implications.Itwasathoughtexperimentonagrandintellectualscale; itwasnotanethnographicexerciseorahistoricalstudy.ForDumont, ethnography and history were only instruments of elucidation. He complainedthatWesternscholarssawthecastesystemthroughWestern ideologiesandspectacles.Asaresult,thestudyofcastebecameavictim ofWesternethnocentricity.Castewasaboutinequality,buttooppose itmechanicallytotheWesternideaofequalitywas,thoughperhaps politically correct, effete. To understand caste, one had to exorcise oneselfofegalitarianism,individualism,andpoliticaleconomy.One hadtogobeyondthesimplicityofequalitytothegrandcomplexity ofhierarchy. IcannotgointothecritiqueofHomoHierarchicusbutmustnowpresent Dumont’sideaofasociologyofIndia.Theessenceoftheapproach,as T.N.Madannoted(1982),waspresentedinhisinaugurallectureatthe ÉcolePratiquedesHautesÉtudesin1955andinanabridgedversionof thelecture,withDavidPocockplayingCharlesLamb,inContributions toIndianSociology(DumontandPocock1957).Thetwoclaimedthat “asociologyofIndialiesattheconfluenceofsociologyandIndology.” SuchanapproachwouldallowonetoapprehendtheunityofIndiain acivilizationalsense.Thatunityhadtobetheoreticalandstructural.It shouldnotbedivertedbyanemphasisonisolatedfeaturesorstumbleon thephenotypicaldiversitythathauntssuperficialstudiesofIndia.Once wegraspIndiafoundationally,“theempiricaldiversityrecedesintothe backgroundandanalmostmonotonoussimilarityspringsforth.” ForDumont,asociologyofIndianeededboththestrangerandthe native.Thestranger,asoutsider,looksatsocialfactsasthings.Yethe realizesthatsocialfactsareboththingsandnotthingsandadvocatesa dualisticstudyofIndiansocietyfromwithinandwithout.Dualityled todialectics,andDumontstudiedcastealongwithanti-caste,kingship alongsidetherenouncer. TheDumontianprojectwasseminalinitsfruitfulnessandthediversity ofcritiquesitgenerated.Indeed,thesociology-of-Indiadebatecontinues tothisday,thoughithasnarrowedinfocusandfury.Whatbeganasa debateoverthepoliticsofknowledgeandtheneedtoconstructIndia assomethingbeyondanepistemicotherfortheWesthassometimes degeneratedintoasociologyoftheprofessioninIndia.Atitsbestit producedthewritingsofUberoi,Kantowsky,Madan,Saran,Khare,and Marriot(seeparticularlyKantowsky1984;Khare1990;Uberoi1968). Itwasopen,dialogic,andhospitable.ThefirstcritiquesofDumont’s work held that his was a Hindu-centric sociology that had no place fortheChristianortheMuslim.Intheirsearchforatheoreticalunity,
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DumontandPocockignoredthefactthatthesociologyofIndiamust alsobeasociologyofMuslims,Christians,Parsees,andJews.Partofthis oversightstemmedfromthefactthatDumontandPocockpositedunity asatheoreticalimperativeratherthanasanempiricalfact.Theywrote thatitwas“essentialthatthisunitybepostulatedfromtheoutset,” contendingthat“whilethiscomplicatesourmethods,itsimplifiesour principlesandourobjectives.”Withoutthis,theywarned,“therewill benosociologyofIndiaexceptinavaguegeographicsense.” TherewasasecondsenseinwhichcriticssawtheDumontianproject aspartial.Theysawitas“ahistorical,”asemphasizingtheconcernsof a traditional rather than a modern India. They also considered that Dumont and Pocock, in their preoccupation with traditional India, completelyignoredthegrowingimportanceofanincreasinglydeveloped modern India. Their vision of a sociology of India as a sociology of atraditionalIndiansocietymadethemchooseIndologyratherthan historyasapartnerofsociology. Threeothercritiqueswereevenmoretheoreticallypowerful.Thefirst, byJ.P.S.Uberoi(1968),raisedthenecessityofareciprocalsociology. He talked of an Indian thought freed from its colonial influence—a swaraj-ist, or “self-rule,” thought—and simultaneously advocated an IndianreadingoftheWest,notjustasanexampleofcountercoloniality butasthebeginningofamoreplayfuluniversalism. D.Kantowsky(1984),whilesupportingUberoi’sprojectofaswarajist science, offered a critique from a different angle. He supported the need for a national school of thought to reformulate imported questionsandconcepts.HeexaminedtheneedforanIndiansociology byleapfroggingthroughtheContributionsdebate.Heaskedrhetorically whetheradvocacyforanIndiansociologymeantthattherewasalso, forexample,anIndianchemistry. F.G.Bailey(1959)raisedthesameissueinhiscritiqueofDumont. CriticizingwhathedubbedDumont’sinsistenceontheuniquenessof Indiansociety,heheldthat“theuniqueisscientificallyincomprehensible. TherecanbenoIndiansociologyexceptinavaguegeographicsense and[no]morethantherearedistinctivelyIndianprinciplesinchemistry orbiology”(Bailey1959:88–101).Bailey,asociologist,wasofcourse unawareoftheworkofJ.B.S.HaldaneorC.V.Seshadri(1993),but thatisanotheressay. WhatKantowskychallengedwasDumont’sideaofunity.Heobserved thatDumontmaintainedthattheunityofmankindmanifesteditself inaunityofthinkingandthatHindus,likeallotherpeople,thought through distinctive opposites. He then cited Satish Saberwal’s work
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toshowhowthecellularuniverse,constitutedaroundthenormative autonomyofthevarnas(castes),appearedtoacceptaboth-andrather than an either-or logic (Saberwal 1983: 301–15). It was exactly this capacityofIndiansocietytoabsorblayeruponlayerofnewcodes,and itscorrespondingahistoricboth-andlogic,thatWeberfounddifficultto understandandtriedtofitintotheeither-orlogicofhisWestern-type historicalthinkinganditsProtestantmodel.A.K.Ramanujanoffered aplayfulversionofthisissueinhisclassicarticle,“IsThereanIndian WayofThinking”(1999:41–55). Finally, the Dumontian project was criticized from a different angle—fromtheworldofmodernity.AsAndréBéteilleremarked(1993), “DumontinfacthastriedtovindicateaworldthatIndianshaveleft behind,notonetheyweretryingtocreate.”
IV The writings of A. K. Saran provide an entry into the sociology of modernizationinIndia.Saran’sworkwasanimperious,unforgiving, andlonelycritiqueofthesociologicalencounterwithmodernity.One canfollowhimbestthroughK.P.Gupta’sexegesisinhis“Sociologyof TraditionandtheTraditionofIndianSociology”(1974).Saranbegan byaskingwhethertheindigenoussystemoftraditioncouldproduce, support,orco-existwithcompletelyaliensystemsofmodernity.Hewas specificallyinterestedinunderstandingwhetherWesterninfluenceand theattendantinternalizationoftheWestcouldleadtothemodernization oftheHindutradition. Inbroadterms,forcontemporaryIndiansociology,theanswerwas in the affirmative. Indian sociology rarely expressed an unqualified allegiancetoHinduismorindulgedinatactlesscelebrationofWesternization.AsGuptaremarked(1974:34),“inthemodernizedconsciousness oftheIndiansociologist,traditionisfullycompatiblewithmodernity. Itisstrictlywithinthiscontextthatthesynthesisandthehybridhave becomethetwomostpopularcomponentsofmodernizationtheory inIndia.” Sarandubbedthistactic“afalseconsciousness,”becauseitinstrumentalizedtraditionasatoolformodernityandbecauseittrivializedtradition byemployingmodernisticcriteriatoevaluateandunderstandtradition. Guptaaddedthatthetactichadfatalconsequencesatanempiricaland methodologicallevel.Heexplainedthatasociologistwasrestrictedto fragments,morsels,orresiduesoftraditionsuchasreligiousfairsand fasts.Ataslightlydeeperlevel,anIndiansocialscientistmightexpressan
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irrepressiblejoyuponseeingafatalistHindupeasantacceptingfertilizers andpesticides.Thisactinitselfseemstoconfirmallhispredispositions aboutmodernizationofHindutradition.“Atamethodologicallevel, Hinduismisdelinkedfromitsinstitutionalbaseandisstudiedonlyas acongeriesofdisparateactsandbeliefswhichcanbeusedandabused intheprocessofmodernization”(Gupta1974:34). ForSaran,Hindureligionandsocietywereinseparable,butMuslim conquestandcolonialrulehadartificiallybifurcatedthem.Asaresult, one saw evidence of apologetic patterns of “synthesis” and “adaptation.”Saranarguedthattheonlyanthropologistwhoresistedthiswas Gandhi.ButGandhiananthropologywasrejectedinpost-independence modernization and socialism, which accommodated it only as a humanisticcounterforcetothetransfer-of-technologyregime.Witha weakenedtraditionandasuperficialmodernity,Indiaeasilyadopted colonialmodelsofchange,evenwhentheywereoutdated. Saran’sscatteredwritingsofferedoneoftheoriginalchallengesto social science research in India. He established clear links between imperialismandsocialscienceresearchandwasamongthefirsttowarn ofIndia’spseudo-autonomyinthesphereofeconomicdevelopment andmodernization.Andhemadeonelastcrucialcontribution.Hesaw center and periphery not as colonized and colonizing spaces but as hegemoniesoftime.Heclaimedthat“modernityisatime-word,and withtheideaofprogress,‘lifehastobelivedonanupwardslope.’” Thehegemonyoftimewaswhatmarkedthesociologyofdevelopment. Hecomplained: Modernitycannotbeusedasaquality-wordwithoutfreezingaportion of history; and this absolutization of a fragment is so patently antihistorical that it is a miracle that no serious attention has been paid to this problem. If there have to be any absolute values validated by history,timemusthaveanend;andtime,forourmodernsociologists, doeshaveanend.Toseethis,onemustknowthatthoughthesociology ofmodernizationandsocialchangepretendstobeuniversalinvalidity and global in scope, it is meant exclusively for the low development countries(LDCs),anddoesnotapplyatalltoNorthAmericaandEurope. Forthemtheremaybeproblemsofpost-industrial,post-modern,orpostChristian society, but these are radically different from the problems and dilemmas of modernization in the low development countries. For European and American sociologists think in terms of alternative utopias,futurology,copingwithfutureshock,constructingandcoping withacyberneticsociety,beatingtheecologicalcrisis(zerogrowthrate),
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the death-of-God theology, counterculture, consciousness III and the greeningofAmerica.Noneofthishasanyrealkinshiporevenaffinity with the modernization of the under-developed countries of Asia and Africaexceptinhonorificsenses.(Saran1975:104)
Butsadly,althoughSaran’swasabrilliantchallengetomodernity, hefailedtobuildasociologyoftradition.Ashebecamealonevoice, what dominated sociology was the rhetoric of “the modernity of tradition.” Modernity, sociology, and nation building went happily handinhandinthediscourseofIndiansociologyinthe1960sand 1970s.ThishappybutmodestconsciousnessiswhatIwanttodiscuss inthenextsection.
V ThedebatesIhavedescribedsofarpaintedsociologyasanintellectual exercisemeditatingoncivilizationsandmetaphysicalissuesoftime, modernity, and epistemology. The 1960s saw an overall change in style.Sociologybecamemorepragmatic,moreprofessional,andmore everyday.Itexplodedfrombeingamarginalexerciseperformedbya fewuniversitydonsintoanexperimentofnationwideproportions.This explosionisbestunderstoodbyfollowingthenarrativesofoutstanding sociologistsoftheperiodsuchM.N.SrinivasandAndréBéteille.Both weresuperbstorytellers. Inhisvariousreminiscences,M.N.Srinivasrecountedthatinthe colonialperiodsociologywasbarelytoleratedasasubjectinIndia.And eventhatbias,heexplained,wasacolonialinheritance: To British academics, sociology was a foreign subject; its origins were inEuropeanditwasalsoassociatedwithsocialism.TheIndianelites, educatedinBritishuniversities,acceptedtheseprejudicesasamatterof course.ItwassignificantthatinBritain,sociologywasestablishedasan academicdisciplineoutsideOxbridge,inLSE,foundedbytheFabians, Sidney and Beatrice Webb. The first professor of sociology in LSE was EdwardWestermarck,aFinn.(Srinivas1994:10)
HeaddedthatthechangeinIndianscholars’attitudetowardsociology came with a switch in their models of excellence. From the 1960s onward,theUnitedStatesbecamethecountryofacademicexcellence and a strong source of intellectual influence. Srinivas noted that “it was the Ford Foundation under Douglas Ensminger which sold the
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whole idea of community development to Prime Minister Nehru. A fewruralsociologistsfromtheUSvisitedIndiatoadvisethePlanning CommissiononhowtopromotedevelopmentinIndianvillages”(1994: 11). Thepost-independenceyearssawtheestablishmentofprogramson SouthAsiaatChicago,Cornell,Pennsylvania,Columbia,Wisconsin, Duke, and California. Srinivas described the moment as an epochal one “which marked the discovery of India by American scholars, if we except a few odd but important figures like Norman Brown and DavidMandelbaum”(1994:11).Theseyearsalsowitnessedasubstantial funding of Indian studies by the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations. Inaddition,asubstantialquantumofresearchwasdoneinthesocial sciencesthankstoUSdevelopmentaidgivenunderPublicLaw480. OfcourseSrinivaswasquicktoaddthatsociologydidnotdevelop asaresultofexternalinitiativesalone.Indiansociety,heemphasized, had established reservations for scheduled castes and tribes, an affirmativeactionplanthataffectedover400millionpeople.Thevery fact of this process of social change and the need to make sense of itcontributedtothepopularityofsociology.Srinivasestablishedthe dominantdepartmentofthetimeattheDelhiSchoolofEconomics attheUniversityofDelhi.Thequestiononemustaskis,Whatkindof sociologygrewinthisandotherdepartments? AndréBéteille(1993:291–304),oneofthefirstlecturersinsociology at the University of Delhi, explained that the goal was to create a comparativesociology—andsociologyhadtobecomparative,oritwas nothing.Asociologythatabandonedacomparativeapproachtended to be either abstract and philosophical or narrow and eccentric. He said it was well known that the latter bias was found in American textbooks,andIndianstudentssufferedforit.ForBéteille,committed alwaystosteeringbetweenextremes,“acomparativesociologyisthe bestsafeguardagainstexcessivenarrowness.” Acomparativesociology,hebelieved,wasalsoanintellectualand pragmaticchallengetocolonialism,whichhadcreatedanartificial barrier between “primitive” and advanced societies and a parallel splitbetweensocialanthropologyandsociology.Hecontendedthat studentsofsocietyandculturehadaspecialroletoplayinexamining how far this separation was justified. An Indian seeking to understandhisownsociety,hewrote,encounteredavarietyofsocial formations,fromthesimplesttothemostcomplex.Giventhis,the divisionoflaborbetweensociologyandsocialanthropologywasboth colonialandconstricting.AndthisdivisionwasmostmarkedinUS
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universities,whichinevitablyconsignedasocialanthropologistto ananthropologydepartment. ToBéteille’svisionofacomparativesocialanthropology,Srinivasadded anobsessionwithfieldwork.ForSrinivas,sociologywasanempirical discipline, and he saw fieldwork as integral to it. He combined this viewwithastructural-functionalapproach,thepossibilitiesofwhich became known through an analysis of simple village studies. What structural-functionalismdidasamethodwastorenderunfashionable the explanation of Indian institutions such as caste and family by referencetothescriptures. ThehouseofsociologythatSrinivasbuiltwasahappyconsciousness renderedclearerbyatacitboundarymaintenancebetweensociology andeconomics.Intheearlyyears,socialanthropologistsstayedaway frompolicyandplanning.Thearrogantconfidenceoftheeconomists at the Delhi School of Economics, especially Sen and Chakrabarty, reinforcedtheirtacitactsofboundarymaintenance.Finally,asSrinivas observed,theapparentrelevanceofsociologyrosebecauseofthepopular misconceptionthatitwasakindofsocialwork. SujataPatel(1998),inherstudyofSrinivas,observedthathisautobiography, Indian Society through Personal Writings (1996), reflected a typicallyBrahman,middle-classapproachtosociology.Shenotedthe absenceofpoliticsinthework,remarkingthat“obviouslythepower ofthecolonialstateortheprotestagainstthenation-statethathad emerged in and through the national movement had no influence onthefamily’sfortunes”(Patel1998:41–69).AswemeetSrinivasthe fieldworker,weseesomeonewhoembodiesthehopesanddesiresof theelitesofanewlyindependentcountry.Changesaretakingplacein villageIndiaandarebeingpraisedfortheirbenefits.Asafieldworker, Srinivasrecorded“newtechniquesenteringthevillage,oilmillsbeing setup,busroutesbeingstarted.He[was]proudofthefactthatoneof hisrespondentswaslaterabletobuyacarandevengavehimaliftas hewaswalkingdownthestreet.”Inastrangelypredictableway,social anthropologybecameacollectionofcautiouslycelebratorynarratives describingeconomicdevelopmentandemphasizingtheresilienceof caste.ThevillageSrinivasdescribedinhis1976book,TheRemembered Villagewas,liketheMalgudiofthenovelistR.K.Narayan,atransparently happyvillage.Thegodswereinheaven,Nehruwasincommand,and allwasalmostrightwiththeworldofvillageIndia. Itwasthisself-satisfactionwithaprofessionalizedsocialanthropology thatcametumblingdownwhenIndiraGandhiimposedtheEmergency, aperiodofconstitutionaldictatorship,in1975.
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VI The sociology of the Emergency and its aftermath is not something one finds in official Indian sociology books. It does not appear in ContributionsortheSociologicalBulletin,exceptforabriefmentionby Srinivasclaimingitwasanaberration.TheEmergencyrenderedeffete themajorinstitutionsofIndiansociety,fromtradeunionsandcourts totheIndianuniversity.Strangely,nomajorsociologicalreflectionon itexists.Indeed,thefineststudyoftheEmergencyisstillthatofthe Shahcommission,acommissionthatwastoinvestigatethe“excesses” oftheEmergency.Whatevercompetentsociologywasdoneatthetime was the work of journalists such as Arun Shouries, Kuldeep Nayar, andAshokMitra.Yeteventheyseemedhauntedbytheghostsofthe Frankfurtschool;theyconstructedtheEmergencythroughatheoretical mimingofAdornoandHorkheimer.IndiraGandhi,however,wasno Hitler,andIndia’sCentralBureauofInvestigationnoGestapo. Sociology could offer little toward understanding the Emergency, butthereciprocaleffectwasdevastating.TheEmergencyshatteredthe happyworldoffunctionalsociologyandsociologists’odestoParsons, Merton, and Levy in a way no Marxist critique could have done. It met the innocence and naïveté of an Indian social science bereft of anytheoryofdictatorship,institutionbuilding,orevil.Itprovedthat sociologists,likemostotherIndiancitizens,lovedIndiandemocracy buthadlittleknowledgeofitbeyondafewelectionstudies.Asociety too preoccupied with development, modernity, and caste suddenly appearedilliterateaboutviolenceanddemocracy. TheshockoftheEmergencyforcedsocialscientiststoreexaminetheir Nehruviancommitmenttomodernity,nationbuilding,andscience. What emerged was a sociology that challenged the social contract betweenscience,thenation-state,security,anddevelopment. ThesociologycreatedbytheEmergencyanditsaftermathemerged notinContributionsbutingrassrootsjournalssuchasLokayanBulletin. Thenewsociologicalproblematicwasconstructedoutofthebattlesof humanrightsactivistsandfeministgroups.FromtheEmergencyandits commitmenttothebigscienceofthenation-statearoseoneofthefinest critiquesofscienceintheworld,exemplifiedinthewritingsofVandana Shiva,AshisNandy,ClaudeAlvares,andC.V.Seshadri.Inanattempt toreinventdemocracy,thesecriticsemphasized,first,thatthestandard notions of citizenship were not enough to protect marginal people fromthedegradationsofmoderndevelopment.Theyhighlightedthe paradoxthatIndiahadmorerefugeesfromdevelopmentthanfromall thewarsithadfought.Second,theyrecognizedthatanewsociology
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ofhumanrightswasneededthatwentbeyondtheuniversalismofthe UNcharter.Third,theyemphasizedthatnatureandtechnologyhadto bereworkedinasociologyofIndia.Andfinally,thecriticsstressedthe newrelationsofscienceanddemocracy,whichmeantnewdemandson both.Democracyneededtoencompassmorethanjustparticipation, andscienceneededtoexceedthemerediffusionoftechnologywithin India. Strangely,thisvisionofsociologywascapturedbestinthewritings ofapoliticalscientist,RajniKothari,andapsychoanalyst,AshisNandy (Kothari1989a,1989b,1989c;Nandy1980,1988).AttheCenterfor the Study of Developing Societies in Delhi, the two created a new sociologyinwhichtheyattemptedtoreinventavisionofdemocracy, publishing primarily in journals such as Seminar, Alternatives, and LokayanBulletin.Marxists,structuralists,andfunctionalistshadlittleto sayabouttheviolenceoftheGreenRevolutionorthenewcolonialism ofdevelopment.Oddly,thedebatesoverasociologyofIndiahadlittle toadd.Thisarenaforsociologybecamethetacitprerogativeoflittle magazinesandgrassrootsmovements. One of the outstanding critiques of the Emergency was a new sociology of science that bypassed the world of Merton, Shils, and evenBernal.Whatemergedwasacritiqueofepistemologyasavalueneutralenterprise.Scienceasamethodhadtobelinkedtoideasoflife, lifestyle,livelihood,lifecycle,andlifechances.Thiscritiquetriggeredan explorationofalternativesthatcreatedamorecosmopolitansociology thanthesociologyofmodernization,whichwasmirroredinthecenterperipherymodel.Asearchfornewparadigmsandexemplarswasonas ParsonsandMertongavewaytoGandhiandIllich.Itbroughtabout two powerful readings of history. First, there was the search for an alternativesciencebasedontheworksofAlvares(1992),Dharampal (1971),andeventheoldorientalistdocuments.Thisnewreadingof Indologyandofthecolonialdocumentsmetitscounterpartinanew generationofhistorianscalledthe“subalterns.”Unfortunately,noreal encounterordialoguehastakenplacebetweenthesubalterns’reading ofcolonialismandthealternativehistoriesofthecritique-of-science movement. The subalterns, in a later move, did produce a series of studies in science, but the work of Gyan Prakash (2000) and David Arnold(2000)remainsantisepticnexttothemuscularsubalternism ofAlvaresandSunilSuhasrabudhey.Anencounterbetweenthetwo remainsoneofthemajortasksofworldanthropology. Sadly, the dissenting imaginations of the post-Emergency period wereeasilydomesticated.Thepossibilityofanalternativescienceand
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thecritiquebythefeministswereabsorbed,inareductivesense,by theUNdiscourseonsustainabilityandtheWorldBank’sandUnited Nations’ discourses on development. There is a split-level sociology herethatwemustunderstand.Infactitwastheeconomists,seeking toabsorbthecritiqueandhumanizeeconomics,whoperformedthe exercise.OnethinksinparticularofMahbubulHaqandAmartayaSen. Theirideaofentitlementsassocialcapitalblendedwiththenotionof sustainabilityandcreatedthepossibilityofabetterworldforwomen andchildrenintermsofeducation,nutrition,andqualityoflife.But suchUNdiscoursesignoredthewiderpleaofgrassrootssociologiststo incorporatetheideasofalternatives,thecommons,orevencognitive justice and representation into the new charters of development. Generally, though, Sen and M. S. Swaminathan rested comfortably withNandyandKothari.Theofficialandthedissenting,thestateand the nongovernmental organizations, were easy fellows in consensus aroundtheideaofsustainabledevelopment.
VII The celebration of civil society and alternative science that marked the 1980s and 1990s slowly came unstuck with the emergence of globalization.GlobalizationcaughtthesociologyofIndiaflat-footed. The writings of Nandy, Kothari, Das, and Madan have little to say aboutit.Partlyitmightbetooproteanatextforthepostcolonialiststo decode.ThesociologyofglobalizationinIndiahastorelyondiasporic intellectualssuchasArjunAppadurai,whosestudiesofglobalization haveacquiredatextbookimprimatur.Indeed,thepositionofAppadurai and scholars such as Dipesh Chakrabarty, Homi Bhabha, and Veena Dasdemandsthatweunderstandthediasporaboththeoreticallyand intermsofcasestudies.Thesescholars’writingshavehelpedcreatea postcolonial understanding of India, but it is still an understanding ataremovefromIndia.ItisanexercisecreatedinChicago,Sydney, orSussexandthenmimickedinDelhiandBombay.Inanironicway, postcolonialismthreatenstobeadiasporicexercise,atleastinterms ofitscreativecenters. But this only emphasizes the need for a more sophisticated study ofthediaspora.Sociologically,thediasporicbeing,ascitizen,mustbe differentiatedfromtheexile,themigrant,andtherefugee,whodominatedtheproblematicoftwentieth-centurysociology.Onemustalso studythelong-distancenationalismofthediaspora,whichnotonly fueledtheviolenceofPunjabandSriLankabutalsobecameaformof
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consumption.AnewgenerationofdiasporicsfromIndiawillsoonbe studyingIndiaonAmericancampusesinBerkeleyandNewYork.How willtheyconstructIndia?Willthediasporacreateaneworientalism subtlerthanthosedescribedbyEdwardSaid?Onealreadynoticesthe technocraticfundamentalismthatstemsfromSiliconValleyandfillsthe coffersoftheVisvaHinduParishad(VHP)andBhartiyaJantaParty(BJP). Orcanthediasporahelpcreateacivicinternationalismtranscending thecompulsionsofthenation-state?Wheredomembersofthediaspora standonasociology-anthropologyforIndia? Thesociologicalimaginationasitexistsintheglobalagethrivesnot inContributionsoreveninEconomicandPoliticalWeekly.Itexistsatfour levelsandasfoursetsofpossibilities.First,andforthefirsttime,there isaregionalSouthAsianimagination.Onecanmoveatleastfromthe sociologyofIndiatothesociologyofSouthAsia,achangeimpelledby threeforces.ThefirstisanintellectualappreciationofthefactthatSri Lankananthropologistshaveproducedbetterandmoresophisticated studiesofviolenceandethnicitythanthealmostmechanicalnarratives thatIndianshaveproducedaboutthePartition.Second,andsimilarly, theNepalesesociologyofwaterisapowerfulchallengetoitsIndian neighbors. The third force is that Indian sociology, after years of obsessionwiththeUnitedKingdomandtheUnitedStates,suddenly sensesdynamismandadiversityofideasinSouthAsia.Itsdissenting imaginationsseemhappilyfraternal.Thereisasensethatideasappear moreplayfulclosertohome.Allthishasledtorepeatedpleasfora SouthAsianuniversity. Thesecond,andsurrogate,imaginationisacinematicone.Theanthropologicalimaginationforonceisnolongerrestrictedtoprint.Cinema, whichwasalwaysinadvanceofsocialscience,hasbecomeapowerful indexoftheglobalmind.TheworksofPrakashJha,MeeraNair,Mahesh Bhatt,AparnaSen,andGurpreetChaddhacreateanewanthropological consciousnessthatsociologyinprintfindshardtomatch,exceptasa secondaryactofdeconstruction. Thethirdimaginationisaliteraryone.IndianwritingsinEnglish havebecomepowerfulanthropologicalimaginings,addingtotheearlier analysesofR.K.Narayan,V.S.Naipaul,andNiradC.Chaoudhary.The worksofSalmanRushdie,AmitavGhosh,VikramSeth,andRohinton Mistryprovideabetterunderstandingofthesociologyofthemiddle class,theEmergency,andthenewbiculturalismthatcelebratesglobalism thandoestheformaltextbooksociologyofglobalism. Finally,thereisthenewDalitsociology,tiredoftheindifferenceof SrinivasandDumonttowardissuesofviolenceandatrocity.Itchallenges
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theethnocentricdefinitionofcasteenshrinedinDumontiansociology byclaimingtacticallythatcasteisaformofraceandthatofficialIndia canbeseenasengaginginapartheid.DebatesinDurban,SouthAfrica, wherecastewaspresentedasaformofracism,showedthepowerand imaginationofthemovement.ButDalitsociologystillneedsamore powerfulcritiqueofthemodernandthepostmodern. Surroundedbythesefourimaginationsisthenewacademicsociology thatisstrugglingtounderstandterrorism,multinationalcorporations, ecology,thenetworksociety,theplightofmarginals,andthesociology ofdisasters.Onesuddenlyrealizesthatawholegenerationhaseither retiredorturneddiasporic.Thenewsociologistshaveyettoemergeas clearexemplarsorwithnewparadigms.Sociologysuddenlyappears silent or strangely imitative. Oddly, at a time when the sociological imagination floats freely across sectors, academic sociology in India appears mute or helpless. The twenty-first century arrived early in India, but its concepts seem sleepily outdated. One senses the need foranewD.P.MukherjeeoranA.K.Saran;indeed,onelongsfora newconversationonasociologyforIndia.Untilthen,globalizationis goingtobeadiscourseconductedbydiasporicsandtheWorldBank aboutastrangelysilentIndia.Thereisanemptinessherethatweneed tounderstandandconfront.
Part 4 From Anthropology Today to World Anthropologies
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t h i r t e e n
The Pictographics of Tristesse An Anthropology of Nation Building in the Tropics and Its Aftermath
Otávio Velho
I
n1982,theSwedishjournalEthnosdedicatedaspecialnumberto thesubjectofperipheralanthropologiesandthebuildingofnational anthropologies. In an evaluative epilogue, titled “A View from the Center,”GeorgeStockingJr.,therenownedhistorianofanthropology, commented:“Indeed,onthebasisofwhatispresentedhere,anthropology at the periphery seems neither so nationally varied nor so sharply divergent from that of the center as the conception of ‘the shaping ofnationalanthropologies’mighthaveimplied”(1982:180).Farther along,Stockingmentionedthefailureofperipheralanthropologiesto sharply“differentiatethemselvesortopresentradicalalternativesto ‘internationalanthropologies’”(1982:185).Heconcludedthearticle bysaying: Whilesuchproblemsmaybeviewedastemporaryaspectsoftheshedding of dependency, these resonances of the sense of malaise at the center suggest that the identification with “nation-building” has not enabled peripheral anthropologies entirely to escape involvement in the post-colonial “crisis of anthropology.” What the outcome of that involvement may be is beyond the scope of these comments... What does seem likely is that institutional inertia will carry on a certain “businessasusual”untiltheyear2000—atwhichpointthoseofuswho arestillaroundmayjudgeforourselves.(Stocking1982:186)
Congratulatingourselvesforstillbeingaround,nowthatthetime hascomeitseemsappropriatetomaketheefforttojudgethesituation, 261
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asStockingsuggested.Hisarticleisagoodplacetostart.Althoughit offersmanypointsfordiscussion,IwanttoconcentrateonStocking’s (frustrated)expectations,returningtohistextafterabriefdigression. InanarticleabouttheBrazilianphilosopheroflawRobertoMangabeira Ungerandhisproposalsforsocialandpoliticalreform,publishedin 1991—less than ten years after Stocking’s article appeared—Richard RortycomparedUngertononeotherthanWaltWhitman.According toRorty,theencouragementWhitmansentfromtheNewWorldto Europeinthe1880swascomparabletowhatUngerwassendingfrom Brazil,aThirdWorldcountry(despitethefactthathetaughtatHarvard), totherichdemocraciesoftheNorthernHemisphereattheendofthe twentiethcentury.Rortyexpressedthewish:“WehopetoHeaventhese imaginary institutions [proposed by Unger] do sell in Brazil; if they shouldactuallyworkthere,maybethenwecouldsellthemhere.The SouthernHemispheremightconceivably,agenerationhence,cometo therescueoftheNorthern”(1991:181). Ungerusedtheexpression“Alexandrianfigure”torefertothekind ofAmericanintellectualRortyhimselfidentifiedwith,thatis,someone “stilltryingtobealiberal,butunabletorepresshisexcitementover therumorsaboutthebarbarians”(Rorty1991:184).ForRorty,such intellectualsmustrecognizethattheirfamiliarlanguagegameshave turnedinto“frozenpolitics,”servingtolegitimatetheformsofsocial lifefromwhichthey“desperatelyhopetobreakfree”(1991:189). Towardtheendofhisessay,Rortyinsistedthat“ifthere’shope,itlies intheimaginationoftheThirdWorld”(1991:192).Myargumentis thatalthoughRortyexpressedhoperegardingwhatmightbeexpected fromthe“romanticism”ofThirdWorldintellectuality,andStocking expresseddisappointment,evenifmomentary,bothmen’sattitudes were “Alexandrian.” Indeed, to Stocking’s disappointment could be added Rorty’s if he had recognized that, contrary to his own belief, UngerfoundhismainaudiencenotinBrazilbutintheacademiccircles oftheUnitedStates.WemightsaythatbesidesbeingAlexandrian,both Stocking’sandRorty’sattitudeswereexoticizingandorientalizingones, althoughalwaysinabenevolentorevenmessianicway. Today,weareapparentlywitnessingmomentsincenter-periphery relationswhenthedominationthatcallsformimeticreproductionis beingreplacedbytheagonisticdemandforan“other”whocanprovide difference.Atleastthisseemstobeoccurringincertainfields,among whichisanthropology.Yetthecommunicationofthischangeseems incomplete;itfindsmoreresonanceamongintellectualswhoarecloser tothecenterandwhotakeontheparadoxicalroleofself-proclaimed
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rebels,ashasalreadybeenpointedoutinpostcolonialistdebates.InBrazil, however,thiscommunicationseemsnottohavebeenincorporatedby theimmensemajorityofintellectualsgenerallyorbyanthropologists inparticular.Whattheirexpectationsareinthiscaseisanotherissue.
I ButmaybethissituationisnotrestrictedtoBrazilatall.Atleastthisis whatIunderstandfromanarticlebyMonaAbazaandGeorgStauth(1990) abouttherelationshipbetweenIslamandtheWest,theimplications ofwhichfordebatesovertheMiddleEastandSoutheastAsiacanbe putasidefornow.AbazaandStauthcontestcurrentapproachesthat seeIslamicfundamentalismastoday’sfunctionalequivalenttowhat Calvinism,accordingtoWeber,wastotheWest.Suchapproacheshave therevisionistpurposeofadmittingthepossibilityofanon-Western capitalistdevelopment.Incontrast,theauthorsprovocativelyinvert thepositions,opposingthereligiousfundamentalismsofWesternmodernityandthesecularfundamentalsofmoderntendenciesinIslam. Theyidentify,intheperspectivetheycriticize,atendencytoward“going native”amongbothWesternandlocalacademics,inthenameofa reductionist Foucauldian discourse that demanded (at the time) an “indigenization”ofthesocialsciencesintheMiddleEastandSoutheast Asia. The important point for our discussion is that according to these authors,criticismoftraditionalorientalismcontributed,paradoxically, tocreatinganewformoforientalism,triggeringanattackagainstsecular Third World intellectuals. Abaza and Stauth therefore inverted the Weberian interpretations (both orthodox and revisionist), according towhichtheWestappearssecularwhiletheEastremainsreligiously inspired.Fundamentalism,forthem,isactuallyaproductofmassculture, an oriental version of Western imagery of projected “religious spirituality”andanaestheticizingofthe“Orient.”Thosewhodemand “indigenization”ignorethefactthatthe“localknowledge”withwhich theyintendtoconstructanalternativehaslongbeenapartofglobal structures, participating in a “global game which itself calls for the ‘essentialization’oflocaltruth”(AbazaandStauth1990:213). TheauthorsquestionwhethermodernityintheWestdidinfactleadto acompleteprocessofsecularization.Theyalsoquestiontowhatextent Islamicfundamentalismmightbe,ratherthanareactiontoanexcessof modernizationandsecularism,areactionto“anincompleteandfalse transpositionofreligiouslanguageintothelanguageof‘modernity’”
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(1990:216)—thelanguageofanegatedChristianfundament—thattook placeintheWest.OnemightsaythatIslamicfundamentalism,withan intellectualfinesserarelyappreciated,harborsapointofviewthatin theWest—incontrastwiththediscoursesofmodernityandofWeber himself,togetherwiththoseofagreatmajorityofsocialscientists— would probably have been endorsed by none other than Friedrich Nietzsche in his critique of the secular masks that perpetuated the (Christian)negationoflife,secularmanbeingthe“lastChristian.” Ontheotherhand,“native”anthropologydidnotproducealternatives toWesternmethodology,asStockingconcludedmoregenerallywhenhe mentionedthe“resonancesofthesenseofmalaiseatthecenter”(1982: 186).Suchnativeanthropologywouldhavefounditselftooingrainedin theepistemological,methodological,andpolitico-ideologicalcriticisms ofWesternscience:“the‘indigenisationperspective’fallsintothevery trapofculturalglobalisationagainstwhichitwantstostandup:the claimforculturalandscientificauthenticityinlocaltraditionsisinitself aproductionofmodernity”(AbazaandStauth1990:219).
II If one takes the expression “orientalism” in a nonterritorial sense— as is becoming current—one can say that Brazil, too, has been the objectofanorientalism.Indeed,Brazilexperiencedapeculiarseconddegreeorientalism,becausethePortuguesecolonizerhimselfwasoften takenasakindoforientalvis-à-vistheactualWest.Thebest-known Braziliansocialscientist,GilbertoFreyre(1900–1987)maybepointed out,especiallyforforeignaudiences,asaniconicfigureinthismatter. Freyre(1946)insistedonthePortuguesecapacityofadjustmenttoa new environment and believed that the Portuguese did not sustain atypicallyEuropeanstance.Butperhapspartiallyinreactiontothis orientalismandthestructuresthatsupportedit—togetherwithother, general factors—an institutional apparatus that was meant to be a monumenttomodernitywasbuiltthroughoutBrazilfrommid-1960s onward.Itprolonged,thoughitgaveanewturnto,themodernizing effortsalreadybeingcarriedoutsincethethirtiesattheUniversityof SãoPaulo,whichhadledtoatemporary(asweshallsee)neglectof scholarssuchasFreyre. This new apparatus—contrary to São Paulo’s—was backed by the creationofapostgraduatesystemmodeledontheNorthAmericanone. Itforcedanthropologyintoauniversityenvironmentbasedonadepartmentalstructure.Asaby-product,anthropology’stieswithmuseums
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weakened (even when departments were nominally connected with them)tosuchanextentthatthenewsituationhasbeenentirelynaturalized,especiallybytheyoungergenerations.Oneimportantconsequence hasbeentheavoidanceofaconfrontationwiththeissuesinvolved,for goodorforill,inthisarrangedmarriagewiththeuniversity. Alargepartofthegenerationthatwasresponsibleforthisinstitution buildinggraduatedintheUnitedStates,GreatBritain,orFrance.Tomake theirprojectpossible,theycouldcountonthemilitarygovernments establishedfrom1964onward,withtheirdreamsofnationalgrandeur channeledtowardthedevelopmentofscienceandtechnology.(This situation contrasts with what happened at about the same time in Argentina.)Butsuchdevelopmentalsoreliedgreatlyonsupportfrom theUnitedStates(comingmostlythroughtheFordFoundation),which oftenwasactivatedinthenameofliberalidealstocounterbalancethe militaryregimeitself.Inordertomakethebestofthispeculiar,doublebind combination, a good deal of political ability and institutional engineeringwasrequiredofanthropologists,whichinawayheralded adoublediscoursetowhichIreturnlater. All of this resulted in an impressive intellectual and institutional apparatus, including scientific associations such as the earlierestablished Brazilian Association of Anthropology (ABA) and the National Association of Graduate Studies and Research in the Social Sciences (ANPOCS). This development included, as well, a notable devotion to identities such as that of the anthropologist and to the discipline’sclassics.1ItwasthisanthropologytowhichStockingreacted in his 1982 article, evincing another of the double binds in which Brazilian “modern” anthropology has found itself. The discipline is atoncemodeledaftercentralanthropologiesandexpectedtoprovide solutionstothedilemmasofthosecentralanthropologies. Wecould,inspiredbyFoucault,considerindetailthequestionsof powerinvolvedinthisdoublebind,probablyfollowingamorerefined lineofthoughtthantheoneAbazaandStauthcriticized.Buteventhen wemightnotgomuchbeyondwhattodayisalreadycommonsense, risking an excess of complacency toward those who are supposedly dominated.Suchcomplacencymightenduprevealing,inNietzsche’s terms,aspiritofresentmentofthepartofthesupposedlydominated againstthosewhosupposedlydominate.Itmightbepreferabletobe moreprovocative,andIsuggestthattheironyofthissituation(forboth sides)shouldnotbeoverlooked,becausebeingprovocativemightoffer greaterfoodforthoughtthanbeingcomplacent.
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III Theburlesqueimageofacolonizedelitetakingitsteaatfiveisprovocative, especially when the ritual was slowly being abandoned by thosewhocreatedit.Braziliscertainlyexemplaryinthisrespect.We need only recall the powerful social and political influence among Brazilians of Comtean positivism, which lasted far beyond the time when,inFrance,itwasreducedtotheexistenceofasinglemuseum (sponsored,itseems,byBrazilianfunds).RobertoSchwarz(1977)coined theexpression“ideasoutofplace”todescribethedeepshiftsinmeaning thatresultfromsuchtranspositionsofcontext,althoughtheexpression doesnotnecessarilyconveytheorganicitythatthesemeaningsattain innewcontexts. WoulditmakesensetoviewBrazil’suniversalist“modern”anthropologyinsuchterms?Ifso,whatwouldbethewayoutifwetookinto accountAbazaandStauth’sremarksaboutthepredicamentsof“native” anthropology?ThesearedifficultbutcrucialquestionsforaBrazilian anthropologist to consider. I highlight a few points in an effort to preventthediscussionfrombeingabandonedorputaside,whichstill seemstobethedominanttendency. Braziliananthropology(or“anthropologyinBrazil,”shouldweprefer to emphasize universalism) has attained considerable social prestige (and size) since the 1960s. Its public influence in Brazil might seem unimaginabletocolleaguesfromthe“center.”Thisinfluencepervades the media, the educational system, and even state policy—as in the caseofthelegalizationoftheuseofsomehallucinogenicsubstances whentakeninritualcontexts.ApopularsayinginBrazilwarnsthat “oneshouldmakenochangeswhenateamiswinning.”Butmaybe thisisexactlywhereweshouldbegin,byexaminingmorecloselythe successoftheanthropological“team.” AbazaandStauthresortedtoBourdieutoexplainagoing-nativeattitude onthepartofArabintellectuals.Accordingtothem,competitionwith Westerncolleaguesinthe1970sand1980sconsistedof“establishing [Arabintellectuals’]owncompetenceinapositionofbargainingforthe ‘real’”(AbazaandStauth1990:220).Accesstoinformationresources becameimportantinthiscompetition.Thesamethinghappened(and stillhappens)inBrazil,butthere,toacertainextent,thecompetition becameafrozenbattle,fautedecombattants.Thiswasduetogeopolitical changes—towhichtheMiddleEastwas,incontrastingways,ofcourse alsosusceptible—thatshouldnotbeignored.InBraziltheconstruction of the “modern” apparatus of anthropology in the 1960s coincided
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withthegreatinternationalattentionpaidto(andthetensionsover) LatinAmerica,especiallyCuba.Thisattentionprolongedaninterestin LatinAmerica,includingBrazil,onthepartofEuropeanandespecially AmericanscholarsthathadbeengrowingsincetheeveoftheSecond WorldWar.ForeignBrazilianistsweresalientcharactersin“anthropology in Brazil,” serving mostly as role models. Today, however, attention to Latin America has decreased considerably—with some variation fromcountrytocountry—notonlyintermsofforeignaffairsbutalso, revealingly,inUSacademiccircles.Insteadofbecomingcompetitors, Brazilianists on the whole simply vanished, particularly the seniors amongthem. MypointisthattheBrazilianists’absencecontributeddecisivelyto preventingtheconstructionofanativisticanthropology—analogous to the kind of social sciences Abaza and Stauth mention—as an internal reaction. I also think, however, that the ghostly presence of theBrazilianistscontributedtoamoresubtledevelopment,whicha Braziliananthropologistmightdescribebysaying,“Weareloyalto‘universal’anthropology,butatthesametime,asself-proclaimednatives, weinsistonhavingaspecialknowledgeandsensibilityfromwhichto consideranddealwithBrazil.” Thisdevelopmentwasassociatedwithananthropologydonealmost exclusivelywithinthecountry,an“anthropologyathome,”avantla lettre,whichmadepossibletheperpetuationofthisambiguousposition, alsoasortofdoublebind.“Comparison”wasakeynotioninestablishing Brazil’snecessarilycontrastingposition,butcomparisonswereusually constructed in binary and oppositional terms, with no systematic researchcarriedoutabroadtosupportthem.Theirpurposewasbasically onlythecreationofacounterpoint—akindof“occidentalism”(Latour 2000b: 207). This produced a methodological conundrum that was overlooked and resulted in abstract—although in some cases very suggestive—generalizationsandaneglectofpossibleconvergencesor symmetries.
IV I would like to illustrate Brazilian anthropologists’ ambivalence by commentingonatextofquestionabletastepublishedin1992bythe AmericananthropologistPaulRabinow.Hewroteitafterastay,in1987, asaFulbrightvisitingprofessorattheMuseuNacional(myinstitution) inRiodeJaneiro.Inhisarticle,Rabinowconveyedacertainorientalizing view,althoughdisguisedbyapostmodernstylethatallowedhimto
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makecommonplaceobservationsfromanapparent,butnotveryconvincing,distance. Itisinterestingtoimaginewhethertoday,afterwhathassincehappened in his own country, Rabinow would still, upon arrival at the airport,considerstrangetheattitudeofBraziliancustomsagents,heirs toourdictatorship.Attimeshisorientalizingseemstobeaproductof misinformationonhispart,andattimesitseemstobeaproductof ignoranceoradesireonthepartofhisinformants—anthropologists included—to attend to his expectations. When he writes of “one of the many formerly coffee-covered hills punctuating the topography aroundwhichmodernRiohasexpandedandinwhosenewlywooded grovesthesyncreticcandomblécultispractisednightly”(1992:250), hemanagesinasinglesentencetoexaggeratethenumberofhillsin Riothatwerecoveredbycoffeeplantationsinthenineteenthcentury; guesswronglythatthewoodsonthemrepresentrecentreforestations; confusecandombléfromBahiawithother,lessinternationallyknown African-Braziliancults;andignorethatatthetime,thosecultswere inlargepartbeingreplacedintheregionbyEvangelical(Baptistand Pentecostal) churches (although, in fairness, this was not yet much talked about). All of these orientalizing mistakes seem to legitimate thesuspicionsofBraziliananthropologistsregardingthecompetence ofNorthAmericancolleaguestounderstandBrazil. ButRabinowalsomadeothercomments.2Hedescribed,forexample,a visithewitnessedoffourAfricansocialscientiststotheMuseuNacional. He mentioned their attack on Brazil’s supposedly harmonious racial realityandtheirdenunciationofthedearthofblackstudentsandteachers inBrazilianuniversities(ourpostgraduatedepartmentincluded).He pointedoutthedefensivestanceofBraziliananthropologistsonthe racialissue,whichtothemwaseitherastrictlysocioeconomicproblemor somethingofsuchculturalcomplexityandsubtletythatgeneralization wasimpossiblewithoutpreviousconsiderationofthecontextsinvolved. Rabinowalsorecalledthelackofinterestonthepartofanthropologists at the Museu regarding the Ford Foundation’s suggestion that they organizeacommemorativeexhibitonthecentennialoftheabolition ofslavery.Hementionedanotherepisode—similartoonerecounted by Lévi-Strauss in Tristes tropiques—when, during a dinner party in SãoPaulo,extremelysophisticatedandcosmopolitansocialscientists demonstratednostalgiaforpaternalisticrelationswiththeirmaidsand performedthe“sociologicallyobjectiveabsurdityofintelligentpeople lamentingtheirfuturemaid-lessstatewhenmillionsuponmillionsof Braziliansarelivingnearorbelowsubsistence”(1992:258–59).
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Rabinow’scommentscouldwellbediscardedaspurelyanecdotaland, onceagain,indicativeoftheforeignobserver’slackofsensibility.Thisis whathasusuallyhappened,Imyselfhavingreadhisarticleonlyrecently. Really,oneneednotbeananthropologisttomakesuchremarks,and Rabinowhimselfadmittedthathedidnotwriteanethnography—as indeedthementionofan“objectiveabsurdity”seemstoconfirm.In Brazil,incidentally,beingananthropologistcanevengetintheway whenitcomestosuchmatters. ItcouldalsobepointedoutthattheAfrican-Brazilianmovementfor equalrightsdidnotattribute,atleastatthetime,muchvaliditytothe centennialoftheabolitionofslavery.ButthetruthisthatRabinow’s commentarymightbeconsiderednothingmorethansimplisticifitdid nottouchuponsometaboos.Thetext’slackofdelicacymayhavebeen agoodpretextonwhichtoignoreit,plungingitintogreatsilence.
V Without intending to reach definitive conclusions, I suggest that Rabinow’s outsider’s point of view reveals the extent to which anthropologyinBrazilcreatedaneo-orientalism,despiteitsintention ofbeingpartoftheproductionofuniversalknowledge.Aninteresting symptomofthisisthewayBraziliananthropologistshaverediscovered andcelebratedGilbertoFreyreasanancestor,afteraperiodofostracizing him for being insufficiently modern and universalist—a period that wasprobablynecessaryfortheestablishmentofanewhegemonyand duringwhich“modernity”seemedtobeanabsolutecriterion.Although thenotionofnationbuildingwasoriginallycastinauniversalistmood (Peirano1980;Stocking1982),suchneo-orientalismhasasitstouchstone anevidentconnectionwithnationbuilding,whichisoftenpresentedin culturalistterms.3Theanthropologistsinvolvedhaveclassinterestsas well—muchlessadmittedthantheirinterestsinnationbuilding.Such classinterestsarereflectedinacertainmannerisminwhichpoliteness andetiquetteattainunprecedentedimportance,constitutingwhatfrom an outsider’s viewpoint might be described as a triste anthropology, likethetropics. WhenLévi-Straussmentionedtristesse,hismainreferencewastothe conditionsofindigenouspeople’slives.Tousetheadjectivetristeto describeintellectualscouldbearevealingextension—alreadyimpliedby Lévi-Strauss—itselfpartoftheconfusionoverwhothe“real”nativesare. Ifweweretoconsideranthropologists,whoaresupposedtohavespecial resources for dealing with the country, as members of the Brazilian
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elite, we would have to decide what kinds of natives they are and whatthisdealingimplies.Suchambiguityissocomplexastoinclude theobserversthemselves.Thereisnodoubtthat,inacertainsense, colonialelitescanappearmoremodernandsecularthanmetropolitan ones,asAbazaandStauthproposed.Thisisespeciallysoifweconsider thatthecolonialadministrativeapparatusinBraziloftenfoundamong uslessresistancetoputtingintopracticeamodernsocialengineering projectthanwasthecaseinthatproject’sportsoforigin.Thisisan importantbutoftenneglectedpoint.Moreover,“ideasoutofplace” aresopreciselybecausetheyconstitutearadicalizingoftheoriginal models, making the colonial elites “more royalist than the royals.”4 Braziliananthropologists,forexample,espousesuchstrictaffirmations oftheuniversalismofthelawandtheseparationofsocialrealmsthat affirmativeactionappearstothematransgressionofbothprinciples, whichinacademiclifearesupposedtoberepresentedbytheabsolute primacyofmerit.Atthesametime,theycombineuniversalismina curious way with a neo-orientalism that denounces such actions as being(culturally)bredintheNorth. AninterestingcontrastexistsbetweenthesituationonwhichAbaza andStauthcommentedandthatofBrazil.InmanyIslamiccountries, commentators denounce the incompleteness of Western modernity, which smuggles in its own intrinsic, nonmodern values and thus corroboratesBrunoLatour’sclaim(1991)that“we[intheWest]have neverbeenmodern.”InBrazil,suchcontrabandisnotdenounced,and whateverthereisofthenonmoderninWesternmodelsisignored.Such unrecognizednonmodernelementsconstitutetrueblindspots,forif weBraziliansacknowledgedthem,thenwecouldnotinvokeWestern modelstolegitimateourmodernity.Ourresponseistheoppositeof that in Islamic countries, although the Islamic response may be a reaction to a similar tendency (as shown by prerevolutionary Iran). ThatmanyWesterncountriesaremonarchiesorhavestatechurches,for example,orthatpoliticsintheUnitedStatesarepermeatedbyreligion, islittleexploredinBrazil.Weendupsearchingforanabstractmodel ofmodernitywiththeideologicaltenacityofaborn-againChristian andwithoutanypragmatism. Thisiswhathappens,asImentionedbefore,whenBraziliananthropologistsembracethe“modern”principleofequalitybeforethelaw. Fromthatstance,theycannottakeminorityrightsintoconsiderationor recognizecollectivesubjects.Theyignore,inthenameofuniversalism, the possibilities of affirmative action and positive discrimination, evenwhensomeonelikeRabinowcallsthisa“sociologicallyobjective
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absurdity”inacountrythathasoneoftheworstincomedistributionsin theworldandwhere—tousedatarelevanttothethemeofthischapter— theaveragesalaryofblackswithundergraduatediplomas(themselvesa minority)is64percentofwhatispaidtowhitesofequivalenteducation. Despite Rorty’s wishes, language games turn into frozen politics in Brazil,too.Andevenmorealarmingisthat,likeadultswholearna second language, we never really attain the necessary familiarity to manipulatesuchgamesortoassessthewayothersmanipulatethem, in order to face a world in crisis and undergoing a rapid change of civilizationalmodels.
VI Anthropologists in Brazil seem to resist recognizing their complex relationshiptomodernity,probablyinpartbecauseofthepreviously mentioned class interests, which make it difficult to objectify this professionofobjectifiers—asBourdieuproposedandAbazaandStauth recalled.ButthisdifficultyofBraziliananthropologyalsoresultsfrom therolethathasbeenattributedtoit,byitsownpractitionersaswell asothers,aroleassociatedwithnationbuilding.Thisattributiontakes place even in cases when anthropology’s quasi-systemic connection withnationbuildingisneitherintendednormadeexplicit.Itisthe way anthropology is received in Brazil—which feeds back into its production—thatisresponsiblefortheconnection. Theanthropologicalversionofnationbuildingmadeofitselfaspeciality—invariouswaysandwithgreatperformativeeffect—byvalorizing native discourses to an extreme that set anthropology apart from political science, sociology, and economics. In the variant of nation buildingdominantinBrazil,incontrastwithothercases(suchasthatof Argentina),groupformationoftentakesplaceindependentlyofthestate orofpoliticalinstitutionsingeneral.Thisopensastrategicspacefor anthropology.Ibelieve,however,thatinoccupyingthatspace,Brazilian anthropology did not proceed in the crucial and positive direction ofsimplylettinggrassrootsphenomenalivedby“informants”affect anthropologists.Althoughittookapopulistturn(inthesenseofthe Russiannarodniks),ittendedtofreezeandreifygrassrootsdiscourses, tothedetrimentofanalysis.This“goingtothepeople”thusactually representstheparadoxicalthreatofimpoverishingethnography,and allthemoresowithethnographers’recoursetotechnologiessuchas taperecordersandcameras(nottomentiontheinternet)—easymimetic solutions,butonlyinappearance.
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ThenextstageinthedevelopmentofBraziliananthropology,followingthepopulistturn,hasbeenthe(paradoxical)abandonmentof thefielditself,whichendsupbeingreplacedbygeneralformulations inthenameof“culture,”thisbeingconnectedtoacertainfadingof the“referent.”Populismnowproceeds—andthis,too,isacrucialbut paradoxicaltwist—toassumeitsmuchlessattractiveLatinAmerican meaning(whichmayhavealwaysbeenthere),inwhichanthropologists taketheplaceof“real”natives.5Thesegeneralformulationstendto reaffirmimagesaccordingtowhichsocialgroupsperceivethemselves, somewhattheway,intheUnitedStates,thepicto(graphic)artofNorman Rockwell“portrayedAmericansasAmericanschosetoseethemselves” (Finch1994:5).Divergentdiscoursesaretransformedintovariantsof asinglediscourse,butstillinthenameofdiversity.Thisoccurseven whenitmeansastep-by-stepreductiontothissinglediscourse,which doesnotlacksophistication.Itisasifinthenameofthenationwe proclaimed its tutorship, and in the name of diversity we ended up domesticatingthe“other.” Thetransformationoftheentireworldintoahomogeneousfield, subjecttothescrutinyofethnography,isanotheraspectofanexacerbated modernism that should not be overlooked. Here the distinctions betweenthelanguageofwords(discourses)andthelanguageofthe bodyand(other)actsaregrantedlittleimportance,withconsequences forthepurportedlyvalued“thick”descriptions.Askillisdevelopedfor theconstructionofthetextthatpermitsadoublereadingthrougha pattern(andanaesthetics)thatincreasinglyleadstolessethnography and more interpretation, though the latter may be disguised as the native’spointofview.Noloosethreadsseemtobeallowed,although thesearetypicalofactual,ongoingresearch. Ontheotherhand,inthenameofmodelsthatsupposedlyreplicate thoseoftheFirstWorld,governmentagenciesimposeuponresearchers bureaucraticandtimelimitationsinspiredbythe“hard”sciences.These limitationsarealmostunequaledanywhereelse.Andsincethisisdone particularlythroughthepostgraduatesystem,theproblemsinvolvedin thearrangedmarriagewiththeuniversitythusreemergeforanthropology,which,inBrazil,isagraduatedegree.Thisisagoodexampleof adomesticattitudeoftryingtobe“moreroyalistthantheroyals,”in thiscasethroughthereplicationofan“auditculture”(Strathern2000) andareifiedscience(Latour2000a)thatfindremarkablepossibilities ofcombinationwithourownold-stylebureaucratictradition,which goesbacktocolonialtimes.
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VII ItispreciselybecauseanthropologyinBrazilreachedahighlevelof organizationthatweshouldnotbecomplacenttowardit.Itisevident thatanthropologyhascontributedtotheself-knowledgeofavastand complex country. The anthropologist, in this case, has become an informanttothepublicaboutitsownsociety.Thistrendreinforcesthe productionofdigestible,mass-mediaanthropology.Herewedistance ourselvesfromthe“esotericism”ofscientificcommunitiesnotedby ThomasKuhn(1970):theobjectiveisaself-recognitionofsocietythat atthesametimestandsforits(re)construction.Inthiswaytheanthropologistbecomespartofagreatnationalprojectandisoftenenvied bycolleaguesinotherdisciplines.6AnthropologyinBrazilisalmosta massphenomenon,closertoNorthAmericanmodelsthantoEuropeanones,contrarytowhatStockingsupposedaboutitsscopeandto what Rabinow said about the predominance of a French influence inthecountry,whichinfacthasrapidlyreceded.Atthesametime, the coincidence of its reorganization and growth in scale with the development of a postgraduate system closely surveyed by the state hasallowedforthemaintenanceofahighleveloforganizationaland intellectualhomogeneity. Theothersideofthepictureisthatitisdifficulttofindinthisanthropologyamomentforelaborationsofgreatercomplexity.Ifspacewere madeforsuchconsiderations,itwouldputusintheprivilegedposition ofdiscussingseriouscontemporaryissuesanddilemmasindialogue withothergroupsandindividualswhodealwiththem.Butcontrary toStocking’sbelief,Braziliananthropologistsdonotfacethe“malaise” andthecrisisofanthropology.Thecritiqueoftextualrepresentationof the1980sand1990s,forinstance,andfurtherdevelopmentsrelatedto it,encounteredstrongresistanceamongus.7Itdidsonotbecausewe foundothersolutionsbutbecauserecognizingproblemsandobstacles that might undermine the public authority of the discipline is (like thesystematicuseofliteraturefromoutsidethediscipline)notapart of our anthropology. Some of the critique was eventually absorbed, but it was relieved of its cutting edge in a “doing prose without acknowledgment”sortofway.Itisdifficulttofindinthis“NormanRockwellian”anthropologyaplaceforthatwhichmightthreatenit. Itisrevealingthatpeople’ssensibilitiesregardingsuchanenterprise areveryacute,ifnotparanoid.Theexercisethathassometimesbeen suggestedelsewhere—thatofnottakingourselvestooseriously—isin thiscaseentirelyoutofcontext.
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Butnoneofthisisoutwardlyevident,forbothpublicsuccessand the legitimacy of the discipline depend on its projecting an image ofstrictobservanceofscientificobjectivity.Suchobservanceisoften identifiedwitharitualisticreferenceto(andreverencefor)theclassics, whichisthemeansthroughwhichanthropologistsseektodistinguish themselvesfromtheircolleaguesinotherdisciplines,aswellasfrom mediaprofessionals.8Suchritualsconstituteour“teaatfive,”when, for example, we refuse to recognize the discussions—elsewhere very livelytoday—oftheEurocentrismofWeberianism.Anditisthissubtle combinationofuniversalismandneo-orientalismthatseemstoconfuse observers like Stocking, who complain of a lack of originality. It is necessarytounderscorethatthepublicofBraziliananthropologyis limited almost exclusively to the country but not necessarily to the discipline: hence the extreme importance of publishing books and appearing in the media. This inward orientation has, incidentally, servedtocreateanautonomoussystemofevaluationofthenational anthropologicalproductionandtominimizethedominationofEnglish asalinguafrancainBrazilinamannerthatisdifficulttorecognizefrom the“center.”Theproductionofanthropologicalknowledgedirected outsidethecountry—butinthiscaserestrictedtothediscipline—seldom constitutesmorethananeventualby-product. Perhaps this other side of nation building could emerge only in these contradictory times, when the myth of globalization assaults us, together with concrete entities such as transnational bodies and networksthatconstitutesharedreferencesthatimpingeevenonwhat wereuntilrecently“local”issues,suchasIndianlandclaims(Velho 2000).Onlynowhasthecosmosofnationbuilding—whichcertainly constitutesavitalforce—beguntorevealmoreclearlyitsrestrictions, whichmenacethepreviouslymentionedsuccessofthe“team.”The normative presuppositions of our activity now emerge disguised as scholarlycommonsensemuchmorethaninthecaseoftheexplicit search for the “good society” that political scientists inherited from philosophy.Roomismadeforother,vasterhorizons. PartofBrazilianethnology—whichissynonymouswiththestudyof Indiangroups—seemsalreadytohaveescapedtheconstraintsthatbind anthropologytonationbuildingandtothecombinationofuniversalism with neo-orientalism. This is significant because, although only a minorityofBraziliananthropologistsactuallyengagesinethnological research,Indianshavegreaticonicmeaningforthecountryandforthe disciplineitself.Indigenouslandclaimshavebecome,asinAustralia, akeyissue.Thankstothesenewdevelopments,Indiangroupshave
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reemergedalloverthecountry—notonlyintheAmazonbutevenin theurbanizedSouth-SoutheastandintheNortheast—andtheIndian population (contrary to nation-building expectations), instead of disappearing,isincreasingfasterthanthepopulationasawhole.The samemaybesaidofthegroupofanthropologistswhostudyreligion,most ofwhomarewellaware—despitethe“disenchantment”argument—of religion’spersistentpowerofconversionandpublicpresenceandof itsincreasingdiversity,contrarytoscholarlycommonsenseandalso tomanynation-buildingexpectations(Velho2000). On the other hand, whereas for practitioners of empire-building anthropologies,doing“anthropologyathome”maybeawayofexorcising empire building, for nation-building anthropologies it is not necessarily liberating. It may become compulsively repetitious and self-referentialwhen“home”isinterpretedinarestrictedsense.Not tomentionthat“home”canbecomeatrickynotioninacountryas vast,varied,andunequalasBrazil.Afterallissaidanddone,carrying the same imaginary passport is no guarantee of being closer to the “natives.”Inanycase,thenumberofstudiesdoneoutsidethecountry by Brazilian anthropologists has begun to increase. There has been anequalincreaseinthenumberofanthropologistsworkingoutside academiccircles(innongovernmentalorganizations,forinstance),who areexposedtootherinfluencesandnetworks.Asperceptionschange withinsociety(andinpolitics),itisfairtoexpectthatMinerva’sowl willfinallyruffleitsfeathers,evenif,alas,inareactivemanner. Whatcanbesubstitutedforthispervasiveatmosphereofnation buildingthat,beingquasi-systemic,goesfarbeyondindividualintentions or accomplishments? The answer, again, will most likely reflectgeopoliticstoanextentnotusuallyrecognized,as,forexample, inBrazil’srecentlyintensifiedrelationshipwithArgentinaandthe restofSouthAmerica.ContrarytowhatRabinowobserved,Buenos Aires no longer seems more distant than Paris (Velho 1997). But oneshouldalsorecognizethatthe“pure”scienceofanthropology inBrazildiddevelopthankstothe“impurity”ofnationbuilding, something even the military regimes (1964–85) did not overlook. Basicanthropologicalresearchwasasuigeneriskindof“application” (asin“applied”anthropology),paradoxicallyanduniquelyinherited frommoretraditionalintellectualsandessayists,suchasFreyre.Itis mostnotablyuniqueincomparisonwith“applications”fromother sciences,eventhoughthetermitself—“applied”anthropology—is still close to anathema among Brazilian anthropologists, as if to maintainadistancefrom“technology.”
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Braziliananthropologycompetesmoreeasily,however,withwhat comesfromoutsidethecountry,givinganthropologistsasurprising, althoughlimited,advantagevis-à-viscolleaguesfromhardersciences. Yet in contrast with similar cases of the combination of purity and impurityexaminedbyBrunoLatour(1987),inBrazilthecombination madespecializationdifficultandideologizedthediscipline’sroutine, forthe“object”thatwascreatedbyitsactivitywasitselfarhetoricof thediscipline,immediatelycommunicableinthenameofscienceand attheserviceofnationbuilding.Thus,besidesbeingapractice,this rhetoricalsoconstitutesarealseconddiscourse,althoughthisdiscourse is directed toward a different public and is employed in a different context from the discourse of pure science and does not necessarily havethesameagentsasitsmainexponents.Throughdifferentchannels and brokers it even constitutes a kind of “pop anthropology” as a strategic part of a “culture.” Also in contrast to Latour’s cases vis-àvisthediscourseofpurescience,itisclosertosplitting(asinGregory Bateson’s use of double-bind theory) than to concealment—which is exactlywhatpermitsittogainadiscursiveform. Whatcanreplacenationbuilding?Humanrights?Theempowerment ofsubordinategroups?Concernwiththeenvironmentorawareness ofourpartinit?Cosmopolitics?Technology?Globaljustice?Amixof someorallofthese?Somethingelse?Andwhatwillbetheoutcomeof thisreplacement?Whatevertheanswerstothesequestions,theymay notbeamatterofchoice,foronethingseemssure:theincreasingspread ofdemocracymakesitincreasinglydifficultforintellectualstoactas privilegedspokespersons(indeed,inmanycases,strictlyspokesmen)for societiesthatpresumetoformulatetherelevantissuesanddisregard thosethatgoagainsttheirsetagendas.Notonlymightnationbuilding bereplaced,butwhatevercomesinwillprobablynotoccupythesame placeandwillprobablybelessmimeticofwhatLatour(2001)called “regimes of enunciation,” which have to do primarily with religion andrevelationorwithgroupformation.Itwillrefusetomimicsuch regimesnotinordertobecome“purely”scientificbut,onthecontrary, simplyinordertobebetterable—albeitweaklyfromtheviewpointof science—todisplaythenetworksofwhichit(andtheanthropologist) is a part and which in fact reach far beyond academia and are not restrictedtothechannelingofundistortedinformation. Will we then maintain a splitting of the discourses of pure and impuresciences?Orwillwetakeaturntowardtheconcealmentofa seconddiscourse,transformedintoamutedpractice?Perhapsthetwo discourses have been feeding on each other all along—lending, for
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instance,politicalauthoritytoscience—sothatwewillfinallyhavea singlediscourse,amiddlepathclosetoactualresearchpractice,that supersedesnotonlythediscourseofnationbuildingbutalsothatofa reifiedScience.Thissinglediscoursewillnotexcludeallsortsofmixtures andthefullrecognition—atlast!—ofitsconnectiontoacollectiveinthe widersenseofthetermandtheimplicationsofthecollectivenatureof itsproductionforclaimstoauthorship,individualorcorporate. Bethatasitmay,itispartofanotherstory—astorythatcouldconduct Brazilian anthropologists beyond the circle of chalk that has circumscribed us for so long, so that our double binds might prove more productive and provide practical, concrete answers to today’s questions.Thetrickwillconsist,therefore,inrevisingthemodelsof referencenotonlyamongusbut,aboveall,attheirmainsource.We mightinthiswayceasebeingexclusivelynarcissisticspecialistsinour ownsociety,aconvenientroleinwhich,itsometimesseems,someof ourcolleaguesfromtheNorthalsoprefertoseeuscast,aslongasthey havethelastdisciplinarywordonthesupposedly“neutral”formsof presentation. Instead of creating, once more, an orientalist distance fromthecentralcountries,wewillbedistancingourselvesfromthe dominantimageswehaveofthem.Suchimageshaveinfactprevented genuineproximity.Forthisweshouldadoptastanceofattentiveness andaffordance(Ingold2000)inplaceofasimultaneouslynihilistand omnipotent social constructionist one, which purports that we can inscribemeaninginaworldotherwisedevoidofit. At the same time, inspired by C. S. Peirce and Sherlock Holmes, we should substitute a cult of pictography for a symptomatology, a decryptography that collects evidence horizontally (or across the board,sotospeak),thusdisrespectinglimits(EcoandSebeok1988). Forthisitwillbecrucialtoobserveotherpossibilitiesintheworld tohelpbreakthehypnoticeffectofthe“occidentalist”models.Just as the opposition between “world religions” and “local religions” tendstobecomevirtuallyobsoleteintimesofglobalization,thesame mayhappenwith“worldanthropologies”—takeninarestrictiveand nongeneralizableway—versus“localanthropologies.”So-calledSouthSouth relations—not necessarily in a spatial sense, for they could include,say,Siberia—might,itishoped,haveavivifyingandstrategic (even therapeutic) effect in this respect. The change from nation buildingmightalsohelpovercometherisksofincommensurability. Andallofthiswhiletakingfulladvantage—beforeweourselvesbecome Alexandrian—oftheknowledgeandhumanresourceswehavebeen abletoaccumulate.
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BecauseIhavealreadymentionedtristesse,IcanrecallwhatSpinoza described in the Ethics as affections of sorrow. Who knows whether henceforthwemightnotmakeafullertransitionfromsuchaffections tothoseofjoy,whichincreaseourpowerofactioninthecontextof widerandricherattachmentsandmediations?
Notes 1. Stocking,symptomatically,calledattentiontothefactthatIcapitalized “Anthropology”inanarticleofthesameissueofEthnos(Velho1982),suggestingthatalthoughImentionedaconflictbetween“localdemands”and“Anthropologyasascience,”mycapitalizationassumed“theultimateindivisibilityof thelatter”(Stocking1982:181). 2. Besides making indelicate remarks about the Brazilian colleagues who hostedhiminthecountry,Rabinowmeanthispapertobeapostscriptumto Lévi-Strauss’sTristestropiques.Butthelackoffinesseonhispart(whichincludes theconfessionofhisintentions)showsthelimitationsofhisapprenticeship. 3. Inhis1982articleinEthnos,Stockingreferredtothe“anthropologyof nationbuilding,”incontrasttothatofempirebuilding,aclassificationthat hassincebecomecanonical. 4. Thisseemstobethecasewhen,incountriessuchasBrazil,thepolitics offreecommercearepursuedinawaythatseemsmorepuristthanthatofthe centralcountriesthemselves.Forinstance,whenoutsiderstransformfavelas (shantytowns) into international tourist attractions, the Brazilian elites are caughtoffbalance.TheycannotunderstandhowpeoplefromtheFirstWorld mightfindvalueinfavelas,whichforthemareashamefulsignofpovertyand backwardness—again,thedoublebind. 5. Elsewhere (Velho 1982) I have discussed what I call “anthropological populism.” 6. Parodyingacolonialwriterwhodiscussedblacks,Indians,andwhites,a politicalscientistcommentedthat“Brazilisthepoliticalscientists’hell,the sociologists’purgatoryandtheanthropologists’paradise.” 7. I think a creative appraisal of anthropology as a whole should reincorporateGregoryBateson’swork(1904–80),especiallyifweintendtomakea nonregressivecritiqueofculturalism.InthischapterIhaveonlyhintedatmy appreciation of Bateson through my frequent references to his double-bind theory,suggestingthatitsapplicationmightbeawaytopursuesomeofthe topicsheredeveloped.
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8. Anthropologists also attempt to use certain key “scientific” concepts, such as “culture,” to distinguish themselves, but the very success of the discipline makes this increasingly difficult. Anthropologists lose control of (andthemonopolyover)suchconceptswhensegmentsofthegeneralpublic incorporate and reinterpret them. In a recent television documentary, for example, the host asked an indigenous man the name of a dance that had justbeenperformedandgotthefollowinganswer:“ThisdanceiscalledThe Ritual.”
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f o u r t e e n
World Anthropologies Questions
Johannes Fabian
C
ouldthetopicofthisbook,andthesymposiumonwhichitisbased, bereformulatedasaseriesofquestions?Doweneedtothinkabout worldanthropologiesinsteadof,orinadditionto,worldanthropology? Canandshouldthecentersofthedisciplinegiveuppoweroravoid creatinghegemonicstructuresthatpreventworldanthropologiesfrom emerging?Shouldinstitutionsthatarelocatedandindividualswhoare employedinpresumedcentersofthedisciplinebetakentorepresent worldanthropology(inthesingular),andifso,cantheynevertheless beexpectedtofurtherthecauseofworldanthropologies(intheplural)? Arethereperhapsalreadykindsofworldanthropologiesbeingpracticed towhichdisciplinaryrecognitionshouldnotbedenied,althoughthey definethemselveslargelyagainstthedominantdiscourseandpractice ofanthropology? Ifyou—we—weretoagreethatthesequestionsfairlysumupwhat anthropologistsneedtodiscuss,Iwouldbebothered.Notbecausemy catalogueofquestionsmaybeincomplete(andperhapsinaccurate),1 butratherbecauseitseemsunlikelythattheorganizers,thesponsor, ortheparticipantsinthesymposiumcouldhaverespondedtothese questionsnegatively.Suchpositivitydoesnotbodewellforacritical debate. Imustconfessthattheorganizers’statementaboutthesymposium, becauseitformulatedaprogramIcouldnotbutsupport,atfirstleftme paralyzed;Iwantedtooptout.OnlyaftermuchagonizingdidIbegin toseetheshapeofapossiblecontribution.Itoccurredtomethatour discussioncouldprofitfromouraskinganumberofseeminglysimple,
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yet fundamental, questions about anthropology. They are questions thatcannotbeansweredyesorno,becausetheyarenotaboutwhether thisorthatactionshouldbetakenorwhetherwethinkthisorthat development has occurred. Rather, they are intended to encourage examinationofwhatusuallygoeswithoutsayingaseachofustoilsat hisorherwork.
Who? Whois(belongsto,represents)anthropology?Acenturyagoalistof names,shortenoughtoberememberedbythoseincluded,wouldhave beenapossibleanswer.Today,thatlisthavinggrownenormously,it mightstillbepossibletonamenames,buttheresult,interestingasit mightbefor,say,commercialpromotionorgovernmentalsurveillance— forthosewhowanttosellussomethingorkeepaneyeonus—would hardlybeconsideredmeaningfulbythosewhoareonthelist.Notan accumulation of certified practitioners but rather agency is queried when we ask the “who?” question, which must be asked whenever wegettogether,aswedidduringthesymposium,todiscusscourses ofaction. Whoactswhenanthropologyispracticed?Thehistoryandtheory ofscienceseemtoholdonereadyanswer:Agencyinanthropologyis locatedinitsorganizationandrecognitionasanacademicdiscipline. True, anthropologists have always found it difficult to recognize themselves in Thomas Kuhn’s vision of “normal science,” but on thewholeweplayalongwhenwepresentourselvescollectivelyasa discipline.Criticalreflectionhasrepeatedlydenouncedashypocritical notonlythegrandassertionthatisnamedintheorganizers’statement forthesymposium—the“claimtobeauniversaldisciplineinspiteof itsWesternfoundations”—butalsothefactthatwehavebeenliving with fundamental contradictions between discourse and research practice.2 Afterdecadesofsuchcritique,wearepreparedtoenvisageanother, more radical answer to the question of agency in anthropology. Althoughwemayassumethattohavebeenimperialisapredicament ofall“Western”science,ourdisciplineundoubtedlyacquiredaspecial roleandstatusinthisconstellation.Historicallyandtheoretically,our subject matter (an object made at least as much as found) has been peopleswerepresentedastheOther.Wemayregretandlamentthefact, asIdo,thatthiscrucialinsightisinconstantdangerofevaporatingin cloudsoffashionabletalkabout“othering,”butthisshouldnotmake
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usabandonavisionofagencythatisinessencedialectical.Anthropologymaybewhatanthropologistsdo(assomeonefrommyteachers’ generationoncedefinedthediscipline),butanthropologistsdowhat theydobydoingitwith,andperhapssometimesto,others.(Whythis isnotinvalidatedby“nativeanthropology”orbyan“anthropology oftheWest”Iwillarguelater.) Empirically,webaseourclaimstovalidityonfieldwork,ondirect interactionwiththosewhomwestudy.Ethnographicauthoritymay besaidtoreston“havingbeenthere,”thatis,onourpresence.Butfor whatwouldourpresencecountifitwerenotmatchedbythepresence ofthosewhomwestudy?Neitherpresence,oursnortheirs,isanatural, physicalfact(norisintersubjectivityasaconditionofcommunicative interaction);itmustbeachieved,anditisalwaysprecarious. Morerecently,fundamentalchangeshavebeentakingplace.Literacy andmodernitynolongerfunctionasdemarcationlinesbetweenUsand Them.Taketheexampleofhistory,whichhasoccupiedmeinmuch ofmyworkintheCongo.Atonetime,theprojectofAfricanhistory mighthavehingedondataandmethodsthatwereconsideredtofollow therulesandmeetthestandardsofacademichistoriography.Nowwe haveasituationnotonlyinwhichanthropologydrawsonhistoryas acomplementaryfield(andviceversa)butinwhichbothacademic disciplinesfacepopularhistoryasacompetingpractice(Fabian2001:ch. 4).Similarsituationsexistinotherfields,notablyinthestudyofreligion, ofthevisualarts,theater,anddance,andofhealingandmedicine.All theseone-timeobjectsofanthropologyarebeingrecognizedassubjects, asco-producersofknowledge.Ifdemarcationlinesbetweenthosewho knowandthosewhoareknowncrumble,whathappenstothe“who?” thatstandsforagency?Theveryleastthatcanbesaidisthatanyproject topracticeanthropologymusttakeintoaccountthesetransformations that have already taken place. There is no safe academic ground to whichwecanretreattoponderourproblems. Whichaddsanothertwisttothe“who?”question.Morethanonce myownethnographicworkhasledmetomakeassertionssuchasthe following:“Whoareweto‘help’them?Weneedcritique(exposureof imperialistlies,oftheworkingsofcapitalism,ofthemisguidedideas ofscientism,andalltherest)tohelpourselves.Thecatchis,ofcourse, that ‘ourselves’ ought to be them as well as us” (Fabian 1991: 264). Thisiswhyeverythingwepracticeconcretelyandspecificallymustbe conceiveddialecticallyasuniversal.Itisinthissensethatweshould continuetoupholdtheidealofanthropologyasauniversalscience ofmankind,undeterredbythesadfatethatanabstractlyconceived
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universalitymayhavehadasanideologicalconstructinthecourseof ourdiscipline’shistory.Suchaviewmakesitlegitimatetoconsidera seeminglycontradictorynotion,thatof“worldanthropologies,”asan anthropologicalproject.
When? Another assertion I would like to make is that the farthest-reaching transformation to affect anthropology in recent years has been its “temporalization.” To say that this is something new may cause disbelief,giventhatanthropology’sacademicbeginningsweredefined bytheparadigmsofevolutionismanddiffusionism—naturalhistory andculturalhistory,respectively.ButasItriedtoshowinTimeand the Other (Fabian 2002a), evolutionism and diffusionism, as well as theirsuccessors—let’scallthemfunctionalism,structuralism,andculturalism—weresuffusedwithspatialthought.Differencewasconceived ofasdistance,andidentityassystemicand“boundarymaintaining” and hence somehow territorial. This went together with territorial conceptions of our practices of research as fieldwork, and it was all mirroredingenresofwritingsuchasthemonograph. Amongtheouter,andobvious,signsoftemporalizationhavebeen, apartfromtheprofessionalizationofthehistoriographyofanthropology, its historization.3 This was initiated and accompanied (after timid beginnings with “ethnohistory”) by cross-fertilization between the disciplinesofanthropologyandhistoryandbyproposals,firstinspired byMarxistthought,toreplaceorcomplementourguidingconceptof culturewiththatofpractice. Temporalizationalsooccurredinthesenseofanthropologists’devotingincreasedattentiontotimeandtiming,bothinperformancesof cultureandinthestudyofsuchperformances(aconnectionthat,at leastinmymind,imposesitselfbytheneedtoestablishcoevalness, co-temporaneity,inresearch).4Evenapproachesthatusespatialterms as their tags—James Clifford’s “routes” (1997) and George Marcus’s “multi-sitedethnography”(1995)—aresymptomsoftemporalizationin thattheyadvocateabandoningthesingle-siteterritoryastheprincipal oronlytargetofethnographicresearch. Onthelevelofdiscourse,specificallyregardingusesoftheoryand thenever-endingdebateoverthemeaningofculture,temporalization isadumbrated—thoughbynomeansworkedout—inargumentsthat weshouldaskthe“when?”question,andnotonlytheusual“what?” and“where?”questions.Twostatementswillillustratethis.Thefirst,
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regardingtheory,Iformulatedinanintroductorytalkataworkshop called“ThePointofTheory,”asfollows: Thequestionofthepointoftheoryisalmostalwaysheardasaquestion of the place of theory... In hierarchical conceptions of knowledge, be theyinterpretiveorexplanatory,hermeneuticorclassificatory,pleading fortheoryisamatterofclaimingaplace,usuallyaboveorupstreamfrom that which becomes the object of knowledge. This positional quality of theorizing is too obvious to have escaped critique. Theory is then denouncedasatokenofpowerrelations,ofelitist,Western,male,and undoubtedly other forms of dominance. But if theory belongs to the thingswedointherealworld,thenwemusttakeafurtherstep:Theory hasnoplaceunlessithastime.Intherealworldtheoryhappens... [Weneed]toreflectnotsomuchontheory’splaceasonitstime,that is,onmomentsintheproductionofknowledgeleadingfromresearch to writing in which we must take positions; moments that determine howwegetfromonestatementtoanother,fromonestorytoanother, indeed,fromonesentencetoanother.(Fabian2001:4–5,6–7)
The second statement I found in the introduction to a collective essaytitled“ConversationaboutCulture”inarecentissueofAmerican Anthropologist:“Fordecadesnow,culturehasbeenatopicanthropologists argueabout:Whatitdoesordoesnotmean;ifitshouldorshouldnot constituteacentralconceptofthediscipline.Thisessaystepsoutside theseargumentstorephrasetheissueandourapproachtoit.Itexplores whenitmakessensetousetheculturalconcept”(Borofskietal.2001: 432). Thecoincidenceisstriking.AsfarasIcansee,however,Borofski’s co-authors,thoughunitedbyananti-essentialistviewofculture,donot explicitlyaddresstemporalityintheorizing,exceptperhapsinsuggesting thattheturnawayfromthewhatmayhavebeeninspiredbyAmerican pragmatistphilosophy(2001:441–42).Noneofthecontributorsseems to remember that a praxis-oriented conception of culture had been advocateddecadesearlierinaseminalbutlargelyforgottenbookby ZygmuntBauman(1973),whowentevenonestepfurtherwhenhe insistedontherhetorical(Iwouldadd:andpolitical)natureofdebates aboutculture. AsIseeit,onerolethat“worldanthropologies”canplayistocontinue challengingourdiscipline’s“centralconcept.”Theirchancestomake adifferenceinsuchdebateswillincreaseastheykeepasking“when?” questionsaboutperformativeandhistoricaltiming.Ofcourseitwill
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thenhavetobeunderstoodthatourinterestinworldanthropologies cannotbeintheirbecominga“stateofaffairs.”
Where? Therewasatimewhentheanswertothe“where?”question,addressed toanthropologicalpractice,wouldhavebeen:elsewhere.Ifyouwere a student of anthropology, you would have been told to do your anthropologyelsewhere;ifyouwereasubjectstudiedbyanthropology, the knowledge gained from you would have been stored and used elsewhere.Muchofthishaschanged;doinganthropology“here”has becomeacceptable.Anincreasingportionofworkinourdisciplineis beingdoneincontemporarysocietiesbynativeresearchers(seeJacobsHuey2002).Ofcoursetheambiguousconnotationsof“native”make onesuspectthatbeingnativetoaWesternsocietyandbeingnativeto societiesthatusedtobetheprincipaltargetsofanthropologyarefar fromthesamething.5Thisleadsustoquestionsthattouchuponthe coreofconcernwithworldanthropologies. Practicinganthropologycanbeaheroictaskfor,say,ourunderpaid Africancolleagues,workingatill-equippedinstitutions,havingtomake dowithscarcefunds,ifany,forresearchortravel.Inthisandmany otherexamplesofacademiclifeawayfromthemetropolitancenterswe mayseeinequalitydeterminedbylocation;thisiscertainlythewayitis oftenexpressed.Yetitispoliticsandeconomics,notlocation,thatcause inequality.Thereisnosuchthingasanatural,geographicalperiphery. Andwhowoulddoubtthatinequality,perhapsindifferentformsor degrees,can—onthebasisofgender,race,ethnicity,andsoforth—be inflictedandexperiencedinplacesthatcountascentral?Ofcourse, pessimisticallyonemaystillfearthatnotionswhosepoliticalnatures hidebehindquasi-cosmologicalfaçades(forexample,conceptssuchas theworldsystemandglobalization)willcontinuetooperatewherever anthropologyreproducesitself.Supposeoppressionandexploitation weretocease:wouldthisnecessarilymakeusstopthinkinginterms ofcentersandperipheries? Ortakethegenerallyacceptedideathatpositsthenationasagiven and seeks to understand anthropology as consisting of a multitude of“nationaltraditions”or“styles.”Theinsightthat,likeeveryother scientificpractice,ourdisciplineworksunderculturalconditionsand culturalconstraintsmaycountasacriticalachievement.Atthesame time, it carries with it all the problems of a culture concept whose history(thisisanotherinsightformulatedbyZygmuntBauman)has
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been fatefully tied to the nation-state as a political reality and as a providerofcollectiveidentity.Workingtoward“worldanthropologies” wewillhavetofacethesequestions.Itwillinevitablybecaughtupin apoliticalstrugglewhoseglobalprospectsmaygiveuscauseforgloom andpessimism. Matterslookdifferentwithregardtonationandindividualidentity. WhatIsee,orliketobelieve,isthatanthropologyhassucceededin making many of its practitioners into transnationals, that is, into scientistswhoseframeofmindisnolongersetbyanunquestioned nationalidentity.Ofcoursebeingtransnationalisanindividualachievement inasmuch as it goes together with such things as accidents of biography,multilingualandmulticulturalcompetences,variedwork experiences,andnetworksofcloseprofessionalcooperationandlasting friendship. Still, individual transnationalism that reaches a “critical mass” is bound to have a collective impact, and that would be the “when?”ofitssignificanceforworldanthropologies.6 Theideaofatransnationalsubject(oragent)harksbacktothe“who?” question.Itcouldalsoberelevanttothe“where?”ofanthropology.It opensuptheprospectofalternativestoexistingprofessionalgroupings and associations. We could envisage, or dream of, anthropological scenes,shiftingbutvitalconsociationsresemblingartisticorliterary scenesthatspawncreativity.Wecouldbegintoseeourselvespracticing anthropologynotsomuchin“fields”orprofessionalterritoriesasin arenasofagonisticintellectualworkandplay.Arena,atfirstglancea conceptofspace,isalwaysalsoaconceptoftime:ofeventsthattake place,ofmomentsofintensitynoteasilyreachedoutsideanarena.You maypointoutthatarenasalreadyexistintheformofsymposiasuch astheonethatpromptedthisbook,andweallknowhowimportant professionalmeetingsareforexperiencingourdisciplineasrealand forkeepingitalive.Assomethingthatdeservestobepromoted,scenes andarenasshouldopenaperspectiveforworldanthropologies.Should worldanthropologiesperhapsbeenvisionedaseventsandralliesmore thanasinstitutionsororganizations?7 Finally,ifadecadeortwoagodiscussionsofanthropology’sspace wouldhaveconcernedthemselveswithterritories,fields,andcenterperipheryrelations,todaywemustcometogripswiththevirtualspace that has been opened up by the internet. As yet, scholarly attitudes toward the new medium remain ambiguous. The internet has been celebrated as the dawn of an age when information and knowledge will be democratized; it has been condemned as the end of literate intellectual life as we have known it through the ages. But here as
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elsewheretheproofisinthepie.Whatcanwedowiththeinternet?My ownpracticalexperience—andmanyotherswillprobablyrecognizethis astheirstory,too—beganwithword-processing,agreatadvancementfor someonewhohadneverbeenabletothinkatatypewriter.Itproceeded toemail,morebytheforceofcircumstancesthanbychoice;regularmail hadsuddenlydwindledtopublishers’cataloguesandadministrative ephemerafrommyuniversity.ThenIgraduatedtosearchenginesand onlinelibrarycatalogues(Istillspendverylittletimesurfingandnone atallchatting).ItwasnotuntilacolleagueandIclaimedaplacein virtualspace—awebsite—thatIbegantoseesomeofthewaysinwhich theinternetbearsonthe“where?”ofanthropology,practicallyaswell astheoretically. Certainpracticalconsequencesoftheinternetareobvious;weneed onlyconsiderhowmakingcontactsandcirculatinginformationworked forour“WorldAnthropologies”conference.Wecanbethereforeach otherwhereverweareatthemoment.(This,though,shouldnotmake usignoresomelessobviousconsequences.Whoisexcluded,oratleast disadvantaged,withoutaccesstotheinternet?Andarespeedandfacility of communication unequivocally positive for intellectual work that takestime?) Lessobviousbutmoreexcitingarepossibilitiesofferedbytheinternet that are bound to affect, for instance, our ethnographic practices. I amnotreferringtothedatacollectionandstoragemadepossibleby theuseofalaptopinthefieldortheapplicationofprogramsfordata processingandanalysisathome,noneofwhichisnecessarilydependent ontheinternet.WhatIwouldlikebrieflytoreportonisadiscoveryI madeinthecourseofsettingupavirtualarchiveoftextsonawebsite devotedto“LanguageandPopularCulture”(www2.fmg.uva.nl/lpca),a projectunderconstructionandstillembryonic.Theprojecthasspecial significanceforlanguage-andtext-centeredanthropology,butIbelieve itismoregenerallyrelevant,giventhatethnography,irrespectiveofthe approachtaken,ismediatedbytextualmaterial.Mydiscoveryisthata virtualarchivecreatesanewanddifferentkindofpresenceoftexts—the “where?”questionagain—thatchangesconditionsforapracticeweare allinvolvedin:ethnographicwritingandpublishing.Reflectingonsuch changedconditionshasledmetopredictthatan-ageoldgenre,the commentary,islikelytoemergeinanewform(seeFabian2002b). Thepresenceofethnographictextsontheinternetisofcoursenot limitedto“presenceforus”(thevirtualarchiveisinprincipleaccessible toanyone);manyofthosewhomwestudyhaveclaimedtheirplaceon theinternetinwebsitesandchatgroupsandarenowproducingcorpora
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oftexts,andwebegintoseedissertationsbasedonethnographicdataof thissort(forinstance,Franklin2001).Anthropology’splace(orplaces) invirtualspaceisfarfromwellunderstood(especiallyifweconsider that,besidestexts,virtualarchivescanalsoaccommodateaudioand videorecordings),anditiscertainthatitwillneedourconstantcritical attention.Butitcanhardlybedoubtedthatthisnewkindof“where?” willhavetobeconsideredinaprojectofworldanthropologies.
What? Asquestionsaccumulate,itbecomesincreasinglydifficulttokeepthem separate.Ifourobservationsonchangesinanthropologythatappear whenwereflecton“who?”“when?”and“where?”haveanymerit,and ifthequestionsareindeedconnectedsuchthatmanyofthestraight answers we have been accustomed to are no longer valid, then we shouldbepreparedfortheunexpectedwhenweaskforthe“what?” ofanthropology. Ithasbecomedifficulttoputoneselfbackintotheframeofmindof ourpredecessors,whowerecertainthatanthropologyhadanobjectthat ithadfoundratherthanmade:primitive(latertraditional,premodern, developing)society/culture.Thatsocietieslabeledprimitivewerealso thetargetsofimperialistexpansionmadeanthropologicalknowledge desirableatfirstandsuspectlater,whenthesameprocessesthathad beensetinmotiontocolonizeprimitivepeoplesresultedintheendof directcolonization.Conditionsforfieldworkchanged,andsodidthe object,orobjects,ofresearch.The“when?”begantoplayadecisiverole indeterminingthe“what?”whenrecognitionoftheco-temporaneityof allsocietiesorculturesdawnedonus(forepistemologicalreasons)orwas forcedonus(bytechnologicalandpoliticaldevelopments).Iwouldeven maintainthatrecognitionofco-temporaneity,gainedasanthropology wasdecolonized,enabledourdisciplinetoturnitsattentiontomodern society:“Studyingourownsocieties”isthetellingphrasedescribing thisturn.“Telling”because,thoughitmaybeEurocentricmostofthe time,itcouldalsobeasignofathoroughlychangedunderstandingof the“who?”ofanthropology(rememberwhatIsaidearlierabout“us beingthem”). Radicalassomeofthesetransformationsmayhavebeen,theyseem tohavelefttheagendaoftraditionalethnographicsubjects(another aspectofthe“what?”)untouched,notwithstandingimportantadditions suchasgender,literacy,materialculture,themedia,andecology.Myths andcosmologies,religionandritual,magicandwitchcraft,chiefship
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andclans,kinshipandalliances,giftsandexchange—allthesepersistor arerediscoveredasunexpectedpracticesofmodernity.Doesthatmean thatanthropologyisunreformedinmaintainingametropolitangaze, anEnlightenmentperspectiveinspiredbywhatG.Gusdorfcalledthe “myth-historyofreason?” Reflectingonmyownwork,whichhasincludedstudiesoflanguage, religion,work,visualandperformingarts,andcollectivememory,Isense ashiftthatmaybeofinterestinadebateoverworldanthropologies.Our discipline,whichstartedoutasthestudyofdiversityandsimilaritiesof humanlife(hencetheemphasisoncustom,tradition,structures,and systems),hasbecomeascienceofformsofhumansurvival.Thisiswhy practiceseemsmoreappropriateasakeyconceptthanculture;why conceptssuchasstrategiesandprojectsseemtofittheactionsweobserve betterthanhabitsandschemes;whyresistanceoftendescribescollective actionbetterthanconformity;whyproductionandinnovationinterest usmorethanreproductionandtradition,politicsmorethanaesthetics, hybriditymorethanpurityorauthenticity,interactionspheresmore thanterritoriesandboundaries.Idonotwantthistobemisunderstood. Hammeringononesideintheseoppositionscanbeasmuchabore ashammeringontheother.Culture,tradition,identity,authenticity, andsoforthareboundtoremainperennialsubjectsofinquiry,ifonly becauseweneedthemtomaintainadialectictensionwithoutwhich anthropologicalinquiryintothemosttimelysubjectswouldrelapse intopositivistroutine. Norisallthisonlygratuitousjugglingwithpossibleoppositions.There isatime(a“when?”)that,toreturntoanexamplefrommyownwork, may require arguing for a concept of popular culture against culture toutcourt,becausetheformermakesusdiscoverculturalcreationsto whichthelatterleftusblind(Fabian1998).Afterall,itisindisputable that, as ethnographers of African cultures, we once paid little or no attention to contemporary African music, theater, or painting, and thatwedosonow.Iamsurethatmostreaderscouldcomeupwith otherexamples. World anthropologies, as they were envisaged at our symposium, seemtobepredestinedforthestudyofhumanlifeassurvival.Social andpoliticalcommitmentalmostdictatethischangeinperspective. Commitmentistotheindividualanthropologist’screditandmayhave effects,inhisorhersphereofaction,onthewayanthropologyisdone. Still,weshouldatthesametimehaveinmindchangesthatmaybe farther reaching because, and to the extent that, they redefine the “what?”ofanthropology.
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How? Tointroducemylast(well,next-to-last)question,itisperhapsusefulto rememberthat,historically,the“how?”questionwasamongthefirst tobeposed.Thishappenedatthebeginningofaperiodofreflection inourdisciplinethateventuallybroughtustogethertothinkabout worldanthropologies.Aradicalcritiqueoftheethicsandpoliticsof anthropologymayhavebeenthemostimmediateandwidelyshared responsetoitspostcolonialpredicament.Themostlastingachievement, however,hasbeentheinsightthatwecouldnothopeforchangesin the“what?”unlessweconsideredandchangedestablishedviewsofthe “how?”ofanthropologicalpractice. Inmyview,thiswasthemomentwhenourdisciplinestoppedtaking freeridesontheoriesandmethodsdevelopedinotherfields(orjust clingingtoconfusedideassuchasthatofparticipantobservationas ourdistinctive“method”).Webecameseriousaboutepistemology,that is,aboutthespecificconditionsofproducinganthropologicalknowledgebasedonempiricalworkthatwecall,notquiteappropriately, ethnography.Thisisnottheplacetorecountinanydetailwhathas happenedinthisrespectsincethelate1960s.Letmejustmentiona pointofdeparturethatwascrucialandthenbrieflyoutlineaseriesof stepsorturnsthatledtothepresentstateasIseeit. ThebeginningIspokeofcamewhenwerealizedthatinthekindof empiricalworkwehadcometoseeasdistinctiveof,andfundamentalto, ourdiscipline—fieldresearch—weneversimplycollectedinformation. Ethnographyisaproductofinteraction,withspeakingasitsmajor, thoughnotonly,medium;itisdialogical.Whatwetakeawayfrom researchas“data”isonlysometimesfound;mostoftenitismade.As documentsofcommunicativeevents,ourmaterialisneversimplygrist foranalyticalmills.Documentsmustbeinterpreted,placedincontext, and weighed according to the circumstances and conditions under whichtheywereproduced. Thismustsufficeasabriefreminderofthemomentwhenwetookour distancefrompositivismandscientism.Otherstepsfollowed.Emphasis oncommunicationandlanguage-in-actionmadeusrealizehowmuch ofculturalknowledgeandhenceofethnographyisperformative;what we learn often does not come as responses to our questions but is enactedin,andmediatedby,eventsthatwemaytriggerbutcannot really control (every simple interview is such a performative event). Similarly,concernwithinterpretationandhermeneuticsmadeusaware ofpositivistnaïvetéregardingtherelationsbetweenresearchandwriting
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intheproductionofethnographicknowledge.Atitsbest,this“literary turn”madeusmorescientificbecauseitsharpenedourawarenessof the epistemological significance of presentation and representation. In sum, paying attention to the “how?” question helped us to see moreclearlythaneverbeforethe“when?”ofourwork—itshistorical contingency—aswellasthe“who?”—thatis,therolesauthorityand powerplaywhenwepronounceourdiscourseaboutthosewhomwe study. TheepistemologicalrevolutionIjustsketchedinitsbarestoutlines hasatleastoneimportantpracticalconsequencefortheprojectofworld anthropologies.Thoughthismaymeetwithreluctanceandopposition (seethesustaineddebateoverthe“scientific”natureofanthropologyin AnthropologyNews,forinstance),wemustadmitnowthatthe“how?”of ourdisciplineisnolongerguaranteedbyaunified“scientificmethod.” Or,ifthereisamethod,itisnolongerconceivableasahistoricalor apolitical.Andthatmeansthathegemonic,metropolitaninterestscan nolongerwieldaninstrumentthatwasallthemoreinsidiousbecauseit couldbeparadedasneutralandobjective.Theepistemologicalrevolution hasgivenusspacesoffreedominwhichwecanmoveinnovatively, productively,andevenplayfully(something,however,thatweshould notconfusewiththepseudo-liberalarbitrarinessthatgoesunderthe nameofpostmodernism).
So? Theconvenersofoursymposiumendedtheirprogrammaticstatement withhalfadozenquestionstowhichtheyaskedparticipantstoreply.I respondedtotheirquestionswithminebecauseIhadnoreadyanswers to theirs. To say something nontrivial about world anthropologies, I first needed to recall and rehearse what I know about, and how I experience,anthropology.Inowwouldliketoaddafewautobiographical remarks. AfterhavingbeensocializedinAustro-Germanethnology,Ibecame a survivor of North American four-field anthropological training in the1960s.Thenfollowedmorethanadecadedivided,albeitunevenly, betweenteachingindecidedlymetropolitaninstitutionsintheUnited StatesandinadepartmentoftheNationalUniversityofZaire,which wastheninfullswayofdecolonization.When,afteranotherfiveyears atanelitecollegeintheUnitedStates,ImovedtotheNetherlands,I encounteredforthefirsttimeasituationinwhichMarxismwasthe orthodoxy.Tomethiswassounusualthat,initially,Ifailedtorecognize
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thatitwasthecase.Thiswasgoodbecauseitallowedmetostayaloof ofephemeraldoctrinaldisputes.Aloofnesscontinuedtobethemost practicalattitudethroughoutmyyearsintheNetherlands.Neithermy AmericantrainingnormyGermancitizenshipendearedmetothoseof mycolleagueswhosearchedfor,orhadfound,theirintellectualhomein adistinctlynationalanthropology(understandablyso;afterall,Dutch anthropologists, though not under that label, had been among the avant-gardeofourdisciplinewhenitstillhadcloselinkstothecolonial enterprise).ButIshouldalsosaythatIneverencounteredtheslightest obstacleagainstorientingmyworkinternationally—thoughIdonot knowwhetherthatwasduetotoleranceortoindifference. Whatmademeembarkonthisretrospectiveofpracticingmyprofession in the center, at the periphery, and (as I remember putting it) in a center of the periphery was to prepare an answer to one of theorganizers’questions:No,Idonotthinktheconceptofamatrix adequatelydescribesthecurrentstateofworldanthropology.Notonlyis itinadequate,itisinappropriate.Nationalandinternational,peripheral, central,andintermediatepracticesofanthropologydonotrelateto eachothertaxonomically(whichtheconceptofamatriximpliesto me);theydonotmakeup,nordotheyfitinto,asystemorparadigm. Anthropological practices happen in events and movements. They acquiretheircollectiveidentitynotbysubscribingtoasinglediscourse butbyhavingtofaceacommonpredicament:theymustletthemselves beconstitutedbyfacingaworldthatisnon-anthropology. Thisisnotthesameaswhatwemeanwhenwediscussanthropology’s “object(s).”Ideeplybelievethatarealisticviewofourdisciplinemust acknowledgethatourkindofscienceispracticedinthepresenceof otherkindsofknowledgeproduction.Theseotherkindsofknowledge productionarenotlimitedtootheracademicdisciplines;theyinclude thediscursive,performative,aesthetic,andpoliticalpracticesofthose whomwestudy.Whatenablesustocommunicatewithandrepresent otherpracticesisnot(only)ourcommandofcontents,whichcountas data,orourfindings,whichcountastheresultsofresearch;itisourability toconverseasknowers.Andthatconversationincludesconfronting eachother,arguingwitheachother,negotiatingagreements,andstating disagreements,aswellasconceivingcommonprojects. Letme,beforeIend,attempttoclarifytheideaofworldanthropologies conceptually.Likethesymposiumconveners,Ididnotstartoutwitha definition;Ijoinedanongoingdiscussion.Suchabreakwithrulesof argumentation(“defineyourconceptsbeforeyouusethem”)mayraise objectionsoratleastgivecauseforconcern.Ofcourse,onemaypoint
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outthatsuch“classicalrules”haveneverrulednaturalconversation,nor havetheybeenadheredtoinpost-Kantianphilosophy.Still,evenwhen attemptingagenerallyaccepteddefinitionofaconceptisahopelesstask (thedebateover“culture”inourowndisciplineoffersavividexample), itmakessensetostriveforacommonunderstandingofaconceptina givendebate.HereiswhatIsuggest. Weshouldtake“worldanthropologies”asafloatingconcept,onethat cannotbeanchoredinasystem;ifitcould,itwouldloseitsinterestand usefulness.Whythisissoandmustbesohastodowiththefactthatthe onlyconceivablefunctionofaconceptsuchas“worldanthropologies” is to conceptualize practices. As practices, world anthropologies are themselves floating. Everything I believe to have understood about themsuggeststhatweusetheconceptinordertoformulateavision ofanthropologythatmakesplace—beitgeographicalorgeopolitical location,rankinahierarchy,positionintheoreticalandmethodological schools,occupancyoffieldsandterritories—ifnotirrelevantthenat leastquestionable,andhenceatargetforresistanceaswellasasource ofinnovation. Ifyouarestilldisturbedbythenotionofafloatingconcept—one couldpointoutthatill-definedconceptsarethetoolsofdemagogues— letmetryonelasttack.First,floatingisnotthesameasill-defined;it isincontrasttosomethinglikefixedorgrounded.Ofcoursewehave theresponsibilitytobeasclearaspossibleaboutwhatwemeanwhen wespeakof“worldanthropologies,”butclarityshouldnotbesought byrecognizingasingleinstance(suchas“science”)thatmightrelieve usoftheburdenofcriticalreflectionbygivinguscontext-andpowerfreerules.Atanyrate,itisalwayslegitimatetoadoptstrategiesthat make virtues out of vices; perhaps the term floating has undesirable connotations and we should adopt a less provocative label, such as “mobile.” Perhaps—as long as this does not make us lose sight of ouraim,whichistounderstandandpromotepracticesthatcontest hegemonicclaimsbasedonpowerratherthanauthority(claimsthat alwaysconfusetheirworldwiththeworld). That“planetary”anthropologyshouldberealizedthroughanthropologieswhoserelationswitheachotherareneitherhierarchicalnor hegemoniccouldappearautopianproject,somethingthatbydefinition cannotbereached.“Worldanthropologies”describesastatethatalready existsonsomelevelsofdiscourseandpractice.Thatitdoesnot—and cannot—encompassotherlevelsaslongaspower,prestige,andcontrol offundsarethepredominantmotivesformakingalliancesshouldnot discourageus.IremainoptimisticbecauseIhaveseenthatourdiscipline
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hasbeenopen(or,ifyouprefer,vulnerable)tocritiqueandbecause, sofar,Ihavereasonstobelievethatcriticalanthropologyhasproved thatitcanbeproductive.
Notes 1. What is the role of existing national and supranational associations in all this? I decided this question should be added to the list after I had the opportunity to observe a recent meeting of presidents of national and international anthropological associations (sponsored by the Wenner-Gren Foundation)inRecife,Brazil,inJune2004. 2. ItriedtodemonstratethispointinTimeandtheOther(Fabian2002a). 3. InJanuary1986aWenner-GrenconferencemetinFez,Morocco,toconsiderwhathistorizationwoulddototheconceptofsymbol.Theresultswere editedandintroducedbyEmikoOhnuki-Tierney(1990),whoalsotookstock of the historization of the culture concept (2001). This is not the place to argue about why temporalization and historization are not the same thing, excepttosaythattheformeris,inmyview,moredirectlyrelevanttothetopic wediscussedatthe“WorldAnthropologies”symposium. 4. Foranexampleofhowthisincreasedattentiontotimeandtiminghas also reached textbooks in anthropologically oriented linguistics, see Hanks 1996. 5. Beinganativeof“Westernsociety”exemplifiesapredicamentthatmay beshared,thoughnotineveryrespect,byothers(Japanese,Chinese,Indians, LatinAmericans—thelistshouldbeatleastaslongastherewerenationalities representedattheWenner-Grensymposium).Andthatleadsonetoquestion whethertheterm“native”isofmuchuse,ifany,indebating“worldanthropologies”unlessitisconcretized,asItrytodoinwhatfollows. 6. After writing this I discovered that there is a professorship in transnationalanthropologyatOxfordUniversity,heldbyStevenVertovec.Seehis recentbookoncosmopolitanism(2002),whichIhavenotyetbeenableto consult. My hunch is that this new specialization is concerned more with transnationalism as an object of study than with transnationalism as a characteristicofourdiscipline. 7. Thisvisiondiffersfrom,oratleastcomplements,proposalsto“institutionalize” international anthropology that were discussed at a forum during the2001meetingsoftheAmericanAnthropologicalAssociation,asreported byJuneNash(2002).
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Index
Abaza,Mona263,265,266 Abélès,Marc116,125 Africa157–77,286 Africanistsandtheirresponsibilities 176–7 agriculture166 colonialismin157,159 history283 newnationstates161 PanAfricanAssociationof Anthropologists(PAAA)158,171–6 policyshiftsandyearsofawakening 165–7 universitysystem161–5 inworldsystem158–61 agriculture166 AguirreBeltrán,Gonzalo94,96,98,99, 104,204 Akiba,Takashi35 AlmaAtaDeclaration(1978)166–7 Alpatov,Vladimir54 alterity89 structuresof7 Amadiume,Ife163 AmericanAnthropologicalAssociation 29,38,173,205 Andeanism202,203–7 Anderson,Benedict45 Anderson,David55,63 Annalesgroup144 AnthropologicalSocietyofNippon29, 31 anti-racism142–3 appliedanthropology Japan42 Mexico94–5 Peru207 Archetti,Eduardo9 Argentina275
Arguedas,JoséMaría16,203,207, 208–14,218 Arnold,David255 Asad,Talal88 Asiannetworkofanthropology42–4 AssociationEuro–Africainepour l’AnthropologieduChangementSocial etduDéveloppement(APAD)173 AssociationforAfricanistAnthropology (AfAA)173 AssociationofRussianAnthropologists 62 auditculture272 Australia12,225–38 context225–9 nativetitleand229–34 intheprocessofbecoming234–6 Awedoba,Albert171 Azurmendi,Mikel151,152 Bailey,F.G.248 Balandier,Georges160 Balzer,MarjorieMandelstam57 BamakoInitiative167 Barnard,Alan115 Bauman,Zygmunt285,286 Beals,Ralph205 Benedict,Ruth32 Bennet,Wendell206 Bernard,H.Russell171,176 Béteille,André251,252 Birckhead,Jim228 Blanchard,Marc122 Blyden,Edward162 Boas,Franz49,51,53,93 Bogoraz,Vladimir51 Bolivia215–16 Bonfil,Guillermo96,104 borderthinking3
335
336
Index
Bosco,Joseph42 Brazil anthropologyofnationbuildingand itsaftermath262,263,264–78 colonialism264,266 modernityin269,270,271 BrazilianAssociationofAnthropology 265 Brevié,Jules117 Bromberger,Christian126 Busia,Kofi160,164 Bykovsky,S.N.53 CaiYuanpei71,74 Calla,Pamela219 Cameroon,anthropologyin167–71 Cárdenas,Lázaro93 Cardoso,F.H.135 castesystem247 center-peripheryrelationships116,239 Cernea,Michael167 Chakrabarty,Dipesh3–4,211–12 Chambers,Erve228 Chatterjee,Partha239,240 Chien,Chiao77 China,anthropologyin10,11,69,84–5 foreigninfluencesandlocalsituations 71–5 history69–71 imageproblem79–81 networkbuildingandinstitutional linkages81–4 TaiwanandHongKong75–8 useofterms78–9 Christianity263,264 class220 culture-classdialectic98–103 Clifford,James119,120,121,122,284 Collier,John205 colonialism3,8,14–15,113,137,144, 157,159,252 Brazil264,266 British118,240-1 French117–23,167–8 German167 Japanese31,33,34,44 Mexico92,98–9 Russian49 Spain134–5 consultancies,Australia227 CouncilfortheDevelopmentof EconomicandSocialResearchinAfrica (CODESRIA)171,172
CouncilonSociologyandAnthropology inAfrica(CASA)171 crisesinanthropology89,183 CrokerIslandnativetitlecase(Australia) 234 Cuba204 culture184–6,192,207,285 Brazil272 culture-classdialectic98–103 interculturality5,16 interculturalidad202,203,214–18 multiculturalism5,16,103,185 Curr,E.M.232 DaMatta,Roberto130 Das,Veena239 Davidson,Basil159 delaCadena,Marisol10 Degregori,CarlosIván201 Delafosse,Maurice118 democracyinMexico105 dependencytheory95,105–6,207,208, 209 developmentanthropology18,20 DiasDuarte,LuizFernando131 Dieterlen,Germaine119 Diop,CheikAnta160 disciplinarytransformations6–9 diversity,anthropologiesand2–6 Dogonpeople119–20 Dumont,Louis115,116,123–31,242–3, 245,246–9 Durkheim,Emile114,115,116 Dussel,Enrique3 Eades,Jerry37,38,42,44 EconomicCommissionforAfrica(ECA) 167 economicdevelopment Africansocialism162,163 industrialdevelopment163 structuraladjustmentprogrammes163 economics192 Ecuador215,216,217 education186 seealsouniversities Egami,Namio33 Eichelman,D.F.45 epistemology15,133–4 Arguedasasanunthinkable epistemologicalrevolution208–14 barrierstorealengagement143–7 passionate137–41
Index 337 Eriksen,ThomasH.114 Escobar,Alberto212 Escobar,Arturo228 Esquit,Edgar216 ethicalcodes,anthropologicalresearch and61–2 Eurocentrism3–4,7,14–15 EuropeanAssociationofSocial Anthropologists29,44 evolutionarytheories100,104 Fabian,Johannes143,202 feminism8,190 Finland190 Firth,Raymond40 Forstein,Alexander53 Foucault,Michel141–2,197 Fox,Richard45 France,anthropologyin114–17,159, 160-1,164,165 ambiguitiesandcontradictions131–2 colonialperiod117–23 Dumontand115,116,123–31 LaTarasque123–7 ramifications127–31 FrenchInstituteofBlackAfrica(IFAN) 117,160 Freyre,Gilberto264 Gal,Susan49,58–9 Gamio,Manuel93,103,205 Ganay,Solangede119 Gandhi,Mahatma244,245,250 GarcíaCanclini,Néstor5 Geertz,Clifford19,207 genealogy141 geopoliticsofknowledge3 Gerholm,Thomas2,43 Germany56,190 colonialism167 Gilroy,Paul185 globalization1,2,36,88–9,227,274 Indiaand256–8 Godelier,Maurice207 Gough,Kathleen148 Grace,Jocelyn228 Gramsci,Antonio140-1 Griaule,Marcel119,120,121 Guldin,Gregory69,74 Gupta,K.P.249 Hagan,George171 Haiti209
Hall,Stuart185 Hamel,RainerEnrique14 Hannerz,Ulf43 Harvey,Penny193,197,198 hegemonicanthropologies5,6,7,10,11, 14,15,105 hegemoniclanguage13–14 Helimskii,Evgenii63 Herzfeld,Michael135–7,152 heterogeneity6 Hill,Stephen227 history114,284 Africa283 anthropologieswithout5,19 Chineseanthropology69–71 Japaneseanthropology30-4 Hobsbawm,Eric210 HongKong,anthropologyin75–8 Horton,JamesAfricanusBeale162 Humphrey,Caroline57 identity,politicsof184 immigration,Spain149–51 India239–58 diaspora256–7 Emergencyperiod253,254–6 globalization256–8 Lucknowschool243–6 indigenousanthropology7,10,202–3, 205 anthropologyofnationbuildinginthe tropicsanditsaftermath261–78 Arguedasasanunthinkable epistemologicalrevolution208–14 indigenouspoliticsandendof mestizaje214–18 Mexico87–8,93–107 nativetitleinAustralia229–34 YortaYortaclaim231–4 industrialdevelopment163 inequalities,social90 InstitutFrançaispourl’AfriqueNoire (IFAN)117,160 InstituteofCulturalAnthropology (Uganda)162 InstituteofDevelopmentResearch (France)117 InstituteofEthnology(France)117 InstitutodeEtnologíayArquelogía(Peru) 206 InstitutoIndigenistaInteramericano206 interactiveanthropology43,44–6 Inter-AmericanIndianInstitute93
338
Index
interculturality5,16 interculturalidad202,203,214–18 InternationalAfricaInstitute118 InternationalInstituteofAfrican LanguagesandCulture(IIALC)159 InternationalLabourOrganization(ILO) 96 InternationalUnionofAnthropological andEthnologicalSciences(IUAES)70, 171 internationalizationseetransnationalism andinternationalism Internet288–9 Ishida,Eiichiro33 Islam263,264 Izumi,Seiichi35 Japan,anthropologyin9–10,29–30, 46–7 inanthropologyacademicworld system36–9 applied42 Asiannetworkofanthropology42–4 contemporary39–42 history30-4 influenceonChina71 interactive43,44–6 internationalization41 matrixofteaching40 nationalityandtransnationalityin 34–6 niche39–40 pluralization41 JapaneseInstituteofEthnicResearch 32 JapaneseSocietyofCultural Anthropology29 JapaneseSocietyofEthnology31–2,34, 35,38,39,45 JapaneseSocietyofFolkloreStudies32 JesupNorthPacificExpedition(JNPE) 49,51 Jochelson,Vladimir51 Johnson,James162 Joshi,P.C.244 Kantowsky,D.248 Kastren,Mattias50 Kaviraj,S.145,146,152 Keen,Ian230 Kelly,William42 Kenya,anthropologyin170 Kenyatta,Jomo160,164 Kilbride,Philip170
knowledge colonialityof3,15 asdialogicrelationship214–16 generationofnontrivialknowledgein awkwardsituations181–98 anthropologizingourselves193–8 culture,informationandthe changingroleofacademia182–8 ethnographyandpersuasivenesss 188–93 nativetitleinAustraliaand235–6 productionofknowledge141–3, 201–21 Kothari,Rajni255 Kottak,Conrad174 Krota,Esteban5,7,8 Kuhn,Thomas273 Kuper,Adam46,171 Kuwayama,Takami2–3,36,38,43,45–6 Kwang-Ok,Kim42 Labouret,Henri118 language barriers3,37,83,149 hegemonic13–14 Latour,Bruno197,276 Layton,Robert115 Leiris,Michel17,119,120-3 L’Estoile,Benoîtde117 Lévi-Strauss,Claude115,116,123,125, 207,246,268 Lévy-Bruhl,Lucien117,121 LiFanggui73 LiangZhaotao74 Lienhardt,Godfrey160 LinHuixiang73 Llobera,Josep136 Lombard,Jacques160 Lucknowschool243–6 Mabocase(Australia)229–30 Mabuchi,Toichi35 Madan,T.N.247 Mafeje,Archie8,15,20 Maidel,Gerhard50 Malinowski,Bronislaw35,161,204 Marcus,George284 Marr,N.I.52 Martín,Emma151 Marxism8,75,160,163–4,207,208, 244–5,292–3 Frenchanthropologyand115 Mexicananthropologyand95,98, 99–100
Index 339 Mathews,Gordon37,44 Matorin,N.M.54 Mauss,Marcel114,115,116,121 Maybury-Lewis,David45 Meillassoux,Claude120,160 Melhuus,Marit128–9 mestizaje202,205,206–7,212 indigenouspoliticsandendof mestizaje214–18 Mexico,anthropologyin10,87–8,204, 206 appliedanthropology94–5 conceptionandtreatmentofinternal ‘others’92–7 constitutingfactors88–92 culture-classdialectic98–103 identityof103–6 Mignolo,Walter3 MissionduPatrimoineEthnologique (France)126 modernity15–16,17,148,189,192,196, 197,208 Brazil269,270,271 Indiaand249–51 modernizationtheory161,165–6,206 secularizationand263–4 Moore,Philip228 Moreno,Isidoro134,135,136,137,139, 140,147,151 Morse,Edward30 Mukherjee,D.N.243 Mukherjee,D.P.243,244–6 Mukherjee,Radhakamal243–4 multiculturalism5,16,103,185,220 seealsointerculturality Murra,JohnVictor204,207 Nader,Laura189 Nakane,Chie29 Nandy,Ashis255 Narayan,Kirin10,39 nationstates89,287 Africa161 anthropologyofnationbuildinginthe tropicsanditsaftermath261–78 NationalCommissionforthe DevelopmentoftheIndigenous Peoples(Mexico;CDI)91 NationalIndigenistInstitute(Mexico)93 NationalInstituteofAnthropologyand History(Mexico;INAH)91,93,98 NationalMuseumofNaturalHistory, ArchaeologyandHistory(Mexico)98
NationalSchoolofAnthropologyand History(Mexico;ENAH)93 nationalism32,53,113 nativetitleinAustralia229–34 YortaYortaclaim231–4 neoliberalism101–2,186 Netherlands,anthropologyin34 networks Asiannetworkofanthropology42–4 Chineseanthropology81–4 indigenousintellectuals202–3 Inter-AmericanhubofPeruvian anthropology202,203–7 responsibilityandcommunicationin 147–52 Nielsen,FinnS.114 Nkrumah,Kwame162 NorthAmericanFreeTradeAgreement (NAFTA)97 objectivity147 observation,participant147,148 Oka,Masao35 Olney,Justice231–2 OrganisationdeRechercheScientifique etTechniqued’OutreMer(ORSTOM) 160,164–5 OrganizationofAfricanUnity(OAU)167 Ortiz,Fernando204 Ortiz,Renato13 ‘others,’conceptionandtreatmentof internal‘others’92–7 Palerm,Ángel204 PanAfricanAssociationof Anthropologists(PAAA)158,171–6 participantobservation147,148 pastoralism49,59 Patel,Sujata253 Patten,Rochelle233 Patterson,Thomas114 peripheralanthropologies114 seealsocolonialism;indigenous anthropology persuasiveness188–93 Peru10,201–21 Andeanism202,203–7 Arguedasasanunthinkable epistemologicalrevolution208–14 Inter-Americanhub203–7 interculturalidad202,203,214–18 knowledgeasdialogicrelationship 214–18
340
Index
pictography277 PinaCabral,Joãode12 Pitt,David166 Pitt-Rivers,JulianA.137,138,139 pluralism17,215 Japaneseanthropology41 Pocock,David243,247,248 Pokrovskii,N.M.52,53 politics ofidentity184 politicalengagement141–3,148 postcolonialism190 postmodernism8,144,145 poverty,alleviationof163 powerrelationsinacademicsystem38 Prakash,G.144,255 provincialization12–13 ‘provincializationofEurope’project 3–4,211–12 Quijano,Aníbal3,202,210,211,212 Rabinow,Paul267–9,270 racism142–3 Brazil268 radicalanthropology7 Radin,Paul205 Radlov,Vladimir50 Ramanujan,A.K.249 Ramos,Alcida23 realism,worldanthropologiesand152–4 rejectionistsyndrome163 responsibility,innetworks147–52 Ricoeur,Paul23 Rorty,Richard262,271 Rudie,Ingrid129 Russia9,11,52–6 Siberiananthropology49–50 culturalanthropologistsinan ethnographicfield56–60 currentchangesinresearch paradigms60-2 currentsituation62–5 asinternationalenterprise50-2 Sovietperiod51,52–60 RussianGeographicalSociety51 Saberwal,Satish248–9 Sahlins,Marshall45 Salomon,Frank206 Saran,A.K.245,249–51 Sarkar,Sumit145–6,147 Schackt,Jon129
Schwartz,Roberto266 scientificknowledge89 secularization263–4 Sekimoto,Teruo33 Shimizu,Akitoshi29,35 Shiratori,Kurakichi32 Shirokogorov,S.M.55 Shnirelman,Victor53,54 Siberiananthropology49–50 culturalanthropologistsinan ethnographicfield56–60 currentchangesinresearchparadigms 60-2 currentsituation62–5 asinternationalenterprise50-2 Sovietperiod51,52–60 slavery158–9,268 Slezkine,Yuri55 socialengineering148 socialinequalities90 SocialScienceResearchCouncil(SSRC) 205 SouthAfrica,anthropologyin164 Spain,anthropologyin134–7,149–51 Spencer,Jonathan183 Srinivas,M.N.251–2,253 Stalin,Josef53,54 Starn,Orin207 Stauth,Georg263,265,266 Sternberg,Leo51,52 Steward,Julian206 Stocking,GeorgeW.116,261–2,273 Stoler,AnnLaura142 Strathern,Marilyn196,197 structuraladjustmentprogrammes163 structuralism34 subalternstudies144,145 Sugiura,Kenichi35 Taiwan,anthropologyin75–8 Tambiah,Stanley45 Taussig,Michael138,139,152 Tauxier,Louis118 Taylor,Jim228 Tello,JulioC.205 temporalization284–6 Terradas,Ignasi153–4 terrorism192 Testart,Alain127 Thatcher,Margaret195 theory,pointof285 Toledo,Alejandro220 Torii,Ryuzo31,34,35
Index 341 transnationalismandinternationalism 9–11,114–15 Chineseanthropology81–4 globalization1,2,36,88–9 Japaneseanthropologyand35–6,41 Siberiananthropology50-2 Trigger,David234 tristesse269 Trouillot,MichelRolph209 Tsuboi,Shogoro30,31,35 Turner,Victor40,115 Turpin,Tim227
vanGennep,Arnold114,115,125 vanWilligen,John228 VargasLlosa,Álvaro220 VargasLlosa,Mario220 Velho,Gilberto130-1 Velho,Otávio15 Vitebsky,Piers57 vonDitmar,Karl50
Uberoi,J.P.S.248 Uchibori,Motomitsu38 Unger,RobertoMangabeira262 UnitedKingdom113,159,161,181 anthropologizingourselves193–8 colonialism118,240-1 culture,informationandthechanging roleofacademia182–8 ethnographyandpersuasivenesss 188–93 UnitedStatesofAmerica251–2 Andeanismand207 anthropologyin36,114,138 influenceonMexico90 UniversalExhibition(1992)193 universities Africa161–5 Australia227 changingroleofacademia182–8 Utsushiwaka,Inezo35
Weber,Max249,263 Whitman,Walt262 Williams,Raymond133,148 Wolf,Eric207 worldanthropologies1–2,23–4 anthropologytodayand17–23 changingworldsystems2–6 disciplinarytransformations6–9 epistemologicalanddisciplinary predicaments14–17 Japaneseanthropologyand36–9 questions281–95 how291–2 what289–90 when284–6 where286–9 who282–4 realistproposal152–4 responsibilityandcommunicationin 147–52 transnationalism9–11 unevenrelations11–14 WorldBank166 WuWenzao73
Valcárcel,LuisE.205 vanBeek,Walter120 vanBremen,Jan35,36
Yamashita,Shinji11 Yanagita,Kunio32 YortaYortacase(Australia)231–4