Working to Learn: Disrupting the Divide Between College and Career Pathways for Young People 3030353494, 9783030353490

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Working to Learn Disrupting the Divide Between College and Career Pathways for Young People Noel S. Anderson · Lisette Nieves

Working to Learn

Noel S. Anderson • Lisette Nieves

Working to Learn Disrupting the Divide Between College and Career Pathways for Young People

Noel S. Anderson Administration, Leadership and Technology New York University New York, NY, USA

Lisette Nieves Administration, Leadership and Technology New York University New York, NY, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-35349-0    ISBN 978-3-030-35350-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35350-6 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: © Alex Linch shutterstock.com This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Acknowledgments

Noel S. Anderson This book is a labor of love, and the colleagues and supporters are too many to name. But first I want to thank my co-author, Lisette Nieves, for her shared vision, intellectual strength, and indefatigable energy to make this happen. Special thanks to Becca Huntting, one of the best researchers on this planet. To our editors at Palgrave Macmillan, thanks to Susan Carini, Apurva Mehrotra, Anindya Kundu, June Ahn, Lazar Treshan, and Kimmie Bernstein. None of this would be possible without the support of my wife, Shan, one of the most brilliant minds and clearest thinkers I’ve ever encountered. My son, Avery, for his support, encouragement, and monitoring of my progress on the book. My mother, Martha, and sisters, Monefa and Kawana, for inspiring me, keeping me honest, and loving me. Posthumously to my grandmother, Miriam Quinn McDuffie, my patron saint, who demonstrated what it means to “work hard, then travel.” Lastly, thanks to all the young people we encountered in our research and travels, working to learn with dignity, grace, and aspirations.

Lisette Nieves This book started with a dissertation journey inspired by my workforce and education colleagues and culminated in a true partnership with my co-author, Noel Anderson, a sought-after intellect and leader who shifts contexts effortlessly while always being true to himself. Special thanks to Becca Huntting, the student that inspires the educator and then becomes v

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the best research assistant ever! To our editors at Palgrave Macmillan, thanks to Susan Carini and Amada Santiago. My life partner, Greg Gunn, who is a gifted listener and deep thinker—always reminding me that ideas are worth savoring and digesting. I thank my son Gabriel, who had his first paying job this summer, and I witnessed the power of what that can do to a young person’s development and further inspired this book. I also want to thank my mother, Iris, sister Monique, brother Jason, and late father, George—each of you have taught me that working as a value can and should co-exist with my intellectual pursuits and have never shamed me for wanting both. Lastly, I would like to thank the youth and young adults that participated in this book by sharing their voices—may your voices ring louder and impact academic practice and, ultimately, the academic and workforce outcomes that you all deserve.

Contents

1 “College for All” and Work-Based Learning: Two Reconcilable Differences  1 2 The Apprenticeship: A Bipartisan Model of Opportunity 23 3 “I Am Working and Learning”: Expanding Freedoms to Achieve Through Summer Youth Employment 67 4 Hearing from the Voices Behind the Variables: Community College Students Speak Out on School and Work 97 5 A Way Forward: Building Career and Postsecondary Pathways131 Index

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List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 1.2 Fig. 1.3

Youth unemployment, state by state, ages 16–24. (Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2016) Tech job growth, state by state. (Source: The Computing Technology Industry Association, 2019) Highest industry employment for youth, state by state, ages 16–24. (Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2019)

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CHAPTER 1

“College for All” and Work-Based Learning: Two Reconcilable Differences

We, the people of the United States, are in a college- and career-readiness crisis. Over the last few decades, while college access has expanded for many more individuals, federal student loan debt held by U.S. adults has ballooned to $1.5 trillion and approximately $119 billion for private loans, respectively, and college persistence and completion rates are not where they should be, given the level of personal and financial sacrifice of college goers (Miller, Campbell, Cohen, & Hancock, 2019). Approximately 76% of students complete four-year private colleges and 65.7% complete four-­ year public colleges. But when you look at two-year public college completion rates, numbers fall to just 39.2%, and the completion rate for four-year private for-profit colleges is at 37.3% (Shapiro et al., 2018). Examining these numbers according to racial and ethnic groups, Asian students have the highest overall completion rate at 70.3%, white students complete at a rate of 67.1%, Black students at 41%, and Latinx students at 49.6% (Shapiro et al., 2018)1. But looking closely at two-year institutions (known primarily as community colleges), where the vast majority of Black and Latinx students enroll, the completion rate of Asian students was 49.1%, white students was 48.1%, Latinx students was 35.7%, and Black students was trailing at 27.5% (Shapiro et al., 2018). Coupled with this college pipeline crisis is an alarmingly high youth unemployment rate. Nationwide, the youth unemployment rate for  Throughout this text, the terms “Latino,” “Latina,” and “Latinx” are used interchangeably, and the terms “Black” and “African American” are used interchangeably. 1

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16–24-year-olds is 9.1% (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). For Blacks between the ages of 16 and 24, it is approximately 14.6%, nearly double the rate for non-Hispanic whites at 8% (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). For Latinx in this age group, it is slightly above 11% (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). Lack of employment is leaving young people without the early work experiences that research shows is crucial to their success as adults. This crisis is more acute for Black and Latinx young people, who tend to be the most under-credentialed and unemployed in this nation. Without the skills from successful college and early work experiences, young adults are ill-prepared to succeed in our labor market, unable to contribute to our economy in meaningful ways, and risk not having sustainable wages to live the lives that they would have reason to value. The map below, for instance, shows how youth unemployment is a regional affair. The access of young people to work is shaped by industry and geography (Fig. 1.1).

Fig. 1.1  Youth unemployment, state by state, ages 16–24. (Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2016)

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The Rise of “Middle Skills” Jobs As this crisis grows, automation and other technological advancements are transforming middle-skill jobs. “Middle-skills” is defined as jobs requiring a minimum of a high school diploma, some postsecondary credential, usually an associate’s degree or equivalent, but not necessarily a four-year degree. In 2015, 53% of jobs in the United States were defined as “middle-­ skills,” a number that will reduce only slightly to 48% by 2024 (National Skills Coalition, 2017). Alarmingly, while low-skills jobs and high-skills jobs have an abundance of available labor, middle-skills jobs are outpacing their available workforce, meaning fewer Americans are trained than there are jobs available in these industries. According to the Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce, “all of the growth of net new good jobs in the non-BA economy has been in middle-skills jobs” (Carnevale, Strohl, Ridley, & Gulish, 2018). Half of all middle-skills jobs are considered “good jobs,” with high and stable median incomes for those with or without a bachelor’s degree. Careers in blue-collar industries, like advanced manufacturing, transportation and utilities, and construction, along with jobs in skilled service industries like financial services, education, and hospitality are on the rise. An aging population and a booming tech industry have surged the need for skilled and credentialed healthcare technicians, computer programmers, surveying and mapping technicians, and IT personnel (Carnevale et al., 2018). But, according to a report by Burning Glass, Accenture, and Harvard Business School, the strongest middle-skills jobs in terms of long-term job skills sustainability are in technical sales and sales management, computer and mathematical occupations (IT specialists, advanced manufacturing), business and financial services (bookkeeping, HR specialists, auditing clerks), and healthcare practitioners and technical occupations (Fuller, Burrowes, Raman, Restuccia, & Young, 2014). According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the top five fastest-­ growing professions over the next ten years will be in middle-skills jobs including (from first to fifth in ranking): solar photovoltaic (PV) installers, wind turbine service technicians, home healthcare aides, personal care aides, and occupational therapy assistants (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). It is important to note that these statistics reflect the whole of the United States, while job availability and industry growth vary region by region (Fig. 1.2).

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Fig. 1.2  Tech job growth, state by state. (Source: The Computing Technology Industry Association, 2019)

For example, the map above displays changes in tech employment state by state, demonstrating the regions (West Coast, Southeast) where availability of middle-skills jobs in this high-growth industry lay. Yet young people are still confined to low-wage, low-skilled work at the highest risk for automation and, ultimately, job elimination (Fig. 1.3). Even as middle-skills, high-growth industries and jobs—predominantly in manufacturing, technology, and healthcare—are giving rise to new labor opportunities, workforce training and postsecondary institutions are finding challenges in preparing and delivering workers for this demand. A gulf is widening in the workforce between those who receive the necessary education, training, or retraining needed to fill positions and those who are forced toward a decreasing pool of lower-wage, low-skills work. The other challenge is that employers have six million open jobs they are struggling to fill in the United States alone, leaving well-paying jobs without the requisite talent (Engler, Pritzker, Alden, & Taylor-Kale, 2018). Nearly half of American small businesses report not being able to find qualified workers for their open positions (Rampell, 2016). Further, young people who seek to fill these jobs experience unclear educational pathways and credentialing systems, as well as large price tags on postsecondary programs.

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Fig. 1.3  Highest industry employment for youth, state by state, ages 16–24. (Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2019)

Root Causes of the College- and Career-Readiness Crisis There are root causes of the college- and career-readiness crisis. First, many of our current challenges can be traced to the fact that our education systems were created for a different type of American economy and labor market than the current one. Second, deepening socioeconomic inequalities, such as poor K-12 secondary school systems and labor market discrimination, have created new barriers that stand in the way of large swaths of young people achieving success. Finally, the decades-long public tensions between the “College for All” consensus and “School-to-Work” (STW) campaign illustrate well-­ intentioned but misguided understandings about the relationship between education and employment on the part of educators and public ­policymakers, which has created additional barriers to solving this crisis. Consequently, in our typical zero-sum approach to educational policymaking in the United States and our attempts to distance ourselves from

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“the soft bigotry of low expectations,” the College for All consensus eclipsed the School-to-Work campaign, forcing policymakers and educators to slow down the promise and progress of work-based learning.

Outdated and Outpaced Education Systems There is a clear mismatch in how our education systems are preparing young people to meet the current demands of the labor market. Far too few young people are attaining the skills that will allow them to be successful in the labor market, as is clear from the simple fact that the unemployment rate for young adults remains twice what it is for adults; in August 2019, the unemployment rate was 9.1% for those ages 16 to 24 and just 3% for those ages 25 and older (U.S. Department of Labor, 2019a). The reason for this mismatch owes much to the fact that our systems for preparing young people to succeed are out of date (Alonso, Anderson, Su, & Theoharis, 2009; Anderson & Kharem, 2010). At risk is the long-term competitiveness of our nation’s economy. We need to make fundamental changes to our systems of public education in order to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. Our economy and labor market have changed significantly and demand more skills than ever. The days when a high school diploma provided enough preparation for a family-sustaining job are over. This is clearly the case with newer fields, such as information technology and finance. Even manufacturing jobs, long the area where less-educated workers could find family-sustainable employment, increasingly require college-level skills (Selingo, 2017). Our economy now demands a new set of abilities, which include problem solving, familiarity with computers and specialized technologies, and even advanced math and writing for the wide range of middle-­skill jobs in growing sectors such as healthcare, mechanical maintenance, and education (Selingo, 2017). There are two primary sources for young people to attain the twenty-­ first-­century skills that the labor market demands and that will allow them to succeed: college and early employment. A college education is more important than ever. In 2015, the gap between individuals with a bachelor’s degree and a high school diploma peaked, with the former group earning 56% more than the latter  (Carnevale, Strohl, Ridley, & Gulish, 2018). Although employment levels largely have rebounded since the end of 2009’s Great Recession, the overwhelming share of new jobs since then has gone to college degree holders. Conversely, income for non-college graduates has declined, even during the economic recovery (Carnevale, Smith, Melton, & Price, 2015). As Anthony Carnevale—research profes-

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sor and director of the Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce—has stated, “the Post-Great Recession economy has divided the country along a fault line demarcated by college education” (Carnevale, Jayasundera, & Gulish, 2016, p. 1). Recognizing these realities, more young people are applying to and enrolling in college than ever. However, this increased interest in and access to college is not translating into success. Despite increased demand, college retention and graduation rates are lower than ever. More than 40% of those who enroll in four-year colleges do not graduate within six years, and more than 70% of those who enroll at two-year schools do not obtain a degree within four years. New and growing research about work-based learning provides evidence of how the United States might address the challenges facing its education systems through work-based learning approaches. Work-based learning is defined as any learning done in collaboration between schools and employers  that focuses on students developing work-related skills (New York State Department of Education, 2019). Our book reveals how a growing number of young people are already embracing work-­based learning, by circumstance, at the secondary and community college levels, by integrating work and attending school. Compelling research from Career and Technical Education high schools in New York, for instance, is highlighting that work-based learning is influencing the higher academic persistence and completion rates by Black and Latinx males. Concurrently, more than 70% of community college students across the country both work and attend school, which flies in the face of traditional higher education research that emphasizes the downside of working while in school and has limited data on Black and Latinx students working while in community college  (Carnevale, Smith, Melton, & Price, 2015). As a result, most higher education institutions, even community colleges, have not adequately adjusted to accommodate the working student.

Youth Labor Market Challenges Among the best preparation for the labor market is early employment. Individuals employed at younger ages are more likely to be employed as they age. Young people, with the proper legal protections and labor conditions, of course, also thrive socially with meaningful work environments. In addition, research has shown that the largest part of earnings growth happens for individuals between ages 25 and 35, underlining the importance of being gainfully employed and on a career track during that period (The Economist, 2017).

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Unfortunately, finding a job has never been harder for young people in America. Youth unemployment rates are frighteningly high nationwide, a disparity heightened in many key urban areas. In Chicago, the youth unemployment rate is 32.3% for those ages 16 to 21, nearly triple that of all adults at 11.2% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). In areas with generally high unemployment rates, young people face even more dire conditions. In Cleveland, where broader adult unemployment approaches one in five, unemployment among young people between the ages of 16 and 21 nears one in two (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). And even in areas such as Houston, where unemployment rates are relatively low for the broader population at 5.7%, young people still see great difficulty in finding work, with 15.2% unemployed (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). These dynamics may have severe consequences for young people, their communities, and our economy. Economists use the term “path dependency” to describe how early employment is a strong predictor of longer-­ term labor market success, particularly for younger workers. One study found that jobless teens were less likely to hold jobs four to five years later (Sum et al., 2014). For disadvantaged youth, a lack of employment disproportionately can hinder the chances of a successful career later on in adulthood. Further Michael Stoll highlights that Black and Latinx young people are more likely to encounter discrimination in the labor market, foreclosing their possibilities to acquire enriching work experiences and set them on a path to sustainable wages in adulthood (Stoll, 1999). Separate research has found that whereas middle- and higher-income teens may be able to substitute higher education successfully for early work experience, lower-income youth who do not work at an early age have subsequently lower rates of employment and earnings later as adults (Painter, 2010). Nonetheless, the benefits are notable when young people do find jobs. One study has shown that for every year teenagers work, their income rises an average of 15% while they are in their 20s (Sum, Khatiwada, McHugh, & Kent, 2013). Other research finds that employment as an adolescent contributes to higher earnings over one’s lifetime; develops non-cognitive skills such as time management and determination; and may even contribute to decreased crime as students spend more time in structured, supervised activities (Heckman, 2000; Painter, 2010; Rothstein, 2007; Sum et al., 2013; Walker & Vilella-Velez, 1992). The scope of the current youth employment crisis is relatively recent and may be a permanent feature of the new labor market. The recessions of the early 2000s and 2007–2009 took disproportionate tolls on young job seek-

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ers. And in both cases, when employment levels improved overall, young job seekers did not share in the recoveries. Much of this has to do with the changing nature of the economy. Many jobs that were once available to young people, particularly those with lower-skill levels, have continued to diminish (Sum, Khatiwada, & McHugh, 2013a). In addition, labor market studies have documented how many older workers have stayed in the labor market for longer, perhaps as a result of generally lower levels of retirement savings and pension plans, crowding out younger workers. Similar research has noted that older workers now occupy many jobs that were previously more likely to be held by younger workers, particularly in industries such as retail, which have often been gateways jobs for youth (Casselman, 2014). Young people are less able to succeed in finding jobs if they are competing against older workers with more experience. And if youth cannot land their first jobs, then they are increasingly disadvantaged seeking work as they grow older.

Work-Based Learning: The Promise The late 1980s into the 1990s was viewed as a promising decade for the School-to-Work (STW) movement. Burgeoning concerns about a changing economy and a scathing report in 1988 by Samuel Halperin, titled “The Forgotten Half,” revealed that more than half of young people do not complete college (American Youth Policy Forum, 1988). These factors spurred Congress, in 1994, to pass the School-to-Work Opportunities Act (STWOA). The STWOA was a seven-year initiative developed in response to concerns that the new globalized economy required skills that were beyond what the U.S. educational system was providing to students (New Ways to Work, 2019). Much of the policy and programs emanating from early STWOA policy centered on blue-collar sectors, however. Over time, proponents saw a growing need to expand STW initiatives to white-­ collar work, given the changing and growing demand in the market. Early 1990s research found that a large share of high school graduates who did not attend college were unable to settle into long-term jobs. Similarly, new data showed that earnings for non-college goers in the labor market had dropped significantly, and the earnings premium for attending college had risen. Researchers looked at European models of apprenticeships in places such as Germany, for instance, as a solution to this employment “floundering,” whereby job training and work experiences were incorporated into secondary education. They argued that in addition to

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providing students with the skills to be more successful in the labor market, connecting school and work in high school would improve student engagement and high school graduation (Gregson, 1995; Sum, Khatiwada, & McHugh, 2013b). The STWOA was designed to increase career exposure and preparation for American high school students. Through a national STW office, the U.S. Department of Education and Labor provided guidance for states to develop their own plans to add work-based and experiential learning to high school programming. Of particular emphasis to states was the engagement of employers for mentoring, job shadowing, and internship opportunities. Studies of the act’s implementation found many examples of this work across the country, resulting in limited but improved student achievement within high school and the expansion of college and career options for participating students (Hughes, Bailey, & Mechur, 2001). Criticism accompanied the development and implementation of the act, particularly in regard to fears about “tracking.” Language within the act targeted its efforts to students who were at risk of not graduating, and some worried that STW activities were an extension of historical ways of placing low-income and minority students in vocational courses that ultimately provided them with little preparation for high-paying jobs or college. Critics argued that the integration of work in high school represented an assumption that certain students were unable or unworthy of learning for the sake of learning, or attending and succeeding in college. Supporters of STW claimed the opposite—that effective work-based learning activities would improve student achievement, opening up more pathways to higher-level jobs and college options. Nevertheless, the stigma of vocational education remained a stain on STW.

College for All Consensus Leaves Work-Based Learning Behind In a speech to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in July 2000, then presidential candidate George W. Bush made the following statement: Discrimination is still a reality, even when it takes different forms. Instead of Jim Crow, there’s racial redlining and profiling. Instead of separate but equal, there is separate and forgotten. Strong civil rights enforcement will be a cornerstone of my administration.

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And I will confront another form of bias: the soft bigotry of low expectations. … No child in America should be segregated by low expectations, imprisoned by illiteracy, abandoned to frustration and the darkness of self-doubt …. A great movement of education reform has begun in this country built on clear principles: to raise the bar of standards, expect every child can learn; to give schools the flexibility to meet those standards; to measure progress and insist upon results; to blow the whistle on failure; to provide parents with options to increase their option, like charters and choice; and also remember the role of education is to leave no child behind. (C-SPAN, 2000)

According to Bush, different expectations for different students were the major barrier to student success. And expectations became the focus of Bush’s education policy when he assumed the presidency the following year and led the adoption of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), which was passed by Congress in 2001. NCLB placed new emphasis on assessment and accountability of common sets of standards across all groups of students. For the first time in history, districts were required to monitor subgroup performance of minority groups, special-needs populations, and immigrants toward standards, which reinforced support of NCLB among civil rights and advocacy groups. As a result, any programs that differentiated students came under suspicion for their potential “soft bigotry.” The fact that the programs of the STWOA targeted at-risk youth made them politically untenable to many policymakers. Indeed, NCLB contained little language about any types of programmatic work that schools and districts should implement, with its focus on standards, measurement, and accountability (Klein, 2015). As a result of NCLB, the term “College for All” replaced school-to-­ work in the vocabulary of many educational policymakers. With college representing the high standard to which all students should be held, the term avoided any of the stigma associated with tracking and work-based learning. No one could be branded as racist for voicing the opinion that college should be the goal of every high school student. And although STW advocates and researchers in the 1990s had been quick to argue that work-based learning expanded college pathways and increased college attendance, their cause fell out of favor.

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Young People Left Behind in the College for All Consensus In the second half of the 2000s, three major factors brought about serious questioning of the College for All consensus. The first was a backlash against NCLB.  Despite its promising language about high expectations, NCLB offered little guidance on the activities that would help schools and districts meet the new high standards and offered little in the way of funding to support low-performing areas. Critics of NCLB argued that it was just a series of high-stakes tests used to punish poverty-stricken communities. Before the act expired in 2015, 42 of 50 states had received waivers from the federal government to ignore many of NCLB’s mandates (Klein, 2015). At the same time, new data about college completion and evidence from grassroots, work-based learning programs provided an increasing body of evidence that College for All might be lacking. Data began to emerge that despite increasing rates of college enrollment, many students were not succeeding in postsecondary education. Only 39% of students who enter community college and open-access postsecondary institutions graduate within six years, and 25% who enroll in the fall do not matriculate for the spring (Koloder, 2015). Such alarmingly low completion rates, coupled with increasing student debt, leave students marked by the social and emotional experiences of failure (Rosenbaum, 2001). As Tressie McMillan Cottom labels in her text, Lower Ed, an “education gospel” of sorts alarmingly emerged with the College  for  All ­consensus, beckoning anyone and everyone to the altar of a college, any college, as salvation for anxieties about an insecure present and uncertain future. However, this education gospel did not distinguish between what was a good versus bad investment in postsecondary education. As a result, we witnessed the rise of predatory for-profit colleges, which rely almost exclusively on federal financial aid for their revenue, becoming the haven for many college seekers, especially single mothers, Blacks, and Latinx people, who tend to be the majority of those attending and leaving with high debt and no credentials (McMillan Cottom, 2017). Another challenge to College for All was the economic recession that began in late 2007. Families across the country were no longer able to afford four years of college, and the number of high school graduates seeking work rose. Attitudes toward work and its connection to education began to change. Moreover, schools and community-based organizations (CBOs) began developing and expanding programs that incorporated work into the education of young people.

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A Renewed Promise of Work-Based Learning Fortunately, a new day is dawning, where programming is being designed and implemented at various levels of our education systems, in various parts of the country, showing a pathway to the type of broad-scale changes we need to adopt in order to evolve and compete. Many of these approaches fall under the broad umbrella of work-based learning and involve hands-­on, career-related experiences for students. Work-based learning can take shape a myriad of ways, such as career exploration or job shadowing; internships; summer jobs; full or part-time employment; and apprenticeships, and can be a part of a school day curriculum, out of school time program, or enrichment activity. The most effective work-based learning programs are linked to curriculum, scaffolded to blend credentialing with wage earning. Programs that provide young people with subsidized work experience can fill the void created by a weak private youth labor market. Jobs today demand more skills than ever, both in terms of technical or job-specific know-how (often referred to as “hard skills”), as well as the range of abilities to succeed in the workplace, such as punctuality, communication, and problem solving (Carnevale, Smith, & Strohl, 2013). Many argue that these “soft” or “non-cognitive” skills are not only of equal or greater importance but are key outcomes that young people do not achieve through the K-12 school system (Kautz, Heckman, Diris, ter Weel, & Borghans, 2014). These life skills not only increase youths’ chances of success in the workplace but their likelihood of being able  to successfully navigate other complex environments, such as university administrative systems and college campuses (Heckman, Stixrud, & Urzua, 2006). Further, youth employment programs are most likely to give young people these valuable career and life skills when they are clearly designed and implemented to achieve these outcomes (Collura, 2009; Olenik & Fawcett, 2013; Roder & Elliott, 2014; Sum, Khatiwada, McLaughlin, & Palma, 2011). At the middle and high school levels, these include career exposure, service learning, career and technical education, summer jobs, and year-­ round internships. Recent evaluations of these programs have created a growing body of evidence that engaging young people in work-based learning will improve their engagement in high school; academic skills; readiness for college; understanding of the path to, within, and transitioning out of college; as well as developing soft and hard skills crucial to success in today’s labor market.

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Large numbers of young people fall off track after high school, unable to find solid footing after graduation. However, new programming that targets and supports high school-to-college transitions can create a bridge for young people to make that complicated next step. These include grade 9–14 high schools (secondary schools that partner with postsecondary institutions to enable students to receive a high school diploma and associate’s degree continuously) and bridge programming that offers young people a clearer and more supported pathway to college or careers after high school. In order to address the dismally low graduation rates at two- and four-­ year colleges, a new range of on-campus college retention and completion supports are increasing students’ chances of success. Further, programs have emerged that are allowing students to blend internships while completing academic coursework, bolstering students’ skills and competencies for a career after college.

Work Identity and Social-Emotional Development Growing research is gleaning the benefits of work-based learning for healthy self-identity and social-emotional development. For decades, scholars have argued that for a sequential pattern of development for ­students, school should precede work, and stressed that doing both concurrently is detrimental to school completion. However, this research is counter to the lived experiences of many poor and working-class Blacks and Latinx young people who are increasingly the majority populations in secondary schools and community colleges. In fact, evidence is pointing to early work-based experiences for young people having a positive impact on long-term earnings and an increased knowledge of worker protections and conditions (Booth, Budd, & Munday, 2010; Richey, 2014; Stoll, 1999). Scholars are now positing that Black and Latinx young people who work or desire to work while attending school see work and school not only as a requisite for well-being but central to both their occupational-­ identity and self-identity, a driver of academic performance and aspirations for their future (Anderson & Larson, 2009; Gaston, Anderson, Su, & Theoharis, 2009; Nieves, 2016). Yet secondary schools and community colleges still have some ways to go to accommodate the academic needs, social and emotional development, and career-focused interests of young people who desire both to work and to attend school. Schools still require stringent hours of “seat time” (instructional classroom time); college

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counselors are narrowly focused on college access only and could be professionally developed to provide young people with internship options; and community college schedules could expand work-based options for students that are linked to credentialing and sector-based employment. For too long, work-based learning has suffered from ambivalent policymakers. Many use the term “College for All” to avoid the perception that they have differing expectations for different youth. This may be disingenuous in practice, though. The times and the economy have changed. We need to bring the evidence to the table to disabuse policymakers of the notion that college and career preparation are two separate pathways. Instead, work-based learning at various levels of secondary education through college is what we need to get our education system back to being a catalyst for our young people and today’s economy.

Working to Learn Working to Learn: Disrupting the Divide Between College and Career Pathways for Young People presents evidence of the errors of current policy and practice and argues that an integrated approach, blending secondary and postsecondary learning with career pathway development, is required and is what young people, particularly those between the ages of 14 and 24 years, in our communities demand. Policymakers also can take note of efforts by young people in secondary schools and in community colleges, as well as in grassroots programs and not-for-profit organizations, to re-­ embrace work-based learning. The central argument of Working to Learn is that modern work-based learning efforts at the secondary and community college levels, which have long suffered from either being overlooked or misunderstood, can help to solve some of our deepest educational crises, influence social and emotional development, and improve labor market outcomes for young people. Moreover, countless young people around the country (and the world) are already successfully blending work and school, whether out of economic necessity and/or because of professional aspirations, demonstrating that the desire and demand for work-based learning is apparent, and that it is up to policymakers and practitioners in schools, community colleges, government agencies, and non-profit (non-­ governmental) organizations to catch up. The following chapters provide examples of the persistent challenges and amazing triumphs of countries, municipalities, educational organizations, and young people, successfully instituting or experiencing work-­

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based learning in policy and practice. The goal in Working to Learn is not to present a comprehensive overview of the work-based learning policy and program landscape. Our focus, as illustrated earlier in this chapter, is to provide historical and political context for the ongoing tensions, in policy and practice, between the “College for All” consensus and the “School-toWork” campaign, and to demonstrate how young people, in particular, are courageously bridging these seemingly disparate worlds in their daily lives. The dissonance reflected in public debates on “the future of education and work” is out of step with the aspirations and lived experiences of those who are working and learning. Our task, in Working to Learn, is to illuminate this reality through case studies of young people, both in the United States and Europe, in secondary schools and community colleges, through summer youth employment and in vocational training programs who are attempting to integrate work and learning and how this can, inversely, better inform a renewed approach to both policy and practice. In Chap. 2, we examine the “gold standard” of work-based learning models: the apprenticeship. This centuries-old model is utilized in countries across the globe and has resurfaced to become the politically bi-­ partisan darling in government, policy circles, and among employers in the United States. The apprenticeship provides a suitable vehicle to integrate credentialing with earning a living, and, if structured well, can span secondary and postsecondary education. We explore how a statewide initiative, CareerWise Colorado, has adapted the Switzerland apprenticeship model to the United States, and examine how countries such as Germany and Sweden, where there is a long-standing tradition of apprenticeships, have had to adjust to changing market demands, the realities of an aging workforce, and an influx of migrant populations. The juxtaposition of these very different contexts provides stunning insight into the promise and current obstacles of expanding apprenticeships in an equitable way to all young people. In Chap. 3, we hear the voices of young people navigating Summer Youth Employment (SYEP) in New York City, how they are making sense of learning, school, and career exploration, thus expanding their freedoms to achieve and attain personal agency, while earning a living. Chapter 4 looks into the lives of minority, low-income, first-generation community college students across the country integrating working and learning, and fostering a healthy self-identity as a result. Finally, we also know more work needs to be done, so we advance in Chap. 5 suggestions for more robust policies and promising practice to ensure the sustainability of work-based learning at the state and local levels.

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Conclusion Although the United States has built a strong four-year college and university system, traditional higher education is only one pipeline to a financially supportive career. The high price tag on a quality higher education, as well as the competitive high school records required for admission, is putting elite universities out of the reach for Americans across the country outside of the highest-income brackets and highest-performing high schools. Simultaneously, high-growth jobs, requiring somewhere between two and four years of postsecondary training, in technology, healthcare, and advanced manufacturing, are going unfilled. The gap between those with a four-year degree and those with barely a high school diploma is widening, and both young people and the labor market are suffering. With a workforce-development culture built around traditional higher education institutions, and a diploma from one of these institutions as the surest (but not guaranteed) ticket out of poverty, students across socioeconomic backgrounds are scrambling to find a way to matriculate and complete their degrees, while juggling hefty financial, social, and ­psychological burdens. These challenges are magnified for students who must work while they learn to offset the cost of education. To decrease the almost insurmountable and inevitable debt expected to be incurred over four years, full-time and part-time students must turn to work to soften the financial blow during and following degree attainment, a reality high-­ income families are more likely to avoid. Student debt is now the second largest consumer debt category in the country, with the highest proportion of students owing anywhere from $10,000 to $25,000 (Friedman, 2019). Student debt is also seeing the highest growth in dollars for older students, ages 30–39, unsurprising considering the increasing value and necessity of a graduate degree in today’s workforce (Friedman, 2019). To accommodate the cost of higher education, the vast majority of students are working while they are learning. Even as some students are able to work in a role related to their field of study, these are typically high-income students; low-income students are forced to piecemeal together low-wage jobs entirely unrelated to their degrees. In fact, low-income students, who make up 43% of working students, are more likely to be working full-time and in jobs unrelated to their studies than their high-income counterparts (Carnevale & Smith, 2018). This adds undue burden to the already

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mounting financial challenges low-income students face by forcing them to choose between paying for school and having the time to commit to studying and succeeding in school. Working while learning does not need to be a trade-off, nor does working while learning need to negatively impact student performance. One study from Georgetown has found that working fewer than 15  hours a week can actually benefit students, building muscles in workplace comfortability, time management, and professional etiquette (Carnevale & Smith, 2018). Students must be armed with both the practical and theoretical skills needed to succeed, and we must alleviate the financial burden of higher education to reward, rather than punish, students who have to work while they learn. Work-based learning supports each of these goals, as further explored in Chap. 2.

References Alonso, G., Anderson, N.  S., Su, C., & Theoharis, J. (2009). Our schools suck. New York, NY: NYU Press. American Youth Policy Forum. (1988, November). The forgotten half: Pathways to success for America’s youth and young families. William T.  Grant Foundation Commission on Work, Family, and Citizenship. Retrieved from http://www. aypf.org/resources/the-forgotten-half-pathways-to-success-for-americas-youthand-young-families-1988/ Anderson, N. S., & Kharem, H. (2010). Education as freedom: African American educational thought and activism. Washington, DC: Lexington Books. Anderson, N. S., & Larson, C. (2009). Sinking like quicksand: Expanding educational opportunity for young men of color. Educational Administration Quarterly, 45(1), 71–114. Booth, J.  E., Budd, J.  W., & Munday, K.  M. (2010). First-timers and late-­ bloomers: Youth-adult unionization differences in a cohort of the U.S. labor force. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 64(1), 53–73. Carnevale, A. P., Jayasundera, T., & Gulish, A. (2016). America’s divided recovery: College haves and have-nots. Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce. Retrieved from https://cew.georgetown.edu/wp-content/ uploads/Americas-Divided-Recovery-web.pdf Carnevale, A. P., & Smith, N. (2018). Balancing work and learning. Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce. Retrieved from https://1gyhoq479ufd3yna29x7ubjn-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/Low-Income-Working-Learners-ES.pdf Carnevale, A. P., Smith, N., Melton, M., & Price, E. W. (2015). Learning while earning: The new normal. Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce. Retrieved from https://1gyhoq479ufd3yna29x7ubjn-wpengine.netdna-ssl. com/wp-content/uploads/Working-Learners-Report.pdf

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Carnevale, A. P., Smith, N., & Strohl, J. (2013). Recovery: Projections of jobs and education requirements through 2020. Washington, DC: Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce. Carnevale, A.  P., Strohl, J., Ridley, N., & Gulish, A. (2018). Three educational pathways to good jobs. Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce. Retrieved from https://1gyhoq479ufd3yna29x7ubjn-wpengine.netdna-ssl. com/wp-content/uploads/3ways-FR.pdf. Casselman, B. (2014, August 13). Summer jobs are slowly disappearing. 538.com. Retrieved from http://fivethirtyeight.com/features/summer-jobs-are-slowlydisappearing/ Collura, J. (2009). What research tells us about effective youth employment programs. University of Wisconsin-Madison. Retrieved from http://www.cityofmadison. com/dpced/communitydevelopment/funding/documents/AreaI/A2/ Factsheet.pdf C-SPAN. (2000, July 10). George W. Bush NAACP 2000. Retrieved from https:// www.c-span.org/video/?c4450116/george-w-bush-naacp-2000 Engler, J., Pritzker, P., Alden, E., & Taylor-Kale, L. (2018). The work ahead: Machines, skills, and U.S. leadership in the twenty-first century. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://cfrd8files.cfr.org/sites/default/files/The_Work_ Ahead_CFR_Task_Force_Report.pdf Friedman, Z. (2019, February 25). Student load debt statistics in 2019: A $1.5 trillion crisis. Forbes. Retrieved from https://www.forbes.com/sites/zackfriedman/2019/02/25/student-loan-debt-statistics-2019/#7c8b9bd5133f Fuller, J. B., Burrowes, J., Raman, M., Restuccia, D., & Young, A. (2014). Bridge the gap: Rebuilding America’s middle skills. Harvard Business School. Retrieved from https://www.hbs.edu/competitiveness/Documents/bridge-the-gap.pdf Gaston, A., Anderson, N.  S., Su, C., & Theoharis, J. (2009). Our schools suck. New York: NYU Press. Gregson, J. A. (1995). The school-to-work movement and youth apprenticeship in the U.S.: Educational reform and democratic renewal? Journal of Industrial Teacher Education, 32(3). Retrieved from https://scholar.lib.vt.edu/ejournals/JITE/v32n3/Gregson.html Heckman, J.  J. (2000). Policies to foster human capital. Research in Economics, 54(1), 3–56. Heckman, J. J., Stixrud, J., & Urzua, S. (2006). The effects of cognitive and noncognitive abilities on labor market outcomes and social behavior. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Hughes, K. L., Bailey, T. R., & Mechur, M. J. (2001). School-to-work: Making a difference in education. Institute on Education and the Economy, Teachers College, Columbia University. Retrieved from http://www.tc.columbia.edu/ iee/PAPERS/Stw.pdf Kautz, T., Heckman, J. J., Diris, R., ter Weel, B., & Borghans, L. (2014). Fostering and measuring skills: Improving cognitive and non-cognitive skills to promote lifetime success. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research.

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Klein, A. (2015, April 10). Issues A–Z: No child left behind: An overview. Education Week. Retrieved from http://www.edweek.org/ew/section/multimedia/no-child-left-behind-overview-definition-summary.html Koloder, M. (2015, May 5). Why are graduation rates at community colleges so low? Hechinger Report. Retrieved from http://hechingerreport.org/new-bookaddresses-low-community-college-graduation-rates/ McMillan Cottom, T. (2017). Lower ed: The troubling rise of for-profit colleges in the new economy. New York: New Press. Miller, B., Campbell, C., Cohen, B. J., & Hancock, C. (2019, June 12). Addressing the $1.5  trillion in federal student loan debt. Center for American Progress. Retrieved from https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/education-postsecondary/reports/2019/06/12/470893/addressing-1-5-trillion-federalstudent-loan-debt/ National Skills Coalition. (2017, February 6). United States’ forgotten middle. Retrieved from https://www.nationalskillscoalition.org/resources/publications/ 2017-middle-skills-fact-sheets/file/United-States-MiddleSkills.pdf New Ways to Work. (2019, August). School to work opportunity act of 1994 fact sheet. Retrieved August, from http://www.newwaystowork.org/qwbl/tools/ caltoolkit/factsheets/schooltoworkact1994.pdf New York State Department of Education. (2019). Work-based learning programs. Retrieved from http://www.p12.nysed.gov/cte/wbl/ Nieves, L. (2016). Breaking the tradeoff between school and work: Community college voices on navigating school and work roles. Doctoral dissertation. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/dissertations/AAI10164181/ Olenik, C., & Fawcett, C. (2013, February). State of the field report: Examining the evidence in youth workforce development. United States Agency for International Development. Retrieved from www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/1865/USAID%20state%20of%20the%20field%20youth%20workforce%20development%20final%202_11.pdf Painter II, M.  A. (2010). Get a job and keep it! High school employment and adult wealth accumulation. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, 28(2), 233–249. Rampell, C. (2016, February 10). Where are the workers? Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/rampage/ wp/2016/02/10/where-are-the-workers/?utm_term=.4e5aa3537049 Richey, J. (2014). The effect of youth labor market experience on adult learnings. Journal of Economic Development, 39(1), 47–61. Roder, A., & Elliott, M. (2014, May). Sustained gains: Year Up’s continued impact on young adults’ earnings. Economic Mobility Corporation. Retrieved from http://economicmobilitycorp.org/uploads/sustained-gains-economic-mobility-corp.pdf

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Rosenbaum, J.  E. (2001). Beyond college for all: Career paths for the forgotten half. Russell Sage Foundation. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7758/ 9781610444767 Rothstein, D. S. (2007). High school employment and youths’ academic achievement. Journal of Human Resources, 42(1), 194–213. Selingo, J. J. (2017, January 30). Wanted: factory workers, degree required. New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/30/education/edlife/factory-workers-college-degree-apprenticeships.html?_r=0 Shapiro, D., Dundar, A., Huie, F., Wakhungu, P. K., Bhimdiwala, A., & Wilson, S. E. (2018, December). Completing College: A national view of student completion rates—Fall 2012 cohort. National Student Clearinghouse Research Center. Retrieved from https://nscresearchcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/ SignatureReport16.pdf Stoll, M.  A. (1999). Race, space, and youth labor markets. London, GB: Routledge Press. Sum, A., Khatiwada, I., & McHugh, W. (2013a). Evidence on the ins and outs of summer teen employment: Teens continue to be left out of the paid labor market in the summer of 2013. Boston: Center for Labor Market Studies, Northeastern University. Sum, A., Khatiwada, I., & McHugh, W. (2013b). The summer employment experiences and the personal/social behaviors of youth violence prevention employment program participants and those of a comparison group. Boston: Center for Labor Market Studies, Northeastern University. Sum, A., Khatiwada, I., McHugh, W., & Kent, W. (2013). The deteriorating labor market fortunes of America’s teens, 2000–2012, the decline in our international position, and the consequences for future young adult employment in our nation. Center for Labor Market Studies, Northeastern University. Retrieved from https://tcf.org/assets/downloads/sum_JAG_Paper_Nov_2013-1-2.pdf Sum, A., Khatiwada, I., McLaughlin, J., & Palma, S. (2011, May). No country for young men: Deteriorating labor market prospects for low-skilled men in the United States. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 635, 24–55. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/29779409? seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents Sum, A., Khatiwada, I., Trubskyy, M., Ross, M., McHugh, W., & Palma, S. (2014, March). The plummeting labor market fortunes of teens and young adults. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, Metropolitan Policy Program. The Computing Technology Industry Association. (2019). Cyberstates 2019: The definitive guide to the U.S. tech industry and tech workforce. Retrieved from https://www.cyberstates.org/pdf/CompTIA_Cyberstates_2019.pdf The Economist. (2017, January 12). Pathway dependencies: Turning qualifications into jobs. Retrieved from https://www.economist.com/news/special-report/ 21714172-how-technology-can-help-myriad-ways-turning-qualifications-jobs

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U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2016). Youth unemployment rates by state: 2016 annual data. Retrieved from https://www.governing.com/gov-data/economy-finance/youth-employment-unemployment-rate-data-by-state.html. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2019, September 4). Fastest growing occupations. Retrieved from https://www.bls.gov/ooh/fastest-growing.htm U.S. Census Bureau. (2014). Selected employment characteristics, 2014 American Community Survey. Retrieved from https://www.census.gov/programssurveys/acs U.S.  Census Bureau. (2019). 16–24-year-old employment by industry groups. American Community Survey. Retrieved from https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/acs/about.html. U.S. Department of Labor. (2019a, August). Labor force statistics from the current population survey. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Retrieved from https://www.bls. gov/web/empsit/cpseea10.htm U.S. Department of Labor. (2019b, August 16). Employment and unemployment among youth summary. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Retrieved from https:// www.bls.gov/news.release/youth.nr0.htm Walker, G., & Vilella-Velez, F. (1992). Anatomy of a demonstration: The summer training and education program (STEP) from pilot through replication and post program impacts. Philadelphia: Public/Private Ventures.

CHAPTER 2

The Apprenticeship: A Bipartisan Model of Opportunity

As the College for All consensus dominates international conversation around K-16 education, introducing alternative models for schooling and career pathways into this discourse is still a challenge. However, apprenticeship models are reemerging as an attractive work-based learning solution, a viable answer to the growing disconnect between K-16 education and workforce needs. An ancient concept, the apprenticeship is as applicable today as it was in medieval Europe. The primary focus of an apprenticeship is to train an individual for a craft or trade under the tutelage of field experts. Through practical application, the apprentice is also learning the theoretical building blocks of a craft or trade simultaneously. Under a more contemporary version, students or apprentices accomplish milestones through a competency-based curriculum, often earning credits for skills built rather than time passed alone. The apprenticeship model, generally, blurs the lines between working and learning, credentialing students as they build competencies, often allowing students to earn a wage while working toward a credential, and creating talent pipelines directly into high-growth jobs and businesses.

The Modern Apprenticeship Unlike medieval times, the modern apprenticeship relies heavily on government, schools, labor organizations, and business to coexist in complicated webs of regulatory, legal, and civic relationships. This, by design, © The Author(s) 2020 N. S. Anderson, L. Nieves, Working to Learn, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35350-6_2

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causes complications for apprenticeships to survive and grow, as they need each of these sectors to work harmoniously in order to function successfully. Apprenticeships no longer fit exclusively into traditional blue-collar or handicraft industries. Historically, trade associations or guilds acted on behalf of their workers, wielding labor and economic negotiating power, acting in a union capacity for workers, and overseeing credentialing of a trade. Unions and guilds have declined in size and influence in the U.S. workforce (13% of U.S. workers belong to a union), yet a shift during the past century also has occurred in many European countries as they began centralizing and choreographing education, professional training, and job matriculation to build pipelines into the workforce (Hrynowski, 2019). These ideas will be discussed later in the chapter, but important for the moment is this systematic shift from independent associations and guilds to centralized labor oversight. That change also expanded the notion of which professions would benefit from an apprenticeship-style training model. Even as apprenticeships still largely exist in occupations typically associated with vocational work (plumbing, electrical, carpentry, heating, ventilation,  air  conditioning, etc.), this narrative is changing as the need for more workers in emerging high-growth, middle-skills jobs becomes imminent. The time frame to complete an apprenticeship varies by country and industry. The credentials and training needed for this work—in information technology, office management, real estate, home healthcare, and advanced manufacturing—is two to three years of technical school in conjunction with on-the-job training. This limits the amount of time students must finance postsecondary education, while businesses are able to employ workers in vacant positions quicker. Apprenticeship programs require a close relationship between education and industry. These programs, largely funded through partnerships between government and private businesses, connect formal education, through community colleges and vocational schools, with hands-on job training that effectively leads directly to employment in a given field. Those who enroll in certified apprenticeship programs can expect to earn as they learn, with wages increasing as their skill set increases. Most individuals who enroll in these programs can expect to complete their training within four years or less, and unlike other school-to-work training programs, such as internships, those who are enrolled in certified apprenticeship programs can expect to be paid immediately (United States Department of Labor, 2019).

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Many view these programs as an affordable way of achieving postsecondary credentials and higher wages, with the added value of immediate growth, both financially and in skill set. To ensure students become gainfully employed and possess the skills that will benefit them in the workforce, schools and businesses should partner to provide programs that allow for hands-on training across professions. However, these partnerships are more difficult to cultivate and sustain in non-unitary countries such as the United States, where individual states predominantly control education policies and funding. As a result, apprenticeships are not as widely utilized in the United States as in other countries in Europe. Even in European Union (EU) countries, where apprenticeships have a long civil tradition, enrollment in them nowhere mimics that of more traditional pathways in higher education. This chapter examines apprenticeship models in Colorado, Germany, and Sweden to better understand how these very different work-based learning initiatives are navigating the dynamic needs of young people, employers, and schools in complex societies. Increasingly, young people in the United States and Europe view the four-year college degree as the aspirational goal, while businesses and education systems adjust to make apprenticeships more attractive to this population. Coupled with this challenge is the reality of an aging workforce in the United States and in the EU and the growing need for migrant labor to fill the jobs needed in these economies. Particularly present in the EU, properly integrating and supporting migrant students into these systems equitably is rife with challenges given the rise of populist and far-right political resistance to immigration and non-white migrant labor. However, apprenticeships can and should be politically bipartisan models of opportunity but are still facing headwinds with the political and economic transformations taking place across the globe.

Apprenticeships in the United States Though apprenticeship models dominated workforce training pipelines for centuries, the United States saw a significant decline in this practice during industrialization (Ferenstein, 2018). Suddenly, it became less important for labor to understand and build an entire unit by hand, intricately made from start to finish by one person. Instead, it was more important for labor to work quickly, efficiently, and en masse. Cheaper and faster methods of training would outpace the years of tutelage required of an

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apprentice to fill the labor market needed to support mass mechanical production. Machinery replaced what was once done by human hands, and work itself was transformed. During and following World War I, industries in need of labor, especially in construction, were seeing a shortage in skilled workers because of wartime personnel needs and a decrease in immigrants coming over from Europe to fill those labor gaps (Washington State Department of Labor and Industries, 2019). To ensure students were gaining the training they needed successfully to secure jobs, states began investing in vocational schools, building pipelines from secondary education to jobs that, at the time, guaranteed a stable wage for young workers (Washington State Department of Labor and Industries, 2019). States and local governments felt the need to offer affordable postsecondary education to their populations, ensuring their labor forces could meet the needs of industrialized jobs. To address this on a federal level, the Smith-Hughes Act was passed in 1917 to incentivize the growth of apprenticeships in fields such as agriculture and home economics (Washington State Department of Labor and Industries, 2019). In passing this legislation, Congress authorized the first federal funding for vocational education, reigniting a third pathway in postsecondary options for American students and making moves toward a formalized system of apprenticeship under the regulation of the government for the first time in American history. Apprenticeship programs and community colleges would each gain new purpose during the Great Depression, which left the worldwide labor market in shambles and subsequently left millions in the United States out of work. This economic catastrophe incentivized the federal government to invest even more in the apprenticeship models as the country moved into recovery, helping American workers pivot to new industries and retrain for available jobs (Drury, 2003). The rise in unions and the widening of their power and influence through industrialization and into the twentieth century also brought new meaning to the concept of work in terms of the rights of workers, the responsibility of employers to ensure safety and security of their workforce, and the role of the government in regulating these conditions (Ferenstein, 2018). Apprenticeships, until the 1930s, were largely unregulated, off the books, and informal, leaving participants unprotected. As work identity began to include a belief in the right to protection, movement toward legislation that would regulate and, in turn, protect these

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pockets of workers gained momentum. This led to the formalization of apprenticeship programs through the National Apprenticeship Act in 1937 under President Franklin D.  Roosevelt (Olinsky & Ayers, 2013). This legislation focused on pathways for working-class Americans to gain valuable training and credentials that would stabilize workforce participation as well as protect the safety and security of apprentices. Since this pivotal legislation, the national apprenticeship program has found various levels of popularity and congruent investment by administrations. Under George H.W. Bush, two bills were introduced as a comprehensive plan to strengthen the connection between vocational schools and apprenticeship programs nationwide, but both bills failed to be reauthorized under Bill Clinton’s administration with weakened momentum and concern over the inclusion of youth in these programs too early in their careers (Lerman, 2013). The tension between the concerns over tracking students too early in their academic careers, while still guiding students toward clearer pathways to educational and professional success, has eluded policymakers in the United States and turned them away from any large commitment to apprenticeship-style models in the past. It is a challenge of the U.S. education system to prepare students for postsecondary success and the workforce while ensuring equal opportunity across postsecondary pathways for a population so racially, economically, and geographically diverse. As we highlight in Chap. 1, a fear of “tracking,” or setting a student along an educational path chosen by the system and based on early perceived evidence of ability and interest, has left policymakers in the United States unsure of how to proceed. Tracking can better prepare a student for success in postsecondary education and work, laying a blueprint to success from an early age that is more easily paced, monitored, and synchronous. Conversely, tracking can pigeon-hole a student’s future, deterring him or her from traditional higher education based on perceived ability or a lack of resources that deny a student early opportunities for academic success. Despite this concern, the Departments of Education and Labor under Barack Obama, inspired by successful systems abroad, invested heavily in apprenticeship programs beginning in 2016. Under Secretary of Labor Tom Perez, $90 million was invested in ApprenticeshipUSA, the federal apprenticeship program, to increase programs specifically through State Accelerator grants aimed at empowering states to build and expand apprenticeships (United States Department of Labor, 2016). Although the federal government could financially incentivize states to expand

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­ rograms, they could do little to enforce action on the part of the states. p Unlike apprenticeship programs in Europe, decentralization and the power of the states impede the federal government from instituting or regulating programs without financial entanglement. This grant’s expansion ensured that any states receiving federal funds to expand apprenticeships programs would need to abide by any regulatory measures tied to those awards. In line with the Obama administration’s support for the College for All consensus, this expansion also included increased opportunities for apprentices to earn college credit toward an associate’s or bachelor’s degree in an effort to broaden pathways to postsecondary access. In the announcement of this expansion, the administration stated, “Job-driven apprenticeships are among the surest pathways to provide American workers from all backgrounds with the skills and knowledge they need to acquire good-paying jobs and grow the economy” (United States Department of Labor, 2016). Demographics of the American workforce have changed dramatically since the first federal apprenticeship legislation was introduced. As civil rights legislation throughout the mid-twentieth century gave new populations access to spaces once under legal and de facto lock and key, opportunities in education and labor emerged for communities no longer explicitly excluded based on race, gender, ability, and nation of origin. Social progress in line with legal wins has continued to broaden the scope of the American workforce, as have demographic shifts; however, education and workforce development have found increased stratification racially and socioeconomically in terms of educational attainment and employment. Even as the Latinx population now holds one of the higher participation rates in the U.S. workforce, this population also constitutes the lowest educational attainment and highest unemployment rates (United States Department of Labor, 2017). Black and Latinx young people at nearly every level of educational attainment have a higher likelihood of unemployment compared to their white and Asian counterparts, and earning disparities mimic this discrepancy as well (United States Department of Labor, 2017). The integration of new immigrant populations into these spaces presents challenges and opportunities for improvement in K-12 education, postsecondary education, and workforce development. As noted, there is a fear that the default integration strategy will be through tracking, continuing to reserve rigorous educational programs and prestigious institutions and jobs for wealthy white Americans while pipelining

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Black, Latinx, immigrant, and low-income Americans into lower-wage work. However, this trend cannot be sustained as demographics shift and the need for labor in high-growth jobs booms. It will become imperative to better educate, train, and credential populations with the highest participation rates and then match those workers to available jobs. To further codify and grow apprenticeships, bipartisan legislation was introduced to expand these programs nationally in 2016. The Effective Apprenticeships to Rebuild National Skills (EARNS) Act established an Office of Apprenticeship within the Department of Labor to oversee federal apprenticeship regulations, systems, and grants (United States Department of Labor, 2016). Under the administration of Donald Trump, expansion of apprenticeship programs continued through an executive order, “Expanding Apprenticeships in America,” and the convening of the Task Force on Apprenticeship Expansion in 2017 (United States Department of Labor, 2017). The executive order focused largely on the growing unaffordability of American higher education as well as the failure of higher educational institutions to ensure employability of students. Despite this concern, the Trump administration has made efforts to roll back regulations on predatory for-profit colleges, penalized under the previous administration for luring low-income students into low-quality programs, leading to waves of debt and dropout without credentials in hand. Aside from this contradictory policy move, the Departments of Labor, Education, and Commerce under President Trump have made concerted efforts to create pathways from education to the workforce, engage education and private-sector partnerships, and incentivize apprenticeships from the federal level down to states and local governments. $95 million was allocated to expand apprenticeship grants programs, build a technological infrastructure to collect and disseminate data on apprenticeship opportunities, and increase marketing to raise public awareness of these programs (United States Department of Labor, 2017). In 2018, $150  million in grants were announced to strengthen cross-sector partnerships and expand apprenticeship programs geared toward underrepresented groups such as veterans, women, formerly incarcerated individuals, and people of color (United States Department of Labor, 2018b). The federal government has been actively expanding programs to reach underserved communities during the past decade. One such community is youth and, more specifically, disconnected youth, meaning young people who are out of school and out of work, ages roughly 16 to 24. YouthBuild

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is a federal youth pre-apprenticeship program that serves more than 6000 16- to 24-year-olds across 40 states, all of whom have dropped out of secondary schooling (United States Department of Labor, 2018a, b). The program allocates $89 million in grants annually to local recapture programs, and 70% of participants earn a degree or professional credential at completion of the program, allowing them to enroll in postsecondary schooling, enter the workforce, or matriculate to a full apprenticeship program. More than half of participants in YouthBuild reenter education or enter the workforce, and though this model intervenes and opens opportunities for youth to pave a new pathway forward, it serves a very small population. Fundamental challenges, such as low participation, have impeded the success of apprenticeships in the United States. Despite bipartisan efforts to develop programs, the number of Americans of all ages who complete apprenticeships still remains low. Albeit the number of apprenticeship programs and participants has increased steadily during the past decade, completion of programs has remained relatively unchanged (United States Department of Labor, 2018a, b). Only 1.5% of the population ages 18 to 24 participates in apprenticeship programs, a number that needs to increase dramatically to make any large-scale impact on job growth (Selingo, 2017). There are fewer active programs today than there were in 2011, and fewer people completed programs in 2016 than in 2015, signaling that although programs may be growing in size, they are not necessarily producing the desired outcomes (United States Department of Labor, 2018a, b). Data tells a limited story of apprenticeship participation by demographic. Despite the fact that national apprenticeship participation is increasing, with 42% growth from 2013 to 2017, this number does not differentiate between geographical, racial, or socioeconomic status of participants nor does it offer clear indications regarding program completion and subsequent employment (United States Department of Labor, 2018a, b). According to the Center for American Progress, disjointed administration is another primary indicator of low success and participation for apprenticeships (Olinsky & Ayers, 2013). Apprenticeship programs are overseen by the federal government but require significant oversight and administration from state governments to ensure execution on the ground. The Office of Apprenticeships within the Department of Labor is the main administrative source for these programs as it registers new programs, tracks success, provides regulations, and assesses the quality of existing programs (United States Department of Labor, 2018a, b). However, this system must coordinate with state offices overseeing apprenticeship programs on a localized level, and this two-fold administration makes data

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collection, regulation, certification, and expansion challenging (Olinsky & Ayers, 2013). Other policy and operational obstacles have prevented apprenticeships from gaining the momentum experienced in European models. According to Ben Olinsky and Sarah Ayers of the Center of American Progress, the unwillingness for American companies to commit initial investment costs to these programs, despite evidence of a return on investment, has left policymakers without a crucial component of apprenticeships: the environment in which to apprentice. Without these startup and sustained funds and the coordination needed to support new programs, apprenticeships lose their primary function and the allure of direct pipelining into companies and jobs. Return on investment for apprenticeships is actually much higher than other training programs; Olinsky and Ayers found the taxpayer return on investment for apprenticeships to be $23 for every dollar spent (2013). In Switzerland, companies earn roughly $3.7 billion a year from the work of their apprentices, compared to $3.4 billion spent on training, and this does not include the time and money saved on recruitment and hiring (Olinsky & Ayers, 2013). Additionally, loyalty to the company is exceptionally high among apprentices reducing longterm hiring and retraining costs (Olinsky & Ayers, 2013). Despite these promising numbers, companies are hesitant to invest in new programs with complicated operational needs and are leery about reimagining the private sector’s role in workforce training. The American workforce pipeline has relied on a series of independent sectors (secondary schools, postsecondary institutions, non-profits) to feed the needs of private companies looking for employees. Nationally lauded non-profit organizations such as Genesys Works, Per Scholas, YouthBuild, and Year Up, to name a few, are successful models of intermediary organizations providing individuals with viable alternative pathways to both credentials and careers in high-demand industries such as information technology and finance. However, the onus has not been on private companies to seek employees out and train for available internal jobs, and the assumption is that each silo will fulfill its role, moving students from schooling, through job training, to employer. Yet there are many kinks in the chain, and sector isolation only perpetuates these pain points rather than mending them. Herein lies another key component of apprenticeship models: cross-sector collaboration. Beyond administrative coordination, apprenticeships rely on close partnerships between industries that have historically understood themselves to hold isolated purposes in the d ­ evelopment of our economy and society. These sectors (public, private, education, business, non-profit, for-profit) have valuable roles and perspectives that enable individuals to achieve.

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A Swiss Import, American Style: CareerWise Colorado In spite of all these challenges, bipartisan cooperation has given apprenticeships greater national attention. These efforts are evident across the country as states begin to introduce formalized apprenticeship systems coordinated and run by state governments in partnership with local institutions and businesses. Even though businesses, non-profits, and state governments have been supporting programs for years, new systems offer comprehensive models baked into the cross-sector fabric of communities. Inspired by Swiss and German apprenticeship models, states such as Colorado and Washington are forming partnerships among government, schools, and high-growth private industry to build local pipelines from high schools to community colleges to businesses. Students often begin their apprenticeship program in high school, accumulating a foundation of college credits, paid for by the state, and skills as early as the tenth grade. These competency-based credits then roll over into an additional two- to three-year program in which students divide time between courses at a local community college and work at a business related to the program of study. One such system is CareerWise Colorado, the first of its kind in the nation: a state-run apprenticeship program that aims to fill a growing number of middle-skills jobs with workers who begin on-the-job training as early as junior year of high school. When John Hickenlooper, former Colorado governor, and Noel Ginsburg, businessman turned chair of the state’s Business Experiential-Learning (BEL) Commission, visited the Swiss apprenticeship model in 2015, their perspective on the intersection between work and learning shifted (CareerWise Colorado, 2019). Together with business partners, educators, and state officials, they designed CareerWise to give students in Colorado more options for affordable and meaningful postsecondary experiences in order to meet the needs of Colorado’s growing economy and further decrease the state’s already historically low unemployment rate (Kralik, 2017). With investments from Bloomberg Philanthropies and JPMorgan Chase & Co. to offset initial state and business costs, the program launched with $11.5  million in 2017 (JPMorgan Chase & Co., 2016). With a goal of 20,000 students enrolled by the year 2027, Colorado has a lot of work to do to recruit students and their parents, along with industry partners.

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Colorado has seen massive economic growth and growth in labor potential during the past decade. The state consistently ranks in the top performing states in terms of annual economic growth, complemented by one of the country’s lowest annual unemployment rates (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2018). The state’s youth unemployment rate is also one of the lowest in the nation at 6.5% for 16- to 24-year-olds and 4.2% for 20- to 24-year-olds (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2018). Even as the state is striving economically, they forecast decreased hiring, not because of job shortage but rather shortages in qualified labor (Svaldi, 2017). This reality weighs heavily on the state education system, which is struggling to meet the needs of students in postsecondary affordability and completion. Although Colorado’s overall high school completion rate is around 79%, the number dramatically reduces for students of color (Colorado Department of Education). In 2017, the high school completion rate for Black students was only 73% and only 72% for Latinx students (Colorado Department of Education, 2017). This number decreases even more drastically for male students of color. Additionally, only 23% of students who enter high school in Colorado end with a postsecondary degree, and only 18% of those who earn a postsecondary degree enter the workforce immediately (Kralik, 2017). This shortage of qualified labor and underperformance of youth in the workforce signaled to the state that greater investment is needed in job training and retraining. A logical place to start was directly in high schools, and so a coalition of politicians, business owners, and educators was formed to create CareerWise. CareerWise was envisioned by former Governor Hickenlooper and Ginsburg, the founder and CEO of a large plastics company who has dedicated much of his career to private-public partnerships in education. With a population of 5.5 million and a booming state economy, Colorado was positioned well to invest in an apprenticeship-style program similar to that of Switzerland (U.S. Department of Commerce, 2017). Switzerland is a country of only 8.4 million people, with a healthy gross domestic product (GDP) and low unemployment rate, statistics envied by economies around the world (World Bank, 2018). More impressive is the low youth unemployment; Swiss youth unemployment, defined by ages 15 to 24 years, was reported at 3.1% at the end of 2018 (Swiss Info, 2018). For comparison, and as discussed in Chap. 1, the U.S. youth unemployment rate as of summer 2019 for ages 16–24 is 9.1% (U.S.  Department  of  Labor, 2019). Switzerland has a strong global economic partnership with the United States, with more than 500 Swiss companies in the United States and

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investments totaling $244 billion in 2014, making the country America’s seventh-largest foreign investor (Embassy of Switzerland in the United States, 2017). Switzerland’s economic health and free-market approach, investment in innovation, and educational successes position it as both a thought partner and role model for the United States. Additionally, its apprenticeship model is considered the gold standard for nations across the globe. Upon completing lower-secondary schooling, typically through age 16, Swiss youth either enroll in pre-university schooling or enroll in a vocational education and training (VET) program (Swiss Info, 2018). Though it should be noted that a student’s pathway is often determined by academic record, two-thirds of Swiss youth enter VET programs, which offer pathways to more than 230 professions (Swiss Confederation, 2017). Most students who enroll in a VET program participate in a dual-­ enrollment model in which they are spending roughly half their time in a traditional classroom and half their time in a company placement, building skills in real-time. The Swiss view the role of the government as a “hub” for these programs; in their materials, they describe available jobs as the demand side of the apprenticeship  system, with the supply side being potential participants, and the central government acting as the intermediary between these two markets. The Swiss have built a workforce training culture in which there is high participation from both the supply and demand sides to sustain this model: nearly 70% of young people participate in VET programs and 30% of private businesses participate as job sites for apprentices (Hoffman & Schwartz, 2015). Swiss culture as a whole—from the participants to the private company partners to the government—views VET programs as an investment in both their financial health and the workforce as a whole. Funded both publicly and privately, Swiss VET programs add income value to students and net benefits to employers (Swiss Confederation, 2017). As a result, states in the United States have looked to Switzerland as a model to build state apprenticeship systems, with state governments acting in the facilitator role. In that vein, their apprenticeship model, known globally for its high success and participation rate, attracts policymakers and private-sector interest from around the world. Upon completion of an upper-secondary VET program, graduates can continue to advanced certification in their profession, work, or traditional higher education. Albeit those who complete traditional programs in higher education out-earn those who go on to advanced VET certification, the income gap is far less drastic than seen in other advanced economies.

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When comparing GDPs, important distinctions must be made, both between a state and an independent nation, and in terms of the demographics that exist in those places. This includes what those different demographics mean in the context of very different political and economic histories. As explained by the philosopher Martha Nussbaum, GDP exists as an average, so while it can illustrate the overall wealth of a state or nation, it cannot paint a picture of the range of wealth or well-being that exists in those populations, nor does it explain in which communities that wealth and well-being is concentrated (Nussbaum, 2013). As a result of this argument and the development of modern Capabilities Theory, countries have been using alternative methods, such as the United Nation’s Human Development Index, to measure indicators of a population’s well-­ being in terms of income, health, opportunity, and educational attainment (United Nations Development Programme, 2018). Switzerland is a small, homogenous country with a political past that has largely protected its wealth and resources while preventing the racial, ethnic, and religious integration experienced in other countries across Europe such as Sweden and Germany, as we will explore later in this chapter. Switzerland has continued to restrict its immigration in recent years, with numbers holding since its largest growth in 2007 and cutting the number of asylum seekers by more than half since 2015 (OECD, 2018). This situation allows Swiss education and workforce models effectively to avoid the challenges that come with integrating new populations into existing systems. This point is crucial from an American perspective as we look to mimic these models at home, and it becomes all the more complicated by the reality that communities are vastly different (economically, culturally, racially, politically) from the East Coast to the plains, from the rural South to the urban North and West Coast. The lure of the Swiss model activated Colorado leaders to move on a plan to adapt the system to their state. In 2015, a research team, including Governor Hickenlooper and Ginsburg, visited 25 businesses in Switzerland, guided by then U.S.  Ambassador to Switzerland Suzan LeVine. LeVine, former director of communications and strategic partnerships at Microsoft, spent her time in Switzerland studying the apprenticeship model and encouraging the United States to invest in similar programs. Since leaving her post, she has positioned herself as a leading consultant for states developing work-based education and middle-skills job growth programs; she currently serves on the boards of multiple organizations, including CareerWise Colorado. During this initial trip, LeVine and Swiss businesses

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gave Colorado visitors an in-depth look at their dual-education system in which 97% of students graduate with a vocational training diploma or high school degree, 40% of companies offer apprenticeships, and students as young as 15 are beginning their career training and receiving a stipend, financed by the government and private business (CareerWise Colorado, 2019). The success of Switzerland’s apprenticeship model shows in its engagement numbers; nearly 70% of the country’s eligible youth opt into apprenticeships (Atkins, 2017). The delegation for Colorado visited a range of companies, including some of the largest in Switzerland such as Swisscom, the country’s largest telecom company, where roughly 10% of the company’s 8000 employees are apprentices (CareerWise Colorado, 2019). At the culmination of their visit, the governor and his partners committed to a statewide apprenticeship model to be launched in the 2017–2018 school year. Like Switzerland, and consistent across the Western world, Colorado needed to meet the needs of high growth in middle-skilled, middle-income jobs in tech, healthcare, and manufacturing, and the state saw this model as a way to address current discrepancies and anticipated pitfalls (Sreenivasan, 2017). Halfway through the program’s first year, more than half of the participating companies renewed their participation with additional companies registering, resulting in a 33% increase in available positions (Meltzer, 2018). CareerWise Colorado nearly doubled its participation from the first to the second cohort, collaborating with 40 K-12 and higher education institutions and more than 75 businesses. The state’s goal is to have 20,000 students registered in apprenticeship programs by the year 2027, representing roughly 10% of the state’s eligible population (CareerWise Colorado, 2019). To achieve this goal, CareerWise Colorado acts as an intermediary organization coordinating services, recruitment, and partnerships cultivation on behalf of the state. They have built out an online platform to guide students from exploration, to application, to participation, to completion of the program. Their client relations management system (CRM), operated through Salesforce and designed specifically for CareerWise Colorado, works as a tool to train, recruit, and cultivate students and partner sites. The online platform also tracks earned credentials to ensure students are through the program. Industry-specific competency credentials were built for apprenticeship tracks to connect in-class and on-the-job learning, and to ensure students earn credits for both.

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The role of the intermediary organization in the operational and programmatic success of these programs cannot be understated. Intermediate organizations provide the focus on support services needed for students to be guided through their program. This goal was reiterated in the governor’s final State of the State speech in January 2018. Governor Hickenlooper called on the state to support a wide-scale “transition from a degree-based education system to one that also includes skill-based training” (Hickenlooper, 2018, p. 11). His call for competency-based education, in line with an apprenticeship model, would be a radical move from the current system. Directly addressing the new apprenticeship program, Hickenlooper (2018) said: We need flexible solutions that can adapt to what employers need tomorrow, not just what they need today. This means training and apprenticeships. Working closely with business and education leaders, in a public-private partnership, Colorado is igniting an apprenticeship renaissance with CareerWise, and it’s a model being copied around the country.

In an effort to cement his legacy as the first governor to invest in this program in the state and encourage ongoing commitment to this initiative, he goes on to highlight initial successes and additional investments such as Skillful, the state’s digital platform that aims to connect job seekers with employers. Then he offered his call to action: Projections of all kinds suggest we will fall well short in trained workers, in every industry in the next decade. We need all hands on deck. We need to expand our training programs and tailor them for people with disabilities and the incarcerated soon to be released. There’s a lot to do, but Colorado has become an early model for the country. (Hickenlooper, 2018, p. 12)

In doing so, Hickenlooper made a concerted effort to bring marginalized communities, those that can benefit most from these programs, into the future fold. This expansion is about more than just offering students an alternative postsecondary pathway, and it is about more than creating pipelines to work. It is about building opportunities for communities historically left behind or left with deformed choices in postsecondary ­opportunity. Colorado’s apprenticeships in their modern iteration are being built to address the state’s greatest educational and employment equity issues: building opportunities to gain valuable employment for

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low-­income communities; paving pathways for Black and Brown students to network and train in professions with disproportionately low participation and opportunity for communities of color; providing formally incarcerated individuals with pathways to job training and employment that prevent recidivism and encourage full economic participation and progress; and building programs that engage our most disconnected communities (youth, new immigrants and non-English speakers, and people with disabilities) in the workforce. Noel Ginsburg highlights that CareerWise plays the central role in the implementation and expansion of apprenticeships in Colorado, growing from serving just four districts in its first year to now as many as 17 districts across the state (personal communication, August 23, 2019). It is positioned to work closely with a number of private companies and the state Department of Labor to structure support and protections for minors working as well as ways to ease company liability coupled with government responsibility. Although CareerWise’s programming formally begins in the ninth grade, with career exploration and other exploratory activities, and applicatoin begins in tenth grade, resulting in students spending approximately three days a week in school and the other two days a week on-site working in an apprenticeship placement, the outreach to families begins as early as middle school. The average wage of an apprentice is $12 per hour, and students can complete up to 40 college credits for free while still in the high school program. CareerWise allows students to choose from five professional tracks: advanced manufacturing, information technology, financial services, business operations, and healthcare. Within each track, students are able to explore occupations with business partners who register to act as training grounds for young apprentices and who are looking to hire apprentices immediately upon graduation. Though it is too early to tell whether the program is making an impact, indicators are pointing to some significant “wins,” such as increased interest of families from year one to year two, retention rates of participating companies, and eagerness for other states to follow suit, boding well for the reputation of CareerWise Colorado. There were many reasons Colorado was able to implement this program quickly and seemingly successfully, including robust funding and a population size and GDP similar to other existing models around the world. Sustainability, scalability, and adaptability will be dependent on the ongoing success of many crucial factors. First, primary funding has to transition from the state, philanthropy, and private contributions to that of industry. Apprenticeship programs are successful because private business commits to ongoing success through time

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and money. Even as their returns on investment are significant, American companies are wary about making such a commitment given that the startup costs are significant (CareerWise Colorado, 2019). The state is bearing much of this burden now, but that model will likely not be sustainable as the program grows; hence, funding from industries will become increasingly important for sustainability. Similarly, states with much slower and weaker economies will inevitably rely on private financing of these programs and may not have the monetary ability to have their state governments fund startup costs. To scale this model to other states with different demographics and funding abilities may be a challenge. It is not innately challenging for systems to look different across states; however, it does complicate the ability to have a uniform American apprenticeship system. Next, a pprentice systems across the globe, like that of the Swiss, have been successful largely due to historical, political, and economic conditions that have ingrained conducive notions around workforce development, cross-sector cooperation, and community investment in each nation’s culture. Including these programs in the culture of our workforce, education system, and communities will take time and neccesitates intentional outreach and marketing. So many students in Switzerland opt into apprenticeships because it is regarded as a highly coveted pipeline to the workforce. In Colorado and the United States as a whole, a cultural reframing must occur, one that includes apprenticeships and other work-­ based educational programs as equal in status to traditional higher education. This can be done once tangible examples are available, enhanced by visible celebrations of success, to encourage both students and companies to opt-in. CareerWise Colorado already has begun to implement rituals meant to build energy, support, and prestige within their program. In anticipation of the program’s inaugural year, CareerWise Colorado had its own “signing day” to celebrate student placements in Colorado businesses (Prechtl, 2017). Increasing shared language, experiences, rituals, and histories will only strengthen the culture of this program within the state and encourage increased participation across all necessary parties.

Challenges of a New Migrant Workforce: Illustrations from Sweden and Germany European apprenticeship models have roots in the medieval period, but their modern iterations emerged at the turn of the twentieth century, as countries have institutionalized apprenticeships that existed for centuries, but had never been directly connected with any state or municipally

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controlled educational program. Unlike the federated system within the United States, most models in Europe, like that of the Swiss, exist under a unitary form of government, with federal or municipal entities bearing the heavy financial and operational coordination of apprenticeship programs. Further, European governmental entities vary and have differing economies and relationships to private industry, which shape the nature of apprenticeship models. Illustrative of this are Sweden and Germany. Both countries have experienced steady overall economic growth since the great recession of 2009. Germany, as the largest economy in the eurozone and the fourth largest in the world, emerged as a pillar of economic strength immediately following the recession, bouncing back the quickest of all countries in the EU and dictating policies to ensure its neighbors could follow suit (Dustmann, Fitzenberger, Schönberg, & Spitz-Oener, 2014). Germany’s labor market, where trade unions are weak and wage bargaining is decentralized, has contributed to a relatively steady degree of output compared to its neighbors, even in economically unstable times (Dustmann et al., 2014). Although still maintaining this strength, Germany is now confronting a crisis of identity; on the one hand, it must manage its role as an internationalized economy, with a strong financial and industrial private sector dependent on positional authority and participation globally (Bastasin, 2013). On the other hand, Germany must mitigate the social, cultural, and labor changes that have emerged from its progressive immigration policies during the past decade, supporting the existing labor force while integrating a new population of workers. Adding to this complexity is the reality that despite its postrecession strength, Germany is not immune to mass automation decimating industries such as manufacturing, more specifically the automotive industry, on which the German economy largely has been built (Chazan, 2019). Declines in the manufacturing industry imminently threaten the ongoing power of the German economy; how it responds to these shifts will be crucial to the health of the German workforce. Even as Germany continues to boast one of the lower ­unemployment rates in Europe, this rate began leveling off and even increasing in 2019—a direct result of trade disputes and plummeting jobs in the manufacturing industry (Pladson, 2019). According to the World Bank (2018), roughly 21% of Germany’s GDP comes from manufacturing, compared to 11% in the United States and 14% in Sweden (2018). Sweden is unique, as it is a member of the European Union but not a member of the eurozone. The economy has

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been built on industries such as manufacturing and agriculture but will be sustained by new growth in tech and renewable energy (OECD, 2019). Manufacturing in Sweden constitutes 66% of total production and 77% of overall exports, with large automotive companies such as Volvo still dominating (Swedish Trade & Investment Council, 2016). That being said, Sweden contributes greatly to its own research and development in the hopes of empowering the public and private sector to innovate in at-risk sectors. As this transformation unfolds, unemployment has remained quite high at 6.5% (OECD, 2018). Like Germany and the United States, Sweden is grappling with its progress in industry outpacing the ability to train and retrain a workforce to carry this progress. Albeit not immune to industry challenges, the relative economic stability of Sweden and Germany, and their welcoming borders, spurred an increase in migration to these countries based on geopolitical turmoil and enticement of work opportunity. Sweden and Germany have seen the precipitous increase of migrants from Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. These countries constitute the majority of asylum applicants in both Sweden and Germany, with Syrians representing 23% of all asylum applicants in Germany and 25% in Sweden (Konle-Siedl, 2018). These countries, more so than most others in the EU, opened their borders in the aftermath of the Syrian civil war. Nearly a third of all asylum seekers in the EU applied to Germany or Sweden in the first half of 2017, but backlash in each country has led to strict tightening of immigration policies, including choice of residence and family reunification (Konle-Siedl, 2018). Unlike other EU members, Sweden and Germany are less likely to offer full protection and conversely extend only subsidiary protection to the vast majority of asylum seekers, which impacts the ability for both the state and the applicant to fully and successfully integrate and settle once they arrive to their asylum nation (Konle-Siedl, 2018). Each country has had to quickly adjust its policies and systems to support and integrate these refugee communities, and this has put enormous financial, bureaucratic, and social pressure on institutions and ­communities to successfully do so. In Germany, any asylum seeker likely to gain protection status has immediate access to an Integration Course, in which basic language skills as well as history, government, and culture are taught (Hindy, 2018). These courses, while not a means to employment, are the first step in helping newcomers understand their new nation, its systems, and how they may navigate such systems to achieve education and/or employment.

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Recognizing how apprenticeships could play a role in helping refugees integrate and secure long-term employment, Germany passed an integration law in 2016 that expanded its protections of non-citizens to participate in apprenticeships by eliminating age restrictions and by ensuring any refugee who finds employment is not at risk for deportation (Hindy, 2018). The 12-week Perspectives for Refugees (PerF) program was also created to assist refugees as they seek and secure employment. In this program, refugees are given a professional assessment, resume and interview preparation, and assistance with job placement. Nonetheless, while evidence suggests these programs are effective, participation rates are still very low (Konle-Siedl, 2018). In all integration programs, language acquisition and a comprehensive professional skills assessment are the surest way to connect new communities to existing jobs, but the programs have yet to serve a critical sector of these communities. Sweden has also found challenges in integrating new migrants and asylum seekers into the workforce. Unlike in Germany, refugees in Sweden must already have received permanent residence status in order to participate in a state-run, two-year integration and language program (Konle-­ Siedl, 2018). Permanent residence status gives refugees access to plenty of government integration initiatives, though the recent high influx of refugees has put pressure on the government to effectively scale these programs per demand. To meet this demand, Sweden introduced its Fast Track program, in which refugees may receive a skills assessment, former credential validation or transfer, and job training for 31 in-demand professions (Staton, 2017). This program has been largely successful but is by no means a silver bullet to Sweden’s refugee integration and workforce challenges. In both Sweden and Germany, the majority of asylum seekers are relatively young, with 77% under the age of 34 in Sweden and 83% under the age of 34  in Germany (Konle-Siedl, 2018). This young workforce must be trained and upskilled to match with available jobs and fully integrate into local economies. To complicate the success and sustainability of these programs further, the rise of far-right populist movements has amplified xenophobic sentiments and policies, resulting in overtly hostile environments for migrants. Increasing reliance on migrant labor to fill jobs has put Sweden and Germany in a quagmire of sorts, attempting to stay economically competitive while trying to stem the growing tide of nativist politics. In 2013, the populist party, Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), was established primar-

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ily in response to the 2008 financial crisis in Europe (Gedmin, 2019). Since Chancellor Angela Merkel made the policy decision to open Germany’s borders to those fleeing the Syrian civil war, the AfD’s identity has evolved, incorporating a fiercely anti-immigrant platform to complement its tight, Germany-centric fiscal policies. Legislation was passed in 2018 that would allow German companies to more easily recruit qualified labor from non-EU countries, in an effort to ease industry labor woes, aggravating the AfD (Connolly, 2018). Fierce parliamentary debates regarding immigration and calls for mass deportations have divided communities and government. In 2019, parliament passed a package of laws that makes it easier for employers to recruit skilled labor from outside Germany and the EU but also expands efforts to deport failed asylum seekers and strengthens the powers of police and immigration authorities to execute on such deportation efforts (Mischke, 2019). Anti-immigration policies are only gaining in public support as governmental systems have an increasingly difficult time supporting new arrivals, giving bleak optics as to the country’s ability to integrate communities. The AfD has shifted attention specifically to the religious beliefs of new arrivals, stoking public fears of new Muslim communities in German society, preventing any advancement of integration for these communities, and leaving new arrivals in the crosshairs of a growing policy and culture war (Gedmin, 2019). Fueling existing anti-Muslim sentiments, as well as concerns of the country’s economic health, these systemic pressures and failures will continue to inspire policies more focused on excluding migrants and refugees rather than properly bringing them into Germany’s education system and workforce. All the more concerning, these fears are misplaced, as Germany’s long-term economic health and the future success of its workforce will depend largely on attracting and training talent rather than on expelling it. Similarly in Sweden, anti-immigration sentiments are gaining social and political momentum. In the 2018 election, the far-right Sweden Democrats party placed third in elections with 18% of the vote (Birnbaum, 2018). Since Sweden took in 163,000 refugees in 2015, larger than any other EU country per capita, the Sweden Democrats have steadily gained power in parliament through their strong anti-immigrant, anti-EU messaging. Much like the AfD, the Swedish Democrats are a nationalistic party with historical roots in neo-Nazism, are opposed to Sweden’s membership in

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the EU, and have successfully, albeit deceivingly, correlated crime and workforce pains with the influx of immigrants and refugees (Calamur, 2018). Though the moderate and left parties in Sweden have fended off any attempt at any substantial political power grab, the Sweden Democrats will continue to pressure government to remove protections, cut programs, and expel migrants and refugees, arguing this community is draining the country’s renowned welfare system. Sweden and Germany, once attractive choices for migrants and refugees owing to welcoming borders, generous welfare systems, and strong economies and job markets, have become more precarious environments. Anti-­ immigration proponents may see these communities as the cause of recent turmoil, yet in actuality economic ills have been brewing for decades. In addition to changing industries and automation, an aging population in Europe and Scandinavian countries has caused gaping holes in the workforce and undue pressure on retirement and pension systems. Germany’s aging issue is one of the most severe in the world, and without increasing fertility and/or immigration rates to offset this aging population, there will not be enough taxable workers to support the population aged over 60, expected to grow to 37% by 2040 (Jackson, 2003). With 26% of the population already over the age of 65, Sweden is in a similar predicament, and its now strong welfare system will come under dire strain without a workforce to support the increasing cost of out-of-work, elderly care (Statistica, 2019). Sweden, too, will need new pipelines of skilled labor to sustain economic success and growth, but policies placating misplaced fears may prevent such pipelines from being built. In both these countries, as in the United States, apprenticeships and expanded programs and policies for work-based education have been at the center of conversations surrounding the integration of immigrant and migrant populations, addressing stressors like an aging workforce and dramatic changes in labor needs. Although work-based learning is firmly situated in Swedish and German education systems, it also serves as a microcosm of larger societal challenges with accepting and integrating migrant youth into these countries, especially those from Middle Eastern, Asian, and African countries. The illustrations from Stockholm, Sweden, and Berlin, Germany below highlight these tensions in much of western Europe, namely, how to bolster apprenticeship models in a changing demographic landscape of workforce.

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Sweden Since 2011, Sweden has integrated work-based learning, including apprenticeship programs, into its 12 upper-secondary vocational programs. Vocational programs are one of many pathways open to Swedish students as they move into tertiary education at the completion of secondary schooling. Nearly all Swedes attend upper-secondary schooling, which includes vocational, higher education preparatory, and remediation programs. Of these students, around 28% enter vocational education programs, and of those students, only 10% are in apprenticeship programs within their school. This tends to be proportionately higher in rural areas of Sweden, where roughly two-thirds of students enter apprenticeship programs, while the percentage is substantially lower in urban areas, such as Stockholm, where only 20% of vocational students enter apprenticeship programs. Sweden’s focus on apprenticeships has been propelled by its leadership in the Nordic Council of Ministers’ Sustainable Nordic Welfare program (OECD, 2018). This program’s goal is to align research, policy, and practice across Nordic countries to better meet the education and labor needs of their populations. The Swedish National Agency for Education was tasked in 2014 with facilitating communities of practice among Nordic nations to explore apprenticeship and workplace-based learning programs. This is all in an effort to improve the school-to-work pipeline, and despite relatively low participation, the state invests a substantial amount to incentivize young people to opt into vocational and work-based programs, about US$16,500 per pupil per year (OECD, 2018). In 2014, a separate apprenticeship office was established in the Swedish National Agency for Education. Following the reforms to upper-­secondary education in 2011, Sweden introduced two pathways for students pursuing studies in initial vocational education and training (IVET). Even as some postsecondary vocational programs are predominantly classroom-­ based, others have students spending half of their programmatic time in on-the-job training (European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training, 2014). To qualify as an apprentice, a student must spend at least half of his or her formal week outside of school at a qualifying worksite doing work that complements the in-class experience. Historically, few students have opted for apprenticeship programs, but for the past five years the Swedish government has introduced incentives to increase participation, including grant incentives for municipalities and support and training for IVET educators and mentors. This, along with

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increased marketing to students and businesses, has led to a steady increase in participation—from roughly 6000 in fall 2013 to 7300 in fall 2014 and counting (European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training, 2014). The number of apprentices depends entirely on the school; though some postsecondary schools are more inclined to offer apprenticeship programs (particularly in more urban areas), others (largely in rural, less populated cities) are less likely to have this option. In 2014, the program with the most number of apprentices was building and construction, followed by business and administration, but more vocational programs are introducing options for apprenticeships in growing industries (OECD, 2018). For example, the government is seeing an increase in enrollment in programs that feed into retail and hospitality, two high-growth sectors in urban areas such as Stockholm (OECD, 2018). Which upper-secondary program a student decides to enter in Sweden depends first on lower-secondary test scores, but this is not the only factor. Some students may pass the required 12 tests needed to enter a higher educational preparatory school, but they may instead decide to enroll in a vocational school that will open a quicker and less expensive pathway to employment. There is also the decisiveness factor; despite its tracking system, Swedish schooling makes space for students to explore career options, teetering between pathways, and supporting students financially as they pivot. To understand this dynamic up close, we visited the Hospitality School of Stockholm (HSS), one of a number of hospitality professional schools in Stockholm, where we observed programming and spoke with students, faculty, and staff. During the past several years, Stockholm and Sweden, more broadly, have seen an influx of tourism and the subsequent need to grow and strengthen their hospitality and food and beverage industries. Schools such as HSS have an important role in both attracting students and apprentices and effectively training them for the workforce. Despite industry hunger for young talent, it is still a challenge to recruit Swedish young people, who at 16 or 17 are still very much in professional exploratory phases. Of the 600 students at HSS, many are passionate and certain they would like to work in the hospitality industry, but some choose this school with uncertainty. The school either sparks passion in the industry or students drop out to pursue other options. Of the students who enter HSS, roughly 60–80%, depending on the program, leave with a diploma. It is unknown where precisely students who leave go, but the Swedish postsecondary

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system provides many options for students, all state-funded, to prevent full disconnection. Of 20- to 24-year-olds in Sweden, 10.5% are neither in school nor working (OECD, 2017). Comparatively, in the United States, as high as 14.3% of men and 16.3% of women ages 20 to 24 are out of school and work (OECD, 2018). State-funded recapture programs are key to this rate in Sweden, with youth acknowledging that they have enormous flexibility and support when choosing a postsecondary pathway. Sweden is experiencing many of the same challenges seen in the United States in terms of educational opportunity and attainment gaps. Unsurprisingly, the more wealthy the family or community, the better its students perform on compulsory testing, which dictates much of a student’s postsecondary options. Native-born versus foreign-born communities also experience educational and work opportunities differently in Sweden, as there is a particularly wide gap between the educational attainment of native-born to non-native-born Swedes. Ninety percent of native-born Swedes pass the qualifications to enroll in postsecondary school, yet only 65% of foreign-born Swedes qualify (Grönqvist & Niknami, 2017). Additionally, as overall unemployment has steadily decreased in Sweden even more dramatically for non-native-born workers, there is still a wide gap in employment between native Swedes and immigrant communities (Almérus, Gustavsson,  Israelsson,  Mångs, & Nyberg, 2018). Not only this, but foreign-born adults in Sweden who arrive with some form of postsecondary credential still earn 9% less than their native-born counterparts (OECD, 2018). In a country in which educational attainment is paramount to job attainment, integrating new immigrants into schools, to elevate language proficiency and provide access to professional networks that will lead to employment opportunities, is crucial. As immigration to Sweden continues to steadily increase, it becomes the utmost challenge for education and workforce institutions to integrate these new communities effectively into existing systems. At HSS, roughly 90% of students have passed eight compulsory courses, most have passed between 8 and 12, and around a fifth have passed more than 12 compulsory courses, qualifying them to enter a more traditional higher education route, if so desired. Despite this academic achievement and flexibility, students choose HSS for the practical work experience and the high conversion rate of school-to-work, with most choosing professions in hotels or restaurants. Although the majority of students enter the traditional vocational programs, in which all their school hours are spent on site with a mix of theoretical and practical courses, roughly 10% of

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students opt for the work-based track. These students spend half of the week on-site with their classmates, and the rest of their week is spent working at a partner company, including local independent steakhouses, hotels, museum restaurants, and the like. The apprenticeship option was restarted in the school in 2011, coinciding with the national recommitment to work-based programs. As of 2018, 300 state-certified workplace partners can employ students of the school, committing not only to contribute financially to a student’s training but also to provide a quality educational opportunity to apprentices. Even though learning the fundamentals of the industry primarily takes place in the classroom, students and partners emphasize how power skills (collaboration, taking feedback, working with different personalities, creative problem solving, and conflict resolution) are learned entirely on the job. This benefit makes students who participate in the apprenticeship programs feel better prepared for full-time work and builds a sense of pride, accomplishment, and intrinsic motivation for these students. Chefs across Sweden have expressed support for the apprenticeship model because of schools like HSS, and many esteemed restaurants in cities such as Stockholm register as partners. For industry professionals, most of whom did not train in apprenticeship programs, the experience holds value beyond the credential; recent graduates who already understand the culture of a restaurant or a kitchen carry a badge of approval no classroom can award. Even with challenges in coordinating training—an effort that requires input from the company, school, and local municipal arm overseeing apprenticeships—companies in high-growth fields are committed to these programs because of this immediate and tangible value-add as well as the caliber of candidates they see graduating from work-based programs. For the restaurant industry in Stockholm, the demand for apprentices in restaurants is higher than the number of available students. HSS is the only public hospitality school in Stockholm, competing with private schools that may provide higher-quality services to students, but at a price. In Sweden, all postsecondary education is funded by the state. Students may choose to enroll in a private school, but the money follows them, so students with the means or those willing to take out loans need only pay the difference. This causes a tension between public and private schools, with public schools taking issue with private institutions pocketing public funds. HSS receives roughly 70,000 kronar (around US$7500) per pupil enrolled, and even adults may enroll at no personal cost.

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Cost is especially crucial for newly arrived immigrants who must find a way to penetrate opportunities for work and learning. At HSS, immigrants of all ages, predominantly from countries such as Syria and Afghanistan, enroll in the school to earn a Swedish postsecondary credential while receiving integrated language training. Small-group classes for non-native language speakers are offered via side-by-side instruction, with one educator teaching in Swedish and one in the primary language of students. This method is a popular alternative to the national Language Introduction Program (LIP). As assessed by Nihad Bunar of Stockholm University, LIP was introduced to increase Swedish proficiency for new immigrants over the age of 15; however, the program has not experienced large successes, with only 9% of students who entered the program in 2011 graduating over a five-year period (2017). Bunar points to a few major challenges with the program, including instructor quality and deviation from an individualized instruction model, low academic expectations, cost, and a lack of additional services to support the development of whole families arriving. Students who find bilingual instruction models, such as that in HSS, are more likely to succeed according to Bunar, but Sweden will need to produce the talent (language specialists, bilingual teachers with content knowledge experts) to support these programs. HSS says many of their nonnative-born students arrive with aspirations to open their own restaurants, adding to the increasingly eclectic and international restaurant industry of cities such as Stockholm. Despite challenges, they are committed to providing the instruction necessary for these students to succeed. Students who enroll in the work-based option at HSS speak with humility yet a sense of confidence in their skills. Some chose the school to enter their family businesses as others have found a passion in hospitality, cooking, or restaurant management and were energized by the opportunity to integrate hands-on learning early into their careers. Adam, Lucas, and Hugo are white, male Swedes, all third-year students at HSS  (roughly 17–18 years old) and each found the restaurant-­ apprenticeship program online. Adam has been passionate about cooking for quite some time, knowing he would enroll in a restaurant vocational school so that he could eventually take over his family business. He has been enrolled in the work-based track since his first year at HSS and was immediately drawn to the pace and high-stakes nature of working in a restaurant. This has driven him to meet expectations, approach his work with professionalism and humility, and build the skills and networks needed to transition into full-time employment. Adam notes the chefs

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treat you like their own, charging students to “work like they work,” and rather than role-playing what restaurant work is, he emotes a sense of pride in learning “the real way.” Lucas evinces a similar draw to the authenticity of working in a restaurant and references the power skills he has developed in his two years as a trainee in a renowned steakhouse. He notes, “You can’t learn to be another person in the kitchen.” Instead, you have to be the most humble version of yourself, willing to fail and learn, and in doing so, you earn the respect of the head chef. Exposure to both the rewarding and challenging sides of the industry can be the sticking point for students who are not motivated by the work itself. Matching student interest with a high-stakes learning environment has been the formula for success for Lucas and his classmates. Hugo works as a trainee in an award-winning museum restaurant. He says he has responded to the quick adaptability needed in the kitchen and the ability to separate personalities from tasks. He says trainees need to “learn to work around and not see the [chef] as the problem. You have to see the chef as who he or she is and then work around their personality to solve the problem at hand.” Gleaning this very authentic picture of work life in a kitchen has both pushed Hugo and affirmed his professional direction. He now enters cooking competitions across the country and has aspirations of opening his own restaurant. Hugo and his classmates generally feel that Swedish youth are not pushed to pursue any one particular pathway, and even as this lack of pressure can be liberating, it can also cause choice paralysis. Adam feels Swedes are “not raised to be something in Sweden—it can be difficult as a youth because you don’t feel pressure from parents to be anything.” They each believe this is where work-based education fills a crucial role, as it allows students to see themselves in a profession. For Hugo, working in a restaurant painted a picture of how far he could go if he continued to work hard, lean into the challenges of the kitchen, and pursue opportunities to learn under esteemed industry professionals. He sees chefs as “the new rock stars in Sweden” and hopes to carry on this persona to the next generation of chefs and to underrepresented demographics within the restaurant industry. All three young men make mention of the lack of women at their training sites and in their program. Gender norms play heavily into which industries or schools students choose to attend for vocational training in Sweden. Even HSS, which is evenly split by gender as a whole, experiences weighted numbers by programs. Although women concentrate heavily in

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catering, baking, and hotel work, men dominate the restaurant track. This issue is known and in the process of being addressed nationally, as there are huge incentives to attract more women to the restaurant industry and to programs pipelining to restaurants. As noted by the students themselves, visibility of women in these industries will incentivize increased participation, but those industries have to change their cultures internally to be more hospitable to historically underrepresented communities. According to Hugo, more chefs express wanting higher participation of women in restaurants; he agrees, saying, “I hope there are more, but we need to show how good it can be and how far they can go.” Adam, Lucas, and Hugo each want to continue pursuing cooking professionally and have high aspirations for improving the culture of the restaurant industry, yet none are quick to enter the workforce in Stockholm upon completion of upper-secondary school. All say they would like to travel, experiencing work, food, and restaurants around the world, and bring that additional experience back to Stockholm eventually. All feel confident in their career prospects upon returning to Stockholm, as they feel their programs have given them advantages in both skills and networking. These experiences highlight the most high-quality, efficient, and successful aspects of work-based learning. Students who have the opportunity to try out and position themselves in a career or industry as a trainee develop the “hard” and “soft” skills necessary for ongoing success. At HSS, students are not forced to make a trade-off between working and learning. Though Adam, Lucas, and Hugo all expressed the difficulty of juggling working and learning, especially in regard to building a social life, they acknowledged that the direct correlation between their work and classroom experiences elevates both, and they have leveraged as well as built a new support system to process these two worlds. This juggling act gets easier over time, becoming another lesson in the realities of work. It is imperative for Sweden, as it experiences changing demographics from increased immigration, to effectively integrate newly arrived, firstand second-generation non-white Swedes into these systems. This has been a struggle for the country during the past decade, as the country regains its position as one of the best education systems in the world while avoiding surmounting inequalities in both educational attainment and workforce participation. One observation visiting HSS is that many of the students of Middle Eastern and African descent were in programs that trained individuals to become sous chefs/food preparation assistants, and coupled language instruction with in-class vocational learning. The relative absence of

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students of color from the pathway programs of which Adam, Lucus, and Hugo benefit raises serious concerns. Language integration is especially crucial for new labor participants to compete with native Swedish speakers, and although immigrants may bring with them advanced credentials, retraining and recredentialing programs that bring this skilled labor into the fold will become increasingly important for workforce integration to create opportunity and maintain cost-­effectiveness. However, a keen focus on providing non-white Swedes and recently arrived immigrants with equal access to work-based learning opportunities is crucial. For industries that will benefit the most from apprentices, marketing and visibility of programmatic successes and targeted recruitment in newly arrived communities will ensure these programs gain participation from across demographics.

Germany Germany’s vocational and apprenticeship system is known worldwide as a successful unitary model of work-based education and training that has been scaled to meet the needs of German industries. Within Germany, there remains a high sense of pride and belief in this system, with nearly half of Germans participating in the vocational model in upper-secondary school (OECD, 2014). Since their legislative inception in 1969, apprenticeships have experienced highly organized, cross-sectoral partnerships among German municipalities, schools, and private companies (Federal Ministry of Education and Research, 2019). However, with drastically changing demographics from the 1970s onward rattling a once racially, religiously, and culturally homogenous population, systems of education such as the apprenticeships have failed to adapt to a diversifying community in need of educational and workforce opportunity. The German education system heavily tracks students from an early age based primarily on abilities or perceived abilities, and secondarily on professional aspiration. Students know from a young age whether they will eventually pursue traditional higher education, pipelined from the esteemed gymnasium, or pursue certification in a certain trade through the country’s dual-training program. While there is flexibility to switch between programs and there are ongoing opportunities for advanced certification and continued learning in either track, the once-strong cultural belief in the value of apprenticeship training has been threatened by the growing esteem for traditional university enrollment, situating apprenticeships as a less desirable postsecondary option.

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A crucial inflection point happens once students are ages 13 to 15. At this time, students begin exploring vocational options through a “Work and Economics” course in school. Students and their teacher travel periodically to their local Youth Jobs Agency, an arm of the municipal government that houses databases, job-placement tests and services, and blueprints for students to use in pursuit of a specific profession. No such organized labor market dataset exists in the United States that provides up-to-date and organized information, across industries, about existing available jobs by industry, with tracked plans for prospective workers. At the Youth Jobs Agency, students first take an online quiz that matches them with jobs and apprenticeships based on interest and labor market needs. Students search and browse different occupations, watch videos about that career, and research potential schools and training centers. Job counselors at the agency are assigned to a school to help students with placements, but a counselor is always on-site to assist with walk-ins. Many of these counselors were apprentices themselves, but went on to pursue degrees in traditional higher education. Although impactful when taken advantage of, their services are entirely voluntary on the part of students, so ultimately there is no requirement for students to receive services beyond their school visits. Without a clear postsecondary plan or the test scores needed for a more traditional higher education route, students are left to fend for themselves with a high likeliness of disconnect from both education and a stable job. The Turkish German Experience Disconnect is more plausible for low-income, non-native-born, or migrant communities in urban areas of Germany. The country has experienced exceptional changes to its demographics during the past few decades, impacting economic stability and systems, as well as societal norms and discriminatory practices. For instance, in the 1970s, a large population of Turkish migrants settled in Germany in cities such as Berlin. These migrants filled a large postwar labor deficiency and settled in neighborhoods abandoned and decrepit since World War II (Guney & Kabas, 2017). Over time, these migrants brought more of their family members over and soon, the first generation of Turkish Germans were born on German soil. Second-generation Turkish Germans have a closer connection with Germany than they do with the homeland of their parents or grandparents, yet the relationship between Germany as a whole and this population has been tumultuous since its origin. According to Catherine Ross, acceptance into the “Christian Club” of Europe would always make for a challenging journey to integration for this predominantly Muslim community

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(Ross, 2009). Additionally, many older Turkish migrants saw Germany as a temporary host country. Thus, even though they have remained for decades, have had German-born children, and have put down permanent roots, they still see themselves as deeply connected to their home country more so than Germany. This leads to a divide between Turkish communities and the larger German society, with youth caught in the DuBoisian double-consciousness of sorts, belonging to both cultures and neither at the same time. Isolation and systemic discrimination against this community has resulted for decades and is the most prevalent in education and workforce training environments. The tracked German school system sets most Turkish children along what is considered to be the least prestigious pathway, the hauptschule. In a hauptschule, students study typical academics but at a slower pace. By age 15 or 16, they usually begin part-time work in vocational school combined with an apprenticeship until age 17 or 18. Students considered more academically advanced enter either realschule or gymnasium. In realschule, students prepare for part-time vocational and higher vocational studies. Depending on performance, a student may switch into gymnasium, the higher education track. In gymnasium, students ultimately earn a diploma called the Abitur, after which they can pursue higher education or a dual-academic/vocational program. According to Ross (2009), anywhere from two-thirds to three-quarters of Turkish-German youth enter the hauptschule track. Assigned by educators at around the age of ten, tracking assignments can dictate the rest of a student’s future in both schooling and work. Ross attributes this disproportionality to a few key factors, including teachers misdiagnosing a student’s language abilities as a lack of academic capabilities, owing to learning German as a second language, not speaking German at home, or little outreach to Turkish-­ German parents to help them understand the education system so they can best advocate on behalf of their children. The result of entering hauptschule, especially for children of immigrants, is dire. According to Ross (2009), “roughly half of all children of immigrants in the Hauptschule leave school without either a certificate or apprenticeship” while “one-­ third … fail to receive an apprenticeship, and those who do are concentrated in a limited range of jobs where wages are low and full time jobs scarce, such as beautician for girls and mechanic for boys” (p. 695). These prospects have left many Turkish-German youth feeling ignored, marginalized, and, ultimately, forgotten by the only country they have ever known. This can often lead to youth rejecting Western society, and

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justifiably so. As a result, the cultural gap between white Germans and Turkish-Germans continues to widen, threatening any possibility of successful integration into German education and labor. More recently, an influx of immigrants and refugees into Germany has exacerbated existing tensions. At its peak in 2015, Germany welcomed 1.72  million immigrants and more than 772,000 asylum seekers to the country (OECD, 2018). Added pressure to housing, health services, and infrastructure has fueled a societal divide. For Turkish-Germans, this hostility is nothing new, perhaps just more pronounced. A Cross-Sector Collaboration Students may choose from more than 350 vocational pathways, opting for an entirely classroom-based program or a dual-training model that splits time between the classroom and a work placement, much like the Swedish system (Federal Institute for Vocational Education and Training, 2019). Typically, dual-training programs last two to three years, and students begin immediately upon completion of their secondary schooling (ages 15–16). Students spend half the week in vocational school (their classroom setting), and the rest of their time is spent working with a private company. Public vocational programs are free for students, and students enrolled in dual-training programs earn a small stipend for their work, with minimal access to additional federal funds to help cover living costs. On average, students earn 795 euros a month, but this varies heavily by trade and work placement (Federal Institute for Vocational Education and Training, 2019). The burden of cost to the state is very high to support enrollment in vocational programs, but private companies also bear some financial responsibility and both see this as a long-term investment in the country’s labor force and economic success. German youth opt for dual-education programs because of the “earn as you learn” model, the employment opportunities, and the breadth of program options that span from industrial mechanic to baker. The success of the programs is due largely to the legal framework that exists in Germany supporting this system and substantial funding by both federal and municipal governments. Since 1969, the Vocational Training Act has regulated vocational and apprenticeship programs, created uniform and program-­ specific graduation requirements, and dictated the role of schools, government, and private businesses to ensure the success of these programs (Federal Ministry of Education and Research, 2019). The central regulation

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by the German government of this system helps to coordinate the many stakeholders involved in these programs. Healthy and efficient cross-­sector collaboration is crucial to the success of apprenticeships across industries, and the willingness of private business to cooperate with the federal government and exist in a system regulated by it is a key reason why these programs have garnered success. The engagement of private industry has been crucial to the survival of the German apprenticeship model, which is one that other nations, including the United States, have had difficulty replicating. The regulatory relationship between business and government in Germany is far less contentious than that in the United States. German companies leverage a tight coupling of the public and private sectors to increase funding for workforce development and training needs. One very successful example of this partnership exists between energy, auto, digital technologies, and manufacturing giant Asea Brown Boveri Ltd. (ABB), and its partner municipalities. Headquartered in Zurich, ABB has more than 10,500 employees across 30 locations in Germany with training centers in Mannheim and East Berlin. The East Berlin ABB training center is a state-­ of-­the-art complex providing hands-on and classroom-based skills development for vocational students. The facility was built in partnership between ABB and the German government, with ABB committing the majority of startup costs. In the course of 20 years, the German government will buy out the complex, transitioning ownership while ABB continues its operational role. What sets the East Berlin training center apart from even its Mannheim counterpart is the fact that 95% of trainees there are not apprenticing at ABB facilities. Instead, the East Berlin training center serves mostly apprentices working at small- and medium-sized companies around Berlin without the resources or infrastructure to train apprentices themselves. Full apprenticeships or supplementary training modules are offered by ABB so companies can choose the option that best suits their training needs and financial abilities. For roughly 7500 to 8000 euros over three and a half years, companies receive access to skilled and certified trainers, test facilities and preparation, individualized training modules, and the most up-to-date devices and systems for apprentices to master. This is a nominal cost for a fully trained and credentialed worker. ABB supports the entire cycle of an apprentice from recruitment to job placement. As of 2017, ABB produced overwhelmingly successful completion rates, with only a 3% drop-out rate and a 100% passing rate for those who stay in the program. ABB trainers and curriculum

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developers attribute this success to their high expectations and culture of discipline that supports and structures students in the ways necessary to ensure completion. Those who drop out typically do not connect with their work placement but find the collegiality and social atmosphere of the training center compelling. In addition to training, students produce actual parts for ABB to sell, contributing to the authenticity of their educational experience. Students receive in-classroom instruction for around 25% of the time; the rest is spent with hands-on practical instruction on the factory floor. Students there appreciate the opportunity to learn the skills necessary for their job placement while still maintaining some flexibility to build a diversified skillset, making themselves more employable. Even with its successes, ABB is experiencing challenges in both recruitment and diversity of its trainee population. Consistent across advanced economies, there are more manufacturing and technical jobs available in Germany than skilled labor to fill these roles. ABB trainers attribute their recruitment woes to reputation; despite ensured employment, a living wage, and ongoing opportunities for professional growth, it is increasingly difficult to attract students to the manufacturing sector when traditional higher education has become the most desired postsecondary pathway. Of those entering programs like ABB’s, catering to the highest-growth industries in Germany, very few are women or minority populations. In ABB’s East Berlin training center, only 7% of trainees are women, roughly one per class. Federal and municipal governments have increased funding to attract more women to science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) apprenticeships, but the needle has not moved very far and industry-specific gender norms are still entrenched. An overabundance of jobs and underabundance of aligned labor is a theme across many apprenticeships, even in more traditional sectors. Handicrafts jobs can include trades from electrical technicians to hairdressers. As of 2017, there were 600 to 800 open positions in Berlin in handicrafts, according to the Berlin Chamber of Commerce. It has been challenging for the government to market these roles to the emerging generation of workers. The influx of refugees to fill some of these positions is promising but still not enough to meet job growth, nor does this new population alone address disproportionate representation in certain industries. One of the most in-need sectors is mechanics and car repairers, but the field is dominated by men, with women representing less than 5% of car mechanics. Conversely, 98% of hairdressers are women, but those jobs are typically lower wage and relegated to more suburban areas. The

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government is working on elevating the status of women across industries to open pathways into available and more lucrative work, but as it becomes increasingly challenging to attract workers to apprenticeships at all, recruitment strategies prioritize numbers over targeted populations. Industries such as real estate, administrative and office management, and fashion and textiles draw more women than manufacturing; however, pathways to available jobs are more precarious depending on the occupation and training school. One prestigious and much smaller vocational program is housed in a real estate company in Berlin. Here, students between the ages of 17 and 22 split their time between learning and working on the job in various disciplines within the company. Most apprentices are focusing on real estate office management, and there is an even split between men and women, though there are few non-white students. Acceptance to this program is quite competitive, requiring at least three subject A-levels. This academic achievement could easily qualify these students for a more traditional higher education pathway, but they choose to attend the real estate program to earn money during their upper-­secondary schooling and build skills to elevate their resumes for future university admissions or job placement. Pay for these apprentices is well above the national average; they earn around 870 euros per month in their first year. Opportunities to study abroad, representing the company at job fairs and recruitment events, and running the program’s admissions all enhance the experience of these apprentices. The company culture is built around the development of their apprentices, and students are entrusted with carrying the company’s brand outside their walls. Few of these students participate in the option for dual studies in a university while apprenticing. This track is highly rigorous and requires an apprentice to earn his or her bachelor’s degree in six semesters while splitting time between coursework and apprenticeship training. The flexibility to earn a university degree along with an apprenticeship credential gives certain students an advantage in the job hunt, especially within more competitive industries. This option both exemplifies the greatest strength of the German system—the flexibility and adaptability of programs to the needs and aspirations of students—and highlights a growing concern that the university degree will continue to eclipse the value of a vocational credential. If only the most academically qualified students have access to these accelerated tracks in more lucrative white-collar professions, then positions in these programs will remain reserved for predominantly middle- or upper-class, native-born, white students.

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Postsecondary pathways in Germany are varied, expansive, and highly systemized; nonetheless, challenges related to attracting and retaining workers, competing with the reputation of traditional higher education, and effectively integrating the most vulnerable and marginalized communities into the existing system are prevalent. In light of these challenges, apprenticeships at their best offer agency, quality training, and job placement to young workers, as well as the opportunity for youth to synthesize learning valuable skills with the flexibility to explore different professional possibilities.

Conclusion Apprenticeships and other work-based education models require an extraordinary amount of cross-sector collaboration, tightly regulated and tracked program development and credentialing, and strong marketing and visibility to compete with traditional postsecondary pathways. Even as they offer enormous potential to address educational and workforce challenges, building these programs in the United States will not provide a silver bullet to educational and employment inequities. In assessing systems abroad, the opposite can be expected, especially when accounting for existing social stratification in postsecondary spaces. We can learn from models offered by Germany and Sweden, in that while they are providing pathways to the workforce embraced by much of the population, they still struggle with a reputational tension and the ability to integrate m ­ arginalized communities without automatically relegating them to less prestigious opportunities. Considerations and safeguards that ensure equity must be at the forefront of these programs in the United States so as not to perpetuate existing systemic inequalities in education and the workforce, especially against communities of color and low-income students. According to the Council on Foreign Relations, “nearly 25 percent of African American workers are concentrated in a handful of jobs that are highly susceptible to automation, such as retail salesperson, cook, and security guard” (2018, p. 12). For low-income youth, the likelihood of postsecondary completion is bleaker, as only 29% of the poorest students go to college and only 9% are expected to complete on time (Engler, Pritzker, Alden, & Taylor-­ Kale,  2018). As long as postsecondary systems continue to ignore the realities of low-income students, and the ways in which those realities are pitted against the norms and expectations of traditional pathways to

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postsecondary credentials, those students will continue to experience uphill battles to valuable workforce participation. Apprenticeships offer all students opportunities to develop the skills often missed in higher education—communication, group work, professional etiquette, and time management. However, even more appealingly, they offer a practical solution to the challenges working students face when  forced to make tradeoffs between those two worlds. Apprenticeships reinforce the link between education and work, drawing direct connections between the practical and the theoretical. Achievement and success for youth entering the workforce is less about their intrinsic motivations and more about presenting authentically valuable opportunities for work and learning. When learning is rooted in real work, it illuminates a pathway for youth, one in which they can see the road to secure a meaningful employment. Aside from obvious and valuable skills-building, work-based learning contributes to students feeling elevated confidence, dignity, and ownership over learning, as well as tangible evidence that their learning is impacting a field of work. From the models abroad, we can learn how these programs both inspire all students and have the capacity to effectively educate and train some of our most vulnerable communities.

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Bunar, N. (2017). Migration and education in Sweden: Integration of migrants in the Swedish school education and higher education systems. NESET II ad hoc question No. 3. Retrieved from http://nesetweb.eu/wp-content/ uploads/2016/02/Migration-and-Education-in-Sweden.pdf Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2018). Labor force statistics by race and ethnicity, 2017. United States Department of Labor. Retrieved from https://www.bls.gov/ opub/reports/race-and-ethnicity/2016/home.html Calamur, K. (2018, September 8). Why Sweden’s far right is on the rise. The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/ 2018/09/sweden-election/569500/ CareerWise Colorado. (2019). Retrieved from https://www.careerwisecolorado.org Chazan, G. (2019, August 1). Car industry woes weigh heavily on Germany prospects. Financial Times. Retrieved from https://www.ft.com/content/0e477faeb383-11e9-8cb2-799a3a8cf37b Colorado Department of Education. (2017). Graduation rates. Retrieved from https://www.cde.state.co.us/cdereval/gradcurrent. Connolly, K. (2018, December 19). Germany passes immigration law to lure non­EU skilled workers. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian. com/world/2018/dec/19/germany-passes-immigration-law-to-lure-noneu-skilled-workers Drury, R. L. (2003, Spring). Community colleges in America: A historical perspective. Inquiry, 8(1). Retrieved from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ876835.pdf Dustmann, C., Fitzenberger, B., Schönberg, U., & Spitz-Oener, A. (2014). From sick man of Europe to economic superstar: Germany’s resurgent economy. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 28(1), 167–188. Embassy of Switzerland in the United States of America. (2017, January). Switzerland’s economic footprint in the United States: Creating jobs and supporting the U.S. economy. Retrieved from https://www.eda.admin.ch/ ­ dam/countries/countries-content/united-states-of-america/en/Swiss%20 Economic%20Footprint%202017.pdf Engler, J., Pritzker, P., Alden, E., & Taylor-Kale, L. (2018). The work ahead: Machines, skills and U.S. leadership in the twenty-first century. Independent Task Force Report No. 76. European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training. (2014). Sweden— More apprentices in upper secondary school. Retrieved from http://www. cedefop.europa.eu/en/news-and-press/news/sweden-more-apprenticesupper-secondary-school Federal Institute for Vocational Education and Training. (2019). VET in Germany: Occupations and their standards. German Office for International Cooperation in Vocational Education and Training. Retrieved from https://www.bibb.de/ govet/en/54889.php

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Federal Ministry of Education and Research. Education. (2019). The German vocational training system. Retrieved from https://www.bmbf.de/en/the-german-vocational-training-system-2129.html Ferenstein, G. (2018, May 23). How history explains America’s struggle to revive apprenticeships. Brookings Institute. Retrieved from https://www.brookings. edu/blog/brown-center-chalkboard/2018/05/23/how-history-explainsamericas-struggle-to-revive-apprenticeships/ Gedmin, J. (2019, July 24). Right-wing populism in Germany: Muslims and minorities after the 2015 refugee crisis. Brookings Institute. Retrieved from https://www.brookings.edu/research/right-wing-populism-in-germany-muslimsand-minorities-after-the-2015-refugee-crisis/ Grönqvist, H. & Niknami, S. (2017). Ankomst och härkomst—en ESO-rapport om skolresultat och bakgrund. Expert Groups on Public Economics. Retrieved from https://eso.exper tgr upp.se/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/ESO2017_3.pdf Guney, S. & Kabas, B. (2017). Migrant spaces and childhood: Growing up in Kreuzberg. Urbana, 18, 1–15. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/315836824_Migrant_Spaces_and_Childhood_Growing_up_ in_Kreuzberg Hickenlooper, Gov. J. (2018, January 11). Gov. Hickenlooper delivers final State of the State speech. Retrieved from https://www.colorado.gov/governor/ sites/default/files/2018_state_of_the_state_speech.pdf Hindy, L. (2018, September 6). Germany’s Syrian refugee integration experiment. Century Foundation. Retrieved from https://tcf.org/content/report/ germanys-syrian-refugee-integration-experiment/?session=1 Hoffman, N. & Schwartz, R. (2015, January). Gold standard: The Swiss vocational education and training system. The National Center on Education and the Economy. Retrieved from http://ncee.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/ SWISSVETSep2018web.pdf Hrynowski, Z. (2019, August 29). What percentage of U.S. workers are union members? Gallup. Retrieved from https://news.gallup.com/poll/265958/ percentage-workers-union-members.aspx Jackson, R. (2003, March). Germany and the challenge of global aging. Center for Strategic and International Studies. Retrieved from https://csisprod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fspublic/legacy_files/files/media/csis/pubs/germany_ report.pdf JPMorgan Chase & Co. (2016, September 14). Gov. Hickenlooper announces $9.5 million to launch statewide youth apprenticeship and career readiness programs. Retrieved from https://www.jpmorganchase.com/corporate/news/ pr/careerwise-colorado-event.htm

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Konle-Siedl, R. (2018, January). Integration of refugees in Austria, Germany, and Sweden: Comparative analysis. European Parliament, Employment and Social Affairs Committee. Retrieved from http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/ etudes/STUD/2018/614200/IPOL_STU(2018)614200_EN.pdf Kralik, J. (2017, November 17). Colorado CareerWise links high school apprentices with employers. National Conference of State Legislatures. Retrieved from http://www.ncsl.org/blog/2017/11/17/colorado-careerwise-links-highschool-apprentices-with-employers.aspx Lerman, R. (2013, January). Expanding apprenticeship in the United States: Barriers and opportunities. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/258987955_Expanding_apprenticeship_in_thUnited_States_barriers_and_opportunities/download Meltzer, E. (2018, January 12). Apprenticeships are now open for the second round of CareerWise high school students. Chalkbeat. Retrieved from https:// www.chalkbeat.org/posts/co/2018/01/12/apprenticeships-are-now-openfor-the-second-round-of-careerwise-high-school-students/ Mischke, J. (2019, June 7). Germany passes controversial migration law. Politico. Retrieved from https://www.politico.eu/article/germany-passes-controversialmigration-law/ Nussbaum, M. (2013). Creating capabilities: The human development approach. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. OECD. (2014). Education at a glance 2014: Germany. Retrieved from https:// www.oecd.org/education/Germany-EAG2014-Country-Note.pdf OECD. (2017, June). Education policy outlook: Sweden. Retrieved from http:// w w w. o e c d . o r g / e d u c a t i o n / E d u c a t i o n - P o l i c y - O u t l o o k - C o u n t r y Profile-Sweden.pdf OECD. (2018). Education at a glance: Sweden. Retrieved from http://gpseducation.oecd.org/Content/EAGCountryNotes/SWE.pdf OECD. (2019, March). OECD economic surveys: Sweden. Retrieved from https:// data.oecd.org/sweden.htm#profile-jobs Olinsky B. & Ayers, S. (2013, December). Training for success: A policy to expand apprenticeships in the United States. Center for American Progress. Retrieved from https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/ apprenticeship_report.pdf Pladson, K. (2019, July 31). German unemployment rises as manufacturing slump starts to bite. Bloomberg. Retrieved from https://www.bloomberg.com/news/ articles/2019-07-31/german-unemployment-rises-as-manufacturingslump-starts-to-bite Prechtl, J. (2017, May 20). CareerWise Colorado holds first ever signing day. NBC 11 News. Retrieved from http://www.nbc11news.com/content/news/ CareerWise-Colorado-holds-first-ever-signing-day-423380884.html

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Ross, C. J. (2009). Perennial outsiders: The educational experience of Turkish youth in Germany. American University International Law Review, 24(4), 685–710. Selingo, J. J. (2017, January 30). Wanted: Factory workers, degree required. New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/30/education/edlife/factory-workers-college-degree-apprenticeships.html Sreenivasan, H. (2017, August 29). Colorado apprenticeship program turns the factory floor into a classroom. PBS.  Retrieved from https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/colorado-apprenticeship-program-turns-factory-floor-classroom Statistica. (2019). Share of the elderly population in Sweden in selected years from 2000 to 2018, by age group. Retrieved from https://www.statista.com/statistics/525637/sweden-elderly-share-of-the-total-population-by-age-group/ Staton, B. (2017, July 28). How Sweden is fast tracking refugees into the workforce. Fast Company. Retrieved from https://www.fastcompany.com/40446055/ how-sweden-is-fast-tracking-refugees-into-the-workforce Svaldi, A. (2017, December 11). Worker shortage will hold back Colorado’s economic growth in 2018, CU economists predict. Denver Post. Retrieved from https://www.denverpost.com/2017/12/11/university-of-colorado-economicoutlook-2018-worker-shortage/ Swedish Trade and Investment Council. (2016). Manufacturing operations in Sweden. Business Sweden. Retrieved from https://www.business-sweden.se/ globalassets/invest-new/reports-anddocuments/manufacturing-operationsin-sweden%2D%2D-sector-overview-2016.pdf Swiss Confederation. (2017). Vocational and professional education and training in Switzerland: Facts and figures 2017. Federal Department of Economic Affairs, Education and Research. Retrieved from https://www.sbfi.admin.ch/ dam/.../2017/...BB2017.../Fakten_Zahlen_BB2017_en.pdf Swiss Info. (2018, January 9). Number of unemployed in Switzerland drops by 4%. Retrieved from https://www.swissinfo.ch/eng/society/optimistic-outlook_ number-of-unemployed-in-switzerland-drops-by-4-/43809280 U.S.  Department of Commerce. (2017, September 26). Colorado. Bureau of Economic Analysis. Retrieved from https://www.bea.gov/regional/bearfacts/pdf.cfm?fips=08000&areatype=STATE&geotype=3 U.S. Department of Labor. (2019, August 16). Employment and unemployment among youth summary. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Retrieved from https:// www.bls.gov/news.release/youth.nr0.htm United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Index. (2018) Human development reports. Retrieved from http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/human-development-index-hdi United States Department of Labor. (2016). Fact sheet: Investing $90 million through ApprenticeshipUSA to expand proven pathways into the middle class. Retrieved from https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/osec/osec20160421

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United States Department of Labor. (2017). Task force on apprenticeship expansion. Retrieved from https://www.dol.gov/apprenticeship/task-force.htm United States Department of Labor. (2018a). All about YouthBuild. Retrieved from https://www.doleta.gov/youth_services/pdf/AllAboutYouthBuild.pdf United States Department of Labor. (2018b). Registered apprenticeship national results. Employment and Training Administration. Retrieved from https:// doleta.gov/oa/data_statistics.cfm. Washington State Department of Labor and Industries. (2019). History of apprenticeship. Retrieved from https://www.lni.wa.gov/TradesLicensing/ Apprenticeship/About/History/default.asp World Bank. (2018). Manufacturing, value added (% of GDP). Retrieved from https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NV.IND.MANF.ZS?most_recent_ value_desc=true

CHAPTER 3

“I Am Working and Learning”: Expanding Freedoms to Achieve Through Summer Youth Employment

Even though the United States rebounded from the recessions of 2001 and 2007–2009, low-income youth still have not benefited from this economic upturn. In fact, even as employment rates have risen for adults, the youth labor-force participation rate (LFPR) has declined significantly, a trend since the late 1990s (U.S.  Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2016). Unemployment is still disproportionately high for low-income Black and Latinx youth. While the unemployment rate for all youth ages 16–24 is 9.1%, the unemployment rate for Blacks between the ages of 16 and 24 is approximately 14.6%, nearly double the rate for non-Hispanic whites at 8% (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). For Latinx in this age group, it is slightly more than 11% (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019). Some of the rise in unemployment can be explained by higher school enrollment. Yet the preponderant mix of an absence of suitable youth jobs in neighborhoods of color, labor discrimination, and cuts to youth employment programs has fueled this national crisis. Young people of color are scrambling to find work and struggling to develop the work-related skills to benefit them as they embark on their educational and career pathways. Michael Stoll’s research (1999) highlights that Black and Latinx youth, particularly young men, experience significant levels of job discrimination and are most often passed over for part-time and full-time work in favor of white male candidates. Concurrently, owing to historically segregated living conditions in the United States, a spatial mismatch exists: youth of © The Author(s) 2020 N. S. Anderson, L. Nieves, Working to Learn, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35350-6_3

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color reside in communities where there is a paucity of suitable ­employment opportunities, and they tend to live some distance from where desirable jobs may be available (Stoll, 1999). Stoll (1999) stresses that if youth of color are unable to develop on-the-job skills and work experience while on a job precisely because they are unable to attain or maintain employment, they may be more likely than others to experience relatively lower wages and higher unemployment as they age in the market. (p. 4)

Enriching early work opportunities are crucial for young people. Since 1964, the federal government has provided funding to local governments for summer employment activities for low-income youth primarily through its workforce law. The overarching goal of this law is to reduce barriers to employment for this population. As a part of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s “War on Poverty” effort, the Economic Opportunity Act was meant to spur economic and job participation through increased funding and the formation of Community Action programs that would expand summer youth employment opportunities (EOA, 1964). However, a tougher job market during the past several decades has caused youth employment rates to steadily decline, from nearly 50% in October 1978 to 30% in June 2019 (Modestino, 2019). Given that the goal of these programs was to combat poverty, it is all the more alarming that while overall poverty rates have declined since the 1960s, rates of poverty for youth and Americans of working age (18–64) have increased (DeSilver, 2014).

Impact of Summer Youth Employment Programs The Workforce Investment Act (WIA) and prior iterations of the law mandated that localities use monies specifically earmarked for Summer Youth Employment Programs and was enacted to expand employment programs to be year-round experiences to better capture and support students as they navigate the working space (Ross & Kazis, 2016). This requirement in the law has changed as a result of the ever-shifting political climate at the federal level. In 2009, a hopeful sign of renewed national investment in summer youth employment was in the $1.2 billion allocated for employment and training under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (2009). The concern for high unemployment rates among youth became integrated with a broader policy focus to get the United States back on its

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feet economically after the Great Recession. An estimated 300,000 youth were placed in summer employment experiences across the country as a result of the stimulus package. Yet in 2014, the newly revamped Workforce Innovation and Opportunities Act (WIOA) shifted from a funding “mandate” to an “option,” resulting in localities financing summer youth programs at varying levels. Summer youth work programs are offered in nearly all major cities across the country, and many boast increasing interest and participation thanks to concerted efforts by government and philanthropy to breathe new life into these programs (Ross & Kazis, 2016). Research points to strong short-term benefits for participants. Researchers at MDRC  (formerly  Manpower  Demonstration Research Corporation) found that New  York City Summer Youth  Employment Program (SYEP) had substantial initial benefits for both employment rates and wages for participants, but that impact quickly waned in the five years following the programs (Valentine, Anderson, Hossain, & Unterman, 2017). An evaluation of Boston’s SYEP program found strong data indicating participants were more inclined to pursue postsecondary education and four-year colleges, felt increased job preparedness compared to peers, and even improved attitudes toward their communities, with the largest gains made by non-white participants (Modestino & Paulsen, 2018). Research found that youth in the One Summer program in Chicago were 43% less likely to commit a violent crime during and 13  months following their employment (Davis & Heller, 2017). An evaluation of Washington, D.C.’s Marion Barry Summer Youth Employment Program (MBSYEP), founded in 1979 and one of the largest programs in the United States, found that participants were 26% more likely to pursue postsecondary education than their peers, and both participants and employers overwhelmingly reported positive results in job training and readiness (BluePath Labs, 2017). Although this impact is promising, data on the long-term personal and professional benefits of these programs are scarce. Most evaluations point to strong immediate positive outcomes for students, but it is difficult to gauge any definitive positive impact related to future postsecondary persistence, employment, and social-emotional benefits without more substantial, longitudinal research. Some data gathered by these evaluations do point to programmatic concerns that must be addressed for these experiences effectively to disrupt educational and workforce inequalities. The MBSYEP in Washington, D.C., for example, has found a large discrepancy between jobs available in the region and job placement of participants.

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Only 15% of MBSYEP jobs are in the private sector, despite accounting for 69% of jobs in the D.C. area (BluePath Labs, 2017). Instead, most participants are working in non-profits, education, childcare, and other low-­ wage industries. In Boston’s SYEP program, similar data are reported; at least three-quarters of participants are employed in low-skill, low-wage sectors such as childcare, tutoring, and food service (BluePath Labs, 2017). Participation in these sectors can bring meaningful job experiences to young people; however, access to the private sector is a critical component of the long-term success of participants and programs. Ultimately, the benefits of these programs are strong and make an immediate and substantial impact on the lives of the youth who participate, but is the job of the programs to leverage and sustain these benefits in order for the true potential of these programs to be felt. By expanding beyond the summer, increasing placements in private-sector and high-­ growth industry work, and better coordinating in-classroom learning with on-the-job experiences, students will be more likely to gain not only short-­ term social-emotional benefits but also long-term employability and preparation for workforce participation. The immediate impact of opening work experience to youth, especially in low-income and urban areas, cannot be understated. By exposing young people to the benefits and challenges of work, we create space for them to practice work, not just in terms of learning a professional skillset but also in building competency in time management, interpersonal skills and communication, and managing personal finances. A pillar belief of these programs is that this familiarity with work, when sustained over time, builds the necessary habits and skills within young people that will enable their navigation into the workforce as adults. For this reason, cities such as New York have ramped up their investments in and commitment to summer youth employment opportunities.

Summer Youth Employment Program in New York City A longstanding approach to developing work opportunities for youth in  localities such as New  York City has been the Summer Youth Employment Program (SYEP). Launched in 1963, SYEP in New  York City has been the nation’s largest program for low-income youth between the ages of 14 and 21, and has experienced increased support in recent years. SYEP is funded through a variety of sources, primarily federal, state,

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city, and private dollars. Administered through the New  York City Department of Youth and Community Development (DYCD), SYEP has grown recently from serving 36,000 youth in 2013 to more than 74,000 in 2018 (NYC DYCD, 2018). The SYEP program provides up to six weeks of paid work at minimum wage (currently at $15 per hour) during the course of the summer in entry-level positions with a variety of community-based organizations (CBOs), government agencies, and private businesses across the five boroughs of New York City. SYEP applications tend to reach more than 100,000, far exceeding available program slots each summer. Given the high demand, selection of participants is done primarily by a lottery administered by DYCD. A major shift occurred from the late 1990s into the early 2000s, years that—according to New York City’s Independent Budget Office (2006)— saw federal funding of NYC’s SYEP program shrink from 82% to only 11.2% of the overall budget. Though the city and state were able to maintain the program during this period despite federal setbacks, the average cost of a summer job slot rose by more than 27%, causing the program to turn away droves of participants (New York City Independent Budget Office, 2006). With teens being turned away despite an increase in interest, the administration under Mayor Michael Bloomberg committed $18 million in federal stimulus dollars in 2009 to recommit to the program’s growth (Center for an Urban Future, 2009). That summer, 52,000 youth participated in SYEP, a record at the time. By 2011, however, with federal stimulus dollars expiring, program participation was cut by more than half with only 24,000 youth placements (Office of the Mayor, 2011b). In 2011, Bloomberg’s administration pivoted and built the Summer Youth Employment Partners, a formal public-private partnership with a mission to spur private funding for SYEP (Office of the Mayor, 2011a). This fund, in conjunction with the Mayor’s Fund and city and state budget lines, reignited a commitment to the program and spurred tremendous growth in partnerships and funding, including a $5 million pledge from Walmart and ongoing participation from dozens of major foundations, businesses, and private donors (Office of the Mayor, 2011a). Under New  York City Mayor Bill de Blasio, SYEP has enhanced its model to provide greater connections of summer work to school-year enrichment and academic activities. In prior decades, community-based organizations worked closely with DYCD to place young people in summer-­employment opportunities. One growing concern with this standard approach is that young people were placed in non-profit ­organizations,

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earned minimum wage, and were incentivized with enrichment experiences (i.e., cultural outings, sleep-away camp excursions) each summer with little to no deliberate programmatic links made to young people’s academic work during the school year. For decades, researchers have drawn connections between enriching out-of-school experiences and academic success (Little, Wimer, & Weiss, 2008). Mayor de Blasio’s strategy, as a part of his larger citywide workforce initiative called the “Career Pathways: One City Working Together,” which centered on expanding summer jobs, internships, and mentorships to more than 100,000 young people, ages 12 to 24 among other efforts, promoted greater coordination between DYCD and the NYC Department of Education for public high schools to play a pivotal role in placing students in paid summer work experiences that are integrated with school-­ year, sector-, or industry-focused after-school programs (NYC Department of Housing and Economic Development, 2014). In 2016, under Mayor de Blasio, baseline funding of SYEP was granted to ensure the continual growth of SYEP, and a Youth Employment Task Force was convened to assess the model and realign its resources with its mission (NYC Center for Youth Employment, 2019). In 2019, de Blasio announced that SYEP would be a signature component of the city’s new CareerReady NYC initiative, a concerted effort among local schools, colleges, government, and businesses to build comprehensive curriculum and programs that support career planning and pathways for NYC youth (NYC Center for Youth Employment, 2019). The overarching goal with inviting high schools to participate in SYEP is to not only to bolster links between work-based and academic learning but to foster greater educational and career pathways for young people in New York City. Leos-Urbel (2014), in an extensive, longitudinal study of SYEP, found an increased rate of school attendance and passing rates on math and English statewide exams among SYEP participants (Leos-Urbel, 2014). The findings also point to the benefits of SYEP on workforce readiness as well as academic outcomes. With the expansion of SYEP, young people are positioned to see the integration of work and school as complementary, not as two seemingly disparate worlds to inhabit simultaneously. Given that the majority of low-income youth in NYC are Black and Latino, SYEP has been of value to the most vulnerable populations. Some criticism of SYEP in recent years has been that the program does not serve enough young people and tends to be skewed toward older participants— those in the later stages of high school or college over younger teens,

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driven primarily by labor needs of participating employers in SYEP. Both the expansion of SYEP participants and inclusion of school-based programs have sought to address these concerns. A study conducted by MDRC in 2017 highlighted that SYEP greatly increased participants’ employment and earnings compared to non-participants, and other studies highlighted additional benefits such as greater work-readiness skills and lower incarceration rates compared to non-participants (Valentine et al., 2017). Researchers from the University of Pennsylvania, when evaluating NYC’s SYEP, even found a 20% reduction in the probability of mortality during a seven-year follow-up with participants compared to a control group of non-participants (NYC DYED, 2017). Young people in SYEP not only gain greater access to enriching work experiences but also expand their freedoms to achieve a more substantive education and greater life possibilities as adults. Further, much of the research or evaluations on SYEP, although sharing the benefits for young people, tends to minimize or eliminate youth voice altogether. It is crucial to hear from young people themselves, to better understand how they navigate SYEP daily, how they make sense of and convert their professional and peer relationships into, according to capabilities theory, “valued doings and beings,” and leverage work and learning opportunities to achieve the life they would have reason to value. Youth voice must be central to examine any existing work-based learning program or policy or to create one.

SYEP Expanding Young People’s Freedoms to Achieve Youth reap the benefits of summer employment beyond just a paycheck. Evaluations of SYEP highlighted above, although stressing young people’s earnings gain, short- and long-term, allude to some of the educational, physical, social, and emotional benefits to reducing barriers to employment for young people that must be factored into any program, organization, or social policy developed to support them. This is a crucial point that should not be overlooked. A more nuanced view of the influence of working on self-esteem, self-perception, and social standing has been well documented (Heller, 2014; Rothstein, 2007). In this vein, SYEP, as a social policy as well as programmatic intervention, has broader implications, near- and long-term, for young people achieving a more robust and fulfilling life.

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To illustrate, Amartya Sen, philosopher and Nobel laureate in welfare economics, in his signature texts—Inequality Reexamined and Development as Freedom—expands our notions of the ways in which we can evaluate the effectiveness of any program, organization, or social policy such as SYEP that supports vulnerable populations. Sen is lauded for playing a key role in the design of the United Nations’ Human Development Index (HDI), used to compare and rank how countries are doing on various development indicators. HDI is pioneering in that it looks beyond traditional measures of development such as gross national income (GNI) to other indicators such as how many residents are well-nourished in a country, have greater access to healthcare, and live under conditions conducive to accessing a quality education and work opportunities or exposure levels to violence or war. HDI also has been controversial because there have been economically advanced countries such as the United States and Germany, for instance, that have had consistently high GNI but have been ranked low on the HDI index. “Developed” countries such as these have become economically dominant on the global stage yet increasingly unequal in their distribution of goods and social benefits to residents, raising substantive questions about what truly defines advancement for a given society. For those fundamentally interested in social justice, HDI has been a useful instrument to track how vulnerable populations are faring, particularly in so-called advanced economies (Roser, 2019). Emanating from this work, Sen coined an evaluative framework—the “capabilities approach.” During the past decade, researchers, practitioners in various professions, and policymakers have applied the capabilities approach to numerous concerns, from public-finance formulations to healthcare initiatives to evaluation of education in developing countries. Gaining greater popularity in other parts of the world—such as countries in Western Europe, Africa, and South America more so than in the United States—the capabilities approach, particularly in academic circles, is viewed as a rigorous method (more so than static theory) to monitor and capture levels of well-being and flourishing in a society. These metrics have tended to be defined as “hard numbers” on aggregated social benefits such as income levels or educational outcomes, which have largely been the centerpiece of what has defined “human capital development” and informed dominant welfare economic and developmental models for generations. Gary Becker (1993) posits:

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Education and training are the most important investments in human capital. Schooling, a computer training course, expenditures on medical care, and lectures on the virtues of punctuality and honesty are capital too in the sense that they improve health, raise earnings, or add to a person’s appreciation of literature over much of his or her lifetime. Consequently, it is fully in keeping with the capital concept as traditionally defined to say that expenditures on education, training and medical career, etc, are investments in capital. However, these produce human, not physical or financial, capital because you cannot separate a person from his or her knowledge, skills, health or values. (p. 15)

Similar to Becker, Sen sees value in aggregate measures of social progress. They have served as an important baseline for comparisons across countries and played a significant role in illuminating disparity and deprivations that inform social-policy formation and subsequent interventions. However, he is concerned, as it relates to social policy, that with a hyperfocus on aggregated social benefits—the basic needs—the result is that differing interests as well as aspirations of individuals tend to be devalued or overshadowed for the sake of simplicity. Income or educational levels as easy-to-digest markers of progress in a given country, for Sen, may say very little about whether and to what extent young people, for example, may be experiencing discrimination in the labor market or in the provision of education based on race, gender, or geography. Capabilities, for Sen, are what a person is able to do or to be able to access and utilize or, more precisely, what is a person’s real freedom to achieve. In the capabilities approach, Sen distinguishes what he terms as “functionings” and “capabilities.” Functionings are what a person accomplishes or achieves, which tend to be the dominant marker for well-being in society. For instance, a young person securing a summer job placement or earning a wage or seeing their income increase over time due to early work experiences are examples of functionings. In a social arrangement, these are important to monitor and use as a gauge of progress for showing impact of a social policy or program. Yet, for Sen, these achievements alone do not give you a full picture of how young people may be faring or how truly effective a social policy or program is. Elaine Unterhalter (2003) builds on this concept by stating: Sen argues that we need to look further than resources and opportunities, we need to make interpersonal comparisons in the “space of capabilities” that is, we need to look at the freedom people have to formulate capabilities of “valued doings and beings” and thus convert resources into valued achievements. (p. 99)

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Capabilities center on what a young person is able to do and would have reason to value, the extent to which he or she is free from obstacles such as discrimination, poor schooling, and threats to safety. For Sen, although young people may have access to opportunities via social policy interventions such as SYEP or more broadly through public schooling, the conditions under which they live—poverty, poor school conditions, overexposure to violence in a given environment—can lead to capabilities deprivations, which hinder or even foreclose their ability to maximize (convert into functionings) those opportunities to achieve. A relevant example would be that simply looking at the percentage of young people who get jobs each summer does not provide much insight into whether those jobs are of quality or yield any value to a young person beyond earnings. Furthermore, it does little to reveal whether or not those young people, who are eligible to work, but who did not secure a job were hamstrung by personal or family circumstances that prevented them from doing so. Research illuminates that the social conditions low-income young people endure tend to make it difficult for them to leverage opportunities compared to better-situated, upper-income young people (Alonso, Anderson, Su, & Theoharis, 2009; Carnevale, Fasules, Quinn, & Campbell, 2019). In sum, the achievement metric—such as the number of jobs garnered by young people—may be convenient for showing evidence that an outlay of resources (funding for SYEP programs) and opportunities (job openings) yielded specific outputs, but falls short in understanding whether the jobs were actually “good jobs,” meaning they were with organizations that created the conditions (e.g., quality work supervision, clear or higher-order thinking tasks on the job) for young people to substantively learn skills and earn at the same time. Further, applying Sen’s capabilities approach to examine summer youth policy and programs would entail not just looking at achievements (e.g., securing a summer job or increased earnings over time) of young people but closely examining the aspirations, agency, and opportunities (e.g., their desire to work or earn money, social conditions such as job discrimination) of young people. These are just as important to understanding the full scope of well-being of young people participating in these programs. For Sen, a young person’s ability to do and to be—or what he terms ­“valued doings and being” (what he defines as capabilities)—is central to providing a more robust understanding of how and why work may be important to them, what barriers they face to securing work even when

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employment opportunities may be available, as well as how other aspects of life (such as schooling, family, and personal health) intersect with their summer work experiences. In sum, the capability approach integrates a young person’s freedom to achieve, their agency, as well as how they are able to convert that into actual achievements (functionings) as an assessment of overall well-being. Exceptional stories abound of low-income young people encountering barriers that required Herculean efforts, on their part, to overcome to be “successful.” The “life struggle” narratives of young people tend to foster admiration from policymakers and donors, and fuel the “selling” of social programs and policy. Yet these narratives should not engender praise but instead fuel outrage showing the steep mountain low-income young people, especially of color, have to climb to achieve some of the basic rights and privileges of living in an affluent country such as the United States. In fact, low-income young people’s narratives should be a catalyst to probe conditions further, glean how they are navigating (i.e., converting their capabilities) conditions as individuals to help ultimately eradicate those barriers that delimit their choices as young people. Unterhalter (2003) states, “the capabilities approach alerts us to the importance of developing the conditions for wellbeing for children and adults, such that girls and boys can experience education (a form of welfare) in ways that will enhance their wellbeing and agency (capabilities) as adults” (p.  7). The focus on capabilities of young people, as an end in itself, has exponential value for them as adults. As Unterhalter posits in her work on gender and education, the capabilities approach is a tool to push toward a greater understanding of not only how young people are differentially faring in social arrangements based on race, gender, income, and geography but how they may or may not be converting capabilities into flourishing lives. As Unterhalter stresses, “the capability approach is concerned with agency and freedoms” (p. 7). Young people are better able to speak not only to the level of the value they may derive from their work experiences but to the daily conditions they may experience that impact accessing these summer opportunities, and specifically to their own aspirations and agency as human beings. Yet very few studies include the voices of youth themselves in how they make sense of or find value in their work experiences over the summer. Given this, the capabilities approach serves a useful conceptual lens to examine and interpret the summer employment experiences of young people in this case study.

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Case Study This chapter is taken from a larger qualitative case study conducted with Pathways Plus, an innovative non-profit organization based in the South Bronx focused on generating state and local policies and a network of youth-serving organizations to increase postsecondary and career pathways for low-income young people in New York City. As part of its program efforts, Pathways Plus partnered with New  York City public high schools, those selected as DYCD-approved SYEP sites, to provide summer-­ enrichment experiences for hundreds of young people. Pathways Plus serves as an intermediary organization, supporting students with counseling support and professional skills workshops during the summer employment experience. For this case study, 30 (N = 30) high-school-age young people working in various summer positions with New York City organizations over four to five weeks volunteered to be interviewed. A few of these young people’s voices are highlighted in this chapter. The demographics of young people in the focus groups were somewhat evenly split between males and females, with the majority being of Black and Latinx descent. The focus-group discussions were mostly conducted in participants’ summer job-placement sites, which were at different locations throughout New York City, providing a convenient setting for discussion during work hours. Other interviews took place at the offices of Pathways Plus. The young people in this study also reside in New York City and attend Pathways Plus partner schools. The central question guiding this case study is how are young people experiencing greater freedoms to achieve through their summer employment experiences? Amartya Sen’s “capabilities approach” serves as a conceptual lens for both gathering and analyzing the focus-group data (Sen, 1995). What emerged is that young people in the case study provided rich insights to their summer experiences with topics ranging from the more serious bodily concerns of workplace conditions to the typical travails of crowded train conditions during rush hour commutes to office politics and conflicts with coworkers. Yet two dominant themes emerged from the focus groups with these young people: (1) garnering professional skills through quality work assignments and mentoring and (2) demonstrating a greater sense of personal agency. The young people saw greater links between the world of learning and the world of work, intellectually making connections to their on-the-job experience to their more aspirational career pathway. Although some spoke about the SYEP work assignments

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being not directly connected to their school subject matter or career choice, they extracted value from seemingly disparate job tasks and their adult and peer interactions. How they made sense of these experiences is the most compelling part of the case study, providing insight into how young people, from diverse backgrounds, show greater agency, even within less-than-favorable work or learning environments. Just portions of their rich narratives are presented in this chapter, with the goal of privileging their voices, to illustrate the actual sense-making that happens when young people are attempting to access opportunities. In sum, these young people are quite adept at assessing and seizing opportunities when they emerge.

“I Am Working and Also Learning”: Developing Professional Skills for School and Work The overarching benefit to SYEP is the link between working and learning. The young people engaged in SYEP were quite open about sharing what they learned in their summer experiences. One student, Magdelena, a 17-year-old South Bronx resident whose parents are from the Dominican Republic, shares her glee at learning audio and picture editing at her SYEP site: I learned so much about editing audio, and editing pictures. I found it all really interesting because I could also add my own twist to the picture. I could control how I want the picture to be edited, how I wanted it to look. Editing audio was an incredible experience ’cause I was never really familiar with how audio worked at all. So the fact that I got to learn all of that, and take in that new experience was pretty awesome to me.

Magdelena was able to experience the integration of working and learning, expanding her understanding of technology with an appreciation of being exposed to creative ways to manipulate content. The expansion of her opportunities through work also facilitated her gaining a deeper understanding of her capabilities—the ability to leverage technology in a novel way. Sen argues that the recognition of one’s own capabilities has value and runs counter to adaptive preferences than those growing up in poverty experience. Adaptive preferences, for Sen, are when one becomes resigned to current living, working, and schooling conditions in the face of systemic deprivations (Sen, 1995). Magdelena being able to express

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how “awesome” it was to learn a new skill and to expand her understanding of her creative abilities gets to the core of what a work-based learning experience should be for youth. This spark of seeing possibilities through learning a new skill creates ruptures in adaptive preferences. Young people start to see learning beyond a classroom and greater links to the “real world” of work. The young people in the case study also shared the influence of attentive and supportive supervisors and mentors in their SYEP site placements. Central to expanding freedoms to achieve, particularly for vulnerable youth of color, is setting up the conditions for them to excel. As Sen highlights, utilitarian approaches to constructing social policy and programs tend to myopically focus on just providing opportunities and resources to those in need. At first blush, for vulnerable youth, this seems like a radical act of support. For instance, it is quite evident that youth growing up in underresourced areas often attend public schools with inadequate curriculums and with the least prepared teachers (Adamson & Darling-­Hammond, 2011). So simply to provide work opportunities for youth where it didn’t exist before, on the face of it, seems enough. However, this is a necessary but not sufficient condition. Offering opportunities, and allowing youth to convert those opportunities without extensive support, is problematic. For one, it misses the importance of youth assessing if they see value in those opportunities or resources being presented and may also deflect scrutiny to how institutions structure the ways youth engage those opportunities and resources (i.e., quality of curriculum and programming), structuring of onthe-job tasks, roles, and responsibilities experienced and caring adults (i.e., professional supervisors and mentors) can play to identify the challenges and capabilities of those attempting to access opportunities. Jose, a 16-year-old young man whose parents are from Puerto Rico, was placed in a supermarket for his SYEP experience. He shared that at first he was apprehensive to work in a supermarket, given that it seemed misaligned with his career goal to be a lawyer. Further, he shared that he was somewhat overwhelmed by some of the responsibilities presented by the job. However, it was the guidance of both his coworker and manager that he was able to navigate this new work environment and responsibilities: [I]t was the first time my coworker was teaching me how to use the [cash] register, and it was very interesting. I was pretty nervous, and she was like, “No, you don’t have to be.” And the customers were really nice and they really understood I was new, and I was a little bit anxious. But it was really

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fun, and I liked it [the summer job]. And I talked to the manager, if I could, like, get a job [after finishing SYEP] and she was like, “yeah, we should look into it.”

Jose shared that he saw value in his work experience, honing his customer service and math skills by managing the cash register. Further, his desire to stay employed at the store after his summer job experience ended indicates how Jose was meaningfully converting both this work opportunity and the support of other caring, attentive people—such as his manager, coworkers, and even customers—into a greater freedom to achieve. Although Jose may not desire to work in the supermarket as part of his career path, the work experience undoubtedly will have transferability into other areas of his academic, personal, and professional life. Researchers highlight that for vulnerable youth, any early work—and not just work aligned with a career pathway—has value for short- and long-term outcomes (Leos-Urbel, 2014). Similar to Jose, Carl, a 16-year-old Black young man, worked in a supermarket and shared that a meaningful conversation with a caring adult on his first day allowed him to enter his summer work experience feeling empowered: On my first week I met a woman, Cindy, and she was the one that first took me to the supermarket. We had a good talk, she told me about her background, and I kind of related to that, and she really inspired me. We talked on a real level. We started talking about where I’m from, my background, and then we went to the supermarket [where the work would take place] and she kind of showed me, like, “this is what we do here and this is how it goes. When you are here, this is the way we should be looking at stuff.” I really liked her, even though she’s Spanish. But we kind of, like, got along. And I told her I wanted to learn Spanish ’cause I want to be working with different people, and she said, “Yeah, it’s a good idea.” And since then, I see her pretty often at work, I have her contact information, and sometimes we talk too.

Carl’s connection with Cindy on the first day, grounded in a “real talk” conversation about their respective backgrounds, inspired him to engage in the new work environment. Further, his desire to learn Spanish to expand his ability to communicate with others in his community and beyond illustrates a desire to expand his capabilities set. Sen highlights the importance of social connections to expanding capabilities and freedoms

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for vulnerable youth. Further, he also stresses the role of motivation in this area (Sen, 1985). However, Sen falls short in examining the way in which racial/ethnic affinity informs the way young people, for instance, are motivated or inspired to access opportunities and enhance capabilities. Youth racial/ethnic identity, particularly for vulnerable youth of color in the United States who live under daily assault of overt and covert racism, greatly informs their assessment of whether people and environments have the potential to be hostile. For Carl to have someone to acknowledge and reaffirm his identity served as a motivator in his work and engagement with coworkers. In SYEP, some young people had the chance to work together at the same company. This arrangement seemed to reinforce closer bonds among youth and facilitate shared understanding of an organization’s culture and workplace norms and behaviors. Manny, an 18-year-old young man; Grace, a 17-year-old young woman; and Fernando, a 17-year-old young man, all worked at a digital design company in Manhattan. Each had a different set of work responsibilities yet found similarities in the types of duties and skills they were garnering, particularly the need to research and problem-solve. Manny shares: We interned with the company Agile, which is a [digital] design company, and we were given different problems, specifically in our school, to find solutions and try to find a way to simplify and make the problem better. So the problem will make what is happening turn the way around and make it good. We have to plan through different phases of the recycling process. We have to research. We have to gather our questions. We have to gather all the information around. We have to look for different solutions. We have to combine all our ideas. We got to interview people here in our building, ask them about the problems that we are having, any obstacles they may be facing and then we have a schedule prototyping. We were not able to produce the final prototype [before SYEP concluded], but we got really close to it.

The connection of his project to a school-related issue allowed Manny to bridge his work and school experiences in an organic way. He continues: My group was about phone policies in our school; we’re not allowed to have phones inside the building. In the morning when we come in we have to leave the phones in lockers, so we have to put them there. Then we have to go in our classes but, at the beginning of the year, freshman students, they don’t know why their phones are being collected by school security. Then by

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Halloween they just keep complaining and fighting with the staff members in the building and they don’t know why their phones have been collected. Our group was trying to find a solution to make a poster to communicate students why their phones have been taken away and the benefits why their phones were taken away. Our prototype was three little posters with the three reasons, with the three main reasons why their phones were being collected. It was the good reason, then also what was going to be achieved by not having your phone, focus more on class, having better grades, and, also being social more, being with friends.

Manny was able to channel his work responsibilities into addressing a pressing issue in his school. Well-designed work-based learning positions students to see relationships between career and school, showing that professional skills and socioemotional development are complementary, adding in a more rich experiential learning experience for young people. Manny also became more agile in his learning, addressing real problems of practice and working with a team to create solutions. He states: Well, in my experience, some things [that] were challenging was coming up with the prototype and finding a solution. ’Cause we [project team] had to switch things around really fast. At times we said, “Oh wait, these are not really what we’re trying to address.” Then we had to change our way that we had to go forward, the reasons why the phones were being collected and showing students the build-up why their phones are being collected, and also that was something that Craig [our manager] was telling me that sometimes how things might be confusing at the beginning but, in the end, you have to choose your best choice in order to get things done.

From that experience, Manny was able to make substantive connections between the worlds of work and school, expanding his capability set. He reflects: [Working at the design company over summer] I was kind of working and also learning ’cause I wanna be in industrial design, and it really helped me a lot to really think about what it was, what I wanted to do with the designing and what path I wanted to take on the design. It did really impact the way I was seeing design ’cause I was kind of seeing design before as simply paper, and then draw something. But when I really got to see all these things that people were creating, it opened my mind about design, like huge. Then I was like, “Wow, this is really art and this is really people designing this.” It’s not just like something that requires paper and you just draw something on paper. You, like, need to know how to prototype. The thing I learned

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about myself was, maybe, how the way I was thinking about designing was all wrong. The experience really made a big impact on how I was thinking about design, how I see what is design.

Manny was also able to connect to larger career options in the field, meeting professionals in popular companies to bridge his learning. My favorite day was when we got to go to Google and we got to work in Google for a whole day. We got to work with different designers there and we got to sit down and we showed them what we’re thinking for a solution and they helped us a lot and gave us our feedback on how we can improve our prototypes.

Like Manny, Fernando was also engaged in a group project at the same company and linking his design to a school-related concern: My group was working together and we [were] talking about the things that happen in the school, if the things that we can do, if students, to help the students that are coming in, … to solve the problems, and, try to stop the student fight[ing] during the school year …. It was a great opportunity for them to work with, creating a design company to get to work designing and learn; it’s like a job, but they are learning experience.

Fernando was apprehensive about his placement at first but was able to see the value of his work to his aspirations. He shares: Well, for me, [the value of SYEP] was to see that I really have talent to make art. I didn’t like art in the first half of the beginning of the program. I used to say, “Why I’m here?” But, then I found myself saying, “Oh my god, I’m here to learn. And helping our school is our purpose.” I think that the only things that I learned there can help me for my future.

Grace was energized by the bond she developed with her supervisor, sharing how it expanded their work relationship into a mentoring one: My supervisor … we have a lot of things in common. And she lives like three blocks away from me. Yeah, she’s like really involved in her community. She goes to a lot of community board meetings, and a lot of politician stuff like that. She is into politics … and I told her how I want to get more involved in my community, so she said after the [SYEP job], I could go help her out in her political stuff. But I see her outside [in the neighborhood] walking around.

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Grace, Fernando, and Manny not only provided support to each other by working in the same organization but also leveraged this experience to expand their knowledge and supportive network of professionals. Grace deepened her connection to her supervisor once she learned that they lived in the same neighborhood. The proximity of Grace and her supervisor to each other, in both work and outside it, inspired Grace to discover new interests and perhaps a new set of capabilities (i.e., ability to engage in her community, political action). This experience cannot be understated. Young people having access to mentors who may have grown up or lived under similar circumstances can foster new opportunities as well as expand talents a young person may have downplayed or didn’t even know existed. Grace is now interested in community engagement and politics as a result of seeing these possibilities. Similar to Grace, Joseph, a 16-year-old Black young man, began to see greater possibilities in his summer work placement and possible career pathway through an attentive supervisor. He reflects: My overall experience was good but I could relate with her [his supervisor], what she said, during the beginning. When I found out I was working at Johnson’s Security, I was like, I don’t want anything to do with security so why do I want to work here? But it’s more like of a business and I’m interested in business. So when I’m working with the supervisor, who’s a president of the business, I see what she does on a daily [basis] …. And so I kind of like it.

Santiago, a 17-year-old Dominican young man, shares his discovery of his deeper passions and emerging skill set through a rich summer job placement: I have been environmentally aware but I always wanted to do biomedical research. But I later realized my resume speaks a lot about my work, how close I am to nature and environment. So I was paired with [the company Horizon] to work on their sustainability team. But I never realized that I will be able to work with them, because I didn’t know I had the skills to work for a sustainability team. So the beginning, I was a little iffy, I didn’t know much. But working with them, I realized that I have skills that I wasn’t aware of. So that was amazing.

Kevon, an 18-year-old Black young man, similarly was able to expand his capabilities that at first seemed unrelated to his career path. In fact, he

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saw greater employment opportunities for himself being exposed to what was seemingly outside his scope of work. He states: I didn’t know how anything I would do would even relate to anything I want to do [working in the Bronx Borough President’s office]. And although I’m not doing computer science, like anything related to computer science in the office, I did end up doing something that is my side thing, which is graphic designing. So recently the office exposed me to being able to do these things for the office. So the things that I’m doing will actually have a long- term effect. Because the designs that I’m making are being used for long-term projects.

Working on graphic design projects and not necessarily on computer science-related work, which is Kevon’s interest, still motivated him to add value to the organization he was working for because he saw possibilities to make money with this additional skillset. Sen argues that motivation can and does play a role in expanding capabilities. However, it is not the sole driver of capabilities development. As far as greater freedoms to achieve, Kevon was able to make connections with his required work assignments by seeing the possibilities of greater earnings with graphic design projects (what he termed “my side thing”). This speaks to his awareness of multiple ways to earn money (e.g., gig economy notion), which is the direction of much of the economy these days.

“I’m Able to Step Outside the Box and Earn the Things I Want”: Young People Exercising Agency Through Work In addition to expanding their professional skills and network of support, the young people displayed a greater level of personal agency through their summer youth  employment experience. Anindya Kundu (2017) states that agency, in terms of education, is context-specific and helps with understanding how individuals can impact their own lives. In other words, agency is the ability for a person both to understand their current circumstances and leverage resources and networks to expand opportunities and achievements. Agency differs from traditional terms such as “rugged individualism” or more recent popular concepts such as “grit,” according to Kundu. These concepts rest on the notion that individuals benefit from their own hard work and that their goal achievement and future success

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are determined by a strong work ethic. Kundu asserts that focusing on grit or rugged individualism is devoid of social and environmental contexts, that structural factors play an important role in outcomes for young people. He states: It is important to realize that students in poverty may have setbacks that keep them from realizing what goals to be passionate and persistent towards in their lives …. Empirical evidence in the social sciences indicates that structural inequalities faced by students with disadvantages can make it more difficult for them to succeed than for those from more advantaged backgrounds. (Kundu, 2017, p. 69)

For Kundu, agency takes into consideration a young person’s identities, aspirations, and social/environmental contexts when assessing how they navigate daily experiences in their home, neighborhood, school, or workplace (Anderson & Larson, 2009; Kundu, 2017). This assessment of agency complements Sen’s notion of freedoms to achieve. In the capabilities framework, freedoms to achieve center on understanding how young people experience the world, recognizing barriers that may hinder their ability to expand their own capabilities and functionings. Motivation alone is not sufficient to be successful in school or work. The conditions have to be conducive for young people to exercise their talents, skills, and aspirations. Further, as Kundu (2017) highlights in his work, young people are very aware of their environment and can reflect on their own circumstances “as they continue to strive for mobility in their lives” (p. 72). Steven, a 17-year-old Black young man, reflects this self-awareness and agency when describing his shyness at his summer work placement: I guess a challenging thing would be speaking up for myself. ’Cause I’m a very shy person, I don’t know if you heard, but, I’m a very shy person around people that I don’t know. So at Carter Holdings [summer work site] I’ve kind of had to learn how to speak up for myself and say, “Hey, this isn’t working, I’m sorry it couldn’t work out. Maybe the next time it’ll be better.” … being shy, I was scared to ask, “Oh, where do I get my laptop from?” Or, “Oh, can you help me with this?” But now that I’m here, and I’ve realized the people that I’m around, I feel more comfortable asking those questions. I became assured that I can ask the questions if I ever needed to.

Steven highlights his challenge to break through shyness to advocate for himself. Much of his ability to do this was shaped by his own desire and

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the comfortable conditions and people he was around. In Steven’s case, context mattered. Although aware of his challenge to overcome shyness, he was empowered to take a risk, to ask questions because he felt the work environment was a safe space. Amelia, an 18-year-old Latinx young woman, reflects on her work experience as expanding her ability to be more patient with others and with meetings: I didn’t think that I was a patient person, but, working in the housing development made me that. Especially ʼcause I have to go to a lot of meetings that I don’t know what they are talking about at all. Like, engineering meetings that they’re talking about building construction, and I’m lost for a whole hour. So, I’ll just be patient and then ask my supervisor all the questions that I had in the meeting. And, yeah … I just sit there and try and comprehend as much as I can.

For Amelia, being present for seemingly tedious meetings, absorbing as much information as she can to ask subsequent questions of her supervisor allows her to develop not only her patience but, more broadly, her self-­ awareness. She is more cognizant of the shift in her ability to self-regulate and focus, especially under circumstances that are new or uncomfortable for her. Further, her communication with her supervisor is strengthened through asking questions, which is a transferable skill in both the worlds of school and work. William, a 17-year-old Latinx young man, shares his awakening in recognizing his own embedded talents through his work experience. He reflects: I guess that I’m more capable than what I make myself out to be. Sometimes I feel like I’m really not capable of doing anything, so I kinda shy away and not do anything at all, but, since I’m here and it’s a job, I have to do certain things, even if I’m not comfortable doing it. And because I have to do those things, it kind of pushes me to do it better than what I think I can do, if that makes sense? … I’m more able to step out the box, and try hard, and earn the things that I want.

“Stepping out of the box,” for William, is evidence of recognizing that he needs to take risks in his work by trying new assignments that may, at first blush, make him uncomfortable. William’s recognition that he is more capable than he may have first believed when he started the job

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exemplifies how social and environmental contexts influence his ability to expand his capabilities. His assessment that the “job is pushing him to do better” reflects a healthy self-awareness of his own internal capacity and knowledge within this opportunity to work and earn. Paulo, an 18-year-old Latinx young man, expresses a sense of gratification in working, seeing it as linked to an emerging identity as a community volunteer. He shares: For me, I had feeling for working, whether it, like, pay or not pay, like volunteer working even when school opens, or whenever, ʼcause I feel like it’s good to help community and stuff. Even if you gonna get paid or not, ʼcause basically, I just like to stay home every day but working this summer got me, just like, I like it, and I want to continue to work, even if it’s paid or not.

Being active with summer work provided a level of satisfaction for Paulo. He is now inspired to continue to work, deriving meaning from his work beyond just a wage. Some of the young people also shared an awareness of gender in work and how they are navigating this in both their summer work and as they contemplate their career pathway. Jennifer, an 18-year-old Latinx young woman, describes how she is relating the skills she is acquiring at her summer work assignment to her aspiration to be an airplane pilot. She assesses: Well, my dream is to be a pilot so this [summer job assignment] is kind of way off the grid when it comes to that one, but, I mean like, it’s good. I feel like these skills that I’m learning now can translate to when I become a pilot. For example, learning how to speak up for myself, as a female trying to go into that male-dominated career path, it’s going to be difficult, and I need to fend for myself, kind of. And I need to learn to trust people that are [not] like me so other female pilots, other females in that industry [can benefit]. So, it’s just a matter of using the skills that I have now and trying to figure out how they’ll translate in the future for me.

Although her summer job is not directly related to becoming a pilot, Jennifer understands that interpersonal communication and working with diverse people will serve her well in her future work. Moreover, she is quite cognizant of the male-dominated path she would be embarking on and the dynamics of being a woman in work environments. Her reference to “it’s going to be difficult” indicates her awareness of sexism and gender discrimination in the workplace. Yet her self-advocacy and agency are clearly

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displayed when she highlights her need to trust people and references the influence she wants to have in the industry with other women pilots. In addition to Jennifer, other young people were apprehensive about their work placements and its transferability to a career. Lisa, a 17-year-old Black young woman, and Mark, an 18-year-old Latinx young man, share their concern about the relevance of their placement to their aspirations. Lisa reflects: So, in the beginning, when I first found out I’d been paired with an office position, I was like, hmm. Because I’m not really an office person, I’m more of a hands-on person. But one of the mentors, yeah, kind of convinced me that this position was a position that was hands-on, even though it dealt with paperwork. It was still moving around, talking to people, communicating, networking. So, in the beginning, I was just kind of iffy, I was just like, eh, am I going to like this? But then, towards the end, I really found myself enjoying it. Everyday I’d get in, I’d just get straight to work. I’d just know what I’m doing and I like it.

Mark, like Lisa, shares a similar concern in the focus group: So, for me, like they said, I wasn’t really into it in the beginning, because I’m a really fun, energetic person and so when they said I was doing office work, I asked the internship if they can give me another job site. But they was like, “Give it a try,” so I gave it a try. And what I realized was that, the job they gave me, it really suited me. The coworkers were really nice and they would smile every morning. It was full of good energy. And I just love working there. I had a good time.

Both Lisa and Mark’s comments reflect a crucial part of connecting young people to summer work experiences—that is, the assessment of the site and responsibilities. Underlying their concern with the site placement was a level of trust in those who were matching them to the opportunity. Lisa and Mark were, at first, not valuing an office assignment, seeing it as a mismatch with their identity and aspirations. In cases like this, young people may be propelled to drop out or disengage from an opportunity because of a misalignment with what they see for themselves. Sen argues that young people’s desires, or what they would have reason to value, are devalued, especially those living in poverty. This devaluing happens because of a power dynamic where adults and/or those more privileged believe they know what’s best for young people. In this case, Lisa and

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Mark were able to make sense of and derive value from a work opportunity through trust of mentors who placed them in the roles and through their own assessments. Indeed, the intersection of these variables led to a successful completion of a summer job assignment for Lisa and Mark, not simply rugged individualism or grit. Mark expands on this ability to display agency in his work setting by showing how he managed being intimidated in the workplace. He shares: A memorable moment for me was dealing with my boss, because when we first saw him, everybody was getting shaky and tingly. And his tone was really harsh, if a coworker does something wrong and he’s angry, everybody would be scared. So one day, [I said to myself], “Mark, you got to do this. You got to stand up, you got to show him you’re not scared.” So I did my work really quickly, I did my back house stuff, software and stuff. And I knocked on his door, I was like, “Cool, cool.” And I was like, “Mr. B can I come in?” And he was like, “Yeah, grab a seat.” So he came, he sat down, I was like, “How was your college life, how did you get here,” and we talked for an hour before my shift …. This was by the time it was time for us to go. And I was like, “Nice meeting you,” and then after that, every morning he says, “Good morning.” He smiles at me and he even cracks jokes now. [Through that experience], I was able to face my fears.

Mark was at first intimidated, like his other colleagues, with his supervisor’s behavior. In this case, he mustered courage to meet with him, to connect with him on a personal level. What emerged from that encounter was Mark’s developing a relationship with his supervisor. Mark’s ability to assess both workplace culture and navigate an intimidating circumstance showed a level of resilience that transcends simply the summer work experience. He learned a lesson that will transfer into other aspects of his life. Joseph, a 17-year-old Black young man, also experienced an intimidating circumstance, trying to communicate with others in a language he did not speak. He shares how his desire to serve others pushed him to learn some basic Spanish: So, one of the main things we worked on is bringing [a] composting program because Cresent Company is trying to be a zero-waste company. So, when it was introduced, the first day, I was in the cafeteria, standing there. People have no idea what is a compost. So and half of the people don’t speak English and I don’t speak Spanish. So standing there, trying to learn utensil names and communicating, I think that was the most memorable day.

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Because I was there the entire day, trying to figure out how to explain to them. And how to explain the compost. And describing the difference between compost, recycle, and garbage. And then going upstairs to the other people sitting in the information sessions and trying to help others. So, that was a memorable day, the first introduction of composting. There were people who were bilingual, so I would ask them, “How do you say, ‘napkins.’ How do you say this, how do you say that,” so they would help. They were very friendly, so they would help and they were willing to learn, which made my job easy, to help them sort. And if I didn’t know a word, I would just show it to them, I would pick the cups, and I’ll show them. So next couple of days when they started coming, everything was fine.

Joseph expanded his capabilities by learning some rudimentary Spanish and his network of support by asking colleagues for help. His agency to engage this assignment was driven by the larger goal to impact the environment of the workplace and, more broadly, society by composting and recycling. He, like other young people, found the work gratifying because it linked to his personal and/or professional beliefs and aspirations.

Conclusion Simply providing opportunities to young people from vulnerable communities is not enough. In order for young people meaningfully to convert opportunities into greater freedoms to achieve requires both addressing the real obstacles they may be facing fully to engage opportunities, as well as structuring these opportunities in such a way that young people would find value in them. Addressing real obstacles youth may be facing in accessing opportunities centers on understanding the individual and collective needs of young people, specifically what barriers they may be experiencing. Many of the young people in SYEP are struggling with family challenges, financial concerns, health issues, or navigating crumbling transportation infrastructure to even get to work. For some young people, these, among a host of other concerns, could shape if and how they even engage a summerwork opportunity. A number of young people in the case study shared their personal challenges with getting to work in the mornings. Yet they shared the supplemental supports, such as attentive supervisors and coworkers, free subway/bus passes for getting to work, and access to other social ­services to be able to leverage the work opportunity. Further, young people

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highlighted that the assignments they engaged in once they started working connected to their real lived experiences as a young person or were linked to their aspirations and career pathways. The voices of young people in this case study speak to how they make sense of opportunities and barriers on a daily basis, how they possess agency to navigate the world of work, and how they value and build formal and informal networks of support to achieve. Further, we can glean from their stories how they interpret and integrate the worlds of work and school, creating links between the skills they garner in each. This sophisticated approach to bridging worlds is testament to the capabilities of young people as well as speaks to the benefit of a structured and value-add Summer Youth Employment Program led by attentive and skilled institutional partners. Designing quality work-based learning programs with the expressed goal to both provide opportunities and reduce barriers for young people positions them for success. Public schools across the country should formalize this connection between quality work and school by creating formal links with programs such as SYEP.  Schools can play an active role in both counseling and placing students in summer  employment and enrichment opportunities, and they can be at the forefront of integrating work-based learning models, beyond just the summer, to a year-round model (the benefits of a year-round SYEP model will be explored in more detail in Chap. 5). Quality summer youth employment and enrichment programs provide an avenue to expand young people’s freedoms to achieve, their sense of agency, and extend benefits to community and society beyond just finding a “safe space” for young people during the out-of-school time. Working while learning has the possibility to fuel aspirations and shape the lives of a new generation of leaders.

References Adamson, F., & Darling-Hammond, L. (2011). Addressing the inequitable distribution of teachers: What it will take to get qualified, effective teachers in all communities. Stanford Center for Opportunity Policy in Education. Retrieved from https://edpolicy.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/publications/addressinginequitable-distribution-teachers-what-it-will-take-get-qualified-effectiveteachers-all-_1.pdf Alonso, G., Anderson, N.  S., Su, C., & Theoharis, J. (2009). Our schools suck. New York: NYU Press. American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, H.R. 1, 113th Cong. (2009).

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Anderson, N. S., & Larson, C. L. (2009). Sinking like quicksand: Expanding educational opportunity for young men of color. Educational Administration Quarterly, 45(1), 71–114. Becker, G.  S. (1993). Human capital: A theoretical and empirical analysis with special reference to education (3rd ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. BluePath Labs LLC. (2017). 2017 Independent evaluation: Marion Barry summer youth employment program. Retrieved from https://does.dc.gov/sites/ default/files/dc/sites/does/page_content/attachments/2017%20 MBSYEP%20Independent%20Evaluation.pdf Carnevale, A. P., Fasules, M. L., Quinn, M. C., & Campbell, K. P. (2019). Born to win, schooled to lose: Why equally talented students don’t get equal chances to be all they can be. Washington, DC: Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce. Center for an Urban Future. (2009, June). More help needed: Update. Retrieved from https://nycfuture.org/pdf/More_Help_Needed.pdf Davis, J. M. V., & Heller, S. B. (2017, May). Rethinking the benefits of youth employment programs: The heterogeneous effects of summer jobs. National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved from https://www.nber.org/papers/ w23443.pdf DeSilver, D. (2014, January 13). Who’s poor in America? 50 years into the ‘War on Poverty,’ a data portrait. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from https://www. pewr esear ch.org/fact-tank/2014/01/13/whos-poor-in-america50-years-into-the-war-on-poverty-a-data-portrait/ Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, S. 2642, 88th Cong. (1964). Heller, S.  B. (2014, December). Rethinking youth employment programs: Evidence from two summer job experiments. Science Magazine, 346. Kundu, A. (2017). Grit and agency: A framework for helping students in poverty to achieve academic greatness. National Youth-At-Risk Journal, 2(2), 69. Leos-Urbel, J. (2014). What is a summer job worth? The impact of summer youth employment on academic outcomes. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 33(4), 891–911. Retrieved from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/ full/10.1002/pam.21780 Little, P. M. D., Wimer, C., & Weiss, H. B. (2008). After school programs in the 21st century: Their potential and what it takes to achieve it. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Family Research Project. Modestino, A. S. (2019, June 28). Do summer youth employment programs work? School of Public Policy and Urban Affairs, Northeastern University. Retrieved from https://econofact.org/do-summer-youth-employment-programs-work Modestino, A. S., & Paulsen, R. J. (2018). Reducing inequality summer by summer: Lessons from an evaluation of the Boston Summer Youth Employment Program. Northeastern University, School of Public Policy and Urban Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S014971 8918300636?via%3Dihub#bib0070

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New York City Independent Budget Office. (2006, June). Fiscal brief. Retrieved from https://ibo.nyc.ny.us/iboreports/SYEP_jun2006.pdf NYC Center for Youth Employment. (2019, July). CareerReady NYC: Preparing young New Yorkers for career success. NYC Department of Youth and Community Development. Retrieved from https://cye.cityofnewyork.us/wp-content/ uploads/2019/07/CareerReady-NYC-Full-Report.pdf NYC Department of Housing and Economic Development. (2014). Career pathways: One city working together. Retrieved from https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/ careerpathways/downloads/pdf/career-pathways-full-report.pdf NYC Department of Youth and Community Development. (2017, September 13). Summer youth employment program concept paper. Retrieved from https:// www1.nyc.gov/assets/dycd/downloads/pdf/concept_papers/SYEP_ Concept_Paper-Final9-17.pdf. NYC Department of Youth and Community Development. (2018). Summer youth employment program annual summary. Retrieved from https://www1.nyc. gov/assets/dycd/downloads/pdf/2018NYC_SYEP_Annual%20Summary.pdf Office of the Mayor. (2011a, May 15). Mayor Bloomberg announces fundraising effort to support city summer youth employment program. City of New  York. Retrieved from https://www1.nyc.gov/office-of-the-mayor/news/156-11/ mayor-bloomberg-fundraising-effort-support-city-summer-youth-employment-program Office of the Mayor. (2011b, July 5). Mayor Bloomberg and Walmart announce agreement to contribute and raise up to $5 million to support the city’s summer youth employment program. City of New York. Retrieved from https://www1. nyc.gov/office-of-the-mayor/news/238-11/mayor-bloomberg-walmartagreement-contribute-raise-up-5-million-support#/3 Roser, M. (2019, November). Human Development Index (HDI). Our World in Data. Retrieved from https://ourworldindata.org/human-development-index Ross, M. & Kazis, R. (2016, July). Youth summer jobs programs: Aligning ends and means. Brookings Institution. Retrieved from https://www.brookings.edu/ wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Summer-Jobs-Ross-7-12-16.pdf Rothstein, D. S. (2007). High school employment and youths’ academic achievement. Journal of Human Resources, 42(1), 194–213. Sen, A. (1985). Well-being, agency and freedom: The Dewey lectures 1984. Journal of Philosophy, 82(4), 169–221. Sen, A. (1995). Inequality reexamined. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Stoll, M. A. (1999). Race, space, and youth labor markets. London: Routledge Press. U.S.  Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2016, September). Labor force participation: What has happened since the peak? Retrieved from https://www.bls.gov/ opub/mlr/2016/article/labor-force-participation-what-has-happened-sincethe-peak.htm

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U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2019, August 16). Employment and unemployment of youth summary. U.S. Department of Labor. Retrieved from https:// www.bls.gov/news.release/youth.nr0.htm Unterhalter, E. (2003). Education, capabilities, and social justice. Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2003/4. Retrieved from http://citeseerx.ist.psu. edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.581.6441&rep=rep1&type=pdf Valentine, E.  J., Anderson, C., Hossain, F., & Unterman, R. (April 2017). An introduction to the world of work: A study of the implementation and impacts of New York City’s summer youth employment program. MDRC.  Retrieved from https://www.mdrc.org/sites/default/files/SYEP_Embedded_Full_ Report_508_rev2.pdf Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act of 2014, H.R. 803, 113th Cong. (2014).

CHAPTER 4

Hearing from the Voices Behind the Variables: Community College Students Speak Out on School and Work

In recent years, community colleges have become an increasingly important pathway to opportunity for minority, low-income, and first-­ generation adults (AACC, 2015). Between 1990 and 2013, the Black enrollment rate at community colleges rose by 103%, while the Latinx enrollment rate went up by 246% (NCES, 2014). These trends in enrollment are impressive, but the data around degree attainment are less encouraging. Groups that are increasingly being served by community colleges have low, and relatively stagnant, rates of attainment compared to those who attend four-year colleges (Jones, 2014). Thirty-nine percent of students at community colleges who intended to pursue bachelor’s degrees leave school without completing a degree or certificate program (NCES, 2008). To raise attainment rates and meet state and federal standards, community colleges need to better engage increasingly diverse student populations and remove barriers standing in their way (Quaye & Harper, 2009). Of particular importance are working students, who in 2011 represented 79% of all community college students (Levin, Montero-Hernandez, & Cerven, 2011). These students work for myriad reasons: to meet unmet financial need in education due to increasing college costs and limited federal financial aid and scholarship opportunities (Lenaghan & Sengupta, 2007); to fulfill family expectations (Tuttle, McKinney, & Rago, 2005); to attain academic, social, and career advantages (Cheng & Alcántara, 2004); and to express a core part of their identities (Perna, 2010). © The Author(s) 2020 N. S. Anderson, L. Nieves, Working to Learn, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35350-6_4

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Although the vast majority of community college students work, “research is scarce on the understanding and theorizing about students who work and attend community colleges” (Levin et al., 2011, p. 74). In absence of that information, many educators and administrators consider work to be a distraction from the academic mission and a detriment to student success. It is true that working full-time is a “risk factor” known to reduce the likelihood of persisting to degree completion (Levin et al., 2011; Sullivan, 2005, p. 127), but for part-time work, the picture is more complicated. Students in two-year and four-year colleges who work 1 to 15 hours per week show higher retention rates than students who do not work at all (Pusser, 2011). For community college students in particular, working part-time (defined as between 2 and 35 hours per week) does not seem to have the same detrimental effects on persistence as full-time work (Levin et al., 2011). Other studies have found substantial benefits to work. When George Kuh interviewed 149 college seniors, 32% said their jobs had been instrumental to their leadership development and personal growth (Kuh, 1995). A complementary study of working students revealed that work “helped shape their academic interests and career choices” and that it “did not affect their academic performance in a negative way” (Cheng & Alcántara, 2007, p. 306). Working also has been positively correlated to student engagement, particularly for students working more than 20 hours per week on campus (McCormick, Moore, & Kuh, 2011). In addition, having a job may help students hone organizational skills and habits that make study time more efficient and effective (Pascarella, Terenzini, & Feldman, 2005). Even as the benefits of work appear to be widespread, it is also clear that students from different socioeconomic backgrounds have different relationships with their jobs. For example, first-generation students work more hours than non-first-generation students (55% vs. 41%) and are more likely to commute to college and work than non-first-generation students (71% vs. 39%) (McCormick et al., 2011). Meanwhile, working is less common among dependent undergraduates with family incomes of $100,000 or more (Perna, Cooper, & Li, 2007). However, the share of independent undergraduates from the lowest incomes working is smaller than students of higher incomes (Perna et al., 2007). For low-income Hispanic and African American students, research also suggests that the type and quality of work are important. Having work that is career-driven coupled with higher education yields better job

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­ utcomes, which is increasingly being embraced as a goal for completing o higher education (Sum et  al., 2014). However, data from the Current Population Survey (CPS), the March Current CPS supplements, and the American Community Surveys in 2000 and 2011 revealed that job outcomes varied along racial and ethnic lines. Non-Hispanic whites, those from higher-income households, those with work experience, and those with higher educational levels, had better job outcomes (Sum et al., 2014). Meanwhile, African American and Hispanic young adults have fewer opportunities to express themselves professionally. So, although we may see more low-income college students working, the quality of work and its link to career opportunity may be weak (Alssid et al., 2005).

Social Class and Social Capital Shape Work Other researchers have noted that working students’ experiences—and their employment outcomes—are shaped by their social class and their access to social capital (Titus, 2011). Social capital, as defined by Pierre Bourdieu, is “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition” (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 249). Bourdieu attributed social capital to the elites and saw its use as a way to hold onto power and advantage (Bourdieu, 1984). Titus’s research on working students suggested that “college students’ access to labor market information, a form of social capital, differs by class. These class differences may shape how individuals enhance their human capital while enrolled in college” (Titus, 2011, p.  248). Many low-income, first-­ generation students do not have access to social capital that can link their work experiences to meaningful career-driven work experiences. Postsecondary institutions have a role in creating social capital for low-­ income working students and brokering social networks for young adults who do not have access to career-driven opportunities. Furthermore, given the prevalence, intensity, and necessity of work, it is clear that institutions of higher education can no longer afford to view the role of student employment as an “unnecessary, unfortunate distraction” from undergraduate studies (McCormick et al., 2011). Working students have unique needs, and by better understanding and addressing those needs, colleges will be able to move more low-income, disproportionately Hispanic, and African American students to degree completion.

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Shedding New Light: The Experiences of Working Community College Students It is critical that students, postsecondary institutions, and policymakers reconceptualize work as something that can enhance—not diminish—the educational experience (Perna, 2010). In order to strengthen the link between employment and academic outcomes, the voice of the student must be heard by, and considered relevant to, postsecondary administrators and educational policymakers who design and fund programs and services to foster student access and success. Levin, Hernandez, and Cerven—in their chapter “Community College Students and Work”— state: “Practices and policy, at the state level and at the institutional level, can gain from attention to research and knowledge about students’ conditions, specifically their lives as workers who are students or as students who work” (Levin et al., 2011). The narratives in this chapter were taken from a larger study that focused on 59 low-income, first-generation, full-time community college students who sought to integrate both work and school in their lives. The goal of the study was to shed new light on why students work and the challenges they face, and ultimately add to the body of knowledge about what community colleges can do to better support the younger-age working students who represent an increasing portion of their student body (NCES, 2017). Three U.S. community college sites participated in the research study: Coastal College in the Southeast, Pathways Community College in the Southwest, and Metro Community College in the Northeast. At each site, students participated in a workforce development program where they earned a small stipend and received college credits and an internship. In the study, 83% of students were first-generation, 75% were receiving federal financial aid (Pell Grant recipients), 47% were female, 53% were male, and 22% were Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival (DACA) or had mixed-immigration-status parents. Finally, 32% were African American, 47% were Latino, 10% multiracial, and 5% white. As a way to understand the working student, narrative inquiry as the research methodology was selected. Below is a qualitative research study that focuses on narrative stories that “tell of individual experiences and shed light on the identities of individuals and how they see themselves” (Creswell, 2012). Many student participants submitted written narratives,

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and all took part in a semi-structured, in-depth interview. Using this research approach, students—through their narratives—were able to communicate their values about school and work and how those values informed their present experiences as working-class community college students often creating counter-narratives (Dewey, 1986). Once the interviews were complete, the transcripts were  hand-coded and categorized. This process revealed six emergent themes, which are explored at length below. The first theme explores why students participated in the study. The second theme discusses how students prioritize— and value—school and work. The third theme presents students’ earliest memories of school and work and how these experiences inform their perspectives today. The fourth theme looks at how students’ school and class affiliations intersect with their other identities. The fifth theme presents tangible strategies that students believe would help them better balance their roles as workers and students. The final theme explores students’ goals for their futures.

Theme 1: The Power of Voice Through Research Participation Each interview began with the question, “Why did you choose to participate in the study?” The majority of participants, irrespective of community college site, spoke about a need to have their voices heard and amplified. Scarlett, a Latina freshman at Pathways Community College, said, “My professors are not accepting or interested in hearing about why work is a big deal to me. I know to not mention it because they might think I don’t care about school.” Like many other students, Scarlett sought to have her voice legitimized—which meant being respected and visible in the discourse about working students. Some participants were so excited by the opportunity to express themselves that they recruited their classmates to join them in the study. Hannah, a Latina 19-year-old freshman at Pathways Community College, rarely took a breath in her interview. She wanted to amplify the voices of 665,000 students who have DACA status (Wong, Richter, Rodriguez, & Wolgin, 2015). Hannah, like many of the students, spoke about her frustrations with the nation’s current immigration policy and how it has shaped her notion of school, work, and security.

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I want to tell people that are DACA students that they don’t have to limit themselves. That after high school they can go anywhere and it is not just about work—school can be part of your future too.

Teresa, an African American freshman at Metro Community College, also framed her participation in a larger political context. She began by setting boundaries: “This is going to get political,” she said, “but today it is on my terms.” Like every other participant at the Metro site, Teresa objected to the fact that the narrative of African American young people is being constructed by others—and very much out of their control. Students openly described how the 2015 unrest in the city made them feel that America did not like them or their city. As Teresa said, “Black folks are hated once again.” For those reasons, Teresa chose to participate. She said: You said our voices were important, and with the city unrest and all, I felt it was important to give you some type of feedback, to share more of myself that might otherwise be ignored or restated in the wrong way. Us young folks in the city are tired of being represented the wrong way.

Throughout the interview, Teresa continued to reference the need for a narrative change and ultimately for affirmation for all the young African American students at her community college who are doing the right thing: demanding change through work and education. Other students participated because they wanted to speak to the powerful role that second chances had played in their lives. Benjamin, a Latino freshman at Pathways Community College, echoed several participants when he said that his high school self was not who he really was or wanted to be. High school was just something that “happened to him,” he said. He contrasted this with his reality at community college: In high school, I was the guy in the corner, the quiet guy. It was almost as if high school said, “Don’t take advantage of opportunities.” As a college student here in internship program, I feel the opposite. I want to learn and contribute and be part of something. I work and go to school and I need both and I think that is good for me to share with others.

At Pathways, Benjamin is engaged, visible, and learning. He has become the champion student recruiter for his community college and local workforce development program.

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Like Benjamin, a Latino freshman at Coastal College named John felt like he had been silenced in high school—especially when he spoke about his responsibility to help support his family. He once told a high school teacher that he needed to work, and she looked at him as if he had a mother who didn’t care about his education. “I felt judged and angry and then ashamed,” he said. “I wanted to help my mom out—and so what if I needed to work and it would make it hard to balance work and school?” John said he had a similar experience talking with his guidance counselor about his options for college. He said that he felt funneled to community college after he said that he would have to work. Even though John’s grades were strong, he was not encouraged to attend a four-year institution. Many students, including John, began to find their voices when they went to college. “I am participating [in the study],” he said, “because I believe it will help the school as a whole if they could really accept that students have to go to work and go to school. Why does school assume it is the only thing that matters?” John found the interview emotionally exhausting. “I have never opened up this much,” he said. “Sharing the need and stress of school and work is not something I can do at home or at school.” John echoed many other participants: he wanted respect for dedicating himself to work and school. He wanted affirmation for managing both. And, in all, he wanted to share his struggle and his pride in being a first-generation college student. A final reason students participated was to see a mirror image of themselves. After an initial research presentation at each college, several students wanted to know more about what researchers do from a researcher who is Latina. Roadmaps, mirror images, inspiration, and connections are drivers for any student to learn, and for this project, being a Latina helped student participants feel comfortable engaging. Rose, a multiracial freshman at Pathways Community College, was the first to sign up for the research study. She entered the interview room with a biographical sketch in her hand and a notebook to take notes; she was planning on asking questions about college and work. Rose said, “I am participating because I wanted to meet you  [Lisette Nieves] and see a Latina doctoral student. Maybe one day I too can do what you are doing.” She continued: “I became a good student because I was inspired. I keep looking for inspiration—that is what drives me.” Rose was hungry to feel connected to a woman of color. After the interview, she recruited more students to participate.

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The first person to sign up for an interview at Coastal College was a Latino freshman named Jose. He, too, had connected to the research presentation and wanted to be part of something that represented and respected student voices. “You care about my story,” Jose explained, “and as a Latina, I think you [Lisette Nieves] would understand it more than others. So I won’t feel uncomfortable sharing certain things. I don’t want to be judged for my choices—I want to be understood.” Abigail, an African American freshman at Metro Community College, also pointed out how the connection between researcher and subject was essential to the success of the study. As she put it: I like inspiring people and I am a talker. I know some of your [researcher’s] story and it inspired me. It feels like we both came from a place where folks don’t expect much. My family never really went to college. My mom went but did not stay. I wished she would have stayed. I am going to stay. I feel like you can make a difference. I need you to make a difference and you need me too.

Abigail’s words were motivating. The best research occurs when the researcher and the subject understand that each needs the other to create the best possible outcome.

Theme 2: Why the Trade-off? Even though college administrators and policymakers often assume they know what students value, little is known about undergraduates under 25 who manifest a strong work ethic. The study revealed that slightly more than half (52%) of the participants see school and work as equally important. Such students are members of the “both/and” camp. Forty-one percent of the students said that school is more valuable than work, but they remain committed to working. The remaining 7% said that work was their highest priority. Both/And Jose, the Latino freshman at Coastal College, had a Maslow-like model of school and work. He said that work is the basis for all things, and learning can only happen when your survival and security are assured. “How can you think of school,” he asked, “when work allows you to survive, which

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in turn allows you to learn?” Jose’s work ethic was obvious, and he spoke proudly about his “hustle.” However, his commitment to his job did not diminish his dedication to his academics. When interviewed, he had 3.4 GPA and was doing extremely well at his internship. Ella, an Asian freshman from Coastal College, echoed Jose’s sentiments. She said, “Work is no joke, and in this generation, you need it to survive. If you can’t value work equally with school, then you will just struggle.” Ella immigrated to the United States when she was three, and she noted that her perspective was shaped by her experiences working in a restaurant alongside her aunt—who always said that work without school is limiting. According to Ella, the reason school and work deserve equal value is that school can help you get a job that’s easier on your body. She acknowledged that there was a tension between her job and her classes, but like many other students, she could not imagine her life without both. For Isaac, an African American freshman at Coastal College, work was the key to building his confidence as a student. Earlier in life, he had struggled to find the motivation to engage in school, and his first attempts at community college were unsuccessful. He later learned that this was a consequence of depression, and once Isaac understood more about himself, he was able to forge a new identity on the job. Isaac emphasized he is a “worker” who refuses to be late or to let his boss down. Work helped him rebuild his self-esteem, and after he enrolled at Coastal, he became a dedicated student who was on track for a strong internship. Isaac expressed some skepticism about the value of a college degree, asking whether “it really [takes] four years to gain knowledge.” Nevertheless, he also said that work and school are of equal value because school would open work opportunities that he does not have as a manager at a local pharmacy. Layla is a single parent, a DACA student, and a Latina freshman at Coastal College. Like Isaac and many other participants, she sees work as a means of survival and school as a means to secure a better life for herself and her family. Layla worked and graduated from high school with a full scholarship to attend Coastal College when she was pregnant. She says that becoming a parent only intensified her commitment to excelling in her classes and on the job. When asked where her optimism comes from, she said, “If I have to work to survive, learning to love it makes all the difference.” Layla is inspiration incarnate. James is a Latino at Pathways Community College and the oldest of three boys. When his father fell into a three-year period of unemployment, James saw his mother cry and he committed himself to working hard at

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two jobs right out of high school. Still, he dreamed of having a career-­ driven role in technology and one day running his own business. He started listening to podcasts about entrepreneurship and professional success. And as soon as it became possible, he moved to the city to start college. “I consider school my backbone,” James said, “and work my vehicle for where I want to be.” He added: “Time is the most precious thing we have and, for me, giving time to both [school and work] right now in my life is the best choice—so both are equally valued.” Amelia is an African American freshman at Coastal College. She, too, valued school and work equally but also acknowledged that their individual benefits were distinct. For Amelia, work was a place to strengthen her time-management skills and her professional relationships; she appreciated how it offered an immediate sense of where you stand. She said that school often feels like jumping through hoops. Amelia also knows that, as a college graduate, she will be a role model in her community and have access to an office job. “This workforce program is a translator of the values of school and work for me,” she said. “When I get stressed in either area, there is a common understanding here that I need both to be the best me.” School as the Priority Of students in the research study, 41% prioritized school over work. Many were like William, an African American freshman at Coastal College whose parents instilled this value in him. He remembered watching his father struggle as a cab driver and seeing how thrilled his parents were when his older brother landed a full scholarship at a historically Black college. Both experiences motivated William to make school his top priority, and although he was working close to 30 hours a week, he was maintaining a good GPA and excelling at his technology classes. “I guess I have heard [that] school is number one for so long,” he said, “that I actually believe it now.” Ava, a white freshman at Pathways Community College, heard a similar message—not from her parents but from her teachers and advisers at school. She talked about all the opportunities she had missed because she needed work to support her family. Still, she was proud to become the first high school graduate in her family, and now she plans to become its first college graduate. She was adamant that she would not let anyone, not even “her complicated family,” get in the way of her mission—which is why she’s firm about setting boundaries for herself and working only a few

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hours outside of school. Ava dedicates herself to education because she wants people to look at her and say, “I had the courage to pursue education beyond high school despite my challenges.” Benjamin, the freshman at Pathways Community College, talked about several role models who shaped his values with regard to school. He remembered working with a business teacher who made him feel like he was the priority for the first time in his life, and he said a local pastor gave him the same feeling—offering Benjamin counsel, giving him direction, and sharing inspiration. Both of these figures taught Benjamin that school should be his top goal. Speaking about his motivation, Benjamin said, “I am a child of God and deserving of good things.” Charlotte is an African American freshman at Metro Community College. She puts her education first because she remembers what it was like to lose it. After high school, she had been given a graduation gift of $1000 and assumed it would be enough to pay for community college. She enrolled in a school nearby, but when she discovered that the money wouldn’t come close to covering her costs, she started working more than 40 hours a week. Soon Charlotte found herself missing classes, then failing them. She was ashamed she had to drop out: All I did was smell like fried chicken for a year and had nothing to show for it. I thought that I had to do everything myself and never really looked at what could have been options for me or rather the school I went to was not good at presenting options.

The workforce program and Metro Community College gave Charlotte a fresh start. She applied for financial aid for the first time ever, and her tuition was covered. School finally became her number-one priority—and today, she feels like she can “run the world.” Work as the Priority Four of the students stated that work was their top priority. All of them emphasized that their immediate survival needs were more pressing. George, an African American freshman at Pathways Community College, was distracted and stressed during the interview: just two days prior, he had been told he needed to move out of his home. “I need to work more hours now,” he told me. “School may have to wait. Life is not fair.” George represents many young adults who do not have a safety net and are barely surviving but who also refuse to stop dreaming.

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Theme 3: Lessons from the Womb To gain deeper insight into how working students balance their competing responsibilities, study participants were asked to describe their earliest memories of school and work. Many of the interviews took an emotional turn as the subjects reflected on parental sacrifice, familial support, moments of bonding, or memories of feeling alone. These “Lessons from the Womb” speak to the context in which many students form their most enduring values about school and work. Early Work Memories and Sacrifice Discussing early work memories immediately transports participants into a discussion about class status. Many of the participants focused on personal and family struggle and felt that openly discussing their financial challenges was unacceptable. Several first-generation students spoke about how these early experiences inspired them to go to college. When Jack, an African American freshman at Pathways Community College, was asked about early work memories, he said, “Wow. The early story of me is the current story of my family … just getting by.” Growing up, Jack had watched men in his family get locked out of job opportunities. They had felt angry and frustrated—and reflecting on his own job loading trucks, which Jack described as a waste of his mental talents, he worried that he might be headed down a similar path. On a whim, Jack enrolled in community college and applied to the workforce program. Now he wants to make sure his own children grow up with a better narrative related to work: I make sure my son sees me dressed for work—my internship—and sees that it is in an office and that I am in school. My early memories do not have to be his early memories. Hey, nothing wrong with struggle. But, seeing folks struggle and never getting something in return can break you down.

Like many participants, Jack was actively engaged in changing his narrative of struggle. He knew his family was counting on him to be the generation that crosses the class divide. Beth, a multiracial freshman from Metro Community College, noted that transcending struggle is complicated and there’s no one fix that can undo generations of setbacks. She said that growing up, “I never knew my mom not to work; even when we were homeless, she worked.” Soon, Beth

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herself was working—which left her little room to learn about college or financial aid. That didn’t stop her from applying to a small, four-year college in the Midwest and then attending it. However, she had to babysit for professors and take out more loans to cover her living costs. Eventually, the stress became too great. She left in debt and was unable to access her completed credits. She said, “I felt broken and disappointed in myself and the world.” Beth sees community college as her second chance. Reflecting on her life, she said, “Struggling and sacrifice teaches you things, but it is the long and hard road at times. I just wish that my learning about school, work, and life could have happened much sooner.” Many of the participants echoed Beth’s sentiment. Their narratives reveal that hardship is the baseline for many working students—not the end line. Early Work Memories and Responsibility Many students framed their early work memories as initiation stories: working meant taking responsibility for themselves and their families, and often contributing to a “family wage.” One of those students was Zoey, a Latina freshman at Pathways Community College. She grew up watching her older siblings and parents work and knew she would need to work too. Thus, when her brother arrived home late one night and asked everyone for help stripping cables for copper wires, she immediately said yes. Her brother wondered if she was too young, but she reminded him that she helped their mother in the kitchen and knew how to handle a knife. She remembers sitting in the living room with the family and feeling like an equal—“I was proud of myself and felt like we were in it together.” Working also helped Zoey learn the value of money. She told a story about going grocery shopping with her mother, learning how to read price labels, and differentiating unit cost from total price. She also recalled the shame and frustration she felt when she realized that her elementary school friends didn’t grow up with the same financial need. Her experiences taught her to avoid conversations about her wants and to value every dollar she received: I would get a dollar a week, and by the fiftieth week I would have fifty dollars, and I bought myself shoes. I felt like I contributed to the family since I was not asking for shoes and putting pressure on my family. I was acting like my older siblings. I was proud but kept that to myself since I learned material things came harder for me than my friends in school.

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Rose, a multiracial freshman at Pathways Community College, talked about watching her mother stress over bills and making sure that she didn’t contribute to that stress. “I understood I needed to contribute money to support the family,” she told me. “I learned to juggle school and work at a much earlier age than most.” Rose started working in middle school and used her wages to help buy groceries. She also talked about the sacrifices she made: I did not want to tell my mom, who was already working hard, I needed new shoes, I was hungry, or I wanted a ride to school. I had to learn the difference between want and need and had to take a role in buying what I needed.

Rose wants to ensure her little sister doesn’t have to make the same sacrifices, so she shares part of her workforce program stipend and her work check. She’s also teaching her sister to save and to think through what it means to need and want. Rose, like many of the students in her city who come from large families, feels a parental responsibility for her younger siblings. Caleb, a soft-spoken African American sophomore at Pathways Community College, talked about his experience being the oldest of three in a single-parent household. “My mom kept an open line of communication with me,” he said. “I remember being seven or eight and her speaking to me about bills.” Caleb said he learned math by helping his mother balance a checkbook, adding with a little smile, “It was not as if we were dealing with big numbers.” He also recalled how his mother worked two jobs, often with her kids in tow. “My mom is the hardest worker I know,” Caleb said, “but I don’t want to do it the way that she did it. I want less stress and more choice.” That’s why he enrolled at Pathways. He had to drop out for period to support himself, but remembering all the responsibilities he juggled in the past helped him return. Like Rose and Caleb, a Latino freshman at Pathways Community College named Jacob grew up supporting his siblings. He lost his mother at an early age, and as the oldest child, many of the household responsibilities fell to him. He sometimes felt that his father undervalued his contributions, but Jacob smiled when he said that “I now know I can make the best omelets in the family.” Now that he’s at Pathways, Jacob shares the domestic work with his siblings so he can spend more time studying. “By sharing the responsibilities,” he said, “we can all do better.”

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Bonding and Connection For many of the male students as well as some young women, collective family struggle created space for bonding and connection. Working alongside their family members was a rite of passage that made them feel more independent—and, for many boys, an opportunity to spend time learning from important men in their lives. Jose, whom we met earlier in the chapter, beamed with pride when he spoke about his godfather, who hired Jose to do light landscaping when he turned ten. “I learned how to work, and I was paid every weekend,” Jose said. “I was respected, and I knew that I was being prepared to take care of myself in the future.” Jose said the conversation was as important as the work—including what he called “the guy lessons.” When Jose graduated from high school, his godfather was there cheering him on. The two of them still talk regularly on the phone. “My godfather never hesitates to remind me that I am a hard worker and should never give up on school,” Jose said. Carter is a Latino freshman at Coastal College who also felt that work brought him closer to his family members. Growing up, Carter admired how hard his parents worked, and he loved tagging along with his father and grandfather—both bakers—on the bread delivery truck. “That was, like, the best time I ever had with [my dad],” Carter said. “We would just drive around and hang out. People knew me as the baker’s kid.” At 14, Carter moved from one major city in the Southeast to another to be with an uncle who taught him “the key lessons” about school and work. Carter soon became a B student and gradually built up the confidence to enroll in college. Speaking about his uncle, Carter said, “I would take a bullet for him … there are some special people in your life that you have to pay respect to that show you the right way.” Lucas, an African American freshman at Metro Community College, shared a story about how he and his uncle bonded over their shared passion for entrepreneurship. Growing up, Lucas went door to door cutting lawns and shoveling snow, and he recruited neighborhood boys to pitch in. Those early jobs helped Lucas build his confidence and learn about responsibility—and they also earned him an invitation to start working in his uncle’s bookstore. “I know what hard work means,” Lucas said about the experience. “But I also know what it means to be respected. I am grateful to [my uncle].” The training and encouragement Lucas received made him feel like he’s destined to become a business owner himself.

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Scarlett, a Latina freshman at Pathways Community College, remembered wondering what her mother did at work all day—and how excited she was to finally learn about it: I would go with my mom and help her clean houses. I did not see it as work. I was happy to be with her and would do small things that she asked me to do. I enjoyed being with her and we made it sort of a game. I look back at that time as a good time.

Like other participants, Scarlett said that working alongside her mother brought them closer together and opened up conversations that couldn’t happen at home. She wants to make sure her own future child knows about her work. Scarlett said she planned to take a photo of herself on the first day of her internship and frame it so her child will grow up knowing what her mother does all day and what it means to work. Alone and Disconnected For a subset of students, early memories of work weren’t about family bonding; they were about absence. These students recalled how lonely and disconnected they felt when family members were away from home. A white freshman at Pathways Community College named Nora shared a story about how her mom went away to take a higher-paying job for three months and how, at age 12, Nora suddenly became responsible for herself and her sister. The pressure was intense, and Nora remembered feeling a powerful sense of isolation. Speaking of her mother, though, Nora said, “When you are struggling, you don’t think of the cost of your decisions in the long run.” Nora wants to make sure she has better opportunities than her mother did. “I am here at college so that I never have to be far from my family,” she said. She is committed to supporting her sister, who still sees Nora as a second maternal figure. The two of them are on a journey— and through college and work, Nora believes she can give her sister the stability and support she needs. Noah, an African American freshman at Metro Community College, recalled how scared he felt to be alone while his mother was working late. He grew up in a Detroit housing project, and he described in vivid detail what it was like to see the cops break down the doors of his building without cause. The experience gave him a “radar” for what could go wrong and left him little space to imagine what could go right. “We were in a

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tough neighborhood, and I spent a lot of time on my own,” Noah said. “I know that made me stronger, but experiencing and understanding fear so young is not something I want for others.” School became a refuge for Noah when he was growing up. Today, he sees it as the pathway toward a better life. Early School Memories and Inspiration For many of the students in the study, early memories of school were tightly interwoven with work and struggle. They shared tender recollections of books and songs they loved—and recalled how their parents struggled and sacrificed in part so their kids could do well in school and have greater access to opportunity. Jose learned about work and responsibility while he did landscaping jobs with his godfather, but it was his mother who shaped his values about education. “My mom had a math obsession,” he joked. Every morning, she would return from her night shift, make sure Jose and his brother were dressed for school, then go over math problems with them before she had to leave for her day job. Jose attributed his formidable abilities as a computer science student to those early lessons. For him, they also disproved the harmful stereotype that Latino parents aren’t invested in their kids’ education. “We have our challenges as Latinos, but in my family, education also mattered.” John—whose teacher assumed that his parents didn’t care about school—told a story about how his mother, a domestic worker, would gather donated books from her friends and bring them home. She had little formal education herself, but she made John read to her every morning before he went to school. “I remember very specifically the copy of the New World Encyclopedia,” John said. “It was only Volume A, but I would read it to my mom, and she was so proud.” Her efforts kindled a lifelong love of reading; to this day, books remain John’s most prized possessions. Nathan, an African American freshman in Metro Community College, was also inspired by his mother. She went to evening college when he was growing up, and when both had homework, they did it together at the kitchen table. Her example showed Nathan that education was important—and, as he put it, that “work and school required commitment.” Although his first attempt at college wasn’t successful, he was eager to give it another shot at Metro Community College. Nathan knows his mother will be rooting him on.

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For Grace, an African American and Latina freshman at Metro Community College, inspiration came in the form not of a parent but a guest lecturer. She always had struggled to engage in a traditional classroom. When a staff member from the city port came in to talk about seafaring and maritime history, however, his lesson captured her imagination in a way nothing else ever had. Grace started reading everything she could about the ocean. She even landed an internship at the port. “It was as if I found my friend and passion all at once,” she said. “I was having fun, being inspired, and ultra-engaged.” She explained how learning about the ocean had a calming effect and inspired her to develop a passion for other subjects, including technology. Early School Memories: Do as I Say, Not as I Do Even as most of the students said their parents valued education as an important step toward a better life, few parents ever had the chance to follow that path all the way to college. As a result, many struggled to help their children navigate the higher education landscape. That theme came across in several emotional interviews. Students told stories of parents who desperately wanted to help their kids succeed, even if they could not serve as education role models themselves. One of them was Beth, the multiracial freshman at Metro Community College. She told a story about helping her mother bathe after a grueling day of manual labor and realizing that education could spare her the same hardship: Aching feet, sore back, sleepless nights were all part of my mom’s work life. It was in those times that I helped her she would talk about the value of school and that I was smart and needed to go far.

Beth didn’t want to follow her mother’s path. No matter how hard she worked, financial crisis was always around the corner, and the two of them were constantly moving from place to place. Beth deserved more from life than survival, and she was determined to get it. Earlier in the chapter, Benjamin talked about how he was “the guy in the corner” of the classroom who stayed quiet and struggled to engage. One reason for that was that he immigrated from Mexico when he was eight years old and soon found himself at the center of a strange dichotomy: his predominantly Latino classmates accepted him for speaking

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Spanish, but they rejected him for speaking English with an accent. It wasn’t long before Benjamin started faking ailments and skipping school to avoid being bullied. When his mother asked him what was happening, she began to cry and then told him, “Go to school or you will be like me.” It was only years later that Benjamin truly understood, with deep sadness, what his mother meant: that her life was full of struggle, and she believed he could create a better one for himself. Today, Benjamin is a star student at Pathways. And in his interview, he made a request: “Remind everyone my mother is great—even if she does not believe it.”

Theme 4: The Power of Intersectionality: My Difference Is … Of the community college students who participated in this study, 83% are first-generation college students and 75% receive federal financial aid in the form of Pell grants. In addition to college affiliation and class identity, many students spoke powerfully about the intersectionality of other identities, including wage earner/contributor, immigration status (which is not covered in this chapter), racial identity, and parenting status. Participating in the Family Wage The majority of young adults mentioned contributing to their household’s costs, with a subset of students saying that they were taking care of their own basic needs as early as high school. Ava, who studies at Pathways Community College, expressed frustration that she had to work long hours and lost her scholarship, but she was proud of taking care of herself and helping to keep her family on the right track. She said: I learned that I was key in keeping us moving. When your family is going through stuff, you have to decide to get sucked in or move them forward. I like to keep things moving. Even with my $50 stipend from my internship program, I give $25 to my family. This is what you do.

Ava’s obligation to contribute to her family and her pride in doing so were evident. At the interview, she showed her prior work evaluations, which highlighted her drive and work ethic. In her words, “I am a better student because I can feel as if I am doing something for me and for my family while going to school.”

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For some of the young men, contributing to the family wage reaffirmed their masculine identity, while women tied their contribution to their familial identity rather than their feminine identity. Anthony, a Latino freshman at Coastal College, spoke of his pride in being a hard worker and contributing to his family. He said: As a Hispanic man, I am a hard worker and once I turned 16, I would give my mom some money for the house. I do it because that is what men should do and I feel good doing it.

Anthony learned that education is important, yet he also learned the value of hard work: “I agree that no one can take education away from you, but you also can’t take away the great feeling of what a day of hard work can do for you too.” Both, in his view, are essential to success. Nathan, an African American freshman at Metro Community College, spoke about growing up with his mother and how he felt the need to demonstrate that he had matured by making financial contributions to the household. He was joyful when he said, “Giving my mom something meant I was a man and moving forward.” Nathan works while he attends college and sees his financial contribution as linked to his personal progress as a young man. Elijah, a Latino freshman at Pathways Community College, learned early that whatever he could contribute to the household would make a difference. He said, “My contribution even changed what we ate at dinner. You see, I thought most people ate ramen most nights for dinner, but that was just us. Once I started contributing, we ate different things.” Elijah is the oldest child and feels a close bond with his younger siblings. He said, “I take my siblings to Subway or something once a week like a treat. I feel like I am making a difference and I am respected for it.” Racial and Ethnic Identity Below are expressions from student narratives that specifically refer to the ethnic identity of Latinos or Hispanics (as many students call themselves) and racial identity in the case of African Americans or Blacks (as many students call themselves). Jose, from Coastal College, made clear that being a Latino male was central to how he understood himself and his experience of the world. He is the eldest of two children and was raised by his mother. “In high school,

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I did not feel there were high expectations of me,” he said. “In fact, they just cared about me getting by and moving on. I guess for a lot of Hispanic boys, that is the expectation.” When asked whether he encountered low expectations even in a city with a robust Hispanic population, he said, “Here it is what type of Hispanic. I am Honduran, struggling and recently arrived. That signals something of less value.” At present, Jose is on an internship. He noticed he was the only Hispanic intern and regarded that as a source of pride because, as he put it, “When someone senses you are doubting you, it is over.” Layla, a Latina freshman at Pathways Community College, spent her early childhood in Mexico with her grandparents and came to the city when she was ten. She knew of the United States but had no idea what she would experience in the city, which she talked about as a city with a significant Latino population that was nonetheless vilified. “I left Mexico because I was poor,” she said, “and I came to America to be hated.” She recalled an incident during her internship in which she took a call from a customer who was stumbling through English; she knew the person spoke Spanish and thus offered to speak in Spanish. Later that day, Layla was reprimanded for speaking Spanish and was told that there was no way of knowing whether she was giving the correct information. In the interview, she was still fuming—trying to reconcile how a company that operates in the city, where a third of the population is Latino, would view Spanish as a “crazy foreign language.” Layla ended her interview by saying, “This is predominately a Latino city and it makes me love being Latina more than ever, even with the negative messages.” The majority of African American students, primarily from the Metro site, discussed race directly in their interviews and narratives. Each of the young men spoke about how it impacted them at school and work. Most students mentioned the city protests and the death of an African American young man that had taken place six months earlier. Although students described experiences of feeling “minoritized,” they did not view them as valid reasons for not persevering or experiencing failure. Noah, discussed earlier in the chapter, spoke candidly about growing up in the housing projects. He described the environment as chaotic, with law enforcement routinely breaking into apartments seeking drugs or illegal behavior. In response, he said: “I know that I can’t let that control me. I am careful of what I take in and I am even more conscious of what my outlook is. I am not going to collapse under another person’s view.” In the interview, Noah expressed excitement about his internship. He expected

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that he would be one of the few African Americans in his department, and he already had resolved to work hard and help make way for others. During Lucas’s first days at Metro Community College, he remembers being asked if he had just been released from jail given that he was tall and fit. He responded “No!” but was taken aback that even fitness carried a presumption of criminality among Blacks that did not apply to other racial groups. Lucas also spoke about being raised in the suburbs, where he rode a bike and was trained to be a lifeguard. He wanted to make clear that being African American and poor were not synonymous. “Being black is more than the way folks see it on TV,” he said. “You see we are here in this city and we are doing the right things, but the world doesn’t know that. Maybe I just accept that folks are not out there championing us. I keep going because I make my champions.” Lucas ended his interview talking about the city protests. He feels the policing system in this city needs work, but he also wanted to convey that he is a citizen who cares about his city. Many young adults expressed their love for their home cities. Teresa, also at Metro Community College, spoke about being a Black young woman in a new academic environment. She had recently taken an interest in African American history, particularly the history that rarely makes it into mainstream courses. In her first semester, she realized a faculty member was uncomfortable with her, so she asked to speak with him during office hours, asking whether her racial identity made him uncomfortable or if her questions made him uneasy. He did not have a ready answer, but his attitude toward her changed. “My interest as a student is to learn,” she said, “and I think he realized I was being discouraged by him if even unintentionally.” Teresa did well in his class but was surprised how hard she had to push to be noticed. Claire, an African American freshman at Metro Community College, spoke about being a Black woman, emphasizing that struggle alone did not define her or every other Black woman. “I know I can reach my goals,” she said. “It is the others that don’t think I can do it, and that is certainly part of our issues with race.” Claire felt strongly about the city protests. “It was as if the papers were waiting to show negative behavior,” she claimed, “and yet there was so much togetherness and collective mourning happening that was never covered.” She laughed as the interview closed, saying, “I have no doubt that someone out there said you shouldn’t do this doctorate, and look at you. We are more similar than you think.”

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Parenthood All students who participated in the research study were under the age of 24 at the time of the study, and those who had children started parenting when they were teenagers. The student-parents saw their parenting status as an inspiration to pursue higher education, despite the challenges of balancing all their responsibilities. Jack, a freshman at Pathways Community College discussed above, became a father as a teenager. He was raised without his father and was therefore determined to be present and engaged in his own son’s life. “I am so much better professionally because of my son and my relationship with my son’s mom,” he said. “I can work in a difficult situation and find a way to make it work. I focus on the end goal now.” Penelope, a Latina freshman at Pathways Community College, is currently in the military, a full-time student, and a parent of three boys. “I am doing a lot,” she said, “because I have a lot that I want to get out of life.” Penelope talked about how others viewed her as giving up and being “a statistic” when she had her children early. Being a parent is Penelope’s most exciting role and a lens through which she understands the choices that she makes at school and work. Being a mom makes you crack or excel under pressure. I have a sense of perspective many others don’t. I know when to let things go in class and when to buckle down. I also know I have great support; I can do this because I have help.

Penelope’s parental lens is both what motivates her and allows her to make trade-offs without the guilt and frustration that others often experience. Chloe, an African American freshman at Metro Community College, avoided college for years for fear that it would be just like high school. She worked various jobs and was in a relationship where she had two children. Little did she know that she would love her community college experience. “My kids motivate me; they don’t hold me back,” she said. “I hate when I hear that kids stop your life. They change your life but not stop it.” As a mother, Chloe looks at the pressures of college differently than if she were without children. “I would get stressed about little things before,” she stated. “Now I know more about what matters and that lets me do better at prioritizing.” She was glad to leave a high school that was,

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in her words, “forgotten by the city.” As Chloe also made clear: “I have goals and I know that being a student and working both come second to being a mother.” Ella, an Asian freshman at Coastal College, spoke about how her life was turned upside down the moment she discovered she was pregnant at 16. After speaking with her mother, she was thrown out of her home. Ella’s boyfriend took her in and then her son was born. Ella said that whatever shame she felt then left her, and she became focused and motivated. “You cannot un-make yourself a mother,” she stated. “Once you are a mother, it leads you to do better or to fall apart. I want to do better.” Being a parent has fed Ella’s commitment to work hard, go to school, and be free from a survivalist mentality and lifestyle.

Theme 5: Support Means … Throughout the written narratives and interviews, students described what support meant for them and what it might mean for other students who need to work while attending school. Change the College’s Way of Thinking Anthony, the Latino freshman at Coastal College, spoke about being seen on campus as someone for whom work is a background issue and not “on the foreground,” as he put it. Anthony knew that many students go part-­ time to college, yet he sensed that full-time students got more attention. “I believe school/college should accept that many of us have to work,” he said, “and in fact are great at work and find a way to make it part of what we do at school.” Anthony ended the interview by saying what he thinks will make this country better: “Work and knowledge go hand in hand and acting like one is far from the other makes us a weaker country.” Henry, an African American freshman at Coastal College, was adamant that colleges shift their thinking. I have learned that people who are successful are not just book-smart; they have learned how to navigate different environments, and yet college only focuses on one environment. I want a college that respects the fact I have to work and sees it as important for me to navigate new and different environments.

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Practical Solutions Many students voiced frustration about how financial aid is administered and how it can lead to increased work hours and/or credit hours. Students also expressed the need for study cohorts and other support structures. Last, some spoke about the need for financial support for transportation and childcare costs. For example, Isaac, from Coastal College, was on his third attempt at finishing his degree. He also worked at a drugstore. Although he was receiving some financial aid, it did not cover the high cost of books. Isaac wanted to know why book stipends aren’t offered to students based on their GPAs. He would love an incentive to increase his course load without feeling as if he were pushing against the limits of his household budget. James, from Pathways Community College, talked about small changes that could make a difference in supporting students. He was prepared to leave home in another major southwest city to attend college in here when a family issue came up; suddenly, his safety net was gone. “The only thing holding me back was gas money,” he said with an air of frustration. When he said he could not attend the first day of classes, staff from the workforce program pressed him, and he admitted he needed gas money. The staff member gave him a gas card. At the time of his interview, he was a full-­ time student with a 3.2 GPA. Jacob, also from Pathways Community College, assumed parental responsibilities for his siblings—as translator, breakfast-maker, homework-­ checker, and pick-up service—following his mother’s death when he was young. Jacob would like to see colleges with large immigrant populations create childcare programs to help caregivers such as him. As he said: “I try and do it all, and since I am not the mom or dad, people think I don’t have responsibilities like a mom or dad.” Extending childcare programs to siblings with responsibilities, not just parents, would make the difference for many first-generation immigrants with working parents. Advising Support Chloe, the freshman at Metro Community College, said she had not always made the best decisions—though she was doing well in college and attributed her success to the support of her internship program colleagues. As a mother of two children, Chloe valued having friends who shared their class notes and gave her rides to school. When asked what would make

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more working students successful, she said, “Having support from your classmates and an adviser reminds you of what is really important. Knowing who to ask for help, even with financial aid, is key.” Jose, from Coastal College, has been both a part-time and full-time student. To accommodate the needs of part-time and evening students, he would like colleges to make senior administrators available during evenings and on weekends. “I know the traditional student is not so traditional,” he remarked, “and at times I feel as if there is an expectation that we will all go to school from 9:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m.” Free Community College The national discussion about free community college was mentioned by a few of the students. Although most were receiving federal financial aid, some felt that student fees, books, and transportation costs were crippling. For example, Elijah was working while he went to school and therefore did not receive the full amount of financial aid. It forced him to attend college one semester at a time so he could afford books and other expenses. “I would love to expand and plan for my education more because it leads to opportunity,” he said. “What really holds me back is money. Obama talked about free community college—that would help a lot of people.” Nora, the student who talked about feeling isolated when her mother went away for three months, criticized the federal government for putting undue focus on ratings: I am tired of hearing about the ratings. They [politicians] are not focusing on the struggling student like me. If you lower the cost of school, then more of us can be successful. I do like the idea of...free community college. Who is making this happen?

Caleb, the young man who grew up helping his mother balance the checkbook, also felt that there was more the government could do to help. Like many students, he took out loans to go to school. He felt that community college students such as him were being ignored in the national conversation about student debt. Another way to avoid debt completely— aside from working to your “death,” as he put it—would be to support the free community college initiative. Finally, there was James, the student who dreamed of becoming a technology entrepreneur. He supported free community college because he

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believed it would be great for humanity and would inspire innovation. “Information is free in so many other ways,” he pointed out. “Why is the thought of free college such a big deal?” My Turn to … All of the participants were young adults ages 18 to 24. And all of them gave voice to dreams and goals that their associate’s degrees could one day unlock—including greater financial security for their families and successful role modeling in their communities. Shifting Roles For many students, a college credential opens career opportunities that allow them to support their parents—a need often felt with particular acuity by students with undocumented parents. Benjamin, for example, counted on a special teacher and pastor to make his way through high school and secure a college scholarship. As the first in his family to attend college, he wanted to ensure that any future occupation will allow him to support his father, who dreams of owning a restaurant but, as Benjamin said, “worked himself to sickness.” John, 19 and an only child, understood that he will be a caregiver soon, as his parents’ health was waning. “My question to myself is: How do I put myself in a position where my parents can rely on me as I’ve relied on them?” John’s father, like many others who are undocumented, suffers from health issues owing to poor working conditions. John knew that every day at college was a gift—and that because of his citizenship and education, he would never have to do the kind of work his father did. Role Model/Life of Impact Many students talked about being looked up to and how they wanted to give back to their families and communities. Jose became emotional when he talked about the two things that mattered most in his future: his academic objective (a doctorate in psychology) and, in his words, “to be known as the person who gives back to his community and changes people’s lives.” When asked why, he said he wants to be thought of the way he thinks of people who have changed his life.

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Noah began practicing meditation as a form of stress relief. He believed it is through the gift of giving that we learn to understand and love life. “I want to be able to help someone,” he said. “I want to say I felt the love someone gave to me because I helped them. When you have been helped and you know the power of that, how could you not want to be helping others?” Beth, at Metro Community College, also expressed a strong commitment to service: I have always had a passion to serve, but you can’t help others until you help yourself. I have watched a lot of people come from the same upbringing and it is not always their fault, but others do make excuses. I am responsible for my success and I know I want to help those who truly need it. I can also model for my sister that she can’t give up.

Oliver, a freshman at Pathways Community College, escaped war in Sudan and fled to Kenya, where he was separated from his family. He later came to the United States and was placed with a family in the city. When Oliver was asked about his future and dreams, he spoke movingly about the realities that connect him with so many other students in the study: My life has been about getting to tomorrow, but I will answer the question and be free for even these few minutes. I want so much in the future that it hurts to think about it. I want a business that deals with computers, a bachelor’s degree, a house, to sponsor my family from Sudan and find someone that I love and they love me. Feels strange to say such things out loud, but that is what I want in my future.

Conclusion Discussions of working students often focus on students older than 25 who have a strong worker identity and what we call a strong worker lens. This study focused on young adults of traditional college age (younger than 24) who manifested a strong worker lens and identity yet expressed that their need to work and to form connections to work was viewed as peripheral to their schooling. Encouraging persistence among low-income, full-time students with a strong worker lens will require the academy to create pathways that do not force a purely academic or purely vocational route. This conclusion directly challenges the literature on working college students. First, the literature as stated by the research or Laura Perna on the working college student, states that older students, above 25 years of age, work because it is part of their identity and rarely is that seen in

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younger college students. The students in this study, whether work was a priority over school or not, saw work as important in their lives and not just for survival, as is often thought the case. African Americans constitute 13% of all community college students (AACC, 2018), yet they remain largely invisible in the data on working community students. What little data does exist, as presented by Levin et al. (2011, p. 67), indicates that “work in general does appear to hinder their chances at persisting in college,” thus putting African American students with a worker lens at a disadvantage. To have not only scant but predominantly negative information on race-specific impacts on work and community college students is unacceptable. African American students deserve to be visible in the research on the working college students and yet the research is scant and states that work in prohibitive to school outcomes, which is not what the students in the study indicated. The student narratives spoke to work being a reinforcement for college. There is considerable support for increasing the number of African American and Latino young men in college. In this study, worker identity was strongest among young men who understood work as linked to their masculine identity as well as to their role in supporting their families. Academic and work-oriented strategies that support the unique role that work plays in the lives of low-income young men of color are essential. The division between work and school is not one that the young men in the study agreed with—in fact, it was the work that kept many of them in college, given that they were contributing to a family wage and building their own social capital. Existing literature, as noted earlier, emphasizes the nature and quality of work rather than the importance of working. The research unintentionally reinforces a class bias. Students in this study said that providing financial support to their families was crucial to them personally and, as noted, particularly important to young men who saw work as linked with masculinity. Work also was achieved through their networks of social capital, which were working-class-focused and yet led to a sense of independence and heightened sense of agency as a result of being able to contribute to family while receiving a personal benefit from college.

The Call for Change This study adds to the limited but growing literature on working college students, particularly community college students. As we speak to higher education reform and opportunities to link greater work opportunities to

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schooling, we must consider the voice of the student, as well as encourage the persistence of counselors and employers, all of whom can collectively craft policy that goes beyond the trade-offs of choosing school over work or the reverse. It is through the collaboration of cross-sector voices and representation that we can view work as an asset that can reinforce education goals and reconnect student populations who are at greatest risk of dropping out/stopping of the college experience. Research is also needed to understand the diverse stakeholders, particularly the student voice of traditional-age students (under 25) who represent a student population whose college enrollment is outpacing students above 25  years of age (NCES, 2017). This study focused on three community colleges. A study involving students who were not engaged in a workforce program but working would be valuable to see if coherence between worker and academic lenses resulted in greater college completion rates for low-income, first-­generation students. According to the Pell Institute, 25.4% of first-­ generation, lowincome students attained an associate’s degree or credential within six years (Pell Institute, 2014). Strategies that can improve completion rates are urgently needed. Some existing research notes that all kinds of work for African American students in community college are associated with lower persistence (Levin et al., 2011). Additional research that shows positive impacts for engagement of African American students was done at a four-year college and focused on on-campus work (Flowers, 2011). There is a great need for additional research on low-income, first-generation African American students who work off-campus while enrolled in community and four-­year colleges. Although this study focused on social class, it did not address access to quality college counseling in hypersegregated communities, though this was manifest in many interviews. Class and racial hypersegregation and its impact on access to quality college counseling need to be further explored for this reason: many of the students in community college held a grade-­ point average of at least 3.0, enough to enter a four-year college, and yet many were not encouraged to apply to a four-year college even though there are greater persistence rates there.

Implications for Practice A major finding of this research relates to understanding the worker lens of low-income, first-generation, full-time community college students. For many low-income young adults, work is not a distraction; it supports

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a central identity and role. Community colleges that seek partners or greater curriculum alignment are needed to capture the interest and to encourage persistence and completion of low-income, first-generation students who manifest a worker lens. Moreover, community colleges must incorporate high-impact practices such as learning communities and credited internship opportunities (Quaye & Harper, 2009; Kuh, 2008). In higher education, there is a push for apprenticeships and alternative credentialing for specific competencies. However, an exclusive worker approach does not recognize students who want a hybrid experience where they receive central academic credits, access financial aid, and then can transfer to a four-year college upon completion of their associate’s degree. In addition, employer-driven partnerships that focus on freshman talent, not talent near graduation, can make a difference in student engagement and persistence in college. Brokering relationships with employers to sponsor students throughout their community college experience is worth testing as a way to feed the need for talent along with the need for student engagement. The need for non-academic student support was referenced many times throughout the students’ narratives, and other studies—such as the 2002 MDRC study on working college students (Matus-Grossman & Gooden, 2002). One key non-academic support is childcare. Many first-generation, low-income students are parents or play a role in parenting their siblings. Colleges should consider offering on-campus childcare that also supports sibling care, much like the recent CUNY initiative (The City University of New York, 2019). Today, we expect only a small percentage of low-income, first-­generation college students to graduate. At a time when we should be applauding and celebrating the access to college, in record numbers, for low-income, first-­ generation students of color, we have to question the intentionality of institutions to support these students to completion. Each of the three colleges in this study is implementing a workforce program with a stipend and internship, but that is only one strategy and it does not support a student through completion. Intentional workforce programming that expands on the academic programming but also lends non-financial ­support and creates a community of success is needed in diverse disciplines at the starting point of a community college experience. Finally, one cannot help but think about the uniform college choices of many of the students in the study. Many of them referenced a teacher who may have taken an interest, but rarely was a college counselor mentioned.

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When discussing financial aid, many did not complete a financial aid form until after they enrolled in college. Poor K-12 educational options, coupled with living in a hypersegregated community, reinforced few college options. Finding a community college with an integrated workforce program was serendipitous and yet was key to persistence and college engagement. High support, high workforce engagement, and high educational expectations certainly made a difference for the study participants in whether the American Dream is viewed as attainable or not.

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Sum, A., Khatiwada, I., Trubskyy, M., Ross, M., McHugh, W., & Palma, S. (2014). The plummeting labor market fortunes of teens and young adults. The Brookings Institute. Retrieved from https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/Youth_Workforce_Report_FINAL.pdf The City University of New York. (2019). Retrieved from https://www2.cuny. edu/current-students/student-affairs/student-services/child-care// Titus, M.  A. (2011). Understanding the relationship between working while in college and future salaries. In L. W. Perna (Ed.), Understanding the working college student: New research and its implications for policy and practice. Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing. Tuttle, T., McKinney, J., & Rago, M. (2005). College students working: The choice nexus. Bloomington, IN: Indiana Project on Academic Success. Wong, T. K, Richter, K. K., Rodriguez, I., & Wolgin, P. E. (2015, July 9). Results from a nationwide survey of DACA recipients illustrate the program’s impact. Center for American Progress. Received from https://www.americanprogress. org/issues/immigration/news/2015/07/09/117054/resultsfrom-a-nationwide-survey-of-daca-recipients-illustrate-the-programs-impact/

CHAPTER 5

A Way Forward: Building Career and Postsecondary Pathways

Introduction As we stress throughout Working to Learn, much of the tension between the College for All consensus and the School-to-Work campaign tends to impact the younger workforce, ages 14–24, the age group with which we are primarily focused. While the policy prescriptions we propose in this chapter may support or overlap with policies needed for workers of all ages, older adult workers require different support for training and retraining than can sufficiently be highlighted here. Further, given the dominance of the College for All consensus in the United States, and although it is evident that students are still not persisting and completing college at a satisfactory rate under this approach, the sobering fact is that it is not going away anytime soon. It is deeply ingrained in our collective beliefs and etched in our social memory. Moreover, College for All is embraced across race/ethnicity and class, fueling the aspirations of individuals in this country. A college diploma still reigns above all other forms of credentials, and is still favored as not only an indicator (or perhaps proxy) of professional competency and employability but a key driver of economic mobility. Even the public assertions of some industry leaders who devalue or eschew college for entrepreneurship or alternative learning experiences have not radically shifted broader perceptions or the value placed on the college credential. Instead, we stress throughout Working to Learn that a shift in the conversation is required, focusing on how the college credential can be obtained affordably and © The Author(s) 2020 N. S. Anderson, L. Nieves, Working to Learn, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35350-6_5

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how work-based learning can be central to that experience. This requires both K-12 school systems and colleges/universities, especially community colleges where the majority of students of color attend, operating differently, coordinating efforts, and focusing more on the lived experiences of students navigating the world of school and work.

Future of Work and the Workforce Few industries have seen greater transformative changes in workforce demands than manufacturing. Globalization and automation have transformed the factory floor, and subsequently, labor demand in highly technical roles has increased. Since the industrial revolution, employment in manufacturing has required less of a formal education. Even well into the twentieth century, a high school diploma, oftentimes less, could still guarantee work on a factory floor. However, since the 1970s, this has changed. The change was incremental at first, but with the technology boom has rapidly outpaced our ability to adjust our workforce and workforce preparation strategies to meet industry needs. According to the Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce (CEW), manufacturing is still the top provider of good jobs in more than half the country. Those with only a high school diploma still receive above-­ average wages in manufacturing, but the number of “good” jobs in the industry is steadily decreasing, making those available both competitive and in need of workers with postsecondary credentials, often even a bachelor’s degree (Carnevale, Ridley, Cheah, Strohl, & Campbell, 2019). CEW defines “good jobs” as “those that pay at least $35,000 per year, at least $45,000 for workers age 45 and older, and $65,000 in median earnings in 2016” (Carnevale et al., 2019, p. 4). Their study highlights the tensions between productivity and employment, a tension heightened in industries such as manufacturing. “Downsizing and upskilling,” according to CEW, has transformed the makeup of the manufacturing labor force, in that automation increases output per employee but decreases the number of workers needed to support and sustain the increased output. High-­ growth jobs in manufacturing require a heightened skillset, one most likely developed through at least two years of postsecondary training and credentialing. Albeit manufacturing jobs have seen minor growth from 2017 to early 2019, this trend has tapered off and is not indicative of a sustainable surge in manufacturing job growth (U.S. Department of Labor, 2019b). Though a high school diploma may still be just enough to land certain manufactur-

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ing jobs today, competition is high and the future is bleak. Workers with bachelor’s degrees in manufacturing now outnumber those with only high school diplomas, a shift that has occurred only in the past 15  years (Carnevale et al., 2019). As political leaders tout the importance of protecting manufacturing jobs and are correct to protect this industry’s growth and workforce, they fail to highlight how different the landscape of the workforce needed is and will continue to be. Mourning the loss of these jobs will do little to prepare workers for the ones readily available to them. This report also notes an important distinction in who makes up the manufacturing workforce today. Employment in manufacturing jobs for those without a bachelor’s degree has decreased for white and Black workers, but employment numbers in these jobs have doubled in the past ten years for Latinx workers (Carnevale et  al., 2019). This mirrors shifting demographics across the country but also signals that Latinx workers, while making up a larger percentage of our workforce, are still confined to professional pathways that do not require a postsecondary credential. As a result, they are and will continue to work in low-wage jobs disproportionately. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the Latinx community is now the second-largest racial group in the United States, constituting 18% of the population, and are the second-fastest-growing demographic (U.S.  Census Bureau, 2019). However, educational attainment for the Latinx community, though increasing during the past few decades, still remains one of the lowest compared to other communities in the United States. According to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey, the Latinx community has seen the highest increase in high school completion rates from 55% in 1991 to 71% in 2017, but completion rates are well below their white counterparts (Schmidt, 2018). Moreover, the difference in completion rates of non-native Latinx versus U.S.-born Latinx individuals is stark: 76% of non-native Latinx people do not complete high school (U.S. Census Bureau, 2019). In the ten states with the highest Latinx populations, educational attainment for the Latinx community is largely confined to a high school diploma or less (Carnevale & Fasules, 2017). In California, Illinois, Nevada, and Texas, 60% or more of the Latinx population receive a high school diploma or less (Carnevale & Fasules, 2017). Across all educational-­ attainment categories, Latinx are among the lowest earners, with a ­disparity between men and women across all educational attainment levels (Carnevale & Fasules, 2017). As this population continues to rise, it is crucial that our policies reflect these inequities and reach other underrepresented communities, matching the workforce with available careers.

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These shifts in manufacturing, in jobs, and in the workforce holding these jobs are indicative of larger trends across industries: the nature of work is changing, as are the skills needed to perform and advance, and industry progress also can leave space for growing inequities. Even though there are plenty of jobs available, employers and prospective employees are having an increasingly difficult time aligning education and acquired skills with available positions. Without clear policy changes, this gap will continue to widen; it already has become a significant challenge to scale the training and retraining needed to remain an economically competitive country, especially one in which its citizens are supported by work that provides a livable wage and opportunity for economic mobility. The pains of progress across industries are felt viscerally today. Communities around the country are struggling to exist, let alone thrive, in this new economy, and although there is plenty of research and literature naming the challenges, we are just beginning to implement the bold strategies needed to address concerns. Building career and postsecondary pathways requires both top-down and bottom-up policy support, from the school level to the government to private business, with operational coordination, stakeholder investment, and mixed and sustainable funding. From parents to CEOs, building a successful pipeline from communities to the workforce truly requires all hands. It is a true partnership and commitment to the growth, health, and wellness of the community at-large, and is built on the foundational understanding that collaborative problem solving leads to collective wellness and success. With the expansion of an advanced service economy, knowledge and innovation are growing, relying on collaboration and agile learning among workers on one end of the spectrum, and the need for entry-level talent on the other. Unfortunately, many of our mechanisms for progress—namely, systems of education, job training, and services that support economic advancement, all of which require collaboration—are broken. Even as some Americans are on a fast-paced, high-tech belt, most are on a faulty and outdated one. Mechanisms are working in silos, each contributing without knowing how their part fits into the bigger picture, functioning for functioning’s sake rather than as a means to progress. With exceptions, our systems today do not incite collaboration. The onus is on the individual to move successfully from one institution to the next without placing responsibility on the institutions to play a role in success. The transition from K-12 to postsecondary programs, from postsecondary programs to work, and from work to ongoing professional development

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appears organized on paper, but the process is riddled with roadblocks in practice. Economic constraints, systemic social inequalities, and lack of access to basic health and wellness services, among other stressors, contribute to unsuccessful persistence, especially for the most vulnerable. Communities are falling victim to our system’s broken mechanics, ones beyond repair. The production belt is no longer producing results, so perhaps it is time to take it apart and look closer at the broken pieces. The success of work-based education and apprenticeships requires deconstruction—systemically, politically, and culturally. Rebuilding provides effective and efficient opportunity for participation in today’s workforce. Based on these findings, we recommend the following five strategies to expand work-based education and apprenticeships, develop employment pipelines to high-growth jobs, and strengthen the bond between sectors focused on education, talent, and workforce: 1. Promote public sector role in incentivizing alignment and collaboration among private industry and educational institutions. 2. State-led public policy that leverages diverse funding streams to create new request for proposals that support a collaborative funding model that can lead to greater sustainable funding and recognition of the value of intermediaries. 3. Youth and young adult support services linked to internships/ apprenticeships to support students and families as they navigate school and work. 4. Comprehensive work-based learning models and career-planning curricula that reimagine both education and seat time. 5. Expansion of Summer Youth Employment Programs (SYEP) to year-round models, with high schools as pipelines for talent into local, high-growth employment areas.

1. Promote Public Sector Role in Incentivizing Alignment and Collaboration Among Private Industry and Educational Institutions In illustrating the connection between work and learning, we realize how interconnected these sectors must be to progress in this highly globalized and automated world. We also realize how siloed these sectors are in the United States today, with K-12 schools, postsecondary institutions, pri-

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vate companies, and government acting independently of one another while remaining very dependent on one another’s functions and outcomes. Another key part of this equation are labor unions. Labor unions are not as central to younger workers as they are with older workers. However, we are clear that younger workers are being exposed to unionized labor earlier, and, subsequently, becoming more aware of worker rights, protections, and conditions (Stoll, 1999). Additionally, unions are vitally important partners in this work, providing models for long-­standing union apprenticeships. In fact, federal, state, and local governments along with businesses and unions should be opening and expanding union apprenticeship programs as college credit bearing initiatives. Under the German model, when programs were coupled with degrees, there was a demonstrable spike in more candidates, and greater probability of successful completion. A crucial component in the growth of work-based programs lies in the role of “hub” organizations whose sole job is to coordinate services, build partnerships, support student advancement, and keep a pulse on job markets to meet the needs of apprentices. In Europe, this role is typically fulfilled by an arm of the central government or local municipality, depending on the size of the country. In the United States, the most successful apprenticeship hubs, especially those building pipelines into less traditional apprenticeship industries, exist as non-profits working closely with the necessary stakeholders, including private companies, education institutions, labor departments, and workforce associations. As discussed in Chap. 2, individual states in the United States are already building more comprehensive apprenticeship programs to better coordinate services, educate families about their options, and build meaningful experiences for students that lead directly to postsecondary credentials and employment. CareerWise Colorado’s success has already traveled east to New York, where it has launched a sister program to be incubated first in New York City. Launched in 2019, CareerWise New York is the first of its kind in the state. It is modeled on Colorado’s program as well as the Swiss apprenticeship model, acting as an outside hub to facilitate partnerships among high schools, postsecondary schools, and local businesses. In its first year, students can choose among three professional pathways—information technology, financial services, and business operations (CareerWise New York, 2019). These high-growth, high-income sectors will give students the best opportunity to earn skills, credentials, and employment in half the

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time and at a substantially lower cost than a more traditional pathway. With business partners such as MasterCard, JPMorgan Chase, and Accenture and school partners in the Bronx and Brooklyn, this program already has huge potential to build pipelines where none existed before, giving students in especially low-income neighborhoods the ability to gain valuable technical skills in white-collar industries with the potential to earn a low-cost or free postsecondary credential while they work. Beginning as juniors in high school, students split time between their classroom and their apprenticeship. By the third year, students are working nearly full-­ time at their apprenticeship site, accumulating competency-based credentials while earning debt-free college credit. CareerWise Colorado and CareerWise New York are non-profits, acting in close collaboration with local and state governments as well as private-­ sector partners, to orchestrate operations, student placements and support services, partnership development, and financial sustainability. In the United States, independent but highly collaborative hubs that oversee apprenticeship operations for a state or local community will be crucial to the long-term operational and financial viability of a program. Having an independent body coordinating placement, partnerships, and services becomes all the more important for industries new to apprenticeships such as tech, finance, and healthcare—industries that also have the largest number of high-growth jobs available. Non-profit organizations working closely with local and state governments, rather than branches within government bureaucratic systems, have found the most success so far in the United States, unlike European counterparts. CareerWise Colorado and CareerWise New  York are two such examples, as is Apprenti. Based out of Seattle, Apprenti is a product of a partnership between the Washington Technology Industry Association (WTIA) Workforce Institute and the Washington Technology Industry Association to build a tech-focused apprenticeship system  (Apprenti, 2019). By building relationships with local tech giants, including Microsoft and Amazon, as well as the state and federal labor departments, Apprenti is able to offer a 12-month program  that includes pre-apprenticeship training, onsite job-skills building, wages and benefits, classroom instruction, and certification. The program recruits primarily low-income individuals, women, and veterans to build talent pipelines into tech jobs, where these communities are typically underrepresented. Apprenti now has 12 locations across the United States in growing technology markets such as Massachusetts, Louisiana, Virginia, and Ohio.

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Unlike CareerWise Colorado and CareerWise New York, which operate as alternative high schools models and begin as early as sophomore year, Apprenti is designed for young adults entering the workforce or seasoned professionals looking to retrain for more lucrative and sustainable work. Both models rely on private partnerships that support the training and compensation of apprentices, as sustainable funding must be diversified. In July 2019, one of Apprenti’s earliest and largest partners, Amazon, announced it would be investing $700  million to retrain a third of its workforce by 2025 (Cutter, 2019). This investment includes the company’s Career Choice and Amazon Apprenticeship programs as well as the Amazon Technical Veteran Apprenticeship program, operated in partnership with Apprenti. This program was launched in 2017 and graduated the first class a year later. In it, Amazon provides 8 to 24 weeks of paid training in technical skills, leading to a one-year paid apprenticeship within the company. The only requirements are some related technical skills, active military service within six months of applying, a high school diploma or graduate equivalency degree (GED), and active clearances (Amazon, 2019). Companies such as Amazon have recognized that to have the workforce necessary to support their tremendous growth and the country’s overall economic health, the company must take an active role in the recruitment and training of its workforce. Amazon has built incentives to pipeline their workers into apprenticeship-like programs as part of their $700 million investment. Hourly associates at Amazon can enroll in the company’s Career Choice program, in which the company prepays 95% of tuition and fees for workers to earn a certificate or associate’s degree in a high-demand industry. The company will cover up to $12,000 for four years and has even built onsite centers to support students and bring learning to their workplace. Amazon makes a point to note that associates can choose career pathways that are in no way related to Amazon’s work, just as long as it is in a high-growth, high-demand industry. Strong partnerships with companies of all sizes will ensure industry giants aren’t the only businesses benefiting from apprenticeships. Larger companies, such as Amazon and ABB in Germany, have the capacity to act as training centers that support apprentices and workforce development at-large, not just in-house. This supports and promotes the health of smaller businesses that can cost-effectively train and host apprentices. In Colorado, CareerWise brings in partner businesses of all sizes and

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from across industries. CareerWise participants can work in healthcare, tech, and insurance sales, but employer partners also include local sign stores, artisan candy distributors, and school districts (CareerWise New York, 2019). By ensuring a variety of businesses can participate in this program, prospective placement in long-term employment widens for students. Government also plays a critical role in the operations, financing, and execution of apprenticeships as state and federal departments of labor regulate apprenticeship programs, certifications, and qualifications. Federal and state data are critical to strategic planning as programs grow  and scale to meet the needs of the job market. Effective oversight  requires  a robust metric system one that  can track wage  and job market data, track where students are  in their progress, and a monitor agreements across the state. Financially, the state and federal governments provide grants to programs to help sustain costs of operations but are by no means the primary funders. Ultimately, government and politicians play an important role in the promoting of apprenticeships through supporting local, state, and federal policies that encourage students, schools, and businesses to participate in apprenticeship programs. As mentioned, the past two administrations have significantly increased grant funding for apprenticeships, signaling a top-down commitment to the expansion of these programs, but their role in incentivizing participation is limited. States must act as drivers of these programs as only ten states already award varying tax incentives to businesses that employ apprentices (Hentze, 2019). Without each of these sectors working collaboratively, apprenticeships and work-based education cannot exist. It is a challenge culturally to deconstruct the traditional role each of these sectors has played in education and workforce development and to reimagine how their roles could result in more efficient and effective outcomes. Successfully building partnerships will also take leaders who are able to translate and negotiate across sectors, identifying the value propositions for partners. This poses a ­leadership challenge because it is rare to find professionals who have deep industry experience in more than one sector, individuals who can span multiple spaces and connect with a diverse group of stakeholders. As trailblazers continue to dive in and light the way for future stakeholders, it will be crucial to look at the operational sustainability of these programs so they can be successfully taken to scale.

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2. State-Led Public Policy That Leverages Diverse and Siloed Funding Streams and Recognizes the Role and Value of Intermediaries in the Workforce Space Sustainable funding is a critical component in the long-term viability and growth of youth apprenticeships. A mixed funding model, especially in the early stages of a program, ensures all partners—public and private—are invested. Philanthropic contributions and federal grants often make for the majority of start-up revenue for apprenticeship programs such as CareerWise New York and Apprenti, but with the assumption that revenue from private businesses will quickly become the largest revenue stream. In fact, funding by the private sector in this arrangement signals they understand the value of talent and are willing to financially support this commitment. As mentioned, government grants make for a relatively small proportion of revenue for new programs such as CareerWise Colorado, but government commitment to financially supporting youth apprenticeships sends an important signal to other investors that these programs are true cross-sector partnerships with each stakeholder playing an important role. State governments are the key and leading partners of these efforts when developing youth apprenticeships and work-based learning programs, and are central to sustainability. State buy-in is crucial to navigating employment regulations, insurance,  and stipend disbursement. For instance, states oversee legalities surrounding being employed under 18 years of age and ensure that agreements between employer and student benefit both parties, that an employer is accessing available talent and contributing to the larger workforce, and that a student is receiving credits and wages simultaneously. A best practice of any successful state-supported apprenticeship/work-based learning program is that wages students are earning do not negatively impact their financial aid package. Students should not risk support systems or safety nets to participate in these programs. This is central to an equitable approach to providing working and learning opportunities across race, gender, and class, and states can be the lead in this area. While states are lead partners because they handle a lot of regulatory relationships around employment, municipalities can still lead on innovation in the design and execution of apprenticeships and work-based learning programs, as we illustrate in cities with visionary mayors such as New York and Denver.

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In 2016, Apprenti was awarded a $7.5  million ApprenticeshipUSA grant through the federal Department of Labor to expand their tech-­ apprenticeship programs, contributing to the nationwide presence they hold today (Apprenti, 2016). This was the largest single federal grant given to a program at a time when the federal government was focused on expanding financial support and awareness of apprenticeships. In June 2019, the Trump administration announced awards totaling $183.8 million to apprenticeship partnerships, as well as an additional $100 million in grants supporting the expansion of work-based learning programs with the objective of closing the skills gap (U.S. Department of Labor, 2019a). Though these funds will be distributed across the country, they signal prioritization by the federal government to support the development of apprenticeships continually—namely, by incentivizing new public/private partnerships as well as the expansion of industry-specific programs. Philanthropic giving makes for the largest percentage of revenue for new, comprehensive youth apprenticeships programs such as CareerWise. According to CareerWise Colorado’s first annual report (2018), more than 76% of revenue in FY2017 came from philanthropy. Comparatively, around 14% of revenue came from federal and states grants, and just above 9% came from earned revenue (CareerWise Colorado, 2018). Major philanthropic arms such as JP Morgan Chase, the Bill and Melinda the Gates Foundation, the Walton Family Foundation, and Bloomberg Philanthropies have thrown their support behind the build-out and expansion of apprenticeships, especially in their initial start-ups. Aside from federal and state grants, Apprenti relies mostly on funding from foundations (Apprenti, 2019). CareerWise New York is in partnership with the City of New York and incubated by HERE to HERE, a non-profit collaborative focused on expanding youth work opportunities in New York City and funded by the James and Judy K.  Dimon Foundation (HERE to HERE, 2019). Foundations provide a critical role in managing start-up costs of these programs, but they cannot serve the role of primary benefactors beyond the first few years of a program. It is important not only for longevity, but program growth and quality, for private-sector contracts to become the largest source of revenue for youth apprenticeships. CareerWise Colorado has provided a sustainable growth plan, showing the long-term change in philanthropic investment versus business investment from 2017 to 2027 (2018). According to its projections, philanthropic investment will move from nearly 90% of total investments in 2017 to just 7% in 2027 (2018). This mirrors a drastic rise in private-­sector

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participation, through direct payment of apprenticeship wages and the financing of apprenticeship training costs, rising from 10% of investments in 2017 to nearly 93% in 2027 (CareerWise Colorado, 2018). This shift in roles ensures long-term financial sustainability of programs and accounts for a considerable rise in the number of projected partnerships CareerWise Colorado will be able to develop in the next decade to reach its goals. Private-sector financial investment in apprenticeships ensures persistent commitment and a stronger stake in the success of these programs in the long-term. Return on investment (ROI), fiscally and in the culture of talent development and pipelining, strengthens substantially over time. CareerWise Colorado reports that after just two years, participating companies are reporting positive ROI in addition to the other benefits of participating in an apprenticeship, including strengthening community bonds, filling jobs with qualified and committed candidates, and building a workplace culture of talent development (CareerWise Colorado, 2018). When companies see positive results, they are compelled to continue their participation and encourage other businesses to do the same. That being said, ROI is a challenging argument and stand-alone incentive to entice the private sector early in their life cycle. According to the Center for American Progress, this has been one of the greatest roadblocks to the expansion of apprenticeships in the United States. Despite data that support positive ROI associated with taking on apprentices, private companies remain skeptical that the benefits are worth the initial costs (Olinsky & Ayers, 2013). Beyond results-driven data, businesses need other financial incentives to participate. This is another way government provides a critical role in the development of these programs. The National Skills Coalition is a policy institute aiming to build broad coalitions of stakeholders committed to advancing workforce training and work-based learning. In their white paper, “Getting to Five Million Apprentices” (2017), they focus on broad policies to build partnerships with the private sector, including through various financial incentives ­provided by the federal government. In addition to expanding Pell Grants to students enrolled in apprenticeships and expanding opportunity for high school students to earn credits through work-based learning experiences, they make the argument to utilize “federal tax credits to businesses and provide additional subsidies to targeted employers to better leverage private investment in long-term apprentice and WBL training, as well as to assist smaller companies and non-profit employers in orienting new

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apprentices” (National Skills Coalition, 2017, p. 1). Tax credits not only lessen the initial financial burden of new businesses to participate, they widen the net of organizations able to participate at all, including non-­ profits and smaller businesses. As we see from the organizations participating in CareerWise Colorado, pathways are not limited to large private-sector companies. Diversifying work options will attract more student talent to these opportunities, support businesses of all sizes and missions, and give space for non-traditional industries to formally participate in and benefit from the supports provided by state apprenticeship programs. It is crucial that there are also dedicated financial incentives and grants for programs that specifically target underrepresented groups in workforce pipelines—veterans, low-income communities, immigrants, and youth— so apprenticeship opportunity grows with a targeted commitment to equity in today’s job market. As we have learned from our comparative analysis of programs around the globe, each population is struggling effectively to integrate the most marginalized communities into the workforce, paving the way for long-term economic participation and overall greater community health. Apprenticeships and work-based  learning programs provide a special opportunity to provide competency-based credentialing, earn-as-you-learn systems that allow for quicker financial stability and independence, and comprehensive learning that includes skills-building and language development. These supports, or “wraparound” services, must be included in the budgeting for programmatic growth; it is not enough for programs to expand nationally if they do not also reach communities that have been cut out of educational and professional access.

3. Youth and Young Adult Support Services Linked to Internships/Apprenticeships to Support Students and Families as They Navigate School and Work What we know from our research is that opportunity is not enough and opportunity does not ensure successful completion of school. Successfully earning a credential is key to long-term employment; hence, beyond educating youth and families about apprenticeship and work-based education opportunities, we must provide ongoing supports that ensure students are moving through their program on pace and with the assistance needed to overcome the natural and outstanding challenges of working while they learn.

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Too often discussions of young people navigating school and work tend to focus on quantitative analysis of policies and programs (wage gains, etc.), and rarely do we capture the voice of individuals and their understanding of their own identities and pathways. Connection between young people and their work, for instance in our examination of SYEP and the narratives of community college students, illustrates the dynamics of the lived experience. The more narratives we have, the more we understand how these policies are or are not impacting individuals and communities. This is extremely important considering the disproportionate and growing amount of immigrants and first-generation students in many colleges across the country. The lived experience of immigrants and first-­ generation students, specifically how their narratives are being factored into these policies, must be foundational to any equity approach in policy or practice. Working is a balancing act in and of itself. Supporting yourself and potentially other family members while maintaining mental and physical health, tracking finances, and managing time can weigh on any individual, especially a young person navigating work for the first time. Persistence in postsecondary education can be derailed without holistic services in place to support student health, families, and financial stability. Support services is a catchall phrase that includes social support resources and services that can reduce barriers and bolster the possibility of full engagement by young people in work-based learning experiences. These support services can also include, but are not limited to, healthcare; childcare; academic and personal counseling services; access to professional clothing for work; transportation stipends and services; housing allowances and resources; food pantry services; dual language courses for English language learners; and veteran counseling to leverage  the GI Bill. Research shows that o ­ ffering support services increases the chance of job attainment and long-term success (Cave, Bos, Doolittle, & Toussaint, 1993; Roder & Elliot, 2011). A number of community colleges and work-based learning organizations around the country provide these services in house or through targeted partnerships, and they are moving the needle on persistence and completion rates of the most vulnerable populations. Preliminary findings from a study being conducted by the University of Chicago Poverty Lab found that community college students who enrolled in support services through One Million Degrees (OMD), a Chicago-­

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based non-profit, were 35% more likely to enroll as full-time students and 47% more likely to persist on to another term than their peers (One Million Degrees, 2019). Additionally, they found students are 23% more likely to enroll in college if they are also enrolled in OMD, in which students receive personal (coaching, financial literacy courses), academic (tutoring, interventions, four-year college planning and transition coaching), financial (financial planning, stipends), and professional (workshops, coaching, career planning) support (One Million Degrees, 2019). Similarly, Single Stop, a non-profit dedicated to providing supplemental services to programs serving predominantly low-income communities, has partnered with colleges and community-based organizations across ten states to provide free services that reduce daily barriers to educational persistence including financial planning assistance, legal aid, food pantries, tax preparation assistance, and assistance with healthcare (Single Stop, 2019). Having served nearly 270,000 students, Single Stop has found that those who use their services persist at a higher rate, have a higher GPA, and enroll in a higher amount of courses (Single Stop, 2019). Georgia State University took ownership of their student population struggling to persist due to financial barriers by implementing an emergency micro-loan program to its students. Over 12,000 Panther Retention Grants have been awarded to students, many as low as $300, yet acting as the deciding factor in whether a student must drop out of school or not, and 86% of those who receive grants go  on to graduate (Georgia State University, 2019). What is particularly unique about this program is that it is proactive in its approach: GSU counselors identify students at risk for a nominal financial slip and reach out to the student to offer a loan. Student must agree to meet with a counselor and financial planner in return for the grant, but by the school owning the incentive to reach out and offer assistance, the burden is removed from the student in need who many not know what services are available. IDEA U has reimagined the community college model with supports and reductions to financial barriers baked into their organization. Bred out of IDEA Charter Schools and based in Texas, IDEA U is a hybrid community college model in which students work toward an accredited associate’s or bachelor’s degree online, with access to in-person centers that provide guided mentorship, community events, and student engagement to help scholars feel connected and stay on track (IDEA U, 2019). Pace of programs is flexible to account for the high percentage of scholars

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who are working, taking care of families, or juggling a myriad of other responsibilities that would normally been seen as roadblocks to success. The cost of this program (tuition and fees) by design is covered entirely by Pell Grants, so students who qualify pay nothing out of pocket (IDEA U, 2019). By providing the flexibility of online study, with the support and community of a land-based program, IDEU U is living within the most successful spaces of both worlds all to meet the needs of working students of all ages. Although it is difficult to find data about persistence in apprenticeship programs in the United States—especially disaggregated data that can shed a light on persistence and completion by industry, income, race, geographical location, native language, and whether a student is first-­ generation—gathering this data as these programs are built will be crucial to ensuring that equity of resources is met as they grow.

4. Comprehensive Work-Based Learning Models and Career-Planning Curricula That Reimagine Both Education and Seat Time As we learned in European models, high school is too late to begin postsecondary and career planning, especially for our most underserved and under-resourced communities. Comprehensive curricula to assist students in academic and professional planning, utilizing the most up-to-date job market research, must be introduced to students as early as middle school. By helping students make the connection between interests and career pathways earlier on in their schooling, they have more time to plan accordingly in high school and beyond, including choosing courses or even a work-based program that could lead to a more streamlined and cost-­ effective postsecondary credential and job. According to the Coalition for Career Development, a cross-sector collaborative focused on workforce pipelining and career readiness at the Global Pathways Institute, states should implement a career-planning curriculum as early as middle school to help students make early associations between their skills and interests and possible career pathways (2019). According to their white paper, “Career Readiness for All,” states such as South Carolina and Wisconsin have already begun rolling out career-­ planning programs in middle schools, some even in elementary school, but without more widespread mandates these lessons will fall through the cracks, leaving students ill-prepared to plan for the future once they arrive

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in high school (2019). Unsurprisingly, they believe applied and work-­ based learning to be crucial factors in the future of education and workforce development. By high school, students without a comprehensive understanding of postsecondary and workforce landscapes will not be able to make strategic plans for the future. By pointing students toward pathways more likely to result in a high-income job with opportunity for growth, long-term success is optimized and financial burdens are reduced. Without a plan, low-­ income students are less likely to persist in a postsecondary program, resulting in student debt without a credential that would lead to a well-­ paying job to mitigate that debt over time. National organizations like, Big Picture Learning, are working closely with district leaders and teachers to imbed work-based learning into the school day curricula, creating a seamless, integrated approach to career awareness and academic success. This requires students having credit-bearing experiential learning opportunities, enabling them to visit work sites, and engage in activities that are aligned with the broader curriculum. A student should not have to spend 40 hours a week of their learning time in a classroom. Young people should be learning through hands-on, work-based activities, under the direction of a mentor-supervisor. Moreover, the work-based learning curricula should mimic changing requirements of the workplace, namely promoting collaboration, agile learning/problem solving, and strong interpersonal communication. Research highlights that these workplace skills are increasingly required for a successful career pathway (Lippman, Ryberg, Carney, & Moore, 2015; Meeks, 2017; Robles, 2012). For example, Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce pulled the most requested skills by employers from online job postings and found that “foundational skills” like teamwork, communication, problem solving, and time management were indicated far more frequently than technical or “specialized” skills (Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce, 2019). We also must ensure that low-income students, English-language learners, and students with learning disabilities are not edged out of the most competitive educational and professional opportunities. Instead, equity of these students must be at the forefront of policies to ensure that diverse pipelines of learners reach high-growth, high-income jobs. This may require that additional services and supports be provided for students to ensure that they persist in their placement, which harkens to the importance of providing “wraparound” supports for students as they adjust to work.

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Like any educational pathway, apprenticeships are not one-size-fits-all, nor should we be treating them as such. Even for the same career, a professional can find success through multiple routes and paces, often dependent on learning style, but also, and even more important, owing to resources, access, and opportunity for advancement. We need to be supporting efforts to expand stackable credentials, in which companies offer pathways for workers to continuously learn and earn credentials by mastering skills throughout their careers, as well as the ability to apply previously earned credits toward advancement (Olinsky & Ayers, 2013). These credentials must hold value in the labor market that workers can leverage in a current position or carry to another.  This also  allows workers to move up the career ladder without having to leave the workforce for additional training, rewards lifelong and applied learning, and ensures students can advance in their careers cost-effectively. By illuminating multiple pathways to advancement, deconstructing previously held notions of “seat time,” and redefining what constitutes an earned credit or credential, we offer all students valuable and sustainable ways to learn through work.

5. Expansion of Summer Youth Employment Programs (SYEP) to Year-Round Models, with High Schools as Pipelines for Talent Into Local, High-Growth Business As we posited in Chap. 3, Summer Youth Employment Programs (SYEP) have benefits beyond a young person earning a wage or simply acting as a safe space to spend the summer months. Ultimately, the benefits of these programs are strong and make an immediate and substantial impact on the lives of the youth who participate. But SYEP can be expanded. By expanding programs beyond the summer, increasing placements in private-sector and high-growth industry work, and better coordinating in-classroom learning with on-the-job experiences, students will be more likely to gain not only, in the short-term, social-emotional benefits but also long-term employability and preparation for workforce participation. The immediate impact of opening work experience to youth, especially in low-income and urban areas, cannot be understated. By exposing young people to the benefits and challenges of work, we create space for them to practice work, not just in terms of learning a professional skill set but also in building competency in time management, interpersonal skills and communication, and managing personal finances. A pillar belief of these

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programs is that this familiarity with work, when sustained over time, builds the necessary habits, confidence, and skills within young people that will enable their navigation into the workforce as adults. Schools can play a crucial role in this effort. The overarching goal with inviting high schools to participate in SYEP is to not only to bolster links between work-based and academic learning but to foster greater educational and career pathways for young people. The extensive, longitudinal study of SYEP in NYC found an increased rate of school attendance and passing rates on math and English statewide exams among SYEP participants (Leos-Urbel, 2014). The findings also point to the benefits of SYEP on workforce readiness as well as academic outcomes. With the expansion of SYEP to a year-round experience, young people are positioned to see the integration of work and school as complementary, not as two seemingly disparate worlds to inhabit simultaneously. Moreover, the greater integration of SYEP with public schools ensures greater possibilities for long-term sustainability and stronger outcomes for young people.

Conclusion The strategies highlighted above are not the “silver bullet” to solving the college- and career-readiness crisis. They are simply building on research-­ based and field-tested strategies that are currently making a difference in the lives of young people. It is evident in Working to Learn that the larger policy discourse between a College for All consensus and School-to-Work campaign is out of pace with the lived experiences of young people who are actively bridging the worlds of work and school. Policy needs to keep pace with young people’s lives. We need an integrated policy approach that provides the best of work-based learning opportunities for young people with support services that buttress. There is important work being done  and important work to be done at all levels to strengthen this bridge between working and learning, to expand the capabilities and career pathways of young talent in the United States and abroad. As Jamie Merisotis, President of the Lumina Foundation, stresses in his book, America Needs Talent, “talent is a reflection of the synergies that result when individuals acquire a mix of capabilities that lead to prosperity in their careers and personal lives—synergies that not only impact them as individuals, but all of society” (Merisotis, 2015, p. xiii). Indeed, reframing our focus on young people as talent has benefits to individuals, families,

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communities, and countries. However, we must not lose sight that young people experience schooling and work differently, based on race/ethnicity, gender identity, sexuality, class, language, and immigrant/migrant status in this country. Our education systems and labor markets are deeply segmented along these lines, and any initiative at the federal, state, or municipal level must incorporate an equity lens to keep a trained eye on how to incorporate all talent. Further, intermediary organizations, those non-­ profit/non-governmental organizations who are tirelessly working to link talent to work and learning opportunities, are critical as agents and translators in this effort. By leveraging their reach into sectors and into the lives of young people, intermediary organizations can convey the value propositions for the private and public sectors, philanthropic investors and donors, while simultaneously advancing and addressing the needs of young people through high-quality programming that supports and fuels their dignity and enhances their professional talents. As Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. so prophetically stated just weeks before his assassination in 1968, when addressing striking garbage workers in Memphis, Tennessee: … whenever you are engaged in work that serves humanity and is for the building of humanity, it has dignity, and it has worth. One day our society must come to see this. One day our society will come to respect the sanitation worker if it is to survive, for the person who picks up our garbage, in the final analysis, is as significant as the physician, for if he doesn’t do his job, diseases are rampant. All labor has dignity. (King Jr., 1968)

Our goal in Working to Learn is to elevate the dignity of work, whether blue-, white-, or no-collar work, of all learning, whether at a local community college or vocational program, and of everyday young people attempting to secure and integrate opportunities to create lives they alone would have reason to value. We must understand that young people are behind the numbers, behind the variables in our research reports and evaluations of programs. Therefore, they can inform and shape our policy approaches, and can provide solutions based on their close proximity to the challenges. It requires political will and courage from all sectors of society to elevate the demands and experiences of all young people to policy formulation and program design levels, given they are the future of our workforce. And we know that when this occurs, we are all the better for it. It is critical not only for young people to flourish, but for any country to thrive.

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References Amazon. (2019, August). Apprenticeships for the military community. Amazon Jobs. Retrieved from https://www.amazon.jobs/en/landing_ pages/mil-apprentice Apprenti. (2016, September 27). WTIA Apprenti program awarded $7.5  M U.S. Department of Labor contract to expand registered tech apprenticeship model nationwide. PR Newswire. Retrieved from https://www.prnewswire. com/news-releases/wtia-apprenti-program-awarded-75-m-us-department-oflabor-contract-to-expand-registered-tech-apprenticeship-model-nationwide-300334684.html Apprenti. (2019). The Apprenti model: In partnership with industry. Retrieved from https://apprenticareers.org/ CareerWise Colorado. (2018). Annual report. Retrieved from https://www. career wisecolorado.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/CareerWiseColorado-2018-Annual-Report-1.pdf CareerWise New York. (2019). CareerWise New York: Modern youth apprenticeship. Retrieved from https://www.careerwisenewyork.org/ Carnevale, A. P., & Fasules, M. L. (2017). Latino education and economic progress: Running faster but still behind. Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce. Retrieved from https://cew.georgetown.edu/cew-reports/ latinosworkforce/ Carnevale, A. P., Ridley, N., Cheah, B., Strohl, J., & Campbell, K. P. (2019, May). Upskilling and downsizing in American manufacturing. Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce. Retrieved from https://cew.georgetown.edu/cew-reports/manufacturing/ Cave, G., Bos, H., Doolittle, F., & Toussaint, C. (1993, October). JOBSTART final report on a program for school dropouts. MDRC. Retrieved from https:// www.mdrc.org/sites/default/files/full_416.pdf Coalition for Career Development. (2019). Career readiness for all. Global Pathways Institute. Retrieved from https://irpcdn.multiscreensite. com/81ac0dbc/files/uploaded/Career%20Readiness%20for%20All%20 FINALV.pdf Cutter, C. (2019, July 11,). Amazon to retrain a third of its U.S. workforce. Wall Street Journal. Retrieved from https://www.wsj.com/articles/amazon-toretrain-a-third-of-its-u-s-workforce-11562841120 Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce. (2019, August). Skills employers want. Retrieved from https://cew.georgetown.edu/wp-content/ uploads/Competencies-handout.pdf. Georgia State University Website. (2019, August). Georgia State University Panther Retention Grants. Retrieved from https://success.gsu.edu/initiatives/panther-retention-grants/

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Hentze, I. (2019, February 9). Incentives for apprenticeships. National Conference of State Legislators. Retrieved from http://www.ncsl.org/research/labor-andemployment/incentives-for-apprenticeships.aspx HERE to HERE Website. (2019, August). CareerWise New York. Retrieved from https://www.heretohere.org/careerwise-new-york IDEA U. (2019, August). IDEA U. Retrieved from http://idea-u.org/ King, Jr., M. L. (1968, March 18). All labor has dignity. Retrieved from https:// www.beaconbroadside.com/broadside/2018/03/the-50th-anniversary-ofmartin-luther-king-jrs-all-labor-has-dignity.html Leos-Urbel, J. (2014, July 8). What is a summer job worth? The impact of summer youth employment on academic outcomes. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 33(4), 891–911. Lippman, L.  H., Ryberg, R., Carney, R., & Moore, K.  A. (2015, June). Workforce connections: Key “soft skills” that foster youth workforce success. Retrieved from https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/ 1865/KeySoftSkills.pdf Meeks, G. A. (2017). Critical soft skills to achieve success in the workplace. Walden University. Retrieved from https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/7275/23ca24d6 75dc3444e7ed475c10b8eca86a11.pdf Merisotis, J. (2015). America needs talent: Attracting, educating, and deploying the 21st century workforce. New York: RosettaBooks. National Skills Coalition. (2017, April). Getting to five million apprentices. Retrieved from https://www.nationalskillscoalition.org/resources/publications/file/Getting-to-5-Million-Apprentices-web.pdf Olinsky B. & Ayers, S. (2013, December). Training for success: A policy to expand apprenticeships in the United States. Center for American Progress. Retrieved from https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/ apprenticeship_report.pdf One Million Degrees Website. (2019, August). One million degrees. Retrieved from https://onemilliondegrees.org/ Robles, M. M. (2012). Executive perceptions of the top 10 soft skills needed in today’s workplace. Business Communication Quarterly, 75(4), 453–465. Retrieved from http://homepages.se.edu/cvonbergen/files/2013/01/ Executive-Perceptions-of-the-Top-10-Soft-Skills-Needed-in-TodaysWorkplace.pdf Roder, A., & Elliot, M. (2011, April). A promising start: Year Up’s initial impacts on low-income young adults’ careers. Economic Mobility Corporation. Retrieved from https://yearup.app.box.com/s/04iwg44y2tnh2khecgwtt8figyciokx0 Schmidt, E. (2018, July 31). For the first time, 90 percent completed high school or more. U.S.  Census Bureau. Retrieved from https://www.census.gov/ library/stories/2018/07/educational-attainment.html

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Single Stop Website. (2019, August). Single stop USA. Retrieved from https:// singlestopusa.org/ Stoll, M.  A. (1999). Race, space, and youth labor markets. London, GB: Routledge Press. U.S.  Census Bureau. (2019). Quickfacts. Retrieved from https://www.census. gov/quickfacts/fact/table/US/IPE120218 U.S.  Department of Labor. (2019a, June 15). U.S.  Department of Labor makes major announcements on apprenticeship expansion. Retrieved from https:// www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/eta/eta20190624 U.S. Department of Labor. (2019b, July 5). Current employment statistics highlights. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Retrieved from https://www.bls.gov/web/ empsit/ceshighlights.pdf

Index

A ABB, see Asea Brown Boveri Ltd Accenture, 3, 137 Adamson, F., 80 Adaptive preferences, 79–80 AfD, see Alternative für Deutschland Affordability of postsecondary education, 12, 25, 28, 32 Afghanistan, 41, 49 Agency, see Personal agency Aging population and apprenticeships, 16, 44 and employment gaps, 44 and healthcare industry, 3 issues related to, 44 Alonso, G., 6, 76 Alssid, J. L., 99 Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), 42–43 Amazon, 137–139 American Needs Talent (Merisotis), 149 American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (2009), 68 Anderson, N. S., 6, 69, 76, 87 Apprenti, 135–137, 140–141

Apprenticeships and aging population, 16, 25 and Amazon, 138 Black community and, 38 CareerWise Colorado, 32–39, 70 community colleges and, 24, 26, 32 in Germany, 52–59 and health care, 24, 137 and immigrants, 16, 38 and manufacturing, 36, 38, 56–58 migrant workforces, 39–44 modern, 23–25 and skills, 10, 23, 28, 32, 35, 48, 49, 51–52, 56–60, 134–135, 141 in Sweden, 45–52 in United States, 25–31 and vocational education, 24 See also CareerWise Colorado ApprenticeshipUSA, 27, 141 Asea Brown Boveri Ltd (ABB), 56–57, 138 Asian-American students, 1, 28, 105, 120 Attainment gaps, 47

© The Author(s) 2020 N. S. Anderson, L. Nieves, Working to Learn, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35350-6

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INDEX

Automation, 3, 4, 40, 44, 59, 132 See also manufacturing; Manufacturing jobs Ayers, Sarah, 30–31

Bush, George W., 10–11 See also No Child Left Behind Act Business Experiential-Learning (BEL) Commission, 32

B Bastasin, C., 40 BEL, see Business Experiential-­ Learning (BEL) Commission Big Picture Learning, 147 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, 141 Bipartisan cooperation, 25, 30, 32, 48 Birnbaum, M., 43 Black community apprenticeship programs and, 38 community college enrollment, 100, 102, 106, 124–126 education completion rates, 1, 7, 33, 67, 98 employment in manufacturing industry, 132 individual student experiences, 81–86, 89–91, 101, 102, 104–113, 115, 119–120 inequality in employment and education, 59, 99, 100 job discrimination, 8, 67 racial and ethnic identity, 116–118 racism and, 102, 118 student debt, 12 SYEP and, 72, 78 unemployment rates, 1–3, 28 work and identity, 14–15 Bloomberg, Michael, 71 See also New York City (NY) Bloomberg Philanthropies, 32, 141 Blue collar jobs, 3, 9, 24 Bourdieu, Pierre, 99 Bunar, Nihad, 49 Burning Glass, 3 Bush, George H. W., 27

C Calamur, K., 44 Capabilities approach, 74–79 See also Sen, Amartya Capabilities Theory, 35, 73 “Career Pathways: One City Working Together” initiative, 72 Career-readiness crisis, 5–7 CareerWise and health care, 36, 38, 139 CareerWise Colorado adoption of Swiss apprenticeship model, 16, 32 business partnerships, 139 collaboration with Swiss businesses, 35–36 creation of, 31–34 evaluation of, 38 funding, 38 government grants for, 140 growth, 141–143 influence on similar programs, 136–138 operations, 36–38 role in implementation of apprenticeships, 38–39 sources of revenue, 141–142 See also CareerWise New York; Summer Youth Employment (SYEP) CareerWise New York, 136–138, 140, 141 See also Apprenti; CareerWise Colorado; HERE to HERE; Summer Youth Employment (SYEP), NYC

 INDEX 

Carnevale, Anthony, 3, 6, 7, 13, 17–18, 76 Cave, G., 144 Cerven, C., 100 CEW, see Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce Chazan, G., 40 Cheng, D. X., 97–98 Childcare, 70, 121, 144 Client relations management system (CRM), 36 Clinton, Bill, 27 Coastal College, 100, 102–107, 111, 116–117, 119–121 College education affordability of, 12, 25–26, 29, 32 applying for, 126 completion rates, 1, 7, 12, 29–32, 56, 59, 126, 133, 144 for-profit colleges, 1, 12, 29, 31 College for All and NCLB, 12–13 Obama’s support for, 27 and public policy, 15–16 and School-to-Work, 16, 89, 149 and work-based learning, 10–12 Communication, 13, 60, 70, 81–82, 87–89, 91, 110, 147–148 Community Action programs, 68 Community-based organizations (CBOs), 71 Community colleges apprenticeships and, 24, 26, 32 attainment rates, 97 completion rates, 1, 12 enrollment among minority groups, 97 experiences of working students, 100–101 interviews of students attending, 100–104 part-time employment for students attending, 98

157

students’ approach to education/ work; both/and, 104–106; school as the priority, 106–107; work as the priority, 107 work-based learning and, 7–8, 14–16 work identity, 14 Connolly, K., 43 Creswell, J. W., 100 Crime false links to immigrant groups, 44 internship programs’ impact on, 8, 69 Cutter, C., 138 D DACA, see Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival de Blasio, Bill, 71–72 Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival (DACA), 100–102, 105 Department of Youth and Community Development (DYCD), 70–71, 78 See also New York City (NY) DeSilver, D., 68 Dewey, J., 101 Discrimination and disconnect, 53 in education, 11 and gender, 89 internship programs’ impact on, 5, 67–69 in the labor market, 6, 8, 67–69, 75–76 and language, 150 Downsizing, 132 Drury, R. L., 26 DYCD, see Department of Youth and Community Development

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INDEX

E Early school memories and inspiration, 113–114 parents as role models, 114–115 Early work memories bonding and connection, 111–112 disconnection, 112–113 and responsibility, 109–110 and sacrifice, 108–109 EARNS, see Effective Apprenticeships to Rebuild National Skills (EARNS) Act Economic Opportunity Act (1964), 68 Educational attainment, 28, 35, 47, 51, 133 Educational funding, see Funding Education/attainment gaps, 7, 17, 47, 133 Effective Apprenticeships to Rebuild National Skills (EARNS) Act (2016), 29 See also Apprenticeships; Skills European Union (EU), 25, 39–44 F Families and apprenticeships, 38, 143–146 challenges of, 76–77, 92, 103, 104, 107–109 and educational attainment, 17 migrant families, 41, 49, 53 participating in the family wage, 115–116 and support, 121–125, 135 Ferenstein, G., 25–27 Financial aid, 12, 100, 107, 109, 115, 121–122, 127–128, 140 See also Grants; Scholarships Financial services, 3, 38, 136 “Forgotten Half, The” (Halperin), 9 For-profit colleges, 1, 12, 29, 31

Friedman, Z., 17 Fuller, J. B., 3 Funding for CareerWise Colorado, 38 federal funding, 28, 45, 68–69, 141 in German school system, 55–56 NCLB, 12 from philanthropic groups, 141–142 and policymaking, 100, 140–143 and public-private partnerships, 24–25, 34, 38–39, 140 sustaining, 134–135, 138–139 in Swedish school system, 47–49 for SYEP, 70–72, 76 See also Grants G Gedmin, J., 42–43 Gender and capabilities, 75 and discrimination, 57, 75, 150 norms, 50, 57 and opportunity, 27, 28, 140 Georgetown Center on Education and the Workforce (CEW), 3, 7, 17–18, 147 Germany aging issue, 44 apprenticeship model, 9, 16, 25, 32, 59, 138 challenges of migrant workforce, 16, 25, 32, 39–44 dual studies, 58 economic growth, 40 GDP, 33 educational system, 52–59; job opportunities for students, 56–59; and private industry, 56–57; student counseling, 53; tracking of student abilities, 52–53; and Turkish migrant

 INDEX 

families, 53–55; vocational pathways, 55–56 and HDI index, 74 Integration Course, 41 manufacturing industry in, 40–41 migration to, 41–42 nativism in, 42–43 Perspectives for Refugees program, 42 refugees/asylum seeker in, 41–43 See also Asea Brown Boveri Ltd “Getting to Five Million Apprentices” (National Skills Coalition), 142 GI Bill, 144 Ginsburg, Noel, 32, 33, 35–38 Global financial crisis, 43, 114 Globalization, 9, 33, 135 Global Pathways Institute, 146 Graduation rates, 7, 12, 29–33, 56, 59, 125, 133, 144 in Black and Latinx communities, 1, 7, 33, 67, 99 Grants, 27–30, 100, 115, 139–140, 143, 145–146 State Accelerator grants, 27 See also ApprenticeshipUSA; Panther Retention Grants; Pell Grants Great Depression, 26 Great Recession, 69 Gregson, J. A., 10 Grönqvist, H., 47 Gross domestic product (GDP), 33, 35, 38, 40 Gross National Income (GNI), 74 Guney, S., 53 H Halperin, Samuel, 9 Hard skills, 13 See also Skills Harvard Business School, 3 Health care and apprenticeships, 24, 137

159

and CareerWise, 36, 38, 139 growth of industry, 4–7, 17, 36 impact of migration on, 55 as indicator of HDI, 74 and support services, 144–145 Heckman. J. J., 8, 13 HERE to HERE, 141 Hickenlooper, John, 32 Hindy, L., 41–42 Hoffman, N., 34 Home healthcare, 3, 24 Hospitality School of Stockholm (HSS), 46–52 Hrynowski, Z., 24 HSS, see Hospitality School of Stockholm I IDEA Charter Schools, 145 Identity, intersectionality of parenthood, 119–120 participating in the family wage, 115–118 Identity, racial and ethnic, 116–118 Immigrants and apprenticeship programs, 16, 38 community college attendance, 121, 144 and cost, 48 economies’ need for, 25 and employment gaps, 25, 46 in European Union, 25 families, 41, 49 in Germany, 53–55 and identity, 150 integration, 28, 45–47 and labor gaps, 26 and language, 48–49, 52 and NCLB, 11 in Sweden, 41–44, 49 and xenophobia, 42–44 Incarceration, 29, 37–38, 73, 118

160 

INDEX

Income gap, 34 Inequality, in employment and education, 5, 27, 51, 59, 69, 86, 99 Inequality Reexamined and Development as Freedom (Sen), 74 Information technology, 6, 24, 31, 38, 136 See also Technology sector Initial vocational education and training (IVET), 45 Internships and community colleges, 126–128, 135, 144 individual accounts of, 90, 100, 102, 105, 112, 114–118, 121 and STW movement, 10, 24 support services for, 135, 143 as work-based learning, 13–14 See also Apprenticeships; CareerWise Colorado; Summer Youth Employment (SYEP), NYC Intersectionality, power of, 115–120 Iraq, 41 IVET, see Initial vocational education and training (IVET) J Jackson, R., 44 James and Judy K. Dimon Foundation, 141 Job shadowing, 10, 13 See also Apprenticeships Johnson, Lyndon B., 68 Jones, D., 97 JP Morgan Chase, 32, 137, 141 K King, Martin Luther Jr., 150 Koloder, M., 12 Konle-Siedl, R., 41–42

Kralik, J., 32–33 Kuh, George, 98, 127 Kundu, Anindya, 86–87 L Labor-Force Participation Rate (LFPR), 67 Labor gaps, 26, 47 Language and discrimination, 150 dual language classes, 144 and employment, 47, 49, 51, 91, 143 HSS and, 48–51 and identity, 39 immigrants and, 41–42, 54, 150 integration and, 42, 47, 49 Language Introduction Program (LIP), 49 Latinx community educational participation rates, 28 education completion rates, 1, 7, 33, 133 employment in manufacturing industry, 133 enrollment at community colleges, 100–106, 108, 110–115, 120, 125 job discrimination, 8, 67 parenthood, 119 population growth, 133–134 predatory lenders and, 12 racial and ethnic identity, 116–118 student debt, 12 SYEP and, 71, 78, 84–86 unemployment rates, 1, 28, 67–68 work and identity, 14–15 Lenaghan, J. A., 97 Lerman, R., 27 Levin, J. S., 100, 125–126 LeVine, Suzan, 35 LIP, see Language Introduction Program (LIP)

 INDEX 

Lippman, L. H., 147 Lower Ed (McMillan Cottom), 12 Lumina Foundation, 149 M Manufacturing and apprenticeship programs, 36, 38, 56–58 changes in workforce, 132 employment and, 17 in Germany, 40 growing demand for workers, 4, 6, 52 importance to GDP, 40 skill-level requirements, 6, 9, 24 See also Automation Manufacturing jobs, 6, 132, 133 Marion Barry Summer Youth Employment (MBSYEP), 69, 70 MasterCard, 137 MBSYEP, see Marion Barry Summer Youth Employment (MBSYEP) McCormick, A. C., 98, 99 McHugh, W., 8, 99 McKinney, J., 97 McLaughlin, J., 13 McMillan Cottom, Tressie, 12–13 MDRC, 69, 127 Meeks, G. A., 147 Merisotis, Jamie, 149 Merkel, Angela, 43 Microsoft, 35, 137 Middle-skills jobs, 3–7, 24, 32, 35 Military service, 119, 138 Minimum wage, 70–72 Mischke, J., 43 Modestino, A. S., 68, 69 Montero-Hernandez, V., 98 Muslim communities, 43, 53 N NAACP, 10 National Apprenticeship Act (1937), 27

161

National Skills Coalition, 142 New York City (NY) Career and Technical Education high schools, 7–8 City University of NY (CUNY), 127 funding of apprenticeship programs, 70–72 Mayor’s Fund, 71 and Pathways Plus, 78–79 See also CareerWise New York; Department of Youth and Community Development; Summer Youth Employment (SYEP), NYC Nieves, L., 14 No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), 11–12 Non-cognitive skills, 8, 13 See also Skills Non-profit organizations, 15, 142, 144–146, 150 Nordic Council of Ministers’ Sustainable Nordic Welfare program, 45 Nussbaum, Martha, 35 O Obama, Barack, 27–28, 122 Occupational therapy, 3 Olenik, C., 13 Olinsky, Ben, 30–31 One Summer Program, Chicago, 69 See also Summer Youth Employment (SYEP), NYC P Painter, M.A. II, 8–9 Panther Retention Grants, 145 Parenthood, 119–120 Pascarella, E. T., 98 Pathways Community College, 100–103, 105–110, 112, 115–116, 119, 121, 124

162 

INDEX

Pathways Plus, 78–79 Pell Grants, 100, 115, 142, 146 See also Financial aid Pell Institute, 126 Perez, Tom, 27 Perna, Laura, 100, 124 Personal agency, 86–92 and communication, 88–90 and handling intimidation, 91–92 individual stories of; Amelia, 88–89; Jennifer, 89–90; Joseph, 91; Lisa, 90–91; Mark, 90–91; Steven, 87; William, 88 and job placement, 88–89 and self-awareness, 87–88 Personal care aides, 3 Pladson, K., 40 Pusser, B., 98 Q Quaye, H., 127 R Rampell, C., 4 Real estate, 24, 58 Robles, M., 147 Roder, A., 13, 144 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 27 Rosenbaum, J. E., 12 Ross, Catherine, 53–54 Ross, M., 8, 69, 99 Rothstein, D. S., 8, 73 S Salesforce, 36 Scholarships, 105–106, 115, 123 See also Financial aid; Grants School-to-Work (STW) movement, 9–11

School-to-Work Opportunities Act (STWOA), 9–11 Selingo, J. J., 6, 30 Sen, Amartya, 74–82, 86–87, 90 Service industry, 3, 70, 134 Service learning, 13 Sexism, 89 Sexuality, 150 Single Stop, 145 Skillful digital platform, 37 Skills and apprenticeships, 9, 23, 28, 32, 35, 48–52, 56–60, 136–138, 141 attainment through education, 6–8 hard skills vs. soft skills, 13 on the job, 105 language skills, 41–42 manufacturing jobs and, 132–133 middle-skills jobs, 3–6, 24, 35 non-cognitive, 8 power skills, 48 and SYEP, 73–86, 92 and VET programs, 34 and work-based learning, 13–15 youth of color and, 67–68 See also National Skills Coalition Skills gap, 134, 141 Smith-Hughes Act (1971), 26 Social capital, 99, 125 Social policy, 67–76 Soft skills, see Skills Solar photovoltaic (PV) installation jobs, 3 Sreenivasan, H., 36 Staton, B., 42 STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) education, 57 Stoll, Michael, 8, 14, 68, 136 Student loan debt, 1, 12–13, 17–18, 29, 122, 147 See also Financial aid

 INDEX 

Sum, A., 8–10, 13, 99 Summer Youth Employment (SYEP), Boston, 70–71 Summer Youth Employment (SYEP), NYC Bloomberg and, 71 case studies; Carl, 81–82; Fernando, 84–85; Grace, 84–85; Jose, 80–81; Joseph, 85; Kevon, 85–86; Magdelena, 79–80; Manny, 82–85; Santiago, 85 creation, 70–71 criticisms and improvements, 72–73 de Blasio and, 71–73 expansion of freedoms to achieve, 73–77 funding for, 71–72 goals, 72 impact of, 68–70 and personal agency, 86–92 viewed in terms of Sen’s capabilities approach, 74–77 See also Apprenticeships; New York City (NY) Support advising support, 121–122 changing colleges’ way of thinking, 120 and free community college, 122–123 practical solutions, 121 and role models, 123–124 and shifting roles, 123 Svaldi, A., 33 Sweden anti-immigrant sentiments in, 42–44 apprenticeship programs, 16, 39, 40, 43–52 changing demographics of, 51–52 educational opportunity, 47 and gender norms, 50 Hospitality School of Stockholm (HSS), 46, 50–52

163

IVET studies, 45–46 Language Introduction Program (LIP), 49 manufacturing in, 41 migrants in, 41–43 National Agency for Education, 45 school funding, 48 and Switzerland, 35 white vs. non-white students in, 49, 51 work-based learning in, 45, 47–51 See also Hospitality School of Stockholm Switzerland apprenticeship model, 16, 31, 33, 35–36, 136 company benefit from apprentices, 31 GDP and job market, 33 migrants in, 34–36 VET program, 34 workforce-training, 34 See also CareerWise Colorado SYEP, see Summer Youth Employment (SYEP), NYC Syria, 41, 43, 49 T Technology sector and apprenticeships, 36, 137–138, 141 growth of tech industry, 3–6, 17, 36, 41, 57 and middle-skills jobs, 3 and work-based education, 7, 13 Tracking, 10–11, 27, 28, 46 Transportation, 3, 92, 121, 122, 144 Trump, Donald, 29, 141 Turkish immigrants, Germany, 53–55 Tutoring, 70, 145

164 

INDEX

U Unemployment, 1–3, 6, 8–9, 28, 32–34, 40, 47, 67–69, 105 Unions, 24, 26, 40, 136 United Nations Human Development Index (HDI), 35, 74 Unterhalter, Elaine, 75, 77 V Vocational education and apprenticeships, 24 and CareerWise Colorado, 36 in Germany, 52–56, 58–59 government funding for, 25–27 and STW, 10–11 in Sweden, 45–47, 49, 50 in Switzerland, 34, 36 Vocational education and training (VET) programs, 34, 45 Vocational Training Act (1969), 55 Voice, 73, 77–78, 93, 100–104, 126, 144 W Walker, G., 8 Walton Family Foundation, 141 War on Poverty, 68 Washington, D. C., 69 Washington State, 32 Washington Technology Industry Association (WTIA), 137 White-collar work, 9, 58, 137, 150 White students education completion rates, 1, 133 employment opportunities, 99 individual experiences of, 106, 112 in manufacturing jobs, 133 unemployment rates, 1, 28, 67–69 and work-study balance, 100

Wind turbine service technician jobs, 3 Work-based learning challenges facing, 7–8 and College for All, 10–11 and community colleges, 80, 83 comprehensive learning models, 146–148 designing, 93 and financial aid, 140–141 future of, 12–14 in Germany, 52 and identity, 14–16 impact of, 58–60 and policymaking, 6, 44, 140 promise of, 9–10 strategies for, 135–136 and support for students, 143–144 in Sweden, 45, 47–51 and SYEP, 72, 149 See also Apprenticeships; Vocational educationWorkforce Innovation and Opportunities Act (WIOA, 2014), 69 Workforce Investment Act (WIA), 68 Working students lessons from the womb, 108–115 power of intersectionality, 115–120 power of voice, 101–104 support, 120–124 tradeoff between work and school responsibilities, 104–107 World Bank, 40 World War I, 26 World War II, 53 Y YouthBuild, 29, 30 Youth Jobs Agency, 53